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Laryngeal phenomena in Tahltan Bob, Tanya Marie 1999

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LARYNGEAL PHENOMENA IN TAHLTAN by TANYA MARIE BOB B. A., The University of British Columbia, 1997  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Linguistics  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1999 © Tanya Marie Bob, 1999  in presenting this degree at the  thesis  in  University of  partial  fulfilment  British Columbia,  of  the  requirements  for an advanced  I agree that the Library shall make it  freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department  or  by  his  or  her  representatives.  It  is  understood  that  copying  or  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of  UnC^A^ES  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date  DE-6 (2788)  OctoV-irrr  \S ,. \ 0 i f t f t  Abstract This thesis investigates the phonetic and phonological properties of laryngeal distinctions in the consonant inventory of Tahltan, a northern Athapaskan language. This thesis does not examine the phonetic properties of all Tahltan consonants. Instead, this thesis focuses on the phonetic acoustic properties of plain stop consonants, which have been described inconsistently in Tahltan, to determine their laryngeal specification. This thesis also examines the observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure to help determine the laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. In addition, several morphophonemic processes are examined to determine the phonological laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. Based on the phonetic findings, and observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure, I will argue that stop consonants in Tahltan exhibit four laryngeal articulations: voiced, voiceless unaspirated voiceless aspirated and glottalized. Based on the morphophonemic evidence, I will argue that fricative consonants exhibit two laryngeal articulations: voiced and voiceless. Furthermore, I will argue that glottal stop is specified for the laryngeal specification [constricted glottis] (henceforth [CG]) and that [h] is specified for the laryngeal specification [spread glottis] (henceforth [SG]).  Table of Contents  Page  Abstract  ii  Table o f Contents  iii  List o f Figures  v  Acknowledgements Chapter One  vi  Introduction  1  1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5  1 1 2 3 4  Language Information Tahltan Consonant Inventory Dual Mechanism Hypothesis Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis Outline  Chapter T w o  Phonetic Analysis o f Stops 2.1 Objective 2.2 Background 2.2.1 Tahltan Stop Consonants 2.2.2 V o i c e d and Voiceless Unaspirated Stops 2.2.3 Acoustic Properties o f V o i c e d and Voiceless unaspirated stops 2.3 Methods 2.4 Results 2.4.1 Post-Sibilant Stop Consonants 2.4.2 Post-Nasal Stop Consonants 2.4.3 Intervocalic Stop Consonants 2.4.4 Summary 2.5 Discussion 2.6 Conclusion  6 6 6 6 8 9 10 13 13 15 17 19 19 24  Chapter Three  Syllable Structure Constraint 3.1 Theoretical Assumptions 3.2 Background 3.2.1 Tahltan Consonant Inventory 3.2.2 Orthographic Conventions 3.2.3 Tahltan Syllable Structure 3.3 Data 3.3.1 Consonants in Syllable-Initial Position 3.3.2 Consonants in Syllable-Final Position 3.3.3 Summary 3.4 Syllable Structure Constraint 3.5 Conclusion  25 25 26 26 26 27 30 30 31 32 32 33  Chapter Four  Classifiers 4.1 The Classifier Prefixes and Laryngeal Specification 4.2 Function 4.3 Tahltan Verb 4.4 Theoretical Assumptions 4.5 Hypothesis  34 34 34 35 36 36  iii  4.6 h - C l a s s i f i e r  37  4.6.1 M o r p h o p h o n e m i c E f f e c t s 4.6.2 A n a l y s i s 4.6.3 S u m m a r y 4.7 1 - C l a s s i f i e r 4.7.1  Morphophonemic Effects  44 44  4.7.3 S u m m a r y  48  4.8.1  48  Morphophonemic Effects  4.8.2 A n a l y s i s  4.9 0 - C l a s s i f i e r  48 51  53  53  4.9.1 M o r p h o p h o n e m i c E f f e c t s  55  4.9.2 A n a l y s i s  55  4.9.3 S u m m a r y  56  4.10 C o n c l u s i o n  56  N o u n Stem-Initial a n d S t e m - F i n a l V o i c i n g A l t e r n a t i o n s  57  5.1 T h e o r e t i c a l A s s u m p t i o n s  57  5.2 C o n t i n u a n t V o i c i n g 5.2.1  Data  57 58  5.2.2 A n a l y s i s  60  5.2.3  63  Summary  5.3 W o r d - F i n a l D e v o i c i n g 5.3.1  Data  63 64  5.3.2 A n a l y s i s  65  5.3.3 S t e m - F i n a l S t o p C o n s o n a n t s  66  5.3.4 S u m m a r y 5.4 C o n c l u s i o n  67 67  M o r p h o p h o n e m i c Effects in O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y  68  6.1 T h e o r e t i c a l A s s u m p t i o n s  68  6.2 S u m m a r y o f M o r p h o p h o n e m i c P r o c e s s e s  69  6.3 C o n s t r a i n t s a n d C o n s t r a i n t R a n k i n g  70  6.4 M o r p h o p h o n e m i c P r o c e s s e s i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y 6.4.1  Chapter Seven  41 44  47  4.8.3 S u m m a r y  Chapter Six  ,  4.7.2 A n a l y s i s 4.8 d - C l a s s i f i e r  Chapter Five  37  1-classifier  75 75  6.4.2 d- c l a s s i f i e r  76  6.4.3 h- c l a s s i f i e r  77  6.4.4 C o n t i n u a n t V o i c i n g  80  6.4.5 W o r d - F i n a l D e v o i c i n g  84 ,  6.5 C o n c l u s i o n  85  Conclusion  86  Bibliography  87  A P P E N D I X A : Elicitation  90  A P P E N D I X B:  92  W a v e f o r m s and Spectrograms  iv  Page  List of Figures Figure (1)  Post-sibilant [b]; [esba:ke] 'my moccasins'  92  Figure (2)  Post-sibilant [d]; [esdihe] 'my grouse'  92  Figure (3)  Post-sibilant [g]; [esgendame] 'my horse'  93  Figure (4)  Post-nasal [b]; [inba:tke] 'your moccasins'  93  Figure (5)  Post-nasal [g]; [ingawe] 'your drum'  94  Figure (6)  Intervocalic [b]; [mebede] 'his food'  94  Figure (7)  Intervocalic [d]; [medegane] 'his sockeye'  95  Figure (8)  Intervocalic [g]; [megahe] 'his rabbit'  95  v  Acknowledgements I wish to thank all the members of my thesis committee, Dr. Patricia Shaw, Dr. John Alderete and Dr. Doug Pulleyblank for all their support, encouragement and invaluable advice. I would like to extend many thanks to my advisor Patricia Shaw for graciously sharing her Tahltan fieldnotes and for her guidance through out my thesis. Again, I would like to extend my thanks to John Alderete for all the encouragement over the past year, for being such a good listener and for organizing our trip to Telegraph Creek. I would also like to extend my thanks to Doug Pulleyblank for being such an excellent professor over the years and for his support and encouragement. Furthermore, I would like to thank Dr. Guy Carden and Dr. Bryan Gick for their help with the phonetic analysis study. I would like to express my sincere appreciation to my friends and family in Telegraph Creek and Iskut, British Columbia, who graciously shared their knowledge of the Tahltan language and culture with me. I would also like to thank the Tahltan band council, who funded me while working toward my masters degree. I would also like to thank my friends and classmates for all their help and encouragement over the past two years. I especially would like to thank my friend Christine, who after linguistics 100 convinced me to take just one more year of linguistics! Finally, this thesis would not of been possible without the love and support of my family. Thank you, mom, dad and Yat. I've appreciated everything you've done for me.  vi  Chapter O n e  Introduction  T h i s thesis investigates the p h o n e t i c a n d p h o n o l o g i c a l properties o f l a r y n g e a l d i s t i n c t i o n s i n the c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y o f T a h l t a n , a n o r t h e r n A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e . T h i s thesis d o e s not e x a m i n e the p h o n e t i c properties o f a l l T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t s . Instead, t h i s thesis e x a m i n e s the p h o n e t i c a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s , w h i c h h a v e b e e n d e s c r i b e d i n c o n s i s t e n t l y i n T a h l t a n , t o d e t e r m i n e t h e i r l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n . T h i s thesis a l s o e x a m i n e s the o b s e r v e d patterns o f b e h a v i o r g o v e r n i n g s y l l a b l e structure t o h e l p d e t e r m i n e the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f c o n s o n a n t s i n T a h l t a n . F i n a l l y , s e v e r a l m o r p h o p h o n e m i c processes are e x a m i n e d t o d e t e r m i n e the p h o n o l o g i c a l l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f c o n s o n a n t s i n T a h l t a n .  1.1  Language Information T h e A t h a p a s k a n language f a m i l y c o n s i s t s o f three s u b g r o u p s , w h i c h are spread out across  N o r t h A m e r i c a : N o r t h e r n , P a c i f i c C o a s t a n d A p a c h e a n . T h e A p a c h e a n s u b g r o u p o f l a n g u a g e s are s p o k e n i n the s o u t h w e s t o f the U n i t e d States, w h i l e the P a c i f i c C o a s t languages are s p o k e n a l o n g the p a c i f i c coast o f the U n i t e d States. T h e N o r t h e r n A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s are s p o k e n i n the n o r t h w e s t o f the U n i t e d States a n d C a n a d a . M o r e s p e c i f i c a l l y , the N o r t h e r n A t h a p a s k a n languages are s p o k e n i n : i n t e r i o r A l a s k a , N o r t h w e s t T e r r i t o r i e s , Y u k o n , i n t e r i o r B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , northern A l b e r t a , northern S a s k a t c h e w a n a n d northern M a n i t o b a . T h i s thesis f o c u s e s o n the n o r t h e r n A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e T a h l t a n . T a h l t a n is s p o k e n b y the F i r s t N a t i o n s p e o p l e w h o o c c u p y the S t i k i n e P l a t e a u area o f n o r t h w e s t e r n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T a h l t a n is s p o k e n i n the present d a y c o m m u n i t i e s o f T e l e g r a p h C r e e k , Iskut a n d D e a s e L a k e . T h i s thesis presents data f r o m T a h l t a n s p e a k e r residents o f T e l e g r a p h C r e e k a n d Iskut, B r i t i s h Columbia.  1.2  Tahltan Consonant Inventory T h e T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y is presented i n (1). S i m i l a r to o t h e r A t h a p a s k a n  l a n g u a g e s , i n T a h l t a n , stop c o n s o n a n t s e x h i b i t a three-way l a r y n g e a l contrast, f r i c a t i v e s e x h i b i t a t w o - w a y l a r y n g e a l contrast a n d there is a s i n g l e set o f sonorant c o n s o n a n t s .  1  (1)  Tahltan Consonant Inventory  labial labial a. b. c.  P  alveolar t t t'  m  lateral  palatal  velar  t9'  ts ts ts'  ti ti ti'  dz ts ts'  k k k'  9 6  s z  i  s 5 z y  te  h  d. e. f.  coronal alveolar  interdental t8 h  n  h  h  1  h  laryngeal glottal  uvular  ?  k '  q q q'  X  x  X  h  Y  Y  h  y  a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop  dorsal labiovelar k w  wh  h  k  w  w  w  w  d. voiceless fricative e. voiced fricative f. sonorant  In the A t h a p a s k a n literature, the three series o f stop c o n s o n a n t s are t y p i c a l l y p h o n e t i c a l l y d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d ( p l a i n stops), v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e d a n d g l o t t a l i z e d . T h e t w o series o f f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s are d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s . In the T a h l t a n literature, the series o f p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s h a v e b e e n d e s c r i b e d i n c o n s i s t e n t l y . A l t h o u g h n e v e r the f o c u s o f a n i n v e s t i g a t i o n , T a h l t a n p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s h a v e been d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d ( H a r d w i c k 1984) a n d as v o i c e d ( S h a w 1 9 8 1 ; S h a w 1 9 8 2 ; 1983; Nater 1989).  1  In T a h l t a n , the r e m a i n i n g series o f stop c o n s o n a n t s are d e s c r i b e d as  v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e d a n d g l o t t a l i z e d , w h i l e the f r i c a t i v e s are d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s a n d v o i c e d . T h e s e d e s c r i p t i o n s are consistent w i t h the d e s c r i p t i o n s i n the A t h a p a s k a n literature.  1.3  Dual Mechanism Hypothesis T h e D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s p r o p o s e d b y R i c e ( 1 9 9 4 ) is a h y p o t h e s i s w h i c h  c o n c e r n s the p h o n o l o g i c a l l a r y n g e a l treatment o f the plain/aspirated stop contrast a n d the v o i c e d / v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e contrast i n A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s . R i c e ( 1 9 9 4 ) argues f o r the D u a l M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis based on varied p h o n o l o g i c a l evidence f r o m Slave, N a v a j o and K o y u k o n .  2  U n d e r the  D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s , v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [stop] a n d u n m a r k e d f o r l a r y n g e a l features. T h e a s p i r a t e d stops are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [stop] a n d the l a r y n g e a l feature [ S G ] . W i t h regards t o the f r i c a t i v e s , v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s are u n s p e c i f i e d f o r  The phonetic symbol for voiceless unaspirated stops w i l l be used to represent this series o f stop consonants. 1  M o r e specifically, Rice (1994) argues that there are lexical and postlexical processes i n Athapaskan languages and that lexical processes support the D u a l Mechanism Hypothesis, but postlexical do not. See Rice (1994) for details.  2  2  l a r y n g e a l features, w h i l e the v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] .  The  D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s is l a i d out in (2). In (2), x is used to i n d i c a t e w h i c h feature(s) e a c h g r o u p o f c o n s o n a n t s is s p e c i f i e d f o r . (2)  Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994)  Spread glottis Voice Stop  voiceless unaspirated  3  voiceless aspirated  voiceless fricative  voiced fricative  X X x  X  A s p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d , i n the A t h a p a s k a n literature stop c o n s o n a n t s are d e s c r i b e d p h o n e t i c a l l y as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d , v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e d a n d g l o t t a l i z e d , w h i l e f r i c a t i v e s are d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s . T h e D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s , w h i c h c o n c e r n s the p h o n o l o g i c a l l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f stops a n d f r i c a t i v e s , is c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the p h o n e t i c description o f Athapaskan consonants.  1.4  Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis In t h i s thesis, b a s e d o n the p h o n e t i c findings, I w i l l argue f o r r e v i s i o n s to the D u a l  M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ( R i c e 1994). R e c a l l that p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s h a v e been d e s c r i b e d i n c o n s i s t e n t l y i n the T a h l t a n literature. T h e y h a v e b e e n d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d ( H a r d w i c k 1984) a n d as v o i c e d ( S h a w 1 9 8 1 ; S h a w 1 9 8 2 ; 1 9 8 3 ; N a t e r 1 9 8 9 ) . T o d e t e r m i n e the p h o n e t i c l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f T a h l t a n p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s , a p h o n e t i c s t u d y , w h i c h e x a m i n e d the a c o u s t i c properties o f p l a i n stops, w a s c o n d u c t e d . T h e results f r o m the p h o n e t i c study i n d i c a t e that there are v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops i n the T a h l t a n ; thus b a s e d o n p h o n e t i c e v i d e n c e , I w i l l argue f o r the a d d i t i o n o f the c a t e g o r y v o i c e d stop to the D u a l M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis. The revised D u a l M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis (henceforth L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ) is l a i d out i n (3). O n c e a g a i n , x is u s e d to i n d i c a t e w h i c h feature(s) e a c h g r o u p o f c o n s o n a n t s is s p e c i f i e d f o r .  Rice (1994) does not identify the laryngeal specifications o f glottalized stops, glottal stop and [h]; thus the specifications o f these consonants are not present in figure (2).  3  3  (3)  stop voice SG  Laryngeal M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis (revised f r o m R i c e 1994)  voiced stop  voiceless aspirated stops  voiceless unaspirated stops  X  X  X  voiceless fricatives  X  voiced fricatives  X X  In the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s R i c e ( 1 9 9 4 ) , R i c e does n o t i d e n t i f y the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s o f g l o t t a l i z e d stops, g l o t t a l stop a n d [h] (see (x)). T o p r o v i d e a m o r e c o m p l e t e h y p o t h e s i s , I h y p o t h e s i z e that g l o t t a l i z e d stops are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [stop] a n d t h e l a r y n g e a l feature [ C G ] ; the l a r y n g e a l c o n s o n a n t g l o t t a l stop is s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ C G ] ; a n d the c o n s o n a n t [h] is s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n ( 4 ) . (4)  stop voice SG CG  Laryngeal M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis (revised f r o m R i c e 1994)  voiced stop  voiceless aspirated stops  voiceless unaspirated stops  glottalized stops  X  X  X  X  voiceless fricatives  voiced fricatives  glottal stop  h  X  X  X  X X  X  In the r e m a i n d e r o f this t h e s i s , the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s are tested against o b s e r v e d patterns o f b e h a v i o r g o v e r n i n g s y l l a b l e structure a n d m o r p h o p h o n e m i c e v i d e n c e . T h e m o r p h o p h o n e m i c e v i d e n c e c o n s i d e r e d i n c l u d e s the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g , a n d the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s . It w i l l b e s h o w n that o b s e r v e d patterns o f b e h a v i o r g o v e r n i n g s y l l a b l e structure s u p p o r t the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s o f the stop c o n s o n a n t s i n t h e L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . In a d d i t i o n , it w i l l be s h o w n that m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s e s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g a n d m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s s u p p o r t the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s o f the f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s , g l o t t a l stop a n d [h] i n the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis.  1.5  Outline T h i s thesis e x a m i n e s the p h o n e t i c a n d p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o p e r t i e s o f l a r y n g e a l d i s t i n c t i o n s i n  the c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y o f T a h l t a n . R e c a l l that there i s u n c e r t a i n t y s u r r o u n d i n g the p h o n e t i c l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s i n T a h l t a n . T o d e t e r m i n e the p h o n e t i c l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f T a h l t a n p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s , a p h o n e t i c study, w h i c h e x a m i n e d t h e a c o u s t i c properties o f p l a i n stops, w a s c o n d u c t e d . In c h a p t e r t w o , t h i s p h o n e t i c s t u d y is presented a n d  4  d i s c u s s e d . In t h i s chapter, I w i l l argue f o r r e v i s i o n s to the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ( R i c e 1 9 9 4 ) b a s e d o n the results f r o m the p h o n e t i c s t u d y o f p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I a r g u e that the c a t e g o r y v o i c e d stop be a d d e d to the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . T h e n i n chapters three t h r o u g h five, the c l a i m s o f the r e v i s e d D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s , i.e. L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s , are tested. In chapter three, the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s are tested against o b s e r v e d patterns o f b e h a v i o r g o v e r n i n g s y l l a b l e structure. In t h i s chapter it w i l l be s h o w n that o b s e r v e d patterns o f b e h a v i o r g o v e r n i n g s y l l a b l e structure s u p p o r t the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s o f the stop c o n s o n a n t s i n the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s .  In  chapters f o u r a n d five, the c l a i m s o f the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s are tested against m o r p h o p h o n e m i c e v i d e n c e . M o r e s p e c i f i c a l l y , c h a p t e r f o u r , e x a m i n e s the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s e s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , w h i c h targets s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s , a n d w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g , w h i c h targets w o r d - f i n a l f r i c a t i v e s , to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s .  In  this chapter it w i l l be s h o w n that m o r p h o p h o n e m i c processes o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d w o r d final d e v o i c i n g s u p p o r t the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f [ v o i c e ] f o r the f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s .  In  chapter five, the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s (a p r e f i x , w h i c h d i r e c t l y precedes the v e r b stem) are e x a m i n e d i n o r d e r to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . In t h i s chapter it w i l l be s h o w n that m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s s u p p o r t the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s o f the f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s , g l o t t a l stop a n d [h] i n the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . In chapter s i x , a s s u m i n g the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s u n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s , the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , w o r d final d e v o i c i n g a n d the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s are a c c o u n t e d f o r in O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y ( M c C a r t h y a n d P r i n c e 1993). It w i l l be s h o w n that a s s u m i n g the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s , the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g a n d the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s c a n a c c o u n t e d f o r i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y ( M c C a r t h y a n d P r i n c e 1 9 9 3 ) . F i n a l l y , in chapter s e v e n c o n c l u d i n g r e m a r k s are m a d e .  5  Chapter Two Phonetic Analysis of Plain Stops S t o p c o n s o n a n t s are present i n the c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r i e s o f a l l k n o w n l a n g u a g e s ( M a d d i e s o n 1984). In A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s it i s c l e a r stop c o n s o n a n t s e x h i b i t a three w a y l a r y n g e a l contrast. W i t h i n the A t h a p a s k a n literature, the three series o f stop c o n s o n a n t s a r e t y p i c a l l y d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d ( p l a i n stops), v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e d a n d g l o t t a l i z e d . In T a h l t a n , the series o f p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s h a v e b e e n d e s c r i b e d i n c o n s i s t e n t l y . A l t h o u g h n e v e r the f o c u s o f a n i n v e s t i g a t i o n , T a h l t a n p l a i n stops h a v e b e e n d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d ( H a r d w i c k 1984) a n d as v o i c e d ( S h a w 1 9 8 1 ; S h a w 1 9 8 2 ; 1 9 8 3 ; N a t e r 1 9 8 9 ) .  1  T o d e t e r m i n e the  p h o n e t i c l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f T a h l t a n p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s , a p h o n e t i c study, w h i c h e x a m i n e d the a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f p l a i n stops, w a s c o n d u c t e d . In t h i s chapter, t h i s p h o n e t i c study i s presented a n d d i s c u s s e d . T h i s chapter i s d i v i d e d i n t o s i x s e c t i o n s . In s e c t i o n 2 . 1 , the o b j e c t i v e o f the s t u d y i s presented. In s e c t i o n 2.2, b a c k g r o u n d i n f o r m a t i o n i s p r o v i d e d . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y is presented, v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops are d i s c u s s e d a n d t h e a c o u s t i c properties o f v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops are a l s o d i s c u s s e d . I n s e c t i o n 2 . 3 , the m e t h o d s are presented. I n s e c t i o n 2.4, the results f r o m t h i s study are p r e s e n t e d . I n s e c t i o n 2.5, the results are d i s c u s s e d , a n d finally, i n s e c t i o n 2.6 c o n c l u d i n g r e m a r k s a r e m a d e .  2.1  Objective T h e r e are s p e c i f i c a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s , w h i c h d i f f e r e n t i a t e v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s s o u n d s .  T h e g o a l o f t h i s study is t o e x a m i n e the a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f T a h l t a n p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s t o d e t e r m i n e i f they are v o i c e d , i.e. h a v e the a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f v o i c e d s o u n d s , o r v o i c e l e s s , i.e. h a v e the a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f v o i c e l e s s s o u n d s .  2.2  Background  2.2.1  Tahltan Stop Consonants In T a h l t a n , stop c o n s o n a n t s e x h i b i t a three w a y l a r y n g e a l contrast. A s p r e v i o u s l y  m e n t i o n e d , there is u n c e r t a i n t y s u r r o u n d i n g the l a r y n g e a l status o f p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s . T h e p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s are i d e n t i f i e d i n (1). T h e r e m a i n i n g stop c o n s o n a n t s , w h i c h are a l s o present  In general, voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops are referred to as plain stops. At present, in Tahltan, it is uncertain if the series of plain stops are voiced or voiceless unaspirated. Until the laryngeal specification is determined this series of stops will be referred to simply as 'plain stops'. Once the laryngeal specification is determined this series of stops will be referred to as voiced or voiceless unaspirated. 1  6  in ( 1 ) , are described as voiceless aspirated and glottalized in Tahltan. This is consistent with the description in the Athapaskan literature. (1)  a.  Tahltan Stop Consonants labial labial  alveolar  interdental  P  t  te te  t  b. c.  2  coronal alveolar •  h  h  palatal  velar  ts  tl  ts  k  ts ts'  ti  h  t9'  t'  lateral  ts  h  ti'  k  h  ts'  dorsal labiovelar k  uvular  laryngeal glottal  q  ?  w  wh  h  q q'  k  h  k'  a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop With the exception of the labial stop consonant [p] and glottal stop, all stop consonants (affricate and non-affricate) participate in the three-way laryngeal contrast discussed above. This is exemplified in (2). (2)  Three-way Laryngeal Contrast labial  t  coronal ts  ti  ts  b.  te te  t  ts  ti  ts  c.  te'  t'  a.  P  h  h  h  ts'  h  ti'  k h  ts'  k  h  k'  dorsal k w  wh  laryngeal  w,  ?  q q  k  h  q'  k  a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop In Tahltan there are two types of stop consonants: affricate and non-affricate. The affricate stops have either a fricated mid-sagittal release or a lateral release. In Tahltan, all affricates are coronal in place of articulation. This is exemplified in (3). (3)  Affricate Stop Consonants coronal  labial  dorsal  te  t  ts  ti  b.  te  t  ts  ti  c.  te'  t'  a.  P  h  h  h  ts'  h  ti'  ts ts  k h  ts'  k  h  k'  k wh  k  w,  k  w  laryngeal q q  ?  h  q'  a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop  Until the laryngeal specification is determined, the phonetic symbol for voiceless unaspirated stops w i l l be used to represent this series o f stop consonants.  2  7  Unlike affricate stop consonants, non-affricate stop consonants contrast in place of articulation. For example, in Tahltan, there are labial, coronal, dorsal and laryngeal non-affricate stop consonants. This is exemplified in (4). (4)  Non-affricate Stop Consonants coronal  labial a.  P  b. c.  te  t  ts  t9  t  ts  h  t9'  h  t'  h  ts'  rt rt  ts  rt'  ts'  h  ts h  k k k'  h  dorsal k w  wh  laryngeal ?  q q  h  k  k ' w  q'  a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop Not all stop consonants will be discussed in this chapter. This chapter will focus on plain non-affricate stop consonants. Specifically, this chapter will focus on the acoustic laryngeal properties of the labial stop consonant [p], the coronal stop consonant [t], and the dorsal stop consonant [k]. These consonants are identified in (5). (5)  Consonants Focused on in this Study labial  a. b. c.  P  coronal  te te te' h  t t  ts  f  ts'  h  ts h  rt rt  ts  rt'  ts'  h  ts h  k k k' h  dorsal k w  wh  k  k ' w  laryngeal q q q'  ?  h  a. plain stop b. voiceless aspirated stop c. glottalized stop 2.2.2  Voiced and Voiceless Unaspirated Stops As previously mentioned, Tahltan plain stop consonants have been described as voiced  and as voiceless unaspirated. The difference between voiced and voiceless unaspirated stop consonants has to do with: (a) vocal fold vibration, and (b) the position of the vocal folds. Voiceless unaspirated stops are the most common type of stop consonant; they are present in 92% of the world's languages (Maddieson 1984). During the production of a voiceless unaspirated stop the vocal folds are apart and the glottis is open. Since the vocal folds are pulled apart there is no vocal fold vibration; instead, air passes directly through the glottis. In certain environments, voiceless unaspirated stops are partially voiced. For example, if a voiceless unaspirated stop is preceded by a voiced segment, i.e. a vowel, sonorant or voiced consonant, there may be a few periods of voicing immediately after the oral closure because the vocal folds are not separated enough by the time the oral closure is reached. The exact amount of voicing depends on the language and the speaker.  8  D u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n o f a v o i c e d stop, the v o c a l f o l d s are b r o u g h t together, but are not t i g h t l y c l o s e d . A i r passes b e t w e e n the v o c a l f o l d s , w h i c h causes t h e m to v i b r a t e . T h e r e is v a r i a t i o n i n the exact a m o u n t o f v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n . T h i s v a r i a t i o n is d e p e n d e n t o n the l a n g u a g e , the s p e a k e r and/or the e n v i r o n m e n t o f the stop c o n s o n a n t . F o r e x a m p l e , s o m e l a n g u a g e s , s u c h as F r e n c h , h a v e v o i c e d stops, w h i c h r e q u i r e e n e r g e t i c efforts to sustain v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n t h r o u g h o u t the stop c l o s u r e ( L a d e f o g e d a n d M a d d i e s o n 1996). E v e n i n e n v i r o n m e n t s w h i c h r e q u i r e s i g n i f i c a n t e f f o r t s to sustain v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n (i.e. w o r d - i n i t i a l l y a n d f o l l o w i n g v o i c e l e s s segments) v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n is m a i n t a i n e d . In o t h e r l a n g u a g e s , v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n is d e p e n d e n t o n the e n v i r o n m e n t . F o r e x a m p l e , f o l l o w i n g v o i c e d segments (i.e. v o w e l s , s o n o r a n t a n d v o i c e d c o n s o n a n t s ) there is v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n t h r o u g h o u t the stop c l o s u r e . In c o m p a r i s o n , f o l l o w i n g v o i c e l e s s segments there is n o v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n . In o t h e r w o r d s , the v o c a l f o l d s are i n a p o s i t i o n f o r v o i c i n g , but n o v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n o c c u r s . In s o m e l a n g u a g e s , s u c h as E n g l i s h , the v o c a l f o l d s are i n a p o s i t i o n f o r v o i c i n g , but d o not v i b r a t e t h r o u g h o u t the stop c l o s u r e ( L a d e f o g e d a n d M a d d i e s o n 1996). E v e n w h e n p r e c e d e d a n d f o l l o w e d b y v o i c e d segments, v o i c i n g ends s o o n after the o r a l c l o s u r e a n d b e g i n s s h o r t l y after the stop is released. E n g l i s h stops are referred to as v o i c e d b y s o m e researchers because the a r t i c u l a t o r s , i.e. the v o c a l f o l d s , are i n a p o s i t i o n f o r v o i c i n g . O t h e r researchers refer to E n g l i s h stops as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d b e c a u s e a c o u s t i c a l l y t h e y are v o i c e l e s s , i.e. there is n o v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n . In t h i s t h e s i s , the a c o u s t i c , not the a r t i c u l a t o r y p r o p e r t i e s , o f p l a i n stops are e x a m i n e d ; thus stop c o n s o n a n t s w h i c h are l i k e E n g l i s h stops w i l l be referred to as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d , not voiced. In t h i s p h o n e t i c study, the a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f p l a i n stops are e x a m i n e d to d e t e r m i n e i f p l a i n stops are v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d or v o i c e d . M o r e s p e c i f i c a l l y , the a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f p l a i n stops w i l l be e x a m i n e d to d e t e r m i n e i f p l a i n stops are: v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d i n a l l e n v i r o n m e n t s ; v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d , but p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d f o l l o w i n g v o i c e d s o u n d s (i.e. v o w e l s a n d s o n o r a n t s ) ; v o i c e d i n a l l e n v i r o n m e n t s ; o r v o i c e d f o l l o w i n g v o i c e d s o u n d s , but v o i c e l e s s f o l l o w i n g v o i c e l e s s sounds.  2.2.3  A c o u s t i c Properties o f V o i c e d and V o i c e l e s s Unaspirated Stops A w a v e f o r m is a g r a p h i c representation o f a v i b r a t o r y event s h o w i n g a m p l i t u d e v e r s u s  t i m e . T h e r e are p e r i o d i c a n d a p e r i o d i c w a v e f o r m s . A p e r i o d i c w a v e f o r m c o n s i s t s o f c o n s i s t s o f a r e g u l a r pattern o f v i b r a t i o n that repeats itself. T h e r e g u l a r pattern o f v i b r a t i o n c o r r e s p o n d s to the p u l s e s p r o d u c e d b y the v i b r a t i n g v o c a l f o l d s . V o i c e d s o u n d s , i.e. v o w e l s , sonorants a n d v o i c e d c o n s o n a n t s ( i n c l u d i n g stops), p r o d u c e p e r i o d i c w a v e f o r m s .  R e c a l l that i n s o m e l a n g u a g e s ,  9  v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops are p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n c e r t a i n e n v i r o n m e n t s . T h e p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d p o r t i o n o f the v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stop a l s o p r o d u c e s a p e r i o d i c w a v e f o r m . T h e v o i c e l e s s p o r t i o n o f the v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stop p r o d u c e s a n a p e r i o d i c w a v e f o r m . A n a p e r i o d i c w a v e f o r m c o n s i s t s o f an i r r e g u l a r pattern o f v i b r a t i o n that d o e s n o t repeat itself. In a d d i t i o n to v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops, other v o i c e l e s s stops a n d v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s p r o d u c e s a p e r i o d i c w a v e f o r m s . R e c a l l that i n s o m e l a n g u a g e s , s u c h as E n g l i s h , the v o c a l f o l d s are i n a p o s i t i o n f o r v o i c i n g , b u t there is little o r n o v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n , e v e n w h e n f o l l o w i n g v o i c e d s o u n d s . S i n c e there is n o v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n an a p e r i o d i c w a v e f o r m is p r o d u c e d . S o u n d s p e c t r o g r a m s are m a c h i n e - m a d e g r a p h i c representation o f s o u n d s i n t e r m s o f t h e i r c o m p o n e n t f r e q u e n c i e s , i n w h i c h t i m e is s h o w n o n the h o r i z o n t a l a x i s , f r e q u e n c y o n the v e r t i c a l a x i s , a n d the i n t e n s i t y o f e a c h f r e q u e n c y at e a c h m o m e n t i n t i m e is s h o w n b y the d a r k n e s s o f e a c h m a r k ( L a d e f o g e d 1993). In a s p e c t r o g r a m , the m o s t o b v i o u s i n d i c a t i o n o f a stop c o n s o n a n t is the stop c l o s u r e . F o r e x a m p l e , the stop c l o s u r e o f v o i c e l e s s stop is absent o f f o r m a n t s a n d is t r u l y silent. S i m i l a r l y , the stop c l o s u r e o f a v o i c e d stop i s absent o f f o r m a n t s , h o w e v e r , i n contrast to the c l o s u r e o f a v o i c e l e s s stop, a l o w - f r e q u e n c y b a n d o f e n e r g y r e f e r r e d to as a v o i c e b a r c h a r a c t e r i z e s the stop c l o s u r e o f a v o i c e d stop. In t h i s study o f T a h l t a n p l a i n stops, the a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s d i s c u s s e d a b o v e (i.e. p e r i o d i c i t y a n d a v o i c e b a r versus a p e r i o d i c i t y a n d n o v o i c e bar) w i l l be used t o d i s t i n g u i s h a v o i c e d stop f r o m a v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stop. O t h e r a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s , w h i c h d i s t i n g u i s h v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops are: v o w e l l e n g t h , w i t h l o n g e r v o w e l s b e f o r e v o i c e d s t o p s ; l e n g t h o f the stop c l o s u r e , w i t h a l o n g e r c l o s u r e f o r v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops; a n d strength o f the release burst, w i t h a stronger burst f o r v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops. T h e s e a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d i n future p h o n e t i c studies.  2.3  Methods In t h i s p h o n e t i c study, t h e data a n a l y z e d is f r o m t w o sets o f f i e l d n o t e s w i t h  a c c o m p a n y i n g tapes. O n e set o f f i e l d n o t e s w a s c o l l e c t e d b y P . A . S h a w i n T e l e g r a p h C r e e k , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n 1 9 8 3 . T h e s e c o n d set o f f i e l d n o t e s w a s c o l l e c t e d b y m y s e l f , i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n 3  w i t h J . D . A l d e r e t e , i n T e l e g r a p h C r e e k a n d Iskut, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n J u n e 1 9 9 9 .  4  In t o t a l , the  speech o f f i v e speakers w a s a n a l y z e d , o n e s p e a k e r f r o m P . A . S h a w ' s f i e l d n o t e s a n d f o u r speakers  The data was analyzed with the permission of P.A. Shaw. This fieldwork was supported in part by the Linguistic Division of the British Columbia Provincial Museum.  3  This fieldwork was supported in part by a Phillips Fund Grant for Native American Research awarded to John D. Alderete. 4  10  f r o m the f i e l d n o t e s c o l l e c t e d b y m y s e l f , i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h J . D . A l d e r e t e . O f the f i v e speakers, three are m a l e a n d t w o are f e m a l e . T w o o f the speakers are f r o m the T a h l t a n c o m m u n i t y o f Iskut a n d three speakers are f r o m the T a h l t a n c o m m u n i t y o f T e l e g r a p h C r e e k . T h e d e m o g r a p h i c s o f the T a h l t a n speaker d i d n o t f a c t o r i n t o the results. T h e data c o l l e c t e d i n T e l e g r a p h C r e e k i n 1983 w a s d e s i g n e d t o d e t e r m i n e g e n e r a l p r o p e r t i e s o f the T a h l t a n p h o n o l o g y a n d m o r p h o l o g y . In c o m p a r i s o n , the d a t a c o l l e c t e d i n J u n e 1 9 9 9 c o n s i s t e d o f a 5 0 - w o r d list, w h i c h w a s d e s i g n e d t o d e t e r m i n e the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s . T h e w o r d list w a s c a r e f u l l y o r g a n i z e d t o ensure that e a c h p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t appeared i n s e v e r a l n e a r - m i n i m a l set e n v i r o n m e n t s : post-sibilant, post-nasal a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y . In a l l e x a m p l e s , t h e stop c o n s o n a n t i n q u e s t i o n i s the i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t o f a n o u n stem, w h i c h is preceded b y a possessive p r e f i x .  5  T h e p o s s e s s i v e p r e f i x is the f i r s t p e r s o n  s i n g u l a r , [es], the s e c o n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r , [ i n ] , o r t h e t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r , [ m e ] . T h e data a n a l y z e d f r o m P . A . S h a w ' s f i e l d n o t e s w e r e i d e n t i c a l i n that the stop c o n s o n a n t s , [p], [t] a n d [k] were noun stem-initial, and were preceded b y a possessive prefix. E a c h speaker w a s a s k e d t o p r o d u c e t w o t o k e n s o f e a c h w o r d . U s i n g the a c o u s t i c software  Signalyze,  a w a v e f o r m a n d a s p e c t r o g r a m w e r e p r o d u c e d f o r e a c h t o k e n . U s i n g the  w a v e f o r m s a n d s p e c t r o g r a m s , t w o a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s w e r e m a d e . F i r s t , the d u r a t i o n o f a l l stop c o n s o n a n t s w a s m e a s u r e d . S e c o n d , the v o i c e d p o r t i o n , i.e. the p e r i o d i c p o r t i o n , o f e a c h stop consonant was measured.  T h e stop d u r a t i o n a n d v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n m e a s u r e m e n t s w e r e t a k e n i n  the f o l l o w i n g w o r d - i n t e r n a l e n v i r o n m e n t s : p o s t - s i b i l a n t a n d p r e c e d i n g a v o w e l , post-nasal a n d p r e c e d i n g a v o w e l , a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y . F r o m the r e c o r d e d m e a s u r e m e n t s , the m e a n stop d u r a t i o n a n d m e a n v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n w e r e c a l c u l a t e d f o r e a c h speaker. In a d d i t i o n t o the m e a n , t h e v o i c i n g percentage o f e a c h stop c o n s o n a n t w a s c a l c u l a t e d b y d i v i d i n g the m e a n v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n b y t h e m e a n stop d u r a t i o n . A l l stop d u r a t i o n m e a s u r e m e n t s w e r e t a k e n f r o m the c l o s u r e onset t o the onset o f v o i c i n g o f the f o l l o w i n g v o w e l . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n ( 6 ) . (6)  Stop Duration [es], [m] o r  <-  stop duration  vowel  [me] c l o s u r e onset  5  v o i c i n g onset  The prefixed nouns collected, from Tahltan speakers, are presented in Appendix A. 11  In examples where the voicing duration was equivalent to the stop duration, the voicing duration (similar to the stop duration) was measured from closure onset to the onset of the following vowel. This is exemplified in (7). In (7), voicing is indicated with a wavy line. (7)  Voicing Duration [es],  stop duration  ->•  voicing duration  -> vowel  [in] or [me]  voicing onset  closure onset  In examples where the voicing duration was less than the stop duration, the voicing duration was measured from (a) the closure onset to the offset of voicing (at some point within the stop consonant) or (b) from the onset of voicing (at some point within the stop consonant) to the onset of the following vowel. This is exemplified in (8) and (9) respectively. In (8) and (9), voicing is indicated with a wavy line and lack of vocal fold vibration (voicelessness) is indicated with a dashed line. (8)  Voicing Duration stop duration [es], [in] or  —»  voicing duration  vowel  [me] closure onset (9)  voicing onset  Voicing Duration stop duration [es], [in] or  voicing duration  vowel  [me] closure onset  voicing onset  In examples without voicing, i.e. without a periodic waveform, the voicing duration was zero. This is exemplified in (10). Similar to above, a dashed line indicates lack of vocal fold vibration.  12  (10)  N o V o i c i n g Duration stop d u r a t i o n  no voicing duration  [es],  vowel  [in] o r [me] c l o s u r e onset  v o i c i n g onset  In the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n , the results are presented. In this s e c t i o n , stop c o n s o n a n t s w i l l b e r e f e r r e d t o as v o i c e d , p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d o r v o i c e l e s s . S t o p c o n s o n a n t s w i l l be r e f e r r e d t o as v o i c e d i f the v o i c e d d u r a t i o n is e q u i v a l e n t to the stop d u r a t i o n ; p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i f the v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n is less than the stop d u r a t i o n , but greater than z e r o ; o r v o i c e l e s s i f the v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n is z e r o .  2.4  6  Results In this s e c t i o n the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s , i.e. the stop d u r a t i o n , v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n a n d  v o i c i n g percentage, are tabulated. T h i s s e c t i o n is d i v i d e d i n f o u r sub-sections. In s e c t i o n 2.4.1 t h r o u g h 2.4.3 r e s p e c t i v e l y , the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s , f o r [p], [t] a n d [k], i n post-sibilant, p o s t n a s a l a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n s are presented a n d d i s c u s s e d . In s e c t i o n 2.4.4, a s u m m a r y o f the results is p r o v i d e d .  2.4.1  Post-Sibilant Stop Consonants In (11) t h r o u g h (13) r e s p e c t i v e l y , the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s o f [p], [t] a n d [k] i n post-  s i b i l a n t p o s i t i o n are t a b u l a t e d . In c o l u m n o n e o f e a c h t a b l e , the speaker is i d e n t i f i e d , i n c o l u m n t w o , the m e a n stop d u r a t i o n is presented, i n c o l u m n three, the m e a n v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n is presented, a n d i n c o l u m n f o u r , the v o i c i n g percentage i n g i v e n . (11)  R e s u l t s o f [p] i n P o s t - S i b i l a n t P o s i t i o n  speaker  v o i c i n g duration (  stop d u r a t i o n  V)*  v o i c i n g percentage (  V)*  1  47.26  139.82  33.80 %  2  48.59  139.57  30.38 %  3  89.21  127.72  69.85 %  4  119.74  179.40  66.74 %  0  146.92  0 %  5 * (  V ) indicates that voicing was measured from the onset o f voicing, within the stop closure, to the onset  o f voicing o f the following vowel.  In the results section, stop consonants w i l l be referred to as voiced, voiceless or partially voiced. Based on these results, I w i l l hypothesize a laryngeal specification (i.e. voiced or voiceless unaspirated). This hypothesis w i l l be presented in the discussion section (section 2.5). 6  13  F o r speakers o n e t h r o u g h f o u r , the stop c o n s o n a n t [p] w a s p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n post-sibilant p o s i t i o n . R e c a l l that p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d stops h a v e a v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n , w h i c h is less t h a n the stop d u r a t i o n , but greater t h a n z e r o . F o r speakers o n e a n d t w o , there is little v a r i a t i o n i n the v o i c i n g percentage. F o r e x a m p l e , 3 1 % w a s the l o w e s t , w h i l e 3 4 % w a s the h i g h e s t .  7  Similarly, for  speakers three a n d f o u r , there is little v a r i a t i o n i n the v o i c i n g percentage. F o r e x a m p l e , 6 7 % w a s the l o w e s t , w h i l e 7 0 % w a s the h i g h e s t . F o r speakers o n e t h r o u g h f o u r , as (  V ) i n d i c a t e s , the  v o i c i n g d u r a t i o n w a s m e a s u r e d f r o m the onset o f v o i c i n g ( w h i c h is w i t h i n the stop c l o s u r e ) t o the onset o f v o i c i n g o f the f o l l o w i n g v o w e l . In other w o r d s , the stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] w a s v o i c e d p r i o r to the onset o f v o i c i n g o f the f o l l o w i n g v o w e l . U n l i k e speaker o n e t h r o u g h f o u r , f o r speaker f i v e , the stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] w a s v o i c e l e s s i n post-sibilant p o s i t i o n . In other w o r d s , 0 % o f the stop d u r a t i o n w a s v o i c e d i n p o s t - s i b i l a n t position. F i g u r e ( l ) c o n s i s t s o f a w a v e f o r m a n d s p e c t r o g r a m o f the w o r d , [esbeze], ' m y k n i f e ' . In 8  (1), the post-sibilant stop, [p] is i d e n t i f i e d w i t h v e r t i c a l l i n e s . In the w a v e f o r m a n d s p e c t r o g r a m there are i n d i c a t i o n s , the post-sibilant stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] is p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . In the w a v e f o r m there is p e r i o d i c i t y t h r o u g h part o f the stop c l o s u r e a n d i n the s p e c t r o g r a m there is a v o i c e b a r t h r o u g h part o f the stop c l o s u r e . T h e p e r i o d i c i t y a n d v o i c e bar b e g i n w i t h i n the stop c l o s u r e a n d e x t e n d t o the onset o f v o i c i n g o f the f o l l o w i n g v o w e l . In ( 1 2 ) a n d (13) r e s p e c t i v e l y , the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s o f [t] a n d [k] i n post-sibilant p o s i t i o n are tabulated. (12)  7  8  R e s u l t s o f [t] i n P o s t - S i b i l a n t P o s i t i o n  speaker  v o i c i n g duration  stop d u r a t i o n  v o i c i n g percentage  1  0  158.97  0 %  2  0  134.81  0 %  3  0  136.97  0 %  4  0  181.27  0 %  5  0  140.93  0 %  In the text, the percentages have been rounded off to the nearest whole number. A l l figures are presented in Appendix B .  14  (13)  R e s u l t s o f [k] i n P o s t - S i b i l a n t P o s i t i o n  speaker  v o i c i n g duration  stop d u r a t i o n  v o i c i n g percentage  1  0  145.30  0 %  2  0  133.64  0 %  3  0  113.13  0 %  4  0  176.48  0 %  5  0  156.11  0 %  F o r a l l f i v e speakers, the stop c o n s o n a n t s , [t] a n d [k] w e r e v o i c e l e s s . In other w o r d s , 0 % o f the stop d u r a t i o n w a s v o i c e d . F i g u r e (2) c o n s i s t s o f a w a v e f o r m a n d s p e c t r o g r a m o f the w o r d [esdihe], ' m y g r o u s e ' . In (2), the post-sibilant stop, [t] is i d e n t i f i e d w i t h v e r t i c a l l i n e s . T h e r e are i n d i c a t i o n s that the posts i b i l a n t stop, [t] is v o i c e l e s s . I n the w a v e f o r m there is no p e r i o d i c i t y a n d i n the s p e c t r o g r a m there is n o v o i c e bar. F i g u r e (3) c o n s i s t s o f a w a v e f o r m a n d s p e c t r o g r a m o f the w o r d [esgendam], ' m y h o r s e ' . In (3), the post-sibilant stop, [k] is i d e n t i f i e d w i t h v e r t i c a l l i n e s . T h e r e are i n d i c a t i o n s that the post-sibilant stop, [k] is v o i c e l e s s . In the w a v e f o r m there is n o p e r i o d i c i t y a n d i n the s p e c t r o g r a m there is n o v o i c e bar.  2.4.2  Post-Nasal Stop Consonants In ( 1 4 ) t h r o u g h (16), the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s o f [p], [t] a n d [k] i n post-nasal p o s i t i o n  are t a b u l a t e d . (14)  R e s u l t s o f [p] i n P o s t - N a s a l P o s i t i o n  speaker  v o i c i n g duration  stop d u r a t i o n  v o i c i n g percentage  1  54.71  54.71  100%  2  46.70  46.70  100%  4  173.28  173.28  100%  5  35.22 ( n _ J *  113.01  31.17% (n_J*  3*  * (n ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding nasal, [n] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure. F o r speakers o n e t h r o u g h f o u r , the stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] w a s v o i c e d i n post-nasal p o s i t i o n . In other w o r d s , 1 0 0 % o f the stop d u r a t i o n w a s v o i c e d . U n l i k e speakers o n e t h o u g h f o u r , f o r s p e a k e r f i v e , the stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] w a s p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . S p e c i f i c a l l y , 31 % o f the stop d u r a t i o n  Unfortunately, for speaker three, there is no data in which the stops, [b], [t] and [k] follow the possessive morpheme [in]; thus for speaker three, the stops were not analyzed in post-nasal position. 9  15  w a s v o i c e d . A s (n  ) i n d i c a t e s , v o i c i n g b e g a n at the stop c l o s u r e a n d e n d e d w i t h i n the stop  closure. F i g u r e (4) c o n s i s t s o f a w a v e f o r m a n d s p e c t r o g r a m o f the w o r d [inbede], ' y o u r f o o d ' . In (4), the stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] is i d e n t i f i e d w i t h v e r t i c a l l i n e s . I n the w a v e f o r m a n d s p e c t r o g r a m there are i n d i c a t i o n s that the post-nasal stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] is v o i c e d . F o r the d u r a t i o n o f the stop c o n s o n a n t , the w a v e f o r m is p e r i o d i c a n d there i s a v o i c e b a r i n the s p e c t r o g r a m . In ( 1 5 ) , the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s o f [t] i n post-nasal p o s i t i o n are t a b u l a t e d . (15)  R e s u l t s o f [t] i n P o s t - N a s a l P o s i t i o n  speaker  v o i c i n g duration  1  34.24  48.73  2  51.16  81.56  62.73 %  4  103.15  151.67  68.01 %  5  40.32  123.68  32.60%  (n  stop d u r a t i o n  v o i c i n g percentage  )*  (n  )*  70.26 %  3  * (n ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding nasal, [n] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure. F o r a l l speakers, the stop c o n s o n a n t , [t] w a s p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . F o r speakers o n e , t w o a n d f o u r , there w a s little v a r i a t i o n i n the v o i c i n g percentage. F o r e x a m p l e , 6 3 % w a s the l o w e s t v o i c i n g percentage, w h i l e 7 0 % w a s the h i g h e s t . F o r speaker f i v e , 3 2 . 6 0 % o f the stop c l o s u r e w a s v o i c e d . F o r a l l speakers, as ( n  ) i n d i c a t e s , the v o i c i n g b e g a n at the c l o s u r e onset a n d e n d e d  d u r i n g the stop c l o s u r e . In ( 1 6 ) , the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s o f [k] i n post-nasal p o s i t i o n are t a b u l a t e d . (16)  R e s u l t s o f [k] i n post-nasal p o s i t i o n  speaker  v o i c i n g duration (n  stop d u r a t i o n  v o i c i n g percentage (n  )*  )*  1  42.58  82.26  51.76%  2  37.74  61.18  61.69%  4  144.50  162.65  88.84 %  5  52.38  136.30  38.43 %  3  * (n ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding nasal, [n] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure. S i m i l a r t o [t], f o r a l l speakers, the stop c o n s o n a n t [k] w a s p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . U n l i k e [t], across speakers there is large v a r i a t i o n i n the v o i c i n g percentage. F o r e x a m p l e , 3 9 % w a s the l o w e s t v o i c i n g percentage, w h i l e 8 5 % w a s the h i g h e s t v o i c i n g percentage. A l t h o u g h the v o i c i n g percentage v a r i e s greatly, f o r a l l speakers, as ( n  ) i n d i c a t e s , the v o i c i n g b e g a n at t h e c l o s u r e  onset a n d e n d e d w i t h i n the stop c l o s u r e .  16  F i g u r e (5) c o n s i s t s o f a w a v e f o r m a n d a s p e c t r o g r a m o f the w o r d [ i n g a w e ] , ' y o u r d r u m ' . T h e post-nasal c o n s o n a n t , [k] is p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . I n the w a v e f o r m , there is p e r i o d i c i t y t h r o u g h part o f the c l o s u r e a n d i n the s p e c t r o g r a m , there is a v o i c e bar t h r o u g h part o f the c l o s u r e . N o t i c e that the v o i c i n g b e g i n s at the offset o f the p r e c e d i n g n a s a l , [n] a n d ends w i t h i n the stop c l o s u r e .  2.4.3  Intervocalic Stop Consonants In (17) t h r o u g h ( 1 9 ) , the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s o f [p], [t] a n d [k] i n an i n t e r v o c a l i c  e n v i r o n m e n t are t a b u l a t e d . (17)  R e s u l t s o f [p] I n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y  speaker  v o i c i n g duration  stop d u r a t i o n  (e_J*  v o i c i n g percentage (e_J*  1  120.97  137.43  88.02  2  135.84  149.27  91.00%  4  144.85  166.53  86.98 %  5  42.30  164.78  25.67 %  * (e  %  ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] to the  offset of voicing within the stop closure.  F o r a l l speakers, the stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] w a s p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y . F o r speakers, o n e , t w o a n d f o u r , there is little v a r i a t i o n i n the v o i c i n g percentage. F o r e x a m p l e , 8 7 % w a s the l o w e s t v o i c i n g , w h i l e 9 1 % w a s the h i g h e s t v o i c i n g percentage. In contrast to speakers o n e , t w o a n d f o u r , the v o i c i n g percentage f o r speaker f i v e is v e r y l o w , o n l y 2 5 % o f the stop d u r a t i o n is v o i c e d . F i g u r e ( 6 ) c o n s i s t s o f a w a v e f o r m a n d a s p e c t r o g r a m o f the w o r d [mebede], ' h i s f o o d ' . T h e i n t e r v o c a l i c c o n s o n a n t , [p] is p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . In the w a v e f o r m , there is p e r i o d i c i t y t h r o u g h part o f the c l o s u r e a n d i n the s p e c t r o g r a m , there is a v o i c e bar t h r o u g h part o f the c l o s u r e . N o t i c e that the v o i c i n g b e g i n s at the offset o f the p r e c e d i n g v o w e l , [e] a n d ends w i t h i n the stop c l o s u r e . In ( 1 8 ) , the a c o u s t i c m e a s u r e m e n t s o f [t] i n an i n t e r v o c a l i c e n v i r o n m e n t are t a b u l a t e d .  Unfortunately, for speaker three, there is no data in which the stops, [b], [t] and [k] follow the possessive morpheme [me]; thus for speaker three, the stops were not analyzed in an intervoclaic environment. 1 0  17  (18)  Results of [t] Intervocalically  speaker  voicing duration  stop duration  voicing percentage (e_J*  ( O * 1 96.32 147.79 65.17% 2 88.91 145.05 61.30% 3 4 167.51 268.25 62.45 % 5 77.01 168.39 45.73 % * (e ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure. For all speakers, the stop consonant, [t] was partially voiced intervocalically. For speakers, one, two and four, there is little variation in the voicing percentage. For example, 61% was the lowest voicing, while 65% was the highest voicing percentage. In contrast to speakers one, two and four, the voicing percentage for speaker five is low, only 46% of the stop duration is voiced. Figure (7) consists of a waveform and a spectrogram of the word [medegane], 'his sockeye'. The intervocalic consonant, [t] is partially voiced. In the waveform, there is periodicity through part of the closure and in the spectrogram, there is a voice bar through part of the closure. Notice that the voicing begins at the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] and ends within the stop closure. In (19), the acoustic measurements of [k] in an intervocalic environment are tabulated. (19)  Results of [k] Intervocalically  speaker  voicing duration (e_J*  stop duration  voicing percentage (e_)* 24.4 % 23.80 %  156.24 1 38.12 2 166.01 39.51 3 4 65.14% 125.47 192.61 44.40 182.40 24.34 % 5 * ( E ) indicates that voicing duration was measured form the offset of the preceding vowel, [e] to the offset of voicing within the stop closure. For all speakers, the stop consonant, [k] was partially voiced intervocalically. For speakers, one, two and five, there is little variation in the voicing percentage. For example, 23.80% was the lowest voicing, while 24.40% was the highest voicing percentage. In contrast to speakers one, two and four, the voicing percentage for speaker four is very high, 65% of the stop duration is voiced.  18  F i g u r e (8) c o n s i s t s o f a w a v e f o r m a n d a s p e c t r o g r a m o f the w o r d [megahe], ' h i s r a b b i t ' . T h e i n t e r v o c a l i c c o n s o n a n t , [k] is p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . In the w a v e f o r m , there is p e r i o d i c i t y t h r o u g h part o f the c l o s u r e a n d i n the s p e c t r o g r a m , there is a v o i c e bar t h r o u g h part o f the c l o s u r e . N o t i c e that the v o i c i n g b e g i n s at the offset o f the p r e c e d i n g v o w e l , [e] a n d ends w i t h i n the stop c l o s u r e .  2.4.4  Summary T h e results are s u m m a r i z e d i n (20). In ( 2 0 ) , the v o i c i n g percentage o f the p l a i n stops,  [p], [t] a n d [k], i n e a c h e n v i r o n m e n t is p r e s e n t e d . (20) speaker  Summary o f Results intervoca ic  post-sibilant  post-nasal  b  d  b  d  100 % 100 %  g  70%  g 52%  b  d  88%  6 5 %  24%  63 %  62%  91  61  24%  1  34%  0 %  g 0 %  2  31 %  0 %  0 %  3  70%  0 %  0 %  4  65%  0 %  0 %  100 %  68%  89%  87%  62%  6 5 %  5  0 %  0 %  0 %  31  32%  39%  26%  46%  24%  %  %  %  T h e results s h o w that there are s e v e r a l d i s t i n c t d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n [p], [t] a n d [k] i n post-sibilant, post-nasal a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n s . F o r e x a m p l e , i n post-sibilant p o s i t i o n , the stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] w a s the o n l y c o n s o n a n t to be p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . T h e p l a i n stops, [t] a n d [k] w e r e c o n s i s t e n t l y v o i c e l e s s i n this p o s i t i o n . In post-nasal p o s i t i o n , the stop c o n s o n a n t , [p] w a s the o n l y c o n s o n a n t to be f u l l y v o i c e d . T h e p l a i n stops, [t] a n d [k] w e r e c o n s i s t e n t l y p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n this p o s i t i o n . I n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y , the stops, [p], [t] a n d [k] w e r e a l l p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . H o w e v e r , f o r speakers o n e , t w o a n d f o u r , the stop, [p] has the h i g h e s t v o i c i n g percentage. In fact, this is the case i n a l l e n v i r o n m e n t s , [p] a l w a y s has the h i g h e s t v o i c i n g percentage.  2.5  Discussion R e c a l l that i n T a h l t a n , p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s h a v e b e e n d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d  ( H a r d w i c k 1984) a n d as v o i c e d ( S h a w 1 9 8 1 ; S h a w 1 9 8 2 ; S h a w 1 9 8 3 ; N a t e r 1989). T o d e t e r m i n e a l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n the a c o u s t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f T a h l t a n p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s w e r e e x a m i n e d . B a s e d o n the p h o n e t i c results, presented i n the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n , I h y p o t h e s i z e that the l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t is v o i c e d , i.e. [b], w h i l e the r e m a i n i n g p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s are v o i c e l e s s  19  u n a s p i r a t e d . " T h i s h y p o t h e s i s , i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the fact there are a s p i r a t e d a n d g l o t t a l i z e d stops in T a h l t a n , i m p l i e s that T a h l t a n stops e x h i b i t f o u r d i s t i n c t l a r y n g e a l a r t i c u l a t i o n s : v o i c e d , v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d , v o i c e l e s s aspirated a n d g l o t t a l i z e d . T h e T a h l t a n stop c o n s o n a n t s are presented i n ( 2 1 ) . (21)  Tahltan Stop Consonants labial labial  a.  coronal dental  interdental  alveolar  lateral  palatal  velar  t  to te  ts  ts  k  ts  rt rt  ts  t9'  ts'  rt'  ts'  dorsal labiovelar  laryngeal uvular  glottal  q  ?  b  b. c.  t  d.  t'  h  h  h  h  h  k  h  k'  k wh  k  w  q  h  q'  a. v o i c e d stop b. v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stop c. v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e d stop d. g l o t t a l i z e d stop In the r e m a i n d e r o f this s e c t i o n , e v i d e n c e , w h i c h supports this h y p o t h e s i s , w i l l be presented a n d d i s c u s s e d . S p e c i f i c a l l y , p h o n e t i c , c r o s s - l i n g u i s t i c a n d a e r o d y n a m i c e v i d e n c e w i l l be presented a n d d i s c u s s e d . A l s o i n this s e c t i o n , I w i l l argue that the c u r r e n t h y p o t h e s i s p r o v i d e s e v i d e n c e f o r r e v i s i o n s t o the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ( R i c e 1994) (chapter one-section 1.3). R e c a l l that the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s is a h y p o t h e s i s , w h i c h c o n c e r n s the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f stop a n d f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s i n A t h a p a s k a n languages. T h e p h o n e t i c results, presented i n the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n , s u p p o r t the h y p o t h e s i s that the p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] is v o i c e d , w h i l e the r e m a i n i n g p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s are v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d . I n post-sibilant, post-nasal a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n s , the stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] w a s voiced or partially v o i c e d .  1 2  T h e fact that [b] w a s p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n post-sibilant p o s i t i o n w a s  " In this phonetic study, the acoustic properties of the affricate, labio-velar and uvular stops were not examined. Based on the phonetic properties of the stops, [d] and [k], I hypothesize that all stops, with the exception of [b], are voiceless unaspirated. To verify this hypothesis future phonetic studies will have to be conducted. The results for speaker five were not consistent with the results of other speakers. Future phonetic studies will have to conducted to determine if the results of speaker five are specific to this speaker or specific to a group of speakers. Since there is no evidence supporting one hypothesis over the other, the results for speaker five were not taken into consideration when constructing the present hypothesis. 1 2  20  c r u c i a l i n h y p o t h e s i z i n g that the stop, [b] is v o i c e d .  In post-nasal a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n s , the  stop, [b] is p r e c e d e d b y v o i c e d s o u n d s , but in post-sibilant p o s i t i o n , [b] is p r e c e d e d b y a v o i c e l e s s s o u n d . T h e fact that [b] is v o i c e d / p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n post-nasal a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n s has a p h o n e t i c e x p l a n a t i o n , i.e. [b] is v o i c e d f o l l o w i n g v o i c e d s o u n d s . H o w e v e r , the fact that [b] is p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n post-sibilant p o s i t i o n does not h a v e a p h o n e t i c e x p l a n a t i o n ; thus I h y p o t h e s i z e that the stop c o n s o n a n t [b] is v o i c e d . In c o m p a r i s o n , [d] a n d [k] w e r e v o i c e l e s s i n post-sibilant p o s i t i o n a n d w e r e p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n post-nasal a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n s . In o t h e r w o r d s , [t] a n d [k] w e r e p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d w h e n p r e c e d e d b y v o i c e d s o u n d s , a n d w e r e v o i c e l e s s w h e n p r e c e d e d b y the v o i c e l e s s s o u n d s . T h e r e f o r e , I h y p o t h e s i z e that the stops [t] a n d [k] are v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d . T o a c c o u n t f o r the fact that [t] a n d [k] are p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d i n post-nasal a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n s , I h y p o t h e s i z e that [t] a n d [k] are p h o n e t i c a l l y v o i c e d w h e n p r e c e d e d b y v o i c e d s o u n d s . M a d d i e s o n ( 1 9 8 4 ) s h o w s that c r o s s - l i n g u i s t i c a l l y there is a r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n v o i c i n g a n d p l a c e o f a r t i c u l a t i o n . T h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (22). In ( 2 2 ) , the n u m b e r o f languages w i t h v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s stops p r o d u c e d at b i l a b i a l , a l v e o l a r a n d v e l a r p l a c e s o f a r t i c u l a t i o n are presented. (22)  F r e q u e n c y o f P l a i n S t o p s b y P l a c e o f A r t i c u l a t i o n ( M a d d i e s o n 1984) bilabial  alveolar  dorsal  plain voiceless  263  290  283  plain voiced  199  195  175  T h e results s h o w that across l a n g u a g e s , the m o s t c o m m o n v o i c e l e s s stop is the a l v e o l a r stop, [t], c l o s e l y f o l l o w e d b y d o r s a l stop, [k] a n d f i n a l l y , the l a b i a l stop, [p]. In c o m p a r i s o n , the m o s t c o m m o n v o i c e d stop is l a b i a l stop [b], c l o s e l y f o l l o w e d b y a l v e o l a r stop, [t] a n d f i n a l l y , the d o r s a l stop, [k]. T h e fact that the l a b i a l stop [b] is the m o s t c o m m o n v o i c e d stop is c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the h y p o t h e s i s that the l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] is v o i c e d i n T a h l t a n . M a d d i e s o n ( 1 9 8 4 ) goes o n to s h o w that the r e l a t i o n s h i p e x e m p l i f i e d i n (22) is a l s o r e f l e c t e d i n the c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r i e s o f languages. In 2 4 l a n g u a g e s , the a l v e o l a r stop [t] a n d the d o r s a l stop [k] are present, but the l a b i a l stop [p] is not. In 18 o f the 2 4 l a n g u a g e s , there is a series o f v o i c e d stops, w h i c h i n c l u d e s the l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t , [b]. W i t h regards to v o i c e d stops, i n 21 l a n g u a g e s , the l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t [b] is present, but the d o r s a l stop [k] is not. In 15 o f the 21 l a n g u a g e s , the l a b i a l stop [b] a n d a l v e o l a r stop [t] are present a n d i n 6 o f these l a n g u a g e s , the l a b i a l stop [b] is the o n l y v o i c e d c o n s o n a n t . S e v e r a l o f these facts are c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the h y p o t h e s i s f o r T a h l t a n p l a i n  Across speakers there was variation in voicing percentage (see (11) in section 2.4.1); future phonetic studies will have to be conducted to determine if this variation is speaker-related or dialect-related. 13  21  stops, w h i c h states that the l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t [b] is v o i c e d , w h i l e the r e m a i n i n g p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s are v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d . F i r s t , u n d e r t h i s h y p o t h e s i s , a n d s i m i l a r to the facts a b o v e , the v o i c e l e s s a l v e o l a r stop c o n s o n a n t [t] a n d v o i c e l e s s d o r s a l stop [k] are present, but the v o i c e l e s s l a b i a l stop [p] is not. S e c o n d , u n d e r t h i s h y p o t h e s i s , a n d s i m i l a r to the facts a b o v e , the v o i c e d l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t [b] is present, but the v o i c e d a l v e o l a r a n d d o r s a l stops, [t] a n d [k], are not. T h e h y p o t h e s i s that the stop c o n s o n a n t [b] is v o i c e d , w h i l e the r e m a i n i n g stop c o n s o n a n t s are v o i c e l e s s unaspirated is a l s o s u p p o r t e d b y a e r o d y n a m i c e v i d e n c e ( K i n g s t o n 1 9 9 6 ) . D u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n o f v o i c e d stops, the v o c a l f o l d s are v i b r a t i n g . In o r d e r to m a i n t a i n v o c a l f o l d v i b r a t i o n , a i r m u s t f l o w b e t w e e n the v o c a l f o l d s f r o m the sub-glottal c a v i t y to the supra-glottal c a v i t y . In o r d e r f o r a i r to f l o w b e t w e e n these c a v i t i e s , the a i r pressure i n the supra-glottal c a v i t y m u s t be greater t h a n the a i r pressure i n the sub-glottal c a v i t y . O n e w a y to s l o w d o w n the increase in a i r pressure i n the supra-glottal c a v i t y is to h a v e greater v o l u m e in the o r a l c a v i t y . T h u s , a stop c o n s o n a n t , w h i c h is p r o d u c e d at the f r o n t o f the m o u t h is m o r e l i k e l y to r e m a i n v o i c e d t h r o u g h o u t the stop c l o s u r e because the v o l u m e o f the o r a l c a v i t y is greater. In c o m p a r i s o n , a stop c o n s o n a n t p r o d u c e d at the b a c k o f the m o u t h is less l i k e l y to r e m a i n v o i c e d t h r o u g h o u t the stop c l o s u r e , because the v o l u m e o f the o r a l c a v i t y is s m a l l e r . In o t h e r w o r d s , a stop c o n s o n a n t w i t h a l a b i a l p l a c e o f a r t i c u l a t i o n , i.e. [b], is m o s t l i k e l y to be v o i c e d , w h i l e a stop c o n s o n a n t w i t h a d o r s a l p l a c e o f a r t i c u l a t i o n , i.e. [k], is least l i k e l y to be v o i c e d . T h i s a r t i c u l a t o r y e v i d e n c e supports the h y p o t h e s i s that [b] is v o i c e d , w h i l e the r e m a i n i n g stops are v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d (i.e. [b], w h i c h is p r o d u c e d at the f r o n t o f the m o u t h , is v o i c e d , w h i l e [t] a n d [k], w h i c h are p r o d u c e d further b a c k in the m o u t h , are v o i c e l e s s unaspirated). T h e h y p o t h e s i s , present i n t h i s s e c t i o n , p r o v i d e s e v i d e n c e f o r r e v i s i o n s to the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ( R i c e 1994). R e c a l l that the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s is a h y p o t h e s i s , w h i c h c o n c e r n s the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f stop a n d f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s i n A t h a p a s k a n languages. T h e D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s p r o p o s e d b y R i c e ( 1 9 9 4 ) is presented i n (23). T h e x is used to i n d i c a t e w h i c h feature(s) e a c h series o f c o n s o n a n t s is s p e c i f i e d f o r . (23)  D u a l M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis ( R i c e 1994)  Spread glottis Voice Stop  voiceless unaspirated  voiceless aspirated  voiceless fricative  voiced fricative  X X X  X  22  R e c a l l that i n the A t h a p a s k a n literature, stop c o n s o n a n t s are d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d , v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e d a n d g l o t t a l i z e d , w h i l e f r i c a t i v e s are d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s . T h e D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s p r o p o s e d b y R i c e ( 1 9 9 4 ) is c o n s i s t e n t w i t h these d e s c r i p t i o n s . In t h i s chapter, I h y p o t h e s i z e that the l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] is v o i c e d , w h i l e the r e m a i n i n g p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s are v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d . U n d e r the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s p r o p o s e d b y R i c e ( 1 9 9 4 ) there i s n o c a t e g o r y v o i c e d stop. B a s e d o n the present h y p o t h e s i s , I argue that the c a t e g o r y v o i c e d stop be a d d e d to the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s t o a c c o u n t f o r the fact [b] is v o i c e d . T h e L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s is presented i n (24). (24)  L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ( r e v i s e d f r o m R i c e 1994)  stop voice  voiced stop  voiceless aspirated stops  voiceless unaspirated stops  glottalized stops  X  X  X  X  voiceless fricatives  X  voiced fricatives  glottal stop  h  X  SG CG  X  X X  X  In t h i s thesis I a s s u m e , f o l l o w i n g C l e m e n t s ( 1 9 8 5 ) a n d S a g e y ( 1 9 8 6 ) that representations are h i e r a r c h i c a l l y structured. I n ( 2 5 ) , the h i e r a r c h i c a l representations u n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s are l a i d out. (25)  L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis Structural Representations [b]  Voiceless unaspirated stop  I  Root  Root  /  /  \  [stop]  Laryngeal  \  [stop]  Laryngeal  I  [voice] Voiceless aspirated stop Root  / [stop]  \  Glottalized stop Root  / Laryngeal  \  [stop]  Laryngeal  I  [CG]  [SG] Voiceless fricatives Root  Voiced fricatives Root Laryngeal  I [voice]  23  Glottal stop  2.6  Root  Root  Laryngeal  Laryngeal  [CG]  [SG]  Conclusion T h e g o a l o f this chapter has been to e x a m i n e the a c o u s t i c properties o f T a h l t a n p l a i n  stops i n o r d e r t o d e t e r m i n e a l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n . B a s e d o n p h o n e t i c results, i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h c r o s s - l i n g u i s t i c , a e r o d y n a m i c a n d h i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e , I h a v e h y p o t h e s i z e d that the stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] is v o i c e d a n d that the r e m a i n i n g p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s are v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d .  24  Chapter Three Syllable Structure Constraint I n t h i s chapter, the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m are tested against o b s e r v e d patterns o f b e h a v i o r g o v e r n i n g s y l l a b l e structure. S p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s chapter w i l l f o c u s o n the stop a n d f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s , w h i c h surface i n s y l l a b l e - i n i t i a l a n d s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n , i.e. i n onset a n d c o d a p o s i t i o n s , i n o r d e r to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . In s e c t i o n 3.1, the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m i s restated, l n s e c t i o n 3.2, b a c k g r o u n d i n f o r m a t i o n is p r o v i d e d . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y is p r e s e n t e d , the T a h l t a n o r t h o g r a p h i c c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y is presented, a n d a l s o there is i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t T a h l t a n s y l l a b l e structure. In s e c t i o n 3.3, data, w h i c h e x e m p l i f i e s the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f c o n s o n a n t s i n s y l l a b l e - i n i t i a l a n d s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n s , is p r e s e n t e d . In s e c t i o n 3.4, a s y l l a b l e structure c o n s t r a i n t , w h i c h a c c o u n t s f o r the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f c o n s o n a n t s , i s h y p o t h e s i z e d . In t h i s s e c t i o n , it w i l l be s h o w n that the patterns o f b e h a v i o r g o v e r n i n g s y l l a b l e structure, i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the s y l l a b l e structure c o n s t r a i n t , support the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . F i n a l l y , i n s e c t i o n 3.5, c o n c l u d i n g r e m a r k s are m a d e .  3.1  Theoretical Assumptions R e c a l l that the g o a l o f t h i s chapter is to test t h e c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m  H y p o t h e s i s against o b s e r v e d patterns o f b e h a v i o r g o v e r n i n g s y l l a b l e structure. T h e L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n chapter t w o . R e c a l l that b a s e d o n the p h o n e t i c study o f p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s , the D u a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ( R i c e 1994) w a s r e v i s e d . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the c a t e g o r y o f v o i c e d stop w a s a d d e d t o the H y p o t h e s i s . T h e L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s is presented i n ( 1 ) . (1)  stop voice SG CG  Laryngeal M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis (revised f r o m R i c e 1994)  b  voiceless aspirated stops  voiceless unaspirated stops  glottalized stops  X  X  X  X  voiceless fricatives  voiced fricatives  glottal stop  h  X  X  X  X X  X  25  3.2  Background  3.2.1  Tahltan Consonant Inventory T h i s chapter w i l l f o c u s o n the c o n s o n a n t s , w h i c h surface i n s y l l a b l e - i n i t i a l a n d s y l l a b l e -  f i n a l p o s i t i o n s , i n o r d e r t o test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . R e c a l l that the T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y c o n s i s t s o f f o u r l a r y n g e a l series o f stop c o n s o n a n t s , t w o l a r y n g e a l series o f f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s a n d a s i n g l e series o f s o n o r a n t c o n s o n a n t s . T h e T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y i s presented i n (2). (2)  Tahltan Consonant Inventory labial labial  coronal alveolar  lateral  palatal  velar  te  ts  ti  ts  k  te  ts  ti  alveolar  interdental  b.  t  c.  t  d.  f  a.  uvular  laryngeal glottal  q  ?  b h  h  h  h  .  ts  te'  ts'  ti'  e.  e  s  i  s  f.  6  z  1  i  n m ga. voiced stop b. voiceless unaspirated stop c. voiceless aspirated stop d. glottalized stop  3.2.2  dorsal labiovelar  k  h  tS'  h  k'  (~e) (~ y)  k  w  wh  k  k  «.  X  x  w  Y  Y  w  q  h  q' X  h  w e. voiceless fricative f. voiced fricative g. sonorant  Orthographic Conventions In the A t h a p a s k a n literature s p e c i f i c o r t h o g r a p h i c c o n v e n t i o n s h a v e b e e n e s t a b l i s h e d .  For example,  voiceless aspirated stops, i.e. [t ], 1  are t y p i c a l l y represented w i t h the p h o n e t i c  s y m b o l s for voiceless unaspirated stops, i.e. [tj. Voiceless unaspirated stops, i.e. [tj, are represented w i t h the p h o n e t i c s y m b o l s f o r  voiceless unaspirated stops, i.e. ft],  voiced stops, i.e. fdj.  In s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n ,  are represented w i t h the p h o n e t i c s y m b o l f o r voiceless  unaspirated stops, i.e. [tj, not the o r t h o g r a p h i c s y m b o l , i.e. fdj.  In chapter t w o , I h y p o t h e s i z e d  that the l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t , i.e. [b], is v o i c e d . In the o r t h o g r a p h y , the p h o n e t i c s y m b o l f o r  voiced stops,  is u s e d to represent this stop c o n s o n a n t ,  i.e. [b].  These orthographic conventions  are s u m m a r i z e d i n (3). F o l l o w i n g ( 3 ) , i n ( 4 ) , the T a h l t a n o r t h o g r a p h i c c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y is presented. T h e s e o r t h o g r a p h i c c o n v e n t i o n s are f o l l o w e d i n t h i s thesis.  26  (3)  Orthographic Conventions syllable-initial  phonetic b t t  orthographic b d t  t  t  h  syllable-final (4)  Tahltan Orthographic Consonant Inventory labial labial  a. b. c. d.  alveolar  interdental  d t t'  dS  dorsal labiovelar  uvular  laryngeal glottal  G  ?  coronal alveolar  lateral  palatal  velar  dz ts ts'  dl ti ti'  dz ts ts'  9  9  W  k  k  w  q q'  s z  i 1  s (~ 9) z (~y)  w  X  b  te te'  e.  e  f.  6  k  X  x  Y  Y  w  h  K  w  n m ga. voiced stop b. voiceless unaspirated stop c. voiceless aspirated stop d. glottalized stop  3.2.3  w,  k'  e. voiceless fricative f. voiced fricative g. sonorant  Tahltan Syllable Structure To better understand Tahltan syllable structure, it is important to have a basic  understanding of the Tahltan verb and noun; thus before discussing Tahltan syllable structure, the Tahltan verb and noun will be briefly introduced. The Tahltan verb consists of a verb stem, which is composed of a root plus aspectual suffix; and prefix morphemes.  1  The verb stem and verbal  prefixes all fall into identifiable classes, all of which are identified in (5). (5)  Tahltan Verb (Hardwick 1984)  object  postposition  adverb  distributive  incorporated stem  direct object  unspecified/ non-sing, subject  1  2  3  4  5  6  7  derivational  conjugation  mode  subject  classifier  8  9  10  11  12  verb stem  The aspectual suffix varies in phonological shape. This variation depends upon mode and the phonological shape of the root, i.e. if the root is open or closed (Hargus 1988).  27  A n e x a m p l e o f a T a h l t a n v e r b is presented i n (6). In (6), the n u m b e r s , u n d e r the m o r p h e m e b r e a k d o w n , c o r r e s p o n d to the n u m b e r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the v e r b a l p r e f i x e s i n (5). A l s o , i n (6) the v e r b stem is i d e n t i f i e d i n square b r a c k e t s . (6)  Tahltan V e r b morpheme breakdown 3 8 8 11 12  da de ne  h [dos]  Tahltan example  E n g l i s h gloss  da de ne h [dos]  he's boiling O  In T a h l t a n , a n o u n m i n i m a l l y c o n s i s t s o f a n o u n s t e m , w h i c h is c o m p o s e d o f a root p l u s a stem f o r m a t i v e s u f f i x . U n l i k e the T a h l t a n v e r b , n o u n stems are not p r e c e d e d b y a series o f p r e f i x e s . Instead, a n o u n m a y c o n s i s t o f a stem a l o n e , m a y be a f f i x e d o r m a y be part o f a c o m p o u n d . T h e d i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f n o u n s are e x e m p l i f i e d i n (7). T h e first e x a m p l e i n (7) is an i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem. In the s e c o n d e x a m p l e , the n o u n stem [dih] is a f f i x e d .  More  s p e c i f i c a l l y , the n o u n stem is p r e c e d e d b y the f i r s t p e r s o n s i n g u l a r p o s s e s s i v e p r e f i x , [es], a n d is f o l l o w e d b y the p o s s e s s i v e s u f f i x , [e]. T h e t h i r d e x a m p l e is a c o m p o u n d , w h i c h c o n s i s t s o f t w o n o u n stems. (7)  Nouns Independent N o u n Stem  dih  grouse  A f f i x e d N o u n Stem  es dih e  my grouse  Compound  tutsedle  [tu] + [tsedle]  creek  [water] + [small]  N o w that the T a h l t a n v e r b a n d n o u n h a v e b e e n b r i e f l y i n t r o d u c e d , T a h l t a n s y l l a b l e structure w i l l be d i s c u s s e d . In T a h l t a n , s y l l a b l e s are p r i m a r i l y o p e n , i.e. C V o r C V : . s y l l a b l e s are present i n the e x a m p l e s i n (8).  Open  In the first e x a m p l e , the v e r b a l p r e f i x e s a l l h a v e the  s y l l a b l e f o r m C V . In the s e c o n d e x a m p l e , the v e r b s t e m , [0e] has an o p e n s y l l a b l e f o r m C V .  In  the t h i r d a n d f o u r t h e x a m p l e s r e s p e c t i v e l y , the n o u n stems h a v e the o p e n s y l l a b l e s f o r m s C V a n d C V : . In the f i n a l e x a m p l e , the p o s s e s s i v e p r e f i x , [me] has the o p e n s y l l a b l e f o r m C V .  In (8), a l l  o p e n s y l l a b l e s are presented i n square b r a c k e t s .  28  (8)  Open Syllables morpheme breakdown 3 8 8 11 12 da de ne h dos 7 12 he h 0e  Tahltan example  English gloss  [da] [de] ne h dos  he's boiling O  he h [Ge]  they 're tanning O  [tu]  water  [6e:]  belt  [me] [ d i ] [he]  his grouse  C l o s e d s y l l a b l e s are a l s o present i n T a h l t a n , t h e y h a v e the f o l l o w i n g f o r m s : C V C o r V C . In T a h l t a n , c l o s e d s y l l a b l e s are f o u n d i n t w o e n v i r o n m e n t s : w o r d - f i n a l l y a n d d i r e c t l y p r e c e d i n g the stem. C l o s e d s y l l a b l e s are present i n the e x a m p l e s i n ( 9 ) a n d ( 1 0 ) . T h e e x a m p l e s i n ( 9 ) h a v e c l o s e d s y l l a b l e s i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n . In the f i r s t e x a m p l e , the v e r b stem has the c l o s e d s y l l a b l e f o r m C V C , a n d i n the s e c o n d e x a m p l e , the n o u n stem has the c l o s e d s y l l a b l e f o r m C V C . (9)  Word-final Closed Syllables morpheme breakdown 3 8 8 11 12 da de ne h [dos]  Tahltan example  E n g l i s h gloss  da de ne h [dos]  he's boiling O  [bes]  knife  T h e e x a m p l e s i n ( 1 0 ) h a v e c l o s e d s y l l a b l e s d i r e c t l y p r e c e d i n g the stem. T h e f i r s t a n d s e c o n d e x a m p l e s r e s p e c t i v e l y h a v e the c l o s e d s y l l a b l e f o r m s C V C a n d V C d i r e c t l y p r e c e d i n g the v e r b stem. T h e third a n d fourth examples have the closed syllable forms C V C and V C directly p r e c e d i n g the n o u n s t e m . In ( 1 0 ) , the c l o s e d s y l l a b l e s are i d e n t i f i e d i n square b r a c k e t s . (10)  C l o s e d S y l l a b l e s d i r e c t l y p r e c e d i n g the S t e m morpheme breakdown 3 8 8 11 12 da de ne h dos 11 12 h 0e  Tahltan example  E n g l i s h gloss  da de [neh] dos  he's boiling O  [eh] 0e  he's tanning O (i.e. hide)  [dah] bede  our food  [es] bede  my food  29  3.3  Data R e c a l l that this chapter w i l l f o c u s o n the stop a n d f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s , w h i c h s u r f a c e i n  s y l l a b l e - i n i t i a l a n d s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n s , i n o r d e r to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l  Mechanism  H y p o t h e s i s . In t h i s s e c t i o n , data, w h i c h e x e m p l i f i e s the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f c o n s o n a n t s i n s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l a n d s y l l a l b e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n s , are presented.  3.3.1  Consonants in Syllable-Initial  Position  A l l stop c o n s o n a n t s , i.e. v o i c e d , v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d , v o i c e l e s s a s p i r a t e d , g l o t t a l i z e d a n d g l o t t a l stop, surface s y l l a b l e - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n ( 1 1 ) . (11)  Stop Consonants in Syllable-Initial Position voiced [b]e:s [b]ede  knife food  v o i c e l e s s unaspirated [d]ih  [dl]une [d5]iya [9]ah v o i c e l e s s aspirated [t]ene [t6]e: [ts]ic [ts]a:k'odle [k]e:  grouse mouse necklace rabbit  road rock nose rain bucket foot  glottalized [t'liyA  [t']o:g [t0']alu:d8e [tO']ati [k']ug g l o t t a l stop [?]ei  hook wart eyebrows moss/diapers paper  beaver dam  S i m i l a r to stop c o n s o n a n t s , b o t h series o f f r i c a t i v e s , i.e. v o i c e d a n d v o i c e l e s s , s u r f a c e i n s y l l a b l e - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n ( 1 2 ) .  30  (12)  Fricatives i n Syllable-Initial Position voiceless [I]uwe [s]e:g  fish belt spit  [9]ina  slave  [xjel  trap caribou  [9]e:  [h]odzih voiced  [6]a0 [y]Anje  3.3.2  snow geese  Consonants in Syllable-Final Position V o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops a n d g l o t t a l stop surface i n s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n . T h i s is  exemplified in (13). (13)  Stop Consonants i n Syllable-final Position v o i c e l e s s unaspirated  te'i[k]  bottle pillow moss/diaper box green wood wart tobacco  g l o t t a l stop ela[?]  bark  dustenre[t] ciYe:[t] t9'a[ti] kek'i[t9] de0dlin tse[ts] t'o:[k]  T h e v o i c e d stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] does not surface i n s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n , n o r d o the v o i c e l e s s aspirated a n d g l o t t a l i z e d stops. V o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s , b u t not v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s surface i n s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n .  Examples  w i t h v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s i n s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n are presented i n ( 1 4 ) . (14)  Fricative Consonants i n Syllable-final Position v o i c e l e s s unaspirated te[8] tA[8]  mi:[I] du[s] tii[c] ku[x] di[h]  cane arrow snare cat grease rice grouse  31  3.3.3  Summary In (15), there is a summary of the stop and fricative consonants, which surface in  syllable-initial and syllable-final positions in Tahltan. (15)  Syllable-initial and Syllable-final Consonants voiced stop X  syllable-initial syllable-final  3.4  voiceless unaspirated stop X X  voiceless aspirated stop X  glottalized stops  voiced fricative  voiceless fricatives  m  [h]  X  X  X X  X X  X X  Syllable Structure Constraint As shown above, voiceless unaspirated stops, voiceless fricatives, glottal stop and [h]  surface in syllable-final position. Voiced stops, voiceless aspirated stops, glottalized stops and voiced fricatives do not surface in syllable-final position. To account for these facts, I hypothesize that [-sonorant] consonants, i.e. stops and fricatives, which have a primary place specifications and a secondary laryngeal specification, i.e. [voice], [SG] or [CG], do not surface in syllable-final position. This hypothesis is expressed with the following syllable structure constraint. (16)  Syllable Structure Constraint *  [-sonorant] / \ [place] [laryngeal]J o  Note that in the specification of glottal stop and [h] laryngeal is the primary place specification; therefore they will not be subject to this constraint. Recall that the goal of this chapter is to test the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis against observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure. Under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, the stop consonant, [b] is specified for the laryngeal feature [voice]; thus the hypothesis above can account for the fact that [b] does not surface in syllablefinal position. In other words, [b] does not surface in syllable-final position because it has the laryngeal specification [voice], as the hypothesis states, [- sonorant] consonants, which have a laryngeal specification do not surface in syllable-final position. If [b] were unspecified for the laryngeal specification [voice], i.e. were grouped with the voiceless unaspirated stops, there would be no explanation for why [b] does not surface in syllable-final position. Thus the fact that [b] does not surface in syllable-final position supports the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis.  32  3.5  Conclusion The goal of this chapter is to test the claims of the Laryngeal against observed patterns of  behavior governing syllable structure. Under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, the stop consonant, [b] is specified for the laryngeal feature [voice]. The fact that [b] is specified for the feature [voice] provides an explanation for the asymmetry of what stops occur in syllable final position.  33  Chapter Four Classifiers  T h e m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s t e l l u s a l o t about the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f f r i c a t i v e a n d stop c o n s o n a n t s . T h i s chapter w i l l e x a m i n e t h e m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s i n o r d e r to test t h e c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l  Mechanism  H y p o t h e s i s . R e c a l l that the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s c o n c e r n s the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f stop a n d f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s . T h i s chapter is d i v i d e d i n t o t e n sections. In s e c t i o n 4 . 1 , the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s are i d e n t i f i e d . In this s e c t i o n the i m p o r t a n c e o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s i n r e l a t i o n to l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s is a l s o d i s c u s s e d . In s e c t i o n 4 . 2 , the f u n c t i o n o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s is b r i e f l y d i s c u s s e d . T h e c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s interact w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g v e r b stem-initial f r i c a t i v e s a n d the p r e c e d i n g subject p r e f i x e s . T o i d e n t i f y the p o s i t i o n o f the c l a s s i f i e r m o r p h e m e s i n r e l a t i o n t o the v e r b stem a n d subject p r e f i x e s , the T a h l t a n v e r b is presented i n s e c t i o n 4 . 3 . In s e c t i o n 4.4, the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m is restated a n d b r i e f l y d i s c u s s e d . In s e c t i o n s 4.6 t h r o u g h 4.9 the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c s o f each c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x is e x e m p l i f i e d a n d an a n a l y s i s f o r each c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x is presented a n d d i s c u s s e d . F i n a l l y , i n s e c t i o n 4 . 1 0 c o n c l u d i n g r e m a r k s are m a d e .  4.1  Classifier Prefixes and Laryngeal  Specification  In A t h a p a s k a n languages f o u r c l a s s i f i e r s h a v e been i d e n t i f i e d . In T a h l t a n these c l a s s i f i e r s are d-, 1-, 0 - a n d h-. T h e l a r y n g e a l status o f v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s is d i r e c t l y dependent o n the h-, 1- a n d 0 - c l a s s i f i e r s . W h e n the h- c l a s s i f i e r is present v e r b stem-initial f r i c a t i v e s are c o n s i s t e n t l y v o i c e l e s s . W h e n the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is present v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are c o n s i s t e n t l y v o i c e d . W h e n the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r is present f r i c a t i v e s are v o i c e d f o l l o w i n g a v o i c e d segment a n d v o i c e l e s s f o l l o w i n g a v o i c e l e s s segment, i.e. v o i c i n g a s s i m i l a t i o n . T h e d-classifier a l s o interacts w i t h stem-initial f r i c a t i v e s . W h e n the d-classifier is present the feature [stop] associates t o t h e v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . In a d d i t i o n t o f r i c a t i v e s , t h e d c l a s s i f i e r interacts w i t h g l o t t a l stop. W i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the d- c l a s s i f i e r i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h g l o t t a l stop, c l a s s i f i e r s d o n o t affect stem-initial stop a n d sonorant c o n s o n a n t s .  4.2  Function A t present, i n T a h l t a n the f u n c t i o n o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s has n o t been studied i n d e t a i l .  T h e f u n c t i o n o f c l a s s i f i e r s has been s t u d i e d i n other A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s ; h o w e v e r , the f u n c t i o n s are s t i l l n o t c o m p l e t e l y u n d e r s t o o d . W h a t is u n d e r s t o o d , w i t h r e g a r d to c l a s s i f i e r  34  f u n c t i o n s , does appear to be f a i r l y consistent a c r o s s l a n g u a g e s . In t h i s s e c t i o n the f u n c t i o n o f the c l a s s i f i e r s w i l l be s u m m a r i z e d . W h e n p o s s i b l e T a h l t a n e x a m p l e s w i l l be u s e d to e x e m p l i f y the classifier functions. In A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s , o n e o f the f o u r c l a s s i f i e r s c o n s i s t e n t l y c o - o c c u r s w i t h the v e r b . S u c h c l a s s i f i e r s h a v e n o d i s t i n c t f u n c t i o n , but are s i m p l y l e x i c a l l y s p e c i f i e d . In a d d i t i o n to b e i n g l e x i c a l l y s p e c i f i e d , the d- a n d h- c l a s s i f i e r s h a v e d e r i v a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n s . T h e h- c l a s s i f i e r d e r i v e s t r a n s i t i v e o r c a u s a t i v e v e r b s f r o m i n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s . C o n s t r u c t i o n s i n w h i c h the d- c l a s s i f i e r is present i n c l u d e r e f l e x i v e s , r e c i p r o c a l s a n d p a s s i v e s . T h e f o l l o w i n g T a h l t a n data s h o w s that i n r e f l e x i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s the d- c l a s s i f i e r is c o n s i s t e n t l y present ( H a r d w i c k 1984). (1)  d- c l a s s i f i e r i n r e f l e x i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s  morpheme breakdown 9-10  11-12  yen 6  s h [x ase]  8  9-10 11 12d  E n g l i s h gloss  y i h [x 9se]  I tickled him  w  w  ?ede de ye n s  Tahltan example  [x ase]  ?ede de s [ g a s e ]  w  I tickled myself  w  T h e d- c l a s s i f i e r a l s o o c c u r s i n i n t r a n s i t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s , w h i c h h a v e a p r e f i x i n d i c a t i n g a c u s t o m a r y a c t i o n (i.e. ' S h e w e n t a g a i n ' v e r s u s ' S h e w e n t ' ) o r an a c t i o n " b a c k " (i.e. ' S h e w e n t b a c k ' versus ' S h e w e n t ' ) . F u t u r e research w i l l d e t e r m i n e to w h a t extent the f u n c t i o n o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s i n T a h l t a n is the same as other A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s .  4.3  Tahltan V e r b T h e T a h l t a n v e r b c o n s i s t s o f a v e r b s t e m , w h i c h is c o m p o s e d o f a r o o t p l u s a s p e c t u a l suffix;  and prefix morphemes.  1  T h e v e r b stem a n d v e r b a l p r e f i x e s a l l f a l l i n t o i d e n t i f i a b l e classes, a l l o f  w h i c h are i d e n t i f i e d i n (2). (2)  Tahltan verb (Hardwick  1984)  object  postposition  adverb  distributive  incorporated  direct object  1  2  3  4  5  6  stem  derivational  conjugation  mode  subject  classifier  8  9  10  11  12  unspecified/ non-sing subject 7  verb stem  The aspectual suffix varies in phonological shape. This variation depends upon mode and the phonological shape o f the root, i.e. i f the root is open or closed (Hargus 1988).  35  T h i s chapter is c o n c e r n e d w i t h the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c s o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s , w h i c h p r e c e d e the v e r b s t e m a n d f o l l o w the subject m o r p h e m e s . T h e effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s c a n be seen o n the f o l l o w i n g v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t o r o n a p r e c e d i n g subject m o r p h e m e ( p o s i t i o n 11). T h e subject m o r p h e m e s are p o s i t e d to h a v e the f o l l o w i n g f o r m s i n the u n d e r l y i n g representation. (3)  S u b j e c t m o r p h e m e s ( H a r d w i c k 1984)  first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r  s-  second person singular  n-  third person singular  unmarked  first p e r s o n p l u r a l  0id-  second person plural  2  ah-  third person plural  unmarked  T h e t h i r d p e r s o n p l u r a l subject m o r p h e m e i s u n m a r k e d i n p o s i t i o n 11 p r e c e d i n g the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s . Instead, the t h i r d p e r s o n p l u r a l subject m o r p h e m e , [he] surfaces i n p o s i t i o n 7.  4.4  Theoretical Assumptions R e c a l l that the g o a l o f t h i s chapter is to e x a m i n e the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the  c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s i n o r d e r to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . T h e L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s is restated i n (4). (4)  stop voice SG  L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ( r e v i s e d f r o m R i c e 1994) b  voiceless aspirated stops  voiceless unaspirated stops  glottalized stops  X  X  X  X  voiced fricatives  glottal stop  h  X  X  X  X  CG  4.5  voiceless fricatives  X  X  Hypothesis In the a n a l y s i s o f the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c e f f e c t s c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s , I a s s u m e f o l l o w i n g  R i c e ( 1 9 8 9 ) , v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are u n m a r k e d i n l e x i c a l representation f o r l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n . F r i c a t i v e s : (a) r e m a i n u n m a r k e d f o r l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o r (b) s u r f a c e w i t h the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] . F r i c a t i v e s u n s p e c i f i e d f o r l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n are v o i c e l e s s  The final consonant [d] of the first person singular never surfaces as an independent segment. The final consonant [d] is analyzed as a floating feature[stop] in this analysis (section 4.8). For convenience, the final consonant [d] of the first person plural will be written with a [d], not a floating [stop] feature. 2  36  u n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . In c o m p a r i s o n , f r i c a t i v e s m a r k e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] are v o i c e d u n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . In the a n a l y s i s o f the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s it w i l l b e c o m e c l e a r that f r i c a t i v e s w i t h the s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] a c q u i r e this l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n f r o m a p r e c e d i n g c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x .  4.6  h- c l a s s i f i e r  4.6.1  M o r p h o p h o n e m i c s o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r In T a h l t a n , the h- c l a s s i f i e r c o m e s f r o m the P r o t o - A t h a p a s k a n c l a s s i f i e r *i.  In s o m e  A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s , i n c l u d i n g T a h l t a n , the h- c l a s s i f i e r is p h o n e t i c a l l y r e a l i z e d as [h]; thus it is r e f e r r e d to as the h- c l a s s i f i e r . In T a h l t a n , the h- c l a s s i f i e r is u n i q u e f o r s e v e r a l r e a s o n s : a) it is the o n l y c l a s s i f i e r r e a l i z e d p h o n e t i c a l l y as an i n d e p e n d e n t s e g m e n t a l s l o t ; b) it is the o n l y c l a s s i f i e r to interact w i t h the subject m o r p h e m e ; a n d c ) it is the c l a s s i f i e r c o n s i s t e n t l y f o l l o w e d b y v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s . A s s h o w n i n (5), the h- c l a s s i f i e r is r e a l i z e d p h o n e t i c a l l y as [h] i n the t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d t h i r d p e r s o n p l u r a l . In a l l the e x a m p l e s i n t a b l e (5) the h- c l a s s i f i e r d i r e c t l y precedes the v e r b s t e m , w h i c h is i d e n t i f i e d i n square b r a c k e t s . (5)  T h i r d person singular and third person p l u r a l  morpheme breakdown  4  3  Tahltan example  E n g l i s h gloss  e h [0e]  he's tanning O (i.e. hide)  11 12  h 7  12  [9e]  he h [0e]  he h [0e]  .they're tanning O (i.e. hide)  The data in this chapter is cited with permission from Patricia A . Shaw's fieldnotes collected in Telegraph Creek, British C o l u m b i a in 1981-82, and from a Telegraph Creek speaker resident o f Dawson Creek, British C o l u m b i a , in 1983. This fieldwork was supported in part by the Linguistics D i v i s i o n o f British C o l u m b i a Provincial M u s e u m . The generalizations and analysis in this chapter is based on this set o f fieldnotes.  3  The numbers correspond to the verbal prefixes identified in (2). T w o prefix morphemes often surface as a single morpheme; this interaction is indicated with a hyphen (-).  4  5  The word-initial vowel, [e] is an epenthetic vowel.  37  3 11 12 [xui]  de  h  3  7 12  de he  [xui]  h  de h [xui]  he's throwing O  hi de h [xui]  they 're throwing O  e h [x ase]  he's tickling O  he h [x 9se]  they 're tickling O  11 12 h  7 12 he h  [X 9S] W  [x as] w  w  w  The h- classifier interacts with the preceding second person singular subject morpheme, [n]. When the h- classifier is present, it coalesces with the second person singular morpheme, [n], surfacing as [n]. (6)  Second person singular  morpheme breakdown  Tahltan example  English gloss  11 12 n h [9e]  in [9e]  you're tanning O (i.e. hide)  3 11 12 d e n h [xui]  de n [xui]  you 're throwing O  11 12 n h [x as]  in [x ase]  you 're tickling O  w  w  In the first person singular, the h- classifier shows no overt effect. This is exemplified in (7). (7)  First person singular  morpheme breakdown  Tahltan example  English gloss  11 12 s h [9e]  e9 [9e]  I'm tanning O (i.e. hide)  3 11 12 d e s h [xui]  de s [xui]  I'm throwing O  11 12 s h [x as]  es [x ase]  I'm tickling O  w  6  w  Before [n] the epenthetic vowel, [e] surfaces as [i].  The first person singular, [s] surfaces phonetically as [s], [s] or [9]. Similarly, the initial consonant of the first person plural, [9] surfaces phonetically as [s], [s] or [9]. This is a result of coronal harmony, see Shaw 1991 for discussion and analysis of Tahltan consonant harmony. 7  38  The second person plural subject morpheme is [ah-]; thus i f is difficult to tell if: a) the hclassifier has no overt effect or b) if the h- classifier is realized phonetically and the subject morpheme [h] is deleted. (8)  Second person plural  morpheme breakdown  Tahltan example  English gloss  ah [0e]  you 're (pi) tanning O  de n [xui]  you 're throwing O  in [x ase]  you 're tickling O  11 12  ah h 3  [0e]  11 12  de n h [xui] 11 12  n h  [x as] w  w  Particularly significant is the fact that in the first person plural, the d-effect, a process discussed in section (4.8), occurs and the h- classifier shows no overt effect. (9)  First person plural  morpheme breakdown  Tahltan example  English gloss  0i [dSe]  we 're tanning O  de 0i [gui]  we 're throwing O  si [g ase]  we 're tickling O  11 12  0id h 3  [0e]  11 12  de 0id h [xui] 11 12  0id h  [x as] w  w  39  T h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r ( d e s c r i b e d a b o v e ) are e x e m p l i f i e d i n the c o m p l e t e verbal paradigms in (10). (10)  P h o n o l o g i c a l effects o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r  morpheme breakdown  Tahltan example  E n g l i s h gloss  11 12 [Ge]  eG [Ge]  I'm tanning O (i.e. hide)  11 12 n h [Ge]  i n [Ge]  you 're tanning O  11 12 h [Ge]  e h [Ge]  he's tanning O  Gi [d5e]  we 're tanning O  [Ge]  ah [Ge]  you 're (pi) tanning O  [Ge]  he h [Ge]  they 're tanning O  [xui]  de s [ x u i ]  I'm throwing O  [xui]  de n [ x u i ]  you 're throwing O  [xui]  de h [ x u i ]  he's throwing O  [xui]  de Gi [ g u i ]  we 're throwing O  [xui]  d ah [ x u i ]  you 're (pi) throwing O  [xui]  h i de h [ x u i ]  they 're throwing O  [x as]  es [x 9se]  I'm tickling O  11 12 n h [x as]  in [x ase]  you 're tickling O  e h [x ase]  he's tickling O  si [ g a s e ]  we 're tickling O  ah [ x a s e ]  you 're (pi) tickling O  he h [ x a s e ]  they 're tickling O  s  h  11 12 Gid h  [Ge]  11 12 ah h 7  12  he h 3  11 12  de s 3  h  11 12  de n 3  h  11 12  de 3  h 11  12  de Gid h 3  11 12  de a h  h  3  12  7  de he  h  11 12 s  h  w  w  11 12 h  [x as] w  w  w  w  11 12 Gid h  [x as] w  11 12 ah  h  [x as]  7 12 he h  [x as]  w  w  w  w  w  40  T h e p a r a d i g m s a b o v e g i v e i m p e r f e c t i v e f o r m s . In contrast, i n the p e r f e c t i v e the first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r subject, [s] is deleted a n d the h c l a s s i f i e r surfaces p h o n e t i c a l l y . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (11). (11)  P h o n o l o g i c a l effects o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r 8  3 imperfective  8 11 12  da de ne s 8  3  8  h  [dos]  da de ne s [dos]  I'm boiling O  [dos]  da de ne h [dos]  I boiled O  es [gani]  I'm drying O  Oi h [gan]  I dried O  es [ x a s e ]  I'm tickling him  yi h [x ase]  I tickled him  11 12  perfective  da de ne s  imperfective  s  h  11 12 h  [gani]  9-10 11 12 perfective  0e n  imperfective  s  s  h  [gan]  11 12 h  [x ase] w  w  9-10 11 12 perfective  4.6.2  ye n  s  h  [x ase] w  w  A n a l y s i s o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r R e c a l l that the g o a l o f t h i s chapter is to e x a m i n e the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the  c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . In t h i s s e c t i o n it w i l l be s h o w n that the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s c a n a c c o u n t f o r the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r . M o r e s p e c i f i c a l l y it w i l l b e c o m e c l e a r that the l a r y n g e a l feature  [SG]  is a c t i v e w i t h i n the p h o n o l o g y . F o r S l a v e , R i c e ( 1 9 8 6 , 1989b) p r o p o s e s that a l l c l a s s i f i e r s are f l o a t i n g features. F o l l o w i n g R i c e , I a s s u m e the h- c l a s s i f i e r i n T a h l t a n is a f l o a t i n g [ S G ] feature, w h i c h precedes the v e r b s t e m a n d f o l l o w s the subject m o r p h e m e . (12)  h- c l a s s i f i e r s  [xui] [SG]  11  12  I w i l l b e g i n b y s h o w i n g h o w the present a n a l y s i s o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r a c c o u n t s f o r the i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n the h- c l a s s i f i e r a n d the subject m o r p h e m e s i n T a h l t a n . In the t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d t h i r d p e r s o n p l u r a l the h- c l a s s i f i e r , i.e. the f l o a t i n g feature [ S G ] , surfaces as an i n d e p e n d e n t segment [h]. T h e r e a s o n the h- c l a s s i f i e r surfaces as an i n d e p e n d e n t s e g m e n t has to d o w i t h the T a h l t a n s y l l a b l e structure. In T a h l t a n s y l l a b l e s are p r i m a r i l y o p e n , i.e. C V o r  C W .  41  T h e r e are t w o e n v i r o n m e n t s w h e r e s y l l a b l e s are c l o s e d : w o r d - f i n a l l y , i.e. the u l t i m a t e s y l l a b l e , a n d in the p o s i t i o n d i r e c t l y p r e c e d i n g the v e r b s t e m , i.e. the p e n u l t i m a t e s y l l a b l e . T h e latter p o s i t i o n , the c o d a p o s i t i o n o f the p e n u l t i m a t e s y l l a b l e , is w h e r e the h- c l a s s i f i e r is r e a l i z e d p h o n e t i c a l l y . In the t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r , w h i c h is m o r p h o l o g i c a l l y u n m a r k e d , a n d t h i r d p e r s o n p l u r a l , w h i c h surfaces i n p o s i t i o n s e v e n , there is n o c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m a n y o t h e r p r e f i x e s f o r s e g m e n t a l r e a l i z a t i o n i n the c o d a p o s i t i o n , so the f l o a t i n g [ S G ] feature surfaces as a n i n d e p e n d e n t s e g m e n t [h]. T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (13) a n d (14). (13)  T h i r d person singular de  [xui]  de  [SG]  h  _>  [xui]  | [SG]  3  (14)  11  12  3  11  12  T h i r d person plural de  he  [xui] [SG]  de  he  h  _»  [xui]  | [SG]  3  7  11  12  3  7  11  12  In the case o f o t h e r p r o n o m i n a l subjects i n the p a r a d i g m , there is c o m p e t i t i o n f o r w h a t gets r e a l i z e d i n the pre-stem c o d a p o s i t i o n . In the s e c o n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r , the p e n u l t i m a t e c o d a p o s i t i o n is o c c u p i e d b y the subject m o r p h e m e , [n]. In the s e c o n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r , the h- c l a s s i f i e r associates to subject m o r p h e m e , [n]. T h e result is the v o i c e l e s s n a s a l [n]. T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (15) .  (15)  Second person singular de  n  [xui]  de  [SG]  n  [xui]  °\ [SG]  3  11  12  3  11  12  In the f i r s t p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d s e c o n d p e r s o n p l u r a l the h- c l a s s i f i e r s h o w s n o overt effect. It is p o s s i b l e that (a) the h- c l a s s i f i e r r e m a i n s u n p a r s e d ; (b) the h- c l a s s i f i e r deletes; o r (c) the h- c l a s s i f i e r associates v a c u o u s l y . P o s s i b i l i t y (c) w o u l d f o l l o w f r o m the h y p o t h e s i s that f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] .  P o s s i b i l i t y (c) is e x e m p l i f i e d i n ( 1 6 ) a n d (17).  42  (16)  First person singular de  s  [xui] [SG]  de _>  s  [xui] \ [SG]  3  (17)  11  12  3  11  de  ah  12  Second person plural de  ah  [xui] [SG]  _>  [xui]  \ [SG]  3  11  12  3  11  12  H i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e supports the fact f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] .  Recall  that the h- c l a s s i f i e r c o m e s f r o m P r o t o - A t h a p a s k a n * i . T h i s h i s t o r i c a l / d i a c h r o n i c c h a n g e c a n be a n a l y z e d as a p r o c e s s o f d e b u c c a l i z a t i o n , i.e. l o s s o f the o r a l c a v i t y a r t i c u l a t i o n [lateral], l e a v i n g o n l y the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ S G ] . s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature  T h i s f u r t h e r s u p p o r t s the h y p o t h e s i s that f r i c a t i v e s are  [SG].  (18) *i  A  h  _»  |  [lar] [lat]  [lar]  I [SG]  I [SG]  H o w e v e r , the h y p o t h e s i s that f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] is not c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . U n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s f r i c a t i v e s are not s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] .  A l s o , the h y p o t h e s i s that f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d  f o r the feature [ S G ] is p r o b l e m a t i c f o r the a n a l y s i s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , chapter five, a n d the a n a l y s i s o f the d-effect, s e c t i o n 4.8. T h u s I a s s u m e h i s t o r i c a l l y that f r i c a t i v e s w e r e s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] , but s y n c h r o n i c a l l y the feature [ S G ] is not a c t i v e as a d i s t i n c t i v e s p e c i f i c a t i o n o n f r i c a t i v e s i n the p h o n o l o g y . W h e n the h- c l a s s i f i e r is present, v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are c o n s i s t e n t l y v o i c e l e s s .  It  is p o s s i b l e that (a) the h- c l a s s i f i e r r e m a i n s u n p a r s e d o r (b) the h- c l a s s i f i e r associates v a c u o u s l y . If p o s s i b i l i t y (b) is a s s u m e d , o n c e a g a i n , it has to be a s s u m e d that f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] .  A s p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d , t h i s i s : (a) n o t consistent w i t h the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m  H y p o t h e s i s a n d (b) p r o b l e m a t i c f o r the a n a l y s i s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , chapter 5, a n d the d-effect, s e c t i o n 4.8. In a d d i t i o n , i f p o s s i b i l i t y (b) is a s s u m e d , the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n a r i s e s : w h y d o e s n ' t  43  the feature [ S G ] associate to v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops? U n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops are u n s p e c i f i e d f o r l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n . I f the hc l a s s i f i e r associates to v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t s , o n e w o u l d e x p e c t v o i c e l e s s aspirated stops to s u r f a c e as v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d s t o p s .  8  For example:  (19) *  n  [gani]  n  [SG]  \  [kani] /  [SG] 11  12  11  12  P o s s i b i l i t y ( b ) is p r o b l e m a t i c f o r a n u m b e r o f r e a s o n s ; thus I a s s u m e the h- c l a s s i f i e r does n o t associate to v e r b stem-initial c o n s o n a n t s , i.e. r e m a i n s u n p a r s e d .  4.6.3  Summary In t h i s a n a l y s i s the h- c l a s s i f i e r is a n a y l z e d as a f l o a t i n g [ S G ] feature. In the t h i r d p e r s o n  s i n g u l a r a n d p l u r a l , the h- c l a s s i f i e r is r e a l i z e d p h o n e t i c a l l y as [h] i n the p e n u l t i m a t e c o d a p o s i t i o n . In the s e c o n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r , the h- c l a s s i f i e r associates to the f i n a l c o n s o n a n t , [n] o f the subject m o r p h e m e , d e v o i c i n g it to [n]. I n the f i r s t p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d s e c o n d p e r s o n p l u r a l , the h- c l a s s i f i e r associates v a c u o u s l y to the subject m o r p h e m e . It n e v e r associates to a v e r stemi n i t i a l s e g m e n t to its right.  4.7  1- c l a s s i f i e r  4.7.1  M o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r In A t h a p a s k a n languages the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is h y p o t h e s i z e d to be d e r i v e d f r o m the c l a s s i f i e r  To solve this problem one could assume plain stop consonants are specified for the feature [voice], and that the presence of the feature [voice] would disallow the feature [SG] to associate due to the cooccurrence constraint *[SG]/[voice]. For example: n gani in gani [SG]  [voi]  -> [SG]  [voil 11  12  11  12  One issue to consider, with regards to this solution, is that the phonological and phonetic specifications are not consistent. Recall that in the phonetic study, discussed in chapter two, plain stops were voiceless unaspirated, not voiced. Therefore I hypothesize stop consonants are not specified for the feature [voice]. 44  c o m b i n a t i o n * d - + * i - (d + h) ( S t a n l e y 1 9 6 9 ) .  In T a h l t a n it is n o t apparent the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is  9  d e r i v e d f r o m t h i s c o m b i n a t i o n ; h o w e v e r i n s o m e A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s (i.e. S l a v e , S e k a n i ) it is c l e a r l y apparent that this is the case. R e c a l l that the d- a n d h- c l a s s i f i e r s h a v e d e r i v a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n s . In S l a v e , w h e n the d- c l a s s i f i e r is d e r i v a t i o n a l l y a d d e d to a n h-classifier v e r b the e f f e c t is that o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r . F o r e x a m p l e : Obj. + de + d + h + [sa]; [deza] ( R i c e 1 9 8 9 : p g . 4 5 8 ) . In T a h l t a n the 1- c l a s s i f i e r n e v e r surfaces as an i n d e p e n d e n t segment. O n e c a n t e l l the 1c l a s s i f i e r is present b y its p h o n o l o g i c a l effects o n v e r b stem-initial f r i c a t i v e s . T h e f r i c a t i v e s a f f e c t e d b y the 1- c l a s s i f i e r are i d e n t i f i e d i n the T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y i n ( 2 0 ) . (20)  F r i c a t i v e s a f f e c t e d b y the I- c l a s s i f i e r labial  lateral  palatal  velar  ts  ti  ts  k  ts  ti  ts  interdental  t t t'  te te te'  ts'  ti'  e.  e  s  i  f.  5  z  1  a.  b  b. c.  h  h  d.  a. b. c. d.  coronal alveolar  alveolar  labial  h  h  n m gvoiced stop voiceless unaspirated stop voiceless aspirated stop glottalized stop  h  ts'  s  (~9)  z (~ y)  k  h  dorsal  labiovelar k  w  wh  k  k'  k '  X  x  Y  Y  w  w  w  uvular  q  q  laryngeal glottal  ?  h  q' X  h  K  w e. voiceless fricative f. voiced fricative g. sonorant  T h e v o i c e d counterparts o f the lateral c o n s o n a n t , [I], i.e. [1], a n d the palatal c o n s o n a n t , [§]> ' - [y]> e  a r e  n o t  f r i c a t i v e s p h o n e t i c a l l y . H o w e v e r , i n A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s the lateral  c o n s o n a n t [1] a n d the palatal c o n s o n a n t [y] f o r m a natural class w i t h the f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s a n d thus are g r o u p e d w i t h the f r i c a t i v e s i n the c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r i e s .  9  T h e fact that the 1- classifier derived from the *d- + * i - sequence, provides evidence that plain stops are  voiced. *d [stop] l i a r ] [voi]  +  *i [lat]  _>  1 [lar][lat] [voi]  The phonetic evidence, present in chapter x, does not support this synchronically. Recall that the voiceless unaspirated stop was voiceless unaspirated. T o account for the fact 1- derives from * d - + * i - (h), I assume historically plain stops were specified for the feature [voice], but synchronically the feature [voice] is not active as a distinctive specification on stops in the phonology  45  W h e n the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is present, v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are v o i c e d , e x c e p t i n the first p e r s o n p l u r a l w h e r e the d-effect ( d i s c u s s e d i n s e c t i o n 4.8) o c c u r s . U n l i k e the h- c l a s s i f i e r , the 1c l a s s i f i e r does not interact w i t h p r e c e d i n g subject m o r p h e m e s . P a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t is the fact that the h- c l a s s i f i e r surfaces as a n i n d e p e n d e n t s e g m e n t i n the t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d t h i r d p e r s o n p l u r a l ; u n d e r the same c i r c u m s t a n c e s the 1- c l a s s i f i e r does n o t surface as a n i n d e p e n d e n t s e g m e n t . I n the v e r b a l p a r a d i g m s i n ( 2 1 ) , the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r are e x e m p l i f i e d . (21)  P h o n o l o g i c a l effects o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r  morpheme breakdown 8 8 11 12 ne i s 1 [0it]  1 0  10  Tahltan example  English Gloss  n i 0 [Sit]  I got hot  8 8 11 12 ne i n 1 [ 0 i t ]  n i n [Sit]  You (sg) got hot  8 8 11 12 ne i 1 [Git]  n i [Sit]  He got hot  8 8 11 12 ne i 0 i d 1 [Git]  ne Gi [dSit]  We got hot  7 8 8 12 he ne i 1 [Git]  he n i [Sit]  They got hot  3 11 12 ka s 1 [sei]  ka s [zei]  I hollered  3 11 12 ka en 1 [sei]  ka n [zei]  You (sg) hollered  3 11 12 ka 1 [sei]  ka [zei]  He hollered  3 11 12 k a G i d 1 [sei]  k a si [dzei]  We hollered  3 11 12 ka ah 1 [sei]  ka da h [zei]  You (pi) hollered  7 3 11 12 he k a s 1 [ s e i ]  k a he [ z e i ]  They hollered  Unfortunately in (21), there are no verbs with a stem-initial [i]. In other morphophonemic processes  which target fricatives, [i] is affected (the d-effect, continuant voicing), since this is the case I strongly believe this is an accidental gap. However in order to be absolutely certain, more data needs to be collected.  46  11 12  s h  [ca?e]  e s [ya?e]  I got sick  11 12 n h [ca?e]  e n [ya?e]  You (sg) got sick  11 12 h [ca?e]  e [ya?e]  He got sick  B i d h [ca?e]  e s i [dza?e]  We got sick  11 12 ah h [ca?e]  a h [ya?e]  You (pi) got sick  7 12 he h [ca?e]  e he [ya?e]  They got sick  3 9 10 11 12 n a 0e n s 1 [ x i ]  na s [ r i ]  I saved O  11 12  A t present, it is u n c l e a r i f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r affects v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l stop c o n s o n a n t s . T h e u n c e r t a i n t y has to d o w i t h the fact that the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is n e v e r r e a l i z e d as a n i n d e p e n d e n t s e g m e n t ; thus i f a v e r b has a stop i n s t e m - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n o n e c a n n o t t e l l i f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is present o r not. S e c o n d l y , the 1- c l a s s i f i e r has n o apparent d e r i v a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n ; thus o n e c a n n o t refer to a s p e c i f i c c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d k n o w f o r c e r t a i n t h e 1- c l a s s i f i e r i s present. H o w e v e r , t h e p r o c e s s o f v o i c i n g a s s i m i l a t i o n ( s e c t i o n 4.9) a n d c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g (chapter five) d o n o t affect stop c o n s o n a n t s ; thus I h y p o t h e s i z e the 1- c l a s s i f i e r does n o t affect stop c o n s o n a n t s .  4.7.2  A n a l y s i s o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r R e c a l l that the g o a l o f t h i s chapter i s t o e x a m i n e the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the  c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s t o test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . I n t h i s s e c t i o n it w i l l be s h o w n that the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s c a n a c c o u n t f o r the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r . M o r e s p e c i f i c a l l y it w i l l b e c o m e c l e a r that t h e l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e i n the f r i c a t i v e c l a s s . F o l l o w i n g H a r d w i c k ( 1 9 8 4 ) o n T a h l t a n , H a r g u s ( 1 9 8 5 ) o n t h e c l o s e l y related l a n g u a g e S e k a n i a n d R i c e ( 1 9 8 9 ) o n S l a v e , I h y p o t h e s i z e that the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is a f l o a t i n g feature [ v o i c e ] . (22)  1- c l a s s i f i e r ka  s  [sei] [voice]  3  11  12  47  T h r o u g h o u t the v e r b a l p a r a d i g m , the 1- c l a s s i f i e r associates to v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . In o t h e r w o r d s , w h e n the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is present, v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s a c q u i r e the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (23). (23) ka  s  [sei] [voice]  ka  s  [zei]  —>•  / [voice]  3  11  12  3  11  12  U n l i k e the h- c l a s s i f i e r , the 1- c l a s s i f i e r has n o effect o n the subject m o r p h e m e s . I f the 1c l a s s i f i e r a f f e c t e d the subject m o r p h e m e s , o n e w o u l d e x p e c t the f i r s t p e r s o n s i n g u l a r subject m o r p h e m e [s] to surface as [z]. N o t e further that there is n o r e g r e s s i v e a s s i m i l a t i o n o f v o i c e either: the v o i c e l e s s [s] a n d v o i c e d [z] are c o n t i g u o u s i n the output s t r i n g , f o r e x a m p l e [ k a s z e i ] , I  hollered.  4.7.3  Summary W h e n the 1- c l a s s i f i e r , a n a l y z e d as a feature [ v o i c e ] , is present, it associates to v e r b stem-  i n i t i a l c o n t i n u a n t s ; thus f r i c a t i v e s are c o n s i s t e n t l y s p e c i f i e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] f o l l o w i n g the 1- c l a s s i f i e r . A t present, it is u n c l e a r i f stop c o n s o n a n t s are a f f e c t e d b y the 1c l a s s i f i e r . T h e 1- c l a s s i f i e r , u n l i k e the h- c l a s s i f i e r , has n o o v e r t effect o n subject m o r p h e m e s .  4.8  d- c l a s s i f i e r  4.8.1  M o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the d- c l a s s i f i e r In T a h l t a n the d- c l a s s i f i e r n e v e r surfaces as a n i n d e p e n d e n t segment. H o w e v e r , i n other  A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s (i.e. H u p a , K o y u k o n ) the d- c l a s s i f i e r surfaces as a s e g m e n t ; thus it is referred to as the d- c l a s s i f i e r . In T a h l t a n , the d- c l a s s i f i e r s r e a l i z a t i o n w i t h a ?-initial stem is [ f ] , w h i c h is w h a t establishes its [coronal] v a l u e . O n e c a n t e l l the d- c l a s s i f i e r is present b y its p h o n o l o g i c a l effect o n v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s a n d g l o t t a l stop. T h e c o n s o n a n t s a f f e c t e d b y the d- c l a s s i f i e r are i d e n t i f i e d in the T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y i n (24).  48  (24)  C o n s o n a n t s a f f e c t e d b y the d- c l a s s i f i e r labial labial  lateral  palatal  velar  ts  ti  ts  ts  ti  k k k'  interdental  b.  t  c.  t  te te te'  ts'  ti'  e.  e  s  i  s  f.  8  z  1  z  a.  b  h  h  t'  d.  a. b. c. d.  coronal alveolar  alveolar  h  ts  h  ts'  n m gvoiced stop voiceless unaspirated stop voiceless aspirated stop glottalized stop  (~S) (~ y)  k  uvular  laryngeal glottal  ?  k'  q q q'  X  x  w  X  h  Y  Y  w  h  h  dorsal labiovelar w  wh  k  w  h  K  w e. voiceless fricative f. voiced fricative g. sonorant  In the A t h a p a s k a n literature the i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n the d- c l a s s i f i e r a n d v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t s is referred to as the d-effect ( H o w r e n 1 9 7 1 ) . A s seen i n (25.a) the c o n s o n a n t that surfaces as a result o f the d-effect has the stop q u a l i t y o f the [d] a n d the p l a c e a r t i c u l a t i o n o f the f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t ; ( 2 5 . b ) s h o w s its a p p l i c a t i o n ' o n a ?-stem; a n d ( 2 5 . c ) represents its f a i l u r e to effect a n y surface c h a n g e o n a n y other c o n s o n a n t . (25)  D-effect alternations ( H a r d w i c k 1984) classifier  stem-initial  output  consonant a.  d  +  i  H>  d  +  6  _>  dS  d  +  s  _>  dz  d  +  x  d  +  x  _>  g  b.  d  +  ?  c.  d  +  C  w  dl  g w  t' ->  C  T h e alternations i n (25) are e x e m p l i f i e d i n (26) a n d (27). In ( 2 6 ) , the d-effect is t r i g g e r e d b y the presence o f the d- c l a s s i f i e r . In the l e f t m o s t c o l u m n o f table (26) a T a h l t a n v e r b is presented, t w o e x a m p l e s are g i v e n w i t h e a c h v e r b . T h e first e x a m p l e i n e a c h set s h o w s that i f the 0 - o r h- c l a s s i f i e r is present, then the d-effect d o e s not o c c u r . T h e s e c o n d e x a m p l e in e a c h set is i n the first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r r e f l e x i v e ( m y s e l f ) .  T h e r e f l e x i v e p r e f i x [?ede] ( p o s i t i o n 9)  49  c o n s i s t e n t l y c o - o c c u r s w i t h the d c l a s s i f i e r ; t h e r e f o r e t h e d-effect d o e s o c c u r . T o c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e w h e r e the p h o n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e i s t a k i n g p l a c e , the stem i s i d e n t i f i e d i n b r a c k e t s i n e a c h e x a m p l e . (26)  E x a m p l e s o f the d-effect t r i g g e r e d b y the d- c l a s s i f i e r  morpheme breakdown  Tahltan example  E n g l i s h gloss  Ge h [xin]  I killed O  ?ede se s [ g i n ]  I killed myself  y i h [x ase]  I tickled him  9 - 1 0 11-12  0e n s h [xin] 6  9-10 11 12-  ?ede Ge n  s  d  [xin]  9-10 11-12  yen 6  s h 8  [x ase] w  9-10 11 12-  ?ede de ye n s 9-10 11 12  Gen 6  w  d  [x ase] w  s 0 [?un]  ?ede de s [ g a s e ]  I tickled myself  Gi [?un]  I shot O  ?ede s [ t ' u n ]  I shot myself  w  9-10 11 12-  ?ede Ge n  s  d  [?un]  In a d d i t i o n t o the d- c l a s s i f i e r , the final c o n s o n a n t o f the first p e r s o n p l u r a l ([Gid]) ( p o s i t i o n 11) interacts w i t h v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . T h i s i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n the final c o n s o n a n t o f the first p e r s o n p l u r a l ([Gid]) ( p o s i t i o n 11) a n d v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s i s a l s o s u b s u m e d u n d e r the d-effect i n the A t h a p a s k a n literature. T h e c o n s o n a n t s that surface as a r e s u l t o f these i n t e r a c t i o n s are i d e n t i c a l t o those i n ( 2 5 ) . In ( 2 7 ) the d-effect i s t r i g g e r e d b y the final c o n s o n a n t o f the first p e r s o n p l u r a l [Gid]. S i m i l a r t o ( 2 6 ) , t w o e x a m p l e s are p r o v i d e d w i t h e a c h v e r b . T h e first e x a m p l e o f e a c h set is i n t h e first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r ; thus the d-effect i s n o t present. T h e s e c o n d e x a m p l e i s i n the first p e r s o n p l u r a l ; therefore the d-effect is present. In these e x a m p l e s the h-, 0 - o r 1- c l a s s i f i e r s is present; these c l a s s i f i e r s s h o w n o overt effect i n the presence o f the d-effect.  50  (27)  E x a m p l e s o f the d-ieffect t r i g g e r e d b y the first p e r s o n p l u r a l [0id]  morpheme breakdown 8  Tahltan example  E n g l i s h gloss  ?u de h [let]  I melted it  ?u de 9 i [diet]  We melted it  e h [0e]  I'm tanning it  0 i [doe]  We 're tanning it  de s [xui]  I'm throwing it  de 0 i [gui]  We 're throwing it  0 i [lih]  I tasted it  0i [dlih]  We tasted it  de s [s:eh]  I'm spitting  de s i [dzeh]  We 're spitting  [xui]  de s [xui]  I scraped it  [xui]  de Gi [gui]  We scraped it  [?otG]  ?e r a tA Gi [?otG]  I washed it  [?otG]  ?  We  8 9-10 11 12  u deye0s 8  8 9-10  h  [iet]  11 12  u de ye 0 9 i d h  [iet]  11-12  e s h [0e] 11-12  e Gid h [0e] 8  11 12  de s h [ x u i ] 8  11 12  de Gid h [ x u i ] 9-10 11-12  0en  s 0 [iih]  9-10  11-12  Gen  0id0  8  11 12-  de s 8  0  [seh]  11 12  de Gid 0 8  9-10  [seh] 11 12  de 0 n 8  [iih]  s 0  9-10 11 12  de 0 n s 0 1  2  3  9 10  11 12  ?e y a tA  Ge n  s 0  1  9 10  11 12  2  3  ?e y a tA 3  Ge n Gid 0  e  r a tA Gi [t'otG]  washed It  11 12  k a s 1 [sei]  k a s [zei]  I hollered  3 11 12 k a 0 i d 1 [sei]  k a s i [dzei]  We hollered  4.8.2  A n a l y s i s o f the d- c l a s s i f i e r  c l a s s i f i e rR epcr ae fl li xthat e s tothe testg othe a l ocfl at ihm i ss chapter o f the L is a r to y n ge ex a lmM i neec the h a nm i somr pHhyoppoht o hn e se im s .i c In effects t h i s s oe cf t the i o n it  51  w i l l be s h o w n that the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s c a n a c c o u n t f o r the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the d- c l a s s i f i e r . F o l l o w i n g S h a w ( 1 9 9 1 ) o n T a h l t a n , I a s s u m e the d- c l a s s i f i e r is a feature [stop], w h i c h precedes the v e r b stem a n d f o l l o w s the subject. (28)  d- c l a s s i f i e r  ?ede  s  [sei] [stop]  6  11  12  W h e n the d- c l a s s i f i e r is present, the feature [stop] associates to the v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . T h e o u t p u t is a c o n s o n a n t s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [stop] a n d n o l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n , i.e. a v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stop c o n s o n a n t . (29) ?ede  s  [sei]  11  s  6  11  [dzei]  "*  [ s t o p ]  6  ?ede  [stop]  12  12  T h e d- c l a s s i f i e r a l s o interacts w i t h g l o t t a l stop. F o l l o w i n g S h a w ( 1 9 9 1 ) , I a s s u m e c o n s o n a n t s u n s p e c i f i e d f o r p l a c e features r e c e i v e the p l a c e feature [ c o r o n a l ] as a d e f a u l t o r a l p l a c e s p e c i f i c a t i o n . T h e m a r k e d n e s s a s s u m p t i o n s o f S h a w ' s a n a l y s i s w o u l d be interpreted i n the O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y f r a m e w o r k a d o p t e d here i n t e r m s o f the p l a c e m a r k e d n e s s h i e r a r c h y * L a b i a l , * Dorsal »  *Coronal »  ""Pharyngeal (see S h a w 1991 f o r m o t i v a t i o n o f t h i s f r o m T a h l t a n  consonant harmony). (30) ?ede  s  [?un] [stop]  [lar]  ?ede  s /  | [CG] 6  11  12  [t'ei]  -> [stop]  6  11  12  A  [lar] [pi] | | [CG] [cor]  In the d i s c u s s i o n o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r it w a s s u g g e s t e d that there is a p o s s i b i l i t y that f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] .  In t h i s d i s c u s s i o n it w a s a l s o m e n t i o n e d t h i s w a s  p r o b l e m a t i c f o r the a n a l y s i s o f the d-effect. I f f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] , o n e w o u l d e x p e c t an a s p i r a t e d stop to surface as a r e s u l t o f the d-effect, n o t a v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stop. F o r e x a m p l e :  52  (31)  ?ede  [sei]  s [stop]  6  11  12  *  ?ede  [tsei]  s  /\  [SG]  [stop] [ S G ]  6  11  12  T h i s l a c k o f a s p i r a t i o n o n d e r i v e d stop c o n s o n a n t s supports the h y p o t h e s i s that f r i c a t i v e s are not s p e c i f i e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l feature [ S G ] . T h i s i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m Hypothesis. T h e d- c l a s s i f i e r d o e s n o t interact w i t h the p r e c e d i n g subject m o r p h e m e . I f it d i d , o n e w o u l d e x p e c t the first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r subject m o r p h e m e , [es] t o surface as [edz]. S i m i l a r t o the 1c l a s s i f i e r , the d- c l a s s i f i e r n e v e r surfaces as a n i n d e p e n d e n t segment. R e c a l l that the t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d t h i r d p e r s o n p l u r a l are b o t h m o r p h o l o g i c a l l y u n m a r k e d i n p o s i t i o n 1 1 . T h e hc l a s s i f i e r surfaces as a n i n d e p e n d e n t segment, [h] i n these p o s i t i o n s ; the d- c l a s s i f i e r u n d e r the s a m e c i r c u m s t a n c e s d o e s n o t surface as a n i n d e p e n d e n t segment.  4.8.3  Summary W h e n the d- c l a s s i f i e r , represented as a feature [stop], is present the [stop] feature  c o m b i n e s w i t h the p l a c e features o f the f o l l o w i n g fricative c o n s o n a n t ; the result is a v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stop. T h e d- c l a s s i f i e r a l s o interacts w i t h g l o t t a l stop. T h e result is [ f ] , a c o n s o n a n t w i t h the feature [stop] f r o m the d- c l a s s i f i e r , the feature [ C G ] f r o m the g l o t t a l stop a n d the p l a c e feature [coronal] f r o m the r e a l i z a t i o n o f the least m a r k e d o r a l c a v i t y P l a c e a r t i c u l a t i o n .  4.9  0 - classifier T h e 0 - c l a s s i f i e r n e v e r surfaces as a n o v e r t segment. W h e n the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r is present  stem-initial f r i c a t i v e s are v o i c e l e s s f o l l o w i n g a v o i c e l e s s segment, a n d are v o i c e d f o l l o w i n g a v o i c e d segment ( v o i c i n g a s s i m i l a t i o n ) . T h i s p r o c e s s o f v o i c i n g a s s i m i l a t i o n is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (32). N o t i c e that the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r are u n l i k e the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r . W h e n the 1- c l a s s i f i e r i s present, s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are c o n s i s t e n t l y v o i c e d . In contrast, w h e n the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r is present, f r i c a t i v e s are o n l y v o i c e d f o l l o w i n g v o i c e d segments. S i m i l a r to the h- a n d 1- c l a s s i f i e r , the d-effect o c c u r s i n the first p e r s o n p l u r a l .  53  (32)  V o i c i n g assimilation  morpheme breakdown 3 11 12 da s 0 [tei] 3  11  da s [ i e i ]  I'm holding pi O  da n [lei]  you 're holding pi O  da y a [lei]  he's holding pi O  da Gi [ d l e i ]  we 're holding pi 0  [tei]  d ah [ i e i ]  you 're (pi) holding pi 0  [tei]  da h a y a [ l e i ]  they 're holding pi O  [seh]  de s [seh]  I'm spitting  [seh]  d i n [zeh]  you 're spitting  de [zeh]  he's spitting  de s i [dzeh]  we 're spitting  d ah [seh]  you 're (pi) spitting  ha de [seh]  they 're spitting  n a G [Get]  I'm standing  n a n [Set]  you 're standing  n a [6et]  he's standing  n a Gi [doet]  we 're standing  n ah [Get]  you 're (pi) standing  n a he [Set]  they 're standing  0  [te*]  11 12  da  0  3  [tei]  11  12  da Gid 3  English gloss  12  da n 3  Tahltan example  0  11  [iei]  12  da ah 0 3  7  12  da he 0 8  11 12  8  11 12  de s 0 de n 8  0  11 12  de  0  8  11 12  [seh]  8  11 12  de Gid 0  [seh]  de ah 0 7  8  [seh]  12  he de 0  [seh]  3 11 12 na s 0 3  na n 3  0  [Get]  11 12  na 3  [Get]  11 12  0  [Get]  11  12  n a Gid 0 3  11 12  naah0 3  [Get]  7  [Get] 12  n a he 0  [Get]  In the p e r f e c t i v e , w h e n the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r is present, the first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r subject d e l e t e d . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d in (33).  (33)  P h o n o l o g i c a l effects o f the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r  imperfective  ie ne s [tsis]  I'm folding  perfective  i e n i [tsis]  Ifolded  imperfective  de s [seh]  perfective  d i [zeh]  I'm spitting I spat  4.9.1  A n a l y s i s o f the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r R e c a l l that the g o a l o f t h i s chapter is to e x a m i n e the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the  c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . In t h i s s e c t i o n it w i l l be s h o w n that the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s c a n a c c o u n t f o r the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r . W h e n the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r is present, v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are v o i c e d i n the s e c o n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r , t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d t h i r d p e r s o n p l u r a l . I h y p o t h e s i z e that s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s a c q u i r e the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] f r o m a p r e c e d i n g v o w e l o r n a s a l c o n s o n a n t . T h i s r e q u i r e s the a d d i t i o n a l h y p o t h e s i s that the feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e o n v o w e l s a n d nasals. (34)  Second person singular de  n  8  [voice] 11  0  [seh]  8  [voice] 11  12  I  12  T h i r d person singular de  0  [seh]  I  de  0  [zeh]  [voice]'  [voice] 8 (36)  n  ->  I  (35)  de  11  8  12  11 12  T h i r d person plural he  de  0  [seh]  he  [voice] 8  de [voice]  12  7  8  12  In the f i r s t p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d s e c o n d p e r s o n p l u r a l , v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s d o n o t r e c e i v e a l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] ; thus these f r i c a t i v e s surface as v o i c e l e s s .  55  (37)  (38)  First person singular de  s  0  8  11  12  [seh]  de .  s  0  11  12  de  ah  0  8  11  12  8  [seh]  Second person plural de  ah  0  8  11  12  [seh]  [seh]  ->  4.9.2  Summary T h e m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r c a n be a c c o u n t e d f o r u n d e r the  L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . T h e b e h a v i o r o f the 0 - c l a s s i f i e r r e q u i r e s the a d d i t i o n a l h y p o t h e s i s that the feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e o n v o w e l s a n d nasals.  4.10  Conclusion T h e L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s a c c o u n t s f o r the l a r y n g e a l b e h a v i o r o f  the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the h-, 1-, d- a n d 0 - c l a s s i f i e r s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the h- c l a s s i f i e r a c c o u n t s f o r the h y p o t h e s i s the l a r y n g e a l feature [ S G ] is a c t i v e w i t h i n the p h o n o l o g y . T h e 1- a n d 0 - c l a s s i f i e r s a c c o u n t f o r the h y p o t h e s i s the l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e in the fricative c l a s s . T h e 0 - c l a s s i f i e r requires the a d d i t i o n a l h y p o t h e s i s that the feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e o n v o w e l s a n d nasals.  56  Chapter Five Noun Stem-Initial and Stem-Final Voicing Alternations C o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g is a f a m i l i a r m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s i n A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s ( K a r i 1 9 7 3 , C o o k 1 9 8 4 , H a r g u s 1 9 8 8 , R i c e 1 9 8 8 , 1991 a n d others). W h e n the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g is present, n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s surface as v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s .  1  In  A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s , there i s a l s o a p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g . W h e n the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g is present n o u n s t e m - f i n a l v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s surface as v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s . T h i s chapter w i l l e x a m i n e data from T a h l t a n , w h i c h e x h i b i t s the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g , i n o r d e r to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . T h i s chapter is d i v i d e d i n t o f o u r s e c t i o n s . In s e c t i o n 5.1, the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s i s restated. In s e c t i o n 5.2, the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g is e x e m p l i f i e d a n d a n a n a l y s i s f o r the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g is presented. In s e c t i o n 5.3, t h e p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g is e x e m p l i f i e d a n d a n a n a l y s i s f o r the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g is presented. F i n a l l y , i n s e c t i o n 5.4 c o n c l u d i n g r e m a r k s are m a d e .  5.1  Theoretical Assumptions R e c a l l that the g o a l o f t h i s chapter is t o e x a m i n e the processes o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d  w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g i n o r d e r to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . T h e L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s i s restated i n ( 1 ) . (1)  stop voice SG CG  5.2  L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s ( r e v i s e d f r o m R i c e 1994) b  voiceless aspirated stops  voiceless unaspirated stops  glottalized stops  X  X  X  X  voiceless fricatives  voiced fricatives  glottal stop  h  X  X  X  X X  X  Continuant V o i c i n g T h e p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g is present i n m a n y A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s (e.g. N a v a j o ,  S a r c e e , S l a v e , S e k a n i a n d others). W h e n c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g is present, v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s surface as v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s . T h e p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g d o e s not affect a l l f r i c a t i v e  In Athapaskan languages, the process o f continuant v o i c i n g also affects preposition stem-initial fricatives. A t present, in Tahltan, there are no examples which exhibit the continuant v o i c i n g o f prepositions steminitial fricatives; thus this thesis w i l l focus on the continuant voicing o f noun stem-initial fricatives. 1  57  consonants. Instead, it affects noun stem-initial fricatives, but only when the noun stem is preceded by derivational morphology. The consonants affected by the process of continuant voicing, i.e. the voiceless fricatives, are identified in the Tahltan consonant inventory in (2). The consonants, which surface as a result of continuant voicing, i.e. the voiced fricatives, are also identified in (2). (2)  Consonants Affected by Continuant Voicing labial labial  a. b. c. d. e. f.  lateral  palatal  velar  te te te'  ts ts ts'  ti ti ti'  ts ts ts'  k k k'  e  ,s  i  X  x  w  6  z  s (~9) z (~ y)  Y  Y  w  interdental  t t t'  uvular  laryngeal glottal  b h  o e  h  h  n m voiced stop voiceless unaspirated stop voiceless aspirated stop glottalized stop  h  1  h  h  k k  w  w h  q q q'  ?  X  h  h  w  %•  a. b. c. d.  dorsal labiovelar  coronal alveolar  alveolar  e. voiceless fricative f. voiced fricative , g. sonorant  Notice that the process of continuant voicing does not affect the fricative [h]. First, [h] does not have a voiced counterpart, and secondly, [h] is specified for the feature [SG], and in this analysis the feature [SG] does not co-occur with the feature [voice].  5.2.1  Data When a noun stem is preceded by the possessive morpheme, the process of continuant  voicing is present. In this section, possessed nouns, which exhibit the process of continuant 2  voicing, are presented, but prior to this the Tahltan possessive morphemes are identified. In Tahltan, the possessive morphemes consist of a prefix and the suffix [e]. The 3  possessive morphemes are presented in (3).  In Athapaskan languages, the process of continuant voicing also affects compounds. Unfortunately, at present, in Tahltan, there is only one example, which exhibits continuant voicing in compounds; thus continuant voicing in compounds will not be discussed in this thesis. Example: [tGiyu] hair [tGi] head  2  +[xu] hair. In the possessive construction, the noun stem is not always followed by the possessive suffix [e]. For example, noun stems which end in a vowel are not followed by the possessive suffix. 3  58  (3)  Tahltan possessive morphemes (Hardwick 1984)  possessive prefix  possessive suffix  first person singular  es-  -e  second person singular  enmedahhu-  -e -e -e -e  hu-  -e  third person singular first person plural second person plural third person plural  The first person singular and the first person plural have final consonants, which are voiceless, i.e. [s] and [h] respectively, while the remaining prefixes end in a vowel or a nasal consonant. This is significant because the process o f continuant voicing still occurs even though a voiced segment does not precede the noun stem-initial fricative. In other words, the fact the process o f continuant voicing occurs following a voiceless consonant is evidence that this is not a phonetic process. The process o f continuant voicing is exemplified in (4). In the leftmost column o f (4) are independent noun stems. Notice that the stem-initial fricatives are voiceless. In columns two and three, the noun stem is preceded by a possessive prefix; thus the process o f continuant voicing is present. In column two, the noun stem is preceded by the possessive prefix [es], first person singular. In column three, the noun stem is preceded by the possessive prefix, [me], third person singular. Notice that the process o f continuant voicing is present following the voiceless 4  fricative [s] and following the vowel [e]. (4)  Continuant V o i c i n g  independent noun stem  first  person singular  third person singular  English gloss  smoke scab fish belt spit hook song slave trap packsack thorn  led  es led e  me led e  iu:d iuwe Be:  es lud e es luwe eG 6e:  me lu:d e  se:g  es zeg e  me ze:g e  sei  es zei e  me zei e  cm cina  es yine es yina  me yin e me yina  xei  es yel e  me yel e  xei xos  es yel e es yoz e  me yel e me yoz e  me luwe me 3e:  The process of continuant voicing is present following all possessive prefixes. The first person singular and third person singular are exemplified in (4) in order to show that the process of continuant voicing occurs following voiceless consonants and following voiced segments.  4  59  The process of continuant voicing does not affect a second class of noun stem-initial fricatives. The independent noun stem and the possessed noun both have voiced stem-initial fricatives. This is exemplified in (5). (5)  Stem-initial Voiced Fricatives  independent noun stem  first person singular  third person singular  English gloss  8a0  e0 5a0 e  me 8a0 e  snow  yAnje  es yAnje  me y  geese  A n  J  e  The process of continuant voicing does not affect noun stem-initial stop consonants. When a possessive prefix is added to an independent noun stem, the stem-initial stop consonant does not change. This is exemplified in (6). (6)  Noun Stem-initial Stop Consonants  i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem  first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r  third person singular  be:s  es be:z e  me be:z e  bede  es bede  me bede  dih  es d i h e  me d i h e  decin  es d e c i n e  me d e c i n e  dlune  es dlune  me dlune  d6iya  es d f i i y a ' e  me d d i y a ' e  gah  es gah e  me gah e  gaw  es g a w e  me g a w e  tene  es tene  m e tene  tu:nade01in  es tu:enadeGlin  m e tu:enade01in  t9e:  e0 t0e:  me t0e:  tsic  es tsic  me tsic.  ca:k'odle  es c a : k ' o d l e  ke:  es k e ?  me k e ?  ku:g  es ku:g e  me ku:g e  t'iyA  es t'iyA  me t'iyA  t'o:g  es t'o:g e  me t'o:g e  t0'alu:d5e  e0 t 0 ' a l u : d d e  tG'art  es t O ' a t i  me t 0 ' a t i  k'ug  es k ' u g e  me k ' u g e  5.2.2  English gloss  knife food grouse stick mouse necklace rabbit drum road waterfall rock nose rain bucket shoe/foot trunk hook wart eyebrows moss/diapers paper  Analysis In this section, previous analysis of continuant voicing will be presented, followed by the  present analysis of continuant voicing. The process of continuant voicing has been analyzed as a process of continuant devoicing (Kari 1973, Cook 1984). For Navajo, Kari (1973) hypothesizes that stem-initial fricatives are underlyingly specified for the laryngeal feature [voice]. To account for voiceless stem-initial  60  f r i c a t i v e s i n w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n , K a r i ( 1 9 7 3 ) a s s u m e s n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s l o s e the s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] w h e n i n w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . C o o k ( 1 9 8 4 ) h y p o t h e s i z e s t h e same f o r t h e A t h a p a s k a n language Sarcee. R i c e ( 1 9 8 8 , 1 9 8 9 , a n d 1991) disagrees w i t h K a r i ( 1 9 7 3 ) a n d C o o k ( 1 9 8 4 ) . R i c e ( 1 9 8 8 , 1 9 8 9 , a n d 1991) p r o v i d e s strong e v i d e n c e i n f a v o r o f the c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s . F i r s t , a d e v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s does not a c c o u n t f o r i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stems w i t h v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s , i.e. the data i n ( 5 ) , restated i n (7). (7)  Stem-Initial V o i c e d F r i c a t i v e s  independent n o u n stem  first person singular  3a0  e0 3a0 e  yAnje  es  Y  A  n  J  e  third person singular  me 3 a 0 e m  e  Y  A  n  J  e  E n g l i s h gloss  snow geese  S e c o n d , w h e n a n o u n stem i s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the v e r b c o m p l e x , n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are v o i c e l e s s . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n the f o l l o w i n g e x a m p l e . R i c e a n a l y z e s data f r o m S l a v e . H o w e v e r , the f o l l o w i n g e x a m p l e is f r o m T a h l t a n s h o w s that this same g e n e r a l i z a t i o n h o l d s i n T a h l t a n as w e l l . (8)  Incorporated N o u n S t e m  independent n o u n stem  E n g l i s h gloss  i n c o r p o r a t e d n o u n stem  English gloss  xa  hair  me[xa]?esits  I combed O (a dog)  T h e e x a m p l e is ( x ) is p r o b l e m a t i c f o r the d e v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s . R e c a l l that K a r i ( 1 9 7 3 ) a n d C o o k ( 1 9 8 4 ) h y p o t h e s i z e that stem-initial f r i c a t i v e s are u n d e r l y i n g l y s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ v o i c e ] , a n d that t h e y loss the s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] i n w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . In (8), t h e n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e is v o i c e l e s s , h o w e v e r the n o u n stem-initial f r i c a t i v e is not i n w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . T o a c c o u n t f o r the process o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , R i c e ( 1 9 8 8 , 1 9 8 9 , a n d 1 9 9 1 ) h y p o t h e s i z e s that stem-initial f r i c a t i v e s are u n m a r k e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] . R i c e ( 1 9 8 8 , 1989 a n d 1 9 9 1 ) h y p o t h e s i z e s that a l i n k i n g m o r p h e m e , w h i c h c o n s i s t s o f the feature [ v o i c e ] , i s inserted w h e n a n o u n stem i s p r e c e d e d b y a s p e c i f i c set o f  s m o r p h e m e s , s u c h as  the p o s s e s s i v e m o r p h e m e . R i c e ( 1 9 8 8 , 1989 a n d 1991) a s s u m e s that the l i n k i n g m o r p h e m e , w h i c h consists o f the feature [ v o i c e ] , associates t o n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s , r e s u l t i n g i n a v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (9).  61  (9)  C o n t i n u a n t V o i c i n g ( R i c e 1 9 8 8 , 1989 a n d 1991) i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem  led  possessed noun stem  es  led  e  I  [voice] R e c a l l that there are n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s , w h i c h are v o i c e d i n the i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem a n d i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n (see (5) o r (7)).  R i c e ( 1 9 8 9 ) h y p o t h e s i z e s that these  f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d u n d e r l y i n g l y f o r the feature [ v o i c e ] . A s a result, they d o n o t participate i n the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (10). (10)  F r i c a t i v e s U n d e r l y i n g l y S p e c i f i e d f o r the F e a t u r e [ v o i c e ] independent noun stem  6a0  possessed noun  es  6a9  I  I  [voice]  [voice]  e  R e c a l l that the g o a l o f t h i s chapter w a s to e x a m i n e the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g in o r d e r to test the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . T h e c o n t i n u a n t d e v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s p r o p o s e d b y K a r i ( 1 9 7 3 ) a n d C o o k ( 1 9 8 4 ) , a n d the c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s p r o p o s e d b y R i c e ( 1 9 8 8 , 1989 a n d 1991) b o t h s u p p o r t the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s .  In  o t h e r w o r d s , b o t h a n a l y s e s support the h y p o t h e s i s that the l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e w i t h i n the f r i c a t i v e c l a s s . A s w e w i l l see, the present a n a l y s i s a l s o s u p p o r t s the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the present a n a l y s i s , l i k e the p r e v i o u s a n a l y s i s , supports the c l a i m that the feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e w i t h i n the fricative class. F o l l o w i n g R i c e ( 1 9 8 8 , 1989 a n d 1 9 9 1 ) , I a s s u m e t h i s is a p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , not a p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t d e v o i c i n g as K a r i ( 1 9 7 3 ) a n d C o o k ( 1 9 8 4 ) h a v e h y p o t h e s i z e d . A l s o f o l l o w i n g R i c e ( 1 9 8 8 , 1989 a n d 1991), I h y p o t h e s i z e s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are u n s p e c i f i e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] . U n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s f r i c a t i v e s u n s p e c i f i e d f o r l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n are v o i c e l e s s . T o a c c o u n t f o r the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , i.e. to a c c o u n t f o r the fact n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s are v o i c e d i n the p o s s e s s i v e construction, I assume noun stem-initial fricatives receive a laryngeal specification [voice] f r o m a " s t e m j o i n e r " o r " l i n k i n g m o r p h e m e " , w h i c h c o n s i s t s o f the feature [ v o i c e ] . I h y p o t h e s i z e that the stem j o i n e r [ v o i c e ] is present i n c e r t a i n n o m i n a l d e r i v a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s , s u c h as the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n . W h e n the s t e m j o i n e r [ v o i c e ] is present, it associates to the n o u n stemi n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (11).  62  (11)  Continuant voicing i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem  kd  possessed noun  es  led  e  I [voice] T o a c c o u n t f o r the non-alternating f r i c a t i v e s , i.e. s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s , w h i c h are v o i c e d i n the i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem a n d i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n , I a s s u m e , f o l l o w i n g R i c e ( 1 9 8 9 ) , t h i s c l a s s o f f r i c a t i v e s are s p e c i f i e d u n d e r l y i n g l y f o r the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n (12). (12)  F r i c a t i v e s U n d e r l y i n g l y S p e c i f i e d f o r the Feature [ v o i c e ] i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem 6a6  I  [voice]  5.2.3  possessed noun ES  6a9  e  I  [voice]  Summary In t h i s s e c t i o n , the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g has been e x a m i n e d .  E x a m i n a t i o n o f t h i s p r o c e s s has s h o w n that the l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e w i t h i n the f r i c a t i v e c l a s s . T h i s supports the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s .  5.3  Word-Final Devoicing T h e p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g is present i n s o m e A t h a p a s k a n l a n g u a g e s (e.g.  K o y u k o n ) . T h e p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g affects n o u n s t e m - f i n a l f r i c a t i v e s . W h e n the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g is present, v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s surface as v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s . T h e c o n s o n a n t s a f f e c t e d b y the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g , i.e. the v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s , are i d e n t i f i e d i n the T a h l t a n c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y i n (13). T h e c o n s o n a n t s , w h i c h surface as a result o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g , i.e. the v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s , are a l s o i d e n t i f i e d i n the c o n s o n a n t i n v e n t o r y i n (13).  63  (13)  Consonants Affected by Word-final Devoicing labial labial  coronal alveolar  lateral  palatal  velar  t9'  ts ts ts'  ti ti* ti'  ts ts ts'  k k k'  e.  9  s  i  s  f.  6  z  1  z (~  a. b. c. d.  alveolar  interdental  t  te  t f  t9  uvular  laryngeal glottal  b h  h  h  ?  k '  q q q'  X  x  w  X  h  Y  Y  w  K  h  h  1  n m ga. voiced stop b. voiceless unaspirated stop c. voiceless aspirated stop d. glottalized stop  5.3.1  dorsal labiovelar  (~9)  y)  k k  w  w h w  h  w e. voiceless fricative f. voiced fricative g. sonorant  Data The process of word-final devoicing is exemplified in (14). Recall that the possessive  morpheme consists of a prefix and the possessive suffix, [e]. When a noun stem is followed by the possessive suffix, [e], stem-final fricatives are voiced. When a noun stem is independent, stem-final fricatives are voiceless. It is crucial to note that the stem-final fricatives in the possessive construction are not word-final. In comparison, the stem-final fricatives in the independent noun stem are word-final. (14)  Word-final Devoicing  independent noun stem first person singular mi:i es mid e ke:ti'ui es ke.-ti'ul e ti'ui es ti'ul e be:s es be:z e tiic es tiey e  third person singular me mil e me ke:ti'ul e me ti'ul e me be:z e me tiey e  English gloss snare shoelaces rope knife grease  There is a second class of fricatives, which are not affected by the process of word-final devoicing. The independent noun stem and the possessed noun, both have voiceless stem-final fricatives. This is exemplified in (15).  64  (15)  Stem-final V o i c e l e s s Fricatives  i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem  teG tAs  first  person singular  eG teG e es tAs e  ts'as  ests'ase  sei  es s e i e  kux  es k u x e  dus  es dus e  ge0 t'es 5.3.2  eG ge9 e es t'es e  E n g l i s h gloss  cane arrow set line gaf rice cat king salmon charcoal  Analysis In this s e c t i o n , p r e v i o u s a n a l y s i s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g w i l l be p r e s e n t e d , f o l l o w e d b y  the present a n a l y s i s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g . In the T a h l t a n literature, the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g has b e e n d e s c r i b e d as a p r o c e s s o f v o i c i n g ( N a t e r 1989). U n d e r the v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s , stem-final f r i c a t i v e s , w h i c h are v o i c e l e s s i n the i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem b e c o m e v o i c e d i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n .  However  there is d a t a w i t h non-alternating f r i c a t i v e s (see (15)), i.e. the d a t a w i t h stem-final v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s , w h i c h are v o i c e l e s s i n the i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem a n d i n the p o s s e s s e d n o u n .  These  f o r m s are p r o b l e m a t i c f o r the v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s . I n other w o r d s , the v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s c a n n o t a c c o u n t f o r the fact f r i c a t i v e s r e m a i n v o i c e l e s s i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n . T h u s I a s s u m e the devoicing hypothesis. S i m i l a r to s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s , I h y p o t h e s i z e that the stem-final f r i c a t i v e s i n f o r m s l i k e those i n (15) are u n s p e c i f i e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] . R e c a l l that u n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s , f r i c a t i v e s u n s p e c i f i e d f o r l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n are v o i c e l e s s . T h i s therefore represents the u n m a r k e d case. R e c a l l that there w e r e a select g r o u p o f s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s , w h i c h w e r e u n d e r l y i n g l y s p e c i f i e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] . I h y p o t h e s i z e that, s i m i l a r to s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s , a select g r o u p o f stem-final f r i c a t i v e s represented b y the data i n (14) are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ v o i c e ] . I h y p o t h e s i z e that this c l a s s o f f r i c a t i v e s p a r t i c i p a t e in the p r o c e s s o f w o r d final d e v o i c i n g . In other w o r d s , stem-final f r i c a t i v e s , w h i c h are u n d e r l y i n g l y u n s p e c i f i e d f o r the l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] , lose the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n . T h i s i s e x e m p l i f i e d i n (16). N o t i c e that i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n , the stem-final f r i c a t i v e is not w o r d - f i n a l ; thus the l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n [ v o i c e ] is not lost. I n the n o u n s t e m , the stem-final f r i c a t i v e is w o r d - f i n a l ; thus the l a r y n g e a l [ v o i c e ] is lost.  65  (16)  Word-final Devoicing possessed noun  es  mil  i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem  e  mii  I  [voice]  5.3.3  Stem-Final Stop Consonants In the T a h l t a n literature, n o u n stem-final stop c o n s o n a n t s are d e s c r i b e d as v o i c e l e s s w h e n  w o r d - f i n a l a n d v o i c e d w h e n f o l l o w e d b y the p o s s e s s i v e s u f f i x [e] ( H a r d w i c k 1 9 8 4 ; N a t e r 1989). R e c a l l that N a t e r ( 1 9 8 9 ) h y p o t h e s i z e s that stem-final f r i c a t i v e s p a r t i c i p a t e i n a p r o c e s s o f v o i c i n g , not a p r o c e s s o f d e v o i c i n g . N a t e r ( 1 9 8 9 ) h y p o t h e s i z e s that, i n a d d i t i o n t o f r i c a t i v e c o n s o n a n t s , stop c o n s o n a n t s p a r t i c i p a t e the p r o c e s s o f v o i c i n g , i.e. stem-final stops, w h i c h are v o i c e l e s s i n the i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem b e c o m e v o i c e d i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n . A s p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d , I a s s u m e a d e v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s , not a v o i c i n g h y p o t h e s i s . S e c o n d , I h y p o t h e s i z e that stem-final stop c o n s o n a n t s d o not participate i n the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g . In other w o r d s , I h y p o t h e s i z e that stem-final stop c o n s o n a n t s are p h o n o l o g i c a l l y v o i c e l e s s i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n a n d i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n . Instead, I h y p o t h e s i z e that stem-final stops are p h o n e t i c a l l y , not p h o n o l o g i c a l l y , v o i c e d i n stem-final p o s i t i o n o f the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n . (17)  Stem-Final Stop Consonants  i n d e p e n d e n t n o u n stem  first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r  E n g l i s h gloss  dustenret  es d u s t e n r e d e  ca:kina?it  es ca:kina?id e  cire:t  es c i r e : d e  tG'Axdake:t  e0 t0'Axdake:d e  tG'ati  e0 tO'adl e  kek'ite  es k e k ' i d d e  d e 9 d l i n tsets  es deOdlin tsedz e  t'o:k  es t'o:g e  tG'ik  e0 tG'ig e  k'uk  es kug e  bottle rain jacket pillow pipe moss/diaper box green wood wart tobacco trunk  S t o p s i n stem-final p o s i t i o n i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n surface i n i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t o n s a n d , as w a s seen i n chapter t w o are subject t o a p h o n e t i c p r o c e s s o f p a r t i a l v o i c i n g .  66  5.3.4  Summary In t h i s s e c t i o n , the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g has been e x a m i n e d . E x a m i n a t i o n o f  t h i s p r o c e s s has s h o w n that the l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e w i t h i n the f r i c a t i v e c l a s s . T h i s supports the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s .  5.4  Conclusion T w o processes h a v e been e x a m i n e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r , c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d w o r d - f i n a l  d e v o i c i n g . W h e n the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g is present, n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s surface as v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s . W h e n the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g is present, n o u n s t e m - f i n a l v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s surface as v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s . E x a m i n a t i o n o f b o t h processes s u p p o r t s the c l a i m s o f the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the processes s u p p o r t the h y p o t h e s i s that the l a r y n g e a l feature [ v o i c e ] is p h o n o l o g i c a l l y a c t i v e w i t h i n the f r i c a t i v e c l a s s .  67  Chapter Six Morphophonemic Processes in Optimality Theory Thus far, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes (chapter four), the morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing and the process of word-final devoicing (chapter five) have been examined. In this chapter, these processes will be accounted for in Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993). This chapter is divided into five sections. In section 6.1, the theoretical assumptions are discussed. In section 6.2, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes, the process of continuant voicing and the process word-final devoicing are summarized. In section 6.3, the constraints and constraint ranking are presented. In section 6.4, the morphophonemic processes are accounted for using Optimality Theory. Finally, in section 6.5 concluding remarks are made.  6.1  Theoretical Assumptions Recall that this thesis assumes the laryngeal specification of the Laryngeal Mechanism  Hypothesis. The Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis is restated in (1). (1)  stop voice SG  Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994) b  voiceless aspirated stops  voiceless unaspirated stops  glottalized stops  X  X  X  X  voiceless fricatives  voiced fricatives  glottal stop  h  X  X  X  X  CG  X  X  In this thesis I assume, following Clements (1985) and Sagey (1986), phonological representations are hierarchically structured. In (2), the hierarchical representations under the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis are laid out. Note that all segments with oral/pharyngeal cavity constriction are also assumed to have Place specification (Labial, Coronal, Dorsal, Pharyngeal); as the present focus is the laryngeal specification of the major classes, Place is not included in these diagrams.  68  (2)  Dual Mechanism Hypothesis Structural Representations Voiceless unaspirated stop  [b]  I  Root  /  \  [stop]  Laryngeal  Root / \ [stop] Laryngeal  I  [voice] Voiceless aspirated stop Root  /  Glottalized stop Root  \  [stop]  / Laryngeal  \  [stop]  Laryngeal  I  [CG]  [SG] Voiceless fricatives Root  Voiced fricatives Root  I  Laryngeal  I  [voice] Glottal stop  [h]  I  I  Root  Root  6.2  I  I  Laryngeal  Laryngeal  I  I  [CG]  [SG]  Summary of Morphophonemic Processes In this section, the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes, the process of  continuant voicing and the process word-final devoicing are summarized. The morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes are summarized in (3). Recall that there are four classifier prefixes: h-, 1-, d- and 0 - . The classifier prefixes immediately precede the verb stem and follow the subject prefixes.  69  (3)  1-  S u m m a r y o f the M o r p h o p h o n e m i c E f f e c t s o f the C l a s s i f i e r P r e f i x e s analysis  target  output  - f l o a t i n g feature  - verb stem-initial fricatives  - voiced fricatives  - verb stem-initial fricatives  - v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops  - verb stem-initial glottal  - g l o t t a l i z e d c o r o n a l stop [ f ]  [voice] d-  - f l o a t i n g feature [stop]  stop h-  - a f l o a t i n g feature [SG]  - second person singular subject m o r p h e m e [n]  -fo] - i n the t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r a n d p l u r a l the h- c l a s s i f i e r surfaces as a n i n d e p e n d e n t s e g m e n t [h]  0-  - voicing assimilation;  - verb stem-initial fricatives  - voiced fricatives  the feature [ v o i c e ] spreads f r o m a subject morpheme  In (4), the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g are s u m m a r i z e d . (4)  Summary o f Continuant V o i c i n g and Word-final D e v o i c i n g  process  analysis  target  output  continuant  - a f l o a t i n g feature [ v o i c e ] is a  - n o u n stem-initial fricatives  - voiced  voicing  stem j o i n e r  word-final  - a p a r s e d feature [ v o i c e ]  - n o u n stem-final fricatives  - voiceless  delinks  in word-final position  devoicing  6.3  fricative fricative  Constraints and Constraint R a n k i n g O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y ( M c C a r t h y a n d P r i n c e 1993) is a n o n - d e r i v a t i o n a l t h e o r y .  Within  O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y a set o f c a n d i d a t e s are e v a l u a t e d a c c o r d i n g to series o f r a n k e d a n d v i o l a b l e c o n s t r a i n t s . T h e o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e , i.e. the o u t p u t f o r m , is the c a n d i d a t e , w h i c h best satisfies o r m i n i m a l l y v i o l a t e s the g r a m m a r ' s c o n s t r a i n t h i e r a r c h y . In t h i s a n a l y s i s o f T a h l t a n , the f o l l o w i n g c o n s t r a i n t s are c r u c i a l : Grounded Conditions: G r o u n d e d c o n d i t i o n s ( A r c h a n g e l i a n d P u l l e y b l a n k 1994) r e q u i r e that c e r t a i n features coo c c u r a n d that others d o not. T h e G r o u n d e d C o n d i t i o n s h y p o t h e s i s states that feature c o o c c u r r e n c e i n v o k e d i n natural l a n g u a g e m u s t be p h o n e t i c a l l y m o t i v a t e d . A c c o r d i n g to the G r o u n d e d C o n d i t i o n s h y p o t h e s i s , feature c o - o c c u r r e n c e w h i c h is not p h o n e t i c a l l y m o t i v a t e d m a y n o t be i n v o k e d i n natural l a n g u a g e . In t h i s a n a l y s i s o f T a h l t a n , the G r o u n d e d C o n d i t i o n s , w h i c h are c r u c i a l , f o l l o w f r o m the s e c o n d c l a i m . T h e c r u c i a l G r o u n d e d C o n d i t i o n s are as f o l l o w s :  70  * [ C G ] / [ V O I C E ] : A segment s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ C G ] c a n n o t be s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [voice].  U n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s , g l o t t a l stop a n d g l o t t a l i z e d stop are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ C G ] .  D u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n o f g l o t t a l stop a n d g l o t t a l i z e d stops the  v o c a l f o l d s are pressed together t i g h t l y . S i m i l a r l y , d u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n o f a v o i c e d stop the v o c a l f o l d s are b r o u g h t together. U n l i k e g l o t t a l stop a n d g l o t t a l i z e d stops, d u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n o f a v o i c e d c o n s o n a n t s , the v o c a l f o l d s are not b r o u g h t together t i g h t l y ; instead t h e y are b r o u g h t together l o o s e l y , so that air is able to pass b e t w e e n t h e m . V o c a l f o l d s c a n n o t s i m u l t a n e o u s l y be i n the p o s i t i o n f o r g l o t t a l stop/glottalized stops a n d v o i c e d s o u n d s , i.e. there is n o g l o t t a l stop o r g l o t t a l i z e d stop, w h i c h ise v o i c e d ( L a d e f o g e d a n d M a d d i e s o n 1996). T h i s fact is e x p r e s s e d p h o n o l o g i c a l l y w i t h the g r o u n d e d c o n d i t i o n * [ C G ] / [ v o i c e ] .  * [ S G ] / [ V O I C E ] : A feature s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] c a n n o t be s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [voice].  T h e c o n s o n a n t [h] a n d aspirated stops are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] .  D u r i n g the  p r o d u c t i o n o f [h] a n d aspirated stops the v o c a l f o l d s are p u l l e d apart, a l l o w i n g a i r to pass t h r o u g h the g l o t t i s . In c o m p a r i s o n , d u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n o f a v o i c e d segment the v o c a l f o l d s are b r o u g h t together l o o s e l y . V o c a l f o l d s , w h i c h are s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n the p o s i t i o n f o r [h]/ aspirated stops a n d v o i c e d c o n s o n a n t s are not p o s s i b l e . T h i s fact is e x p r e s s e d p h o n o l o g i c a l l y w i t h the g r o u n d e d condition *[SG]/[voice].  * [ S T O P ] / [ D O R S A L ] / [ V O I C E ] : A segment c a n n o t be s p e c i f i e d f o r the features [stop], [dorsal] and [voice].  * [ S T O P ] / [ C O R O N A L ] / [ V O I C E ] : A segment c a n n o t be s p e c i f i e d f o r the features [stop], [ c o r o n a l ] and [voice].  * [ S T O P ] / [ L A B I A L ] / [ V O I C E ] : A segment c a n n o t be s p e c i f i e d f o r the features [stop], [labial] a n d [voice].  71  T h e s e three g r o u n d e d c o n d i t i o n s f o l l o w f r o m p h o n e t i c e v i d e n c e presented i n chapter t w o . R e c a l l that the b i l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t [b] w a s v o i c e d i n a l l the w o r d - i n t e r n a l e n v i r o n m e n t s i n v e s t i g a t e d : post-sibilant a n d p r e c e d i n g a v o w e l , post-nasal a n d p r e c e d i n g a v o w e l , a n d i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y . In c o m p a r i s o n , [d] a n d [g] w e r e v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d i n p o s t - s i b i l a n t p o s i t i o n . O n l y w h e n s u r r o u n d e d b y v o i c e d segments w e r e [d] a n d [g] f u l l y v o i c e d o r p a r t i a l l y v o i c e d . R e c a l l that these a c o u s t i c results w e r e not s u r p r i s i n g . C o m p a r e d to [d] a n d [g], [b] is the easiest stop c o n s o n a n t to v o i c e . D u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n o f [b] there is a large space a b o v e the g l o t t i s . F o r a r e l a t i v e l y l o n g p e r i o d o f t i m e a i r c a n f l o w f r o m the l u n g s , t h r o u g h the g l o t t i s a n d i n t o t h i s r e l a t i v e l y large space. A s l o n g as the a i r is f l o w i n g the v o c a l f o l d s are kept v i b r a t i n g . U n l i k e [b], the space a b o v e the g l o t t i s d u r i n g the p r o d u c t i o n o f [d] a n d [g] is quite s m a l l . B e c a u s e the c a v i t y is so s m a l l , v o i c i n g c a n o n l y be m a i n t a i n e d f o r a short p e r i o d o f t i m e ( O h a l a a n d R i o d a n 1 9 7 9 ; K i n g s t o n 1996). T h e s e p h o n e t i c facts are e x p r e s s e d p h o n o l o g i c a l l y w i t h the f o l l o w i n g g r o u n d e d c o n d i t i o n s : *[stop]/[dorsal]/[voice],  *[stop]/[coronal]/[voice] a n d *[stop]/[labial]/[voice].  In  a d d i t i o n to these c o n s t r a i n t s , the f o l l o w i n g c o n s t r a i n t h i e r a r c h y f o l l o w s f r o m these p h o n e t i c f a c t s : (5)  Constraint Hierarchy *[stop]/[dorsal]/[voice] »  *[stop]/[coronal]/[voice] »  *[stop]/[labial]/[voice]  T h i s constraint h i e r a r c h y is consistent w i t h the p h o n e t i c fact that d o r s a l stops are the least l i k e l y to be v o i c e d , w h i l e l a b i a l stops are the m o s t l i k e l y to be v o i c e d .  Faithfulness Constraints: F a i t h f u l n e s s c o n s t r a i n t s r e q u i r e i d e n t i t y b e t w e e n a n i n p u t f o r m a n d a n output f o r m . In t h i s a n a l y s i s , the f o l l o w i n g F a i t h f u l n e s s c o n s t r a i n t s are c r u c i a l :  M A X I O : A n y s e g m e n t i n the i n p u t m u s t h a v e a c o r r e s p o n d e n t i n the output.  T h i s M a x c o n s t r a i n t prevents the d e l e t i o n o f a n y s e g m e n t , e n s u r i n g that the o u t p u t is as f a i t h f u l as p o s s i b l e to the i n p u t .  M A X I O P A T H : A n y p a t h b e t w e e n a s e g m e n t a n d a n y feature i n the i n p u t m u s t h a v e a c o r r e s p o n d e n t path i n the output.  D E P I O P A T H : A n y path b e t w e e n a s e g m e n t a n d a n y feature i n the o u t p u t m u s t h a v e a c o r r e s p o n d e n t path i n the input.  72  T h e s e M a x a n d D e p c o n s t r a i n t s prevent the d e l e t i o n ( M a x ) o r i n s e r t i o n ( D e p ) o f l i n k s to a n y features, e n s u r i n g that the output is as f a i t h f u l as p o s s i b l e to the i n p u t .  A l i g n m e n t Constraints: In t h i s a n a l y s i s o f T a h l t a n , F e a t u r a l A l i g n m e n t c o n s t r a i n t s ( A k i n l a b i 1996) are c r u c i a l . F e a t u r a l A l i g n m e n t c o n s t r a i n t s r e q u i r e that the edge o f a g r a m m a t i c a l c a t e g o r y be a l i g n e d w i t h a n edge o f a p r o s o d i c feature. T h e F e a t u r a l A l i g n m e n t c o n s t r a i n t s r e q u i r e d i n t h i s a n a l y s i s are as follows:  A L I G N ( [ V O I C E ] , L E F T , V E R B S T E M , L E F T ) : A l i g n the left edge o f the feature [ v o i c e ] w i t h the left edge o f the s t e m .  R e c a l l that i n t h i s thesis, the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is a n a l y z e d as a f l o a t i n g feature [ v o i c e ] , w h i c h associates to v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s a n d g l o t t a l stop. T h i s A l i g n m e n t c o n s t r a i n t ensures that w h e n the feature [ v o i c e ] , i.e. the 1- c l a s s i f i e r , is p a r s e d , it a l i g n s o n l y w i t h the left edge o f the v e r b s t e m , i.e. the s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t .  A L I G N ( [ S T O P ] F E A T U R E , L E F T , V E R B S T E M , L E F T ) : A l i g n the left edge o f the feature [stop] w i t h the left edge o f the stem.  R e c a l l that i n this thesis, the d- c l a s s i f i e r is a n a l y z e d as a f l o a t i n g feature [stop], w h i c h associates to v e r b stem-initial f r i c a t i v e s a n d g l o t t a l stop. T h i s A l i g n m e n t c o n s t r a i n t ensures that w h e n the feature [stop], i.e. the d- c l a s s i f i e r , is p a r s e d , it a l i g n s o n l y w i t h the left e d g e o f the v e r b s t e m , i.e. the s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t .  A L I G N ( [ S G ] , R I G H T , V E R B S T E M , L E F T ) : A l i g n the r i g h t edge o f the feature [ S G ] w i t h the left edge o f the stem.  R e c a l l that i n t h i s thesis, the h- c l a s s i f i e r is a n a l y z e d as a f l o a t i n g feature [ S G ] .  U n l i k e the 1-, d-  a n d 0 - , w h i c h affect v e r b stem-initial c o n s o n a n t s , the h- c l a s s i f i e r affects the p r e c e d i n g subject m o r p h e m e , a n d d o e s not affect v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t s . T h i s a l i g n m e n t c o n s t r a i n t ensures that w h e n the feature [ S G ] , i.e. h- c l a s s i f i e r , is p a r s e d , the right edge o f the feature [ S G ] is a l i g n e d  73  w i t h the left edge o f the v e r b stem. In o t h e r w o r d s , the h- c l a s s i f i e r is a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the subject m o r p h e m e , w h i c h precedes the v e r b s t e m , not w i t h the verb-stem i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t .  A L I G N ( [ V O I C E ] , L E F T , N O U N S T E M , L E F T ) : A l i g n the left edge o f the feature [ v o i c e ] w i t h the left edge o f the stem.  R e c a l l that i n t h i s thesis, t o a c c o u n t f o r the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , I a s s u m e a stem j o i n e r , w h i c h c o n s i s t s o f the feature [ v o i c e ] , associates t o n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . T h i s a l i g n m e n t c o n s t r a i n t ensures that w h e n the feature [ v o i c e ] , i.e. s t e m j o i n e r , is p a r s e d , it a l i g n s o n l y w i t h the left edge o f the n o u n s t e m , i.e. the n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t .  P A R S E [ V O I C E ] : T h e feature [ v o i c e ] m u s t associate t o a segment.  P A R S E [ S T O P ] : T h e feature [stop] m u s t associate t o a segment.  P A R S E [ S G ] : T h e feature [ S G ] m u s t associate t o a segment.  T h e Parse constraints ensure that w h e n the features [ v o i c e ] , [stop] a n d [ S G ] are present, they l i n k to a segment.  S y l l a b l e Structure C o n s t r i a n t : *  [-Sonorant]  I [ L a r y n g e a l l j j : A segment at the r i g h t edge o f a s y l l a b l e c a n n o t b e s p e c i f i e d f o r the features [-sonorant] a n d [ v o i c e ] . A b b r e v i a t i o n : *[-s] [v] R e c a l l that f r i c a t i v e s a n d stops are v o i c e l e s s i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n . T h i s c o n s t r a i n t ensures that f r i c a t i v e a n d stop c o n s o n a n t s are n o t s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ v o i c e ] i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n . In t h i s a n a l y s i s o f T a h l t a n , it i s c r u c i a l that the c o n s t r a i n t s ( i d e n t i f i e d a b o v e ) are r a n k e d as f o l l o w s :  1  1  These constraint rankings will be motivated in the following section.  74  (6)  Constraint R a n k i n g  * [CG]/[voice] : * [SG]/[voice] : * complex ! ! coda/onset  * [-son]  1 [larla  Align ([voice], j Align ([SG], left, verb stem, • right, verb left) ; stem, left)  6.4  | Parse | [stop]  : * [stop]/ : [voice]/ j [dorsal]  : Max : Align ([stop], *[stop]/ [voice]/ i IO i left, verb [coronal] : : stem, left)  Max IO ; Parse Path ; [voice]  ; Parse j [SG]  Dep IO Path  ; *[stop]/ 1 [voice]/ i [labial]  M o r p h o p h o n e m i c Processes in O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y T h i s s e c t i o n is d i v i d e d i n f i v e parts. I n s e c t i o n s 6.4.1 t h r o u g h 6 . 4 . 3 , the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c  effects o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s are a c c o u n t e d f o r u s i n g O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y . I n s e c t i o n 6.4.4 a n d 6.4.5 r e s p e c t i v e l y , the processes o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g are a c c o u n t e d f o r using Optimality Theory.  6.4.1  1-classifier In t h i s thesis, the 1- c l a s s i f i e r is a n a l y z e d as a f l o a t i n g feature [ v o i c e ] , w h i c h associates t o  v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . T o a c c o u n t f o r the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c effects o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y the f o l l o w i n g c o n s t r a i n t s a n d c o n s t r a i n t r a n k i n g are c r u c i a l : A L I G N ([VOICE], LEFT,  PARSE  V E R B STEM, LEFT);  [VOICE]  »  DEP IO PATH  T a b l e a u ( 1 ) demonstrates h o w these c o n s t r a i n t s a c c o u n t f o r the m o r p h o p h o n m i c effects o f the 1classifier. Tableau (1)  M o r p h o p h o n e m i c s o f the 1- c l a s s i f i e r i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y  kasfzei] I hollered ka s [sei]  [v] a. ka s [^ei]  align (verb stem, left, [voice], left)  Parse [voice]  2  Dep IO Path  **!  [v] b. ka s [sei]  *!  [v]  c. ka s [sei] [v/  **  *!  d. ka s [zei] —>  2  * t  In all tableaux, only the verb stem, which is presented in square brackets, i.e. [], is underlyingly specified  for feature specification.  75  In c a n d i d a t e (a), the feature [ v o i c e ] is p a r s e d t o the v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e , [z] a n d t o the v e r b stem-internal v o w e l , [e]; thus D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d t w i c e . In c a n d i d a t e ( b ) , the feature [ v o i c e ] is n o t p a r s e d ; thus the P a r s e [ v o i c e ] c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d a n d t h i s c a n d i d a t e is e l i m i n a t e d . In c a n d i d a t e ( c ) , the feature [ v o i c e ] i s p a r s e d t o the v e r b stem-internal v o w e l , [e]; thus D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d o n c e . T h e A l i g n ( [ v o i c e ] , left, v e r b s t e m , left) c o n s t r a i n t i s a l s o v i o l a t e d b y c a n d i d a t e ( c ) because the feature [ v o i c e ] is a l i g n e d w i t h the left edge o f the v e r b stem-internal v o w e l , [e], not w i t h the v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t . In the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e ( d ) , the feature [ v o i c e ] is a l i g n e d w i t h the verb-stem i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e ; thus D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d o n c e . T h e o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e satisfies a l l other c o n s t r a i n t s . C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e ( b ) w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s that it is c r u c i a l t o r a n k D e p I O P a t h b e l o w P a r s e [ v o i c e ] .  6.4.2  d- c l a s s i f i e r In t h i s t h e s i s , the d- c l a s s i f i e r is a n a l y z e d as a f l o a t i n g feature [stop], w h i c h associates t o  v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . R e c a l l that t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n is r e f e r r e d t o as the d-effect i n t h e A t h a p a s k a n literature. T h e c o n s o n a n t s , w h i c h s u r f a c e , as a result o f the d-effect are v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops. In o r d e r to a c c o u n t f o r the d-effect i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y the f o l l o w i n g c o n s t r a i n t s a n d c o n s t r a i n t r a n k i n g are c r u c i a l : A L I G N ([STOP], L E F T , V E R B STEM, LEFT);  PARSE  [STOP]  »  D E P IO PATH  T a b l e a u ( 2 ) demonstrates h o w these c o n s t r a i n t s a c c o u n t f o r the d-effect i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y . T a b l e a u (2) kasi[dzei]  D-effect  I tickled myself  ka si [sei] [s] a. kasi [dzedl]  align (verb stem, left, [stop], left)  Parse [stop]  **l  [sj""*~ b. ka si [sei]  *!  [s] c. kadzi[dzei]  *! d. kasi [cjzei]  Dep 10 path  ** *  [s] ->  In c a n d i d a t e (a), the feature [stop] is a l i g n e d t o the v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l a n d v e r b stem-final c o n s o n a n t ; thus D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d t w i c e . D e p I O P a t h is the o n l y c o n s t r a i n t v i o l a t e d b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e . In c a n d i d a t e (b), the feature [stop] is not p a r s e d ; thus the c o n s t r a i n t s Parse [stop] is  76  violated and this candidate is eliminated. In candidate (c), the feature [stop] is parsed to the verb stem-initial consonant and to the preceding subject morpheme; thus Dep IO Path is violated twice. In this candidate the feature [stop] is aligned to the left edge of the subject morpheme, not the left edge of the verb stem; thus the Align ([stop], left, verb stem, left) constraint is also violated. Similar to candidate (a), the optimal candidate (d), only violates Dep IO Path. Unlike candidate (a), the optimal candidate (d), only violates Dep IO Path once. Comparison of candidate (b), with the optimal candidate (d), shows crucial ranking between Parse [stop] and Dep IO Path.  6.4.3  h- classifier In this thesis, the h- classifier is analyzed as a floating feature [SG]. Recall that in this  analysis of the h- classifier, verb stem-initial consonants are not affected by the h-classifier. Instead, the h- classifier interacts with the preceding subject morpheme. In the third person singular and third person plural, the h- classifier is realized phonetically as an independent segment, [h]. In the second person singular, the h- classifier associates to the associates to the second person singular subject morpheme, [n], which results in the voiceless nasal, [n]. In the first person singular and second person plural, I hypothesize that the h- classifier associates vacuously (i.e. shows not overt effect) to the preceding subject morpheme. In order to account for the morphophonemic effects of the h- classifier, the following constraints and constraint ranking are crucial: * C O M P L E X CODA, M A X A L I G N ([SG], C O M P L E X ONSET; IO; RIGHT, V E R B S T E M , LEFT);  PARSE [SG]  »  DEP IO PATH  Tableaux (3) through (5) demonstrate how these constraints account for the morphophonemic effects of the h- classifier. Recall that in the third person singular, the h- classifier is realized phonetically as the independent segment, [h]. This is exemplified in the following tableau. Similarly, in the third person plural, the h- classifier is realized as an independent segment, [h]. A n Optimality account of the third person plural is identical to tableau (3).  77  Tableau (3)  Morphophonemic Effects of the h- classifier in Optimality Theory  e h [0e] he's tanning O e [8e] [sg] a. e [OB] [sg] b. e h[0e] [sg]  * complex coda/onset  MaxIO  align (verb stem, left, [ S G ] , right)  Parse [ S G ]  Dep IO Path  *! *  —>  In candidate (a), the feature [SG] is not parsed; as a result Parse [SG] is violated. In the optimal candidate (b), the h- classifier is realized phonetically as an independent segment, [h]; thus Dep IO Path is violated once. This is the only constraint violated by this candidate. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that, once again, it is crucial to rank Parse [SG] above Dep IO Path. In the second person singular, the h- classifier associates to the second person singular subject morpheme, [n], which results in the voiceless nasal, [n]. This is exemplified in the following tableau. Tableau (4)  Morphophonemic Effects of the h- classifier in Optimality Theory  in [0e] you 're tanning O in [8E] [sg] a. in h [9e] [sg] b. ih[0e] [sg] c. in [9e] [sg] d. in h [8e] [sg] e. in [9e] [sg] ->  * complex coda/onset  MaxIO  align (verb stem, left, [ S G ] , right)  Parse [ S G ]  Dep IO Path  *  *!  *  *! *! *!  ** *  In candidate (a), the h- classifier is phonetically realized, the subject morpheme is present and verb stem-initial consonant is also present; thus the *Complex Coda/Complex Onset constraint is violated. Dep IO Path is also violated once by this candidate. In candidate (b), the h- classifier is realized phonetically; thus Dep IO Path is violated once. In this candidate the subject morpheme is not present; thus the Max IO constraint is also violated. In candidate (c), the feature [SG] is not parsed; hence Parse [SG] is violated. This is the only constraint violated by this candidate. In candidate (d), the h- classifier is phonetically realized. The feature [SG] is also  78  p a r s e d t o the s e c o n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r subject m o r p h e m e [ n ] ; therefore D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d t w i c e . T h e * C o m p l e x C o d a / O n s e t c o n s t r a i n t i s a l s o v i o l a t e d b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e because t h e subject m o r p h e m e , h- c l a s s i f i e r a n d v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t are a l l present. In the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e (e), the feature [ S G ] is p a r s e d t o the s e c o n d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r subject m o r p h e m e , [n]; as a result the D e p 1 0 P a t h c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d . T h i s is the o n l y c o n s t r a i n t v i o l a t e d b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e . C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e ( c ) , w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s that it is c r u c i a l t o rank D e p I O Path b e l o w Parse [ S G ] . In the first p e r s o n s i n g u l a r , the h- c l a s s i f i e r associates v a c u o u s l y t o the subject m o r p h e m e . T h i s i s e x e m p l i f i e d i n t a b l e a u (5).  S i m i l a r l y , i n the s e c o n d p e r s o n p l u r a l , the h-  c l a s s i f i e r associates v a c u o u s l y t o the p r e c e d i n g subject m o r p h e m e . A n O p t i m a l i t y a c c o u n t o f the s e c o n d p e r s o n p l u r a l is i d e n t i c a l t o t a b l e a u (5). T a b l e a u (5)  M o r p h o p h o n e m i c E f f e c t s o f the h- c l a s s i f i e r i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y  e0 [0e] I'm tanning O e e [9e]  * complex coda/onset  [sg] a. e 9 h [9e] [sg] b. 8 h, [9e] [sg] C.  Max IO  align (verb stem, left, [SG], right)  Parse [SG]  Dep IO Path  *  *! *!  8 9 [08]  *!  [sg] d. e 9 [9e] [sg'] e. e ^ [9e] [sg]  *! *  —> In c a n d i d a t e (a), the h- c l a s s i f i e r is r e a l i z e d p h o n e t i c a l l y . In t h i s c a n d i d a t e , the subject m o r p h e m e , the h- c l a s s i f i e r and the v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t are present; thus the " " C o m p l e x C o d a / O n s e t c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d . D e p I O P a t h i s a l s o v i o l a t e d o n c e b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e . In c a n d i d a t e (b), the h- c l a s s i f i e r is p h o n e t i c a l l y r e a l i z e d . In t h i s c a n d i d a t e , the subject m o r p h e m e i s not present; as a result M a x 10 is v i o l a t e d . T h i s is the o n l y c o n s t r a i n t v i o l a t e d b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e . In c a n d i d a t e ( c ) , the feature [ S G ] is not p a r s e d ; thus the P a r s e [ S G ] c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d . In c a n d i d a t e (d), the feature [ S G ] is parsed t o the v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e . T h i s is a v i o l a t i o n o f the A l i g n ( [ S G ] , r i g h t , v e r b s t e m , left) c o n s t r a i n t . D e p 10 P a t h is a l s o v i o l a t e d o n c e b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e . In the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e (e), the feature [ S G ] is p a r s e d v a c u o u s l y t o the subject m o r p h e m e , [0]; thus D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d o n c e . T h i s is the o n l y c o n s t r a i n t v i o l a t e d b y t h i s  79  c a n d i d a t e . C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e ( c ) , w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e (e), s h o w s c r u c i a l r a n k i n g between Parse [ S G ] and D e p I O Path.  6.4.4  Continuant V o i c i n g R e c a l l that the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g o c c u r s w h e n the n o u n s t e m is p r e c e d e d b y a  p o s s e s s i v e p r e f i x . W h e n the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g is present, v o i c e l e s s f r i c a t i v e s s u r f a c e as v o i c e d f r i c a t i v e s . T o a c c o u n t f o r the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g , I a s s u m e a s t e m j o i n e r , w h i c h c o n s i s t s o f the feature [ v o i c e ] , is present i n the p o s s e s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n . W h e n present, the s t e m j o i n e r , i.e. feature [ v o i c e ] , associates t o n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e s . T o a c c o u n t f o r the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c process o f continuant v o i c i n g i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y the f o l l o w i n g constraints a n d c o n s t r a i n t r a n k i n g are c r u c i a l : A L I G N ([VOICE], LEFT,  PARSE  N O U N STEM, LEFT);  [VOICE]  »  D E P IO PATH  T a b l e a u (6) demonstrates h o w these c o n s t r a i n t s c a n a c c o u n t f o r the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t voicing. T a b l e a u (6)  Continuant V o i c i n g in Optimality Theory  es [ l e d ] e my smoke  es [ieijl] e [s] [v] a. es [iecj] e |f[s] [v] b. es [leij] e [s] [v] c. es [led] e /[s] [v] d. es [ledl e l i / [s] [v]  align (noun stem, left, [voice], left)  Parse [voice]  Dep IO Path  *!  *!  * *  —>  In c a n d i d a t e (a), the feature [ v o i c e ] i s n o t p a r s e d ; h e n c e the c o n s t r a i n t Parse [ v o i c e ] i s v i o l a t e d . In c a n d i d a t e (b), the feature [ v o i c e ] is p a r s e d t o the n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e a n d t o the n o u n stem-internal v o w e l , [e]; as a result D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d t w i c e . In c a n d i d a t e (c), the feature [ v o i c e ] is p a r s e d t o the n o u n stem-internal v o w e l , [e]; therefore D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d o n c e . In t h i s c a n d i d a t e , the feature [ v o i c e ] is n o t a l i g n e d w i t h the left e d g e o f the n o u n s t e m ; thus  80  the A l i g n ( [ v o i c e ] , left, n o u n s t e m , left) c o n s t r a i n t i s a l s o v i o l a t e d . In the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e ( d ) , the feature [ v o i c e ] is parsed t o the n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e ; thus D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d o n c e . T h e o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e satisfies a l l other c o n s t r a i n t s . C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e (a) w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s that it is c r u c i a l t o r a n k D e p I O P a t h b e l o w Parse [ v o i c e ] . R e c a l l that the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g d o e s not affect h-initial n o u n stems. In o r d e r t o a c c o u n t f o r t h i s , the f o l l o w i n g g r o u n d e d c o n d i t i o n is c r u c i a l : * [ S G ] / [ v o i c e ] . T a b l e a u x (7) w i l l demonstrate h o w t h i s constraint prevents the feature [ v o i c e ] f r o m a s s o c i a t i n g t o h-initial n o u n stems. T a b l e a u (7) es [ h o d z i h ] e  Continuant V o i c i n g in Optimality Theory  my caribou  es hodzihe  * [SG]  Parse [voice]  Dep IO Path  [sg] [v] a. es [hodzih]e /fsg] [v] b. es [hodzih]e [sg] [v]  *  *! *  ->  In c a n d i d a t e (a), the feature [ v o i c e ] i s p a r s e d t o the n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l , [h]. U n d e r l y i n g l y [h] is s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ S G ] ; thus the * [ S G ] / [ v o i c e ] c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d . D e p I O P a t h is a l s o v i o l a t e d o n c e b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e . In the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e (b), the feature [ v o i c e ] is n o t p a r s e d ; thus P a r s e [ v o i c e ] is v i o l a t e d . T h i s is the o n l y c o n s t r a i n t v i o l a t e d b y the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e . C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e (a) w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s that it is c r u c i a l t o r a n k * [ S G ] / [ v o i c e ] a b o v e Parse [ v o i c e ] . R e c a l l that the p r o c e s s o f c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g d o e s not affect n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l aspirated stops, v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops, g l o t t a l i z e d stops a n d g l o t t a l s t o p .  3  In o r d e r t o a c c o u n t f o r t h i s ,  the f o l l o w i n g c o n s t r a i n t s are c r u c i a l : *[CG]/ [VOICE];  *[SG]/ [VOICE];  *[STOP]/  *[STOP]/  [DORSAL]/  [CORONAL]/  [VOICE];  [VOICE];  »  PARSE [VOICE]  T a b l e a u x (8) t h r o u g h ( 1 0 ) w i l l demonstrate h o w these c o n s t r a i n t s p r e v e n t the feature [ v o i c e ] f r o m a s s o c i a t i n g t o n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l stop c o n s o n a n t s .  Recall that underlyingly, the labial stop, [b] is specified for the feature [voice]. I hypothesize that the feature [voice] associates vacuously to the stop consonant [b]. See tableau (11) for Optimality analysis. 3  81  In tableau (8), the feature [voice] does not affect the noun stem-initial aspirated stop consonant. Tableau (8)  Continuant Voicing in Optimality Theory  E S [tu:] e my water es [tu:] e [si[sg]  * [CG]/[voice]  * [SG]/[voice]  * [stop]/[voice]/ [dorsal]  * [stop]/[voice]/ [coronal]  Parse [voice]  M  a.  es [du:] e /[sftsg] [v] b. es [tu:] e [sftsg]  [v]  *! *  —>  In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is parsed to the noun stem-initial stop, [t]. Underlyingly [t] is specified for the features [stop] and [SG]; thus the *[SG]/[voice] constraint is violated. Dep IO Path is also violated once by this candidate. In the optimal candidate (b), the feature [voice] is not parsed; thus Parse [voice] is violated. This is the only constraint violated by the optimal candidate. Comparison of candidate (a) with the optimal candidate shows that it is crucial to rank *[SG]/[voice] above Parse [voice]. In tableau (9), the feature [voice] does not affect the noun stem-initial glottalized stop consonant. Tableau (9)  Continuant Voicing in Optimality Theory  E S [k'ug] E my paper es [k'ug] e  [sTfcg]  M a. es [cfug] e / [sHcg]  [v]  b. es [k'ug] e [sftcg]  * [CG]/[voice]  * [SG]/[voice]  * [stop]/[voice]/ [dorsal]  * [stop]/[voice]/ [coronal]  Parse [voice]  *! *  [v] ->  In candidate (a), the feature [voice] is parsed to the noun stem-initial stop, [k']. Underlyingly [k'] is specified for the features [stop] and [CG]; thus the *[CG]/[voice] constraint is violated. Dep IO Path is also violated once by this candidate. In the optimal candidate (b), the feature [voice] is not parsed; thus Parse [voice] is violated. This is the only constraint violated by  82  the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e . C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e (a) w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s that it is crucial to rank *[CG]/[voice] above Parse [voice]. In t a b l e a u ( 1 0 ) , the n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t is the stop c o n s o n a n t [d]. R e c a l l that the stop c o n s o n a n t , [d] is v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d ; u n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stops are u n s p e c i f i e d f o r l a r y n g e a l features. T o ensure that the stem j o i n e r , i.e. feature [ v o i c e ] , does not associate t o the v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d stop [d], t h e g r o u n d e d c o n d i t i o n *[stop]/[coronal/[voice] Tableau (10)  is c r u c i a l . T h i s is e x e m p l i f i e d i n t a b l e a u ( 1 0 ) .  Continuant V o i c i n g in Optimality Theory  es [dih] e my grouse es [dih] e [s] [cor] Iv] a. es [dih] e / [sf [cor] [v] b. es [dih] e [sftcor] [v]  * [CG]/[voice]  * [SG]/[voice]  * [stop]/[voice]/ [dorsal]  * [stop]/[voice]/ [coronal]  Parse [voice]  *! *  ->  In c a n d i d a t e (a), t h e feature [ v o i c e ] is p a r s e d t o the s t e m - i n i t i a l stop c o n s o n a n t [d]. In a d d i t i o n t o the feature [ v o i c e ] the s t e m - i n i t i a l stop [d] is s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [stop] a n d [ c o r o n a l ] ; therefore the *[stop]/[voice]/[coronal] c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d . In the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e (b), the feature [ v o i c e ] r e m a i n s un-parsed; thus P a r s e [ v o i c e ] is v i o l a t e d . T h i s is the o n l y c o n s t r a i n t v i o l a t e d b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e . C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e (a) w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s that it is c r u c i a l t o r a n k P a r s e [ v o i c e ] b e l o w  *[stop]/[voice]/[coronal].  In t a b l e a u ( 1 1 ) , the n o u n stem-initial c o n s o n a n t is the b i l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t , [b]. R e c a l l that u n d e r the L a r y n g e a l M e c h a n i s m H y p o t h e s i s the b i l a b i a l stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] is s p e c i f i e d f o r the features [stop] a n d [ v o i c e ] . T h i s l a r y n g e a l feature s p e c i f i c a t i o n f o l l o w s f r o m p h o n e t i c e v i d e n c e presented i n chapter t w o . R e c a l l that the stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] w a s v o i c e d , w h i l e the stop c o n s o n a n t s , [d] a n d [g] w e r e h y p o t h e s i z e d t o b e v o i c e l e s s u n a s p i r a t e d . T o ensure that the feature [ v o i c e ] is parsed t o the stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] the f o l l o w i n g c o n s t r a i n t s a n d c o n s t r a i n t r a n k i n g are crucial: PARSE [VOICE];  M A X IO P A T H  V  »  *[STOP]/[LABIAL]/[VOICE]  83  T a b l e a u (11)  Continuant V o i c i n g in Optimality Theory  es [be:s] e my knife es [be:z] e  Max IO Path  Parse [voice]  & [v] [v] . a. es [be:z] e  *!  [sTM [v] b. es [pe:z] e [s] [v] b. es [be:z] e /[sfiv] [v]  * [stop]/[voice]/ [labial]  *  *  *!  *  —> In c a n d i d a t e (a), the feature [ v o i c e ] is n o t p a r s e d ; thus P a r s e [ v o i c e ] is v i o l a t e d . T h e g r o u n d e d c o n d i t i o n *[stop]/[labial]/[voice] is a l s o v i o l a t e d b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e b e c a u s e the n o u n s t e m - i n i t i a l stop c o n s o n a n t , [b] is s p e c i f i e d f o r a l l three o f these features. In c a n d i d a t e ( b ) , t h e feature [ v o i c e ] , w h i c h i s a s s o c i a t e d t o [b] i n the i n p u t , is not present i n the o u t p u t ; thus the M a x I O P a t h c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d . S i n c e the feature [ v o i c e ] is not a s s o c i a t e d t o the stop, [b], t h e *[stop]/[labial]/[voice] c o n s t r a i n t s is not v i o l a t e d . In t h i s c a n d i d a t e , the feature [ v o i c e ] i s not p a r s e d i n t h i s c a n d i d a t e ; thus the Parse [ v o i c e ] c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d . In the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e ( c ) , the feature [ v o i c e ] is parsed v a c u o u s l y t o the v e r b s t e m - i n i t i a l stop c o n s o n a n t [b]; thus the Parse [ v o i c e ] constraint i n not v i o l a t e d . T w o c o n s t r a i n t s are v i o l a t e d b y the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e : D e p I O P a t h a n d *[stop]/[voice]/[labial].  C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e (a) w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s  that it is c r u c i a l t o r a n k D e p I O P a t h b e l o w M a x I O P a t h . C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e ( b ) w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s that it is c r u c i a l t o r a n k D e p I O P a t h a n d * [stop]/[voice]/[labial] b e l o w M a x I O a n d Parse [ v o i c e ] .  6.4.5  Word-Final Devoicing R e c a l l that, i n t h i s thesis, I h y p o t h e s i z e t w o classes o f stem-final f r i c a t i v e s : o n e , w h i c h  are u n s p e c i f i e d f o r l a r y n g e a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n , a n d a s e c o n d c l a s s , w h i c h are s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ v o i c e ] . R e c a l l that the s e c o n d class o f f r i c a t i v e s p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e p r o c e s s w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I a s s u m e f r i c a t i v e s , w h i c h are u n d e r l y i n g l y s p e c i f i e d f o r the feature [ v o i c e ] , lose this s p e c i f i c a t i o n i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n . T o a c c o u n t f o r the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g i n O p t i m a l i t y T h e o r y the f o l l o w i n g c o n s t r a i n t s are c r u c i a l : * [-Sonorant] [Laryngeal] la;  »  M A X IO PATH  84  T a b l e a u x ( 1 2 ) a n d ( 1 3 ) demonstrate h o w the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g c a n b e a c c o u n t e d for i n Optimality Theory. Tableau (12)  Word-final devoicing in Optimality Theory  [mii] snare [mil] [v] a. [mil]  * [-sonorant] [laryngeal], a  Max IO Path  *!  [V]  b. [mil]  *  —>  In c a n d i d a t e (a), feature [ v o i c e ] r e m a i n s p a r s e d t o the s t e m - f i n a l f r i c a t i v e , [1]; thus * [ v o i c e ] ] a c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d . T h e o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e (b) v i o l a t e s the M a x I O P a t h c o n s t r a i n t b e c a u s e the feature [ v o i c e ] , p a r s e d to the s t e m - f i n a l f r i c a t i v e i n the i n p u t , is not present i n the output. C o m p a r i s o n o f c a n d i d a t e (a) w i t h the o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e s h o w s that it i s c r u c i a l t o r a n k M a x I O Path b e l o w *[voice]]o\ S i m i l a r t o f r i c a t i v e s , stop c o n s o n a n t s are v o i c e l e s s i n w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n . T h e f o l l o w i n g t a b l e a u demonstrates h o w t h i s fact is a c c o u n t e d f o r i n O p t i m a l i t y t h e o r y . Tableau (13)  Word-final devoicing in Optimality Theory  [ku:k] trunk [king] [s] [dor]  * [-sonorant] [laryngeal] a  a. [ku:g] [s] [d] [v]  Max IO Path  *!  b. [ku:g] [s] [dor] —>  In c a n d i d a t e (a), a feature [ v o i c e ] has b e e n a d d e d a n d i s p a r s e d t o the w o r d - f i n a l stop c o n s o n a n t [g]; thus D e p I O P a t h is v i o l a t e d . T h e * [ v o i c e ] ] a c o n s t r a i n t is v i o l a t e d b y t h i s c a n d i d a t e b e c a u s e the v o i c e d w o r d - f i n a l stop is i n a c o d a p o s i t i o n . T h e o p t i m a l c a n d i d a t e satisfies a l l constraints.  6.5  Conclusion In t h i s chapter, the m o r p h o p h o n e m i c e f f e c t s o f the c l a s s i f i e r p r e f i x e s , the p r o c e s s o f  c o n t i n u a n t v o i c i n g a n d the p r o c e s s o f w o r d - f i n a l d e v o i c i n g w e r e a c c o u n t e d f o r w i t h i n O p t i m a l i t y Theory.  85  Chapter Seven Conclusion  This thesis has examined the phonetic and phonological properties of laryngeal distinctions in the consonant inventory of Tahltan. Specifically, the phonetic acoustic properties of plain stop consonants have been examined. Based on the phonetic findings, the Dual Mechanism Hypothesis (Rice 1994), which is a hypothesis that concerns the laryngeal specification of stop and fricative consonants, was revised. The revisions included the addition of the category voiced stop, and extended the specifications of laryngeal mechanisms to include [CG]. (1)  stop voice SG CG  Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis (revised from Rice 1994) voiced stop  voiceless aspirated stops  voiceless unaspirated stops  glottalized stops  X  X  X  X  voiceless fricatives  voiced fricatives  glottal stop  h  X  X  X  X X  X  In addition to the phonetic evidence, in this thesis it has been shown that patterns of behavior governing syllable structure, the morphophonemic processes continuant voicing and word-final devoicing, and the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes support the claims of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis. Specifically, it was shown that observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure support the laryngeal specifications of the stop consonants, while the morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing and morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes support the laryngeal specifications of the fricative consonants, glottal stop and [h]. Finally, it has been demonstrated that assuming the laryngeal specifications of the Laryngeal Mechanism Hypothesis, the morphophonemic processes of continuant voicing and word-final devoicing, and the morphophonemic effects of the classifier prefixes could be accounted for with an Optimality Theoretic analysis (McCarthy and Prince 1993).  86  Bibliography Alderete, John and T a n y a B o b .  1 9 9 9 . F i e l d n o t e s a n d T a p e s o f L a n g u a g e C o n s u l t a n t s at  T e l e g r a p h C r e e k a n d Iskut. M s . , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . 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Phonology 1 1 : 107-147. C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press. Sagey, E l i z a b e t h . 1986.  The Representation of Features and Relations in Nonlinear Phonology.  Doctoral dissertation, M I T . S h a w , P a t r i c i a . 1 9 8 1 . F i e l d n o t e s a n d T a p e s o f L a n g u a g e C o n s u l t a n t s at T e l e g r a p h C r e e k .  Ms.,  University o f British Columbia. S h a w , P a t r i c i a . 1 9 8 2 . F i e l d n o t e s a n d T a p e s o f L a n g u a g e C o n s u l t a n t s at T e l e g r a p h C r e e k . M s . , University o f British Columbia.  88  S h a w , P a t r i c i a . 1 9 8 3 . F i e l d n o t e s a n d T a p e s o f L a n g u a g e C o n s u l t a n t s at T e l e g r a p h C r e e k .  Ms  University o f British Columbia. S h a w , P a t r i c i a . 1 9 9 1 . C o n s o n a n t h a r m o n y s y s t e m s : the s p e c i a l status o f c o r o n a l h a r m o n y . In E d C a r o l e P a r a d i s a n d J e a n - F r a n c o i s P r u n e t (eds), Phonetics and  Phonology, Volume 2, The Special Status of Coronals: Internal and external evidence (pp. 125-157). S a n D i e g o : A c a d e m i c P r e s s Inc. S t a n l e y , R i c h a r d . 1969. V a u x , Bert.  Navajo Phonology.  D o c t o r a l dissertation, M I T .  1998. T h e laryngeal specification o f fricatives.  Linguistic Inquiry 29:  497-511.  Appendix A  In (1) t h r o u g h (3), the p r e f i x e d n o u n s , w h i c h w e r e c o l l e c t e d f o r m T a h l t a n s p e a k e r s , a n d w h i c h w e r e a n a l y z e d f o r the present p h o n e t i c s t u d y , are p r e s e n t e d . In (1), the p l a i n stops, [p], [t] a n d [k] f o l l o w the s i b i l a n t [s], w h i c h is part o f the f i r s t p e r s o n p o s s e s s i v e m o r p h e m e [es]. (1)  Post-Sibilant P l a i n Stop Consonants es  V  (stem-initially)  es[p]eze es[p]ade es[p]atk£ es[p]ede es[t]ihe Es[t]e9tee5e Es[t]egane es[t]ebehe es[t]ustenvet Es[k]ahe es[k]awe Es[k]endam Es[k]uhs ES[k]E0E  my knife my mittens my moccasins my food my grouse my squirrel my sockeye my sheep my bottle my rabbit my drum my horse my ant my king salmon  In (2), the p l a i n stop c o n s o n a n t s [p], [t] a n d [k] f o l l o w the n a s a l [n], w h i c h is part o f the second person possessive m o r p h e m e [in]. (2)  Post-Nasal Plain Stop Consonants in  V (stem-initially)  in[p]eze in[p]ade in[p]atk£ in[p]£de in[t]ihE in[t]e9t6E6e in[t]£ganE in[t]£b>£h£ in[t]ust£nvet in[k]ah£ in[k]awe in[k]£ndam in[k]uhe in[k]£9E  your knife your mittens you moccasins your food your grouse your squirrel your sockeye your sheep your bottle your rabbit your drum your horse your ant your king salmon  90  In (3), the plain stops [p], [t] and [k] are intervocalic. In all examples, the plain stop consonants, follow the third person possessive morpheme [me] 'his' and precede a stem-internal vowel. (3)  Intervocalic Plains Stop Consonants  v_v me[p]eze me[p]ade me[p]atke me[p]ede  his knife his mittens his moccasins his food  me[t]ihe me[t]e9t9ede me[t]egane me[t]ebehe meftlustenyet  his grouse his squirrel his sockeye his sheep his bottle  me[kahe me[k]awe me[k]endame me[k]uhe me[k]e9e  his rabbit his drum his horse his ant his king salmon  91  Appendix B  Figure (1)  Post-sibilant [p]; [esba:ke] 'my moccasins'  Figure (3)  Post-sibilant [k]; [esgendame] 'my horse'  Figure (4)  Post-nasal [p]; [inba:tke] 'your moccasins'  '!'""«' H  .... || I : ,  m  -i-  93  Figure (5)  Post-nasal [k]; [ingawe] 'your drum'  Figure (6)  Intervocalic [p]; [mebede] 'his food'  -32Q0--2300-1400-  ,;  '••im,,,,,  mm  -500  -1460 [! ll 80  )\.  -11 0 0 -2380400  500 ms  94  Figure (7)  Intervocalic [t]; [medegane] 'his sockeye'  95  

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