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Emergent consciousness about the self depicted in the world map screens Gotō, Tomoko 2000

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E M E R G E N T CONSCIOUSNESS A B O U T T H E SELF DEPICTED IN THE W O R L D M A P SCREENS by Tomoko Goto B .A . , Hosei University, Tokyo, Japan, 1969 M.L.I .S. , The University of Hawaii, 1979 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S FOR T H E D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF ARTS in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A September 2000 © Tomoko Goto, 2000 In p resen t ing this thesis in partial fu l f i lment of the requ i rements fo r an a d v a n c e d degree at the Univers i ty of British C o l u m b i a , I agree that the Library shall make it f reely available fo r re fe rence and study. I further agree that pe rm i s s i on fo r extens ive c o p y i n g of this thesis fo r scholar ly pu rposes may be granted by the head of my depa r tmen t o r by his o r her representat ives . It is u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r pub l i c a t i on of this thesis for f inancial gain shall no t be a l l o w e d w i t hou t my wr i t ten pe rm i s s i on . Depa r tmen t of The Univers i ty of British C o l u m b i a Vancouve r , C a n a d a Date J&fif, 2QOQ DE-6 (2/88) 11 Abstract A pair of eight-fold screens entitled World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City ] represents a colorful world map with the figures of peoples of the world on one screen. The painting is punctuated by numerous city markers, with the largest indicating the city of Rome. O n the other screen, twenty-eight cities of the world and Christian and M u s l i m kings in ceremonial attire on horseback are depicted. This pair o f screens was probably produced in the early seventeenth century. It was most likely painted by Jesuit-trained Japanese painters who had learned western themes and painting techniques: perspective and chiaroscuro Unt i l the sixteenth century, Japanese experience with and knowledge of the world was limited to its neighbouring lands, such as China, Korea, and India. Beyond the realm of Japan lay worlds formed through fascination and the imagination. In 1543, however, this changed with the appearance of the Portuguese, who journeyed to Japan in the pursuit of new lands to develop trade and to spread Christianity. The Portuguese and their culture had a strong impact on Japanese thoughts and activities, including the creation of many screens with European motifs and new views o f the world at large. This pair of screens was drawn upon Dutch prototype made by Petrus Kaerius (1571-1646) in 1609. In my thesis I w i l l examine how World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens performed a two-fold function. I wi l l first examine how the screens marked Jesuit propagation of Christianity in Japan, and second I w i l l examine how the screens articulated what might be called an emergent sense of Japanese collective identity. B y this I do not mean identity based on nationalism, which emerged in Japan only in the nineteenth century. Rather, I mean an increasing awareness of the Self in relation to Other, and not only in relation to those outside the geographic confines of Japan but also within. What I intend to explore is how definitions o f geography and culture in world map screens, and specifically World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens, prompted viewers to acknowledge a more distinctive Self. The end of the sixteenth and the beginning o f the seventeenth centuries was a transitional moment for both the Jesuits and Portugal. Religiously, the Jesuits were in 1 The Roya l Household Agency, Tokyo . Early 17th century. ~ +AfRTffEI t 7? H E P ® . K 1*3 If-I l l conflict with the Japanese government and, as well their authority was undermined by Mendicants from the Philippines. These conflicts were compounded further by the spread of Protestantism in Europe. Similarly, after a short prosperous trade in Asia , rising economic and political power of the Netherlands and England gradually pushed Portuguese trade out of Asia . B y comparing World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens with In-and-Around-Kyoto screens,2 I argued that the Jesuit's hidden agenda of glorifying Christendom and God's order on earth emerged. Moreover, by comparing this pair with Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens,3 I detect the emergence of sense of a Japanese Self, that was forged in relation to the Europeans. Although the screens give the impression of the orderly and peaceful world, they mask the unstable situation which the Jesuits and Portugal were experiencing at the time. In the end, I propose that World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens transformed and reworked the Dutch prototype from a geographical mode to one that is highly decorative. Rather than articulating a Japanese view o f the world, the screens maintained the notion of a powerful Catholic world. 2 Funaki Family edition. The Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo. Early 17th century. r&cpT&^ElMM.. 3 Kobe Ci ty Museum. Late 18th century. i S ^ E ^ E ] K + A H AtjEISB,. »PTrTiElf t l tg . IV Table of Contents Abstract i i Table of Contents iv List o f Figures v Acknowledgement v i i i Chapter I: Introduction 1 Chapter II: Historical Moment 6 Chapter III: Japanese Tradition 14 3.1 Traditional World View 14 3.2 Painting Traditions 16 3.3 Traditions o f Screens 19 Chapter IV: European Prototypes of World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City Screens 23 Chapter V : Twenty-Eight-City Screen and the Battle of Lepanto 31 5.1 Figures o f Kings 31 5.2 Ci ty Scenes 38 5.3 Urban Space: In-and-Around-Kyoto Screens 45 Chapter V I : World-Map Screen and Japanese Self 53 6.1 European Cultural Hierarchy 53 6.2 Representations of Peoples 57 6.3 Representation of the Islands of Japan 63 6.4 Consciousness of Self: Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People Screens 67 Chapter VII: Conclusion 72 Figures 74 Bibliography 114 V List of Figures 1. Twenty-Eight-City screen from World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of eight-fold screens. Each 179 x 490 cm. The Royal Household Agency, Tokyo. -^/\mm tummmm. r^f 1,54 2. World-Map screen from World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of eight-fold screens. Each 179 x 490 cm. The Royal Household Agency, Tokyo. - + A ^ i t j B I < h 7 7 H E I W a . 'BvHff 1,53-58,63 3. Battle of Lepanto screen from Battle of Lepanto and World Map screens . Kosetsu Museum. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 153.5 x 362.5 cm. Kosetsu Art Gallery. P A ° > h ^ H E l t^^MMMB,. mmmmm 2 , 3 3 , 4 3 4. World Map screen from Battle of Lepanto and World Map screens. Kosetsu Museum. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 153.5 x 362.5 cm. Kosetsu Art Gallery. W \ ° > bi£HI2] t Wfr-MMMB,. mmmmm 2 , 43 5. Gotenjiku Zu (Map of the Five Regions of India). Jukai (b.1297). 1364. Manuscript. Mounted as a scroll, 177 x 166.5 cm. Horyuji, Nara. E ^ m . mm. mm, 15 6. Plum Tree and Water Birds. Kano Eitoku (1543-1590). 16th century. Four paper sliding doors. Daitokuji, Jukoin, Kyoto. mizjK^mm. mfmm. ± m ^ , n 7. Maple Tree. Hasegawa Tohaku (1539-1610). ca. 1593. Four paper sliding doors. Each 174.3 x 139.5 cm. Chishakuin, Kyoto. mmm. &m\mi&. %amu - 17 8 & 9. In-and-Around-Kyoto screens. Funaki-bon (Funaki Family edition). Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 163 x 351 cm. The Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo. m^tmmmm. ^miLm^m 17 ,45 10. World Map. Wi l lem J. Blaeu. Amsterdam, 1607. 84.0 x 111.0 cm. (map alone); 143.0 x 204.0 cm (with border). Photograph. Maritime (Scheepvaart) Museum, Amsterdam 23, 56, 63 11. European Kings on Horseback. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. Four-fold screen. 166.2 x 468.0 cm. Kobe City Museum, Hyogo. mm^mmm. # F m & 2 7 , 3 9 12. European Kings on Horseback. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. Four-fold screen. 168.0 x 231.0 cm. Santory Art Gallery, Tokyo. mm^mmmm. ^>b^-mmm 2 7 , 3 9 13. City Map of Rome. Attributed to Cornells Galle. Engraving in: Pedro Ribadeneira, Vita Bead Patris Ignatii Loyolae. Antwerp, ca. 1610. 27 x 36 cm. Rome, Archivium Romanum Societatis Iesu, Armadio 4. (A) The Church of the Gesu and Casa Professa, (B) The University of Rome, (C) The Penitenzieria Apostolica, (D) The Novitiate at S. Andrea, (E) & (F) Orphanage, (G) The House of Catechumens, (H) Santa Marta, (I) S. Caterina VI dei Funari, (K) German College, (L) English College, (M) The Roman Seminary, (N) Maronite College 42 14. City Map of Rome. Source: Georg Braun, and Franz Hogenberg, Civitates Orbis Terrarum 1572-1618, vol . 1 (Amsterdam: Theatrvm Orbis Terravm, 1965) 42 15 & 16 Four-City-and- World-Map screens. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of eight-fold screens. Each 158.7 x 466.8 cm. Kobe City Museum, Hyogo. ramm tw^mmm. #Fms:tf mm 43 17 & 18. In-and-Around-Kyoto screens (Former Ikeda Family edition). Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 159.0 x 363.0 cm. Okayama Art Gallery. m^mmmm. mmmmm*). miummm 51 19 & 20. In-and-Around-Kyoto screens. Early 17th century. Color on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 94.0 x 272.9 cm. Osaka Nanban Bunkakan. m^tmmmm. Avmrnxitm 51 2 1 & 2 2 . In-and-Around-Kyoto screens. Early 17th century. Color on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 152.5 x 333.0 cm. Private collection. fe^mmmm 51 23. Detail (Japanese and Chinese figures) from World map. Wi l l em J. Blaeu. Amsterdam, 1607. 84.0 x 111 .0 cm. (map alone); 143.0 x 204.0 cm (with border). Photograph. Maritime (Scheepvaart) Museum, Amsterdam. Source: Tadayoshi Miyoshi , "J. Burau no 1645/46-nenban Sekai Chizu ni tsuite" (On the World Map Made by J Blaeu Published in 1645/46), Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan Kenkyu Kiyo, 11 (Mar. 1994): 58, F ig . 12 57 24. Detail (figures of a Japanese couple) from World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of eight-fold screens. Each 179 x 490 cm. The Royal Household Agency, Tokyo. -•i-j\®i$mtiimmmm,. K I *UT 58 25. Detail (women with long hair) from European Landscape with Musicians. First half of the 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 93.1 x 302.4 cm. Atami Art Gallery. ftAmmmmm. mmmmm 58 26. Detail (women with long hair) from European Landscape with Musicians. First half of the 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 93.0 x 302.0 cm. Hosokawa Family. nAmmmmm mn\m 58 27. Detail (woman with long hair) from Woman Playing the Zither. Attributed to Nobukata. First half of the 17th century. Colour on paper. 55.5 (H) x 37.3 (W) cm. Yamato Bunkakan, Nara. £ § £ # # 0 . < g f l ^ = f . A^rnB 58 V l l 28. Honan. Carolus Al lard . 1695. Source: Carolus Allard, Orbis Habitabilis Oppida et Vestitus = The Towns and Costumes of the Inhabited World, 1695 (Amsterdam: Theatrvm Orbis Terrarvm, 1966) Fig. 35 59, 68 29. World Map attributed to Ignacio Moreira. circa 1590-1614. Kenneth Nebenzahl, Inc. Source: Kenneth Nebenzahl, and Alfredo Pinheiro Marques, "Moreira's Manuscript: A Newly Discovered Portuguese Map of the Wor ld - Made in Japan," Mercator's World (July/Aug. 1997): 18-19 67 30. Bankoku Sozu (map of the world). 1645. Manuscript. Shimonoseki Shiritsu Chofu Hakubutsukan. 7 J a i m TMistL&mnmm-Source: Tadayoshi Miyoshi , Zusetsu Sekai Kochizu Korekushon (Tokyo: Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1999) 45. 60, 67, 70 31. Title page of Kaitai Shinsho. Trans. Sugita Genpaku. 111. Odano Naotake. 1774. Source: Eiko no Oranda Kaiga to Nihon — Glorious Past of The Netherlands and Japan. Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan ( [ O s a k a ] : Asahi Shinbunsha Bunka Kikakukyoku O s a k a Kikakubu, 1993) 123. i±m~\ • mnmmt±-sc{t±mM*m±mffl 6i 32 & 33. Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens. Late 18th century. A pair of six-fold screens. 164x 364 cm. Kobe City Museum, Hyo go. WW±mm ffl+AHAtfEIWS. # P 7 f T i / : t f M 67 34. Kanton. Carolus Allard. 1695. Source: Carolus Allard, Orbis Habitabilis Oppida et Vestitus = The Towns and Costumes of the Inhabited World, 1695 (Amsterdam: Theatrvm Orbis Terrarvm, 1966) Fig. 36 68 35. Detail (Asia and the Americas) from Wall Map. Gerard Valck. ca. 1695. Source: Josef H . Biller, "Jemniste ist eine Reise wert: Kostbarkeiten hollandischer Kartographie und Vedutenkunst in Bohmen" Speculum Orbis, 2(1985): 48 70 36. Detail (Asia) from Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens. Late 18th century. A pair of six-fold screens. 164x 364 cm. Kobe City Museum, Hyo go. w^-m±mm ra-t A H A ^ E I P S . WFrfrAfJit/tf 71 37. Wall Map: Asia. Gerard Valck. ca. 1695. Source: Tadayoshi Miyoshi , Zusetsu Sekai Kochizu Korekushon (Tokyo: Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1999) 42-43. 71 V l l l Acknowledgement I have been very fortunate to have had support from many people not only during the thesis project but also throughout my study for the last nine years. First of all , I would like to thank my thesis supervisor Professor Moritaka Matsumoto for his academic support and encouragement. Without his long-term support, it would have been very difficult to continue studying for all these years while I have worked. I am also very grateful to my other thesis supervisor, Professor Rose Marie San Juan. M y thesis topic began in her class, and she opened a totally new idea of space to me. I am indebted to her rigorous and yet encouraging critique, in addition to her many hours of reading and correcting my paper. Special thanks goes to Professor Num-Lin Hur of the Department of Asian Studies. He volunteered to read my draft, .and gave me many valuable comments. Without him, my factual errors would have been publicized. I would like to thank Dr. Miyoshi Tadayoshi of Kobe City Museum, Japan for his insightful articles and for the various help I received from him, including detailed photographs of Four-Continent-and-For ty-Eight-People screens. I would also like to thank my colleague, M s . Reiko Yoshimura, librarian at the Freer Gallery of Art for providing me with important information and articles. I am also grateful to M s . Haruko Ito, curator o f Nagasaki P.refectural Art Museum, Japan for her support and for sending me exhibition catalogues despite being busy preparing for an exhibition. I have been very privileged to have been surrounded by good friends. I would like to thank my classmate, Ms . Kathleen Wyma, for her meticulous reading and constructive critique of my thesis in spite of her own busy schedule. I am grateful to my former classmate M s . Teresa Lo for her careful reading and precise advise. I also appreciate for various advise mixed with humour provided by my former classmate and a Ph.D. candidate in Japanese art history at Columbia University, M r . Jo Loh, for all these years. Thanks are also extended to M s . Ellen Halliday, M r . Rod Hermsmeier and Mrs . Sheila Stone for giving me precious comments and suggestions and correcting my grammatical errors in spite of their hard schedule. Special thanks goes to M s . Dorothy Martin, Mrs . Mary-Louise Nichols and Ms . Lydia Basso for their moral support and encouragement. Last but not least, I am very thankful to the Library at the University of British Columbia, for giving me this opportunity to study while I work. The library staff and librarians have been very accommodating and without their continual support I could not have finished my study. 1 I. Introduction The pair of World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens (referred to as World-Map-and-City screens) (Fig. 1-2) was created by Jesuit trained Japanese painters around the beginning of the seventeenth century. This belongs to Nanban art' which has non-Japanese motifs. These screens are some of the earliest examples of western style painting in Japan. One screen illustrates the world map flanked by representations o f forty-two peoples o f the world; whereas, the other depicts eight kings in ceremonial attire on horseback above twenty-eight cities of the world. One of the most fascinating things about these screens is that although they are dominated by western motifs they were executed in the glorious Momoyama style, as w i l l be discussed below, situating them between Japanese and western traditions. About thirty world maps created during the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries in Japan still exist. O f these, at least twenty world maps were executed on screens, including those under investigation in this thesis.2 The research on world map screens has tended to concentrate on comparisons between the screens and their prototypes to establish a visual genealogy and insert them within a specific historical framework according to style. The predominance of this methodological approach is the result of the majority of research on these screens has been done by cartographers and geographers. The cultural and religio-political aspects of 1 Nanban literally means "southern barbarian" or "people from the south," and refers to Iberian people and their culture. It does not have a derogatory meaning. The word, which means "barbarian" in Japanese, is "banjin" or "yabanjin." 2 the screens were introduced with art historian Nishimura Tei's article (1956) 3 on Battle-of-Lepanto screen (Fig. 3-4). Nishimura's shift in methodological approach was then taken up by Sakamoto Mitsuru and Grace A . H . Vlam. In Nanban Bijutsu (Nanban art) (1970), 4 Sakamoto Mitsuru discusses such issues as Christianity and art, Mannerism, Jesuit art education in Japan, and some European sources of the paintings produced by Jesuit-trained Japanese painters. He also points out that the prototype of the city map of Rome in World-Map-and-City Screens comes from the biography of Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556), the founder o f the Society o f Jesus.5 Although Sakamoto discusses its European historical background, visual analysis is basically limited to questions of style. In her Ph.D. dissertation (1976), Grace V l a m related Battle-of-Lepanto screen to the Spanish political situation under Philip II during the middle of the sixteenth century. In general, however, investigations into World-Map-and-City screens are usually ancillary to a larger project addressing Nanban screens. In 1997, Miyoshi Tadayoshi, historical geographer and curator at Kobe City Museum, wrote an article on the 1609-edition world map made by Petrus Kaerius (1571-1646). 6 A s the title suggests the majority o f this article discusses the history of Dutch cartography and Petrus Kaerius' 1609-edition world map, which is the prototype o f World-Map-and-City screens. To my knowledge, this is the first article that considers 2 Kazutaka Unno , "Cartography in Japan," The History of Cartography, ed. J . B . Harley and D a v i d Woodward, vo l . 2, book 2, Cartography in the Traditional East and Southeast Asian Societies (Chicago: Universi ty o f Chicago Press, 1994) 377. 3 T e i Nishimura, "Repanto Sentozu no B y o b u ni tsuite." Kokka 766 (Jan. 1956): 2-22. 4 Mitsuru Sakamoto, "Nanban Bijutsu," Nanban Bijutsu to Ydfuga, Genshoku N i h o n no Bijutsu 25 (TokyS: Shogakugan, 1970) 161-196. I did not have a chance to read his earlier article: "Repanto Sentozu Byobu ni tsuite (On the Battle o f Lepanto Screens), jo : N i h o n Shoki Yoftiga to YSroppa n i okeru Sono Haikei , " Bijutsu Kenkyu 246 (1966). 5 Sakamoto, "Nanban Bijutsu" 188. 3 World-Map-and-City screens in relation to its Dutch prototypes. It also examines World-Map-and-City screens in terms of sources and compares the screens with other similar Japanese screens. During this process, Miyosh i briefly touches religio-politico situation o f the Jesuits, and suggests Catholic influences on the screens. This as wel l as his other article on J. Blaeu's 1645/46-edition world map 7 are indispensable to a study of World-Map-and-City screens, because they reveal details of the maps by Kaerius and J. Blaeu including names o f the cities, kings and peoples as well as Japanese translation o f the kings' descriptions from Latin. Yet important issues remain to be addressed. For example, the pair of World-Map-and-City screens is not just a very well-made copy of European prototypes. It is a historical product of the early seventeenth century in Japan, and carries Japanese as well as European social, religious, political and economic signification at the time. Therefore, it is necessary to look into how Jesuit ideology, European cultural values, or Portuguese political struggles at the time are expressed, and how cultural exchanges between Japan and Europe take place in the screens. To my knowledge, no one has related the theme o f the screens to a glorious display of Catholic power, or the arrangement of the cities to the Battle o f Lepanto, or has looked into how the screens were part o f cultural exchange. Also , as far as I know, this is the first paper that concentrates on this pair o f screens in terms of Japanese identity, and in relation to the Jesuits and to the expansion o f European colonialism. 6 Tadayoshi M i y o s h i , "P . Kaeriusu 1609-nenban Sekai C h i z u o Megutte (On the 1609 edition wor ld map made by P. Kaerius)," Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan Kenkyu Kiyo 13 (Mar. 1997): 15-43. Kaerius ' Dutch name is Pieter van den Keere. 7 Tadayoshi M i y o s h i , " J . Buraeu no 1645/46-nenban Sekai C h i z u n i Tsuite (On 1645/45 edition world map made by J. Blaeu), Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan Kenkyu Kiyo 11 (Mar. 1994): 23-58. 4 In my thesis I wi l l examine World-Map-and-City screens and its cartography in relation to Jesuit propagation of Christianity in Japan, and to what might be called an emergent consciousness about the Japanese Self. I do not mean an identity based on nationalism, which emerged in Japan only in the nineteenth century. 8 Rather, I mean an increasing awareness o f the Self in relation to Other, and not only in relation to those outside but also within. I use the term " S e l f similar to what historian Ronald Toby calls "Japanese notions of ethnic Self," whose footnote I w i l l quote below. Neither "national" or "ethnic" is entirely appropriate to represent the collectivity of "Japanese" at this historical moment, but the notion of ethnicity and the attendant constructs of boundary maintenance and identity vis-a-vis Other seems preferable in this context, as it is burdened by 19th century nation-state concepts of nationalism. 9 In another article on early modern Japan, Ronald Toby argues for an "'encyclopedic' movement that had roots in late sixteenth-century China, but incorporated both European elements and indigenous Japanese forms for the organization and representation of knowledge." 1 0 What I intend to explore is how definitions of geography and culture in world map screens, and specifically World-Map-and-City screens, prompted viewers to acknowledge a more distinctive Self. Prior to the arrival of the Europeans, Japanese people had always thought about themselves in relation to the Chinese. For example, a Chinese document tells us that Japan had sent missions to China as early as the first century. When Shotoku Taishi (Prince Shotoku, 574-622) sent a 8 Hiroshi Mi t an i , "Ishin N i h o n no 'Sekai' K i t e i , " Nihon Imeji no Kosaku: Ajia Taiheiyo no Toposu, ed. Masayuki Yamauchi , Motoo Yoshida , U P Sensho (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1997) 137. 9 Ronald P . Toby, "The 'Indianness' o f Iberia and Changing Japanese Iconographies o f Other," Implicit Understandings: Observing, Reporting, and Reflecting on the Encounters Between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modem Era, ed. Stuart B . Schwartz (Cambridge: Cambridge Universi ty Press, 1994) 330. Footnote no. 14. 1 0 Ronald P. Toby, "Imagining and Imaging 'Anthropos' in E a r l y - M o d e m Japan," Visual Anthropology Review 14.1 (1998): 21. 5 mission to Sui |?jt in 6 0 7 , he wrote a diplomatic letter which started with a sentence: "Emperor of the land of the rising sun sends the document to the Emperor of the land of the setting sun." 1 1 Japan sent scholars and monks to China during the seventh, eighth and ninth centuries and learned "advanced" Chinese culture, such as art, literature, Buddhism, political and educational systems. On the one hand Japanese tried to incorporate Chinese "advanced" culture, but on the other hand, as this Prince Shotoku's letter indicates Japanese rulers had a sense of self which tried to define Japan as different from China, i f not, equal to China. With the encounter with Europeans, the Japanese faced a new Other and, as the screens suggest, slowly started constructing a new distinct cultural awareness as Japanese and Asians. A number o f questions have shaped my analysis. What kind of world view did the Japanese have before their encounter with the Europeans? World-Map-and-City screens draw on Dutch prototypes, world maps framed by the figures o f peoples and cities. H o w did these prototypes serve to produce ideas o f social diversity and, in turn, o f the Self? How did Japanese artists synthesize European values and knowledge of the world through cartography and what were the implications? These are central questions to my investigation. Ultimately, I am interested in the process of cultural exchange, which led to the organization of visual knowledge with subsequent effects on how people thought about themselves. 1 1 Mi tsuo Toyama, "Kenzuishi wa Naze Hakensareta ka," Shin Shiten Nihon no Rekishi: vol. 2: Kodai Hen I, Taichiro Shiraishi, Takehiko Yoshimura, eds. (Tokyo: Shin Jinbutsu Oraisha , 1993) 312. The Sui Emperor was highly displeased by this letter. According to historian, Toyama Mi tsuo , "rising sun" simply meant direction from China, and Chinese document also used the same word for Japan. What made the Su i Emperor displeased was that the Chinese believed that there should be only one emperor (Japanese word "tenshi" for emperor literally means "the Son o f Heaven") and Chinese emperor was the one who was granted heavenly orders to rule the world. In other words, there should not be more than one emperor, and for that reason the Sui Emperor was displeased. See p. 312 o f the title above: Shin Shiten Nihon no Rekishi: vol. 2: Kodai Hen I. 6 II. Historical Moment Unt i l the sixteenth century, Japanese experience with and knowledge of the world was limited to its neighbouring lands, such as China, Korea, and India. Although cognizant of countries existing beyond the boundaries of Japan, these worlds were primarily formed through fascination and imagination. However, in 1543 this changed with the appearance o f the Portuguese, soon followed by the Jesuits, who sought new lands to develop trade and to propagate Christianity. The arrival o f the Portuguese had a strong impact on Japanese thought and visual imagery, leading to a new focus on cultural diversity. With the Jesuits came not only encounters with Europeans, but also with other peoples such as those from Goa and Indonesia who served as sailors or interpreters. Africans also came to Japan as servants, causing great curiosity among Japanese people. The de facto leader of Japan, Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582) and his successor, Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536-1598), gave audience to them, and commoners came all the way from 10 afar to see the visitors from Africa. Cartographic images of the world at large came at this pivotal moment as well and would eventually emerge as an interesting site o f cultural exchange. In order to understand the meanings of the screens, it is necessary to know the historical background of Japan, Portugal and the Jesuits at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning o f the seventeenth centuries. The trade between Japan and Portugal brought tremendous amounts o f profit to both countries, especially the latter. "The [Portuguese] 1 2 Yoshi tomo Okamoto, "Nanban byobu no Ikokuteki Naiyo ," Shigaku 19.3: 88-89. 7 trade involved bartering pepper for silks in China, selling these at great profit in Japan, converting all proceeds to silver to be transported to Chinese ports, again buying silks with the silver, and returning to India." 1 3 The whole India-Japan voyage sometimes yielded profits that were ten times or more the value o f the original merchandise loaded in India. 1 4 Nevertheless, this profitable trade did not last long for Portugal. The political, religious and economic situation for both Portugal and Japan around this time was in a constant state of flux." First of all, Portugal had been under Spanish rule since 1580. 1 5 Amsterdam and Antwerp were also under Spanish rule, and were a constant threat to the Catholic world due to the Protestant Reformation movement started by Martin Luther in 1517 in Germany. The clash over religion, coupled with the Dutch struggle for independence from Spain, eventually lead to the "Eighty Years' War" in 1568. The treaty of the Twelve Years' Truce resulted in a temporary lull in the conflict from 1609 to 1621, but it was not until 1648 that the Netherlands realized their complete independence from Spain. Contemporaneously, Mediterranean Christians were under constant siege from Islam. The Ottomans and the Venetian Republic had been fighting over the border between their lands for years making the victory of Christendom over the Musl ims in 1571 at the Battle o f Lepanto a significant political event. Another uneasy situation for Portugal concerned their economic situation due to the growing power o f the Dutch and 1 3 Yoshi tomo Okamoto, The Namban Art of Japan, trans. Ronald K . Jones, Heibonsha Survey o f Japanese A r t 19 (New Y o r k : Weatherhill , 1972) 13. 1 4 Okamoto, Namban Art 13.m 1 5 Nishimura, "Repanto" 19. 8 English. B y 1630, they shared in the Indian trade at the expense o f Portugal and by 1638, Portugal had been virtually pushed out of its trade. 1 6 When a Jesuit priest, Francis Xavier (1506-1552), came to Japan in 1549, Japan was just coming out of the Warring Period (1467-1573) under the leadership of Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582). 1 7 Nevertheless, Nobunaga still had many enemies including powerful religious group, the Ikkoshu, a branch of the Pure Land sect of Buddhism. For example, after several years of battles against Ikkoshu in Ise Nagashima, the Ikkoshu surrendered in 1574. In spite of the treaty Nobunaga made with them, he ordered to shoot the defeated Ikkoshu people as they fled, resulted in the annihilation of 20,000 people. A l so in 1576, Nobunaga's retainer Maeda Toshiie (1538-1599) brutally killed more than 1,000 Ikkoshu people in Echizen, on the Sea of Japan. 1 8 However, with the Ikkoshu in Ishiyama, he made a truce in 1580 after more than ten years o f protracted battles. Nobunaga accepted Christianity favourably partly because he thought Christianity could be used to suppress Buddhist power. 1 9 Therefore, he allowed the Jesuits to build churches and seminaries and preach to the people. He even ordered that those who interfered with the Jesuits' activities be punished. 2 0 However, during the early years of the propagation o f Christianity, especially during the 1570s and the 1580s, the Jesuits encouraged Japanese Christians to attack Shinto (Japanese indigenous religion) 1 6 M a r k Girouard, Cities and People: A Social and Architectural History (New Haven: Y a l e Universi ty Press, 1985) 150. 1 7 The Warr ing Period is the time between O n i n Rebel l ion (1467) and 1573 when Nobunaga banished Shogun (head o f military government) Ashikaga Yosh iak i (1537-1597) from K y o t o and started unifying Japan. 1 8 Hisashi Fu j ik i , ed., Oda Nobunaga no Kenkyu, Sengoku Daimyo Ronshu 17 (Tokyo: Yosh ikawa Kobunkan, 1985)91-92, 99. 1 9 Fuj ik i 97. Chie Nakane, and Shinzaburo Oishi , ed., Tokugawa Japan: The Social and Economic Antecedents of Modern Japan (Tokyo: Universi ty o f Tokyo Press, 1990)26. K e i j i Nagahara, Daimyo Ryogokusei, Ta ike i N i h o n Rekishi 3 (T5kyo: N i h o n Hyoronsha, 1967) 226. 9 shrines and Buddhist temples. While Nobunaga was generous to the Jesuits, his reign was short-lived, and he was killed by one of his most trusted retainers, Akechi Mitsuhide (1526-1582). Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536-1598), a Mitsuhide's colleague and rival, swiftly defeated Mitsuhide, assuming Nobunaga's reign. When Hideyoshi was in power, the popularity o f Christianity increased in Japan among commoners and the daimyo (lords). Since Portuguese ships only came to ports where Christianity was accepted, some daimyo welcomed Christianity partly because of the attraction to the benefit brought by Nanban trade. 2 1 Hideyoshi was no exception. He tried in vain to separate Christianity from trade in order to enjoy only economic advantages. What he did not seem to realize was that Portuguese merchants and the Jesuits were interdependent and could not be separated.2 2 The former needed the latter to do business in Japan because the Jesuits knew Japanese and the religio-political and cultural situation in Japan. On the other hand, the Jesuits needed the Portuguese merchant's protection and support to come to Japan and to do their trade, as well . In order to support propagation o f Christianity, the Jesuits started their silk trade between Macao and Nagasaki when Portuguese merchant, Luis d'Almeida jointed the Jesuits in 15 56 . 2 3 Their trade expanded, and during 1570-1581, they had traded gold, mercury, lead and textile besides s i lk . 2 4 Furthermore, Hideyoshi did not appear to know how great profit Portuguese merchants made out of this trade. 2 5 2 0 Takahiro Okuno, Zotei Oda Nobunaga Monjo no Kenkyu, Jokan (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1988) 277. 2 1 Toshio Fujitani, "Kirisutokyo to Hoken Shihai," Iwanami Koza Nihon Rekishi 9: Kinsei J (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1963) 237-238. Nagahara Daimyo 165-166. 2 2 Okamoto Namban Art 29. 2 3 KS ich i ro Takase, Kirishitan Jidai Taigai Kankei no Kenkyu (Tokyo: Yosh ikawa Kobunkan, 1994) 237. 2 4 T a k a s e 228. 2 5 Michae l Cooper, "The Mechanics o f the Macao-Nagasaki Silk Trade," Monumenta Nipponica 21A (1972): 423. 10 Under Hideyoshi's rule, merchants continued to accumulate wealth. In fact, the merchants' economic and political power grew stronger during the Muromachi period (1392-1573), and some port cities such as Sakai in Osaka became an autonomous city. During the Muromachi period, merchants in urban area, such as Kyoto and Sakai, were very active both economically and culturally. They cultivated new forms of sociability including the tea ceremony. Also in 1500 in Kyoto, merchants revived the Gion Festival, the symbol of their identity, which had been banned for more than thirty years before then. Later, during the Azuchi-Momoyama period (1573-1600), Nobunaga abolished checking stations (sekisho M H F f ) on the highway and toll (ritsubun or sekisen P ] t £ . ) in order to stimulate commerce. 2 6 Hideyoshi followed Nobunaga's policy and made it even more thorough by applying it to wider area including the territories of Royal Household and court nobles. However, they brought Sakai under their direct control in order to weaken merchants' political power and yet to use their wealth for nation building. Hideyoshi had a big dream of "conquering" Korea and China. To prepare for his invasion to Korea, Hideyoshi asked Jesuit Vice-Provincial, Gasper Coelho, to acquire for him "two large Portuguese carracks fully equipped with personnel" 2 7 in order to conquer China. In return, Hideyoshi promised that he would make Christianity the state religion in China upon his victory. Coelho promised to give h im the ships as well as to bring the Christian daimyo to Hideyoshi's side. Since the Jesuits had more control over Christian daimyo than Hideyoshi wanted them to have, Coelho's reaction might have made Hideyoshi uneasy. A historian, Donald Lach, points out that Coelho's overplay 2 6 Tadachika Kuwata , Toyotomi Hideyoshi Kenkyu (Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1975) 319. 11 probably contributed to Hideyoshi's sudden change o f attitude toward the Christians in 1587, when Hideyoshi issued an edict banishing the Jesuits within twenty days from 28 Japan. Facing the edict, Coelho tried to make the Christian daimyo rebel against Hideyoshi, and requested military help from Manila, Goa and Macao, but no one • • 29 responded the way he wished. He had no choice but to follow Hideyoshi's order. In 1596, a Spanish ship, the San Felipe, was shipwrecked off Shikoku, Japan. Portuguese priest used this incident politically because o f their religious and economic conflict with the Spanish. He reported to Hideyoshi that a reason why Spain had so many colonies was because the Christian missionaries acted as the advance guard for the Conquistador?0 Moreover, a Philippine mission which came to Japan around that time stated that the presence of the missionaries and Portuguese trading ships in Japan was in preparation for the colonialization of Japan. 3 1 This incident angered Hideyoshi so much that he confiscated the merchandise on the ship. He then issued another edict calling for the crucifixion of twenty-six Christians: six Franciscan priests, fifteen Japanese Franciscans, three Jesuits and two Japanese.3 2 To complicate the matters, the Spanish friars had started coming into Japan from the Philippines, causing further religious and territorial strife. After Hideyoshi's death in 1598, Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542-1616) gained power and established a new government in 1603 located in the new capital city, Edo (Tokyo). 2 7 Donald F . Lach , Asia in the Making of Europe, vol . 1, book 1 (Chicago: Universi ty o f Chicago Press, 1965) 304. 2 8 Lach , v o l . 1, book 1, 303-304. 2 9 Lach, vo l . 1, book 1,304. 3 0 K i i c h i Matsuda, Nanban no Bateren : Tdzai Koshoshi no Mondai o Saguru, N H K Bukkusu 122 (Tokyo: Nihon Hoso Shuppan Kyokay , 1970) 131. 3 , K u w a t a 3 5 2 . 3 2 Michae l Cooper, Tsuji Rodorigesu: Nanban no Bokensha to Dai Kokai Jidai no Nihon, Chugoku, trans: Matsumoto Tama (Tokyo: Tiara Shobo, 1991) 113. 12 The political instability of the young government was rectified by the annihilation of the important people o f the previous government. In 1615 Ieyasu finally solidified his political position by defeating the previous ruler's son, Toyotomi Hideyori (1593-1615). However, the free spirit o f the Kyoto and Sakai merchants which flourished under Hideyoshi's rule was gradually suffocated during Ieyasu's feudal regime through the establishment of a strictly hierarchical social structure comprised o f four classes, with merchants occupying the lowest rank. In terms of foreign policy, Ieyasu tried to establish peaceful trade with the Philippines, Thailand and other Southeast Asian countries as opposed to Hideyoshi's Korean invasion or cessation of diplomatic relation with the Philippines caused by the San Felipe incident. The Tokugawa government issued shuinjo (red-sealed certificate) trade which allowed Japanese ships to do non-governmental trade with Southeastern Asian countries. Between 1604 and 1635, the number of shuinsen (trading ships which have shuinjo) was about 355, and the Japanese immigrants to these countries started trading business. This compromised the monopoly of Portuguese trade. To make the matter worse a Dutch ship grounded off Japan. Wi l l i am Adams (1564-1620), a British navigator, who was on the ship, was summoned by Ieyasu. Surprised by the appearance of a Dutch ship, the Portuguese tried unsuccessfully to persuade Ieyasu to believe that the Dutch were pirates. 3 4 Since the Dutch were Protestant and did not preach Christianity, Ieyasu valued W i l l i a m Adams. Under Adams' influence, Dutch trade started in 1609 and British trade also began in 1613, causing the Portuguese trading power even more diminished. 3 3 Ken j i Yana i , "Nanban Boek i , " Iwanami Koza Nihon Rekishi 9: Kinsei 1 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1963) 106. 13 As for Christianity, Ieyasu at first did not restrict its propagation. A primary reason was that he wanted to expand trade. Therefore, he tried to avoid friction with the Jesuits who could not be separated from the Portuguese trade. 3 5 However, he also allowed the Franciscans and the Dominicans to come to Japan from the Philippines. This was a great threat to the Jesuits and the conflict among the different religious denominations escalated. However, some of the shogun's direct retainers l iving in shogun's own territories were found to be Christians. The government was alarmed at this, and the ban on Christianity was issued in 1612 and 1613, and Christians were banished to Macao and Mani la in 1614. Hideyoshi tried to ban Christianity several times, but often the edicts were not strict. That was because he could not afford to lose Portuguese trade and thus kept Christianity unwillingly. O n the other hand, Tokugawa government banished Christians. Although they allowed Christianity at the beginning, due to a need o f Portuguese trade, now that alternate trade without Christianity was available as noted above. 3 6 They did not have to depend on Portuguese trade any more. B y the time World-Map-and-City screens were made, the Jesuits were in an escalating conflict with both the Spanish friars and with the Japanese government. In a world full o f changes and conflict, propagating Christianity entailed constructing a world which is universal and concrete to symbolize the world "created" by God . This necessity eventually found visual expression in World-Map-and-City screens. 3 4 Y a n a i l 0 7 . 3 5 Y a n a i l 0 7 . 3 6 Tomohiko Harada, Edo Jidai no Rekishi (Tokyo: San'ichi Shobo, 1983) 102. 14 III. Japanese Tradition 3.1. Traditional World View According to historian Okamoto Yoshitomo, in the beginning of the fourteenth century, before the first encounter with the Europeans, the Japanese were aware of China, Korea, Mongolia and Ryukyu , 3 7 as well as India. For example, as noted above, according to Chinese historical document Kanjo (or Han shu i t H ) , which was written during the first century, Japan regularly sent missions to Chinese territory, Rakuro (or Nangnang or Lo-lang s^ i l l ) , present-day Pyongyang, the capital city of North Korea. When Buddhism was introduced to Japan during the early sixth century, people from the mainland, such as Chinese monks and Korean Buddhist sculptors and architects, came to Japan. Later the Mongols attacked Japan twice, in 1274 and 1281, only to be defeated by the strong typhoons, "kamikaze" A s for Ryukyu Kingdom, it was established during the beginning o f the fifteenth century and made a great profit through transit trade in East Asia . Japanese experiential knowledge of the physical existence o f these countries was buttressed by maps of Buddhist cosmology. Although the Japanese had never seen Indians or any one who came back from India until the end o f the sixteenth century, through Buddhism they knew the existence o f India called Tenjiku 3^:* , which people believed lay beyond China. Interestingly, there are no Shinto (Japanese " Y o s h i t o m o Okamoto, Juroku Seiki ni Okeru Nihon Chizu no Hattatsu (Tokyo: Y a g i Shoten, 1973): 15 indigenous religion) maps. Human geographer3 8 Kazutaka Unno, suggests that unlike Buddhism, Shinto views the world in a vertical structure, that is, heavenly world, the earth and the underworld. This lack of horizontal structure probably did not necessitate the production of world maps. On the other hand, with their concrete spatial views o f the world, the Buddhists created many world maps in Japan, China and Korea. M a n y of them still exist. 4 0 The oldest one in Japan is called Gotenjiku Zu JlJizEWi (Map o f the Five Regions o f India) (Fig. 5) produced by a priest, Jukai MtH (b.1297) in 1364. Based on the description in a sutra, Kusharon (or Chii she lun 4H#fmj), the represented world had an egg shape; the north was wide and the south was narrow. India occupied the majority of the space, with Mt . Sumeru, the mythical centre of the cosmos, in its centre. Japan was not mentioned in the sutra,4 1 thereby it was outside of this realm, floating in the rough ocean. Politically and socio-economically, Japan had a very close relationship with China, which was regarded as the Central Kingdom not only in China but also in Japan. Both the Buddhist maps and the idea o f China as the centre, placed Japan at the periphery o f the world. Similarly, the sutra does not state anything about C h i n a 4 2 and yet China has represented itself in the east within the Buddhist sphere. 4 3 Although, this 3 9 Unno , "Cartography" 371. 4 0 Takeo Oda, Nobuo Muroga, Unno Kazutaka, Nihon Kochizu Taisei: Sekai Hen = The World in Japanese Maps Until the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Kaisetsu (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1975) 10. 4 l Tetsuya Hisatake, and K o j i Hasegawa, eds., Chizu to Bunka (Kyoto-shi: Chi j in Shobo, 1989) 21. 4 2 Toshiaki O j i , "Echizu n i Arawareta Sekaizo," Nihon no Shakaishi 7: Shakaikan to Sekaizo (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1987) 310. 4 3 In the northern part o f the Buddhist map, there are many place names connected by the red line, indicating the pilgrimage rout a Chinese monk Genzo took to go to India (See Oji p. 309). This rout is based on his document entitled Dai To Saiikiki A f § H ^ a H (Travelogue o f the western regions o f Great Tang). 16 indicates consciousness of the Chinese Self, historical geographer,4 4 Oji Toshiaki, points out that Buddhist maps do not show China as the centre of the world. According to Kazutaka Unno, there are Chinese Buddhist maps produced in the early seventeenth century, and their composition is exactly the same as the 1364 Gotenjiku Zu. He suggests that Japanese Buddhist maps were based on Chinese ones, and Japan was simply added to them 4 5 It is interesting that even with this representation of Japan as a small and remote country from Mt . Sumeru, the mythical centre of the world, we can detect a sense of Japanese Self. 3.2. Painting Traditions This conception of the world would be altered, in part through changes in the tradition of painted screens. However, these changes did not happen instantly. During the Muromachi period (1392-1573), urban commoners who were accumulating economic wealth started participating in cultural activities, to which previously they were merely the audience. For example, Gion Festival used to be run by Shinto shrines, but by the beginning o f the Muromachi period it was run by commoners. 4 6 After the Onin War (1467-1477) 4 7 the reconstruction of destroyed Kyoto stimulated economic as well as cultural activities. Even through the Warring Period (1467-1573), merchants built their wealth and economic power. B y the end of the Muromachi period, the scale of festivals, 4 5 Unno, "Cartography" 374. 4 6 Kazuh iko Sato, and M a m o r u Shimosaka, eds., Zusetsu Kyoto Runesansu (Tokyo: Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1994) 108. 17 including Gion festival, became more grandiose, and other secular and religious festivals also started to be autonomously organized by the communities. 4 8 It was through the shift in the sponsoring agency that the meanings of these activities gradually changed from a religious purpose to an expression o f secular enjoyment. 4 9 This shift was not confined to cultural activities but also had an effect upon painting style as well . What spurred the changes even more was the beliefs o f the rulers of the Azuchi-Momoyama period (1573-1615), Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582) and Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536-1598). They boasted their power and challenged Buddhist authority by declaring that they were the leaders of the country. Ever since Buddhism had been imported to Japan in the sixth century, Buddhists had strong religious, economic and political power. B y declaring their own power, Nobunaga and his successor, Hideyoshi, confronted the entrenched socio-religious power of Buddhism. After several protracted and fierce battles, Nobunaga finally made a truce with the Ikkoshu, a Buddhist sect. When the rulers wished to decorate their castles to show their power, the cultural and socio-economic basis to support it already existed among the middle class urban citizens. It was through the wall and screen paintings executed for these castles that the Momoyama style of painting emerged Under these circumstances, the new style paintings became objects of less religious admiration, and showed more idealistic world on the earth or everyday life, such as Kano Eitoku's Plum Tree and Water Birds (Fig. 6), Hasegawa Tohaku's Maple Tree (Fig. 7) and In-and-Around-Kyoto screens (Fig. 8-9). The more static, somber and 4 7 The battle caused by the dispute about the succession o f Ashikaga Shogun, head o f the Muromachi Government. 4 8 Sato 109-110, 114. 4 9 Sato 114. 18 ethereal ink washes of the Buddhist style gave way to large-scale paintings with dynamic and bold composition and various vivid colours, indicating socio-economical prosperity rather than Buddhist spirituality. Screens and paper sliding doors were decorated with bright, rich colours against gold leaf. In these lavish paintings, idealized spaces of mountains and valleys with beautiful flowers and birds were represented for visual pleasure. Significantly, by the end o f the sixteenth century, actual rather than idealized space also began to be represented in screens. The so called "In-and-Around-Kyoto" (old capital of Japan) screens depict the affluent and energetic city o f Kyoto filled with more than a thousand figures of active people o f disparate classes. In these screens o f urban life, the diversity o f people is of interest, including foreigners and locals interacting in city life. The screens were also painted in the Momoyama style and lavishly filled with golden clouds for the enjoyment o f viewing. Simultaneously, a new genre painting was developed as a result o f Japanese contact with the Europeans. The pair o f World-Map-and-City screens is rare, not because o f its use o f a world map, but because it links the map to cities and to peoples. Indeed what is interesting about it is that it transforms the fluidity o f cultural diversity in the screens o f city life into categories o f cultural distinction. In other words, it becomes a site of identifying and accentuating geographical and cultural difference through such things as the arrangement o f the illustrations o f peoples and cities as w i l l be discussed in the chapters five and six. 19 3.3. Tradition of Screens In general, how were screens used and who were the patrons? Japanese have been using screens for hundreds of years, and these magnificent screens were used not only as decoration or portable partition of rooms, but also as objects of exchange. The display o f wealth through the use o f expensive materials in the screens, such as gold leaf, and powders o f malachite, or lapis-lazuli , 5 0 affirms that they were made for daimyo and wealthy merchants. There is some historical documentation which supports that daimyo often used these screens as gifts or rewards, and they were greatly appreciated not only for the visual pleasure and social status that they gave to the recipient, but also for their economic value. A n example is a valuable pair of screens attributed to a famous Kano School master, Kano Eitoku, given to Alessandro Valignano (1539-1606), the Visitor of the Society of Jesus, by the de facto leader o f Japan Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582) in 1581. A s Luis Frois recorded, Nobunaga did this in spite o f Ogimachi Emperor's great desire to have i t . 5 1 In 1582, Valignano sent these screens on with the Tensh5 Christian Miss ion as a present for Pope Gregory X I I I . 5 2 To be sure this gift exchange had larger political implications: by giving an expensive gift to Valignano and not to the emperor, Nobunaga was expressing his political favour as well as displaying who was in control. Similarly as Valignano was trying to get the Jesuits' exclusive right to preach Christianity in Japan, 5 0 C . R. Boxer , "Portuguese Influence in Japanese Screens: From 1590 to 1614," Connoisseur 98 (1936): 83. 5 1 S e i i c h i Iwao, ed., Gaikokujin no Mita Nihon 1: Nanban Torai Igo (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1962) 72-73. Michae l Cooper, Tsuji Rodorigesu: Nanban no Bokensha to Dai Kokai Jidai no Nihon, Chugoku, trans. Matsumoto Tama (Tokyo: Hara Shobo, 1991) 35. Takeshi M o r i y a , "Tenkabito to Kyo to , " Fuzokuga: Rakuchu Rakugai, N i h o n Byobue Shusei 11 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1978) 133. 20 and to prevent Franciscans from coming to Japan, he needed support from Papal Rome. He must have been sure that this gift from such an important person as Nobunaga would give the Pope an impression o f the Jesuits' "success" in Japan. There are two kinds of Nanban (southern barbarians) screens. The first group has non-Japanese motifs such as foreign cities and peoples, and European society and customs (including World-Map-and-City screens), and was painted by the Jesuit trained Japanese painters. The second group has scenes of Japanese port cities and Portuguese ship(s), sometimes with a scene of an imaginary foreign city, and was painted by traditional Kano painters. Interestingly, the former with the images of foreign kings and battles has been primarily found in the households of shogun or local lords; 5 3 whereas, the latter was mainly found in port cities, 5 4 suggesting that wealthy merchants who were interested in trade or sympathetic to Christianity probably commissioned them. Another reason lords and affluent merchants might have commissioned these, could be that the figures of the Portuguese ships might have provoked Japanese rulers and merchants to images o f treasure ships which were believed to come from other worlds loaded with precious treasures. In other words, the images of Portuguese ships could have symbolized good fortune and prosperity to merchants. 5 5 The Jesuits probably produced expensive Nanban screens of the former type with European motifs as gifts for powerful 5 2 M o n e y Hickman , Japan's Golden Age Momoyama (New Haven: Yale Universi ty Press, 1996) 144. 53 Taisei Oko kibazu (European Kings on Horseback) (Kobe Ci ty Museum and Santory A r t Gallery) were found i n the Wakamatsu Castle in A i z u . Repanto Sentozu (The Battle o f Lepanto) (Kosetsu Museum) was found in the collection o f the Okubos, lord in Odawara. (See Mitsuru Sakamoto, Ogon to Kurusu, Ninngen no Bijutsu 8: A z u c h i Momoyama Jidai (Tokyo: Gakushu Kenkyflsha, 1990) 148-150.,) Taisei Fuzokuzu Byobu (Pastoral with Four Seasons) (Fukuoka C i ty A r t Gallery) was an heir loom of Kuroda Family , lord of Fukuoka. (See Tobu Bijutsukan, and Asahi Shinbunsha, Dai Zabieru Ten: Rainichi 450-shunen, Sono Shogai to Nanban Bunka no lho = St. Francis Xavier - His Life and Times (Tokyo: Tobu Bijutsukan, Asahi Shinbunsha, 1999) 140, cat. no. 184.) 5 4 Yoshi tomo Okamoto and Tadao Takamisawa, Nanban Byobu: Kaisetsu kan (Tokyo: Kaj ima Shuppankai, 1970) 193. 21 lords in order to obtain favours, since the Jesuits wanted license to spread Christianity. This is supported by historical document which indicates that Valignano instructed priests to produce Western secular painting on screens as gifts for Japanese daimyo.56 In this sense, these screens functioned as ideological gifts, which had hidden Jesuit's agenda of propagating Christianity under the guise of seductive Momoyama painting. In any case, these wealthy upper-class people would have been used to seeing screens richly decorated with gold foil , and World-Map-and-City screens would certainly have attracted these patrons. Another thing that surely enticed patrons is the visual economic prosperity depicted in World-Map-and-City screens. The representations o f the cities are all connected to the outside world by waterways, either by ocean or by river. Both the right and left screens o f World-Map-and-City screens have numerous images of large European tall ships and small local boats indicating prosperous trade. Japanese rulers o f the time did not really care for the Christian religion, but they were eager to attain economic benefit through international trade. In this sense, in spite o f the unfamiliar motifs, these representations of prosperity might have appealed to the viewers quite effectively. In terms of the direction of Japanese narrative tradition, in which written text is read from right to left, there is an interesting exception in the second group of Nanban screens with illustrations o f nao ship (Portuguese ship) and Japanese port city. Here, the main narrative develops from left to right, and the secondary one from right to left. What is interesting about it is that they were painted by traditional Kano painters who Tobu Bijutsukan, and Asahi Shinbunsha 18. 22 adopted western style narrative. In spite of their traditional Kano style painting, Kano painters also used chiaroscuro in some of the foreign figures and portraits of Jesus, showing their eager adoption of this new painting style. Although there are differences between these two groups of painters in terms of the amount of adopting western style techniques, both kept their Japanese tradition o f Momoyama painting style. Probably the retention of Momoyama style made it possible for the painters in both groups to successfully adopt western-style techniques within their familiar frame of Japanese tradition. 5 6 Grace A l i d a Hermine V l a m , Western-style Secular Painting in Momoyama Japan, Diss . , U . o f Mich igan , 1976 (Ann Arbor , Mich igan : Universi ty Microf i lms International, 1979) 9. 23 IV. European Prototypes of World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City Screens The pair of World-Map-and-City screens are eight-fold and were probably produced between 1611 and 1614, based on several European prototypes. The major prototype is the 1609 edition o f a world map produced by a Dutch map publisher and carver, Petrus Kaerius (1571-1646). However, this edition does not exist or has not been located yet. It is a "revised" or "pirate" edition of the world map made in 1607 by a Dutch map publisher Wi l l em Blaeu (1571-1638) (Fig. 10). 5 7 A s the 1609 edition is now believed to be the same or almost the same as the 1607 edition which exists only as a photograph, 5 8 I w i l l use the latter for comparison. Concerning the production date of World-Map-and-City screens, 1611-1614, Miyoshi Tadayoshi proposes that the earliest possible date for its creation is 1610 based on the publication date o f the original Kaerius' map in 1609. 5 9 However, I would posit that the earliest possible date is 1611, as, around this time, it would have taken at least two years to import materials from Europe because of the long distance, and because sailing ships often had to wait several months in port for the trade winds. Furthermore, I think we can suppose the date o f production to be no later than 1614 when the expulsion edict of Christians was issued and many Christians, including the Jesuit painters, immediately fled to Macao. Possibilities for creating these kinds of large screens after 1614 would be extremely slim. However, I leave open the 5 7 M i y o s h i , "P . Kaeriusu" 26. 5 8 Rodney W . Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps 1472-1700 (London: N e w Holland, 1993)273. 5 9 M i y o s h i , "P . Kaeriusu" 29. 2 4 possibility for their production in Macao after 1614, but more research is necessary to determine this. Let us examine how the prototype came to Japan. A s I noted above, the Japanese traditional view o f the world was of a two-dimensional Buddhist world. However, during his sojourn in Japan from 1549 to 1551, Francis Xavier (1506-1552) introduced the theory o f a spherical earth. It is not certain i f he had a globe or a world map to show the Japanese people. 6 0 A s previously mentioned, in 1582 three Christian lords in Kyushu (the southern island of Japan) sent the Tensho Christian Mission, comprised of four young Japanese boys, to Pope Gregory XIII . The mission was planned by Valignano, the Visitor o f the Society of Jesus, with the purpose in hand to gain financial and personnel support from the Society, to show the young Japanese boys the glory of Christendom, 6 1 and to gain the approval of the Jesuits' monopoly in Japan from the Pope. In terms o f the third purpose, it was not only because of religious and territorial competition, but also because Valignano was concerned about Spanish and Portuguese colonial views and conquistador mentality on the Japanese.6 2 When they were in Padua, Italy, the head of a botanical garden, Melchior Guilandini, gave the mission gift o f Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Theatre of the World) by Abraham Ortelius, and the first three volumes of Civitates Orbis Terrarum (Cities o f the World) by Georg Braun and Frans Hogenberg. 6 3 6 0 Unno, "Cartography" 377. 6 1 Ryogo Y u k i , Roma o Mita: Tensho Shonen Shisetsu (Have Seen Rome: Tensho Boys ' Miss ion) (Nagasaki-shi: N i h o n Ni juroku Seijin Kinenkan, 1982) 14. Sakamoto, "Nanban" 184. 6 2 V l a m 62. 6 3 Unno, "Cartography" 377. Theatrum Orbis Terrarum is a wor ld atlas published in 1570. Civitates Orbis Terrarum is a set o f city atlases, and the first three volumes were published in 1572, 1575, and 1581 respectively. 25 Eight years later, when the mission went back to Japan, they brought back a wealth of European luxury goods; printed illustrated books, Gobelin tapestries, several Italian oi l paintings, musical instruments, aristocratic clothing, jewelry, a printing press and the atlases noted above. 6 4 Prior to the return of the mission, the Japanese were no doubt familiar with Southeast Asian countries, but this was probably the first time a representation of A s i a and the rest of the world in its entirety was seen. It must have been quite astonishing and fascinating for the Japanese to learn of the existence of a larger world they had not known even existed. Although Oda Nobunaga gave audience to Father Organtino Gnecchi-Soldo (1533-1609) and Valignano on different occasions and showed keen interest in the sea route from Japan to Europe, 6 5 the maps brought back with the mission allowed previous descriptions to take on tangible form of European culture. With the return o f the mission, curiosity toward European society and culture increased. The exotic objects the mission brought back from Europe and the experiences they had during the travel, aroused not only the intelligentsia's but also commoners' curiosity. The keen interest in the world outside the borders o f Japan led to the explosion oi Nanban obsession. Although Nanban means "southern barbarian," it also takes a more fluid meaning to accommodate the arrival of European culture. Hideyoshi was one of the driving forces of Nanban vogue of which there are many documents. For example, Louis Frois (1532-1597), a Jesuit priest, reported that as early as 1586, Hideyoshi had "two furnished beds decorated with gold and all the rich 6 4 Gauvin Alexander Bai ley , Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America, 1542-1773 (Toronto: University o f Toronto Press, 1999) 65. Hickman 144. According to Unno, the first European globes and maps might have been taken to Japan by 1580. See Unno "Cartography" 377. 6 5 Unno, "Cartography" 377. 26 trappings which are to be found on luxurious beds in Europe." 6 6 A Jesuit priest and interpreter, Joao Rodriguez, also wrote in his letter to his superior, that "when [Hideyoshi] left Nagoya [in Kyushu] in Bunroku 1 [1592] to attend his stricken mother in Kyoto, all the daimyo who were in Nagoya, with their retinues, accompanied him to Miyako [i.e. Kyoto], attired in the manner of our country." 6 7 Hideyoshi also hosted a festival and told his retainers to wear Nanban clothes. The festival scene was illustrated in a pair of screens. The passion for Nanban artifacts was not confined to the ruling class. Nanban screens which illustrate the port city Nagasaki even depict ordinary people with foreign objects, such as bombasha (Portuguese pants), crucifixes and western style hats. Through the Jesuits' exchange of communication with the Society in Rome, European science, technology and cultural information reached Japan. It is most probable that this 1609 edition of the Dutch prototype came to Japan through a similar route. One must ask why the Jesuits used maps made by their enemies the Dutch Protestants? To be sure there is certain irony in the fact that for about hundred years since 1570, the Dutch were the mapmakers o f the world. They had published and revised maps with accompanying texts in Latin or Dutch. These texts were also translated into European languages. I f the British or the French wanted the best maps o f their countries, they had to buy one published in the Netherlands. Although the Dutch were Protestant and a threat to the Catholics, when it comes to maps, even the Portuguese had to rely on the Dutch maps. 6 6 Michae l Cooper, They Came to Japan : an Anthology of European Reports on Japan, 1543-1640 (Berkeley : Universi ty o f California Press, 1965) 137. 6 7 Okamoto, The Nanban Art 71-72. 6 8 M i y o s h i , "P. Kaeriusu" 17. 27 The Kaerius' 1609 prototype for World-Map-and-City screens is quite small with the image of a king measuring only 26.5 x 20.6 c m . 6 9 It is a black-and-white etching and employed modeling and perspective. Two other folding screens entitled European Kings on Horseback (Figs. 11, 12) housed at Kobe Ci ty Museum and Santory Ar t Gallery depict four kings on horseback per screen each based on the figures in the 1609 prototype. 7 0 It is believed that these two screens originally formed a pair . 7 1 The one in Kobe City Museum illustrates fighting kings with swords, and the other rather peaceful kings with scepters except for one. The posture and king's attire are almost the same as the ones in World-Map-and-City screens. However, the images of the kings are about forty times bigger than those in the prototype. 7 2 How did Japanese painters learn western painting skills and produce these grand scale Momoyama style screens? They learned western painting techniques in the Jesuits' school or seminary of painters, that is art academy, 7 3 which was established based on the Jesuits' policy o f propagating Christianity as w i l l be discussed below. The language barrier faced by the Jesuits was overcome through the use of paintings to teach catechism, stories of Jesus, and customs of the European Catholic world. A s such, paintings became very important didactic communication tools. 6 9 M i y o s h i , " J . Burau " 44. Since 1609 edition does not exist, we have to use W i l l e m Blaeu ' s 1607 edition, the prototype o f the 1609. However, 1607 edition exists only as a photograph. J. Braeu, son o f W i l l e m Blaeu, created 1645/46 edition. Fortunately for us, at that time he used the cupper plates o f all the marginal decorations made for the 1607 edition, including the figures o f the kings on horseback. Based on this 1645/46 edition, we know the size o f the figures in the 1609 edition. 7 0 The size o f each screen: Kobe C i ty Museum (166.2 x 468 cm), Santory Ar t Gal lery (168 x 231 cm). 7 1 Mi tsuru Sakamoto, Tadashi Sugase, and Fujio Naruse, Nanban Bijutsu to Ydfuga, Genshoku N i h o n no Bijutsu 25 (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1970) 37. It is also believed that they were kept at Wakamatsu Castle i n A i z u . 7 2 Tadayoshi M i y o s h i , Zusetsu Sekai Kochizu Korekushon, Fukuro no H o n (Tokyo: Kawade Shob5 Shinsha, 1999) 30. 7 3 Ba i l ey 66. 28 A s this style of pedagogy was used not only in Japan, but also in many places such as China, India and Latin America, there was a great demand for religious paintings. Luis Frois, a Jesuit priest, sent a letter dated December 13^ 1584 to the General in Rome asking for 50,000 devotional images. 7 4 Another priest left Europe with 1,000 paintings, but by the time he arrived in Japan, he had hardly any because of the great demand for these paintings en route to Japan. 7 5 Under these circumstances, and also as it took almost two years to receive anything from Europe, the Jesuits set up seminaries in Japan where they taught not only religion and languages, but also painting. A Japanese Jesuit art academy was established by Valignano in 1583 in Arima, Takaku Region of Kyushu, and an Italian painter, engraver and sculptor, Giovanni Niccolo (1563-1626) was chosen as its director. 7 6 Similar to other Jesuits' churches, the seminary o f painters changed location 77 many times between 1583 to 1614. According to Okamoto Yoshitomo, however, until 1590 nothing is known concerning the Jesuits' activities in art instructions. Students were "sons of gentlemen and noble persons." 7 9 Some o f them learned painting, printing or engraving depending on their interests in addition to standard curriculum. Those who were interested in painting learned western style painting techniques, including chiaroscuro and linear perspective. These new techniques, however, stayed basically among Christian painters, 7 4 Ba i ley 66. 7 5 Mi t suru Sakamoto, Grace A . V l a m , and Yoich i ro Ide, Fuzokuga : Nanban Fuzoku, N i h o n Byobue Shusei 15 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1979) 128. Ba i ley 66. 1 6 Ba i l ey 66. For information on Japanese and Chinese students including their names, see Bai ley 67, 70-72, Sakamoto, V l a m and Ide, Fuzokuga 127-128, and Tamon M i k i , "The Influence o f Western Culture o f Japanese Ar t , " Monumenta Nipponica: Studies on Japanese Culture, Past and Present 19 (1964): 150-151. 7 7 See the dates and places o f the move: Ba i ley 67. 7 8 Okamoto, Namban Art 101. 7 9 J.F. Moran , The Japanese and the Jesuits: Alessandro Valignano in Sixteenth-Century Japan (London: Routledge, 1993) 13. 8 0 Okamoto, Namban Art 103. 29 and the vast majority of paintings outside the Jesuits' seminary were done in Kano (official painting school) style. As noted above, even the second group of Nanban paintings, which were created around the same time as World-Map-and-City screens and illustrate nao ships and the procession of Portuguese merchants, were done by Kano style. Japanese Christian painters used western religious and secular paintings as their models, and in a few years, their skills developed significantly. Although Jesuits priests were not necessarily art specialists, they maintained that they could not distinguish Japanese painters' works from the originals. 8 1 "...[T]he Seminary o f painters was capable of producing art on a grand scale beyond anything else available in Asia , ... and it 82 * consequently became a model for missions everywhere." Japanese paintings were even exported to Europe. Although the painters learned western style painting techniques, World-Map-and-City screens show a synthesis of western and Japanese painting traditions. It was not common at this time in Japan to paint a portrait o f a single person in a natural setting, as seen in World-Map-and-City screens. Japanese portraits o f the day usually represented people in a field o f colour as opposed to a realistic space. For example, portraits of Japanese Buddhist monks were normally painted in sitting posture on the floor or on a chair set against a background of one color. Further representational shift in the screens under investigation is evidenced by the fact that there were no portraits of cities without people until this time. A s previously stated, so called In-and-Around-Kyoto screens depict a bustling urban space filled with literally thousands 1 1 Bai ley 68. 1 2 Bai ley 71. 30 animated figures. Moreover, the motifs of World-Map-and-City screens are totally western and new to the Japanese. These unfamiliar motifs and style introduced by the images o f the West enabled Japanese painters to appropriate and reconfigure them accordingly to transform them into the representations on the screens. The western motifs were transformed from a small etched black-and-white prototype into a large-sized, traditional Japanese screens in the Momoyama style. The synthesis of east and west was envisioned with decorated frames, shining gold leaf background, and brilliant colours. Furthermore, according to art historian Sakamoto Mitsuru, under each representation of peoples there were once texts, although at some point they were erased. 8 3 This could be evidence to suggest that the screens were made for decoration rather than to impart knowledge o f the world which was the primary purpose of the prototype. B y eliminating most of the text from the world map and completely eliminating the labels of the figures of the peoples and the cities, the painters changed the scientific world map and encyclopedic informational chart in the prototype into a pair of grand scale decorative Japanese screens. 1 3 Tobu Bijutsukan, and Asah i Shinbunsha 17. 31 V . The Twenty-Eight-City Screen and The Battle of Lepanto 5.1. Figures of Kings Let us examine the individual screens. For the purpose o f convenience, the term "Twenty-Eight-City screen" is used for the folding screen which has city scenes and figures of kings, and the term " World-Map screen" is used for the other which has a world map and figures of peoples. A s noted above, Japanese painters used Japanese painting and other Japanese cultural traditions to introduce these unfamiliar motifs to Japanese viewers. Simultaneously, however, they also transferred the Jesuits' view of the world. Japanese painters modified prototypes made by the Dutch, who were the predominant mapmakers of the world, and represented the Jesuits' views by using the following process. A s stated earlier, during the early seventeenth century, Christians in Japan were in a precarious situation. Although they used the screens as one means of communication to spread Christianity, they probably could not explicitly show Christian iconography in the screen. Therefore their agenda of glorifying Christendom and Portugal had to be subtly incorporated into the representation. What is painted on the screens is not just scenery or events at a certain time in history, but the results of the relationship between historical events and the current situation in which the Jesuits were presently dealing. The kings are depicted in the top row of the screen as seen below. 32 Holy Roman Emperor Turkish-K i n g Spanish K i n g Henry IV, French K i n g Grand Duke of Moscow K i n g of Tartar Abyssinian K i n g Persian K i n g Lisbon Seville Constantinople Rome Venice Mexico Portugal They are on horseback, with their colorful capes and scarves cling to their bodies or fly in the air. Their clothes and headgear, as wel l as riding equipment are opulently decorated in spite o f the suggestive fighting scenes. These kings and emperors are depicted in pairs, and a Sultan, the Turkish king, is also included. As I mentioned above Christians were constantly under siege from the forces of Islam. The Moors had been in the Iberian Peninsula for hundreds of years and the last Moorish city of Granada was not recaptured by the Spanish until 1492. A s well , in eastern Europe, the Ottomans and the Venetian Republic had been fighting over their border for years, making the victory of Christendom over the Muslims in 1571 at the Battle of Lepanto, a very important and significant event to the Christians as summarized below. The Battle between Christendom (the Ho ly League) and the Ottoman Empire, was over the imaginary border between East and West. In 1571, the Ottoman Empire was invading Cyprus, which at that time was a part of the Venetian Republic. The Ottoman Empire had been eroding Venetian territory for years and the Venetian Republic, the rearguard of Western Europe, appealed for help from other Christian powers. The Christian fleet, consisting o f ships from Spain, Sici ly, Genoa, Naples, Mal ta and Venice, was formed to prohibit further invasions by the Musl ims into Christian lands. The Christian forces were led by the 24 year-old son of Charles V , the king of Spain. 33 The naval battle took place in the water opposite the port city Lepanto (present-day Nafpaktos on Corinthian Bay, Greece). 8 4 The battle had an ideological resonance, and as well political and religious victory had a significant implications. The victory o f the Christian fleet displayed not only the supremacy of Christian power over Islamic power, but also established a firmer relationship between the H o l y League countries and the Vatican. The Holy League, especially Spain, gained maritime power and France stopped supporting the Netherlands. Furthermore, the military union of the British and the French against Spain was abandoned. 8 5 The victory was so important to Christendom that many painters, including the Jesuit-trained Japanese painters, Tintoretto, Andrea Vicentino, and Veronese chose to depict these battle scenes showing Catholic ascendancy over Islam. The Jesuits also used this method to show the dominance of the Catholic power over the renegade Christian Protestants in Amsterdam and Antwerp, who were symbols o f Protestant power and another threat to Catholic dominance as discussed above. "So important was this battle to the Christian cause that Valignano described and explained it in De Missione Legatorum for the clearer understanding o f the Japanese."8 6 The theme o f a pair of six-fold Battle-of-Lepanto screens 5 7 (Fig. 3) depicts this battle; the Battle o f Lepanto is depicted on one screen, and the world map and the figures o f peoples on the other. The pair was created at the beginning o f the seventeenth century, probably shortly after the production of World-Map-and-City screens. The foreground of Battle-of-Lepanto screen portrays a crowded battle scene: the H o l y League is depicted on the left, led by the Holy Roman Emperor in a chariot. On the right are the 8 4 Nishimura, "Repanto" 9. Nishimura spells the name of the city as Naupaktos. 8 5 Nishimura, "Repanto" 10. 8 6 V l a m l 2 8 . 8 7 Housed at Kosetsu Ar t Museum, Kobe . 153.5 x 370.0 cm. . 3 4 representations of a Turkish fort, and an army including two huge elephants. The Holy League swiftly surges to the right, crossing a bridge, causing chaos among the Turks. The top half is the ocean battle scene. The figures o f two firing tall ships with banners, which are marked S, R, and/or SPQR (Senatus Populusque Romanus), are illustrated facing Turkish battle ships on the right. The narrative in this screen starts from the left based on western tradition, whereas traditional Japanese style scalloped golden clouds are seen at the very top of the screen. The very well organized Holy League as opposed to the confused Turkish army unmistakably gives the impression of the former's power and victory. How were these concerns translated into the Twenty-Eight-City screen? In order to give a victorious impression to this unstable Catholic world, the victory of the Battle of Lepanto, among other things, was implied in the images of the kings and the cities. The victory of the battle is emphasized three times at the top of the screen. First, the Spanish king, the leader of the Battle of Lepanto, is placed right above the image of Constantinople, Turkey, the defeated Islamic country. Second, the Turkish king, the second image from the top left is placed in-between the Spanish king and the Holy Roman Emperor, Rudolf II, the figure at the top left. Third, the Turkish K ing is located above Seville, Spain. The representation o f these three overlapping relationships strongly signifies the importance of the victory for Christendom. At the same time, ironically, it indicates how it was difficult to maintain the victorious situation because they seem to need to stress their Holy Roman Emperor Turkish King Spanish King French King Lisbon Seville Constanti-nople Rome 35 victory and prowess repeatedly. This was probably because of the problems the Catholics and the Jesuits had both in Japan and in Europe. Henry I V (1553-1610), the King of France, the figure right above Rome, is paired in the screen with the Spanish king, making this the only pair which does not include a non-Christian or non-Caucasian king. Furthermore, the fact they are placed right above Rome and Constantinople, Turkey, the Islamic country defeated at the Battle Holy Roman Emperor Turkish King Spanish King Henry IV, French King Grand Duke of Moscow King of Tartar Abyssinian King Persian King Lisbon Seville Constantinople Rome Venice Mexico Portugal of Lepanto, illustrates their power over the Muslims, which justifies their vital central position in the screen. The importance of these kings is stressed further by the selection of Henry I V , the king of France, a country which had been religiously divided in two, Catholic and Protestant. Henry IV was brought up in the strict principles of Protestantism, but in 1593 he converted back to Roman Catholicism for the second and final time. In 1598, he signed the Edict of Nantes, which confirmed Roman Catholicism 88 as the state religion but admitted a large measure o f religious freedom for Protestants. Henry IV, while concerned with the peace and stability of France, strongly supported Catholicism. 8 8 James L. M c C l a i n , John M . Merriman, and Kaoru Ugawa, Edo and Paris: Urban Life and the State in the Early Modern Era (Ithaca: Cornel l University Press, 1994) 7. 36 Art historian, Nishimura Tei, believes that the second image from the right is K ing David (d. 1540) of Abyssinia, present-day Ethiopia. 8 9 He is shown as a figure peacefully sitting on horseback with a scepter rather than a sword. The Ethiopians believed they were the descendants of King Solomon, and have been Christians since the time of the Bible. Also Ethiopian aristocrats were not allowed to become Musl ims. 9 0 What is important about the image of K i n g David is that he represents another king who fiercely fought against the Turkish invasion in the sixteenth century and led Abyssinia to victory, although he was killed during the battle.9 1 Similar to the Abyssinian king, the Persian king and the Grand Duke of Moscow are also depicted as the kings who defeated G O the Turks and the Tartars respectively. " The images of the Chinese and the English kings that are among the ten kings in the 1609 prototype were not included in the screen. Why were they not chosen? As for the image of the Chinese king, Miyoshi Tadayoshi suggests that the image does not look like a Chinese thus the painter did not choose i t . 9 3 Probably that is one of the reasons, and the Japanese painters must have used their own knowledge of the Chinese rather than European knowledge in making this decision. However, as wil l be discussed below, a Japanese woman is represented with curly long hair, which does not look like a Japanese, either, and yet it is represented in the screen. Consequently, I would rather suggest that there may be a more significant reason. That is, the religion of neither China nor England was Catholicism or Islam, and adding their figures would not support glorification of Catholicism. In case of China, during the late Ming (1368-1644) period, 8 9 T e i Nishimura, "Taisei Ozoku K i b a Gazo n i tsuite: Jo," Kokka 746 (May 1954): 141. 9 0 Nishimura, "Taisei...: Jo 141-142. 9 1 Nishimura, "Taisei...: Jo" 151. 9 2 Miyosh i , "J. Burau" 45. 37 the Chinese had Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. Besides these three, there were unifying movement of these three practices as well as sectarian religions. Under these circumstances, the Jesuits could not determine i f they were religions in Christian terms.9 4 A Jesuit priest, Diego de Pantoja, who was in Peking from 1601 to 1617, even reported that the Chinese were atheists.95 As for England, the King Henry VIII, declared the Church of England as the state religion in 1534 and rejected Roman Catholicism. If the Chinese and the English had been Muslims, their figures could have been used as "defeated" or "evil" kings. Therefore neither country would help emphasize the victory of Catholicism over Islam or Catholic power over Protestantism; there would be no use adding them to the screen. In the lower portion of the screen, the victory of the Battle of Lepanto and the Catholic check on Protestant power are implied, as w i l l be examined below, but they are not nearly as obvious as on the upper portion of the screen. However, these figures of Catholic and Islamic kings, including a Catholic king who put Protestants under his control, were portrayed here thus giving a more definite visual impact of Catholic dominance over Islam and Protestantism to the viewers. 9 3 M i y o s h i , "P. Kaeriusu" 29. 9 4 A n n Waltner, "Demerits and Deadly Sins: Jesuit M o r a l Tracts in Late M i n g China," Implicit Understandings: Observing, Reporting, and Reflecting on the Encounters Between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modern Era, ed. Stuart B . Schwartz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) 427. 9 5 Waltner 425. 38 5.2 City Scenes 1609-edition Prototype Kings on Horseback Cities W o r l d Map Cities Peoples Encyclopedic Information Beneath the kings, the images of the twenty-eight cities are neatly arranged. In the 1609-edition prototype, primary importance was given to the world map compared to its surrounding images and encyclopedic information. Whereas, in the pair of World-Map-and-City screens, the world map and the cities share equal importance. Rather than giving detailed geographical information as in the prototype, Japanese painters' attention seemed to be drawn to the World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City Screens peoples peoples World Map World-Map Screen Twenty-Eight-City Screen representation of the peoples and the cities. They are more tangible, vivid and "exotic" compared to the world map, an abstract concept of space, and they must have provoked the painters' imagination. This is probably why World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City 39 screens show an equal treatment of tile world map and the cities. That there are two screens entitled European Kings on Horseback (Fig. 11, 12) which depict images of kings suggesting that the painters were not solely interested in world maps. The portraits of cities below the figures of kings further support the demonstration of Catholic power and dominance. The names of the cities in the first row Twenty-Eight-City Screen H o l y Roman Emperor Turkish King Spanish King Henry I V , French K i n g Grand Duke of Moscow King of Tartar Abyssinian K i n g Persian King Lisbon Seville Constantinople Rome Venice Mexico Portugal Danzig Hamburg London Hormuz Amsterdam Aden, Yemen Bergen, Norway Stockholm Genoa Bantam, Indonesia Cologne Frankfurt Prague Goa Alexandria Moscow Antwerp Mozambique Cuzco, Peru Cefala, Africa Calichut Paris from left to right are: Lisbon; Seville; Constantinople; Rome; Venice; Mexico and a map of Portugal which is turned sideways. In the second row from left to right are: Danzig, Poland; Hamburg; London; Hormuz at the Persian Gulf; Amsterdam and Aden, Yemen. 9 6 In the third row from left to right are: Bergen, Norway; Stockholm; Genoa; Bantam, Indonesia; Cologne; Frankfurt; Prague and Goa. In the fourth row from left to right are: Alexandria; Moscow; Antwerp; Mozambique; Cuzco; Cefala, Africa; Calichut and Paris. 9 7 Many Asian and African port cities were Portuguese strongholds along the trade route. Mexico and Cuzco were centers of the silver trade.9 8 9 6 Mitsuru Sakamoto switched Hamburg and Antwerp i n Dai Zabieru Ten. I have checked Civitates Orbis Terrarum, which is the prototype o f the city maps o f the 1607 edition, and confirmed that Hamburg should be in the second row in the screen and Antwerp in the fourth row. Miyoshi 's table of the cities agrees with Civitates. See: Tobu Bijutsukan, and Asahi Shinbunsha 16. Miyosh i , "P. Kaerius" 40. 9 7 The names o f the cities are from: M i y o s h i , "P. Kaerius" 40. 9 8 V l a m l 6 0 . 40 Similar concerns as those applied to the images of the kings, were translated into the city scenes. The victory of the Battle of Lepanto is implied in the first row by placing the allies, Seville and Venice, and their enemy Constantinople on both sides of Rome. Next to Venice is the city map of Mexico. Although Mexico might give an odd impression to this battle between Christendom and the Muslims, it was closely related to Christian power. Hernando Cortes (1485-1547), a Spaniard, ordered it drawn upon his "conquest" of Mexico in 1542, and presented it to King Charles V (1500-1558), the King of Spain, claiming Mexico for Spain, thus Mexico was called New Spain. Its depiction not only implies the victory of the Spanish, who were the leaders of the Battle of Lepanto, which was the last battle of the Crusade," but also shows that Mexico is a symbol of all other heathen countries which were converted or have to be converted to Christianity. This imports the notion of colonialism. Naming a place which was newly "discovered" "New World" or "New Spain" shows the arrogance of the Europeans for whom the world they did not know did not exist . 1 0 0 Mapping and naming in the late sixteenth century were not only the search for the true shape of the world, but also "the political and economic strategies for the Crown, as well as the religious crusade engineered by Rome." 1 0 1 The screen conceals these characteristics of colonialism under the guise of the orderly and peaceful look of the cities. In terms of the arrangement of the cities, the Japanese tradition of narrative paintings which starts from the right, was used. A large map of Portugal is at the very important starting point in the upper right-hand comer of the screen. Also, by placing a 9 9 Nishimura, "Repanto" 7. 1 0 0 Walter Migno lo , "Putting the Americas on the M a p : Cartography and the Colonizat ion o f Space," The Darker Side of the Renaissance (Ann Arbor: University o f Mich igan Press, 1995): 259. 1 0 1 M i g n o l o 288. 41 large map on the right, the symmetrical balance seen in the prototype was broken. Asymmetrical composition used in Japanese architecture, flower arrangement and painting had been a familiar visual language to the Japanese, and it was effectively used to introduce these unfamiliar scenes of foreign cities. The fact that the map of Portugal takes the largest space in the screen emphasizes its importance. Above all, in the prototype, a map and the crest of Portugal are not included, as wi l l be discussed below, but the painters added them in the screen. Moreover, Lisbon and Portugal, placed as they are at the both ends, create the borders thus representing the notion of Portuguese power and legitimacy, enforced by the Pope in Rome, who is located in the very center of the screen. Certainly this kind of notion was not shared with everyone, especially with the Japanese who did not know about these ruptures in the world. However when the Jesuits gave this kind of gift to a Japanese lord, they would certainly have explained what Portugal and Rome meant, what these buildings were, and so on, and thus it would have become a means of communication and control, as well as education. As stated above, because the Battle of Lepanto was very important, Valignano clearly described it for the Japanese Christians. As Japanese Christians faced the strict rules and harsh punishment of the government everyday, the meaning and the importance of the Battle of Lepanto might have been well-known at least among Christian painters. Therefore, the screens like this pair of World-Map-and-City screens and Battle-of-Lepanto screens among others could have been used to reinforce Christian value and unity. Up to this juncture I have argued that images of the cities and the kings indicate three things: the Battle of Lepanto, and the supremacy of Christian and 42 Portuguese power. On the screen, other interesting exchanges have taken place that would add a new aspect to it. The 1609-edition world map has twenty-eight city scenes, which probably did not include the city of Rome. It is interesting to note that in the screen, the painters replaced the city of Gammalamma of Moluccas in Indonesia, 1 0 3 with that of Rome which was taken from the biography of Ignatius Loyola (1609) entitled Vita Beati Patris Ignatii Loyolae, Societatis Iesu Fundatoris (Fig. 13 ) . 1 0 4 Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556) was the founder of the Jesuits, and the adoption of the city map of Rome from his biography has an ideological implication. The source of most of the cities in the 1609 edition and its 1607 prototype is Civitates Orbis Terrarum. If the 1609 edition of the Dutch world map had Rome in it, probably it would have used the city map of Rome in Civitates Orbis Terrarum (Fig. 14), that is, it would be more realistic than this heavily religiously biased map in the screen. 1 0 5 The map from the Loyola biography (Fig. 13) shows the Headquarters of the Jesuits, the Church of the Gesu (A) and the University of Rome (B) right in the centre and they are much larger than the rest of the buildings. Other noticeable buildings are nearly all Jesuit related and are depicted in the more central area of Rome than their actual location. Castel Sanf Angelo, the papal fortress, is also represented in a large " " V l a m 128. 1 0 3 Miyosh i , "P. Kaeriusu" 29. It is also called Spice Islands because Moluccas produce spices (Ternate, Moluccas. ^mU&T-lV-i-TM}). 1 0 4 Sakamoto says that it was published in 1610. See his "Nanban" p . l 88. According to a bibliographic record in an online database "WorldCat," the publication date o f the biography is 1609. See the following title in "WorldCat": Galle, Comelis . Vita Bean Patris Ignatii Loyolae, Societatis Iesu Fundatoris. Romae: [s.n.], 1609. The map was published in Antwerp in ca. 1610. See Thomas M . Lucas, ed. Saint, Site and Sacred Strategy: Ignatius, Rome and Jesuit Urbanism : Catalogue of the Exhibition : Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Citta del Vaticano: Bibl ioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1990) 133. 1 0 5 A l so , the map from the biography was published in 1609 in Rome and 1610 in Antwerp, whereas Kaerius' prototype was published in 1609 in Amsterdam. Therefore the city map from the biography could not have been in the Kaerius' 1609 prototype unless the 1609 city map of Rome published in Rome was used. Under these circumstances, I would argue that the city map o f Gammalamma in the Kaerius' 1609 43 scale on the left. Compared to the city map of Rome in Civitates Orbis Terrarum, this apparently emphasizes the Jesuits' Headquarters and other Jesuit buildings, and shows their close ties to the seat of the Pope. However, only a small part of the east end of the Vatican is represented in the periphery, and the Palazzo San Marco (modern Palazzo Venezia), the papal residence, completely disappears; 1 0 6 a strong indication that Uiis is the Jesuits' Rome, and not Papal Rome. Although the representations of the Jesuits' buildings are erroneous, by purposely presenting them larger than real size, the map gives the impression of the importance and authority of the Jesuits in Rome. When the map was shown to people, it is most likely that they accepted the scene as true. 1 0 7 Moreover, the fact that this city map was specifically chosen and that it is located right in the center of the screen, signifies the righteousness and religious supremacy of the Jesuits' Headquarters in Rome, and the political and religious dominance of Catholic Rome in the world. Miyoshi Tadayoshi points out that Turkey, Spain and Italy are commonly depicted in three sets of screens. They are: a pair of World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight City screens, that is the screens under investigation, a pair of Battle-of-Lepanto-and-World-Map screens (Fig. 3-4) as noted above, and a pair of Four-City-and- World-Map screens (Fig. 15-16). They were produced around the same time, but probably in this order, and deal with a similar theme: world map and peoples. 1 0 8 The depiction of Italy, Spain and Turkey in all these screens seems to indicate die Battle of Lepanto. Four-City-and-prototype was replaced with the city map from the biography which is represented in the Twenty-Eight-City Screen. For the production dates of the city map o f Rome in the biography, see: Lucas 133. 1 0 6 Lucas 134. 1 0 7 As M i c h e l Foucault has written: "knowledge linked to power, not only assumes the authority of'the truth' but has the power to make itself true." See. Stuart H a l l , Representation. Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (London: Sage Publications, 1997): 49. 1 0 8 Miyosh i , "P. Kaeriusu" 31. 4 4 World-Map screens include four cities: Lisbon, Seville, Rome and Constantinople, in this order from left to right. The city scenes of Lisbon, Seville and Constantinople were also chosen from the Kaerius' 1609 prototype, and the city map of Rome from the biography of the founder of the Jesuits, Ignatius Loyola. The selection and the arrangement of the cities clearly indicates religious conflict between Catholicism and Islam, and their power relationship, that is, powerful Catholicism represented by three cities versus defeated Islam, represented by only one city. They thus also confirm the importance of the victory of Christendom over the Muslims. With the advent of the commodification of the world maps at the end of the sixteenth century in Europe, 1 0 9 visual representations of the cities and the peoples were added, as well as encyclopedic information on the margins. People were able to buy world maps with or without some of 1609-edition Prototype the decorations on the margins. The 1609-edition world map is framed by the images of the kings on top, the cities on two sides and peoples on three sides, with the text of encyclopedic information at the outer edges. World maps showed not only the geographical shape of the "real world," but were symbol of science and technology of "advanced European civilization." Therefore, the importance of the Dutch world map was the map itself, and the surrounding images and information were secondary. What is interesting about the city screen is that the Japanese Kings on Horseback W o r l d M a p Cities Cities Peoples Encyclopedic Information 45 painters transferred the city scenes, the secondary information in the prototype, not only into a glorious Christian world but also into magnificent Utopia, not a "real world," for the pleasure of viewing. 5.3. Urban Space: In-and-Around-Kydto Screens Interestingly enough, Japan also had a tradition of representation of urban space on screens. These screens, as noted above, do not have individual titles and are called "In-and-Around-Kydto screens." Being different from Twenty-Eight-City screen, the buildings and the streets are usually named, thus these functioned as a kind of travel guide, and as such were very popular. The pair of screens housed at the T6ky5 National Museum (Fig. 8-9), 1 1 0 which is generally called Funaki-ke-bon or Funaki-bon (The Funaki family edition) to distinguish it from other In-and-Around-Kydto screens were probably produced at the beginning of Genna period (1615-1624). 1 1 1 It represents Kyoto around 1616-1617, depicting about 2,500 animated figures, 1 1 2 the famous places, festivals and everyday-life activities, such as rice planting, flower viewing, swimming, caring for children, alms-giving, and dancing, and invites the viewers to walk through the city. Although the golden clouds interrupt the view of some streets, they are named, and are not too difficult to follow. Based on the traditional Japanese narrative scrolls, the viewer reads the screens from right to left. 1 0 9 Miyosh i , "P. Kaeriusu" 20. . . 1 1 0 Funaki-ke-bon (Funaki Family edition) (163 x 351 cm) 1 1 1 Nobuo Tsuji, "Funaki-ke KyuzSbon Rakuchu Rakugaizu Byobu no Kento," Nihon Bydbue Shusei 11: Fuzokuga: Rakuchu Rakugai(Tokyo: Kodansha, 1978) 128. 1 1 2 Tsuji 124. 46 It is meaningful to compare In-and-Around-Kyoto screens with Twenty-Eight-City screen, because it sheds some light on the different perception of city space between the Japanese and the Europeans, and shows how Japanese painters adopted or did not adopt the European concept of urban space. It also brings out social and religious effects on people's views of city space at the beginning of the seventeenth century in Japan and Europe. In-and-Around-Kyoto screens depict people's actual space and their whole range of daily experiences including peaceful, confused and violent moments. People from various classes and foreigners all intermingle; whereas, Twenty-Eight-City screen represents the city as a Utopia, a perfect universe of God's creation. Order is assured by eliminating people who are the cause o f troubles from the city scenes, and by using a high view point. Both sets of screens represent commercial activities which might have attracted patrons. Twenty-Eight-City screen illustrates port cities surrounded by numerous tall ships and small boats. However, since there are no representations of working people on the shores or the details o f individual trade, the cities are isolated from these ships. In this case, as Louis Mar in says, the city is not to be read as a work place. It is rather, the place of virtue and glory, commerce and exchange. In other words, it is presented as a space o f communication and of ethical and political transmission. It is a commercial and economic space, not a place for the production of goods or the transforming of nature. 1 1 3 Contrary to this, In-and-Around-Kyoto screens show all kinds of trades and hard working people. Some o f the commodities represented are: fabric, swords, umbrellas, medicine, furniture, fans, books, hanging scrolls, lacquer ware, go (Japanese board game), lumber, " 3 L o u i s Mar in , "The City's Portrait in its Utopic ," Utopics: Spatial Play (Atlantic Highlands, N . J . : Humanity Press, 1984) 214. 47 and painting. There are also restaurants, a barbershop, carriage services, and postal services (like the Pony Express) alongside coopers and fanners. In-and-Around-Kyoto screens emphasize the space of social and economic exchange in an early modern city as well as leisure activities. There are representations of the famous Gion Festival (the left screen, top of the 1-3 folds), kabuki (Japanese traditional theater (right screen, top of the 6th fold), puppetry (the right screen, middle of the 4-5 folds), dancing on the bridge (the left screen, the 5th fold), and the prostitute district (the right screen, bottom o f the 5-6 folds and the first fold o f the left screen). People are also depicted as playing with children on the street and swimming, sightseeing, and window-shopping. In Twenty-Eight-City screen, however, there are no images of people, which are quite often included in Civitates Orbis Terrarum, the prototype of the 1609 edition. The four sides of the representations o f the cities are framed by boundaries, making it hard for human existence and activities. Whereas, In-and-Around-Kyoto screens have no boundaries until the viewers come to the edge o f the city, which is surrounded by a square frame. Yet the streets keep stretching, the river keeps flowing and the people's activities continue under the frame to the outside world. The images of the cities in Twenty-Eight-City screen are also connected to each other by water, thus to the outside world, but the activities seem much quieter there. Both sets of screens have a bird's-eye view, offering the panoramic sight of the cities. However the view point of Twenty-Eight-City screen is much higher than that o f In-and-Around-Kyoto screens, and gives the impression o f God's authority with its detached look. Some cities have a view point directly above a city, such as Paris, while the eye level view of Danzig and Aden are extremely low. Nevertheless, wherever the 48 eye levels are, all the scenes imply the existence of omniscient God; whereas the view point of In-and-Around-Kyoto screens is much closer to the ground, as i f the city were seen from a nearby hilltop. It would seem that the scene implies the existence o f a human eye rather than a divine eye; the mundane as opposed to the supramundane. When the viewers are high above on the hilltop, they have the pleasure o f seeing the whole, and have an illusion of seeing everything. However, all one can see is the spectacle of the city: its affluence, its energy, and the hubbub rising from the ground, but details are effaced. On the other hand, while they are in the city, they are the text of the urban space and thus only a part of it is revealed to them. In Twenty-Eight-City screen, the cities exist in the far distance. The ancient human dream of flying above the earth and having such an all-embracing view from above as only God could attain was here satisfied. To the exploration of his located, but intense and penetrating eye, the city holds no secrets: its overall shape, the layout of its streets, the architectonic features of its most prominent buildings are all revealed at a single glance. 1 1 4 One sees the distinctive pattern o f the cities but it does not open up a space in which to visually move about as the other city screen does. Viewers would feel as i f they could move through the space between the buildings that are neatly arranged on both sides o f the streets. A s the viewers walk from one city to another, the space reveals to the viewers a new world they did not know, giving the pleasure and excitement of discovering new places. Nevertheless as the viewers walk through the city, all they see is the facade of the buildings and an uninhabited and deserted place, and it is visible yet opaque urban space but decidedly an unproblematic city. Henri Lefebvre observes that a facade 49 "implies a front and a back - what is shown and what is not shown." 1 1 5 Anxious details or problems are out o f sight behind this utopic facade. This is a representation o f space where readability is reduced to a surface which simultaneously claims to be transparent and free from problems. 1 1 6 We are invited to view and admire the surface as i f it were a religious icon, but not to participate as with the other screens. According to art historian, Ishida Hisatoyo, In-and-Around-Kydto screens were made in such a way that i f the screens were set up face to face, viewers in-between the screens would feel as i f they were in an actual city space. 1 1 7 When the viewers move through In-and-Around-Kydto screens, the space reveals the world known to them, thus engaging them differently from Twenty-Eight-City screen. Part o f the pleasure of walking in a city is to be reminded of what it means to be a resident o f the city, to see themselves or their neighbours, or to see something unexpected. Because spaces are always in flux, familiar things disappear and new things emerge, providing more memories to the extent that a city is full of "presences of diverse absences." 1 1 8 Naming a place is giving the place an identity. It is a signifier which brings a whole series o f images related to it. The proper names "seem to be carried as emblems by the travelers, they direct and simultaneously decorate." 1 1 9 In contrast to this "nowness" with all the names which are valid only at this moment o f history, the nameless and beautiful cities 1 1 4 L u c i a Nu t i , "Mapping Places: Chorography and V i s i o n in the Renaissance," Mappings, ed. by Denis Cosgrove (London: Reaction Books, 1999) 101. 1 1 5 Henr i Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Oxford: B l ackwe l l , 1991) 273. " 6 L y n n Stewart, "Bodies, Vis ions , and Spatial Poli t ics: A Review Essay on Henr i Lefebvre's The Production o f Space," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 13 (1995): 611. 1 1 7 Sakamoto, "Ogon" 31. However, Tsuji Nobuo states that the Funaki-ke Kyuzobon , In-and-Around-Kydto screens, is an exception with only one viewpoint, thus the pair o f screens should be placed side by side and the urban scenes are continuous. See Tsuji "Funaki-ke" 122. " 8 M i c h e l de Certeau, "Walking in the Ci ty , " The Practice of Everyday Life, trans, by Steven Rendall (Berkeley: Universi ty o f California Press, 1984): 108. 50 and kings in Twenty-Eight-City screen are timeless and utopic, and unsullied by the everyday. A l l the cities uniformly fit in their boundaries, suggesting coherence and homogeneity as i f to visually imply God's order. People, who introduce the possibility of the unexpected, are removed from the city scenes to World-Map screen, making the scenes unproblematic and motionless. Compared to this utopic space of Twenty-Eight-City screen, In-and-Around-Kydto screens display a lived and heterogeneous space, and a space of everyday life for all classes of people, including courtiers and commoners. They are all engaged in activities, experiencing the city, as well as creating the text of the city without being able to read i t . 1 2 0 This is a space of abundance and energy. Animated bodies fi l l every corner of the city. People walk, run or even dance through the city, enjoying the pleasure of experiencing the familiar world as it is revealed in front of their eyes with every step they take. In a lived city, there are fights, beggars, and prostitutes, as well as samurai who transgress societal norms by sneaking into the famous pleasure district. They shield their guilt and their impropriety by concealing their faces with fans. Although these ruptures can be spotted here and there, they are all controllable, and all in all the city is happy and prosperous. What has been revealed by narrative discourse also hints at that which has been masked. A s in Twenty-Eight-City screen, In-and-Around-Kydto screens also seem to have a hidden agenda. In effect, this pair o f screens seems to signify the resistance o f the patrons or the painters toward the Tokugawa government, and even their longing for the former , l 9 D e C e r t e a u 104. 1 2 0 D e C e r t e a u 9 3 . 51 ruler. Let us see how this signification is conveyed in the screen. There are two large buildings in this pair of screens, one is Hokoji Temple on the right of the right screen, and the other is Nijojo Castle on the left of the left screen. The latter was used by the Tokugawa government and the former was built by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the previous ruler, in 15 89 . 1 2 2 A t the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Tokugawa government still struggled with the threat of the previous political figures. This unstable situation caused many political killings, and the repressive power of the Tokugawa government was felt by all. According to these screens, the red pillars and the black roofing tiles of the H5koji Temple are depicted more thickly and in more distinctive color than those of Nijojo Castle, thus giving a much stronger visual impact. Also the size o f the Hokoji Temple takes up two folds o f the screen as does the Nijojo Castle; however, in reality the castle is much larger than the temple. Other famous "In-and-Around-Kydto screens," such as Ikeda-ke Kyuzobon (Former Ikeda Family edition) at Okayama Art Gallery (Fig. 17-18), the one at Osaka Nanban Bunkakan (Osaka Nanban Culture Museum) (Fig. 19-20), or the one in a private collection (Fig. 21-22), 1 2 3 whose viewing dates are all around 1614-1617, show Nijojo Castle larger than Hokoji Temple, and the colors of the temple much subtler than this. Also , Ikeda-ke Kyuzobon and the one in the private collection place the image of Nijojo Castle in a more central area than this, thus the image of the Castle implies more significant status. The clouds have been traditionally used in Japanese painting and they guide the viewers to what to see and thereby what not to see. 1 2 1 The Ni jo Castle was built by Nobunaga in 1568 as a residence o f the Shogun Ashikaga Yosh iak i . 1 2 2 Takeshi M o r i y a , "Tenkabito to Kyo to , " Fuzokuga: Rakuchu Rakugai, ed. Takeda Tsuneo, N i h o n Byobue Shusei 11 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1978) 133. 52 In this screen, the clouds reveal the whole scene of the Hokoji Temple. In fact, it is the only major building the golden clouds do not cover at all. On the other hand, some parts of Nijojo Castle are hidden under the clouds. Moreover, only half o f the Nijojo Castle is represented in the screen. B y revealing the temple in its totality, the image represents its importance and gives an illusion of the building on a magnificent scale. B y placing the images of Hokoji Temple, the symbol of the old government, and the Nijojo Castle, the symbol o f the new government, on both ends o f the screens, the screens indicate a challenge to the Tokugawa government. Skil l ful ly concealing this agenda and the unstable condition of the time, this pair of In-and-Around-Kyoto screens presents Kyoto as a prosperous, energetic and pleasurable city together with a wel l -controlled nation overseen by the Tokugawa ruler. Similar to In-and-Around-Kyoto screens, Twenty-Eight-City screen conceals the Portuguese and the Jesuits' precarious situation, showing a well-controlled, unproblematic and ideal world, God's creation. 1 2 3 Tsuneo Takeda, ed., Fuzokuga: Rakuchu, N ihon Byobue Shusei 11 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1978): 46-47, F ig . 25 and 26. 53 VI. World-Map Screen and Japanese Self 6.1. European Cultural Hierarchy If we consider the other screen of the pair of World-Map-and-City screens (Fig. 2), we see that the multi-colored continents surrounded by a dark blue ocean which is covered with Japanese style small and uniform waves. The images of many tall ships with their sails spread full are scattered to every corner o f every ocean except for the Arctic region. They pass by imaginary European sea creatures and Tritons which swim or play in the ocean. Various v iv id colors separate different regions of the world and the city markers are sprinkled all over the world with the largest identifying the city of Rome. The solar and lunar eclipses are also depicted, as well as the North and South Poles. The figures o f forty-two peoples are placed on both sides o f the screens. Similar to the arrangement of the city scenes, the Japanese tradition of narrative paintings was applied here. In keeping with this, the arrangement of peoples should be read from the right side of the screen to the left, thus the Europeans come first, based on the European idea of a cultural hierarchy. A t the bottom of the right-hand side of the screen, a Japanese man and woman are depicted visually affirming the status o f the Europeans. The geographical "discoveries" o f the late sixteenth century saw a flourish of map making in Europe. A s Europeans had "discovered" new land, they added new places to the map, therefore revised editions were often published. Geographical "discoveries" and map making were so closely interrelated that a geographer, Norman J . W . Thrower, says, "it can be said that a place is not really discovered until it has been mapped so that it 54 can be reached again." 1 2 4 Maps are produced based on scientific and mathematical measurement and thus give the impression that they are transparent imitations of an external and objective reality, purely informative and neutral. 1 2" However, a map like any text or image, is a historical document which is rooted in traditions of the time, including such things as presuppositions, prejudices, power relationships. A s such, maps cannot be free from the values of the time. During the process of mapping, selections, omissions and additions take place based on the value o f the particular historical time in which they are made. Signs, such as city markers and colours, are given specific meanings through visual architecture. We have seen these in Twenty-Eight-City screen. The twenty-eight cities not only represent individual cities, but each one also represents a country, that is, a part represents a whole, and thus the collection o f cities represents the whole world. In the world made up of these cities, we have already observed selection o f cities, positioning cities in certain places in the screen, additions to and deletions from the prototypes, and they all signify certain meanings to the screen, in this case, the Victory o f the Battle of Lepanto, the glory o f the Catholic and the Jesuits' world, and Portuguese power. Ideas similar to those in Twenty-Eight-City screen (Fig. 1) can be detected in World-Map screen (Fig. 2). A t the bottom right, there are two oval cartouches. The cartouche on the right side has a triangular object on the top. It is a divider, a must for creating maps. Two children sit at the divider keeping records. Between them there is a 1 2 4 Norman J. W . Thrower, Maps and Civilization : Cartography in Culture and Society (Chicago: Universi ty o f Chicago Press, 1996) 64. 1 2 5 Christian Jacob, "Toward a Cultural History o f Cartography," Imago Mundi 48 (1996): 192. 55 round cartouche, which is actually a c lock . 1 2 6 In a larger square cartouche located at the bottom centre, a book, musical instrument and tools are spread in front of the female figure representing Europe. They all symbolize civilization, and their representation in front of Europe indicates "civilized" European culture. During the late sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries, it was customary to add European views to the world maps. A common characteristic found in world maps and illustrations of peoples made by people such as Janszoon Visscher, Theodore de Bry (1528-1598), and Jan Huyghen van Linschoten (1563-1611) is cultural hierarchy. 1 2 7 For example, allegorical figures of Europe and A s i a usually occupy the upper part of a map, because they have writing systems. However, the former is always higher in the visual hierarchy than the latter, while symbolic representations of the peoples of the Americas and Africa are at the bottom and represented by semi naked people. As Walter Mignolo has written: "In the process o f describing otherness, our hypothetical observer helped redefine the concept of the self-same, that is to say, helped to construct the idea o f Europe in the process of inventing a New W o r l d . " 1 2 9 The prototypes Japanese painters used were no exception. How did Japanese painters incorporate the prototypes and their values into World-Map screen? In a cartouche at the bottom center (Fig. 2), an allegorical representation of Europe sits on a globe, a symbol o f the world. She is surrounded by the other figures depicted in a manner showing their respect or subjugation to Europe. These figures represent three continents, each accompanied by an animal; a camel for Asia , a crocodile for Afr ica and 1 2 6 Tadashi Takahashi, "Nanban Toshizu Byobu kara Kaeriusu Sekaizu e," Ezu no KosumowjT: Jokan, ed. by Katsuragawa E z u Kenkyuka i (Kyoto: Chi j in Shobo, 1988) 259. 1 2 7 Migno lo 279. 1 2 8 Migno lo 279. 56 an armadillo for the Amer icas . 1 3 0 As ia , Africa and the Americas are symbolized by the animals, whereas the use o f a globe indicates that Europe controls the world rather than just a continent. According to Jerry Brotton, globes began to symbolize authority through their use rather than their techniques of production. Although the papal division of global space was made on a flat map in 1493, its application was possible only with the use of a spherical globe. "Once produced and used in such high diplomatic circumstances, the globe could be incorporated as a symbol of divinely authorized imperial status, enabling the rival claims of European potentates to universal empire to be simultaneously territorialized and symbolized." 1 3 1 The other square cartouche (Fig. 2) depicts Brazilian cannibalism, a symbol of "savages" and "heathens" who had to be "civilized" through conversion to Christianity. There are quite a few documents on Brazilian cannibalism written by the Jesuits who lived among the natives during the mid-sixteenth century. Although the description might be distorted, Donald Forsyth, an anthropologist, thinks some form of cannibalism existed. 1 3 2 According to geographer, Takahashi Tadashi, the illustration of cannibalism is not in either the 1607 edition world map by Blaeu (Fig. 10) or the 1609 edition by Kaer ius . 1 3 3 Illustrations by Theodore de Bry and Jan Huyghen van Linschoten were thought to be its prototype, 1 3 4 but Miyoshi Tadayoshi points out that Ohira Shu ich i 1 3 5 1 2 9 M i g n o l o 264. 1 3 0 M i g n o l o 273. 1 3 1 Denis Cosgrove, "Introduction: Mapp ing Meaning," Mappings, ed. Denis Cosgrove (London: Reaction Books , 1999) 14. See also: Jerry Brotton, "Terrestrial Global ism: Mapp ing the Globe in Ear ly Modern Europe," Mappings, ed. Denis Cosgrove (London: Reaction Books, 1999) 87-88. 1 3 2 Donald W . Forsyth, "The Beginnings of Brazi l ian Anthropology: Jesuits and Tupinamba Cannibalism," Journals of Anthropological Research 39.2 (1983): 172-173. 1 3 3 Tadashi Takahashi, "Nanban Toshizu B y o b u kara Kaeriusu Sekaizu e," Ezu no KosumorojT: Jo-kan, ed. Katsuragawa E z u Kenkyuka i (Kyoto: Ch i j in Shobo, 1988) 259. 1 3 4 V l a m l 3 2 . 57 supports illustrations by Hans Staden for its prototype. 1 3 6 Europeans not only geographically placed Brazi l on the map, but also culturally and conceptually placed it in the European cultural hierarchy. Consequently, highlighting this particular illustration in a cartouche placed next to another and larger cartouche of "civil ized" Europe strongly indicates European superiority as well as the Jesuits' program for converting the "savages." Although the painters surely had not been aware of the notion of a cultural hierarchy as viewed by the Europeans, the components of the hierarchical representation were transferred from the original without much modification. Simultaneously, however, the Japanese artists also modified the European prototype to better fit their own views of the world, as w i l l be discussed below. 6.2. Representations of Peoples A n interesting change in World-Map screen signals a changing consciousness of the Self. In the 1609-edition prototype, there are representations o f Japanese and Chinese figures, and labeled as "Chinenses et Iaponenses." (Fig. 23 ) 1 3 7 Indeed, two out of three figures wear type of a turban on their head and what seems to be a long western style gown. They look more like Mughal rather than Chinese or Japanese. Nevertheless, the depiction of Chinese and Japanese figures (Fig. 2) in the screen are more realistically delineated. Yet, Japanese figures are placed at the very bottom accepting European cultural hierarchy. The representation o f the Japanese woman's long and curly hair, 1 3 5 Shuichi, Ohira, "Nihon n i Okeru M i n a m i Amer ika Ninsh ik i no Gensho Kei ta i : Nanban-kei Sekaizu ni Mirareru Shojoho o Megutte," Idemitsu Bijutsukan Kenkyu Kiyo 2 (1996): 32. 1 3 6 M i y o s h i , "P . Kaeriusu" 31. 58 which flows on her shoulders and back is at odds with the criteria of Japanese female beauty as requiring black, straight and long hair (Fig. 24). In addition, during the 138 seventeenth century, Japanese women usually wore their hair up. Thus Japanese artists accepted their own knowledge of Japanese people and painted more realistic Japanese figures, yet representation o f curly long hair seems to indicate that they also acknowledged and incorporated new cultural knowledge of "European woman." A n example of a European woman with long and curly hair can be seen in the same screen, in the centre of the fourth row on the same side (Fig. 2). Likewise, in two sets of the screens o f European Landscape with Musicians (Fig. 25, 26) which were also painted by the Jesuit-trained Japanese painters, there are figures o f European women with long and curly hair. Woman Playing the Zither (Fig. 27) is attributed to Nobukata f l f ; / j , 1 3 9 a Jesuit-trained Japanese painter, and has a figure o f a woman with long and curly hair. These paintings are thought to be painted based on European prototypes. Since the symbols o f Otherness depicted in Nanban screens generally include such things as tall figures, large noses, curly hair and heavy beards, 1 4 0 the painters might have applied their new knowledge of European women to their familiar figure o f a Japanese woman. In his Ogon to Kurusu (gold and a crucifix), Sakamoto says that it is probably because painters did not learn how to paint Japanese figures. 1 4 1 If this were painted by European painters, his idea might be a solution. Nevertheless, it is a common knowledge that this screen was painted by Japanese painters based on awkward chiaroscuro and 1 3 7 M i y o s h i , " J . Burau" 58. F i g . 12. 1 3 8 Yasutaka Kanazawa, Edo Keppatsushi (Tokyo: Seiabo, 1968) 18-19. n9mtcWm. Yamato Bunkakan Museum, Nara. 55.5 (H) x 37.3 (W) cm. 1 4 0 Toby, "Indianness" 331. 59 perspective applied in the screens, as well as the perfect use of Momoyama style. These Japanese painters probably had their basic painting training under the Kano school tradition, a standard painting training of the time, which covered both Tosa (Japanese) style and Kanga (Chinese) style paintings. It is also known that some Christian Kano painters existed, such as Kano Domi ^ f f j l ^ a n d Kano Ichiun ^ S f — f i . 1 4 2 Therefore, they must have painted pictures o f Japanese people, women, men and children alike. Moreover, they lived in Japanese society and would have known for sure that Japanese women usually did not have curly, long hair. Wi th regard to the same imagery, Professor Matsumoto argues that the Japanese painters were so affected by the Western mode of seeing that, "even their idealization of non-Western (most likely Japanese woman) women became almost smothered by a profuse and colorful application of a pictorial vocabulary more akin to Western conventions than to those of Japan." 1 4 3 Other similar instances can be seen in many illustrations o f the "primitives" depicted by the European painters, such as the representations of the Hawaiians illustrated by Captain Cook's painters. Also , the imagery of the Chinese people depicted by a late seventeenth century Dutch artist, Carolus Allard, is a "hybrid" of European impressions of Chinese women (Fig. 28) . 1 4 4 However, these images delineate the figures of other ethnic groups, and not the painters' own. Ronald Toby states that "each viewed new Others through lenses o f culturally 1 4 1 Sakamoto Ogon 120, note for F i g . 132. He states: II o 1 4 2 Okamoto and Takamisawa 126-127. 1 4 3 M o r i t a k a Matsumoto, "Images o f Westerners in Nanban Art ," The Walls Within: Images of Westerners in Japan and Images of the Japanese Abroad: Selected Proceedings, ed. K in ' ya Tsuruta (Vancouver: Institute o f A s i a n Research, U B C , 1989): 199. 1 4 4 Carolus Al l a rd , Orbis Habitabilis Oppida et Vestitus = The Towns and Costumes of the Inhabited World (16'95; Amsterdam: Theatrvm Orbis Terrarvm, 1966) F ig . 35: Honan. 60 constructed iconographies built-in, or just beyond the limits of, familiar universes, and tried at first to incorporate the new Other into its existing cosmology." 1 4 5 Similarly, Japanese painters might have tried to incorporate the new by intermixing it with the known. Whether the painters wanted to assimilate to a European style or they were simply instructed to paint it this way, the representation does not indicate a Japanese identity. A similar problem is handled quite differently in Bankoku Sozu (map of the world), a set consisting of a painting and a woodcut (Fig. 30 ) 1 4 6 made only about thirty years later in 1645, six years after Japan had closed the country. The set includes a painted world map on one sheet and printed figures of peoples on the other. The models for these figures were most likely the world map screens produced at the beginning of the seventeenth century, including World-Map screen. However, the totally imaginative figures of giants (lower left) and dwarves (right above the giants) are also included, which are not in World-Map screen. In this print, the arrangement o f the figures is completely different. In the first row, Japanese figures come first, at the very top right, followed by Chinese, Korean, probably Dattan (Tartar) and Orankai (part of present-day Korea) figures. European figures are at the bottom half following other Asian and African figures. In other words, Asian figures come first and European figures come last. That is completely the other way around from the arrangement o f the figures in the World-Map screen. Furthermore, Japanese figures are delineated very naturally, not like 1 4 5 Toby, "Indianness" 329. 1 4 6 Bankoku Sozu TJHIgBl (map o f the world). 1645. Shimonoseki Shiritsu Chofu Hakubutsukan. See: M i y o s h i , Zusetsu 45. Another edition is in Kobe C i ty Museum. 134.0 (H) x 57.6 (W) cm. Ear ly 17th century manuscript accompanied by a sheet (136 (H) x 59.5 (W) cm.) showing the peoples o f the wor ld (1645 woodcut). See: Oda, Muroga, and Unno 146-147, F ig . 60. The Special Collections, M a i n Library at the Universi ty o f Br i t i sh Columbia has also 1645 edition. 61 the hybrid one in World-Map screen. Nevertheless, the combination of the figures of samurai in armor, which is a contemporary honourary figure, and a court lady in the Heian period (794-910) style is a little strange. The meaning of this combination could be the subject of further research. Other figures delineated in the same row are more Chinese and Korean. This emphasis on Japan and As i a clearly indicates Japanese awareness of Self and As ia in the global space based on their knowledge o f their neighbouring Others. During the early seventeenth century, nude painting was almost unknown in Japan. Yet, a majority of the images of the peoples on the left edge o f this screen wear very few clothes. Three are totally nude, showing the genital area. At the bottom of the same screen there is a pair of female busts with huge breasts, which are exaggerated and unnaturally twisted towards the viewers. A s Professor Matsumoto points out, this clearly indicates the painters fascination with European women's breasts. 1 4 7 Simultaneously, it also suggests male viewership. This openness and curiosity is quite different from the representations of the nude figures depicted on the title page of Kaitai Shinsho (a laborious translation o f a Dutch human anatomy book published in 1774) (Fig. 31). Interestingly enough, the image of an ideal Renaissance man in the original book was transformed into that of a little shy and tired-looking man with his genital area securely covered by his hand. Considering that this book was published much later, in 1774, and has many illustrations of human bodies in whole or in parts, this modification is quite mysterious and amusing. Conservative Shushigaku (a school of Confucianism) thought, which was popular at the time, might have influenced the representation. However, more research is necessary to determine what really affected it. 62 In early modem Dutch maps, European-Christian culture was supreme. The location of nations outside this belief system depended on their level o f development based on a European Christian view of the world. During the process of creating the screens, this ideology was inadvertently transferred. In World-Map screen, peoples with clothes or light-colored skin were arranged on the right side, and peoples wearing fewer clothes or having darker skin were placed on the left side. Similar to Twenty-Eight-City screen, these people represent not only peoples but also the countries they belong to, thus in total representing a whole world. Traditionally, maps were believed to show accurate and permanent boundaries. "Indeed, the concept and practice o f precise and permanent separation, of special 'fixing' inherent in boundary definition and conventional mapping (whose sine qua non is the bounding frame) represent an urge towards classification, order, control and purification." A s we saw in Twenty-Eight-City screen, figures of peoples, which are the source of troubles, were all eliminated from the city scenes in order to produce an ideal God's creation. In this World-Map screen, the source o f troubles were neatly classified and put in separate boundaries, making it difficult to disturb the order o f the world. The world is under control. This is totally different from the representation o f people depicted in In-and-Around-Kydto screens, where people from all classes intermingle and create everyday-life activities. In this interaction between Japanese and European imagery, one finds the first attempts to classify people in relation to geography. It is a construction of knowledge central to Jesuit aims. 'Matsumoto, "Images of Westerners" 195. ! Cosgrove, "Introduction" 4. 63 Being an encyclopedic informational source, the Kaerius' 1609 prototype has labeled illustrations of cities and peoples on the periphery. The illustrations of kings are even accompanied by their descriptions. 1 4 9 As noted above, in World-Map screen, geographical names were eliminated except for the names of the continents. Neither are there longitudes nor latitudes except for the equator and the north and the south tropic of Cancer. 1 5 0 A s a result, the scientific world full of factual information was translated into a space o f colorful continents decorated with "exotic" peoples to embellish lords' rooms. 6.3. Representation of the Islands of Japan Another change that signals a shifting consciousness about the Self is the way Japan is represented in the screen (Fig. 2). In the prototype (Fig. 10), only the southwestern part o f Japan is depicted at the periphery. Two significant alterations appear. First, the northwest coast of North America was moved to the right so that Japan would not be at the periphery of the world. Second, the small and hardly recognizable islands in the prototype are enlarged and occupy a very distinctive place in the screen. Matteo R icc i , a Jesuit's priest, produced maps in China from 1584 for the propagation of Christianity, and two 1602-editions are extant in Japan. 1 5 1 In this edition, he placed China (and as a result Japan, too) in the centre, for the Chinese believed that politically 1 4 9 For the descriptions, see M i y o s h i "P. Kaeriusu" 44-46. 1 5 0 This is actually a common feature o f all world-map screens. 1 5 1 V l a m 136. One is in Kyoto Universi ty and the other in Sendai Munic ipa l Library. Accord ing to M i y o s h i , the second original copy is in "Miyagi -ken Toshokan." It is not clear i f he meant by this M i y a g i Prefectural Library or a library i n M i y a g i Prefecture. Since Sendai is the capital city o f M i y a g i Prefecture, I suspect that V l a m and M i y o s h i are talking about the same 1602 original. See M i y o s h i , Zusetsu 55. Ricci ' s 1602-edition wor ld map was introduced to Japan for the first time in 1605. See: Nishimura, "Repanto" 14. 64 and culturally China was the centre of the world. Therefore, the placement of Japan in World-Map screen might also be instructed by the Jesuits, because the pair of World-Map-and-City screens was most likely produced in a Jesuits' seminary. The centralizing of one's own country in a world map is not unique to Europe or C h i n a . 1 5 2 Nevertheless, whatever the intention was, the more centered representation o f Japan might indicate the awareness of an identity. In World-Map screen, Japan is separated into the eight geographical regions, with different colours distinguishing one from the other. According to Miyoshi Tadayoshi, Amakusa Islands in Shimabara Region, is depicted in green whereas light pink covers Kyushu where Amakusa, a tiny local city, belongs. 1 5 3 He also states that Battle-of-Lepanto-and-World-Map screens also give a unique colour to Amakusa . 1 5 4 Why does this small Amakusa have its own colour? Amakusa had a long Christian tradition since Luis d'Almeida's visit in 1566. 1 5 5 The Christian population dramatically increased in 1577 when the lord Amakusa Shigehisa ^ ^ ^ ^ (baptized Migue l in 1571, d. 1582) declared the wholesale Christianization o f his subjects. They were told either to accept the faith or leave the islands. Under these circumstances, all o f his subjects, "ten or twelve thousand souls," were said to be converted and baptized. 1 5 6 B y 1592, there were as many as 23,000 Christians on the islands. One figure claims that 1 5 2 M u s l i m geographers and India's Brahmans, for example, had done the same thing for self-glorification. See: Mar t i n W . Lewis , and Karen E . Wigen, The Myth of Continents: A Critiques of Metageography (Berkeley: Universi ty o f California Press, 1997) 69. 1 5 3 M i y o s h i , "P . Kaeriusu" 37-38. 1 5 4 M i y o s h i , "P . Kaeriusu" 37-38. 1 5 5 George El ison, Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modem Japan (Cambridge: Harvard Universi ty Press, 1973) 218. 1 5 6 John Whitney Ha l l , ed., Early Modern Japan, The Cambridge History o f Japan 4 (New Y o r k : Cambridge Universi ty Press, 1991) 333. El i son 218. 65 in 1581, 150,000 Christians were in Japan. 1 5 8 Although this figure is a decade earlier, 23,000 Christians on the tiny islands represent quite a large concentration of Christians. The seminary o f painters was also located in Amakusa for about seven years in total . 1 5 9 Furthermore, Amakusa was ruled by an important Christian lord, Konish i Yukinaga, for eleven years until his death in 1600 at the Battle of Sekigahara. The battle divided Japan into two, between the Toyotomi and Tokugawa clans, and Yukinaga was a main driving force of the Toyotomi clan. Under a new lord, Terazawa, Christians in Amakusa started to feel pressure. There was the Shimabara Rebellion in 1637 by the Christians, but as early as the first decade of the seventeenth century, historian George El i son states that "[t]he ingredients for an ikki [(rebellion)] were present, in Amakusa as in Shimabara." 1 6 0 As we have seen, the city marker on the city of Rome in World-Map screen was the largest. Similarly the distinctive colour of Amakusa might indicate the importance of Amakusa to the Jesuits and Japanese Christians for its high concentration o f Christians and as a location of the seminary. It could also be used to commemorate the execution of Yukinaga and affliction the Christians suffered after Yukinaga's death. Thus, the image of the islands of Japan not only indicates Japanese Self, but also the hardship of the Christian world in Japan. B y giving a special place to Amakusa, the Jesuits might have wanted to encourage Japanese Christians. This could be another sign that the Jesuits used world maps to spread Christianity. Simultaneously, the different colour on Amakusa indicates Japanese first attempt to visually classify people within Japan, identifying Christians in Amakusa as Other as opposed to non-Christian Japanese. Or, since World-Map screen was painted by Japanese Christians, green coloured 1 5 8 Okamoto, Namban Art 96. 1 5 9 Bai ley 67. 66 Amakusa might have signified "Us" and the rest the Other. Although Japanese Christians and Japanese non-Christians were equally Japanese, both groups realized the differences between them. The main criterion of Otherness changed from just peoples' looks, such as skin and hair colour, to inner thoughts. B y realizing differences among themselves, the Japanese were defining themselves more finely and establishing Self more clearly. Therefore, this distinctive colour on Amakusa could indicate the Japanese further awareness about themselves. This idiosyncratic colour on Amakusa is ironical because in less than thirty years later, the Shimabara Rebellion bursted in 1637. It is said that 37,000 Christians, including women and children, in Amakusa and Shimabara perished. 1 6 1 When the painters moved the location o f the image o f the islands o f Japan to a more central area, how did they render the shape of the rest of Japan? Although the 1609-edition of the Dutch prototype was the most current geographical information on the world available at the time, their knowledge on Japan was very limited. Therefore, only a very small part of Japan is delineated in the prototype. On the other hand, there is a record which suggests when Lord Kakizaki o f Ezo (present-day Hokkaido, the northern island o f Japan) went to Kyoto, his retainers had an opportunity to meet a Portuguese, Ignacio Moreira, in 1591. Moreira was in Kyoto as an attendant of Valignano, the Visitor of the Society of Jesus. Based on geographical information Moreira gained from Lord Kakizaki's retainers, he produced a map o f Ezo in 1591 for the first time in the world. Although the map itself does not exist, the accompanying explanatory book is still 1 6 0 El ison 210. 1 6 1 E l i son 221. 67 extant. 1 6 2 A s Moreira's example clearly indicates, the Jesuits had more Japanese geographical information than Dutch mapmakers of the time. Consequently, it is logical to think that the Jesuits provided the painters with geographical information on Japan, and thus they could delineate the map of Japan much more accurately in the screen than the most current Dutch world maps at that time (Fig 29) . 1 6 3 6.4. Consciousness of Self: Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People Screens Similar to Bankoku Sozu (a set of the world map and illustrations of peoples made in 1645) (Fig. 30), a pair of world maps and peoples screens made in the late eighteenth century indicates more definite sense of self. It is called Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens (Fig. 32-33). 1 6 4 Although the set was produced almost hundred fifty to hundred eighty years after World-Map screen, and the historical situation along with the socio-economic, political and religious situations are completely different, it is still useful to compare. That is because Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens show how the world map and figures of peoples would look differently from 1 6 2 Okamoto, Juroku Seiki 113. Accord ing to K i m u r a Toichiro, a geographer, Bartholomeu Velho made a world map i n 1562. The map has a diamond-shaped island north o f Honshu, and K i m u r a thinks that that is the island o f Hokkaido . However, we have to wait until 1650s in order to see a wor ld map with an island clearly indicated I E S O (old name o f Hokkaido). It was made by P. Mortier. See: Toichiro Kimura , Kinsei Chizushi Kenkyu (Tokyo: K o k o n Shoin, 1987) 68-71. In Japan, Ezoto no Zu (map o f Ezo , i.e. Hokkaido) appeared for the first time in 1599. See: Takeo Oda, Chizu no Rekishi: Nihon hen, Kodansha Gendai Shinso (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1974) 116. 1 6 3 Kenneth Nebenzahl wrote an article in 1997 and claimed that the map he found might be the missing Moreira's map (F ig . 29). The world map has Hokkaido i n its entirety, almost as large as Honshu, the main island. Maltese crosses are sprinkled in many areas o f the world showing Christian influences, but not in Japan yet. It also has the text which suggests how the Jesuits used world maps to propagate Christianity. See: Nebenzahl, Kenneth, and Alfredo Pinheiro Marques. "Moreira's Manuscript: A N e w l y Discovered Portuguese M a p o f the W o r l d - Made in Japan." Mercator's World. (July/Aug. 1997): 18-23. 1 6 4 IttJ^HAftNEI • G3+AHA13E1PM. Kobe Ci ty Museum. 164x364 cm. 68 World-Map screen by indicating more sense of Japanese Self. When the former was made, there were no Jesuits in Japan, therefore there was no Christian influence. Also , the Japanese had more knowledge about the society and the civilization of the world through such people as the Dutch, Chinese and Koreans. A s w i l l be discussed in the following paragraphs, by contrasting with the screens made much later, I intended to show how World-Map screen was still in the making of Self through the world view created by the Jesuits and the Europeans. Although I used the screens made in 1645 as noted above and in the late eighteenth century for comparisons, I did not intend to show that the development of Japanese Self signified in the screens evolved smoothly. There are too many missing links in-between, and also it depends on the historical situation of the time and the circumstances where individuals resided. Based on this common ground, let us examine Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens. This pair o f six-fold screens has maps of two continents on each screen, and twelve representative figures of each continent around the borders. Similar to World-Map-and-City screens, there was a prototype for this pair, and Miyosh i Tadayoshi discovered i t . 1 6 5 It was made by a Dutch mapmaker, Gerard Valck (ca. 1650-1726) around 1695. 1 6 6 A comparison of the screens with their prototype reveals more developed expression o f Japanese confidence in their own knowledge about the world than that found in World-Map screen. In the Valck's prototype, there are two illustrations of Chinese: Kanton and Honan which are completely "hybrid" Chinese (Fig. 28, 34) . 1 6 7 1 6 5 Tadayoshi M i y o s h i , "Edo Jidai no N i h o n e Tsutawatta Oranda-sei Kabechizu," Kansai Daigaku Hakubutsukan Kiyo, Sokango (Mar. 1995): 95. 1 6 6 Hand colored copper plate. As ian Continent: 102.6 x 125.6 cm. Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan, Eiko no Oranda Kaiga to Nihon = Glorious Past of The Netherlands and Japan (Osaka: Asah i Shinbunsha, 1993): 197. 1 6 M a n y figures in the prototype, including Kanton and Honan, is based on The Town and Costumes of the Inhabited World by a Dutch artist, Carolus Al l a rd , published in 1695. 69 Although the Japanese painters carefully copied most of the original figures, they did not use the figures of Kanton and Honan in the prototype. Instead, they painted more "Chinese-like" figures along with pagodas and other Chinese-style buildings in the background. In other words, they adopted their own idea of Chinese people, "People of Great M i n g ^ B f ^ A . " Although it is not clear i f this Chinese scene came from another source, the painters' deliberate choice not to use the one in the prototype evidently signifies that the Japanese gave their preference to their own knowledge on China over the Europeans' knowledge. Compared to this, although the figure o f a Japanese woman with curly hair in World-Map screen seems to show the painters' newly acquired knowledge o f western women, it looks as i f they were still trying to define Other as means o f articulating their own cultural identity. Defining their own knowledge on Japan, China and As i a by contrasting with the Europeans, the Japanese defined their own identity as Japanese or as Asian in the world. A s opposed to the adoption of the strange hairstyle o f the Japanese woman in World-Map screen, the sense o f Japanese Self could be detected more clearly in Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens. Another significant thing about Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens is that there is no representations of Japanese people or scenery. There are figures of a Chinese couple, titled "People of Great M i n g " and other Asian peoples around Asian continent, but there are no Japanese people. Equally, there are Chinese and 168 Mongolian scenes above Asian and African continents, and a European battle scene on the other screen, but no Japanese scenes. In other words, Japanese painters delineated 1 6 8 Accord ing toKees Zandvliet, the scene might represent the Four Days' Battle that took place in 1666 between Engl i sh and Dutch ships, which was a popular theme o f the European painters. See Kees Zandvliet, "Maps of the Early Tokugawa Era: Mirrors o f Trade and A r t , " Eiko no Oranda Kaiga to Nihon 70 only Others. Even Bankoku Sozu (Fig. 30), a set of world map and figures of peoples made in 1645, had a Japanese couple of samurai in armor and a woman in court style. What does this signify? It seems to me that they did not need to delineate their own figures or scenery any more, because they came to establish Japanese Self and had clearer idea about Japan, As ia and Europe This Japanese Self based on the confidence of their own knowledge has been partly seen in the "People of Great Ming , " as noted above, but it is also supported by the illustrations of scenery. The scenery indicates that they had a clear geographical idea of As ia as opposed to other continents, and that Japan belonged to Asia . The fact that half of the total strip represents Asia , and only one quarter represents Europe would signify the importance or awareness of Asia in the world. Comparison with the Valck's prototype also indicates the notions of Japanese painters' Self. The strips above each continent in the prototype has exactly the same pattern which includes the figures o f peoples and animals representing all the world, and a banner indicating the name of each continent (Fig. 35) . 1 6 9 However, in the screens, Japanese painters changed three quarters of the total strip and chose their own subjects, such as a rice planting and harvesting scene, a typical Chinese theme by Kano school, a scene o f grand Mongolian tiger hunt and a fierce European naval battle scene. They did not depend on the prototype, and delineated Asian scenes totally in Japanese traditional style. = Glorious Past of The Netherlands and Japan, ed. Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan (Osaka: Asah i Shinbunsha, 1993) 211. Illustration: catalogue no. 203 1 6 9 Josef H . B i l l e r , "Jemniste ist eine Reise wert: Kostbarkeiten hollandischer Kartographie und Vedutenkunst i n Bohmen," Speculum Orbis 2(1985): 47, 49. 71 A sense of Self is even more evident in the map of As i a (Fig. 36), which is a meticulous copy of the prototype in terms of geographical features and names. The prototype has big blocks of light pink, green and yellow all over the map (Fig. 37). Compared to the original, Japan in Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screen is painted in bright red, making it very prominent. Also in the screen, Siberia and the northern and eastern part o f Asia , which are adjacent to Japan are not colored as in the original. Thus by eliminating the color conflict with the bright red o f Japan, the emphasis on Japan was even more accentuated. Moreover, according to Miyosh i Tadayoshi, two Western ships are replaced with two Chinese ships 1 7 1 giving prominence to China or Asia . 1 7 0 There is a mistake, that is in the European section, the River Euphrates is depicted i n Turkey. See: Zandvliet "Maps" 210. 1 7 1 Tadayoshi M i y o s h i , "Oranda no Tamamono = Gifts from Holland." Eiko no Oranda to Nihon -Glorious Past of The Netherlands and Japan ([Osaka]: Asahi Shinbunsha Bunka K i k a k u k y o k u Osaka Kikakubu , 1993) 173. 72 VII. Conclusion Through this investigation, I hope it has become clear that World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens are evidence of a cultural exchange between Europe and Japan. Various discourses that constructed the meanings o f the screen were also revealed. The idea of the motifs of the screen came from the European sources, thus the painters inevitably transferred the components of the European notions of territorial expansion and cultural hierarchy as seen in the arrangement o f the peoples, allegorical representations o f four continents, and the display of cannibalism. The notion of Christianity was also emphasized because the Jesuits initiated the making o f the screen, and brought with them Catholic world view. The insertion o f the map o f Rome from the biography of Ignatius Loyola typically shows their view. Simultaneously, glorifying the victory o f the Battle of Lepanto over the Muslims was skillfully incorporated into the selection and arrangement o f the representations o f the kings and the cities. A s well , another insertion o f the map of Portugal and their crest signifies the Portuguese domination over the world. The comparison with In-and-Around-Kydto screens revealed a different .concept o f urban space: utopic and heterogeneous space. God's creation of an anonymous, idealized and decidedly unproblematic urban space in Twenty-Eight-City screens makes a sharp contrast with an energetic and sometimes chaotic space of everyday-life in In-and-Around-Kydto screens. A t the same time however, the screen incorporated Japanese visual vocabularies. The screens use a profuse application of gold foil and viv id colours for the pleasure of viewing, typical o f the Momoyama style. The screens transformed the pragmatism of the scientific and geographical information of the monotone world map into magnificent screens to decorate a lord's castle or a wealthy merchant's mansion. These kinds of 73 screens were also used as ideological gifts to better serve donor's puiposes. Also the screens embodied the patrons' or the viewers' economic inclination by depicting international trade. Japanese tradition of asymmetrical visual language was also used to arrange unfamiliar western motifs. Through the comparison with Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-Peoples screens, I detect the emergence of sense of Self, that was forged in relation to the Europeans. Moreover, although the screens give the impression of the orderly and peaceful world, it masks the unstable situation which the Jesuits and Portugal were experiencing at the time. That is that they were religiously, politically and economically threatened by the Muslims, by the Japanese government and by the rising Protestant countries. The concept o f the world represented in the screens was not shared with everyone, certainly not with those in Japan who did not come into contact with Jesuit missionary work. Yet, World-Map-and-City screens are important, bringing together a geographical mode of knowledge with a decorative and seductive form of painting. Whi le presenting an interesting cultural exchange between Europe and Japan, the screens nonetheless maintained the notion of a powerful Catholic world rather than articulating Japanese sense of Self. 74 Figures Overleaf: 1 & 2. World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of eight-fold screens. Each 179 x 490 cm. The Royal Household Agency, TSkyo. 77 78 5. Gotenjiku zu (Map of the Five Regions of India). Jukai (b.1297). 1364. Manuscript. Mounted as a scroll. 177 x 166.5 cm. Horyuji, Nara. 80 a u o -C •4—* —; *-* IO • ^ 0 * c v~i .3 «^ „ i s W Q ' O 1 i I f "13 OH § 22 ft, SO 82 Overleaf: 8 & 9. In-and-Around-Kyoto screens. Funaki-bon (Funaki Family edition). Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of six-fold screens. 163 x 351 cm. The Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo. 86 c o o & . a. o - bo 8 & 3 HC ° <= "o s o O w g 1 fr o oo' V O O J V O V O 92 94 S u s o (/5 I _>< '35 t+-o e b a, a < § Is c =5 o S5 .2 4i O U O o cm' C u o £ , >,<=> •c T I -CS O n W . C c <u «j h S 8 § 0> 95 96 97 98 23. Detail (Japanese and Chinese figures) from World map. Wi l l em J. Blaeu. Amsterdam, 1607. 84.0 x 111.0 cm. (map alone); 143.0 x 204.0 cm (with border). Photograph. Maritime (Scheepvaart) Museum, Amsterdam. Source: Tadayoshi Miyoshi , "J. Burau no 1645/46-nenban Sekai Ch izu ni tsuite" (On the world map made by J Blaeu published in 1645/46), Kobe Shiritsu Hakubutsukan Kenkyu Kiyo, 11 (Mar. 1994): 58, Fig. 12. 99 24. Detail (figures of a Japanese couple) from World-Map-and-Twenty-Eight-City screens. Early 17th century. Colour on paper. A pair of eight-fold screens. Each 179 x 490 cm. The Royal Household Agency, Tokyo. 100 101 30. BankokuSozu (map of the world). 1645. Manuscript. Shimonoseki Shiritsu Chofu Hakubutsukan. 106 107 Overleaf: 32 & 33. Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens. Late 18th century. A pair of six-fold screens. 164x 364 cm. Kobe City Museum, Hyogo. 110 35. Detail (Asia and the Americas) from Wall Map. Gerard Valck. ca. 1695. Source: Josef H. Biller, "JemniSte ist eine Reise wert: Kostbarkeiten hollandischer Kartographie und Vedutenkunst in Bohmen" Speculum Orbis, 2(1985). 48. 112 36. Detail (Asia) from Four-Continent-and-Forty-Eight-People screens. Late 18th century. A pair of six-fold screens. 164x364 cm. Kobe City Museum, Hyogo. 113 114 Bibliograpphy Aihara, Ryoichi . "Ignacio Moreira's Cartographical Activities in Japan (1590-2), with Special Reference to Hessel Gerritsz.'s Hemispheric World Map." Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 34 (1976): 209-242. Allard, Carolus. Orbis Habitabilis Oppida et Vestitus = The Towns and Costumes of the Inhabited World. 1695. 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