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Thomas Carlyle as a social reformer Reith, Helen Wilma 1927

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Thomas Carlyle as a Social Reformer by Helen Wilma Reith Thomas Carlyle as a Social Reformer by Helen Wilma Reith An Essay submitted for the Degree of Moster of Arts in the department of English C O N T E N T S Chap. ^^^® I Introdxtotion I I P o l i t i c a l ReforsB 25 I I I S o c i a l Reform 59 lY Edtication . . ^ • • ^8 V Modem Cr i t i c i sm of C a r l y l e 114 BiTjliOtTTaphy 1 T H O M A S G A R X Y L E A S A S O C I A L R E F 0 "; F E R I I H T R O r U C T I O T I Thomas Carlyle was one of the first and most outstanding social reformers among the literary men of the 19tb Century. His most noteworthy characteristic as such was his syttipathy with the working claases. aey were his own peo|?le, to whom he wished to "bring justice and true happiness more than to any other class. Carlyle was the thirikrer whose arguments, ethical, political, anA. social, got nearer to the heart of England's social woes than those of any of his predecessors. He was attached to no party, and hence was free to ret forth his own theories without thought for any side in politics or in economic thought. He was absolutely original and xjnparti-zan in sai age which was decidedly prejudiced in all Its thought. To understand fully the place which Carlyle holds in the thought of the world, whether it be in politics or in litera-ture, we must first fcnow something of his place in relation to the history both of the passt and of his own time. He was bom in 1795 at the end of that 18th Century which was in England, and indeed in all Europe, the Age of Rationalism. The 18th Century, especially the latter half of it, was also a period of great colonial expansion and eeonomic change. The conq.n.est of Canada from the French in 1760, and the ap-propriation of India at ahont the same tirae marired the impe-rial progress of the nation, fhe long war rith Frarce was concluded hy the Treaty of Paris in 1763. This was followed shortly by the loss of the American Colonies 1775-1777, while the last decade of the centnry was taken np "by the French EerolTition beginning in 1789, which InTolved England in a long exhaustive war with France, both durir.g; the Revolution, and under the regime of Napoledn, Dtwing the latter half of this century of colonial ex-pansion and almost continual foreign war, there had been praotioally no attempt made at any political or social reform within the country. Men were as yet content to let such matters rest on the basis established at the end of the pre-vious century. Religious toleration, personal liberty, and sacrednesB of pi'operty ri^ts were the bases of political belief at this time. Each man held himself independent of his fellows, and felt very little responsibility for the well-being of society as a whole. In matters of commerce, industry, and conditions of living, however, great changes had appeared. Modern science had come into existence, which made the Industrial Revolution possible by the new researches in chemistry, physios, and other branches of science connected with industry. The luxu-Ties of living had been increased, but at the same time the conditions of the workmen had been changed by the introduc-tion of machinery, and of the Factory System in labour. 3 England was no longer an agricultural country, where each in-dustrial lahourer was an ir.dependent indivld-aal on his own plot of land, as it had "been for centuries, Oreat social problems were rising out of the nev/ labour conditions in the factory areas, fhe wealth of the nation had shifted from the nobles and lajtid-owners to the manufsctaring classes, and ul-timately to the worisjen themselves. For the?'e rea-^ons the need of a readjustment of political status was beginning to be felt in order that the new classes of netionaJL importance Bight have a voice in the grovermnent • Such were the social mod political problems which faced England at the end of the 18 th Centtory, Along with this coajmercializlng of the Kation we fiM the spirit and thought of the whole age to be that of Ration-alism, Reason was the god of the 18th Century in England as well as in France, The literature of the a^e was rational-istic and didactic rather than emotional, Pope*s Essay on Man, Swift's satires, the periodical e.-^ says of Addison and Steele, and the cold sparkling brilliance of the social drama of the tliae, show this tendency very strongly. In philoso'^hy Hume's scepticism strikes the characteristic note of the ajsre, while in religion the tendency was to Deism and Rationallsn. It was not until towards the end of the cejitury that a more sincerely emotional and human element began to creep in, with such writers as Gray, Burns, and Goldsmith in literature; and John Wesley and George Whitfield in theology who introduced Methodism and the Evangelical Movement into religion, Ra-tionalism, independence in individual rights^and conservatism 4 In property rights, in all matters outside of indtistry, were the characteristics of the 18th Century, while the aamixtnre of inaiistrial progress caused the many prohlens which v/ere "left to he solved by the following century. At the end of the 18th Century, so Imhued with rational-ism and selfish commercialism, its prohlems of life and poli-tics as yet ^ulte tmsolved, Thomas Garlyle came into the world. In order to Tinderstand the peculiarities of his doc-trines, it is necessary to Imow something of his life in relation to Its sotiial STirroimdings, and what infl'aence such oiroimstanees had on his beliefs. He was "bom on Dseember 4, 1795 at Ecclefechan, in the dletrlet of Aimandale, Dumfriesshire, Scotland, of hard-worlfc-Ing thrifty parents from the better class of Scotch peasants. His father, James Carlyle, was a mason by trade, and a stern Calvinlstic Presbyterian in matters of religion. His mother was of aruch the same type, but with a deeper and more com-plete capacity for religious emotion* Her influence over Carlyle'8 life was of the greatest. By her and by his father, an intense love of truth was instilled into his nature. In this simple Scottish home, with its stern religious teaching and fru^l living, Carlyle lived during? his early years and became imbued with the Calvinlstic religious prin-ciples and Spartan way of living which was to remain with hla all his life. He received bis education, first at the village school, then at the Annan Granmiar School, and finally from 1809 to 1814 at the University of Edinbur^, In these schools he received a fair grrounding in the ola^ 'sicj? and wes especially interested in mathematics. Poverty and an ex-tremely sensitive nature made much of his school life a mis-ery. He was destined for the ministry by his parents?' vvipi>T, and in 1814, after completing his university course, he was elected to a tutorship at the Annan school, where he taught and worked as a rural divinity student. He disliked the idea of the ministry as a profession, for reli^rious doubts had begun to trouble him. These were deepened while teaching, whtm he had been reading Yoltaire's essays and the works of other Enoyolopaedietes; Hume's philosophy and political econ-1 omy, and Gibbon's History* His former religious faith was disturbed by these readings, and in 1818, he decided to study law. He now gave up school teaching and went to Edinburgh. Here he seriously began his literary life by writing articles for Brew8ter*s Encyclopedia. There is also evidence that the social and industrial evils of the country were making an Impression on him, for he visited Glasgow about this time end saw manufa.cturing conditions at first hand as they were in the post war period. The Ifapoleonic '^ ars had ended with the Congress of Vienna in 1815, and this event was followed by a period of extreme trade depression, in which wages were low, while food prices were high because of the Com Laws of 1815. Thus, the lot of the workers was made much harder than it had been even under the changes wrought by the Industrial 1 Proude. Life of Carlyle 1705-1835,* 1682, vol.i, p. 54. Revolution, since at this tiiae there WBS little market for the industrial products, Carlyle was forcibly impressed by these facts that something w&s organically wrong with English society. There now came in Garlyle'a life a period of great mental and spiritual trouble. Physically he was wea]fcened by dyspepsia., which never left him to the end of his life. Men-tally and spiritually he was tormented by religious doubts BJOd. financial difficulties. His religious doubts were par-tially t«rfflinated in 18£1, as expressed in the chapter "fhe Everlasting Ho" in Sartor Resartus. He gave up law and soTight a living through the sal© of his translations of Ger-man llteratxire, which h© had oomaenced in 18S0. Tils studies of these works produced the one external literary influence on hlB thought. Towards the end of his school teaching peri-od he studied Gennan literature Intensely; Schiller, Goethe, and the philosophers Flchte and Kant having the deepest influence on him. The worlcs of these German thinkers, es-pecially those of Goethe, were the constructive force in Carlyle'a spiritual development at this time. His love of truth and fact made him turn more to the practical thought found in Goethe*B novels, rather than to his poetry, but it was chiefly in Goethe that Carlyle found an active formula-tion of a theory of life to take the place of his religious doubts and denials. His belief in d\ity, in self-rentuaoiation, and in the "worship of 8orroi»",oome chiefly from Goethe. Some points in his faith, however, such as the theory that the laws of science are a reTelation of God*s control of the Universe, come from Fiebte, Many of his political doctrines were also taken from Fiohto. Of these "Hero-Worship" and 1 "Mi^t is Ei^t" are the most important. Goethe, Fiehte and Kant were the constructive forces in Carlyle's philosophy of life, just as Voltaire., Gibbon, and Htase had previously been the destructive forces in his spiritual creed. Until 1824 he was taisettled in his choice of a profes-sion. A tutorship with the Bullers in 1822 ^ve him pecuni-ary relief ^ and en the tei^aination of this en-^ageaent in 1824 h» published a translation of Goethe »s Wjlhelrs Meister which broTi^t hiai a stoderat© sum* A Life of Sehiller followed which brou^t praise from Ck^ ethe himself. For a long time Carlyle had been leaning to iiterattire as a career, partly because it eeejaed to be his natural bent; but also beeause he began to feel that he had a spiritual megsae-e to deliver to manlcind. Goethe's praise, therefore, finally tiimed the balance in favor of literature* In order to carry on his career comfortably, he terminated his romance with Jane Baillie Welsh by marrying her on October 17, 1826, and set-tled at Comely Bank, Edinburghi^ later removing to Crai^n-puttook in 182S. The interval between his marriage in 1826 and his first literary success with The French Bevolution in 1837 is filled with the struggle against poverty, ill health, and ffiistrnderstanding on the part of the public, for I C E . Taughan, Carlyle and His Gersan Masters. 3 recognition in his chosen field. A visit to England in 1824 with the Buller", and six months* residence there in 1832 marked his further acquain-tance with England and her political and social conditions. The writing of his essay Characterigtics, was the ref?ult of his oontact with the riots which broke ont in Sncland follow-ing the defeat of the Reform Bill in that year. Following this event he took up pertaanent residence in London in 1SZ4, By this time theories of political and social reform had b*0O»e the centre of his messa*re to the world. Ills own spir-itual doubts had "been finally laid at rest, and a new posi-tiTe progras of spiritual ideas had been conceived to take their place, as has been already pointed out. In this pro-gram, theories for the improvement of the social oonditioios of hlB fellow men bulked largely. Such ideas in fact made ur the core of all his writings, whether historical, as in OliYer Cromwell and the Life of Frederick the Great, or in the professedly political documents such as Past and Present wid Latter Day Pamphlets, There were already signs of his doctrines of social reform in Sartor Resartus ar.d in Charac-teristics as they appeared later in all his original writings. After the publication of the French Revolution in 1837, his life is the story of his success as an author, and of his efforts as such to aid in some way the reform of social, conditions of his country. Honey anxieties had now ceased for all time, and he conld turn all his energies to the ezeroise of his literary talents, and to the furthering of his social theories. The political ejp:itation for reforr. be-tween 1830 and 1040 caused him to write Chartisir in 1839, a short treatise on the rig:hts and needs of r.aD. In the fol-lowing year, due to the fame of his loct-ures on Feroer; &p& Hero Worship, he was offered a rrofossorshi? in the Univer-sltj of Edinhtireh. Snoh a prospect, howevor, V:RS no lonrer necessary or aoceptatle to him since the sale of his v;orks now provided him with sufficient income, and he rreferred to be free froa the restraints of any particiilar party or insti-tution* From 1840 to 1843 he "busied himself jratherin,^  naterial for his new t»ook Oliver Cromwell. and at the vi&ne tine watohed the political and social movements In En/crland, TTe was deeply touched by the poverty and suffering? of the 1B-bourlng class, as caused by the Industrial Revolution, the »eroenary selfishness of the employers, and t'e utter indif-ference of the aristocracy to existing conditions. The Com Laws were not yet abro^ted , and besides the r.isery arisinj? from those lawr>, there was in his opinion, a ftindar.er.tal error In social relationships in En^rland, which toolc the fom of a spiritual want causinfi all her miseries, '^ith these facts in mind, he wrote Past etnd Present in 1843, in which he dealt with the political and social evils of the country as he saw them, together with euch 8Ufrfe<^ tions for their arsel- , 1oration as he could offer, Oliver Cromwell was finished in 1845, and w s favorably received by the public. Carlyle ts-as always a Radical in his m 10 sympathies with the poor. Because of this tendency, he wel-comed the Catholic Sraanoipation Bill in 1829, and the Reform Bill of 1832, but he was greatly diaappointed in the extent of their results. In studying Cromvrell he came to the con-clusion that there must be other methods of procuring the rlgiit governors and the right goverrment than throu/rh ballot-ing, which at that time seeised to have failed in its -urroFie of finding true leaders. The ma^tority apparently had failed in choosing the right governors. Fence, to hiE, only the ri^t^ whether of majority or minority, had any just claim to rule* fhe following years of public xmrest drove him still further frois accepted ideas of social reform. In Iceeping with his radical sympathies he had been thirJcin^ for sone time of the social troubles of Ireland, The Poor Lavf of Eng-land had been thrust upon that co\3ntry in 1838, while the fundamental evils of land ownership and church .grievance be-tween Catholics and Protestants hud been left unto^jchea , and in 1845 a potato blight struck Ireland with its acoospenyin^ famine. Under these circumstances Carlyle visited Irelena in the autumn of 1846 to gain first hand knowledge of condi-tions there, and v?as deeply impresj^ ed by the misery of the Irish peasants. Furthermore in 1848 the Third French Revolu-tion broke out,and Europe was swept by revolutionary out-breaks. The English Chartists presented another petition in ^pril of that year, at the same time threatening violence, while insurrections also occurred in Ireland. Carlyle fore-::-H Mi 11 told disaster to England miless she became more sincere and Just in her treatment of her workmen. He thou,erht of writing a book on Democracy at this time, pointing out its defects, and the necessity of government of the weak: ty the ;?trona-, 1 but did not see his way clear to this. He saw that domocra-oy was coaling, but fought against It as havin^ fr too many evils, such as absense of hero «-orship, for its good points to oompensate. In this attitude he stood alone in his time. The complete reaction against this denjocratic movement later on in the year, however, startled and disappointed him. Ill ©Tidencee of the Hevolution disappeared. Chartist and Irish leaders were goaled and England returned to her belief in the current political eoonoaiy to which Carlyle was so bitterly opposed. In 1849 he went to Ireland a^in* but never wrote a separate booi: on oonditions there, probably because he felt that Ireland's prolblems were so closely connected with thone of England that they needed no separate treatment. The im-portant outcome of these years of political turmoU was the Latter Day Pamphlets in 1850. This book had its source in the pamphlet of 1849 on The Hi^^r Question in which he shows his sympathy with the miseries of the En-liali labourers when compared with the comparative luxury enjoyed by the emanci-pated negroes. Latter I>ay Paaiph^ -^ tg was also the outcome of his reflections on the revolutions of 1848. In it he stated , that democracy was a failure, and should be replaced by a 1 Froude, Life of Carlyle 1834-1881; 1884, vol.i, p.429. 12 goveranjont in the hands of an aristocracy of talent who should not be interfered with by the ignorant, TTis sii^gest-ic: ,: in this book for social and political reform were disap-proT®d of at the time, but later sany of them v/ere adopted, especially those dealing with industrial problems. For the actual politics and politicians of his day Car-1 lyle oared very little at any time* He met a few politic-ians such as Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, but was too greatly prejudiced against contemporary politics to realize their true worth* So when Peel died in 1850 he lost what little frieiadly interest he had in such matters. He had hoped for otore results from the Latter Day Paaphlets, perhaps in th« way of carrying out personally his proposed reforms. But this hope failed and so helped to dampen his enthusiasm for politics» although his inherent sympathy with the miser-ies of the workers' remained until the end of his career. The more sympathetic tone of the later reviews of the Pamphlets soothed him slightly, and early in 1851 he wrote the Life of Sterlinjsr. The nejct year he began to collect material for his Life of Frederick the Great. Frederick was to Carlyle, a solid sincere man, though not particularly religious, who built up a kingdom which v/ould withstcoid revolutions such as had ravaged Europe for so long a time. Unconsciously having the truth of his great political doctrines in mind, he deter-mined on Frederick of Prussia as the subject of his next book. t »»Wk4ep M f e of Carlyle 1834-1881; 1884, vol.ii, pp.46-9 13 In his usual wafey, he studied minutely and at first hand the scenes and material which he was to use, A ^ood half of 1852 he spent travelling in Geraany, visitln,*^  scenes associated with the events of Frederick's life. It is to he noticed that for all his work Carlyle sought to ,^ et first hend im-pressions of his subject. TOT Latter Day Pamphlets and his social writings, he visited Engrlish manufacturing districts and Ireland Itself. For Cromwell he visited and studied the Cromwell country. In all cases he studied dee^ l^y and as far as possible gave his own unbiased opinions on such a back-ground.. In 1853 his mother died, thus ending the source of one of the perffianent influences on his life. The next year the Crimean War broke out. With it he had very little sympathy, first because he disliked Turkey and the ideas which she rep-resented , and secohdly because of the misery of the English soldiers and people during the war. The American Civil ifar came in 1861, but to this Carlyle paid very little attention. In his own words, it was to hin "a smoky chimney which had las taken fire," A the outcome of ne^ro emancipation. Frederick the Great was finished in January 1865, t'c last and greatest of Carlyle*s large works, and a real addition to English his-torical literature. Later in the year his worth was publicly recognized in Scotland, and he was appointed Rector of the University of Edinburgh, 1 Froude, Life of Carlyle 1834-1881; 1884, vol.il, p. S46. 14 In 1866 Mrs. Carlyle died suddenly while Carlyle was ab-sent at Sdlnhurgh University, and from this time on he seernea unable to interest himself in any regular work. Political and social conditions alone roT3sed him to action. In 1866 Governor Eyre of Jasaioa put down a ne^ rro revolt in that is-land with great harshness, for vfhich he W£.s recalled and threatened with imprisorment, Carlyle^ us a member of the Eyre CoEcaittee, fought hard to save him from disgrace and finally managed to have hisa reestablished in England. Poli-tios at that time were constantly going contrary to Carlyle's own eonoeption of antocratic govemajent. The Conservatives under Bieraeli and Lord Perby had carried through the 1867 Re fiefona Bill, enlarginf? English franchise still further, and making English government still more democratic. In protest to this movement he wrote Shooting Kia,gara in 1867, against useless political reform and the money malcin^ tendencies of 1 the age when so much social reform w s needed. This is his last public protest against the^tendencies of En?*lish poli-tics. He never ceased to be interested, however, in Ireland or the grievances of labour and the poor, to whom he was al-ways most charitable. But his mind et this time was taken up chiefly with the atheistic trend of his asre caused by the progress of science^ especially as illustrated by Parv^in"® Origin of Species. To Carlyle, disbelief in God was the greatest evil which could befall a nation. Therefore this 1 Froude, life of Carlyle 1834-1881; 1884, vol.ii. p.350. f! 1 5 ,:• I tendency of his time ^eatly distiirhed him. France w r? aore or le^n the centre of this atheistical movement, and hence tlio rranco-Pmssian War in 1870 seemed to him a jnst retribn-tion for her Impiety. Prussia, a state govemod in paTt ac-cording to Carlylc*s "Hero" theories, wt,3 to him in the rl^t, and accordingly the cutoome of the war was hut accord-ing to his political prophecies in such matters. To prevent war between England and Grermany, however, he wrote a lonp letter to the Times explaining the real relation between Ger-»aa|r and France. Thna ended his active work in the politics B3I& eoolety. In both of which he had always been so vitally Interested. In 1869-70 hie right hand became paralysed and hence-forth he was unable to write. He could not compose by dicta-tion so his literary production finally oeesed, TTis lart years were saddened by the death of friends and relatives. Recognition ao a great man, also came in his old a;re, al-though he oared very little for it at this time. The Prus-sian Order of Merit was conferred on hin in 1873 and en offer of the Grand Cross of Bath was made in England, He r^ till remained interested in politics being deeply disaproir.ted both in Gladstone's Irish policy of Home Rule, and in Dis-raeli's foreign policy, especially with re^rd to the Ruseo-Turklsh War. Finally, worn out with old age and his stremi- ., ous life work, he parsed away at his Chelsea home in London, on Feb. 5, 1881, at the are of eighty-five; one of the great-est and certainly the most sincere man of the 19th Century. 16 Such in brief, is Carlyle's life in relation to the po-litical and social movements of his time. Such in outline is the attitude, which he toolc from time to time to the various events in his country. Such are his wor^s and the purposes for which they were written. In order to realize fully his position among Eni^Ush social writers, It is not only necessary to understand Car-lylc's attitude to the politics and history of his &^e but also his relation to oonteaiporary authors* His early life was sp&nt in Scotland where few literary ^enuises were then living* Sir Walter Scott, the only noted Scotch writer of that time, he never saw, nor did he have a very laigh opinion of the latter*B worl:s. Going to London from his narrow sur-roundings and an unappreeiatlve Scotch public he had h&d great expectations of meeting men of kindred tastes and aysi-pathles, whom he could reverence and respect. In thif? hope he was bitterly disappointed, and he continued to be so in such matters to the end of his life. It is often true that our expectations exceed the reality, and this w«s esr^eclally true in Carlyle's case. Wordsworth he found old, trivial, and prosaic, without the dash of g'nnius he had expected. Coleridge, Lamb, and De Quincey had sparies of tMs genius but were weak characters in Carlyle's sight. These men he met «» and conversed with, but on close observation they lost most of their noble qualities. Moreover, they were not of Car-lyle's type, nor were they interested in such an intense way 17 as he v.'as in such stihjects as political ecoriomy and social reform. It is not until the later period of his life, when he made his permanent home in London, the centre of Briti^ fh thought, that he made more agreeable friendghipn nmone. his own claos. Mill, Ruskin, Tennyson^and Clou^h are Ujotablo in these later years. At one time, Mill was under the influence of Carlyle to a certain extent^and in spite of differencer? of opinion as to theories of liberty they remained close friends for the greater part of Mill's life, Tennyson he admired and l0T«d, feeling that the poet was giving exrifsssion in his po-etry, to the same search for truth, that he himself was seek-ing to give In prose. Arthur Clough he also loved and re-spected for much the same qualities of truth and bravery in his oonviotions. Ruskin, however, was the most closely con-nected with him in literary work; yet Carlyle did not feel so much personal friendship for him as for some of the others. He loved him rather as his disciple and ai? the teacher of his sooial and political theories. Ruskin was nearest to Carlyle in life purpose and style. He seemed to be taklnp- up the task of conservative reform where Carlyle was forced to leave it off throu^ old a^e. For this reason he held Carlyle's deepest regard and interest. Besides these purely literary figures, he met a great number of the influential men of his time in both political and religious circles. Dr. Chalmers, the Dean of ;Vinchester, and Thomas Srskine were the most important in the relir'ious 18 world* For most of these men he had a sincere regard, his reapect for their opinions dependin.? lararely on their sincer-ity in speech and action. In politics, he met the !iiost prom-inent leaders of the Whig and Tory parties, GledstOKe and Disraeli; but, while he felt a certain friendship for-Dis-raeli, he \sas of the opinion that they were "both insincere "Copper Captains," and s-ere not the true leaders of England, In other countries too, he had several noted friends such as Effierson from America, who was his friend and disciple, and Mazzlni of Sicily, hesides Goethe of Germany of whose influ-cnee on him I have already spoken. However, amon^ all these noted Bjen, with the exception of Goethe, there V&B not one who had any Influence over his thought or writing. Hie friendship for them In whatever degree it mi^ht have existed, while of a sincere and often admirinc: nature, had fre<5[uently a touch of patronage in it. His friendship wae for them as men. They seldoa had anything in common with his own thought except sincerity, unless they were his disciples. Thus he stood apart intellectually f roni his equals and conteajporaries, ay>J -fo OS ht ^always 4g4#*^ iaig his o^m hattles. Still more important to a study of Carlyle's social writings and the spiritual teachings which perneates tbem, is a knowledge of the religious principles which f^ -overned his thought and actions. It is necessary to know hie conception of God the All-wise. A n powerful Huler of this world, as the essential hasls of all hxmem. life and action; and thence of 19 11 1 all society. It is the capacity for such faith in spiritnal things ¥7hich differentiates man from other gregarious aiiiiaals for hin. This helief is at the hack of hiE3 repudiation of Darwin and the progress of science» %'hich so marked his later years. Carlyle was brought np a Preshjterian of the stern Cove-nanter type. As a child and yonth ho was imb-ued with all the essential Calvinlstic doctrines of that reli^^ion, of which predestination» and a sense of a stem and Jnst God as the eontrolier and author of this ijniverse remained with him thron^otit life. Even after his period of religious denial he wa.8 of the piiritanical school in ftmdamentals, even though he seemed to give these ideas other expression than the con-ventional one. There are, however, various points in which he takes a more mystical outlook on the world than his fellov? Presbyterians, for he ceased to follow any rell<^ious sect at length, and finally fornsulated his own relijPiious beliefs to suit his needs. Partly because of the influence of the then prevalent religious scepticism which was increased by fresh discoveries in science at this time, but chiefly beca'ase his own intense feeling for truth was against rigid church dogma, he fell a victim, about the time he finished college, to profound religious doubts as to the ezistence of God, or to the benef-. icence of His nature in relation to human affairs. Doubts such as these had been formulating themselves in hie student days, and when he read the works of Gibbon, Voltaire^and the X 20 French Encyelopaedistes a little later, they became more a-cute, threatening for some time to overthrov; his entire re-ligious and moral faith. After years of struggle, and with the aid of the German mystics, as already mentioned, he final-ly laid aside these donhts. He tells of the end of this struggle in Chapter VII Book II of Sartor Resartua, where he shows how he asserted his own Individuality as a spiritual "being, who could "be superior to earthly evils. From this position he proceeded to a definite belief of his own in the existence of Ck>d and em ultimate purpose in human life, (as described in the "Sverlaeting Yea" of Sartor Heaartus); al-thou^ his position in such matters was somewhat different from the orthodox beliefs of his parents* faith. In the first place Carlyle believes that man is essen-tially spiritual in nature. His true life is in F.nirit and not in matter, "So that this solid world after all is but an air image; O'^ ^ B®. ^^ ^^^ only reality, and all is Godlike 1 or God" he says in one of his letters, iit another time he points out "First that Kan is Spirit, and bound by invisible bonds to all men.'' This beliif in the all-pervading spirit-uality of man's life is in accordance with all religions, but to Carlyle it was extraordinarily real, so much so, that in the first quotation we have his tendency to raysticisn. Such beliefs were not merely casually accepted church creeds to him. They were vital facts of actual life. Furthermore » 1 Fronde, Life of Carlyle 1795- 18S5; 1882, vol. li, p.84, 2 Sartor Resartus (Everyman Series);^p.45. 'W i I! . . 2 1 everything except this spiritnal life was a symbol, unsub-stantial and imreal, a semblance of that srirltual life v/hich it portrayed. "This Dreaming^ this Somnambulisai is what v;e ll on Earth call Life; ^ Therein the most indeed undoubtin^ly wander as if they knev; rirfit hand from left, yet they are 1 only wise, who knor/ that they know nothin,^." Man's earthly life itcelf he believed to be an unreality. Therefore in the same strain we find "Prose, Decay, Contemptibility; there Is in each sort Poetry also, and a reverend Worth. For inatter were it never so despicable is Spirit, the manifestation of 2 3 the Spirit" and "All visible thinrs are emblems." 1?hus to • 5 Carlyle, nature, man's earthly life, and all V7e know as actu-ality in this world are but temporary nianlfost:. tions of the spiritual life which is eternal* It is this asreet of his belief that shows the spirit of mysticism xvhich is character-istic of his inmost,religious thou^it. In connection with the above beliefs is found his theory that miraclos are Tnere-I ly the working of those laws of nature v;hich are beyond our understanding. This is what he terras ITatural oupernat-iiral-ism, in which tairacleg and the supernatural are but a v/orkin^ of the higher laws of nature, or of God throug-h feature. Such is Carlyle»s belief in the all powerful epiritual life in this world, which explains his insistence that God and t'^ e spiritual are necessarily the centre of man's life and of all human activity and relationship.^ To Carlyle, man's religion 1 Sartor Resartus (Everyman Series); -0.40, 2 ibid.^l-'^p.^e. '' 3 Ibidi";;'!). 5 4 . 22 I' and his relation to God was the forndation of society; since, as har been said before, "man is "bortnd by invisible bond?? to all men," these bonds boin^ spiritual, Without beinp: in right relation to God, man cannot hope to rccornise the^e spiritual bonds or to be able to live with his fellows in v 5!; social harmony. If we sin against God, retribution will 1 surely overtake us. This for him was a fundaments 1 law for society, Carlyle was Intensely sincere in all things, TTypoori^y, eact, and all tajtimth were worse to him than any other form of evil* Th«y were, in fact, direct manifestations of the B«Til« naturally, then, any hypocrisy in rellj^ion, \?hich is the outward manifestation of man's relation to God, would be «apooially intolerable to him. This hatred of insincerity is at the back of all Carlyle»s social tirades. It was also what he believed to be at the baris of all the social evils and atheism of the mid-19th Century in England. Darwin's theories of the orifjin of man toferethcr with the reneral pro-gress of natural science which was then bein^ made, had urset the previous stability of men*s religions creeds. The urirest caused by this upheaval in matters of faith p:ave Cerlylc a feeling that man*s belief In spiritual life we?? disar^rearinp:. This feeling gave rise to his catburstp a/rainst scier.tlfic progress. It was not science in which he necessarily disbe-lieved. It was the fatal influence which he felt that the 1 Latter Pay Pamphlets, Collected Dorics 1"98, vol.20, p 2.FB 23 newly discovered scientific theories v;onld have on man's re-ligious belief, which troubled him; and it siufst be remembered that s-uch beliefs in his opinion were necessary for the main-tenance of healthy society* He believed that in England, and likewise in Europe, religion had become hypocritical. He did not care about existing creeds. What mattered to him was that the individu-al man should believe whole heartedly in his own personal 1 beliefs and act upon them sincerely. This, he thouj^ht, En,^ -llshfidn no longer did. Hence, from insincerity in reli^^ion 6mm their insincerity in actions and because of this evil, nan's social i»elationships were poisoned, whence the social evils of the time had their source. Thus to him both lack of religion* and insincere religion, were at the heart of Eng^ -land's social troubles, far more than v/ae the Industrial Sevolutlon, even as a man's lack of sriritual life influences his outward actions. If England would mend her social prob-lems, she must first improve her spiritual life. She must put herself into right relations with God; she must find out His laws and follow them, Cariyle was the spiritual prophet in an a ^ of material-isia. He came at the end of the 18th Century, the a^e of Scepticism and Reason, and ¥/as at the height of his powers when the evil effects of the Industrial Revolution were bein^ felt most in English labour circles. Into this a^e of 1 Heroes and Hero~?:orship (Everyman Series); p,240. 24 materialisra, tmreformed, and weary of its accuraulated social grievances,he brought his doctrine of spiritual healin^r; spiritual in the arrakeninsP: of man's "better nature, v/hlch he believed would produce a better understanding^, man with man. In this great purpose he stood alone in his a^e as the pio-neer » miSt free of outside influences, As such he preached his gospels of truth and sincerity, and of reverence for the basiQ spirituality of man*s bein^, With these facte in mind, eonoernin^ his life and religion as related to his works on soelal raforo, it Is hoped that the study of hie political, 8oeial« and edtioational doctrines will be nore intelligible. i H * i ?: 'i 1 I •f f 4 > I II P O L I T I C A L R E F O R M In 1831 Carlyle gives his definition of society as "the vital articulation of many individuals into a new oolloctive 1 individual." Later in Past and Present he j^ tates what to hi® is the threefold need of any society, particularly of the society of his own time, Firat there is the need of a Icin^, then the need of a system of order and government, and final-ly feut most important of all, the need of God in industrial 2 society, as in all society. Government, a fulfillment of these three needa of society, is the relation "betv/een sen which makes for order in the v/orld , and such, by his rrofrre-m of political reform, he sought to ma^e it. Political Economy as he knew it was false and harmful. The Utilitarian school was most important in politics at this time. Its followers were materialists whose tendency w s to destroy the life giving Ijolief in God , which to him was the living essence of society. Benthamism, with its "belief in the greatest happiness principle, vrae leavinj? out the stern spiritual laws of God which Carlyle said that man must follow whether they brought happiness or not. Benthan, the head of the Utilitarian school, 1 "Characteristics" . Scottish and Other T.'iscellanles (Everyman ed.); p. 195. 2 Past and Present; Everyman ed. . reprint 191^5, Blr. iv, oh. i, pp. 240-1. I } 1 I If i • I'.' 26 believed that all men wore born v/ith plastic iiniiapreBsioned minds. All had equal chances, and environment after birth was what made the differences between individttals. The senses only are bom with men; hence pleafj-ure and pain are the the criterlons of morality, and the neatest heppine'^ f? to the greatest number is the law v/hich should govern relationshipe in politics and in society, John Stuart Mill, the other great political economist of this time, also accepted these principles, at the same time stressing the liberty of the individiial to develop his own gifts, not for the good, of so-eiety, or in order to be its leader, but simply for himself as an individual. Utilitarianism as set forth by these two philosprhors was the dominant guide in the political econorny of the day. To Carlyle, however» they were ignoring the spiritual worth of the Individual, and were tending to moXe politics mechan-ical by leaving out the belief in man»s innate differences in capability, and regarding hlni merely ar; a machine to be moulded by material laws. Because of the^e tendencies he believed them to be false economists, for, et one time he saj says "Political philosophy should be a scientific revelation of the whole secret mechanism whereby men cohere together in society." For him the secret mechanism was the v/orlcings of man's spiritual nature with God, and among his fellows. It will be seen from this, that his theories of political and 1 Froude, Life of Carlyle 1795-1835; 1882, vol.ii, p.78. 27 socia l reform are based primarily on the sr i r i t -ual needs of man, * Government, then, must be built on a thorough under-*. standing of man's higher sensibilities; those feelings which I' distin^ish him from the beasts and make him human, "For 1 man is not the creature and prod-uct of mechanism; but in a ] far truer sense its creator and producer: it is the noble People that makes the noble Government rather than converse-\ • ^ I ly," Carlyle believeo that without considering this human i J ami spiritual side of man, the government becomes mechanical i and brutish; and when the unconsidered elements seek expres-sion, that Government cones to CTief. Over all man*s prac-tloal actions, his soul has final predominance. This must be taken Into account ard allowed its proper funetuon if the government is to be successful. The greatest aids in recognizing? this side of man and in understanding the laws of God and nature are abr^olute truth-fulness and acknowledgment of fact. To reooCTii^e the impor-tance of the spiritual v/e must ourselves be trnthf-ul to our-selves and to others, in all things. Unleno wo are so, we cannot understand or perceive the hiirhc-^ t and best v;bicb should govern our relationship to others, '?e cannot see God*s laws clearly and we will fail in everything of im^or-tance. Cant and hypocrisy are fatal diseases of ell human relationships. In political relationships they shov; them-1 Signs of the Times, Scottish and Other ITlscellanies ; Everyman edi'*' p. 236. V i l selves in injustice which is merely a form of untruth. As such It is particularly disastrous. At this point it is necessary to see what he helieveal to be the true relationship betv;een man and man* He lived in an age when the rights of mar. and social laws v/ere rauch tallced of* As has been seen already, Bentham and Mill were the authors' of the most popular theories of the period. Car-lyle took q.^ ite the opposite viev; from theirs. They believed that all men were born equal. Carlyle believed that men are not eg.ual in mental, spiritual, or physical qtifilities; and this for him was one of the laws of God« "Sieve or free is? settled in Heaven for man: acts of parliament attemptlne- to 1 settle it on earth for him, sometimes make sad work of it," therefore, since one man has ^eater mental and spiritual gifts,—greater wisdom, in other v/ords,—it is natural that he should have the greatest right to govern. 7'isdom, Intel-lect, and spiritual Insight are what enable a men to discern the laws of God, and therefore those laws which should ope-rate in government. Having that jester wisdom its possessor must expend it to guide his less fortunate brother, who, under the decree of heaven, lacks the superior amount of wis-dom necessary for dtvining the best way of life.. This con-stitutes Carlyle's chief political doctrine,--that of f!:overn-ment of the ignorant by the wise. In connection with this it must always be remembered that by "wise" he means not so much -. those who have been educated in book learning, btst more 1 Latter Pay Pamphlets; collected works, 1898, vol.xx, -fn P 248. 29 especially those who possess native intellect, end spiritual insist. By i^orant, he seans those who lack this intelli-gence and insight. All these ideas form the "basis of his Hero ?»'orship, from which comes the second law of political relationshi?. This was that the man of lesser wisaom should recocT*ize the oth-er's superior wisdom, and render the latter reverence (Hero-worship) for those ^.ualities. Thus by so doing he would ac-knowledge his superior's^i^t to govern* Carlyle's own words show this clearly, ^Surely of ail the *ri^ts of men' this rl^t of the ignorant men to be guided "by the wiser, to \ie gently or forcibly held in the true course by him, is the 1 Indisputablest," In this too lies man's true liberty. Kill states that the liberty of man consists in his free development v/ithout the restraining influence of social law and custom. Liberty, In the language of the political parties of the tirae, is per-sonal liberty, especially as in sacredness of property rights. For Carlyle, however, it is not a state which comes froni lack of external restraint, but is rather the conditions under which man can perforin his life function most fully, and can work to-the best advantage; under vthlch he can develop to the fullest the best that is in him. He may have the wisaom to do this by himself, or he may be one of the i^ iiorant who re-q.uire guidance from without by those wiser than himself. In 1 Chartism, Critical and Miscellaneous ^ g^^-g ^^-j^ ^^. collected works 1899. vol xxix, p, 157. •\l 30 his own words we find "The true liberty of a nan yon would say, consisted in his finding, out or "being forced to find out the ri^t path, and nalk thereon. To learn or to lie taught, what work he actually was a'ble for; and then by permiSHlon, 1 persuasion, and even compulsion to set a"boiit doing: same." Llherty to Carlyle was freedom from the tyranny of his own ignorance of, and inahility to choose what was "best for him« self. These are two laws of Ood which, to Carlyle form the basis of his theory of Government. This theory is that It is the duty of the wise to ta^e the reins of government, and of. the ignorant to obey such goverriinent, "Intellect has to govern in this world; and will do it; if not in alliance with the so called *Govemiaents» of red tape and routine, then in 2 divine hostility to such," and again in spealcin^ of slavery, but really referring to all government he says, "'?ell except by Mastership and Servantshlp, there is no conceivable deliv-erance from Tyranny and slavery. Cosmos is not Chaos, simply by this one quality, that it is governed." This is the basis of all government for Carlyle. The superior in spirit-ual and intellectual things must govern in 5?ome v/ay as by a law of God; this being the only way in v#hich society can exist. 1 Past and Present; Everyiaan ed., reprint 1915, Blc. ill, oh. xiii, p. 204. 2 Latter Bay Pamphlets; collected vyorks 1896, vol. xx, P. 130. 3 "The digger Question" Critical and Miscellc.neous Essays, vol. Iv; collected worlcs, 1899, vol. xxlx, p. 362. / y 31 Btit if such is the law of G-od to mankind, there is one thin^ within hniaan power which can disturl) it, and thet is injustice. He who is the GoTernor, the superior in ^ .^'isdom shonld exercise his powers jiistly, otherwise that same law of God's, which insists on trtith and Justice is defied, and the scheme of social relationship will he destrosred. Sooner or later the man seelcing guidance will realise the falsity of his Sttperior, and at the same time the latter»s lack of sxipe-rior wisdom. Then in Carlyle^s own phraseolo^, there will he CHiaos instead of Cosmos, and government, the "badge of himan society as opposed to that of the beasts, will he noxight# Sttch are the principles upon which Carlyle ha^^ei his scheme of political reform. First, by the law of God, men are not equal, and the inequalities are because of differ-ences in mental and "spiritual worth combined. Secondly, the ignorant, have the right to be gt)verned by the intellectual superiors. Last of all, but most important to Carlyle, while it is the duty of the ignorant to obey his superior, it is likewise the duty of that superior to govern wisely and just-ly, or his claims for the title of governor cease to be val-id. These to Carlyle arc the unchangeable laws by v/hlch the government of man as a social animal and a human bein^ must be carried out, and according to such principles he criti-cized the government of his time, and sugirestBctsuch reforms as he believe^ wot/let lessen the political evils of his day. According to such theories, he sug^sts government by an 11 I. 1 Aristocracy of falent as the one retnedy in politic!!?. But to appreciate his meaning in this, It is necesearjr to disciis.s more fully the character of the m&n of superior wisfiom, who ia to he the ideal Governor., We siust see what, according to Carlyle, n&B his place in the oonsuffimation of political re-forta* Carlyle*s Governor is the Hero of which he si>ealcs so mtioh* He is the King, in old English kennln^g, or "the one who knows," as Carlyle falsely takes the etymolo^ of tbe w o ^ 3clng to he. For him the hero is the ablest man, of the highest God-given endowsents. S'a.ch a hero may show his hero-ic iit^ mlities in many ways according to his enviror.meKt, ard to his place in the progress of the himan reoe. He may be regarded as a god as in lorse pa^an tiises; or he may be a prophet as was Mahomet; a priest» as was Lnther; a poet &s was liBXLte or Shakespeare; or a man of letters; but the high-est of all forms of, the Hero is the King who is the commander 2 over men. ^ e ability to lead men is the greatest of all gifts, for he who possesses it must possess the (j-aalities which other forms of Heroism show. He ronst be priest, proph-et, and poet, as well as commander of men. At least he cmst have the insight which these types of heroes pof???ep'^ . This brings np the qnestion of the definite qiielities of Carlyle»s Hero. First of all he ranst be sincere. He must look on all conditions of men and affairs fairly, and act y m f 1 Heroes and Hero Worship; Sveryrcan ed,, reprint 1921,^*""'' p , 45S. L*th^'t, £ Heroes and Hero Worship, Everyman ed,,^p, 453, if 33 tOY/ards then sincerely. He nmst be sincere in his attit-ude towards God, sincere to himself and sincere to his fellov/-men. In relation to this first q-aality he says, "If he have not the justioe to put dovm his own selfishness at every turn, and courage to stand hy the danfrerous true at every turn; hovi shall he know? His virtues all of them, will be reeorded In his knowledge, Mature with ber tr-uth remains to the bad, to the selfish and the pusillanimous forever a 1 sealed book." Secojidly he must have the God-a:iven Insig'ht t^ read ari^t the meaning of all eonditions aboi7t hiTi, and to iv&gQ eorrectly in all matters of importance. Thus he s^B Of his Hero, "Fearful and wonderful, real as life, real as death Is this tJnlTerse to him. Though all men should for-get Ite truth, and walk in vain show, he cannot. At all mo-mentjg the Flame image glares in upon him, undeniably there, therel I wlah you to take this as my primary definition of a great man." The Hero is essentially the divinely inspired man who is able to discern the will of God , so ar- to v/alk by His lav?3, and lead others in thera. This its Corlyle^n ideal governor, who expresses clearly his conception of the "divine right of kin^," but not in the accepted way as hereditary 3 kingship. He Is rather the man of talent and of worth grher-evor he may be found. If the king is to be the greatest hero, chosen because 1 Heroes ^nd Ilero Worship | Everjrman ed., 19/^ 1 .^ r?. 339. E ibid .l^'fl.. 280. 3 ibid.^5*. 428. li '<'{ ir I 34 he possesses the hi^est ahllity and the greatest insie^t, his . cotuisellors in Government are likev/ise to be Gho^en for their heroic q."aalities. The Kin^ or Governor is to he helrtea by an "Aristocracy of Talent," or as Carlyle calif? it at other times "a Corporation of the Best and Bravest," They must be men possessed of lilce gi^Blities v/ith their leader, in order to be able to sympathise with and advise him. They ere to be the piclc of the nation, to be the best accordiS;^ to the c?efi~ nitiocs of Heroism, Of such an aristocracy Carlyle says, "Whatsoever Aristocracy ij. still a corporation of the Best, is safe from all peril, and the land it roles is a s&fe and 1 blessed land," Snch for Carlyle is the ideal governing body of ai^ oomitry, and such he would wish for En^l&nd, Actual conditions in England, to Carlyle's mind, were very far from such an ideal state. Government by the "Ablest" had ceased to be. The aristocracy of the land had become for Carlyle a "Phantasm" for t*?o reasonf?. First because the ar-istocracy no longer possessed the high qualities of an Aris-tocracy of Talent, It ivas "no longer able to do its work, not in the least conscious tho.t it has any work longer to do," It had become an imaginary aristocracy of title with-out those powers which command the respect and reverence of i the comnon people, vthom it is God's lav? thi t the aristocracy should guide and govern. For this reason, we have our seoond •Mi §1^  I •n 1 "Chartism" Critical and MiBcellaneons Epsajj-s, vol, iv; collected works 1899* vol. xxix, p. 160, i^ 2 Past and :&re3ent; Everyman ed* 1915, Bk. iii, oh. i, p. 135. 35 cause of the failure of the Aristocracy, for the people had 9-9-ceased to fulfill their functiori of reverencing their aris-tocracy or in fact any sort of wisdom whatever. Such wisdom had ceased to exist among men, and they had turned to some-thing which did exist, that is to the material things of life, such as accumulating money and property. They v/ere disregarding their higher nature ao that hero-worship had changed to a soul killing worship of wealth(mammon-worship) which» if leftj would destroy the heart of the nation. This is a fairly true criticism of the conditions of the tlflie. The aristocracy of England was hereditary^and a large proportion of the generation of that day no longer possessed the genuine qualities of leadership for which their fore-fathers had been knighted. The Industrial Revolution had ehanged the social conditions of the cotintry. Money was more plentiful, and it was possible for those of the lower classes such dS to accumulate large fortTines^had hitherto only been possible for the aristocracy. The aristocracy had lost rauch of its prestige in this way, and had become indifferent, indolent, or supercillious in their attitude to their duties as the governing body of the country. They refused to see the needs of the lower classes. The commons on the other hand had begun to realize that they could rise to a higher station in life through commercial enterprise. They were no longer de-pendent on the aristocracy, and hence no longer rave tbem the respect and loyalty which had been common before the In-dustrial Revolution. Wealth as the "^ roduct of commerce wf s t 0 the mark of the new aristocracy. Each Claris was strivlnf against the other for the possession of sviCh wee 1th, crA the old Interdependence and friendly relations hotween the dif-ferent ranks of society v/r s ^one. For these reecons Carlyle's attacfes on the absence of hero-wornhip and the exir^terce of ffiammon worship in Its stead were Just, for thene rivalries for wealth and position v/ere "being taken into political rela-tionships in gOTernment, ca-usin.rr the various "trtles to lose si^t of the true interests of the country, JDemooracy had taken the plaoe of the ciore aristocratic EOTQTfismnt of the Middle Ages, when some sort of hero-wrorshlr had existed. Garlyle attacks this condition of society bit-terly. To hlro deiBOcracy means "despair of findinfr any Heroes to govern you, and contented puttiner-up with the want of 1 them.** ^is lack of heroes Is the cauae of anarch.7 and revolution. Carlyle firmly believed that v^ith the comlnp- of demooracy, a fcreater evil has been brouje*bt into nan»s life, for the reason that he has ceased to reverence his ?;t!-erior in governnent, thus abandoning: a worship akin to relisrious worship, the symbol of a healthy state of soul. Thus lack of a true aristocracy affects man's spiritual life, and since the source is poisoned, all the activities and enterrrises springing from that must be evil; hence the misery of the people and the failure of the rovemment to brinpr about any 1 Fast and Present,* Everyman ed . 1915, ET:. iii, ch. xiii, p. 208. I I-37 better state of affairs • A law of Goa h&d been brolren, and Carlyle says that '^ If we sin a^inst God, it if? mopA certaiTi God's JndgiQonts v/ill overtake us; and Y/hether we reeofrnize theia as God's messa^je like men^ or laerely r^ -ge and v/rithe ursder them like do^ rs; it is certain they will continue tiron •as, till we either cease 'sinninfr' or are all torn to iecet? 1 and anihilated." England had not always been in this ntate of debased jse gorerrmBnt, In Past and Present, he ^ives nswhct, to hira, is perhaps the ideal state of government» as it existed in the days of feiadallsffl, The election of Saiason an Abbot of St. Sdffionds is for him an example of cliooE?ing the true j^ over-nor in the proper fashion. SM3Bon vms chosen for bin worth and ability. In choosing? him» his fellows put aside any rer-sonal considerations or selfish motives. Because they were true men themselves, they chose hini as the best mar to be their leader. They chose him solemnly, seekinP' God's giiifl-ance In the matter, not llghtlj- with election camrsisms Cxnd bribery as was done in Carlyle's time. Then too, ir. early times^ the nobles of England were chosen by the kins? because of their meritorious service to the state or to himself; and not for selfish mercenary or political reasons us nov.-. This was the nearest approach to tmie /rovemtnent, in Carlj-le's OT opinion, that England has ever had. Government reform must come, then, first of all, by 1 Latter Day Pamphlets; collected work?, 1898, vol.xx, p. 298. m< 38 i, one of title which the anarchic world is everjrwhere rebelling 1 against," And again in the same tone he prophecies "That "* there will again "be a King in Israel; a system of order and 1 Latter Day Pamphlets; collected works 1898, vol. xx p.263. li reforming the spiritual basisi of f?:overnment, The rower of : 'o-hero-worship, of honesty, and of sincerity mi^-t 'he reawalcene6 in the people, so that they rn^y be fit to Slstiniruish clearly who is the best man to oo their .governor. In the Seconal place the ahlest man lanst exist and then ninst he chosen, no matter in what rank of society he is in. As to how this is to he done, Carlyle aoo?^  not gire MS very clear directions. Certainly it is not to "be hy deroocr&tlc vote of the majority. The most significant point which he ma^es in this respect is that every man should seek to bring himself into right relationship with God and His laws with proper sincerity. To Carlyle it is only the wise end the sincere who can discern the hero; and for this reasoi^ it is only these who should have the right to choose the Governor. The one practical hint which he gives in this respect, is that the leaders shall 1?e chosen for ability discovered through education as is done in China, hnt this point will he dis-cussed later in a chapter on education. Above all Carlyle believes the great need of England to be that there should be a true king and a genuine aristocracy rediscovered among her people. Of this he says "It is tragically eviaent to me, k f our first want» \?hich includes all wants, is that of a new real Aristocracy of fact, instead of the extince Imaginary N t t , 1 I I "^r^^-wf 39 Government, and every man shall in so:ne mour^ure see hinfplf 1 constrained to do that which is ri.^ ht in the Kinr*s eyes." Such la Carlyle*s ideal program of gO"vemment which he hoped in vain to see accomplished. He rGolized himself that such a program was impossihle in the England of his time nnd under existing conditions. He believed thst England wo-uld require a long painful period of time to return to any degree of spiritual life from the degrading conditions of selfish and material politics such as existed then. However, ? long vsrlth much violent criticism of existing political conditions, CarXyle sou^t to Instil a certain anonnt of this spiritual r©fopm» He endeavored to make the politicians feel that some step towards this must he made, and that the cause of dls-oontent lay deeper than superficial reform might reach. To see how far he carried his program of reform into the rrac-tical needs of the country is the next step in ontlininr his program of political reform. ' 4 if >.. t i'l \ Parliament is one of the oldest inr^titutions in the If. government of England. Groat changes had "beer: raede in thst | "body since the dawn of English parlianientcry history. Car-lyle naturally turned most of his attention to thlc oi^tntand-Ing institution of British politics in his endeavors to "bring ahout a reform of vital institutions. The history of the growth of parliament is briefly as follows. The original function of parliament \Ya=^  to advise 1 Past and Present; Everyrsan ed. 1915, Bk. iv, ch. i, pp. 240-1. J . > 40 t I? the Jring:, The old Anj^lo-Saxon witena'^emot v;a<? a "body of no- l; I — p» tile men "brou.i^ht toge ther for t h i s p-urrose. Such too wes !|' jtji parliament as instltntec! hy Edward I in 1S95. It wes er^ e^n- ||', |l tlally aristocratic, and its powers v/ere entirely suhorSinate f^' to those of the king; in position end authority. It continued . thiis through the 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th Centuries. JDiir- Vfi ing the 17th Century, the Puritan Revolution took TJlace under [i||'', j|[ % •m Cromwell, but this affected the r^ onition of parliament very little. It was not until the leth Century, under v/caker kings and nohlea, that the people he^ ran to seek ^eator au-thority In matters of ^vernment through parliament. Lord Chatham, the elder Pitt, and William Pitt the youn^rer, in the || latter half of the 18th Century, were outstandin/^ in the agitation for a more complete representation of the peorle. Pii!m.lly in Carlyle's ovsn day parliamentary reforr: and modern enfranchisement bei^ an to have heiruj. The Reform Bill of 1832 redistributed the representation and enlarjrea the number of voters through the £10 franchise, thus increaeln^ fr the rov/er o of the middle classes. Further Political Heforns in 1867 and 1884 ge.ve the franchise to every houBeholfler, enfl chan^ f^ ed the representation still more, so that the nlddle a,nd lower classes had the controlling voice in Parliament, These loter reforms do not come under Carlyle*s writln^rs on ^arliaraentary conditions but he sev? the tendency in 1B32 and resetted it fiercely. Parliament for Anglo-Saxon and !.''edleval l^ nsrlcnd had boor! entirely in the hands of the aristocracy who were completely «l: 41 su'bservient to the king. This vms to Carlj-le an aristocracy of worth. As portrayed in Book II of Past and Present this parliament shows the ideal relationship between king and aristocracy. In his own time, on the other hand, the voice of authority had changed position entirely. Parliament as the instrument of democracy had usurped the authority of the king and aristocracy. It is true that he did not see much evidence of an aristocracy of worth •exi.stin.'r in his own time, but the chief problem to him was that the function of par-liament has shifted from that of advisor to the king and his authority, to taking the place of that authority itself; and he does not believe that the British parliament fulfills, or I is capable of fulfilling this nev/ function. The true function of parliament as an advisory board to the King or chief Governor is to express its opinion. It is the talking apparatus of the nation. Parliament's fulfill-ment of this function Carlj^ -le believes to be indispensable to • 2 . good government. It must not, however, talk for the sake of talking alone. It must have an opinion worth giving, and it is primarily on this point that he criticised the British parliament of his day. Speech as speech witho^ it meaning or sincerity, has become the curse of parliament as of all or-ganizations of the country. The volubility of the press, and the power of a glib tongue in a politician rule in all de-partments of thought, and hinder judgment of the opinion 1 Latter Day Pamphlets; collected works 1898, vol. xx, p. 224. 2 ibid. p. 194. 42 given. The "Unfettered Press"^ V7hich he calls the '^Fourth Estate of Parliament"^plays a great role In political judg-ments, chiefly for the worse in Carlyle*s opinion. Then too, the absence of any Hero Icing as leader i:^ ives parliament and the perpetrators of the above foolishness scope for their ac-tivities. Furthermore, thofse who pretend to he the le?,ders in government are 'insincere and ruled "by the love of money. Hot only the politicians, hut all men have become insincere. In Latter Day Pamphlets he says "'^at we have to complain of, is that all men are become Jesuits* That no man spealcs truth 1 to you or to himself," and later in the same book "But as to Parliament, again and its elegibility, if attainable, there 1 is yet no q^ uestion anyvvhere; the ingenuous so^ ul, if possessed of money capital enough is predestined by the parental and 2 all manner of taonitors to that career of talk." Politicians have lost the first attribute of a true men, namely, sinceri-ty; and moreover they are chosen not for their inherent worth but because of wealth and hereditary position. It is the existence of bribery and insincerity so rife in English poli-tics, both among the politicians themselves and in the pres.-?, that Carlyle feels to be the greB-test curse of parliament whatever its function. As opposed to this state of affairs Carlyle would have the reformed parliament composed of raeinbers chosen from all ranks of society for their wisdom and sincerity, rather than 1 Latter Pay Pamphlets; collected vrorks 1898, vol. xx p. 309, 2 ibid. p. 189. K.i T. 4 from a limited arif?tocratic clarrr', v;ho do not nov/ necesstrily posseos the worthinesr of their forefathers. T'elther v/ere they to be chosen becaiine of their financial rosltion, an iv&s [ becoming? the case at this time. They were to bo men of true worth no matter in what Claris of society they v/ere to be foimd, or hov; little wealth they possessed. This doctrine was entirely contrary to the then prevalent ideae of claRs distinction and of class government. It v;as neither fletter-ing to the titled aristocracy of the land , nor to the ne'.v class of capitalist?? and factory owners who were be^innin;^ to feel an eq.iial right with the aristocracy to the control of the government. It shows, however, the one point of Carlyle's ^ radical sympathy with the lower classes in his urogram of I goveraaient reform. It is especially in keeping v/ith his de- ^ sire to reform the soul of all English manhood, ae foundation for political reform. Without the existence of men who are sincere and wise who inay be chosen, and sincere men to do the choosing, no amoimt of ballotinr and enlarged franchise will choose the right members of parliament. "In the lonr run," he says, "every Government is the exact symbol of its Peorle ^ with their v/isdoro and unwisdom; we h; ve to sey lilce People, 1 like Government." The failure of the English rarliarnent J; t that time to satisfy the people and to carry out the neces-sary reforms for the people's welfare, showe the •unwisdom of that Parliament and also the unviisdom of the people throtigh 1 Past and Present; Everyman ed, 1915, Blc. iv, oh. iv, i, P. 259. I 't 44 r <t' i.15 I their choice of governors. Only hj renewed sincerity and the |"i, •si' ^  cultivation of true wisdota and spiritual insiifyht would such conditions he amended, and a true parliament of Kin^ r's ad-visors be chosen. Carlyle takes ^eat exception to the prevalent mode of choosing such men by "ballot. !Ehe supposed purpose of enlarg-ing the number of voters was to increase the chances of j, Choosing the best and most representative leader. The polit- .JIH leal tendency of the period wr.s to have universal eiiffrasre as '^ < the best method of finding the ablest man. The reform agita-tion between the years 1828-1832, which ended in the Reform Bill of 183S, was all in this direction. Originally the franchise had been granted only to a limited circle of the f aristooracy and sore or less influential land o^ 'ners and ehtirehmen. This custom had not been changed to anj'" ^ eat degree since medieval times. The Industrial devolution, how-ever, had altered the centres of population, so thr.t the rep-resentation was no longer according to the population of the districts, as it had been relatively before that time. The redistribution of members and enlarged franchise granted in the leform of 1038 waa a long step towards democracy such as has been realized in later years. To Carlyle, however, this extension of franchise would not be conducive to a choice of better leader. Rather the opposite would be the case, since in accordance with his views on the inherent ineq.ualities of men, sorne men are v/ise while others are unwise, and only the wise have the insight IS" ^  45 to choose the true leaders. Of this he says "ire not tv;o men stronger than one; must not two voters carry it orer one? T answer no, nor t\?o thousand, nor two million--Meny men vote, but in the end, you will infallihly find, none counts excert 1 the few who were in the right," ^  ^nd. again "ITo peorjle or poptllace, with never such ballot boxes, can select such a :^ an for yon. Only the man of worth can recognize iforth in raen." Most men do not possess the proper amount of v/isdom. Hence by enlarging the franchise so as to include the messer, the proportion of unwise or useless votes is made to largely exceM the number of wise ones. The true voter is the man who is spiritually free, who is wise and also obedient to the laws of the Universe. Froin this idea of the wise and free, coEes Carlyle*9 belief in the rights of the minority being superior to the rights of the majority, because the minority with their God-given wisdom have the insight to choose aught, while the mei^orlty, beln^ without such wisdom would choose v;rongly. "The free man is he who is loyal to the Laws of this Universe, who in his heart sees arid knows across all contradictions that injustice cannot befall him here. The first symptom of such a man is 3 not that he resists and rebels, but that he obeys." As has been said before, freedom to Carlyle means obedience to the lawa of God in this Universe, and hence to the will of the Iff m ;1 iMfi 1 Latter Bay Pamphlets; collected works 1898, vol. xx, p. 245. K ibid. p. 141. 3 ibid. p. 237. 46 1 Latter Bay Pamphlets; collected worlcs 1898, vol. xx, P. £40. •|TJT-J-ast and wise ruler. It is only When the ruler is -un^ lupt end UR7/lse, thet the common man has any right to revolt. Votinr and enfranchisement mean very little to Carlylc, since once the Heroic Governor is foimd, man's one rule in politic?! is obedience to him as to a superior. The only purpose of value which Carlyle sees in elections in the fona which they take in modern democracy, is to frive the Governor an insig-ht into the state of piiblic opinion on various political questions. In his own words we find hini saving, **Boyond a doubt it will be useful, will be indisren-sable, for the King or Governor to know what the mesB of men think upon public questions, leg^islative and administrative, 1'-^  what they will assent to willingly, what unxfillins-ly; what ^ they will resist with superficial diBoontentf? and renon-strajices, what with obstinate determination, with riot, per-haps with armed rebellion, . , , . To which end, Tarllasients, ' u u 1-. i iff \''\ Free Presses, and such like are excellent; they keep the I Governor fully aware of what the Peonle vilsaly or foolishly ] fi 1 h think." This does not imply that the Go-vcrnor is to follow | ^  the voice of the people in all decision?. If to hi? Fur^erior |;>t wisdosa their decision is foolish, Carlyle*3 j^tatement indl- |^  cates that it is the Governor's duty to act contrary to the popular decision. This is the autocriitlc side of Carlyle's theory of Government, In his belief in the ri^ht of the wise, of every olass to rule he is democratic, but in the raethod by which the wise shall rule he is entirely autocrtitic. r' k 1?rTT^ 47 One may ask hov/ far this has come to pass since Carlyle virote the Latter Day Pamphlets in 1850. Certainly as far as administrative matters are concerned, it is only the "broad and simplified issues which are Dut "before the r:eoT)le at an 1 election. The technical details and actual working out of such matters are left in the hands of the Government leaders and experts. Then too, once those leaders are elected to office, they do not necessarily follow the voice of elections Then too, in Carlyle's time, the jn&snes of Sn^rlish ivork-Ing men v;ere utterly iipiorant according to the common meaning of that word. Compulsory education for all had not yet been enforced or so much as thoug-ht advisable. The first definite step in this direction was the Education Act of 1870, twenty years after Carlyle wrote concerningr the lack of Ti/isdoB dis-played by the masses, Even then very little hod been done. 1 MacCunn, Six Radical Thinkersj 1910, ?. 153, T .i in every detail, if the peoples wishes go contrary to what i appears to be the best policy as they see it with their tech-nieal experience and more intimate knowledge of oondltiong. This disregard of popular vote now appears to be an abuse in government at times, but in these two points Carlyle»s plan h "*' has been tacitly accepted with regard to the extent of the || H control exercised by elections. Our leader? are still elected '^  ' by the masses, but the wisdom of this is sometimes questioned, when oratory and personal prejudice are seeii to !?wG.y the pop- | ulace against their better judgment if taken ac individxial??. t/ ' •¥i3v^'*-..T 48 It is little ^^ onder then, that he does not see the T}0?^ sibil-ity of the whole population being able to t^ lce an intelli^nt stand in politics. He does believe, ho-^ '^sver, in the efficacy of education in such matters, althourji he does not see all its possibilities in the way of increasing ropiilsr wisdom. It is nevertheless, almost the sole practical suggestion which he offers in matters of jolitical reforrn. In spite of all our education of the masses, he does speaJc for the evils of this generation as well &s for those of his own, whenhe attacks the failings of politician;^. TheiT insincerity, their selfishnesf:, their love of noaning-less oratory, and their liability to bribery in office, sre unfortunate traits which have not yet been entirely unrooted. What is really worth v/hile, in his prosaic cf -political re-form is his proclamation of the need of a changre In the hearts of all men, and especially in the case of the leaders, whereby they might be turned to truth, sincerity, v/ipdorn in God's universal lav/s, and to a son^e of the s5eriousneBr of their position amon^ their fellov/B. Carlyle F!&ys in speaking of government, "nio's to decide it? . . . why thou end I, and gleam of understandin/j, . . . and v/oe will befall us, each and all, if we don't decide it aright according cs the Al-mighty has already decided it," 1 Latter Day Pamphletr^; collected works, 1B98, vol. xx, ili. m I'-' each man into v7hose living soul the Almighty has breathed a g; &)i •07^ 7?**"'^  49 Such is the important note in Cerlyle's plan of reform in England's Government, It is nor: necer.sarj- to nee what changes he proposed to maie in that GovernEent's Forei^ and Colonial Policy,--that Instit^jtion which dec.ls .vith those re-lations which the country has with the world oxitside its ov/n instilar "borders. Interest in colonies was very lo- at this time, while an a>5ressive forei^ policy v/as the main mrpope of the Governraent. People in En^ j^rlond tho"=:Tht the Colonies were a great expense and worry, rather than an asset to the ooimtry^and accordingly rather neglected colonial needs. In 1837 the people of Canada rose in-rebellion heea-use of lack of jnst self-government and threatened to Join United States, England as a whole was very indifferent a.^. to vfhet h8preened to the Colony. On the other hand they felt that they la-ust maintain their position of Rupremacy r.raonif the nptlons of Europe, especially after the recert -^a^oleonic sftrn^^le. This foreign rivalry say have had a certain effect on the colonial policy, hy ind-aeinfr the mother cot-ntry to keer the colonies for pride's sake, v;hen otherv.-if^ e they, wotiia hr.ve let them go as nselesn possessions. Thlp iraifference towr.rds the colonies m.s fairly marked from 1820 to 1860 especially. Under Disraeli a policy of strong iriporialism in foreifm I-re la t ionships was inaTignrated. During these years Carljle | I waa the exponent of the opposite theory/ To hio the Colonies | were nmch more Important than an agres!?ive forei<ra Trolley in * | Surope, and as a social reformer he was intensely interested i in their welfare and in keeping then loyal to the cro^sn. | With the hope of changing this policy he attacked the f"; • Wk i/'ni ffT^ ""-: 50 Government at Downing Street v/here fre situated the Foreign and Colonial Offices. Sloth and misdirected effort are the two evils most apparent to him in these offices as is shown in the following passage "that the work, such as it may he, is ill-done in these estahlishments - delayed, neglected, slurred over, comoltted to hands that cannot do it r;ell . . . Or second what is still fataler, the work done there aay it-1 self be q.uite the ^?rTong kind of 'A'ork," Here a^ain he ; 4-: it ?tn.<-i IV. implies the v'aVt/c. Qf his doctrine, that the man of v^ 'orth should be in charge, since the present occupc-nts of Downing j ; Street are neither capable of doing the work before them, nor '.f\. have thoy the insist to see what work should re&lly be done. |;| This statement v/as especially true of the Colonial Office which,in Carlyle's opinion^dealt with questions which were not in its field, and which should have been left to the :. i J-I.; •, Colonies themselves J Here he perhaps has in mind the cause |j| )^  of the American Revolution and also the Canadin.n situ;-tion as 'Wm • m.i it then stood. Colonies to Carlyle were a divine ^ift, and Ufy' 5.J-.. <-:f •-. as such should be respected. lie connects our right to the |n| Colonies with his doctrine of *ini^t is right.* His views on |T; : this subject frequently seem to be conflicting, but if one ffe; ;, m m looks deep enough he will see that they are connected closely with his feeling for God's divine guidance in sll affairs of this world. 'Kight is right' he often says, but ,^ ust as frequently he points out that right is might,in the sense 1 Latter Bay Pamphlets; collected works 1898, vol. xx, ti p.95. . I 1:^  Ih 51 that might which is able to persist for a lon^f time must be the will of God, and hence the right, as in the car;e of the Ilorman Conquest. Thus at one timo he says "thnt all ^oes by w a ^ r - o f - b a t t l e in this v/orld; that atren^rth well understood is the measure of all worth. Give a thin^ time, if it can 1 succeed, it is the right thing." Tyranny doe*:? not e^^peol to Carlyle*s freedom-loving soul any more than to any one else, but to him "might is right" is God's law proved by sui*vival. i' !4 '\ Tyranny and the temporary survival of " m i ^ t s ^ prove their n wrongness by their short life, Carlyle foils, hov?ever, to ji ! n i n-1 « take into account the injustice end terrible cost to humanity which is usually involved in proving whether the "mi^ht" is | right or wrong. Moreover, since the "might" is frequently wrong, the cost of proving it so aecordin,<r to Carlyle*3 meth-od usually proves a great menace to society, as in the caRe | H of the late war. That the "mights" of this world are usually tested thus by survival is, on the whole, true, in s-'dte of the injustice involved, and in this Carlyle -"rove? hir in- ifH» y V IT*" sight into human nature. | •*. In connection with the colonies "might is right," re-garding their possession, to that extent v/hich our fore-fathers through their valour have been &ble to conquer the new lands and make them of more value. This Is the lew y/hich gives any man rights of possession to lend. If he has the m l ^ t to conquer that land and make it more valueble in the 1 Heroes and Hero-worship; Everyman ed. 1921, j>, 373. 'v -W-T'^ ^Pw-^-l igi i t of soc ie ty ' s neefi, then he has proved hi^ r i fh t to hoia tha t land "by s ight i f necessary, so lonsr a? lie i r r.&lciE.f the best use of i t . ?rith th i s idee in nind i t fcllov.-p that ^e should "oe Timsforthy of the heritage of our ancestor- , if we did not Sieej the colonies and scjce tlie hest use of thsr.. ' 'If any Governor contrive to cut off the Goloniee, or any real r igh t the h i ^ Br i t i sh Empire has in cclonier , ccfr. he and the Br i t i sh Siapire wi l l "bitterly repent i t one fi&y . . . Taslrs colonial and domestic, which are of an e t e m e l l y 2ivine na-1 ttare • • • have been as-signed to th i s n::tioE." Siach i s Car-l y l e ' s ojlnioB of the worth of the Colonies, ana the duty of Britaii^ to r e t a in there. Of ex is t ing a f fa i r s in colonial adr^ini s t r a t i on he ~iclcs out two points as of sreci&l s i ^ i f i c a n c e . F i r s t t":e Coloni-a l Office in London decides upon questions ^hich ahonld be decided in the Colonies themselves as has already heen no-t i c e d . Secondly, follo?irintT the 3>-tirhan: ?,e"ort of 1S32 on C&na'a, th i s colony ;vas given, in 1?3S, one of t ' e hato:! dem-ocrat ic cons t i tu t ions , a ba i t to maintain jsace for t" e tirr^e, but which did not touch the root of the n^ittsr. Following | t h i s act the Governisent indersnifieS t>8 rehe ls , which .••••s K j i ece of £TOSS in jus t ice to Carlj ' le 's «ay of thinriii-^. To reisedy these e v i l s , Cariyle woiiia. hfve, fir^-t of a l l , a ^yer-isanent Governor of the Hero type, ?mo wotil5 be qiialifieS to carry out the adri inistrat ion of colonial aff&irs without 1 Lat ter Bay Ptuaphlets; collected works 169?, vol . XK, p . 152, I:;-'-U'iH •!'••••.''". WKT^ 1 ' constantly rcferrin/j to the office in En-^ larid. Huch a .-rovem-or with a reformed parliaitiontary council €.r f^ .lveady f?"u^ .<?estcd for Sncland herself woiilci constitute the Governnent of any colony, though in this oace it v/as apidied ec-cci'.ll,7 to Canada. Permanence in tho .frovernor's ponition, c-nd true in-sight in the man who holds it v/ould do rnucl\, he believed, to remove the misunderstandings which then exietoc:, and ivouia thus control too great a tendency to denoerccy, while it would also obviate unnecessary interference from the Colonial Office. At the same time Carlyle saw into the future conditions of the Colonies with rare insight. He foresaw the mixed rop- ,1U (I V u l a t i o n wvAi'tAwas to coffie to Canadii. K e a ^ e s s with t-e su,»r- iT 1 <* gestlon for high money and property qualification:^ for voters j«}' In order to eliminate from the ballot list the floatIUP: rop- V ' >: ?j % Illation of foreign extraction whose loyalty to British Govern ment is as yet questionable; but he quef-tions whether thli5 H'u v;ill not exclude some possible v/isdorn fron tho roorer T^corle. M3 He also recommended a transcontinental railway ne a linlc be- I ,f tween the different parts of the Colony, thirty-five yoerf? ® '•'' ^ ' ^, before such a railv/ay ?;as b u i l t . ||, « If M a n y of these thin^^s heve been aceOTTIT^IIshed in Cen-oa WV^ since Carlyle's tine, in a way which ho wou.\d o<^ «i"bly ap-prove, Hot one but three transcontinental railv/ayf? Visve been built. Our foreign population must wait until they have been 1 Latter Day Pamphlets; collected works ie9C, vol. zx, p. 156. TW 54 edxicatecL in our ciistons, and have gained sufficient loyalty to their adopted country "before tliey are allowed to vote, thout^ h it is not "by money q.tialificationp that they are Icert fron this privele^e. "[Jnivcraal suffrage, v/hile contrary to Carlyle's scheme of ^covsrnaent, has "been edortcd and any pos-sible wasteof wisdom aiaon^ r voters has thi:c "been eliminated. It is true that v/e have not a permanent .^ •rovernor, nor hr.? our governor the authority ivhich Carlyle u-o-uld h: ve wished to see bim have, but responsible g-ovemsent has been introduced, thon^ again contrary to Carlyle's autocratic theories of govemment, by which the Colony's j-robleras are decided by the | Colony, so that petty interference from the Colonial Office is % obviated. For the most part ho saw clearly the needs of the f-colonies at that time, and helped by his sympathy 3.nd fear-less recosmendations to bring abotit a bettor nnder'^ tandin.T: with regard to the strained relations between the colonies and the mother country at the same tiao^ stirrinr England to a sense of their valno. lis believed that the foreigii r^ olicy of tlio ]<:in.r'doni v/fir? no less at fault than the colonial rclicy. The T'orel/m- Office should exist to look after t'lc -rotection of the co^mtry a£jainst foreign interference with its riprhts, and to ro^ Tulete If its interests v;ith those of other countries. Such are the | accepted duties of the Foreign Office. Carlyle attockod the | i * i' manner in which these duties were carried out. "FTe maintained I I that the Foreign Office was instigating too many foreign wars, |' merely to feed the national pride. To him no war since Oliver | •Croaiwell*s Puritan War against Catholic Spain has been truly | IK-55 V 1 necessary. War against the French devolution WOB useless, as being. a<5ainst tho will of God. The French VWTQ justified in ridding themselves of a sham ariBtoc'v.cy. Protection is the onl2' just cause of t;ar, especially protection of trade and of colonics. Tne latter he "believes to he ours hy the v/ill of God; therefore it is just that v/e sho-uld fight for them. This appears contradictory to his statenent th-t war should he only for protection, "but hero again comes his idea of might hcing in the en'1 right, /-fter all the colonic?! are a part of IBritain and &3 such oust ho protected. Tie also means, however, that new colonics are to he acauired, hy fighting If necessary. In specJcing of vmr in general he Bays "I care little for the sword. I v/ill allow a thing to stni^le for itself in this v/orla, with any sword or tongue or implement it has or can lay hold of . . . very pure that it will in the long, run conquer nothing which does not ij deserve to be conq.uered." TJQ may Justly fight for our rights in colonies for self-rirotoction and for trarle. If we f^t^ •'^•ri: are right we will succeed, hut to deliverately interfere in the rights of other nations for the salce of forcing our political beliefs on them, as in the case of the v\rar v;'ith I I France during the French Revolution, is not the function of I I the Foreign Office• I Besides this, too much moiaey is spent on arrr.an3ents and | I t» r defense in peace tine. The army and navy are maintained in | m m 1 Latter Bay Pamphlets; collected Y/orks 1698, vol.xx, | p.145. .luJ-.'i'i I 2 Eeroes and Hero-^'orship; Everyman ed, 1915,^ p.296 i I;; 56 idleness as aai expense to the vrorkors of the co-untrj^ . Thi? is the ^eat oTil vvhicli i^ -ue to the rolicj'- of the Foreign Office* To reforn this, he s-ugf-ested that ererj man should be trained as a soldier in order tho.t he mij'lit defend his cotmtry v/hen the need arose, h-ut thct in perce time all soldiers should he turned to industrial and arricultural work to produce, rather throi to consume what others provide. The naTrsr, instead of remaining as an idle s>:Ov;^ is to he engag-ed in commercial traffic over all the vrorld. Icllenecp in any man or any "body of men is evil to Gorlyle, hence his hatred of idle soldiery in peecetine. lie forgets, however, that there is a nocesr;ity for vigilance on the part of any country. Ee presupposes that between wars the nations shall make no attenptn to get the better of one another or to gain one another's roer-ecsions. He allows for no armaiaents or soldiery to ruard ihe n.-tlon'a commerce and possessions during per.ce time* lie fcrr^ ets that protection, or at least visible evidence of pov/er to rrotcct, is necessary before commerce can exist. The nations nre to be in an ideal state of peevce and such an ideal condition in national affairs has not yet become rocsible in thl? ivorld, Justlj"-, hov/ever, he condemns the maintenance of a Irrsre standing army in idleness. Only those actuclly required for protection should be iiept in arms. The others, except for training, should bo allowed to v/orlc. Carlyle's program of political reforn rntide little im-pression on the procoed.ings of frovornment at the tinie of \i ¥. v / r i t in^ , Desiocracj aontimied to ,'?rov/ and i s s t i l l growing:. His ^i'raatest nlstaJce v;/w? t h a t he did not ap-^recicte the s t r e n g t h of the gro-.ving power of democracy. He did not r e a l i z e t h a t the t i n e vras coming v/hen a l l men v/o-ald be edu-cated s u f f i c i e n t l y to hr.ve a r i g h t to a voice in mat ters of governaent . He f a i l s to s ec tha t h i s h e r o , ' i f found, would have so much supe r io r v/isdom tha t he v/oiild f a i l to t o l e r a t e the ne?;ly awakened l e s s o r Y;lsdoms of the mr.sces, rnd thus would appear to the people as a t jTont r a t h e r then a.^  a h e r o . ,r^ He bel ieved t h a t a l l sen w i l l f ind t h e i r si tisf^^vction in l i f e by developing i n the same manner ar^ in accorr^cjice to the w i l l of one man,. He did not alloi?/ for any d i f fe rences in mOiie of ac t i on hot'^'een ono man and ano the r . Tliey must a l l aeq.utesce to the one man*c v / i l l . Tr i s i s v/here hin conception of a Eero as governor f a i l s under the new syjstem of imiverRcl educat ion and s c i e n t i f i c en l igh tonnen t . His argiiracr.t t ha t u n i v e r s e l siiffrc.pge involves the ques-t i o n of l ave r in t e l l igence ;—tha t in s p i t e of ediicetlon the masses villi choose "S i r J&lai>gat ^Vindhag" instead of the man of 1 liTorth—has some r e a l v a l u e . Tlie problem tod'^jr i s f s t i l l how to avoid t h i s popuJ-ar vrealaicGS in e l e c t i o n p , no-- h="f5 the . ansv;er ye t been found. Science and denocrr.cy -/lavt f i i l l svjay and arc l i k e l y to Aiv< for some t ime. The f~ct t na t only the l a r g e r and Dinipler nucst ions are nov; put licfore the publio mi t i ga t e s t h i s e v i l to a c e r t a i n e x t e n t . Carlyle*? sugges-t i o n ac to the scope of such CiUostions hcp become an a c t u a l i t y , 1 MacCunn,- Six Radical ThinlcerB; 1910, ? .159 . fW^ 58 and certain prophecies concerning the govcmiaent of colonies have also come true. The greatest point, ho>.vever, in his outline of political reform is his insistence upon truth, sincerity-jand justice as essentials in the realm of political activity. He insists on the existence of these qualities in the individual's life, in the relationship l)etween individu-al's life, in the relationship bet^ -eon individuals, and alsove all In that hody which is to control the destiny of the nation* This is the doctrine by v/hich Carlyle will do most good in politics at all tiiaes if only heeded. Like Plato, he desires "a return to purer manners, nobler l^ -^ ws, 1 with the hest naen in the state to regulate them," His real TfiJLue as a reformer lies in his stressing of the ideal ele-ments, rather than in his practical reforms. 1 Niohol - "Carlyle"; English Men of Letters Series, 1881, p«229* m:i m^ m nr-. Ill S O C I A L R E F O R M If Carljle is extremely rague and ideal in his program of political reform, he is not less Ideal in his social re-form, thoti^ not so vague in specific instances. Just as he detested the Political Economy of his day, so he hated the social and Industrial economics then in Yogue. Bentham, Hill, ^ Ri«ardo, Mid Mai thus were his contemporaries in economie thou^it, and these were all contrary to Garlyle's more spirit-ual ideals of reform, Bentham clalraed that "the «nreatest happiness principle" v/as the "basis of men^s code of ethics. The sum of the greatest nusiher of happinesses was the CToatest good to be aocOEiplished in society. Men therefore v/ere pri-marily selfish in their actions, since pleasure (happiness) and pain were their ^ides in conduct. Thus he was leaving out the idea of God as the controlling^ force in human con-duct, which to Carlyle was most important. Mill also eccept-ed Bentham's theories, at tho same time Insinted that man can 1 attain hla hi^rhest development only through leisure, work being: an activity of a lov/er form. This isras in direct op-position to Garlyle's belief in work as the highest nn6 only God-given function of man in this world. Maithus and Ricardo, eq.ually odious in Garlyle's sight as "professers of the Dismal Science," were more practical in their suggestions. Both 1 Ifeff - Carlyle and Mill; 1924, p. 35. II it-upheld the hap;iner-s nrincirlc of Benth n's r^hiloporhy. In addition to this principle rc.lt>.tis proposed to imT^ rovc condi-tions by birth control and a sjsten: of hif?:h t-^ riffs a^ e.inst foreign food stuffs. Hicardo raaintained that the ir.terept;; of the landlord ivere opposefi to those of any ot'^ or cli\?n and that participation in rights of property, vrealth, and .-^ ovorn-ment, ohonld belong exclnsively to the Icboiirinf- darker?, These principles are again contrary to Carlyle's belief in the spiritual inlieritance of nan, end the ri-ht of the aris-toeratic hero to govern the lower elaf?r!es. For to Carlvle the interests of the aristocracy and those of the lebo-jrin^ clas-ses must be united rather than remain rermanently or-rosefl , and he also advocates the abolition of high food tariffs such as the Com Laws. In these points he vms entirely or^osed to the practical principles of his fellow economiJ^ts. All the social economists of the time "believed men to be born equal, with rsinds like a blank paf-e. To then, man wap an aninal v/ho could be moulded by education and trainee" by social lav;. They left out the sriz*itual in.'-'eritence of nan entirely, v:hich to Carlyle vv .3 the barip of son's nc.ture in the vary5ng defrrces in v/hich it vr; s inherited, as a f'lft from God, the '^alcor. He did not deny that social conditions vrere evil; that the division of v/ealth w.~s un.iust; or that Vre e aristocracy of the land v;ac idle and up-elesf?, but ho souf^ -^t to refers these conditions fron a different standr^oint fron that taken by the econonists. Eefors was not to be accor:--plished by curtailing the birth rate or doinc away v;ith the 61 aristocracy, "but rather "by a reawatenin,^ of the better nature In every class and in every nan. This wo-aM enable the dif-ferent classes to come into ri.n:ht relations y/ith oaeh other, and so to cooperate in doing the world's worjc. As has already heen pointed out in the rrevious chapter, Carlyle believed that the lavfs of human relationship were Isased upon a proper cooperation hetweon the more highly irift-^ ed men as leaders, and the less g-ifted ones as the v^ orlcers and followers; throu,^ loyal obedience to and worship of these superiors on the part of the less gifted. The above mentioned economists insisted, on the other hand, on the ©quality of all aien, and hence on the institution of govern-ment in the form of democracy with recognition of equal so-cial status of all classes. On the other hand it is Carlyle»s belief that social econoray should deal v/ith the laws which hold men together in society, of which the theory of equality is not one^since it cuts asunder those Interdopendencies and relationships which bind man to laan, by nalcing him believe hirnself the equal of his fellow men and therefore inderenflent. Man is adnittodly a gregarious animal who cannot live in iso-lation, henoe Carlyle says, "Men cannot live isolated: we are all boimd to^^ether, for mutual r^ood, or else for mutur^ l misery, as living nerves in the same body. Ho highest man 1 can disunite hisself from any lov/est." Society for hin is an organic whole, v/hich must have a head as well cs feet and 1 Past and Present; Everyman ed. 1915, Blc. iv, ch, vi, p. 275. ;•! i ^ •; and hands, and whose happiness depends on a harmonio-us v/orkin/^  to^ jether of the different raomhers, each aocording to its proper function, Man's social lihertj-, he lielieves, does not eome from being independent of his fellow^hein;^, hut through the proper ftmctioning of the feeling^s of obedience to and worship of his superiors. The desire of man at this tinie m^ ae to be emanci-pated fro© the control of his fellows, such as the Iristooraey, th« Capitalists, and Mill tenersj but such liberty rtoxiM not obviate the fact that he v/as still the slave of his o«m ig-»<jrance and uncontrolled passions, for, says Carlyl© to the oomrnQn man, "Thou art the thrall, not of Cedrlc the Saxon, but 1 of thy own brutal appetites and this scoured dish of liquor•** Society Is baaed on this interrelation of degrees of respect between men and between classes of men. "He th&t is the inferior of nothing,, can be the superior of nothing, the eq.ual of nothing" says Carlyle in speai:ing of the doctrine of e<iuality. At another time he states, "Society is founded on Hero Worship. All dignities of rank, on which aesociation rests are what we may call a Hero-arohy » * . Society every-where is some representation, not insupportably inaccurate of the graduated Worship of Heroes;- reverence and obedience done to men really ^eat and wise." This is correct, in spite of 1 Pest and Present; Everyman ed.,1915, Bk.iii, ch.xiii, p.210* £ Sartor Resartus; Everyman ed,,1921, Bic.iii, ch.vli, p.168, 3 Heroes and Hero-Worship; Everyman ed.,1921, &eet,i, p.249, 63 the existence of so called deraocfaey, and theories of Ij/berty and eq-uality of Carlyle's day, and since; for even in democ-racy, do we not nominate a man for office sere or les? " because ?/e respect him for certain q,ualities which we Taelievc him to possess more than we? Snch, then, is the only "basis on which crumhling society can rebuild itself in Carlyle's 1 eyes; and in order that such feelings of obedience and v/or-ship should operate properly, he believes that the spiritual side of man-must be active. It must not be deadened by lust for wealth and by pride of social position^b-ut must be diltivated and allowed to discriminate as to \Yhe.t ere the best things in life, re^jardless of the dictixtes of caste. In this Carlyle is again stressing the necessity of the inward spiritual reforia of man for the salce of better social rela-tionships as v/ell as for reform in politics. If the soul or spiritual life of man is tho mainspring his of^life,work must be the out\mrd manifestation of that life. This is Carlyle's belief, known as the "Gospel of Work" which he offers as a basic principle in social and industtial reform, ^^ceomplished work is the end and reward of man, since Vf^orlc well done is the greatest and most useful memorial which he can leave behind hira. This alone proves the y.^ orth 2 of the man. Work too is a remedy v/hlch will help man to rid himself of his difficulties and ennui. An idle man is prone to all kinds of folly and mistakes in life. The man r/lthout 1 Heroes and Hero-lforship; Everyman ed.,,1921, teot, 1, p.252. 2 Past and Present; Everyman ea.,1915, Bk.iii, ch.v,p.l52 64 work,—both he who must starve wityiout it, and the rich man who is bored without it, — is in the worst position possible, both for hiinself and for society. "The most un happy of all men is the roan who cannot tell what he is sroins: to do, who has got no work cut out for him in the world, and does not go into it. For work is the grand cure of all the maladies and miseries that ever beset mankind,--honest work, which jov 1 intend getting done." Since man is unhappy without some definite work to do, Carlyle preached his gospel of work as a panaoea for the so-cial unrest and unhappiness of his tlice. Re saw that the poor flsan without work was unhappy, because In his ease lack of work meant doing without his daily bread. The rich man and the aristocrat without work were unhappy because they had nothing worth-while to take ur their attention and were bored in consequence. It was a still jtT-reater evil th&t the men of neither class were fulfilling their life function. The poor man was not producing anything either for himself or for the world's benefit. The idle rich and idle aristocracy were worse, for they v/ere not only failing to fulfill their func-tion in the serious work of leadership but they were unwilling to do so. The poor man v?as at least willing to work if he was allowed. Both classes were taking from the world without giving in return, which condition is absolutely against the laws of Heaven. The ideal remedy for such a state of unhappy 1 "Inaugural Address'' Scottish and Other Flscellanies Everyman cd.i''"^ .^ 148, y CF 65 idleness, would be that every man sho^ ald toow what his worlc is 1 in life, and to do it according to Carlyle. But, since man is not able to know exactly v/hat his life wor"k- is In rao!?t cases, Carlyle says that the best thing: to do is to work at whatever is immediately at hand, v/ith all our intellectual and physical energy, in hopes that by so doing v/e shall see more clearly into what shall be our ultimate life duty. 2 "Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it V7lth all thy mi^ht." "Do the Duty which lies nearest thee, which thou knowest to be a DutyS Thy second Diity will already have become clearer • • , Up, upl Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy whole might. «ork while it is called Today: for the T'l^ ht 3 eoffleth, wherein no man can worki'' This is? Csrlyle'g chief doctrine In his Gospel of Work, By doin^ the work thet is nearest to ns to the beet of our ability, our next step in life will be made clearer. If each one, whether rich or poor, does all his work in this spirit, the rich man will not be bored, and the poor man will not suffer from want or be forced to do without work in consequence of the rich man»s idlene?"?. Society can only be reformed by a recoicrnltion of the in-nate spiritual qualities which differentiate Tna-h from the beasts, and the sincerity of those recognized qualities must be proved in practice by honest work on the r-art of each in-dividual whether rich or poor. These two principles are the 1 "Characteristics" Scottish and Other Miscellarles; Everyman ed.'. p. 198. 2 ibid. p. 22S. 3 Sartor Resartus; Everyman ed,, 1921, Bk. ii, ch. ix, p. 148. r.6 are the "bases of Carlyle's sugs-estions for Social Heform. Carlyle vms joore interested in the lives of the rrjidaie class and of the peasants, than he was in thoee of the aris-tocracy. The peasant class ?;i.s the class with which he was familiar,—the one from which he himself had sprung, lie understood their weaknesses and their needr^  nsuch naore clearly than those of the higher classe?;, for he had lived araonp; thera. For this reason he failed to understand the position of the aristocracy as well as that of his oivn clsss, nor was he PO fair to them in bis criticism of political end social con-ditions. His sympathies were with the worlcmen and the poor. The injustice which they met with from those in a hi^ rher sta-tion in life, and the miseries of their lot aroused his in-dignation to its highest pitch. Ills v/hole program of social reform is foramlated with a view to bettering the conditions of the lower classe's, v/ho, he believed , v<rere the foundation of the Empire. Because of thi? inherited sympe.thy he was almost entirely democratic in his social reform, and certainly q,uite radical for his day. It is now necessary to look into thdse conditions lead-ing up to Carlyle's Reform. Before 1750, llngland was lar^ rely an agrricultural country with much the same social conditions as had existed in the Age of Elizabeth. The majority of the people lived on the land, as small farners or as tenants on ^  the farms of the lar^e landowners. They tilled their small plots of ground and wove or spun in their sr^re time. The two occupations combined f^rave them their living. Neither did •Mi 67 the distribution of the popnlation chanfe; ?lnoe the same families remained in one place from generation to .generation. There was very little change in the comforts of life, or pro-gress in methods of industTy or af^ricnltnre. All spinnins:, weaving, and industrial ??ork v/as done by hand in the homes of the peasants. With the invention of the flyin?; shnttle "by Kay in ivr-S, and still more so '^ ith that of ITargreave's spinning: jenr.y (1764), of Arkwright's water-frame (1769), and of Crompton^s mule in 1779, the textile industry was entirely revolution-ized. James Watt's invention of the stesni en^ i^ne in 1769 enlarged the scope and speed of iro^uctlon in all industry, by making the use of power possible instead of hand labour as formerly had been the case. Cotton, woollen, and iron in-dustries, were the most affected, nth the oomirig of this Indu'^trial Revolution in tVie latter half of the' 18th Cer;tury the condition? of the lives of the workers were greatly affected, ind the effects of th-e/ change were becoming rnoot apparent in t're first r^ &rt of the 19th Century, v/hen Carlyle v/as risinp; to the heii^ h^t of his powers as an author. The hand weavers were no lon^ -er ahle to compete with the new power looms, and, cs a result of thi?? : change the peasants, who had formerly v/orlted on their o'A'n small farms, v;ere now forced to give up their hones, and to migrate to the larf^ er tovms for employmer.t in the new facto-ries. The repeal of the Cottages /^ ct in 1775, and the Acts for Enclosure during; the last half of the century, forced this migration from country to tov/n still further TO thnt I'j 1790, the olase of yeoman farnerr. bnd Ir.du-^ trii-^ l -revsrirfp, who, at the be,'jinning: of the Centnry had foririecl one (jiiFrter of the rural population, had disappeared frora the country. The output of the industries war; larfrely Incrocr^ ed -.vhlle the production of food etuffs decrea-^ed. Xurinr' the -Trr with France between 1793 and 1815 there wa? a lively f^ ewand for the industrial output, except d\irlnr t]re reriod of Wnrolcon'r Continental System. At the end of the T^a-cleonlc '"ar In 1815. however, the market failed, and e general ntatc of port-war depression existed, apjgravated by the enaction of the Corn Laws, Machine breaking and riots showed the di^corit^nt and misery of the people and the frovsrnmert did nothIns" to allevi-ate these oondltions. They believec' Iv. a- ^ olicy of lai^^e^-falre. by which the factory owners and landlords were allowed to fix wagres and prices to suit their own convenience without thinking of the welfare of the worker?.. The f^ovcmmert be-lieved that these things v/ould adjust thecselvef in tl^ -e v/lth-out interference. They preferred to inBtlt\ite a sytcm of Poor Laws for the unfortunate workman, which, far froT. ini-nrov-ing conditions, only tended to dcaTade those for v^ hoTi it was made. The factory ovmcrs vi-ere allowed to do "F they ^le: ^ ed with regard to such matters as ym«^ e'^  c-nd v/orktncr'p livln.*?-conditions, and consequently they becane selfish, and thoufht only of accumulation wealth. Tl\is is the fir^ -t of the ill?? of England which Carlyle attacked. Tie maintained thr-t the 69 mill owners had lost their senee of h-amariity >:n6. v/orshipped mainmoniEsi entirely* They strove for .'^ rcater T^ rodisction sM greater profits and did not neek to male© n-ors of a jus?t dis-tribution of their prorl-uots. This caTised the evil of over-production, ?/hich is the vtecond evil of tho indurtrial ^ voria to which Carlyle tiTrns his attention, l/oreover the lnd'!:!S!trial employers aid not seelc to look after the \velfere of their em- • ployees in such a way that the conditions of essT'loj'^ ent ai^ht be mutually helpful. The worlcern were ennloyed from day to day and their onlj' recompense v/e? a srac-11 oarh wa.«TQ, :^ omai3isr; and cash payment v/er© the tv/o evil!= v.'hich Carlyle sav/ in the esjploj^ent system of his time. The lov-'or clr.f^ es v,'ere 'A'orlc-Ing unfier ^eat injustices in the^e res';ects vnd. thi<? feelln^ Jr of injustice on their tart was at the basis of all"their dis-1 content. Carlyle saw th£it they were re^ 'rarded t-B so many beasts of burden ra'^ her than human heiirers v/hlle the urirtocra-cy and government, v/ho should have had their peorle * g welfare at heart did nothing to alleviate matters^but follo?;ed their own pleasure. Here, as alv/ays,' Cerlyle savr that v;hat vnie really needed v^a" the recognition of the .^riritual siide of humanity, and a reforra of manlcind in thct -^ '^ r^-'^ct in all classes, Justice and spiritual'/«''eW»"»»rarG the basie of all social and industrial reform. The Captain of Indii??try must turn from his mamraonian and realize hiP human res-onsihllities for his f€llov;s, and the workmen must ceaee to reg-ard them-1 "Chartism" Critical and MiscellaneotiB UlssayB 1^99, vol, ivj collected works, vol. xxix, p. 144. selves as beasts, and act torards their en^ i-loyers cs resTon-sible nen and honest Tsrorkers. Until this inner realization of responsibilitv is sosehov*' acconiplished in e:-ch -san, very-little of real value can "be done in rractice. Tne first beginning of a remedy is that soae one believe a renedy TOS-sible; believe that if he cannot live bj truth, then '^e can 1 die by it, Bost thou believe it? Then is the new era 'erun." Man mttst first realise his hiaisan resfonsibilities end believe in the possibility of true reforc, '^ .efore r_nA*thin^  of valtie can be accomplished, ^ way of practical reform, until such a state of ideal conditions can be reached, Carlyle first suggests that throu<^ a proper orgsmisetion of labour anch may be done in the way of reform. The lack of such genuine reforc wts showing Itself plainly in many v.ays, "Parliiiaentt.ry Padical-isa, the clais of the Free TTorkingsan to be raised to e level, ire fisay say, with the vrorking Slave; his an^r and c'jrelcss discontent till that be done. Food, shelter, due naidcnce, in ret'om for his lt.bour: candidly Chartisn and &11 such Z isas mean that." Such were the demands which the rnrlish working class vrere raking in all their Six loint Charters end Hiots which preceded the Repeal of the Corn Lews in iS48. According to Carlyle, they v;ere the just de-nands, end true need, of evury vtorlcing man; whether hidden under the wording of Six Point Charters, or only spoken in sctions, 's in riots 1 Froude - Life of Carlyle 1795-1835; 1882, rol.ii.p.SOG 8 "Chartissn," Critical and Hiseellaneous Essays, 1P99, vol.IT; collected works, vol.xiix, p.186. 71 and "Kancliester Insurrections," These needs in any age can only be filled through the existence of "Captains of Industry," who will honestly see to the "food, shelter and due guidance" of the worlcinj^  men* These Captains of Industry must he men of the f^ enuine aristo-cracy of. talent vyhich v/e have discu£3oed "before. They must he Heroes, just as Carlyle*s Governors are to he Heroes, with all the a'^alities of Justice and mental and spiritual nohility whleh every hero must possess. Suoh industrial leaders are to organize all the lahour-era In the kingdom into Industrial regiments to do the world's work. There is room for everyone to work in the world, Carlyle believed, especially when he saw the vast amount of land and stores of natural wealth which v»'ere lying unused. All such resources have been given man^ i^nd that thoy might . improve them and he,tter themselves through its improvement. For the purpose of so improving the land, all the labourers must be organized by the Captains of Indupstry; if not willing-ly, then by force. The leaders must not clo this for their own gain, but for the betterment of humanity, ana it is the duty of the worlonen to obey those leaders loyally and ?^ithout question; remembering their leaders* superior wisdom. Especi-ally is this true for the idle and the poor. In Carlyle»s opinion it is as much their own fatilt as it IF; that of their employers that they find themselves in difficult circuni-stanees. They must bestir theiaselvea to honest vrork end thrift when work Is offered thesa under reasonable conditions, or take the consequences, "He that will not work according 7S to his faculty, let him starve accordin/?: to his faculty, let i him starve according to his necessity.'' But work under just conditions and with due guidance, must l)e v/ithin his reach before Carlyle would have us apply the above rule in the esse of idleness ejid poverty. A Just end honest leader, or^aaiz* ing all the unemployed into industrial regiments, for compul-sory woT\ if need be, is Carlyle^s idea of the organisation i of labour. Beyond this he did not go in describing his plan for labour reform, except that puch industrial rCieriments should be similar to military regiments but with a more in-te:*ise and more permanent interest in their work as members of their reglrsent and of society. They should be Justly rules, and kept-faithfully to their work, • He also believed it to be the Government's duty to j i ' enforce such an organization in the industrial v,'orld. He recognized the chaci^ of conditions v/hich the Industrial Revolution had brought about; th^ it the place of importance In the nation's population had shifted from the aristocracy to the Industrial, classes, arid that in future, the maintenance Of a happy relation betv/een labour and enployers would be the chief problem for the government. In this connection Carlyle (i says "What Goverriment can do? This that they call ^Orgahiz:- U ing of Labour' is, Ifv/ell understood, the Problem of the •; whole Future, for all v/ho will in future pretend to govern fflen." G-overnment then, must interfere if the mill owners or 1 "Chartism" Critical and liiscellaneous Sssays, 1899, vol, Iv; collected worfcs, vol. xxix, p. 132. f • ^ ^ 73 1 men." Government then, must interfere if the mill o-^ ners or supposed industrial captains v/ill not cease p'ursuing their own ends to the exclusion of all others. Government must 2 find the true Industrial CaT;tains and must see that they are .3 taught "by "nohle example" and "noLle precept," As to the q.uestion of how he io to be found, Ce-rlyle, as usual, leaves us v/ithout e definite ansvxer. Tet.ehing and educf-tion a.-^ ain are the only method at which he hint?. These industrial captains are to be the link "oetwoen f^ovemment ^^ -overnnent authority and labour imder the novs conditions. The paurers* and unemployed are to te enrolled in State indnstriel i-e^ i-Eents; and under just captains and co-nditionjv, &rc to he forced to work. The unjust private capitalist v;ould then "be forced to provide just conditions for his vi?orki;ien in order to keep them from joining the State regiraents. Carlyle, in so advocating Government Lahour Organization points the vn^y to Governiaent Ownership and Labour eriiployment such as is nov/ the custom in some pt.rts of our Smpirc, especially in I'evv Zealand Last of all, if the Government is not able to orranlze labour on a nev.- basis it must at least lo-rislate to improve actual factory condltiomi as Carlylo saw thetn in his time* Sanitary Regulations should be enforeecl to malce w'noleGome living conditions possible for those v^ hc do viorlz. In pcrtic-1 Past and Present; Everyman ed., 1915, Bk. iv, ch. iii, 2'Latter Pay PamphletE, 1898; collected worlcs, vol. xx, leet. i, p. 44. 3 Past and Present; Everyman eu., 1915, PA-, ill, ch. xii, p. EOl. 74 •ulcir he s a j s , "The Le.'^islatTiro, even as i t noT; l,q, coiild order a l l diiipy l/annfactnring: Tovirns to cecre fron t h e i r jjoot «ind darlmerrn, -to l e t i n the hlensea Bimlight , the hlne of TTeaven, and become clee.r tind c l ean , to Irarn t b e i r CORI rriBoke, ns-aely, and sake flame of i t . Baths , f ree a i r , a r/bolesome tem^era-t i i re , c e i l i n g s twenty f ee t hir-h^ mir^ht be orflained, liy /:et of 1 Par l iament , in a l l entahl lshmentc liceneef! as Tlilli?." These, with an immediate al:)ro£:ation of the Corn Laivs, \-ere v.^ hrit he recommended for immediate incorpora t ion as lav/r!. Some of these i n d u s t r i a l prohlem?^, suc'n an the s!nol:e nnir-anco, are s t i l l wider d i s cns s i cn a t the present t ime . -Tno others for the most p a r t have been changed accorrl inr to Carlj'-le'n sngr-ges t ions* IText to Government superv is ion in indii '^tr lal ma t t e r s , Car lyle recommends permanence in emrloi^Taent, and a f r i end ly r e l a t i o n hetv;een worlonen and t h e i r erar-loyorG. He ar/jiiee J u s t l y t h a t a worlcnan ccrjiiot render h i s best se rv ice '.vhon h i s i n t e r e s t s are not :T5ore or l e s s perrnanently a l l i e d with those with those of h i s onployer . r<ay lahoiir anc! ^VG)^ forr.is of employment tend to inoreap:e ine f f i c i ency anc! thriftlc'-^f^ner^s a~!on£: the employees, s ince they 13^ '•o only day tj da-^r, from hand to mouth, with no s e t t l e d prod:-:ect hefore then:. "Ha-pry i s , h e who has fonnd a master;—and nov;, f-rt^-ier I v / i l l ra^/, having; found, l e t him wel l Iceep hir-;. In e l l hnmrn r e l a t i o n s permanency i s v/hc t^ I advocate; noing.dism, cont inual ch-saxfre, i s 1 Pas t a-id P resen t ; T^veryman erl . , 1915, Blc. i v , ch . i i i , p p . 254-5 . 75 1 v/lmt I perceive to be prohibitory of eiiy P'OOCI whatnocvcr." lloraadicrn ic arjainct the intercstn of liotl: tie v:crlTT:-ji, ? nc' the employer, neither ohould money v/i -on form tic orly rela-tionship betv/een er.iployor &2id eraploycn . J-act rionoy yr^ 'ment for a fair clay'c worl: there cert^ .:i5ily nur^ t be, Ir. ordc..' that a man may IITO, but Carlyle does not thii':>: that t'lir can forro a satisfactory permanent bond. There munt bo justice CUK' a friendly feeling for the labourer on the psrt of t: e e-^ rloy-er, and loyalty vrlth an interest in the employer's in;lurtr,v, on the part of the v/orlonan, Theoe ure the only conditions under which the workman v/ill be ha:.-;y and do hi^ bert, and under which the employer will derive true ha : inosp and pros-perity; for, Carlyle v/ould say, men ai-e not luchineR b\'t huaon beings v»'ho receive inspiration for their v/ork from their relationships with one another as ouch i B by materiel comforts, "Your gallant bat tic-hosts t\nd v.'ork-ho=: tr^  L'- the others did, v;lll need to be iniide loyally your-; tliey nu'-1 and \7ill be regulated, aethodioally secured in their just B'larc of conquest under you,--joined v/ith you in vcritr^ blc brotber-hood, sonhood, by quite otiior an^ deercr tic?: t'lan those of 2 temporary day's W£.£:es." Finally he sUi^ e:eEts in eorjiection v^ ith this theory of periaanence, that there should be coorci- tive ownerf^hi' l.e-tween men and employers, a suggestion v/hicii we nov. believe to 1 "Tlie ItlgroT Question" Critical and risccllanec^ j'-' T.^.^ays 1839, vol, iv; collected worlTP, vol xxix, p. S67. 2 ?a3t and Present; Lverynai' ed -, 1915, S^z. iv, eh. iv, p. 263. 7e be qu i t e r.oclem, and the valv.e of vrhich h- r not ^c t ^nGn fvlly proved. He s a j - of t l i i s d o c t r i n e , "'"^lether, Ir ro"c r l t c r l o r , perhaps sonie not far-dis: tr ,nt c tu te of t}:if ^nY\lvr.lr:r of Ltibour' your :.!c:ster-r;crVcr nny not fiiifl i t •^ O'^ '^ ilO-C r.r.d need-f i i l , to grant h i s v.orlccrs rermnnont I r t o r ? - ! in Mr -:^ :^ t':»r-pr ioo and t h e i r s ? So t h a t i t l.ocomo in nr: 3 t i ? r l r o s n l t . , , a j o i n t e n t e r p r i s e ; a l l r.er-, fro-'i the Chief "'•-'• tor down t o the lOY.'est Overseer and Operat ive , o r i onop i c i l y :,r 'veil IJO 1 l o y a l l y concerned for i t . " This -.YOUI'^  >.C for CGTIT'IG, the consTininiatlon of the rivfiit re la t ionshi-^ ir^  t'ne In^'^T^trlrl v/orld, s ince i t r.'0"ald include not only the nr i r l tu '^1 r e l a t i o n -sh ip but the p r a c t i c a l r c l c t i o n s h i r es; .veil . Com^ulgory Organizat ion of Labour, under riero Cn ' t r ine <-rd under Govern-ment Control in Carl3'-le*s r l a n of reforn in I n d u - t r l r l s o c i e t y . Permanence, j u s t pajTient, and coo'^cr t lve ovmor-Bhip arc the means by v.hich inclividual r e l ' t lon^ re to be b e t t e r e d . Carlyle not orJ-y toucher; the naln r r o c t l c a l 'prob-lems vrl'.ich f.-.Ged the in- juctr i i . l v.-or] 3 of h i r do.r, hui -'c ':;lr?o b r ings in the p h i l o s o r h i c a l .-.ncl hu!nanitcri:^.n r.^~cct'- of the s i t u a t i o n , thus s t r i v i n / ; to r:ivc in^UGtrJrl --ceicty a sound b a s i s . Harr.onioua cooperi„tion ur.onic: the v:orlccrs of the n a t i o n w i l l -ive luitold r.trcn(":th to the n r t l c n , v/hilo i^i^Hen-s ion v;i l l only sproL.d v.-eaTa^csc. "?-.vent." -on unjte-' In love can accorjplinh cuch tliat to tv-o th,oup< nd Irol.-tod r:en were 2 impossible." l^fcM., Bh.iv, ch.iii, F.S71. 2 Froude - Life of Carlyle 1795-1835; 1882, vol.11. r.e2 77 Carlyle ranks the land situation ar? hcvinr eqnal iinpor-tance with the industrial problems of his dry. He reco^_i7>ea that the land, connected as it v/as with food proauctlon and asn^ ricnlt-ural pnrsnits, v;as the fotindation of societjr, VJithont the possession of land, and the prod-aotion, thro-a/^ h it, of food, the nation coiad not exist. Land is the r^cr.te-^ 't gift of God to mankind* Important chan/res had been frrovght in the Irnd situation,-previous to and conteraporarjr with Carlyle, IB h:^'r. been F?een before", the Industrial ReTolution hed grerrtly affected the agricultural population of Engrland, b.y drivinit to the city the peasants who earned their living partly by v?erTln^ and spinning and partly by agricultural pursuits. Secondly the Acta of Enclosure at the end of the 18th Century by which common lands, and holdin/?rs without official deed, were en-closed by the lar^e land-ov/ners, forced out mofst of the yeomcoi farmers which formed a lar^ re part of the Enj^ li^ h rural people. In Ireland, especially, the lend situation \a'.?f^  unen-durable* There the tenant v/as at the mercy of hit? Irnd lord under a short lease system. j;Toreover, in neither contry were the landlords isalcing the best une of the lend thur? scquired. The ovmers of estttes were often ab?^ ent, ."nd left t^-^s l^ nd in the care of overp;eers. These frenuently che;^ ted and -nersecu-ted the tenants for their orm profit^ or el?© n^ -^loctea the lands entirely. Again, this stetement V;G?' eriiecially aprli- » cable to Ireland. Famine in,Ireland and the Com La-'s in England so reduced the foot! supply for the poor in both countries that the people were on the point of rebellion at 78 times. Even after the Repeal of the Corn Laws In 1848 con-ditions remained muoh the same, for the land question in Ireland ?/as not remedied until 1870. Carlyle saw the aPTleiJltural population crowding to the industrial centres ?fhich vsere already overcrowded. He saw them unemployed and in dire misery v/hile those who clung to the land v/ere in an eq.ually had rll^it, At the game time the titled aristocracy, who were in mo^ t^ ca;^ es the posse^Bors of the land, seemed entirely without a sense of responeihility either for their remaining tenants or for the government of the masses of industrial worlcers whom they hsd forced into th© cities. He attacks thiB conaitlon hltterly; pouring out his wrath on the idle aristocracy and dilettante ;^ovemors who will npt accept their responsihilities. In the first place, l&nd is the jS-lft of God to man, Carlyle says. It belongs first and foremost to its Kalcer and not to the aristocracy as theji- seem to "believe. Secondly, man cermot make land, he can only improve it. Fence, the right to possession of the land should ^o to those who can best improve it. For exaaple, Cerlyle says th^ it the rights of property to the West Indies go to him "who can best educe from them whatever of noble produce they were oreeted fit for yielding. He, I compute, is the real ?icere,=:ent of the 1 Maker." The owner of land must ne\''er for,f;et thi t he is only the '^ Viceregent'^  of that land and not the absolute ovmer who » is, rather, God its Maker. Here es always Carlyle seeks to 1 Pact and Trofient; Everyman-ed., 1915, Ek.iil, ch.viii, p.159. 79 impress "•apon men the ever pre rent influence of God in the life :.ina affairs of men. ;.t thQ '.'o.v.e tir.:c, h.c holicvco in the r-:2rccl niGf'ion of the r.riGtocrc.cv of Zncli.iiZ : •- tho true vxil::-— of tlie l:.n3, Lilce his heroes, t':c c-ristocr. cy of t'lo 1 r.f3 r.iv.nt Gon:c into bein^j "TDJ the Sracc of Gofi'i Thoy c.^ii:-iot "be ::K.;le, or tliriij^ t into thai position -.vith t'-c ox. octulicn th- t they v;ill ful-fill thoir tmnt iro:.'Crly. "You cannot hire ncn to rovorn Land;" he say:-, ''it is Ly a mi.-f^ ion r.ol; contr:.ctc;l for in the StocJc-"£xch£ai5e, but felt i/. tr^ cir ov.';i hcn-tn -r conin- o-'t of Heaven, that aen can ^^cvcrn a Lan3, T!".c mi'--^ ion of a Lr^ nd /iristocracy ie a raaroj one, in both t' e •acr.~o'^  of V.ct old 1 •?ord.'' Tlierefore, since t! e ont in r-ac"; r r>' croa ore, Car-lyie reasons jurrtly th.at t'.ey sh.o-ulo tuho it in .11 ncrio-us-noss, and fulfill its fronctionc to t'le L:rt of their -"bility. They ::unt not, £-~ he UB-U t;-.orn Coin"-, Ic vc t' c oo";:try to a pol icy of lai:jr}o::-fairo while tiicy sonrr-.t t ' . e i r o'.:n -de r^ure in iaiDnon'.'. Tl.oiro io the . oct of rc:r onri j i l i t y ar.f' ueath i f need ue. Tlicy, .n t';c o'.vncr:- of t'.e I'n.i^ , phor.lu h o t ' i c Governors of the country . Tlioy wove re,:nin?.n;- i d l e , vh i le t h e i r work in r e a l i t y ia the /'rG'..tcr?t and ;,ont d i f f i c u l t of any in the coimtry . Carlyle attach..:, th.elr inier.cnr- cvid \ino-locanenr; very b i t t e r l y , csiJecii-.lly '.vhcii 'ro :T:A/ the .:uc-ery of the I r i s h peasant , cav.tjotl la . -rely by t h e i r l:.,oh of ailiirer-.ce i n a t t e n d i n - to t he i r o u t i o s , both in aovornr.;ent and .:-' 1 ?uct arid h roscn t ; hvoryDrm od. , 19in hh. iv , oh. i p . 236. 80 o^Tners of t h e l a n d . F o r , he annotinc^s in one of hi?^ t i raflog a£;ainct t h i s G l a s s , " I s a y , yov a id r!0_t n^ a^ re t h e Land of 3r>p;~ l a n d ; and , "by the p o s s e s s i o n of i t , yov a r e l^oiina to furnir^h i9aiidance e/nd governance t o En^'l:nc! I , . . True rovernner i t and g u i d a n c e ; n o t no-.':5overnrnent and l a i ^ s e ^ ^ - f a i r e : hovf nnch le'^'^ 1 misg'OTemTiient and Corn Law," This f o r him If- the f u n c t i o n of t h e A r i a t o c r a c y of t h e l a n d , b v t , in the r?;?.rne ^rry r.3 i n h i s prOiTrra?^ of r o l i t i c a l r e fo rm, he dosn no t r i v e ;Any d e f i n i t e s i i / jges t ion whereby t h e e x i s t i n g : c o n d i t i o n of thlnrrri mry he r e m e d i e d . H i s c h i e f r i i r pose , i n c r i t i c i r ^ i n ' ^ the Id lene ' - s of t h e a r i s t o c r a c y of England a t t h a t tirr.e, w.^ n t o ro i r . t o'.it t h e i r u s e l e s s n e s s , and t o t r y t o a rovse them to a s ense of t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s * What r e a l l y hardened vzr t l i e t , an t h e r e s u l t of C a r l y l e ' j ^ prcaGhin/- and thr . t of o t h e r s of t>c name o p i n i o n , t h e peop le of Kn.^-land rvaSjially fo rced the a r i s t o -c r a c y otit of • t h e i r , c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n in rovernment r e r l ' ^ c in ' r them by p o p u l a r l y e l e c t e d Bie7}hcrs, and a t the name tlrr-e f o r c -ing: a re form of t h e c h i e f l and e v i l s , /. r e f o r n of f^c land q n e s t i o n YI&S broiT.^ht abo- i t , a~ain not in the ^r^y C'-r-lyle sought t o have i t , "fhat C a r l y l e r e a l l y v;.1< h^eS to seo, how-e v e r , was t h e land i n possen'^ion of tlior-e vAio vvciild rafhe the g^rsa tes t u s e of i t , and t h i s -.ra.i aceon^.plirtheS , Many of C a r l y l e * s sWi^ested reforrin In i n d n j r t r i ^ l end l a b o u r m a t t e r s have becorae f a c t . Tlin infIt-'e-nce , i-tor;ev:^r, vrcr; g e n e r a l r a t h e r tlirm p r a c t i c a l i n t h e br lnr in .? : about of the<7e 1 P a s t and P r e s e n t ; Sverymcn ed . , 191f=, B^r. i i l , c h . v l i i , p . 170 , 81 reforjHG. To cannot tr t .ce the o r ig in of e.nj af -^^ »>]'•' of them d i r e c t l y to him, nor sc.y thnt hln \'n-itioi;?r-s foTCofl t h e i r cori-sirnmation c i t h e r £.t the tir^e ho wrote or l e t e r . Hi- e'-:lef accoEplishment iji t h i s resyoct seems to ce tha t he rolnted out c l e a r l y i n h i s pungent and str iki^f- !tif,'r;ner, the e v i l s of the time anrl offered iiseful suf-.:?esticnG which more ;nr':intico.l r e -formers took ui: and raade a c t u a l l t i o ? ; . His inflijonce v:r» to force o thers to ac t in mat ters of rcforr.;, r£;ther th.rr. to ac t d i r e c t l y for h imsel f . He i s t-.-.e xrophet of r^ary rnfornn v/^ Tlch were to come r a t h e r than t h e i r a c tua l f o r n u l a t o r . The chief • reforms ivhose advent he rrophGHie-5 are cooperct ivc ov/nership of f a c t o r i e s , es i s iiovi r r a c t i c e d to a c e r t a i n extent Ijoth in England and America; irarroved condi t ion? for ••::or'k-.v.cr- under govern;5ent an r e rv i s i on ; more pcrnancnt em:^loj^ent; c-.rA a ce r -t a i n araotint of reor^ani j ia t ion of Ir.nd ov/ncrshiT-. From the beginninj^ of the Factory Le^^islationr? for Child Lclonr in 1833 -until the present tirno, condition^^ of llvin^j ard la"bour have "been s t e a a i l y inrrovin,^- -under ,?T0Ycrnnent H-uy^ervi'-iori '-rnd l e g i c l & t i o n . T^nploymcnt ic nvT.v more :;er:ncnent i f the v^orhaen give s a t i n f a c t i o n , though day labciir i s n t i l l corimor.. The problem of land o'.";):;Grshli3 has v;orhed i t r o l f out to a r a t i n -f ac to ry endinti by de^^reGr: in T:n,n:land and. Iroland ; the T-'-ish tenant farraers bcin.g pe rn i t t ed /xrcidriall:/ to aooi-iro t h e i r ovm farms under the Land Acts of l c 7 0 ; 1091; rna 1003. On the whole Carl;^-lc, 'oy h i s sympathy with the Iciver olc.f^er'., and s t e r n denimciat ion of the s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e of the t ime, did much to b r ing the people of Tilnr^ land to f. r9s.lij:ati05-i of the n e c e s s i t y of s o c i a l and ind-ustr ia l reform. C) 8 Besides the larger field of reform in Industry and Land ownership, Carlyle ?ms attracted to three particular points which he felt must be changed in the social structure of his country namely. Prison Reform, Slavery, and Emigratiori., The chief of these three is his denunciation of Prison conditions and the existing Poor,Lav;s. Previous to 1800 the prisons had been dismal, unhealthy places, into which men were cast for the slightest offences. Conditions of living in these insti-tutions were extremely bad, and on the v/hole oaijses for im-prisonment Bfere unjust and the p;unishraent too severe. In the latter half of the 18th Century, however, John Tloward began agitating for prison reform as, for example, in his tract on prison conditions of the 1^te I8th Century. This worlc of attempted reform v;as carried on still further in the early part of the 19th Century by Elizabeth ?ry. These philanthrop-ists and prison reformers apparently produced very little immediate result, but by 1835 the evils of such institutions had become so flagrant, that the suggestions of Howard and Mrs, Fry were at last heeded, and prison reform was commenced.. Model prisons were built in which kindness and instruction were tried as methods of reforminij the prisoners rather than the cruelty and neglect of former times. Popular sentiment now went to the opposite extreme in advocating lenient punish-ment and sympathy for all criminals no matter what might b© their nature or the seriousness of their crime; whereas for-merly the public had insisted on the severest punishTTient for all offences. This sentimental attitude on the part of the 83 public towards misfortune and erine was also carried into matters of charity v/hieh the governtnent took up as a raeans of relieving poverty in indurgtrial centres. In the latter case they preferred to support vtork hcusea end poor house?:; rather than exert themselves in hringin^ about just conditions of lahoiir. It was this excess of philanthropy in matters of prison pmiisliEttent and in charity, that revolted Carlyle's extern justice-loving soul. It was not that he \iflshed to see the squalor and harshness of the old prisons remain; for this was ©ruel, and contrary to oonditions of healthy human life; out h© did wish to see justice done. Tae occeptea purpose,of punishment as embodied in the existence of prisons, w&s to protect the property of society, and society itself, froia the depradatlons of its unruly members. This ri&s the chief pur-pose accepted prior to the 19th Century. Secondly punishtnent was to improve and reform the criminal but this v;a<i quite a secondary purpose during most of Enfjland's prison history. That it should prevent ti-e criminal from repeating his offence was the first consideration while little thou/rht was taken as to how this v;as to be e-ccoaplished. In the 19th Century, however, the emphasis v/as shifted from the first purpose to the second in popular opinion. Tixe chief end of punishment was now to improve the criminal; 8,nd the means by which this was to be done was not. just punishment according to the serits of the crime, but so called sympathetic treatment illustrated by comparative luxury in livin*T &YI^ moral instruction. Faith in the last named methods was increased because the belief in 84 the psyohological and 'biological causes of crime was heglrming to take firm hold on the people. TTence they l^ elieTed that the criminal could "best he cured "by kindnestr anfl education rather than by actual punishment. It is to this latter belief that Carlyle objected. He maintained that this method in prison reform tended by its luxury to increase criminals, and not to cure therr^  for crim-inals would now remain criminals in order that they mi|rht be put in prison. The comforts and comparatively easy life of the prison, aa compared to the strife of honest life in the world, would induce laziness and cris^e, Carlyle did not be-lieve that a criminal could be cured of his criminal tenden-cies* l?hat he was, was under the decree of God end could not be changed by man, and if that man in his we&.'kae-'^^si chose to serve the Devil, teaching &nd. kindness in prisons could not change his nature,' Such efforts were a waste of energy which should have been bestowed on those v/ho had not sunk qiiite so low. "To feed you in palaces, to hire captalnH and school-masters and the choicest spiritual and material artificers to expend their industries on you--I7o by the Eternall I have aulte other work for that clasp of artists; Seven and Tv/enty Millions of neglected mortals who have not yet (juite declared 1 for the Devil," says Carlyle of the new efforts at improving criminals, Carlyle believed that Cod*r> law is entirely a,<?ain:?t all 1 Latter Day Pamphlets, 1898; collected works, vol. xx, leot.ii, p. 59. 85 criminals. To "become a criminal one raust have "brolcen pome of the divine comnandments which, it is our j^ recial duty to per-ceive and follov/ in this life. Hence, In the name of Justice which is one of God's attributes, Revere punishment must be laeted out to the wrongdoer* Justice and not love, should be the sjethod in treating such men. "To OTide scounflrols bj?-*lov©»; that is a false v/oof. I telte it, a nethod that v/ill not hold together, hardly for the flower of men will love 1 alone do; and for the sediment, what chance J" And e.p:e.ir\ he states, "I tafee the liberty of ar:sertin^ thst there is one valid reason, t.nd only one, for either puni!3hinf? cx man or rewarding him In this world; one reason, ivhich cncient 'iety could well define: That you may do the will of Cod v?ith 2 regard to hia; that you do justice to his." Justice and the will of God according?: to the stern meaning given in the Old Testament were to' be the basis of puniGhment according to Carlyle. He did not talce the Christian attitude which teaches love and pity to the wrongdoer, nor difl he accept nearer medi-cal and psychological discoveries which show that through inherited tendencies or etresp of special circurastance^, the criminal is not responsible for his actions, and because of this should be ^iven another chance. Carlyle, on this rolnt, was a stem Calvinist of the old school, \?ho nakes ro allow-ances for the wealcneEs of human nature. 1 Latter Pay Pamphlets, 1898; collected works, vol. xx, lect. ii, p. 56. 2 ibid. p. 75. 86 ' ifhat Carlyle believed to be true prison reforra v/es that all criEiinals sh.o-Dld be taken out of prisons amd set to v/ork under stern aad Just captains of industry in some place where work needs to be dorae. As comUtions were then, the prison-ers were kept in idleness or at some task which did not bene-fit society to any great extent. "Kiis w&s directly opposed to the ideas expressed in the Gospel of Work, in which every oaji njust make the best possible uso of his talents in aid of sfisnkind. Criminals should be sepertted from the rest of man-kind so that they nil! not harm or contaminate them, but they should not be kept in Idleness, They must do their share of the world's work, and since they will not do It willingly, they Hmst be forced to ao it. Carlyle su^ g^ested that they should be sent to some of the colonies and there under stern discipline, be set to clear and improve the lands. Idleness and coddling are the last conditions in prisons which v/ill lessen crime, or improve the criminal. He says to such men that he "will sweep you rapidly into some Horfoik Island, Into some special Convict Colony, . , . under hard drill ser-vants, just as Rhadamanthus , . . there leave you to reap 1 what you have sown." This statement roints to a similar Institution to that which ^ave rise to the convict colonies o of the 18th and early 19th Centuries. Criminalj? novir .vre usu-ally regarded as the unfortunates of society. Carlyle main-tained that of their o?m will they had fallen from .^ race; and 1 Latter Day Pamphlets, 1898; collected ivorks, vol. xx, lect. ii, p. 59. i M K 87 as such, thej!" must he forced to take their punishment and bear their share of the \?orld''s htirdcn. Poor houses, work houses, and such inr'.tltutiont^ , he •be-lieved likewise to have no good effect. Tiles'- too only t;jesR-Icened the manhood of the unemployed and destitute which they were supposed to benefit. TJiose helped by them (lepended upon such help instead of making the most of their own rosourceB. The maintenance of justice in labour condition?? eorsef! before charity. Then if the worker will not make sufficient effort to maintain hisself v/hen workin^j conditions ixre favorable, he should be left "to starve accordin/r to his necessity." Car-lyle believed firmly in the old proverb which sayfi "Heaven helps those vvho help themselves." CharltieiE? and philcnthropic societies were to him hindrances to the welfare of the working man, as were the mammoniam and selfishness of the mill owners. Tlie question'of the benefits derived from charity is still under discussion. In Carlyle's time, end indeed up to very recent years, it was much believed in thou^i there were always the ty/o opposing sides, for and ef'ainst the mainten-ance of charity. Carlyle spoke for the minority of his dsy. At the present time, however, there is a tendency to return to the ideas which he preached, especially that of severe punishment for crime. Capital punishment, hard labour, and, still more recently, corporal punishment such cs the lash, are in effect in British territory. On the other hand sci-ence has proved that certain men are not resronsible for their criminal tendencies and therefore must be regarded as objects of pity, who are to be cared for rather than punished. 88 The actual laenefits of charity for the Tinosiployed V^^ still Tmdeoided, but it is safe to sey th£:t Carlyle's insistent su^ jigestion for Just labour condltiong ae a cure for tlie tieeS. of charity is absolutely ^ust« Another OLUostion closely associated with social reform. which Carlyle deals with, is slavery. Up to 1B07 fil&very was in practice in all the British Colonies, and the slave traffic was a general source of income. In that year, however, the slave traffic was abolished, and in 1833 sla,vory in &ny form was done away with throughout the British dominions* The colonies Eost affected were Hauritius, Cape Colony, the ?'est Indies and Guiana, In Jamaica of the '.'rest Indies particularly the ©mancipation of slaves brought social disturbances. In 1865 a Hegro insurrection broke out. Governor Eyre rut this dai-m with such rigor that he was recalled for unjustifiable cruelty, and indicted liy the p:overn!nent. Carlyle went into his defense v/hole heartedly, and his influence in a great measure brought about the Governor's release. Some years before this, however, when slave emancipation vres beginning to take full effect in 1849, he stated most of his theories concerning slavery in the pair.phlet, The Trigger Question. The immediate occasion for this outburst on Carlyle*s r^ art, was the fact that he sav/ thousands of Irish peas^ ants and Sng-lis^ h industrial workerc starving: and unable to find emplo^ vTient, while the negroes of the West Indies, t/x'-n ©laancipated, lived on the rich lands there without producing according to their strength. They were no longer compelled to work, and hence B9 they merely lived tJieir ov.n savasf^ e life, rioTYAng ar? little eo possible. Tlio sight of the misery end. poverty of hin OV.TI countrymen touched. Carlyle very deeply RO that he vja° novod to 7/rite on their behalf a^aingt the existin/^ condition:^ in the Indies, In the Governor Eyre case, he nirsvly uctoa uron his convictions. His theories upon the snbject of slavery are connected olosely with his general social theories. First, as he.^ been ffientioned before, he believed th t all men are rot born equal. Some are born the inferiors of others, and hence nhould be in subjection to the others. The Kef^ ro race he believed be-longed to the latter clas-. Secondly, accordin;^ to the Gos-pel of 'Kork every m&n must vvork in this v/orlc; according to hia talents. Likewise the land should bolonj? to those who make the best use of it, in this case to the British who had improved the '.Test Indies. Therefore he ar^^ed , that since the Eegroes had not developed the '.''est Indies, and v-'cro not workin£r accordini? to their ability, they shoulc! be forced to 1 do so \)y the rightful owners of the lend. If the 'Torro will not work in the proper fashion v/hen eiTiancipeted , he =;hould be forced to do so as a slave. In fact Curlyle rj^ ther favored the slave relationship since it Involves a permanent con-tract, one of the important points in his theory of si^ccoss-tul labour relationship;^. What he did insist upon emphati-eally in all dealin-s with tlie TTe^oes v/as jurtice. 'Whether 1 "The Nigger Question", Critical and '/iseellanoous Essays. 1899, vol. iv, collected works, vol. xxix, p. 555. 90 slave or free, their v/hite overloraB must te Jv.rt to thern. The. condition most needed ivas "that your relation to the ne-groes, in this thins called slavery , . . he actually fair, Just and accordinfr to facts;—fair, I say, not in the si/rht of Hew England Platforms, but of Qod AliTji^ htj^  the ?^ aker of 1 both Ke^oes and you," and a little before thin,"Unjust mas-ter over servant hired for life is, onco for all, and shall be, imendurable to himan souls. To cut the tie and f^lin.^  Farmer Hodge's horses quite loose' upon supply and demend prineipl© « . • is not the methodl But by sose method, by hundred fold restrictions, responsibilities, la\?s, conditions, ctaming Eje,thods, Hodge must be got to treat his horses 3ust-ly." So, whether ao slave or freenen, a happy relationf^hip will be evolved betv;een master and v/orlcan, so lone" fs ,1-ustIce is maintained. Furthermore, he 3Uf;,e-ested that, inr^ tead of indiscriminate em£incipe.tion of slaveo, there shov-ld be a cer-tain fixed price for freedoa. Tlius "For exemrle ouf^ ht there not to be In every Slave State, a fixed s\m, on paying v;hich, any black man was entitled to demand his freedom? . . . If the poor Black can, by f orethoug'ht, industry, self-denial, accumulate this sur., has he not proved the actual 'freedom' •7 CJ Of his soul7" 3uch a money value would be the pledge of the Negro's a^alifications to become a free man, J-uatice on the part of the master, and talent as tbo^  criterion of Hocisl 1 "The Wiggev Question", Critical and MiscellaneoiiF Essays 1899, vol. iv; collected works, vol, xxix, r. o71» 2 ibid. p. 370. S ibid. p. 372. 91 standing is here an alv-ays the hasifi of C&rlyle's rocial f orimilas. liTiat Garlyle did not see is thct ?^ lavory is a de^-adin^ condition for any hiiman hein^ n:. He Bays "Yoii raay lift the pressure from a free man's shoulders and bid him ^o rejoic-ing, but lift the slave's b-arden, he will only m-llow the more composedly in his sloth,—a nation of^ofrradecl men can-1 not be raised np except by ?;hat xie rightly name a miracle." By this he implied that the al&ve in periaonentl" c. SIP.TC, jiist because he is such. History enfl ei^perionce, hov:?cver, teaeh us that the practice of slarory in nations of the an-cient world always brought degradation to their civilisation in the end,. Slavery kills a man's sense of independence and Initiative. A slave Is not like a criminal who often delib-erately debases hiaself, an5 becomes a dangerous varrabond. The slave usually loses his freedom becav.Be of external con-ditions beyond his control; as vrrien ho is forced by tyranny and hard circumstances to submit to a master in such a vay as to entail the loos of his freedora. The I'o^ ro was not a •alave consider hin -^ er-in his mm land and Garlyle had no rLrht to manently inferior, as certain criminal cln^res and idlers of hl3 own people certainly v;oro. ITo matter v^avi lon/r and tedi-cus the process of re-educating the sl^.-.ve to the statiis of a freeman, it io not such a miracle as Garlyle ivould hove us believe, and the effort is alv;ays worth v/hile. Garlyle, whg 1 "Corn Lavr Rhymes", Critical and in^cellaneoun Essaye 1899, vol. iii, collected works, vol. xxviii, p. i^y-9" V i s u s u a l l y c o r r e c t in hln l^jaidencntal p r i n o l r l o r , rn of .IUG-t i c e , and the v;orth Ox a u i l i t y , here made, " ic firrt; ':o of confusing: tlie c r iminal v/ith the s l r v e . TTs riiri r,ot roc t ' 'o p o s n i h i l i t y i?hioh has heeii r ea l i s ed in our t i n e , vherein the UegroGs have teen moclGrately erlueatocl to tc-.lcc t'-.eir -I'^cc in white c i v i l i s a t i o n as f ree men. The r e s a i n i n g point of s r o c i a l i i i t e ren t y;hich Cfa-lyle dea l s with i s Emigration an a near.'^ to r e l i e v e t>.e conp-c^tod l a to i i r cond i t ions of the B r i t i s h I s l e n . Up to t':e tltio of C&rlyle ' s w r i t i n g , en ig r a t l on had hoen 'car r ied on in a vory haphazard f a sh ion . There v/as no nysten of erai--^ration, i^ince the government pated very l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n to thl?; flo- rtrior.t of t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . What e m i ^ a t i o n there v/as. v/nr ca r -r i e d on throiif^h p r i v a t e means or sirn^^ly as the iiirlivicTual f e l t the n e c e s s i t y of removing?: h l r - c l f to & rev.'er country . The land enclosurec of the e a r l y -part of the Century c.nd the faminon in I r e l and cauncd a p-roat deal of 0Tr.i£:r.* t ion to the var ious dominions, "but the re v/as no ans ie tancc riven fror: t h e i r home land to these hrirfole orri^'^rantr^. Car ly le v/as an ardent i m p e r i a l i s t v;]io vvirrhod intcnn^ely t o Goe Groat B r i t a i n a mighty Enpiro under tlie do:,:inrtion of the An^lo-Saxon r a c e . He Bav; tl iat inn-laivl , Ireland , r-'d Scotland were heir.t'^ crowded with an over increaninr- -ovula-t i o n for whom there vxas n e i t h e r omploymer.t nor food within the l i E i t s of the B r i t i s h I s l e s . This poru la t ion , ."or the most p a r t , cons i s ted of men who were v / i l l i n r to v;or>: ( rJ arjci-ous to support themselves . Outs ide, in the colonies snd the 93 new lands of the Empire_, there vras an ahundanco of rich un-tilled land ac well ac' ^ r^eat reGOiTrces of v/ofllth and comfort for TnarOcind. It v;as his dearest scheme that the excesf^  Topu-lation of the British Isles, '^;ho were at that time llTing iu squalor and at the.point of ?itarvation, nhouJLd he cent out to the colonies to increase the necessarj" comfort!? of life, "both for themselves and otTiers "by their \7illin:|^  labour'^  in a land where there v/as scope for their actiTlties, ouch emi^ation waa to be under the rerrulation of the Crovornment end with properly organized labour conditions, "Then a.Tain, v/hy should there not be ©n ^Smigration Service', and Secretary, ?;lth adjuncts, with funds, force:?,idle Hav:^  shipi^ , and evor in-er®asin^ apparatus; in fine ar efteotive system of Emi.^ratiou; so that at length before o^ ir tv^ enty yoarra of res-ite emled, every honest willing Worjcsan who founr! IJngland too Fjtrait and the ^Or/ranisation' of I*abour' not yet f-ufficiently aavonced, might find lidewise a bridge built to carry him into new ?iestern Lands, there to 'or/>anise' \\'ith iiore elbow room some 1 labour for himself?" Tlic s^ i^ rf^ estion the t or/^anisation of labour should be carried out alon^ v;ith emifTction l;; implied rather than directly stated, but Cnrlyle '^ ;ouia certainly have such a raoveaent carried on under able le.T^ der^  r;ho would be rosponsible captainn of the emi.^ rant vjov'terrr, /.? ha*? been pointed out in the previous chnpter,, all idle war shirs and government apparatus of that 3cina v;as to aid in emigration 1 Past and Present; Bverjman od ., 1915 reprint, Blc. iv, ch. iii, p. 256, 94 when not enge-gedi. in their ov/n spec!'1 worS. Emigration is the safety valve, in Carlylc's opinion, for over ropulation hy which every willing ¥/or3asan may find worth^ r employment: and Afhich at the same time, vroiad allow confortalxle social oon-ditions to "be maintained "both in the homo land v-vA In the land to which the emi^ '^ rant goes. In Carlyle's scherae of "ooial refers there vre oeny sMg-^stions for reform v^ hich have "been acce-ntod and ptjt Into practice* His infl-ucnce is not always directly tracealsle in the accofflplishment of the reforn, as I h&ve said tofore; l)iit by his ijitinfT riducale of the evils of his day and hlB sound principles as, to the tiaois of social life, he did nnioh to point the way to the necessary reforai::. He h&d. a profound sympathy for the working' clasces hecanse of his? parenta«:e among stich people. He sat; their needn, and at the parne time realized their weaknesses. The Indnstrial Revolntion had driven rise to conditions absoltitely unprecedented in the economic hirtory of the world, I!en were strivirsr;: to find solntions to the -orotileTi?? involved in these condition^^; and in the errly sterP-CB many errors were comsiitted hy the political and social economists, C8.rlyle amons thene, hor.'ever, often f-ives siifT^ e-^ tions vfhich !?nl3?^ eq.nent events have proved to point toraros true reform, ITis sug-gestion of Organised Latioiir especially seenp; to he the fore- . rnnner of auoh of our modern lahour mover.ent. It in true that the present Istiour organization is? ?3till nlmost entirely a oomhlnation of the workers a/rainst the mill owners and chief 95 employers, v/hlle in Carlyle's plan it wan to be a frlenaly partnership "betvyeen OA^ -ners and onr-loysrB on the one hand, and the workrsen on the other. Still workmen, ar> row orfranir-ea in Labour Unions, do recognize their leasers, much as Carlyle'v/i wished them to rooognize his "Captains of Induf^try," It least the chaos and injustice of the early part of the 19th Century has "been replaced by a certain rseasyre of unSer^tand-ing and cooperation between labourer and employer. Coopera-tlTre ownership, ag it is now beinff satisfactorily carried on in many places, coEes such ncerer to Carlyle's ideol of in-diostrlal labour relationships, EmigrRtion too, has come to be carried on very much alon,? the 0T.<?:aniEed lines as r?u/^ e^st-©i: by Garlyle. Emi^ation is now an Important department of goiremraent, ithich carrier on its woric very systematically, with a Tiew to the £;reatest henefitp both to the Gniiri?-rantG a and the land to v?hich they are goln^. His critieisr, of char-ity, Poor Laws, and work houses also seem to be ^ust, from evidence fotmd at present. Certainly the oiscontent caused in the British Isles by tlie 5ole system since the Creat War seemn to point out thot all ciich systems of charity and '^ oor relief bring only misery, discontent, and depraflation tc those who are supposed to be benefitted by ther;:. The only •possible remedy as yet seen ie that ^ r^hich Carlyle B\ir,!^3ted. in which relief comes throu^ a better organization of la-bour, with better moral principleB as the basis of the in-dividual's life. These are the most important joints in which Carlyle's practical suggestions have proved themselvee correct* - 96 ' Tliere are, of course, certain of his theories v;hich have heen Dhomi to he ahsol-Qtely iinpracticuhle. For example, he did not thoroughly TmclerstGncl the aristocracy and v;ouia sv/eep that class out of existence •beoause of its apT'-arent idleness. It was true that the aemhers of the aristocracy had ceased to perform their function ac actual governors who were representative of the country; but Carlyle did not real-ize that even thougli they did not govern the country, they were necessary to perpetuate the culture and niore refined life of the nation, Twc-thermore, the prohlemg of l&nfi corner-ship and of the place and power of the aristocr.^ 'cy in rovern-aent readjusted themselves through tire to the nev; contlitions of the age, because of their vital importance in the well-being of the people. They viere not solve0 , hov/evcr, by the . aristocracy beco'nin£^  the autocrn.tic rulers of the country which is the remedy ttiat Cnrlyle v;ouia have UB f'cce-t. In his treatment of slavery he also missed the fundan^ entjil prin-ciple of the dc^ radln.c" influence of t'lat institution on any nation or any people, an;^  ^ ^" ;^ -^-"- ^ ^r rrison reform hi^ ve lilcevvise proved themselves to be not entirely sctisfectory. The theory, that just punishment, even thou^ eovere, sunt be meted out to the criminal, is a.^ ain be":lnnin? to be ocoerted anon^ authorities. On the other hrnd , hif3 ^ u-re-tion for the deportation of criminals to convict colonies hes proved to be a failure, since the inotitution of such colonlen ha? proveif to be a great evil both for the country to which the convicts are sent and to the convict hinioelf, a-? in the cr;?o of the Botany Bay settlement In Australia. 97 As was fotmd in cUscnsRlnfT his thooriop of ^olitic.:! re-form Carlyle»G greatest value as e nociel reformer liof? in the ethical basis of his sociDl theories. J-usticc, a nenr.o of the varying ahilities of aifferont men, end the necerrity of a desire to do honest v;ork on the p rt of every inaivlr^ i^ al, are basic social principles, the valne of which ho enrnoftly peeks to Impress upen all his readerc-. If the above eti^ lcal rule" are fully realised by all, end both mastoids and men reco^lze and live np to their responsibilities to each other as indi-vlcltQals and as members of society, the r^ ocial probleiu?? of l^gland will adjust themselves happily of their own accord without the Interference of so RiEn.y econoroistsi and politicians, for men's hearts will then be at one with the lav/s of God and nature. Here, as always, Carl3'-le perceived the root of Eng-land's social, troubles and shows that Inrnroveraent in the fundamental isatte'rs of ethics must come before permanent practical reforms can be accomplinhed. IV E I U C A T I O W In every part of Carlyle's pro^ rram of social reform, the point stressed aost as a reconstructive mean? is educetion. By education he would prepare the Governor of the coi:ntry for his position, and "by education he v;o^ old lift the tna'^ e^s to a higher level, where they would he capahle of appreciating and aiding good government. It will malce his ?ositlon clearer as a positive reformer then, if a separate charter is devoted to a discussion of his theories of education and their riT-plica-tion In his positive political and social reforT;^. In the first plaoe, one muFt understand wrhi t vs-e^ e the conditions in the educational system of Sn<?land a? Carlyle 1DQ«W it, England's educational systern ur to Cerlyle's time was founded upon a purely religious hapia. Just as in the Middle Ages education was entirely under the control of the Roman Catholic Church, GO after the Reformation, it still re-mained under the control of the Established Church of Enrrland, While under the Roman Churc: , cciicatlon VBS rractically free to ail olasr:es,' but when it passed into the hands of the Es-tablished Church it becarae more restricted, tending to be aristocratic in extent, and often excluding the poor who wished an education, merely because of their position. In either case the masses of the people rexe not educated. It was only some of the yeomen, the middle cla'^ ses rnd the aris-tocracy who received an education, or who were in any way 99 made welcome to take it. Even the first tv.-o clarses, here mentioned, received very little except in odd cases. TTo pro-vision was made for the peasants or v/orlonen for any odncatlon. All ptiblic schools such as Eton and narrow were privately endowed, and were maintained, in reality, ep private j^ chools open only for those whose position or influence was sufficient to warrant their entrance there. In 1604 a voluntary system of education was inaugurated for the poor, whereby, poor schools were maintained by private contributionr. These, however, had very little influence on the j^ reat raa^sep of people, and up to the time of the Industrial Revolution, edu-cation in England was carried on under the control of Church authorities, or else by private philanthropy. In neither case did it reach the majority of the population. With the coming of the Industrial Revolution, it will be remeaabered, g^ reat changes were effected in the population of the country. The cities \fere crowded with peasant workmen of the lower classes, and child labour became prevalent. Thus, there appeared before public notice a lar^e mas;? of uneducated people who proved to be extremely discontented v/ith their lot. For these.no education was provided, that they might intelligently understand their position or the needs of their country. An attempt was made to remedy this situation at the end of the 18th Century, when with the iiiauguration of the Evangelical Revival by John Wesley and others, Sunday Schoofs were established by Robert Bailees, where day school work and religious teaching were conbined. But these schools did not prove very efficient, and did not reach any ^reet number of y y J 100 children. In the early part of the I9th Century it het^ an to be reco^ized that some change must "be wrou.^t in the stetus of the lower classes through education, if the industrial world was to continue at all in any state of reace. Lancopter for the Dissenters and Bell for the Ssta^lishetl Church, be^an rival systems of voluntary schools for the roor, ard tbrouj^ h their rivalry, crystallized the religious controversy "between Dissenters and Established Church in educational matters, the discussion of which still exists at the '^ resent time. Neither system of schools was satisfactory or reached the majority of the population, so that in 1839 the government toojc the first step in England towards State control of education by insti-tuting In that year a partial system of grants o.nd supervision of the schools for the poor. Thus, up to the time of Car-lyle*s social writings, English education was still much ss it was in the Middle Ages, aristocratic in feeling, entirely In the hands of the Church, and exclusive of the majerity of the poor. Furthermore, the actual content of the education was becoming out of date, especially for the working cl f^ -^ en. As in previous ages it consisted chiefly in a rtudy of the clas-sics, philosophy, and nathematics, in a purely abstract fa-shion. !rhere was no place for a course in the elementary subjects which would benefit the working claf^^es, except in the voluntary schools for the poor, and in them the instruc-tion was of a very low order. Neither was there much prac-tical education which would lead to efficiency in any manual vocation. It was either a purely literary education in which 101 only the higher classes were interested; or a very unrracti-cal education for a small portion of the me.r-Bevt, In f?:ct, both in substance and application, education had been un-changed for centuries. It was still in the hands of the Church or supported by private means. It was still clas'^lcal, literary and unpractical in its substance, er>^ it wfjs still limited in its influence. It was the last two evils v;hlch roused Carlyle most; since for him education vvo,s the one means whereby men as a whole might be uplifted , end at the / same time given help in their life work, Carlyle was thoroughly democratic in his idess on educa-tion. He wished everyone, no matter what his rani: uTil^ h^t be in society, to have as much education as he was capable of receiving. In so far as the educational systern of "Sna-lend was against such a democratic extension of knowledr'e an3 re-fused to take into consideration the newly formed l.c.bour classes, Carlyle v/ished to reform it in the best interests of society as a whole. Education to him was of benefit to t-ll, and its ains as he outlined them were rauch broader thR.n those coramonly accepted in his tise. Carlyle believed education to be "the acquisition of v/hat may be called wisdor.::;--namely, sound appreciation and Just decision as to all the objects that come around you, and the habit of behavin^ r^ with Justice, candour, clear insight, and loyal adherence to fact." We must remember that in the portrait of his hero, we find thai 1 "Inaugural i^ddress", Scottish and Other l^iscellanies; Everyman ed., p. 157. y 'TT-i-102 the latter is to he the man vflth force of character end spir-itual insight rather than the possessor of mere "book learning. Education, in his opinion then, is to he the rneans of format-ing character, tnie judgment, anrj above all, of infstllling into man that love of truth end sincerity which for him sre the foundations of a ntahle and hapry society. Therefore it should he free to all who are capable of receiving' it, whe-ther rich or poor, so that all may have the o^^portunity of developing their character alon^ ? the Tifry\t lines; for he ^ays "That there ahouia one J'^ar die iftiorant who had capacity for Knowledge, this I call a tragedy, were it to harr-en more than 1 twenty tines in a minute, as by some computationf it doe=?." fhls Ideal state of education was to be realized in two ways; first through the acq.uisition of theoretical knowledcre as found in hooks, and secondly "by practice. As to the first named, books are to give information concerning -^arA- thought so that the student may have the knov.'led<?e of the previous ages on which to base his l^udranentf? concerning the T-repent, Especially is history most valuable in this res<^eot, since it i^ lves back/ground for important political ';'nd social .lurjfrments. All that pedar:ogy, f-n-fee=dgQy e^ schools, can really do for one in the matter of educating through books is to teach the stMent to read and appreciate v/hat is in them. Thus Carlyle says of this matter "If we think of it, all that a University, or final highest School can do for us is 5?till but what the^  1 Sartor Resartus; Everyman ed., 1921, Bk, ill, eh. iv, p. 17S. 103 first School hegan doing,—teach us to reaa . . . in vs.riotis lan{rua£;os, in various sciences; v;e learn the plpha"bet!3 of all manner of Books . , , The true University of these riays is a collection of Books." Books then are to ^ive knowlod pre, background, and refinement, and as such are lnclin-^ er;?^ ahle. But still iTiOre important, and made more so "b.y the --^ reva-lence in these days of hooks which rcake the known \vin6oni of the world so accessihle, is the need of practical eSucation. The best means by which the power of tri-^e .ludgment nay he formed, is by practice and actuL.l experier.ce. For thi?. rea-son, the worker is most often the best educated in the Csr-lylian sense; for the labourer has v/orked with his hf-nds and has intimate experience v7ith nature, the forcer, of which con-trol the elemental needs of hunan life ond human hr. 'ine«'^ . He has act\ial exrerience with the fundanentel requirements of man, and hence has a. sounder b:.r:ls on v/hich to build hi^ judgments concerning society. Thus Carlyle seys, "The best educated man you will often finS to be the artisan, at all rates the man of buslnenn. For v/hy? lie he.s pv^ t forth his hand ard operated on IT?; ture; must actually attain some true insight or he cannot live . . . A Burns is infinitely better 2 educated than a Byron." In former tinaes, this practical side of education was Z seen to by the custom of apprenticeship. Craftsman, priest, 1 Heroes and Hero-worship; Everyman ed. 1921, Lect, v, "• ^'e'Froude-Life of Garlyle 1796-1835; 1852, vol. 11. p. 2E7. 3 Latter Pay Pamphlets; collected works, 1898, vol. xx, Lect. V, pp. 177-8. y 104 and noble, all alilce, learned their trade "by cctiml contact, and practical imitation of their seniors and masters. Even the nobleman*s son v/as sent as a page or gquire to the cov.rt of some great noble, there to learn his profession a?? f!:overnor and soldier through actual experience. The Industrial Revolu-tion, however, had done av.-ay with aprjrenticsf^ hi'n since the workers then had to seek whatever employment they couia find in the factories, v/ithout reference to their previous experi-ence in the v?or]c. Moreover the schools and univei-sitie*? were only for the nobility, who /chained there pedantic knowledge which did not at all fit thera for their position in the prac-tical world of men. Travel and observation as he mentions it in his scheta© of deucation in Sartor Resartus, mi^ht help to supply the practical deficiencies of the hi,P^ er CIRBBOS, if carried out in a serious manner. On the whole, hov/ever, edu-cation as it v;as at that tine, seeraed to him only to prepare the student to speak, and for CarlyLe, the end of education as a preparation of man for serious livin,^, was quite other than that of mere speech. On the other hand men -rve to be trained to think, to jud.^ e and to r.ct, for he believerl that the human creature needs fir^t of all to be educ- tofl not that he may speak, but that he may heve soinetblnr vjeighty to say." Above all education is to laake for formation of charrcter. As in the iredieval Church it must be "strict training not only to whatever useful knowledgce could be had froir v;riting ^  1 Latter Day Pamphlets; collected works, 1B98, TOI.XX, lect. V, p, 179. 105 and reading; bnt to obedience, to piot?;' reverencr?, ??slf-restraint, annihilation of self,--really to h-unan noblenc^c in many riost essential respect??," re^ardlonf: of the social rank of the person to be educated. Until this outline of education through boolc knowlcd;re and practical ap-'renticeship shoiild be reestablished in England and isade free to ell clas-ses, Garlyle maintained that Sn^land could not hope either to discoTer her true heroes and governor;?, or tc have her labour-ing popialation find the ability to raise t'ner^ selves fron their present degradation. Education, as a neans of discovering the true niler, as in his program of political reform is extremely ImT^ortant. the man of .genius and ability, before all others, needs a sound education in every sense of that word, for leadership is the most important position to be held anonsr men. There-fare he aust be fitted for this tasfe, by an educ'-tion which will prepare him for its requirements. His description of the education of Frederick the Creates son -joints to whet he believed to be the ideal education of a prince or f\iture 2 governor. In the first place, the young Prince Fredericlc had sincere and earliest instructors, since, accordin.f? to Car-lyle unless the teacher is sincere, the scholar has no chance to learn sincerity. Sv-condly, these instructors taurdat the 1 Latter Pay Pamphlets: collectea work-, 1P9G, vol.xx. Lect. V, p. 132. 2 History of Frederick the Great 1S97, vol. i; collected ¥.'orks, vol. xii, Bk. iv, oh. viii. 106 yoxmg prince only v/hat would he usefnl to him in his fiit-ure life WGrk, He V/GE r;ivon a thoroUf'rh instrnction in the re-lljErioiis hellefs of the Protestant faith, tofrether with & knowiedg:e of nattire, the world, and the Univerpe a;^  a moral backgrrotind. Then he was taufrht history, geo.frraphy, &.n6 polit-ical economy with a vievv' to his oareor as a j^ teter-raan. Last of all he was given a great deal of practical trainin-p; an a military lea.der, including mathematics, artillery, and prac-tical drill in fortifications and the handling of troops, Ahove all he was trained to endure hcrdshi-n pnci to here self-reliance. He received no classical education, and Carlyl© "believed this to be g:ooa , since in hi;* opinion, the classics were dead langnages ithich had no valiie in dealing with the pressing problems of the modem world. Thus the r^ rlnce re-ceived a thorough t^ ro-andinf^  in practical 3aiov.'led^ e which wotLld prepare hira for his life work. He wa? not taxirht u.se-leas classics exclusively, nor was he forced to be a pest master in the art of speakin.^, as viere the ariptocrctic youth of Carlyle^s day, Carlyle censures the classical tendency of the Universities very severely as well as the stress laid on oratorical prowess by vrhich means he says, the political leaders are only taug'ht to spea>, and are not driven &ny prac-tical training in their ^^rorY., "Jo think and act are their true functions, A practical preparation for their duties is what Carlyle wished for political ler^ders, in hopes of en-abling: them to improve their efficiency and their insight into the social and political needs of their country. 107 , Hot only can educi tion improve the actual capabilities of the governor; it may also "be useful in discovering who among men is the most able to fill the position of governor. If the leader is to be a man of ability, his ability should show to a certain extent in his capacity for receiving: educa-tion. For this reason, Carlyle inaintained that by friving' everyone an education, and watching- the varyin.^ de^ees of ability which each one shoves in the procens of beini?: educated , the real Hero may be detected and sins-led out for his prorrer position. The system of electing^ officials in China accordini?: to scholastic ability approaches neerest to the plan he sug-geets, althousrh in that country the purely pedantic a"uallty of 1 the education given was against his principles, T^ hat is most important in this part of Carlyle's program of reform is that every member of every class in society should hcve an eqTial chance of education in order that the real man of worth, no matter what his social position, should be chosen for the position of honour and greatest responsibility. Practical training and an instillation of the essential principles of sincerity and honesty vjould complete his plan for securini^ capable leaders for either political or industrial fields, as necessary for his program of reform. By way of chansrlng the existing: state of education Car-lyle Insists, first, that the masses must be educated; and to obviate the petty jealousies and rivalries of the two » 1 Heroes and Rero-l?orship; Everyman ed.. 19S1. lect, v. p. 397. 108 religions factions which had hitherto prevented nmch serlo-us work "being done in this direction, education must "be imcler government jurisdiction and must also he non-sectarian. "Min-ister of Education ? Minister charged to ^et this English People taught a little, at his and our peril! Minister of Education; no longer dolefully embayed amid the wrecic of mori-bimd 'relif'jions', but clear ahead of all that; steerin?-, free and piously fearless, tovmrds his divine goal under the 1 starsi" A Minister of Education, a Department of Educetion, and first of all an Education Bill embodying the above prin-ciples of free undenominational education are the reforms which he suggests in this matter; for he snys ";^ ay thlB one Bill, which lies yet unenacted, a right Education Bill, is not this of Itself the sure parent of innumerable wise Bills, --wise regulations, practical methods and proposals, gradually ripening towards the state of Bills? To irradiate with Intel-ligenee, that Is to say, with order, arrangement and all bles-sedness, the Chaotic Unintellifrent: how, exeert by educating, o can you accomplish this?" Such is the hope which Carlyle has In the efficacy of education, in de&linf^ with the social evils of his age. The end of such educational reform was not only to choose the proper leader with its help, but also to rearrange the tangled raaso of the labour population, left by the chan,^ es 1 Latter Day Pamphlets 1898; collected worlcs, vol. xx, Leot. iv, p. 148. E Past and Present; Everyman od. 1915, Blc. iv, ch. H i , p. 255. 109 Of the Industrial Revolution. With reference to this point, in speakinrr of the restlc^?^ chartists, v/ho vvere the rroauet of that new a^ -e, he says "''Hiat intellect were able to ref-late them? Ko one ^eat and greatest intellect can do it. TThat can? Only Twenty-four million ordinary intellect'^, once 1 awakened into action; t'^ ese, v^ ell ^resided over may." Know-ledge, and understanding in each individual so that he shall himself recognise his destined place In society, is the only thing, in Carlyle's opinion, that could bring: order out of the Chaos of industrial society v;hich then existecU Such an uxiderstandtng was necessary for the accoEsrlishment of his plan of Government by Heroes, "He" meaning: the sincere raan "alone can love, with tight gratitude and s-enuine loyalty of soul, the Hero Teacher v;ho has delivered him out of d.- rkness into 2 light;" and education was for Carlylc the chief means of bringing a man into a state of sincerity, ar.d to an ap^ r^eoia-tlon of hia superior*s heroic aualitle?. Thus it If through education that society is to "be given a sound basis in which well regulated basic social distinction? will be reco/rnized. fSf ^h@§§ ?§6g8fl§ §fe?i^ i§ Insisted that education js the first duty of government. "To impart the gift of thinking to those who cannot think, crrl yot v.-ho could in that case think: this, one would imagine, was the first function a government had to 3 set about discharging." Education, Indeed, was for him the 1 "Chartism" Critical and FiPcellaneous Essays 1899, vol. iv, collected works, vol. xxix, p. 194. ^ ^ •/ 2 Heroes and Hero--Worship; Everyman ed ., 19^1, Lect. «»^^ 3'"Chartism" Critical and Miscellaneous Esf^ ays 1699, vol. iv, collected works, vol, xxix, p. 192. KMBl 110 one scheme of value in all his practical hints on reforr.. Free non-sectarian education for all is his great cry; not that he helieved in no religious education for to him "An 1 irreverent knowledge is no loiov/ledge;" hut simrly that all petty Jealousies hetv;een different sects should be laid aside for the great cause,—that of raising h\3Hian society to hi^ r^her and happier level, through giving men a knowledge of them-selves and of the facts of the world; a fccowledge v/hlch should be practical as well as inspirational. Modem thought in the educational field is at one with darlyle in two points; first in that practical 3a:lowled^ '?e must b« taught by actual practice in the natter to be learned; and secoHdly, that education should prepare the student for his place ejid work in society. The old theory of a claBslcal education being the only one worth while has now died out, especially in America and the Colonies. Even in En^ -land , schools for practical tcachinxr, such as Technical Institutes, and Training Schools in different vocations, hi'Ve been inau-gurated. In America, this plan has been carried still fur-ther. Even in the public schools an attempt har; been made through manual training courses for boys, domestic science for girls and athletics for both, to gire the youn*? students some knowledge of the practical yvorld in which the ability to act is most important. The pedantic side of their training. 1 ^'Chartism" Critical and Miscell-neouf^ Essays, 1899, vol, iv; collected works vol, xxix, p. 195. Ill is also given a more practical hent BO one may see in the effort which is heing made to give all their studies o^rne re-lation to actual life. In fact, preetical education in all spheres, has largely taken the place of the j^ urcly pedantic and claseical education which existed heforc 1870. Some attempt is also made in modern education to prepare man for his duties in society. Social duties and functions are often worked out in miniature amonf^  the school children as an exercise, and they are also given some grounding- in moral and patriotic principles, which will stand them in p'ood stead, when they beootae active citizens of the country. S^ ore-over Carlyle*s program of Government Reform in Muoation has •been fully acoomplisheu. In 1870, while he isras yet living-, the first important English Education Act was passed making eduoation coapulGory for all classes and at the same time bringing It under state control. Thus the difficulties of religious rivalry and aristocratic prejudice then prevalent in the private schools were largely overcome. In the Fev; T/orld, in Canada and the United States, the theory of comrulsory state education has been carried out to the full, and the idea also of practical education is^most advances in ther^ e countries. Perhaps Carlyle's ideas on character development and raoral training through education have not been put into -ractice es much as he would have wished, but in so far as they have been found practicable, they have been v/ell worked out in recent, years. Certainly as far as State compulsory education will do it, his idea of giving every man his oprortunity to develop the best in himself, and to become an intelligent merabcr of 112 society, has been given a fair chance of eucce^r.. Of all Carlyle's theories .ggrrr^ ruiAu;, his pro,7rarn of edu-cational reforia is most eonsis?tent. TTe iP consistently demo-1 cratic in his ideas on educational methods: and also in hir? belief in the beneficial restjlts to be derived frora it, for all classes of society, Kan is the hlMiest of God^ i? creation?. with something in his possession which is above the instincts of the brutes, and which may be cultivated as their instincts may not be. In the words of llr. C. F, Thwin.^, who ably pun-sarizcs Carlyle's theories on education "He (raan) is not, ac-eorSing to Carlyle's interpretation, a worm of the dust, nor is he a butterfly of beautiful existence; rather is he a child of Ood, a creature born into an infinite universe &nt destined for an eternal existence. For him the centuries have labored, throu^ him all the past is given to the future, and to hiia all the future i^ bound in behalf of its vrorthy creatures yet to be. Fo prise is too high for his stru^/^le, and no train-ing is too sett^ re for this child of the icroAs, this brother of the immortals, For him too, this creature of origin so noble, of destiny so sublime, no education is too enriching." I^ du-cation for Carlyle, was to reavmken the immortal instincts; in the masses of humanity, which had been deadened by the un-equal struggles with the evils of industrialisra. It was to reawaken man^s spiritual nature, and enable him to realize 1 H. C, Gamett--Thomas Carlyle; p. 12e. 2 C. F. Thwing—"Education Accordin^ to Carlyle in School and Society Magazine, vol. 2, p. 649. ii:; the extent and value of his own ahllity, so that every nsn would seek hi£3 ov/n ns-tiiral ^od-fiven place in the r- nk? of society and thus rtahilize and pacify the social v.orld once more. As to how far Carlyle's theories hove .Inrtlfied them-selves in this respect, as thoy have been carried out, is still a (inestlon of doiiht, Perhars gome of the nnrest end trouble in the labour ropnlation at present may he dt:e to the fact that his ideas on educational reform have not been car-ried out to their fullest eztent with regard to the traininpr of character and morals^ More lilcely such disturbance? exist because no human scheme of reform, whether edticetional, so-cial or political, will quite meet all the human va^rancle? of temper v/hich lei-d to social evils. Certainly, Carlyle, as one of the first advocates of State control of cos^vilnory ed'acation, has done more than anyone to uplift the marines of worMnvSmen and to give them the opportunity of taTcini^ ' an equal place ?;lth the hereditary aristocracy by jp-ivlnr them the opportunity of showing their ability as developed through education. 7 M 0 P E R N C R I T I C I S M O F C A E L Y L S It is nearly half a centtiry since Garlyle died at his hoae in Cheyne Rov/. riiring that time many changes have oo-otirrea In the political and social life of the BrltiBh Empire which so interested the Chelsea sage. It is my p-amose in concluding this study of his social and political doctrines to trace briefly the influence which those doctrines have had during the years intervening between his death end our own time* This influence has varied greatly from time to tirae. It was purely general immediately after his death, but more recently it has attached itself to certain special phases of social ©vents in v;orld history, where his theories are more or less accurately Judged by those historical events. In the years immediately follo?/in£" Carlyle^s death, when the impression which his great works had made on the public was still fresh in the minds of men, eritlcisra dealt v/lth all aspects of his work. Several works on the life of Carlyle were written in the first decade after lasi, of which the one by James A. Froude is the fiillest and most iraporteint. Other men, such S. H. Hutton, W. L. Courtney, Edv/ard Caird, John MacCunn and Leslie Stephen, dealt with his v/orlcs by way of oritlcism. Their chief aim was to place hia social and philo-sophic writings in the scheae of English prose writinsr, and point out the weaknesses end good points in his philosophy. 115 In matters of political and social thought, they, eg a whole, realized his sincerity, love of trnth, and his interest in the social life of his time. At the time of hie death, how-ever, 20st of the social reforms stressed so much hy him, had heen realised, in part, or v/ere well on the ¥;ey to eomplete realization. Lehour conditions were greatly improved, since the time when Carlyle hegan his social tirades, while the Education Act of 1S70 had largely fulfilled his dosires in this respect. England was prosperous in the last quarter of the Century, and. the political thought tended to denocracy, rather than to Carlyle*s scheme of autoor&tic government by heroes. Therefore his popularity as a social reformer died down very quicfely after his death; the interest in his works then heing only an interest ir the literary works of a <^ reat I author with whose personal life they were accLualnted . Thus such men as Courtney, writing in 1888, says of the social writin.^ s^ of Carlyle "Yet they all have much the name traltn—a certain intolerance of their immediate surroundings, a certain visionarinens of speculation, a retrorra-de and re-actionary impulse, a renerons v/oarinesr? as those horn oiit of 1 due time," and states later that Carlyle^s influence was already evanescent. This was the attitude of *^ '-ose critics who made only a superficial study of Carlyle»s social doc-trines and found them of very little immediate practical value. Moreover, his peculiar style offended many by its ^ 1 Co-urtney—Studies Kew and Old; 1888, p. 31. 116 verboseness and ironical satire, Certainl:t^  his theories of ariotocratlc government offended those radicals who vfere striving to make democracy an accomplished fact in England, Thus after his death, there was a small school of adverse, superficial critica, who for the moot part overloolred his fundasiental greatness as a preacher of renewed spiritual life in a distraught industrialized societj. There were, however, a l^ rgre proportion of the critios at this tiae who were sympathetic to Carlyle^s teachinij, and Who realized the greatness of his contribution to a peaceful refona of English aooial conditions, thoui^ h they wf^ re not tlind to his faults. They realised that his powerful aM ffiOTln^ description of England's social and lolltical evils was the greatest value in his sociul fiat. His greatest per-manent social creed, was the reinstilllng of sound s:^ iritual Ideas into society, so that its foundations might be right. His dislike of the tendency to popular arovernment and dis-belief in the kindly for^ivin^^ spirit of the Christian re-1 ligion were the sturablinp: blocks to these keener critics, such as Richard Garnett, Edward Caird, and Leslie Htephen. That they recognized Carlyle's permanent quality as a sociril reformer is raost evident in R. Garnett's remark in which he Bays that Carlyle's lastinr?: quality comes chiefly from his power to Influence human life spiritually. It is most re-markable that they should have eaui^ ht this dominant note of. X Hutton—Modern Guides of Enprlish Tliou^ ht in Matters of Faith; 1914. ch. i, p. 35. 2 fi C. Garnett--Life of Carlyle; 1887, p. 178. 117 Carlyle*s social teaching so soon after his cleath. From 1900 to 1914 there was very little interest tnlcen in Carlyle as a writer on social and politicel q-ae.?tionr;. The literary men of great influence in his own day, st;ch eg Tennyson, Dickens, William Morris, Kinsrr:ley, Froude, l.rill, and Rnskin with whom he had had areat weight on frijoh publeots had all passed away. These men, each in his ovvr; particular field of literature, had dealt with the social snd political problems of their time, and had sought to brin^ about imrrove-ment in these matters. Carlyle, and his chief ai?5ciple, Rus-kin^ were past masters in the art of denouncinp- such social evils, Btit by 19Gi), these men were all gone, and. interest in social teachingS;v8-8 we find in Carlyle*B works had alssost disappeared because of the lack of able literery advocate;? eiad because the fundamental social problems for which they were written had been remedied to a lar^e degree. Occas-ional essays dealing with special asrects of his social theories appeared from tiiseto time. John FacCtmn's essay on Carlyle as a Radical thinker in 1910, in which he ably detIs with Carlyle's democratic tendencies and his sympathetic sufr^ est-ions for the relief of the labourers, is one of the best in this period. Other odd efforts were made by scholars to determine the extent of his indebtedness to former authors and to foreign influences. Such is C. E. Vau^rhan's essay on Carlyle and His German Masters in the same year, but on the^  whole interest in Carlyle, and especially interest in Carlyle for the sake of his social and political writin?:s had almost ceased to exist. lie '^ Tith the outbreak: of the Great War in 1914, howeTer, re-newed ciiriosity in one particiilGr phaj3e of Gsrl^ rle's politi-cal teaching was aroused. It was claimea that Carlyle's dict-um that "might is right" had been one of the chief orif^ ins of Prusaianlgrn, Discussion on this subject ms divided into two opposing camps, one of \^ hieh maintained that the above mentioned doctrine of Garlyle's, together with his praise of the antooratic Frederick the Great of Prussia, ^ ave greet im-pulse to German nilitarisra, which culminated in the Great War.. fhe other side said that Carlyle would not have supported Q®rm€uay in the recent conflict because he hsted war e.nd. such ruthless tyranny as it expressed. Thus a lively discussion was waged by journalists and essayists in the better ma^zines and reviews during the years of the war, Stuart ?. Sherman of the Sew Yorlc Nation is a good example of the prroup who v/ere adverse to Carlyle in this matter, '^ ritin^ if in 1915, when feeling was bitterest, he held that Carlyle ms a dipcirle of Germany and that his praise of Frederick the Great w;s en-tirely harmfi-JL. He says, "Carlyle denied that men have any rights whatever, and he violently declared that they can get along without liappiness, q eodtrine delightful to iron gtates-1 laen." Moreover, Sherman maintained that obedience and mili-tary discipline v;ere pleasln-5 to Carlyle and that these ideas as expressed in his plan for labour organization in the Lat-ter 3>ay Pamphlets resulted from his study of Frederick the , 1 Sherman—Carlyle and Kaiser rorship; The ITation, 1918, p. 287. 119 Great. Finally in his "blinu patriotisra this critic seya that Prussianicn hi^s Ijoon streamlnr into /^ n^ a-lo-Saxon eomnnnities through forty volTimes of Carlyle, thereby implying that all Carlyle's works v/orc permeated with such doctrines of force and tyranny. He forgot entirely that Carlyxe insisted :>rimar-ily on a feeling of comradeship in all relations Isetween su-perior and inferior in the industrial world, Pmssianisa, as Shenaan takes it In the sense of sheer trnte conp-ulslorijW&s neTer in Carlyle*s schcne of society, ^at Carlyle really adairad in Frederick was his sincerity and the mreatnesp of his purposes for the linproveaent of his eoimtry. The »ore bmtlsh aspects of the men often disrated him and ^ve him waah worry conceminfr the worthine?? of the hero of his feook. The other side in this? question defended Carlyle chiefly on historical grounds, J. ?.!. Sloan said in 1915 that Carlj'le was prejudiced a£::ainst France in the '.Vsr of 1870 becsupe his inherent Puritanic principles were offended hy the norals of France and by those of Paris in particular. Beside? thi^ reason Carlyle held that France &B the more powerful nation of the-two had been a bad neighbor to the Cerraan stetes for hun-dreds of years before that war. Therefore he maintained that Geraiany was justified in nieting out puniBhment to such a neisrh-bor. Koreover the Gernsany of 1870 v/hich had been striving to find nevi light in matters of thouj^ht.--striving earnestly to do this and at the same time to bind herself together into a. tnae nation—was the Gertaany Vv'hich Carlyle had really praised. He had praised her for her sincerity and for her progress in scientific and philosophic matters which were of benefit to ir.o th© world. In 1914, however, this Germany had eipar.pe&rea , and a nation v;ith a different spirit haa taken her place--e s spirit v/hich was notahle in graspinfr tyranny for selfish glory. Both Sloan in the Hihhert Jo-grnal of 1915 and Sidney Gunn in the ITnpopxilar Reviev; of 1918 raaintain, I thlnlr rl-giit-ly that if Carl^ 'le had "been living in 1914 he v/o\ild not hs'.ve upheld the German oawse, htit ¥/ould have been bitterly disap-pointed in the spirit shown "by her at thet tlse, Certainly not one realizing; Carlyle^s democratic sympathies with the poor and his desire for universal betterment of the human raise would believe for a mament that he would arprove of the tyranny and moral de^adation evidenoed in the recent War» His theory of "ai^ jht ie ri^it" often seems to be contrary to his more Christian principles but it itiust be reffierabered that Carlyle was looJcing beyond the immediate present v^ ith its petty rights enA, wrongs, to the "ultiniete, where he believed that right woi:ild , as a law of JTat-ure, work out through a might capable of standinjir permanently. For him the Great nvT in its result. woijl.d prove that the ml^ht of Germany W"« not the ri^ht, B\it what he did not realize, when he nreached this gospel, was that during the rrocess of q.uellinf;' the VTong mic-hts and of provinr- v^ hich v/ere rigrht ond which were wrong, the suffering, and wastage of valuable life and human energy would exceed any value which this method of selection might have. In spite of much controversy to the eontr&ry,»it still remains a fundamental fact that most rights have to prove their permanent ri^ :ht to existence through their pos-session of iBi/?ht. This theory is parallel to Darwin's mi doctrine of the "nurvival of the fittest'^ in e^ -lte of Cur-lyle*s detestation of the latter. Still more recently a Bmall r^o\i^  of Con: di-.n writer? have taken up a study of Carlyle's social v/ritini^ s e?;-eoip.lly with a viev; to lookin.^ into his reference? to t>is Colonies- and his prophecies concerning Canada. !I, L. Stewart of Toronto Is the rsoGt iraportant of these. His article?, from 1919 to 1921, cover a period -^hen criticism of Carlyle harl recoTerec! somewhat from the prejudices of the ''Jar, and shov.' a return to a discussion of Carlyle^s social and political doctrines. He points out Carlyle'3 democratic sympathier: and the fijlfill-ffient of his prophecies concerning Canaaa, ?/hich have hcen 1 dealt with previously in this essay. A still wider study has heen recently made of Carlyle»n social doctrine?? by F. L. S.OQ in Social Philosophy of Carlyle and Euslcin, 1921, ana;T.. Heff in Carlyle and Mill, 1924, who comrare ^is theories? with those of his conteaporaries. In all such post-war criticism there is a distinct return to Carlyle as a social reformer. His theories of Government hy Heroes on5 of "rfiieht i^ ri.^t" are now regarded siaply as' the peculiar views of a r^ree.t non and the expression of rabid individuality. They b; ve no valtie in human society anS hence are ignored in their r-rac-tical applicationc, nhat these modern critica ere interested in are his su^sgestlons for the improvement of 0 ul? r condi-tions in the ivorld of labour and induetrialii='m, ae v^ ell as^ his message of spiritual uplift to humanity. In this? la^t 1 ?ldl supra, oh. ii, PP. 53-4. 122 point they have tonched the one really permanent value in all Carlyle'2 works. Whether Carlyle is regarded as the Puritan with hi?? prej-udices peouliar to that sect against rleasure and the frivo-lous life of this v/orld as the end and satisfaction of man's existence, or as the grim hearted Scot vfith his love of strength and human might as exhibited in his doctrine of "mi^t is right" and in his love of an autocratic IToro Gover-nor; "neither of these phases of his character affect his per- , Ba33«nt worth as a social reformer, As the man v;ho inoifsts that every man shall have an equal tjhance to prove hi^ worth In the leadership of hia fellows, he must ever arreal to the demoetatic world of today. Furthermore, it is he who has pointed the v/ay to our modem conditions In emigration, Is-\>OUT organisation, and education, in a time v/hen society was in a state of flux following the upheaval of tl e Industrial Revolution. Effectively orgranized emig^ rf-ition, a realisiRtion of at least partial Justice in l?::hour conrHtioiin and compul-sory puhlic education tinder state control are, the :-'ractical results of Carlyle'G efforts to show the need of ther>e and their effectiveness so many years e.yo. And still more impor-tant than these points is the v/ay in which he reaaher=; dovra to the fundamental causes of social disturhances and £fives for its healing a nev/ gospel of spiritual sincerity and vigour in which truth, juetice, and the doing of useful worlc shali put new life into the social relationships of mer-. I'e may not believe very explicitly in "the love of G-ocr in the Christian sense of that phrase or in the purely cultural 123 elements as necessities in hTiman existence, h-ut be does gee clearly the necessity for man to hare his spirit renewed with-in hla in relation to God and man so that he aay realize a just and nnitnally helpful relation v/ith his fellows. His stress on men^s wlllin^css to help each other, and on comrad-shlp betvjeen all men should prove that his Hero worship in government was "based on surer principles than mere antocraey. Suoh is Carlyle^s permanent message to society. Critics im-mediately followinr his death recognized the permanent value of his theories; and novj, after years of prejudice and tempo-reary mismiderstandlng, critics are returning to the idea of the permanent value of his spiritual gospel. It was needed for the society of his ov/n day, vfhon it did rcucb to lift men out of the mire of mamsionism into wliich they had fallen, and it is still needed as a warnin.^ : to us. C&rlyle, the advocate of spiritual ri^htnosr: in social relationshirs is necoaBary in every age, as long as nan exists in his present ^tate of mortal frailty. Thus as a minister to '^an^n s i'-ituftl needs he has his pertaonent value as a social reformer. E I B L I O G P ; . P H Y I Worlcs of Thowaa Carlyle 1821 Sartor Resartus; Sveryman ed., 190e, reprint 19f^ l; J. ?5. Pent & Sons, London, 1837 French Revolution, in 3 vole.; VOIF?, ll-lv in Centenary ed . of Carlyle's collected worlcfs; Chu'^ aan and Hall, Ltd., London, 1R96. 1840 Heroes and Hero-Worship; Everyman ed., 1900, reprint 1981. 1843 Past and Present; Everyman ed., 1912, reprint 1915. 1846 Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeohes; In 4 vol-.; collected worlcs, vola. vi-lx. 1865 A History of Frederick the Great, in R vols; collected works, vols, xii-xix. Critical and Miscellaneous Sasays, in 5 volf., 1899; collected works, vols, xxvl-xxx. Scottish and Other Hiscellanies; Everymtn c-:., 1915. reprint 1923. ii • ! % « ! < 1829 "Si.-jns of the Tinen"; Sverj^en. 1831 "Characteristics"; I^Teryn&n, 183B "Com Law Rhymes"; vol. iii. 1839 "ChartiGs"; vol. Iv. "Petition on the Copyright Bill"; vol. iv. 1843 "Br. Francis"; Bveryraen. X849 "The Hig>^r Question*'; vol. iv. 1866 **Inaus;Trral Address at Minbnrjrh" ; Everyman 2.667 "Shootin^r Niagara: and After?"; Eversrm&n. Note—Those essays marked "Everyman" are to "be found In Scot-tlsh and Other Miscellanies, Everyman ed .. as listed -, under "worlcs". The others are to he f otmd in the vol-ume named Critical and Miscellanootig Esspyg, Centenary ed. of Carlyle's v/orlcs. ill • II Criticism and General Reference Caird, Edimrd Sssayg on Literature and yiiilosophy; -p, P.30-267; The Genius of Carlyle; Jas. Maclehv^so e. Sons, Glas-gmv, 1G92. Coore, G. B. M. Educat ion, National Systeag of; Encycloneait; Bri tan-n l c a , 11th e d . , 1911, v o l , v i i i , VV- 971-984. Studies How and Old; -pv, 251-52; Carlyle^g P o l i t i c a l Doctrines; Chaptaan and Tlall, ondon, 1PB8. Froude, J. A, Thomas Carlyle, A nistory of tho Firnt Forty Years of Ills Life 1795-1855; in tv/o VOIB.; London, Green & Co., London, lP.e2, Thomas Carlyle, A History of TTIB Life in London 1054-1681; in tr/o vols,; Longman, Greer; t, Co., London, 1G84. Garnett, Rlchcrd Life of Thomas Carlyle; ''/alter Scott, London, 1887. Gunn, Sidney Carlyle and Kultur; in the tlnpopular Heview: July-Lee. 1918, vol. 10, no. 19, pp. G6-78; Henry Holt S: Co., Kew Yorl:, iv Hutton, Richard Holt Essays on Soms of tae Modern Giildes to En^ r^liBh fhouffht in Matters of Faith; Macmillan & Co., Lon-don, 2nd. ed., 3rd. reprint, 1914. Larsen, Laurence U. History of England and the British Coramonwealth; Henry Holt <S: Co., Kew Yor}c, 1925. KacCtmn, John Six Radical Thiiikera; Bentliara, J. H, Mill, Cobden, Carlyle, llaazini, X, H, Green; Edward Arnold, Lon-don, 2nd. imp. 1910. MacSonald, P. M, C a r l y l e a s P r o p h e t ; i n the The Canadian '•jMc&.zlnej O n t a r i o Pu l J l i sh ing Co . ; Toron.-o; ITov.-Apr, 1920 -21 , v o l . 56 , n o , 3 , r p . 314-S16., I J i l l . J . S . On L i b e r t y ; P e o p l e ' s e d . , LonCTian, Green S Co . , London, 1 9 2 1 . S e f f , Bciery Carlyle and !.-^ lll, Mystic and Utllitcrian; Coluial)ia University Press, ITev/ York, 1924. lichol John ghomae Carlyle; English lien of Letters SerlOG , Kacmillan &. Co., London, ie92, Eoe, Fredericlc William =» IThe Social Philosophy of Carlyle and Ruskin; Har-court. Brace & Co., He-^ ' Yori:, 1921 Sherman, Stuart F, Carlyle and Kaiser Worghi-. in The Hat ion (TJew York); Sept. 14, 1918, v o l , 107, no. S'776, vy, E86-9 SXoan, J, K« Goehte's Influenoe on Carlyle (Articles I & II), in the International Journal of Ethic^; Pliiladelphia, Jan. 1911, vol. xxi, no. 2, pp. 178-18?; no. 3, pp. 269-2S2. Stephen, Leslie Hours in A_ Library, vol. iii, Carlyle'g ICtbics; Smith, Elder and Co., London, 1899. Ste^ raoi't, H. L. Carlyle and His Critics, in the Nineteenth Century and after; Spottiswoode, Ballantyne Sc Co., London, July-Dee. 1919, vol. 86, no. 511, rp. 505-514. The Declining Fame of l^oaaB Carlyle in the Royal Society of Canada. May, 1920, vol. xiv, Geetion ii, pp. 11-E9. Carlyle in Canada, in The Canadian lle-geizine: Ontario Puhlishins Co., Toronto, Feb. 1921, vol. 56, no. 3, pp. 320-340, Thwing, Charles F, Education According to Garlyle, in the School and Society; The Science Press, Hew Yor^ :, Joly-rec. 1915, vol. 2, no. 46, pp. 649-661. vi Yaughan, C. E. Carlyle and Ills German Master?? in Esgayg and Studies PJ Members of The En^liah ABsociatlon, collected "by A, C. Bradloy; Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1910. Wllleock3, M. P. Thomas Carlylo; in The Kation (English); latlonal Press, London, Oct.-Mar,, 1919-SO, vol. 26, no, 13, VV' 453-456, 

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