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Let the cross take possession of the earth : missionary geographies of power in nineteenth-century British… Blake, Lynn Alison 1998

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L E T T H E C R O S S T A K E P O S S E S S I O N OF T H E E A R T H : M I S S I O N A R Y G E O G R A P H I E S OF P O W E R IN N I N E T E E N T H - C E N T U R Y BRITISH C O L U M B I A by L Y N N ALISON BLAKE B . A . , Indiana University, 1991 M . A . , University of British Columbia, 1993 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S FOR T H E D E G R E E OF D O C T O R OF P H I L O S O P H Y in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Department of Geography) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A M a y 1997 © L y n n A l i s o n Blake, 1997  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the  requirements for an advanced  degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department  or  by  his  or  her  representatives.  It  is  understood  that  copying or  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of  (r^O^^jp^  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6 (2/88)  31 bC-h  >14?r  Abstract I look at the strategies of evangelization used by a Roman Catholic missionary congregation, the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, in nineteenth-century British Columbia. These strategies of evangelization involved multiple geographies, including a circulation of representations between North America and Europe; the various spatialities of evangelization itself; complex deployments of disciplinary and pastoral power; and cultural geographies of order.  iii  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract Table of Contents List of figures Abbreviations Acknowledgements I N T R O D U C T I O N and Part I  11  iii v vi vii 1  Chapter One  Tridentine Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century France The Catholic Church in Pre-Revolutionary France The Church and Revolution Eugene de Mazenod Discipline and Seminary Formation Discipline: The Victory of the Clock The Perpetual Examination Evangelizare Pauperibus M i s i t M e : The Missions Oblate Missions in France The Pacific Northwest Conclusions  9 10 16 19 25 27 33 37 39 41 51  Chapter Two  The Circulation of Representations and the Power of V i s i o n Representations Oblate Representations of Native People V i s i o n , Power, Gender Gender, Sexuality and Sin V i s i o n and Salvation Conclusions  54 55 58 69 71 76 86  Part II  Pastoral Power  91  Chapter Three Spatial Strategies and Sacramental Practices M i s s i o n Sites Following Paul Praxis: Preaching and the Sacraments Predication Sacraments Baptism Marriage Conclusions  96 97 109 117 118 130 131 140 146  Chapter Four The Machinery of Power L a Machine  152 154  Kaltash Bilalam From Confession to Contrition Confession U n Penible Mode de Confession A c t i o n of Formation Conclusions  158 170 171 173 177 188  Part III  Governmentality  192  Chapter Five  Cultures of Order Land and the Order of Rights Ordering Natural Rights Disorder L a w and the Order of Culture The Products of Order: Neophytes or Commoners? Conclusions  198 200 205 217 222 226 237  Conclusion  244  Bibliography  250  V  List of figures 1.1 1.2 1.3  L a carte Boulard M a p o f the Pacific Northwest M a p o f Oblate Missions  14 44 50  2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4  Lacombe Catholic ladder, 1896 Christ on Calvary Christ Nailed to the Cross The Crucifixion: Passion Play at Saint M a r y ' s Mission, 1892  77 82 82 83  3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6  Lejacq M i s s i o n course, 1869 Lejacq M i s s i o n course, 1870 Roman Catholic Church at Sechelt False Creek Indian Reserve Catholic Ladder, 1844 Nkla'kapamux sketch of the world  105 106 114 116 125 126  vi  Abbreviations  AD  Archives Deschatelets, Ottawa, Canada.  CC  Colonial Correspondence, British Columbia Archives and Records Service, Victoria, Canada.  ILQ  Papers connected with the Indian land question, 1850-1875. Victoria: R. Wolfenden, 1875.  Ore.  Drouin, Paul, ed. Les Oblats de Marie Immaculee en Oregon, 18471860, 3 vols. Ottawa: Archives Deschatelets, 1992.  RG10  National Archives of Canada, Department of Indian Affairs, Record Group 10, Black Series.  UBCSC  University of British Columbia - Special Collections  VRCAD  Vancouver Roman Catholic Archdiocesan Archives, Early Bishops' Correspondence.  vii  Acknowledgement A project such as this naturally involves many more people than the title page suggests. I would like to thank the University o f British Columbia for four years o f financial support in the form o f University Grant Fellowships, the Geography Department for providing me with a position as teaching assistant, and Derek Gregory, who offered me a research position during the two years I was not funded. The Guy Lacombe Bursary for Western Oblate Studies in 1995 contributed enormously to my ability to research this project. W i t h regard to research, the help o f archivists is essential, and I would like to thank Sister Diana Harsch o f the Vancouver Roman Catholic Archdiocesan Archives for her aid and interest, as well as Father M c G i n t y and the Hugheses at the Oblate Archives on the Crescent in Vancouver. Most of all, I want to extend my sincere thanks to Father Boucher at the Archives Deschatelets in Ottawa, who literally gave me the key to that extraordinary collection. During my time in the Geography Department I have been privileged to be amongst a group o f people who are extraordinary in terms of the range o f their interests, their committment, and their willingness to engage with the projects o f others. Thanks particularly to Kate Boyer, Brett Christophers, Dan Clayton, David Demeritt, A v e r i l l Groenveld-Meyer, C o l i n Maycock, Michael Smith, Nadine Schuurman, Matt Sparke, and Bruce Willems-Braun. Outside the department, help has been proffered by N i c k Blomley and Jackie Gresko. M y "real" life has been vastly improved by my husband Robert Blake, whose encouragements and provocations have been invaluable. I also want to thank the Culpeppers gang, most notably Jim Scott and Trevor Carle, for their long term interest i n my doings. Sincere thanks go to Cole Harris for his many contributions to this project, and to my parents, who have unwaveringly supported me in too many ways to mention. Most o f all, I owe Derek Gregory who has enriched my life immeasurably.  1  Part I: Introduction  "Lanterne magique, piece curieuse. Approchez M r s et M M vous verrez des choses extraordinaires, dont vous ne vous seriez jamais doute, des choses plus qu'extraordinaires, ravissantes, mais peu amusantes pour...les gens qui ayant mis la main a la lanterne en ont decouverte le curieux mystere." 1  [Magic lantern, strange object, come closer ladies and gentlemen and you w i l l see amazing things, things you would never have imagined, delightful things. But not so entertaining for...those who have touched the lantern and unveiled its strange mystery.]  In August 1995 I attended the fourth Western Oblate Studies conference i n StBoniface, Manitoba. The Missionary Oblates o f Mary Immaculate were, and are, a Catholic congregation that specialized in the evangelization o f Native people i n nineteenth-century Canada. The papers delivered came from a wide variety o f sources, including graduate students, archivists, theologians, and secular clerics, but all focused on the activities o f the Oblates over the century and a half since the congregation's arrival i n western Canada. The conference was interesting for me substantively, but even more so emotionally. I was astonished at the immensely critical stance that many o f the papers assumed towards Oblate activity (particularly regarding the evangelization o f Native people), but I was amazed and touched by the various and vehement responses o f the  Pandosy to ?, 27 November 1861, A D , Ore 2, ab-1, 1. A s Robert Choquette explains, "In Roman Catholicism, groups o f men or women who live i n a community bound by vows o f poverty, chastity, and obedience are members either o f religious orders or religious congregations. The difference between orders and congregations is a technical, canonical one, 'order' designating those groups bound by solemn vows, 'congregation' designating those bound by more simple, temporary vows." The Oblate assault on Canada's north and west (Ottawa: University o f Ottawa Press, 1995), 25fn. 1  2  audience (which included many Oblates) to the final paper, delivered by Wayne Hoist, a Protestant missiologist. Hoist acknowledged his appreciation of the contributions made by Catholic missionaries to Canada, and suggested that "lessons from the past...appear to provide direction for the future." His paper provoked an emotional and heated debate that centered on the topic of the inclusivity of the Church and the appropriate goals of missionary activity, a debate that quickly crystallized into two diametrically opposed sets of beliefs. One position suggested that the very survival of the Church depended on its willingness to include and embrace a broad range of practices that were not encompassed by traditional Catholic dogma. The other position viewed the inclusion both of those practices and of those who engaged in them as lethal to the Church and its mission. The proselytization of Native people, then, was clearly still a central issue in 1995. The conference, I think, suggests that the social, cultural, and political issues surrounding the Christian (and in this case Catholic) evangelization of Native people in Canada are far from being matters of mere historical curiosity; rather, they are issues that are alive and well today. The conference, and its implications, have haunted my study, which centers on the multiple geographies of power in which, and through which, the Oblate evangelization of Native people in the Pacific Northwest took place. I am particularly interested in the modalities of power deployed by the Catholic Church, which aimed to produce a docile and obedient clergy; the ways in which those same modalities of power were exported to North America and deployed by the Oblates to produce a  Reverend Wayne Hoist, "Revisiting our past - revisioning our future: Reflections on the next 150 years of missionary activity in Canada", paper delivered at the Fourth Western  3  Oblate Studies Conference in August, 1995.  3  specific type o f Catholic Native; and the cultural geographies o f power at work i n nineteenth-century British Columbia, as they were exemplified by government and Oblate strategies for ordering/governing Native people. Briefly, I make three cuts into Oblate evangelization i n this dissertation. The first (Chapters 1-2) deals with the circulation o f very broad bodies o f knowledge between Europe and the "new world." I focus on specifically Catholic knowledges rooted i n sources as disparate as Augustine of Hippo, Sulpician seminaries, as well as the more general European trope o f the noble savage, to trace out some o f the ways that this accretion o f knowledge - about Native people and discipline, for example - shaped Oblate activities i n the Pacific Northwest. In other words, I am looking at the ways in which broad attitudes shaped by a Catholic and a specifically French world view were manifested by the Oblates i n the nineteenth-century Pacific Northwest, whether i n the form o f habits, cultural assumptions or expectations that contributed concretely to missionary strategies. Secondly, i n chapters 3 and 4,1 look at the geographies and spatialities o f Oblate power i n the Pacific Northwest, focusing explicitly on disciplinary and pastoral power. For example, I suggest that the Oblates' itinerant method o f evangelizing Native people had profound consequences for the contours and goals of a broadly disciplinary modality o f power deployed by the Oblates. I thus consider disciplinary and pastoral power as they were deployed i n the colonial settings o f western North America. A n d last, in chapter 5,1 locate Oblate activity in the context o f British Columbia. Here I look at the deployment o f governmental and pastoral technologies o f power in  4  order to ask some basic questions about the nature of these modalities o f power, and also to look at the cultural geographies o f power at work in nineteenth century British Columbia. I argue that while both the Oblates and the provincial/federal government were determined that the Native population should be orderly and disciplined, due to very different conceptions o f order, their methods o f deploying power, and their desires concerning the products o f that power, were manifestly different. Power, then, is the central theme of my study, and more specifically, the Oblate deployment o f power, and some explanation o f what I mean by power seems appropriate. In the sense I use it, power does not mean force or physical violence. A s I understand it, power is a complex and ubiquitous set o f relations. It is not owned by one group, who then wields it, or imposes it upon another group. Rather, power is anonymous, and it is constitutive; even when it acts to repress or alter sets of behavior, it is productive o f a certain type o f individual subject. It seems that the type o f subject that is produced depends not only the modality o f power deployed, but also on the space through which it operates. Thus disciplinary power i n a factory system produces docile, industrious workers, while pastoral power aims to produce devout Catholic subjects. Disciplinary and pastoral power - the primary themes of this dissertation - are terms that are difficult to prise apart because both are profoundly connected with individualization and normalization: on knowledge and the truth-effects it produces. What I mean is that knowledge, whether it is produced in the confessional or i n the classroom, is power. It does not have to be 'used'; power/knowledge produces both the  individual subject and 'reality': it shapes the ways i n which individual subjects perceive and operate in that reality. Clearly my conception o f power owes a great deal to M i c h e l Foucault, who offers a constructive framework with which to think. But as I hope to show throughout this project, modalities o f power are considerably altered depending on the spaces through which they are deployed. In other words, powers have geographies. A word about my intended audience and methodology. First and foremost I hope this dissertation is useful to geographers, and others, who are interested in geographical transformations o f Foucault's notions of disciplinary and pastoral power when those modalities o f power are deployed in a colonial space. Thus I argue that the disciplinary powers that were formulated by Foucault in a metropolitan setting are significantly altered by the physical geography - and above all by the lack o f a metropolitan infrastructure - i n which they are deployed. But Foucault's notion o f pastoral power also changes dramatically when it encounters the human geographies o f nineteenth-century British Columbia, a point I demonstrate by tracking Oblate attempts to deploy a form o f pastoral power on a population of Native peoples who were not saturated with the norms or standards o f Catholic culture from birth. The dissertation is thus aimed at Oblate evangelization o f the Native, and not the Euro-Canadian, population o f British Columbia. M y methodology has been dictated by my archival research, my analysis o f that research, and by common sense. First, this is a comparative study o f missionary activity in nineteenth-century British Columbia only to the very meager extent that some comparison with other denominational activities serves to elucidate Oblate methodology.  6  A thorough comparative study of Catholic, Methodist and Anglican activities during this period would be a multi-volume work. Secondly, therefore, I focus on Oblate activity almost exclusively, but this is not to suggest that either Catholic missionization was a unified or cohesive project, or that Catholicism more generally was or is a monolithic institution. Not only did the Oblates differ amongst themselves about how to evangelize Native peoples, they also took different theological and methodological stances to, for example, those o f the Society o f Jesus - who were also Catholics working in the Pacific Northwest. Certainly currents from Lammenais' liberalism to Maurras' Action Francaise - in a delimited national context such as nineteenth-century France suggest the diversity o f Catholic opinion regarding the role o f the Church as an institution in society and politics. Third, I have chosen to focus on correspondence between the Oblate fathers i n British Columbia for two reasons. For one, I am not interested in writing a dissertation about missionary propaganda - embodied in missionary publications - aimed at a European audience. I am interested in what the Oblates who were working and living i n British Columbia thought was taking place, and the most common-sensical way to do this, it seems to me, is to look at the corresponedence they carried on amongst themselves and their Bishop, who also resided in British Columbia. This correspondence, between men who knew one another and the circumstances i n which they were working, would benefit not from romanticism or exaggeration, but from practicality and straightforwardness. Thus my focus is on the correspondence itself, and not on secondary  sources that interpret that correspondence from perspectives that range from the hagiographical to the virulently anti-clerical. Fourth, I see Oblate activity i n British Columbia as a "project" i n the sense that Nicholas Thomas intends that term. Thus a project is not a "narrowly instrumental" or practico-material enterprise," it also entails intentions and imaginations, and I would 4  argue, habits. Intentions and imaginations are important because they not only shape the field o f objects at which they are aimed, but are also shaped by those objects. Thus it seems important to account for the religious and cultural geographies that shaped Oblate material practices and fueled Oblate imaginations. Clearly, then, I am not attempting to deal with discourse i n the Foucauldian sense o f the relationship between anonymous statements, but instead to track the deployment of power i n practice and intention. Last, this a dissertation about missionary geographies o f power - not a geography of missionary power. Thus while I do occasionally consider Native responses and initiatives to Oblate activities I do not tackle the question of Native resistance to Oblate evangelization i n a comprehensive way. There are a number o f reasons for this, some practical and others theoretical. Theoretically, I've become frankly cynical about current conceptions o f resistance. M a n y contemporary scholars seem to celebrate resistance wholesale, and too often tend to interpret activities a posteriori as resistances when they often do not seem to merit that label. More, it scarcely seems feasible to imagine resistance as working through the cracks, fissures and interstices o f power i f one believes power to be a network  Nicholas Thomas, Colonialism's culture: Anthropology, travel and government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 58.  4  8  rather than a block. Thus, with Cresswell, I believe there is a useful distinction to be made between resistance and transgression: while the former can be characterized largely by intentionality on the part o f the actor, the latter is attributed to an "agent" by an observer. In other words, transgression does not necessarily imply intentionality, but 5  certainly suggests observable results. From this perspective, I do chart Native transgressions  as they were perceived and assigned by the Oblates.  O n the practical side, I am unconvinced that Oblate accounts can be seen as transparently readable representations o f Native activities, much less o f their intentions, or their "consciousness." The Oblates had a wide range of conceptions regarding Native people that bore the indelible stamp not only of their European heritage but also o f their Catholic training. A n interpretation of their interpretations o f Native actions would • simply be too stretched, thin, and unreliable. In a large sense this dissertation is equally a historical geography and a historical geography o f the present. It, like M r . Hoist, speaks to both the past and the future, and its salience has never been far from my mind. I hope that my tone is neither celebratory nor condemning, but rather inquiring, and that I have managed to distinguish between evidence and polemic. I also realize that I have an unrelentingly secular and academic view o f Oblate activity, and that while I admire (and to some extent envy) the faith that drove that activity, I also find much o f its methodology alarming, and indeed all too familiar to North Americans i n 1997.  T i m Cresswell, In place/out of place: Geography, ideology and transgression (Minneapolis: University o f Minnesota Press, 1996). I paraphrase very broadly from pages 21-23. 5  9  Chapter 1 Tridentine Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century France The Oblates o f Mary Immaculate (originally called the Missionaries o f Provence) were, and remain, a Catholic religious congregation founded by Bishop Eugene de Mazenod in 1816 during one of the most politically and religiously complex periods i n French history. The foundation o f the congregation was a reaction to such currents i n France as secularization, the subordination o f Church to state, and liberalism, and it was intended to remedy the numerical and qualitative decline o f the French clergy and the religious ignorance o f the populace. The Oblates, then, were the products o f a distinctly French historical geography, but they were also shaped by specifically Catholic disciplinary technologies epitomized by the seminary (itself the product o f a particular set of historical and geographical forces) as well as by the personality and temperament o f their founder. A consideration o f all o f these factors - French history, religious training, and the attitudes o f the founder - is indispensable to an understanding o f the general goals and attitudes that would indelibly stamp Oblate practice and ideology i n their foreign missions. Thus in order to clarify Oblate methods o f evangelization and disciplinary strategies i n North America I begin this first chapter by limning the religious style and the politics o f nineteenth-century France around the time of the Oblates' foundation. I then offer a thumbnail sketch o f the life of their founder, Eugene de Mazenod, in order to suggest that many o f his attitudes towards the events occurring during his lifetime marked the style and "personality" o f the congregation as a whole. Next, I consider the seminary formation o f the nineteenth-century French clergy, a process which was particularly  10  important not only for the clergy itself, but also for those who were evangelized by them, both i n France and North America. I describe standard Catholic mission practices i n France, and conclude with the arrival o f the Oblate congregation in the North American Pacific Northwest.  The Catholic Church in Pre-Revolutionary France "The procession moved on with measured step, bordered on either side by the ranks o f the French and Swiss Guards. A t its head, immediately after the clergy o f Versailles, came the deputies o f the States General, each carrying a candle. First, solemn and numerous, the members o f the Third Estate, clothed entirely i n black except for the white o f their cambric neckcloths. Next, resplendent but few i n number, walked the nobility, their costumes ornate with embroidery and lace and their Renaissance hats surmounted with white plumes. Then, i n the place o f honor next to the Blessed Sacrament, came the different sections o f the clergy, a glittering file o f prelates i n ruby and amethyst, separated from the sad throng o f the parish clergy by a group o f musicians. A t the rear o f the procession, behind the consecrated host carried at arm's length by the Archbishop o f Paris, Monsignor Juigne, came the king [Louis X V I ] , walking heavily and weighed down by his costume o f cloth o f gold, crossed with the blue sash o f the Order o f the H o l y Ghost." 4 M a y , 1789. 1  In pre-Revolutionary France the Catholic religion was the state religion. France was, as Norman Ravitch has suggested, a "confessional state" in which citizenship was intimately connected to religious denomination. O n the eve o f revolution, for an overwhelming majority o f the French people, "the practice o f the Catholic religion was a central and unquestioned part o f their existence."  Adrien Dansette, Religious history of modern France, trans. John Dingle, 2 vols. (London: Nelson, 1961), I: 3. Norman Ravitch, The Catholic Church and the French nation, 1589-1989 (London and N e w York: Routledge, 1990), 29. Ralph Gibson, A social history of French Catholicism, 1789-1914 (London and N e w Y o r k : Routledge, 1989), 2. 1  11  But what kind o f religion was eighteenth-century French Catholicism? Ralph Gibson outlines several characteristics of what he calls "Tridentine Catholicism," most 4  of which can be traced back to broad changes in the nature o f the clergy itself. The eighteenth-century clergy was a reformed clergy. It was the product o f legislation mandated by the third session o f the Council of Trent (1562-1563), in particular the development o f a rigorous seminary training which aimed to produce a moral, disciplined clergy, but which also placed enormous emphasis on changing the relations o f the clergy with society. The religious hierarchy o f the Church was to be reinforced by the 5  6  hardening o f a social hierarchy produced by the seminaries' cultivation o f a clerical contemptus mundi, a total disengagement with things of this world, a keen focus on the afterlife, and a rejection o f many strands o f Enlightenment thought. One o f the practical effects o f this rejection o f the world was the development o f a sharp dividing line between clergy and laity. Whereas cures had historically been thoroughly engaged i n the  Tridentine because it is associated with mandates o f the Council o f Trent. The following paragraph is a summary o f the points Gibson makes on pages 16-28. Philip T. Hoffman suggests that the historical geography of seminary development i n France was sporadic due to the religious wars o f the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Thus areas that experienced less denominational strife tended to implement the Tridentine seminary legislation far more rapidly than areas more directly affected by religious hostilities. Church and community in the diocese of Lyon, 1500-1789 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), 35. 5  Church hierarchy begins at the top with the Pope, who is aided by his cardinals. Patriarchs and primates comprise the next rung o f the hierarchy, followed by Archbishops, who govern provinces. The Episcopacy is composed o f titular and diocesan Bishops, as well as Apostolic Vicars. Diocesan Bishops have jurisdiction over a given diocese (composed o f parishes), over a Vicar General (his chief assistant) and over the diocesan clergy constituted by pastors (parish priests) and canons, who form the cathedral chapter. The diocesan clergy form part of the secular clergy, in contradistinction to regulars who are members o f religious communities or societies bound by solemn vows and who may or may not be ordained. 6  7  Cures were and are priests i n charge o f a parish.  12  social life o f the parish, performing such "paraliturgical" rituals as religious processions to ensure good harvests, the ringing o f church bells to ward off hail storms and actively  g participating i n baptismal and marriage feasts, the eighteenth-century clergy was encouraged to make a sharp distinction between the sacred and the profane, and to root out what some scholars have called "popular religion"  9  - a watered-down form o f  Catholicism. Perhaps the most startling aspect (to the modern eye) o f eighteenth-century Catholicism was what some have called its extreme moral rigorism, characterized by a focus on the pains o f hell, the probability of damnation, and the small number o f the elect. M o r a l rigorists saw the sacraments as a privilege or a reward for moral behavior, rather than as a means o f moral regeneration, and they were often reluctant to allow parishioners access to the sacraments, particularly communion. In sum, preRevolutionary French Catholicism was what Jean Delumeau has called a "pastorale de la peur"  10  that emphasized a fear o f G o d rather than a love of Christ, and which was  preoccupied with guilt and sin. This pastorale de la peur boomed out from the Sunday pulpit, and as Gibson notes was integral to internal missions which were notorious for their "ferocious" preaching styles.  11  I borrow the phrase and example from Hoffman, 53. Cf. Gibson, and Gerard Cholvy, "'Z)w Dieu terrible au Dieu d'amour': Une evolution dans la sensibilite religieuse au XIXe Steele" in Transmettre la foi: XVIe-XXe siecles (Dijon: 109 Congres national des societes savantes, 1984). [pastorate o f fear.] This is a central tenet of Delumeau's work L a peche et la peur. L a culpabilisation en Occident, Xllle-XVIIIIe siecles (Paris: Fayard, 1983). Internal missions were missions given in one's own country, foreign missions were and are missions to pagans or infidels. Ralph Gibson, "Hellfire and damnation in nineteenthcentury France" The Catholic Historical Review L X X I V (1988, 383-402, 387). 9  1 0  1 1  13  This focus on the "Dieu terrible" would dominate French Catholicism until the 12  mid-nineteenth century.  So, for example, a sermon from the mid-eighteenth century  thundered: "To give you only some slight idea o f hell, imagine firstly all the terrible punishments which G o d sometimes visits upon men on earth: infirmity, illness, sudden death, adversity, loss of lawsuits, hunger, raging thirst, cruel famine, bloody war, flood, fire...Then gather together all the sufferings undergone daily by the poor wretches o f our hospitals, raging toothache, the convulsions o f epilepsy, burning fever, broken bones, dislocated joints, violent colic...[then add to this] all the tortures undergone by the martyrs: sharp swords, iron combs, red-hot grills, boiling oil, melted lead, burning braziers, in a word, all the fury o f the tyrants, or rather o f demons..." Similarly, and equally extravagantly, a hymn from 1830 warned: In H e l l I endure unbelievable torments I see on all sides the most terrible sights I hear only moans and howls and cries Horrible blasphemies, and gnashing o f teeth, Because I concealed my sins in confession.  13  This "hellfire and damnation" approach to salvation was common to the entire French clergy, both secular and regular, and it was the style o f preaching employed by the Oblates in their French missions. Doubtless the clergy's obsession with sin (particularly sexual sin) and hell contributed to the anti-clericalism o f the French Revolution. The French laity varied significantly in its responses to Tridentine Catholicism: there were distinctive human geographies o f religious practice at work i n both eighteenth-  [terrible God.] Gibson (1988, 387); Cholvy, (1984, 142). I give some examples o f Oblate mission preaching in France in a later section. The 1750 sermon is cited i n Gibson (1989, 27); the hymn ibid., 246. The utility o f the pastorale de la peur is perhaps best summed up by a clergyman in 1808: "take away hell, and you w i l l thunder i n vain against sin. If there is no hell, where is the justice o f God?" From Gibson, (1989, 247). 1 2  1 3  Strong Catholic areas (A) Lukewarm areas (B) 'Missionary* areas (C)  Figure 1.1 L a carte Boulard  15  and nineteenth-century France (see figure 1.1). Most studies o f religious practice i n France are based on the numbers of parishioners who took Easter communion. They are 14  by definition studies o f practice, not of the depth o f religious sentiment. In sum, they suggest a pronounced regional geography o f religious practice, where Brittany, the M a s s i f Centrale, Alsace-Lorraine and the western Pyrenees could all be called "good" Catholic regions, while the Limousin and the Paris Basin were considered "missionary areas," and the rest o f France could perhaps best be characterized as "lukewarm." But 15  religious practice also turned on gender (women were far more fervent Catholics than men), and class (the bourgeoisie and the working classes were distinctly anti-clerical, while the peasantry made communion more regularly). The clergy, as well as government officials, often noted a difference between city and countryside too. Thus a justice o f the peace i n Besancon: "The agricultural areas are essentially moral and religious. The man who owes his fortune to the marvellous [sic] workings of machines, whose mind is constantly turned towards material things, more easily forgets his origin; the man o f the fields cannot forget his creator; in his distress, when the weather is bad or his harvest threatened, he prays to heaven for help...The worker in a factory only sees the action o f matter, the agricultural worker relates everything to the action o f a divinity." 16  Yves-Marie Hilaire summarizes these studies in his "Les contrastes geographiques et les phases de I 'evolution religieuse du XIXe siecle a travers I 'histoire quantitative de la pratique cultuelle" i n Christianisation et dechristianisation. Actes de la 9e rencontre d'histoire religieuse (Angers: Presses de l'universite d'Angers, 1986) 199-207. Gibson (1989, 170). Cited i n ibid., 225. 1 5  1 6  16  Even i n this highly simplified form, these geographies suggest that a great deal o f caution must be used: I don't want to over-emphasize the power o f either the clergy or the pastorale de la peur in the eighteenth century. Clearly there were counter-trends that would ultimately prove attractive to significant segments o f the French population. Enlightenment philosophy, with its emphasis on individualism, rationality, and liberalism, in tandem with an increasing trend o f secularization (described by Peter Gay as "a subtle shift o f attention [in which] religious institutions and religious explanations o f events were slowly being displaced from the center o f life to its periphery") were 17  offering serious competition to the ideological hegemony of the Catholic church i n France.  The Church and Revolution In this section I focus on the Revolutionary and Napoleonic periods in France, which had serious consequences for the clergy and for the Church itself. Both periods saw the government enactment of measures that the Oblate congregation was founded to counteract. In 1789, when the States General were called, there was a clear alignment 18  between large portions o f the lower clergy, influenced by Richerism,  and some o f the  more revolutionary elements of the First and Third Estates. This loose coalition was based on a mutual desire to reform the Church, but measures taken by the National Peter Gay, The Enlightenment: An interpretation, 2 vols. (New York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1966), I: 338. Richerism, named for Edmund Richer, was a movement that saw the government o f the Church as belonging to the clergy as a whole, not simply to the Episcopacy. 1 7  1 8  17  Assembly - which included abolishing the tithe and contemplative orders, nationalizing Church property, and refusing to name Catholicism the national religion - soon alienated some of the clergy. With the promulgation of the C i v i l Constitution of the Clergy i n 1790, the National Assembly undertook to reform the diocesan and Episcopal structures of the Church, reforms that may have been repugnant to many clerics because they were based firmly on the premise that the lay population was to have a voice in the governance of the Church through participation in the election of both Episcopacy and clergy. More, all clergy paid by the State were ordered to swear an oath of loyalty to the C i v i l Constitution, a move that many saw as firmly inserting the state into Church affairs. The C i v i l Constitution, then, envisioned a Church subordinate to the State, and governed by popular sovereignty, conditions which must have displeased a clergy steeped in Tridentine traditions, and yet Gibson estimates that almost half of the French clergy did take the oath.  19  War with Austria (1792-1793) coupled with the hostility of the Girondins and their anti-Catholic legislation precipitated the most violent anti-clericalism of the revolutionary period, when some 30,000 refractory clergy, who had refused to take the oath of loyalty, left the country, most as forced deportees, and some 2 - 3,000 clergy and religious were guillotined, deported to Guyana (the "dry" guillotine), or otherwise  murdered.  20  This brutal persecution lessened with the collapse of the Jacobin government  Gibson, (1989, 38). Parish clergy were far more prone to take the oath than the Episcopacy, and the Pope condemned the C i v i l Constitution in 1791. Donat Levasseur, Cours d'histoire de la Congregation, in Archives d'histoire Oblate, Maurice Gilbert and Gaston Carriere, eds., 23 vols. (Ottawa: Editions des Etudes Oblates, 1955), v o l . 9: 12. 1 9  2 0  18  on 9 Thermidor (27 July 1794) and the rise o f the Thermidorians, but did not cease entirely until Napoleon Bonaparte's accession to power in 1799. Napoleon was not content merely to subordinate the Church to the state, he wanted to completely dominate it. This strategy was realized with the successful negotiation o f the 1801 Concordat with the Pope, which gave Napoleon the power to nominate bishops, to approve all clergy, and which ensured the legitimacy o f the property rights o f those who had acquired Church property. The Concordat also required all clergy to swear an oath o f loyalty to the government. Napoleon thus created a clergy who were intended to police morality and yet owe formal allegiance to the state: they would serve 21  as his "purple prefects" and "gendarmes in cassocks." The impact o f the events I have just outlined lasted well into the nineteenth century. Perhaps the most drastic o f these, and the one with the most serious consequences, was the paucity and inadequacy o f the clerical ranks. B y 1809 the clergy numbered only half what it had twenty years previously, approximately one third o f those who remained were over sixty years of age, and there were few new vocations during the 22  revolutionary period and the First Empire.  The suppression o f monastic orders and  religious congregations doubtless had an impact on both the religious education o f the general population, and on the functioning o f charitable aid to the poor. A n d the dearth o f clergy, the closing o f churches and the confiscation o f church property, all contributed to religious ignorance and to a decline in habits o f religious practice in some segments o f  2 1  2 2  Robert Tombs, France, 1814-1914 (New York: Longman Press, 1996), 132. Levasseur, (1955, 15).  19  the population. This, then, was the era in which Eugene de Mazenod, founder o f the Oblates o f M a r y Immaculate, grew up.  Eugene de Mazenod "II faut me consacre de nouveau et pour toujours au service du prochain, mais que je me neglige moins moi-meme, que je veille davantage sur mon interieur,...en un mot, que je travaille en meme temps et au salut des ames et de ma 23  propre sanctification."  [I must consecrate myself again and for all time to the service o f the next life, but in order that I do not neglect myself, I must watch closely over my interior, in a word I must work at the same time for both the salvation o f souls and for my own sanctification.] Charles Joseph Eugene de Mazenod was born 1 August 1782, into a family o f "wealth, rank, and refinement."  24  A s minor aristocrats, staunch monarchists, and with a  family tradition o f service in the Church, the Mazenods were forced to flee France i n 1790, and Eugene would spend the next twelve years o f his life in exile. He attended the College des Nobles at Turin for several years in the early 1790s, studied with D o n Bartolo Zinelli (a Jesuit influence) in Venice in 1794-1797, lived in Naples for two years, and spent 1799-1802 i n Palermo high society. He returned to France, and while trying to repossess his family's confiscated properties, Mazenod experienced a "conversion" in late 1806 or early 1807 and entered the Saint-Sulpice seminary in Paris in October 1808. Ordained in December 1811, Mazenod returned to A i x , and by 1814, stunned by the "spiritual wilderness" which he attributed to the depredations of Napoleon and the  Eugene de Mazenod, October 1818, cited in Marius Nogaret, "Le jeu de I'inspiration de Vinstitution dans la vocation sacerdotale et missionnaire d'Eugene de Mazenod\ Kerygma 8 (1974) 126-152, 143. Robert Cooke, O M I , Sketches of the life of Monseigneur de Mazenod...2 vols., (London, 1879)1: 6. 2 4  et  20  Revolution on the Church and society, he began to contemplate founding a missionary society. In 1816 the Missionaries of Provence were created, and in 1826 Pope Leo X I I formally approved Mazenod's congregation, which was renamed the Oblates o f M a r y Immaculate. The Missionaries o f Provence, and later the Oblates, were formed to enable Mazenod to address what he saw as the three primary problems facing the Roman Catholic Church i n France: "l'affaiblissement pour ne pas dire la perte totale de la foi; l'ignorance des peuples; la paresse, la nonchalance, la corruption des pretres."  25  Both  congregations were initially intended to preach to the poor o f Provence in the vernacular, and to combine the orderliness o f life in a religious community with an active ministry i n the world. Thus, as Mazenod envisioned the overall functions o f the congregation, "leur vie sera done partagee entre la priere, la meditation des verites saintes, la pratique des vertus religieuses, etude de la sainte ecriture, des saints peres, de la theologie dogmatique et morale, la predication et la direction de la jeunesse. Les missionnaires se diviseront de maniere que, tandis que les uns s'exerceront dans la communaute a acquerir les vertus et les connaissances propres d'un bon missionnaire, les autres parcourront les campagnes pour y annoncer la parole de Dieu." 26  [Their lives w i l l therefore be divided between prayer, meditation o f the holy truths, the practice o f religious virtues, study o f the holy Scripture, o f the holy fathers, o f dogmatic and moral theology, preaching and direction o f youth. The missionaries w i l l divide themselves such that while some w i l l apply themselves, within the community, to acquiring the virtues and knowledge appropriate for a good missionary, the others w i l l travel through the countryside there to announce the word o f God.]  [the weakening not to say the total loss o f faith; the ignorance o f the populace; the indolence, nonchalance, the corruption o f the priests.] Levasseur, (1955) 26. Ibid., 39.  2 6  21  F u l l membership in the congregation was accorded only to those who had undergone two years o f probation, and all were required to take vows o f chastity, obedience, perseverance and poverty. A l l the Oblates were expected to submit completely to Mazenod's constitution and rules for the congregation. The Oblates' ministry was constantly expanding: as well as giving missions, seminaries were soon included within their purview, as were a variety o f shrines, youth and women's programs, educational programs, and, eventually, foreign missions. The first indication that Mazenod was thinking o f expanding the reach o f the congregation outside France was in 1830, concurrent with the French invasion o f Algiers.  27  This desire  28  was reflected i n the Chapter General o f 1831,  but would not bear fruit until 1841, when  several Oblates were sent to North America and to England. The Oblates' acceptance o f foreign missions immediately bolstered their ability to recruit young men, and the habit o f reading letters from the fathers in foreign missions served only to "s'enthousiasme" the  Oblate Father Rey expressed Mazenod's view regarding the conquest o f Algeria as a hope that " l a croix prendrait possession de la terre africaine sous les plis du drapeau de la France," [let the cross take possession o f African soil under the folds o f the French flag.] Cited i n Levasseur, (1955, 65). In a letter to Louis Veuillot, editor o f the ultra-Catholic newspaper L'univers. Mazenod wrote: "Monsieur, ce que vous dites dans votre derniere article sur la necessite de faire des Chretiens des indigenes d'Algerie pour en faire des francais m ' a fait un...grand plaisir." [Sir, what you say in your last article on the necessity of making Christians o f the indigenous peoples o f Algeria in order to make them French gave me. ..a great deal o f pleasure.] Mazenod to Veuillot, 30 June 1859, Mazenod, Eugene de, Eveque de Marseilles - Correspondance Generale, 1803-1861, 10 vols. A D , B C 494.M47, v o l . 10. The ordinary authority structure o f the congregation was vested in the Superior General who was elected for life by the Chapter General (held every six years to determine policy or i n cases o f emergency) which was composed of the general administrators, provincials, vicars o f missions, and delegates from each province or vicariate.  2 8  22  seminarians.  29  But specific instructions for foreign missions would not be appended to  the Rule until 1853. In conjunction with his duties as founder and Superior General o f the Oblates, Mazenod was consecrated (titular) Bishop o f Icosia (Tunis and Tripoli) i n 1832, and (diocesan) Bishop o f Marseilles (where he replaced his uncle Charles-Fortune) in 1837. He was thus charged with a diocesan clergy as well as his own congregation. He encouraged his seculars to focus explicitly on the propagation o f the cult o f the Eucharist, on the formation o f religious communities, and demanded that they take a Liguorian stance (see below page 22) toward penance. H i s initial elevation to the Episcopacy, without consent from the July Monarchy, was to make his relations with that government difficult, and he was deprived o f his French citizenship (reinstated in 1835). He was deeply involved in the strife surrounding education, and worked against the monopoly o f state-run universities. He was firm i n his stance toward the independence o f the Papal States, a fact which would eventually alienate h i m from Napoleon III, who appointed him to the Senate in 1852. Bishop Eugene de Mazenod died i n 1861. This is only the briefest o f summaries, but it is sufficient for me to emphasize several aspects o f Mazenod's life and attitudes which are reflected i n the Oblate congregation as a whole. The first o f these is quite simply his class position. Mazenod, as Leflon points out, "favored the exclusively agricultural economy o f the ancien regime," and this, I believe, prevented him from grasping the problems faced by a burgeoning  [enthuse.] Y v o n Beaudoin, Grand Seminaire de Marseilles - et scolasticat Oblat sous la direction des Oblats de Marie Immaculee, 1827-1862 (Rome, 1966), 142. 2 9  23  urban working class i n an increasingly industrialized society.  30  He was unable to come to  grips with modern poverty because he "understood poverty to mean only destitution 31  resulting from individual [and I would argue divine] circumstances..."  In other words,  he held "the normative Catholic view that work and misfortune were punishments for sin 32  and that inequality was natural and inevitable."  He was thus unwilling, for example, to  participate in a study into the conditions o f poverty initiated by the Minister o f the Interior i n 1840, i n part because he could not see that the nature o f poverty had changed, but also because he feared that the state would encroach on the Church's traditional role as the primary provider o f charity. These attitudes were reflected in the congregation most obviously i n their focus on the rural agrarian population o f southwestern France. Second, Mazenod was a dyed-in-the-wool ultramontanist, by which I mean that he literally looked beyond the mountains: he was oriented to Rome and the papacy rather than to a more Gallican version o f the Church. He vehemently opposed the secularizing tendencies o f liberal and republican regimes, and was unwilling to countenance any government interference into affairs he saw as totally within the Church's purview. H i s relations with most o f the governments that came into power in France during his lifetime were thus often bitter and tense. But he and his Oblates also practiced an ultramontane form o f piety, and the Oblates were forerunners in several trends that would come to dominate French Jean Leflon, Eugene de Mazenod, Bishop of Marseilles, founder of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, 1782-1861, trans. Francis D . Flanagan, O M I , 4 vols. (New York: Fordham University Press, 1961), I: 217. Leflon, III: 78. Ravitch, 86. 3 1  3 2  24  Catholicism after 1860: they placed a great deal o f emphasis on Marian devotion, and they believed that religion should "prendre l'homme par la pompe, le ravissement des 33  yeux."  They also took a Liguorian stance on confessional practices, rejecting the  probabiliorist approach o f the Sulpicians, who were moral rigorists. The Sulpicians used a moral system regarding questions of conscience where a confessor must always opt for the law over liberty even in cases where an equally good argument can be made for either position (probabiliorism). The Sulpicians also placed a great deal o f emphasis on the contemptus mundi, and were particularly vehement about dangers o f the flesh.  34  While  the Oblates were also rigorists regarding sex, as a missionary congregation they could hardly practice the complete rejection of the world recommended by the Sulpicians. N o r did they adhere to a probabiliorist position regarding confession. Rather, they adopted the more conciliatory position that marked the moral theology o f Saint Alphonsus Liguori: probabilism. Probabilism was a doctrine that rested on a position that "where a moral law was not absolutely clear...and where the contrary position was 'probable' in...that a 35  reasonable case could be made out for it, a confessor must not impose it."  In other  words, Liguori favored liberty over the law, and Mazenod favored Liguori over the more rigorist Sulpician stance toward confession.  36  IT  [take hold o f men through pomp, the rapture o f the eyes.] Gerard Cholvy and YvesMarie Hilaire, Histoire religieuse de la France contemporaine (1800-1880), 2 vols., (Toulouse: Editions Privat, 1985), I: 186. Jean-Jacques Olier, founder o f the Sulpician order, believed that the flesh was "the consequence o f sin, the basis o f sin." Cited in Gibson (1989, 93). Ibid., 261. Georges Cosetino notes Mazenod's debt to the constitution of the Redemptonsts (founded by Liguori). Histoire de nos regies, in the collection Archives d'histoire Oblate, Maurice Gilbert and Gaston Carriere, eds., 23 vols. (Ottawa: Editions des Etudes Oblates, 1955) vols. 3-8, 3: 71-130. Cholvy and Hilaire (I: 156) note that already i n 1809 3 4  3 5  Last, and most important, I think that Mazenod's experiences at the Sulpician seminary are critical to an understanding o f the Oblate Congregation itself i n two equally important senses. First, as Yves Beaudoin argues, "la Regie oblate...[etait] toute impregnee de l'esprit sulpicien." A n d second, many Oblate devotional practices and 37  exercises o f piety directly reflected those used at the Saint-Sulpice seminary during Mazenod's stay there. A s Beaudoin notes, these include articles o f the Rule concerning meditation, and the regulation o f Oblate seminaries, as well as preparation for communion, and the oraison. Sulpician influences are also apparent in the formulas laid out regarding the proper manner to perform exercises o f piety (hearing mass, praying, 38  etc.).  But the role o f the seminary was not only critical to Mazenod's own personal  religious formation, it also played a supremely important role for the entire congregation, all o f whom would be trained in French seminaries, and many Oblates were trained i n seminaries directed by the congregation itself. Discipline and Seminary Formation "the regime o f disciplinary power...differentiates individuals from one another, in terms o f the following overall rule: that the rule be made to function as a minimal threshold, as an average to be respected or as an optimum towards which one must  Mazenod was "invoking the authority o f [Liguori] in order to encourage frequent communion." H e succeeded in obtaining some relics of Saint Liguori - a handbone, a letter and a cassock fragment - in 1826. Cooke, I: 97. [the Oblate rule...was completely permeated by the Sulpician spirit]. Y v o n Beaudoin, "Les Oblats de Marie Immaculee, des Sulpiciens missionnaires?", Vie Oblate Life 51 (1992) 279-290, 285. Cosentino (3: 167) traces out the impact o f Sulpician spirituality and "usages" on the Oblate Rule i n great detail, but he also argues that this Sulpician spirituality was o f a distinctly seventeenth-century character, a point that I do not think entirely holds for the Oblates. 3 7  3 8  26  move... [it] compares, normalizes."  differentiates,  hierarchizes,  excludes.  In  short,  it  39  "connaitre le reglement, c'est comprendre le seminaire."  40  Eugene de Mazenod's time at the Sulpician seminary in Paris between 1808 and 1811 had a profound impact not only on his own personal techniques o f self-immolation, but on the Oblate congregation as well. The Oblates' seminary experience is key to understanding many o f the practices in which the Oblates engaged i n North America, particularly regarding discipline and the formation of Christian Native subjects. Seminary training for the clergy was instituted by the third session (1562-1563) o f the Council o f Trent, which ruled that every diocese should erect a seminary open to rich and poor alike.  41  These seminaries were to remedy the widespread problems o f ignorant  and un-disciplined Catholic clerics that Reformation theologians and satirists painted i n such broad and effective strokes  4 2  But as Hoffman has pointed out, the erection o f  seminaries in France had a distinctive historical geography. Where urban centers such as Lyons may have been experiencing the full impact o f the counter-Reformation before  M i c h e l Foucault, Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison, A l a n Sheridan trans. (New Y o r k : Vintage, 1979), 183. Hereafter cited D P . [to know the rule is to understand the seminary.] Christian Dumoulin, Un seminaire francais au 19eme siecle: le recrutement, la formation, la vie des clercs a Bourges (Paris: Tequi, 1978), 176. A . G . Dickens, The Counter-Reformation (Thames and Hudson, 1968), 128. For the "haphazard" education o f pre-Tridentine clergy see A.D.Wright, The CounterReformation: Catholic Europe and the non-Christian World (London: Weidenfeld andNicolson, 1982), 79. Satires o f monks and Catholic clergy were immensely popular in the 16th century, and perhaps none more so than the Letters of Obscure Men (1515), in which "the 'monkish' defenders o f tired traditions were exposed, in all their ignorance, stupidity, vanity and self-seeking." G . R . Elton, Reformation Europe, 1517-1559 (London and Glasgow: Collins, 1963), 32. 4 0  4 1  4 2  27  1600, many rural areas i n France would remain unaffected until much later in the seventeenth century  4 3  B y the time of the French Revolution, however, the seminary  system was firmly entrenched in France (160 were in operation i n 1789), and many had been confided to the care o f the relatively new orders - such as the Sulpicians - who specialized i n seminary training  4 4  There is no question that the seminaries o f both the  eighteenth and nineteenth centuries drew on many monastic techniques for the control and discipline o f the seminarians, and had as their aim what Asad has called the formation o f moral Christian dispositions  4 5  In this section, I trace out some o f the  disciplinary strategies and tactics employed in seminaries, with a focus on Sulpician seminaries and those under the guidance of, and attended by, the Oblates. I then consider the subjects that these disciplinary techniques aimed to produce, and the type o f education a missionary priest could expect to receive.  Discipline:  The Victory of the Clock  A s Christian Dumoulin has noted, i f French seminaries in the nineteenth century made innovations to models o f Christian discipline ranging from Chrysostom to Saint Charles o f Borromeo, those innovations lay only "dans le souci de la reglementation, dans la minutie de certaines prescriptions." Every minute o f the seminarian's day was to 46  Hoffman, 35. I take the statistic from Bernard Plongeron, L a vie quotidienne du clerge francais au 18eme siecle (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1974), 54. Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and reasons of power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 134. [in a concern for the regulations, in the minutiae o f certain prescriptions.] Dumoulin, 180.  4 4  4 5  4 6  28  be constructively accounted for, every gesture weighed, every action monitored. Thus the daily timetable o f the Oblate Seminary of Marseilles in 1829 prescribed: 4.55 A M - rise 5 : 1 5 - prayer, mass, study 8 - breakfast 8:15 class 9:15 - study 11:30- reading, particular examination, lunch 1:30 P M - rosary, Vespers, Compline 1:45 - singing, ceremonies 2:15 - study i n cell 3:30 - class 4:30 - Matins, Lauds [sic] in common for those in orders 6:30 - spiritual reading 7:00 - chapel, Angelus 7:15 - dinner, visit to the Host, recreation 8:15- examination o f conscience, prayer 9:15-bed 47  "Recreation," in the seminary, took the form of disputations on specific subjects, and the time spent walking from the college to the chapel, for example, was to be used to say the rosary. The clock, then, played a pre-eminent role in the lives o f the seminarians, taking its cue from the (monastic) liturgical schedule, which suggests what Foucault has called the "three great methods - establish rhythms, impose particular occupations, regulate the cycles o f repetition" that would come to underpin the temporality o f the new disciplines.  48  Indeed the correlation between the Rule and the Clock was clearly  Beaudoin, 67. W h y the Oblates celebrated matins and lauds in the afternoon rather than in the morning is a mystery to me, but there are repeated references to this practice. Foucault, D P , 149. 4 8  29  recognized by both the seminarians and their guardians, and obedience to the imperatives of time was a measure of one's vocation.  49  But the seminary was not simply ruled by the clock. The cloister of the seminary was designed to shelter the seminarians from the world and to allow them to "se vider de 1'esprit du siecle." Walled, inward-looking, entirely masculine, the seminary was also 50  designed both to mimic and to produce the contemplation required by a religious life.  51  Thus the production of space, and the construction of lines of surveillance, were crucial  Dumoulin cites several "odes" to the clock - "par toi la regie nous enchaine; tu soumets notre volonte" [through you the Rule enchains us, you subordinate our wills] etc., (188) but he also includes an interesting quote from a seminarian at Bourges in the midnineteenth century who captures the essence of Foucault's prescription in a startling way: "Toutes les heures sont occupees depuis celle du lever jusqu'a celle du coucher. Tout est regie et la regie ne varie pas. La semaine qui commence ramene les occupations de celle qui finit. La priere, l'etude et quelques rares et joyeuses recreations s'en partagent les journees: journees de labeur et d'ennui, pourraient penser quelques esprits chagrins; fecondes et saintes journees repondent toujours les bons seminaristes..." [Every hour is occupied from waking to sleeping. Everything is ordered and the Rule never varies. The week that begins recalls the occupations of that which has finished. Prayer, study and some rare and joyous recreations share the days: days of labor and boredom, some chagrined spirits might think; fecund and blessed days the good seminarians always respond...] (187). [empty themselves of the spirit of the century.] Plongeron (1974, 55). Seminary faculty were extremely careful to shield the seminarians from even a glimpse of the female form. Dumoulin (176) notes a case in Bourges in 1855, where a debate arose around the question of whether a mother could visit her son who was ill in the seminary infirmary. The Superior General remarked "L'usage d'exclure les dames, meme parentes, de l'interieur du seminaire est en lui-meme ties respectable. Neanmoins il me paraitrait aussi bien dur de le pousser jusqu'a la derniere rigueur. C'est pourquoi je pense que s'agissant d'une mere, d'une maladie tres grave, et votre infirmerie placee come elle est, vous pouvez permettre 1'introduction de cette dame, en prenant vos precautions pour que, lorsqu'elle traversa votre cour, elle soit le mo ins possible en perspective a votre communaute." [the custom of excluding women, even parents, from the interior of the seminary is in itself very respectable. However it seems very hard to me to push it to the extreme. That is why I think that, regarding a mother, a grave illness, and your infirmary placed as it is, you may permit the introduction of this lady, while taking precautions that, as she crosses your courtyard, she can be seen by your community as little as possible.] 50  51  30  to the proper formation of a pious clergy. The Episcopacy was keenly aware of this, and many a post-Revolutionary bishop would bemoan the inappropriateness of the buildings the seminaries were compelled to occupy: many were forced to use buildings constructed for other purposes, buildings "qui n'a ni l'etendue, ni la regularite que droit avoir un 52  seminaire..."  In other words, these architectural spaces did not allow an adequate  separation from "the world" or the implementation of internal disciplinary strategies. Seminaries of the pre-Revolutionary period, however, were constructed with an exacting attention to space and its possibilities, and the Sulpician seminary at Viviers perhaps exemplifies this: "Les chambres du deuxieme et quatrieme etage s'ouvrent sur un hall fort spacieux autour duquel courent les galeries qui servent d'acces aux cellules...on se rend vite compte, de n'importe quelle galerie et d'un seul coup d'oeuil, les Messieurs de StSulpice pouvaient surveiller discretement toutes les chambres, non seulement a 53  l'etage, mais de haut en bas du seminaire." [The rooms of the second and fourth floors open out on a very spacious hall around which run the galleries that serve to access the cells....we can quickly realize that no matter from which gallery and with one glance, the masters of Saint-Sulpice could discretely survey all the rooms, not only of one floor, but from top to bottom of the seminary.]  This "severe geometry of lines" calls forth not just Bentham's panopticon, but 54  Lefebvre's "formants" of abstract space: a Cartesian geometry of sight in which "the time of knowledge dominates a spatial order constituted according to the logical laws of  [that have neither the extent nor the regularity that a seminary should have.] Beaudoin (1966), 6. Plongeron(1974, 54-55). Idem. 5 2  5 3  5 4  31  homogeneity, under the gaze of the Lord and before the eyes of the thinking 'subject.'"  55  The homogeneity of the constructed spaces - the individual yet identical cells of the seminarians, for example - ensured the spatial partitioning that permitted each seminarian to be known as an individual. In other words the connections between the parcellization of space and the disciplinary power of individualization become apparent. And in the Oblate seminary at Marseilles, seminarians destined for the foreign missions were grouped along a different corridor from those who would remain in France, thus allowing for the ordering, through further partitioning, of segments of the group. It was the common rooms and corridors, where intermingling could occur, that posed the greatest problems for seminary directors. The Sulpician directors at Bourges worried that, on winter evenings, the stove became "un endroit de dissipation," and discussed the possibility of placing one in each cell. They also discussed "distributing" the seminarians amongst the various heated common rooms, but this solution was rejected because it could allow the development of "amities particulieres."  56  The surveillance enabled by spatial partitioning was to be accompanied by the constant presence of seminary officials. The seminarians were never to be left alone; they were always to be accompanied by the directors on their promenades, who were to "se meler a eux" during their recreational time. This "paternal" surveillance was in turn 57  Indeed this spatial order occurred not just before the eyes of the thinking subject but was intended to produce a certain type of thinking subject. Henri Lefebvre, The production of space, Donald Nicholson-Smith, trans. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991), 285-6 and 284. [places of dissipation]; [particular friendships.] Dumoulin, 191. 56  57  [mingle with them.] Beaudoin (1966), 47.  32  buttressed by networks o f seminarians who were appointed to "surveiller leur confreres," or by "associations o f piety" who took it upon themselves to perform such functions.  58  But the disciplinary strategies embedded in the regulation o f time and space were also reinforced by attention to a gamut o f other details. Seminarians were seated at table according to a hierarchy reflecting their advancement, their length o f time at the seminary and alphabetical order. Gestures and comportment were carefully monitored: there were to be no unnecessary conversations in the hallways, no "particular friendships founded on natural inclination." Voices were to be moderated, laughter avoided, eyes not to 59  wander.  60  Gestures were monitored not only to provide an "edifying" example to the laity  and one's fellow seminarians, but because, as Hugh of Saint Victor argued in the twelfth century, " B o d y and spirit are but one: disordered movements o f the former betray outwardly the disarranged interior o f the soul. But inversely, 'discipline' can act on the soul through the body - in ways o f dressing, in posture and movement, i n speech, and i n table manners." 61  Piety, then, was not simply a spiritual condition, but one that was to be physically manifested by the seminarian. A n d the seminary was not simply the product o f these gestures (as Lefebvre might have argued), 58  62  it was designed precisely to call them forth: •'•  [surveil their brethren.] Dumoulin notes this "fraternal" surveillance i n the Sulpician seminary at Bourges, 191. In the Sulpician seminary at Paris, Mazenod himself was involved in an association of piety that reported the conduct o f fellow seminarians to the Sulpicians i n charge. Leflon, I: 333. Beaudoin (1966, 70). Dumoulin, 177; Beaudoin (1966, 73). Cited i n Asad, 138. "Organized gestures, which is to say ritualized and codified gestures, are not simply performed i n physical space...bodies themselves generate spaces, which are produced by and for their gestures...When a gestural space comes into conjunction with a conception o f the world possessed o f its own symbolic system, a grand creation may result. Cloisters 5 9  6 0  6 1  6 2  33  the discipline o f the seminary was indeed to act on the soul through the body, it was to regulate " l a tenue, les mouvements, la demarche, la parole, tout, en un mot, porte 63  l'empreinte de la gravite, de la ponderation, de la piete."  Thus disciplinary strategies  involving time, space and gesture should not be seen simply as repressive, but also as (doubly) productive, o f the seminary itself as well as the seminarians. The discipline I have thus far described aimed to produce "legible and docile" bodies, bodies that displayed the external signs o f piety. But there was another type o f 64  discipline embedded in the Montagne and Marseilles timetables, a form o f discipline that was calculated to produce pious, disciplined souls, to form proper internal dispositions.  The Perpetual  Examination  O n a daily basis, seminarians were to perform two operations intended to "faire regularity, la piete, et l'amour des etudes serieuses."  65  The "oraison," which  took place after morning mass, was a mental prayer similar to meditation. The Oblates followed the Sulpician method o f performing the oraison, a process with three distinct parts.  66  The first o f these was the preparation necessary to make a good meditation, a  process that involved an unwavering focus on the topic chosen for meditation. Both the  [and I would argue seminaries] are...a gestural space [which] has succeeded in mooring a mental space - a space o f contemplation and theological abstraction - to the earth, thus allowing it to express itself symbolically and to become part o f a practice, the practice o f a well-defined group within a well-defined society." Lefebvre, 216-217. [the bearing, the movements, the gait, the speech, all in a word was to bear the imprint of gravity, levelheadedness, piety.] From the 1829 Rule governing Oblate Seminaries, cited i n Beaudoin (1966, 47). Foucault, D P , 188. [allow...regularity, piety, and the love o f serious study to reign.] Beaudoin (1966), 119. L e f l o n , ! : 318. 6 3  6 4  6 5  6 6  34  Sulpicians and the Oblates recommended seminarians to follow the steps laid out i n Saint Ignatius o f L o y o l a ' s Spiritual Exercises to achieve that focus. The second step was the oraison itself, again consisting o f three parts: Adoration, Communion, and Cooperation. Adoration - Jesus before one's eyes - consisted o f contemplation o f a specific divine attribute, or o f an example set by Christ or the Saints. 67  This contemplation was intended to produce "sentiments of religion."  Communion -  Jesus drawn into one's heart - involved the exposition o f arguments intended to convince the seminarians o f the utility and worth of the subject of the oraison. Communion was thus intended to produce conviction. A n d last, Cooperation - Jesus in one's hands involved cooperating with grace by resolving to act on the convictions produced by 68  communion. Cooperation, then, generated resolution.  The oraison concluded with a  scriptural or patristic text that was designed to constantly remind the seminarians o f the resolutions they had made during the oraison. Evening prayer was accompanied by a period o f time given over to an individual examination o f conscience, wherein "les seminaristes detaillaient leurs actions de la journee pour en etablir le b i l a n . " This examination o f conscience was followed by " l a 69  coulpe," a public confession o f any violations o f the Rule committed by a seminarian. A s Dumoulin notes, the coulpe was both an "exercice d'humilite et marque de confiance, 70  c'etait un moyen efficace de correction."  6 7  Dumoulin, 254.  68  The oraison is described i n detail by Dumoulin, 254-256. [the seminarians detail their daily actions in order to establish their balance sheet.] Dumoulin, 269. [exercise o f humility and a mark of confidence, it was an efficacious means o f correction.] Idem. 6 9  7 0  35  Seminarians were expected to confess weekly, and all were assigned a member o f the faculty who was to hear their confessions and to act as a spiritual director. It was this man's duty to know everything about the seminarians assigned to him, to offer advice and 71  guidance, to "discover the soul" o f the seminarian. These interrogations into the internal dispositions of the seminarians were buttressed by a cycle o f academic examinations, including daily recitations and repetitions, weekly particular examinations, and three yearly general examinations. In the Oblate seminary at Marseilles, the original disciplines o f philosophy, dogma, moral theology and Scripture were supplemented by ecclesiastical history (1844), the liturgy (1848) and canon law (1853). Aquinas' Summa Theologica provided the basis o f the 72  dogma taught at the Oblate seminary, and Liguori's moral theology tempered the rigorism that generally characterized French texts on that subject. Vital Grandin, a future bishop i n western Canada noted that "les quelques classes que nous avons eues m'ont fait voir q u ' i l me faudra piocher plus que jamais. Nous voyons pour la morale, la justice et les contrats, et pour le dogme la Trinite dans Saint Thomas. Jusqu'a present c'est si profond que je n ' y vois nen... . [The several classes that we have had made me see that I must cram more than ever. We have for moral theology, justice and contracts, and for the dogma o f the H o l y Trinity, Saint Thomas. U p to this point it is so deep I can make nothing o f it.]  But despite Grandin's complaints about the rigors o f the seminarians' intellectual training, most commentators (including the directors o f the Marseilles seminary) agree  7 1  7 2  7 3  Ibid., 214. Ibid., 87. Ibid., 88.  36  that the clergy o f nineteenth-century France was not, nor did it need to be, intellectually gifted. The director o f the Marseilles seminary noted that "certains oblats.-.peuvent sortir avec une tres petite dose de science fheologique," and the seminaries tended to focus on practical training: they sought to provide "une science solide et propre au ministere apostolique" rather than on " l a science et des cours distingues."  74  Thus the point o f this regime of perpetual examination was precisely to form "subjects" who were "good, pious, regular." The novice master's report on Charles Pandosy, who was sent to Oregon in 1847, depicts a thoroughly normalized subject:  75  "I can speak o f h i m only in the highest terms. He never loses the gentle peace o f soul which makes h i m so happy. I do not believe that Saint Aloysius o f Gonzaga was more obedient and regular. He is like putty in your hands; he is the staff o f which Saint Ignatius spoke. I do not believe that anyone can exceed h i m i n obedience, regularity and self-renunciation. Pandosy - always the same - always very holy, very prudent, very pious, very regular. Above all remarkable for his regularity and his love o f obedience..."  76  Pandosy was notable for his regularity - his conformity to the Rule (the Norm). H e epitomizes the disciplined religious subject produced by the constant interplay between power and knowledge, by the double mechanisms o f subject-formation and discipline. He, i n turn, would venture into the world to attempt to reproduce the conditions that  [certain Oblates can leave with a very small dose of theological science]; [a science solid and proper to the apostolic ministry]; [distinguished science and courses.] Ibid.,113, 38. / 4  75  I mean normalized in precisely the sense that Pandosy was mapped into "a whole range of degrees o f normality indicating membership o f a homogeneous social body but also playing a part in classification, hierarchization and the distribution of rank." D P , 184. What is more, he thoroughly internalized the N o r m o f the seminary. 76  Cited i n K a y Cronin, Cross in the Wilderness (Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1960), 61.  37  would permit the formation o f a disciplined, orderly, Catholic laity. In France, and 77  elsewhere, he would be engaged almost exclusively in mission activity.  Evangelizare Pauperibus Misit Me: The Missions The motto o f the Oblate congregation - evangelizare pauperibus  misit me (to  preach the gospel to the poor he hath sent me) - aptly sums up Eugene de Mazenod's 78  vision o f the purpose and methodology o f his congregation.  I want to characterize the  general contours o f a typical mission in nineteenth-century France, i n terms o f both content and style, and then suggest some practices and a style that were specific to the Oblates during this period. A s Ernest Sevrin argues, missions given by all groups o f the regular clergy followed a pattern that had been established well before the Revolution, and tended not to 79  innovate but to "renouaient la chaine" of previous centuries.  These missions, which  typically took place in the winter months, lasted anywhere from a month to six weeks. Two daily sessions took place, one at five in the morning, the other at five i n evening, in order to ensure the greatest possible attendance, which was generally very high and attracted many people from neighboring parishes. A l l missions seem to have followed approximately the same order. A l l commenced with an opening procession, concluded  Seven o f the Oblates who would be sent to the Pacific Northwest were trained at the Marseilles seminary: E . C . Chirouse, D'herbomez, Durieu, Fouquet, Pandosy, Ricard, and Richard. Beaudoin (1966, 179-183). 78  The influence o f Saint Vincent de Paul is evident here. [renew the chain.] Ernest Sevrin, Les missions religieuses en France sous la Restauration, 2 vols., (Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. V r i n , 1959), I: 130. 7 9  38  with the planting o f a mission cross, and incorporated the renewal o f baptismal vows, the 80  "amende honorable," and adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. But the primary focus o f the missions was to convert and, during the nineteenth century, preaching was seen as.the most efficacious means o f conversion. Each day o f the mission was built around the sermon, which was to produce conversions by providing instruction and by emotionally moving the auditors. Thus the morning exercises included prayer, an explanation o f the mass, a lesson, and the benediction o f the Host, while evening exercises incorporated an explanation o f the catechism and o f the mysteries, a 81  sermon, the benediction, and "advice." The content o f mission sermons reflected the pastorale de la peur discussed above, and favorite topics were death, judgment, eternal damnation, sin and its punishments, and the commandments o f God. Instruction could be apologetical, centering on refutations o f the philosophical and "heretical" errors o f the day, depending on the audience. A l l missions targeted specific village activities that the clergy saw as sinful. A s Gibson notes, there was a massive clerical campaign in the nineteenth century against 82  dancing, and the Oblates were no exception to his observation.  Young women were the  focus o f special meetings encouraging them to j o i n a sodality, membership in which required an oath to give up dancing. There was also a concentrated attack on taverns and those who patronized them. Again, the formation o f men's sodalities was seen as providing alternative social activities for its members, in conjunction with its religious  1  2  [honorable amends.] Idem. Ibid., I: 160-162. Gibson (1989, 93).  39  functions.  83  The formation o f sodalities, youth groups, etc., was thus a primary mission  activity. A l s o noteworthy o f nineteenth-century missions, and particularly o f those given during the Restoration, was their theatricality. A l l involved elaborate processions, sumptuous church decorations, and a great deal o f ceremony. A l l were what would now be called interactive, involving the laity through singing, through the mass, through participation i n processions, and perhaps most importantly, through their presence i n the confessional.  Oblate Missions  in  France  Although the Oblates followed the general pattern I have just traced out, they did modify it somewhat to reflect both their own style and the customs o f the region more closely. I want to take a closer look at some o f their more unique mission activities, beginning with the most obvious: their conviction that spectacle, emotion, and sincere conversion were inextricably linked. While all Catholic missions were geared toward dramatic spectacles, above all in the form o f processions, the Oblates added a few twists of their own to the proceedings. Two examples should, I think, suffice to provide some idea o f their modus  operandi.  First, Mazenod himself altered the general contours o f penitential processions by habitually offering himself as "the sacrificial goat laden with the iniquities o f all the people."  8 4  84  He would attempt to draw down the grace o f God by performing an expiatory  Leflon describes these two Oblate activities in II: 94. Leflon, II: 92.  40  ritual that involved removing his surplice, shoes and socks, twisting a noose around his neck, taking up the penitential cross, and leading the procession through the village, to a 85  chorus o f sobs and singing.  Thus, atypically, the missionaries themselves shared i n the  public performance o f the acts o f expiation usual to a penitential procession. A n d second, the Oblates became aware o f the high drama produced by the delivery o f sermons in village cemeteries. A cemetery sermon from 1841 gives some clues to what the Oblates may have spoken about: "Standing on the pedestal o f the cemetery's great stone cross, with a coffin full o f skulls before him, [the missionary] took them out one by one and conducted an imaginary dialogue with the dead: ' W h o are you? -I am the father o f a family; I led a respectable life. -So what is your fate? -I am i n hell. H o w can that be? -I had children; I neglected to instruct them i n holiness; they are lost. G o d has required their souls o f me; I am damned!' Tossing the skull back into the coffin, he would take another, and continue: ' A n d you? -I am a young girl. - A t what age did you die? - A t twenty. - D i d you often go to confession? Yes. - D i d you often take communion? -Yes. - W e l l then, you must have gone with confidence before the tribunal o f your sovereign judge? -Yes. -So he told you to enter into his kingdom and his felicity? N o , he told me that I had divided my heart between h i m and his creatures, and that because I tried to please men, he held me in detestation. I loved dressing up, dancing, good times. -Where are you then? -In h e l l ! ' "  86  This grisly spectacle o f death, and doubtless of eternal damnation, had a dramatic effect on those present, as the Oblates themselves noted: II ne faut pas que ce petit discours dure plus de dix-huit minutes...mais i l faut que le peu de paroles que l ' o n dit soient animees et succulentes de force et de verite, les larmes de tous les assistants prouvaient le bon effet que produisait sur eux une ceremonie si touchante."  87  [It is unnecessary for this little discourse to last more than eighteen minutes...but it is necessary that the few words we say are animated and succulent with force and  Leflon, II: 93. Cited in Gibson (1988, 390). Sevrin I: 233.  41  truth, the tears o f the assistants prove the good effect that a ceremony so touching produces on them.]  Thus, Restoration missions had a "predilection for terrifying subjects" precisely because 88  they were intended to move the audience. Another Oblate modification o f standard mission practice was their insistence on establishing direct personal contact with the individuals they had come to evangelize. U p o n arrival at a mission site, they made house calls to everyone in the village, which Mazenod felt was "indispensable in preparing for and complementing the exercises held 89  in the church."  It doubtless also placed pressure on individuals to attend the mission.  The Oblates also engaged in tribunaux d'arbitrage, a practice that pre-dated the Revolution, but which was seen as indispensable after it due to the many disputes caused by seizures o f emigre property. These tribunals were completely unofficial affairs, involving the missionaries and a board of mediators, and were dependent upon the voluntary cooperation o f the inhabitants. If the decisions of the board were accepted, a ceremony was held before the Sacrament to "ratify the newly effected reconciliation," and to make reparation to G o d and to those individuals who had been harmed.  90  The  Oblates, then, were accustomed to delivering judgments on matters outside the tribunal o f confession. The Pacific Northwest "J'ai toujours peur que votre zele vous entraine au dela de l'atmosphere, et q u ' i l faille aller vous chercher dans quelques une des plus brillantes etoiles. Vous n ' y 8 8  8 9  9 0  Ibid., I: 182. Leflon, II: 91. Ibid., 148.  seriez pas plus seul que vous ne l'avez ete trop longtemps sur les bords de votre mer glaciale. Combiens de fois, neanmoins, j'etais en esprit avec vous." Mazenod to Faraud, 6 M a r c h 1857. 91  [I always fear that your zeal carries you off into the atmosphere, and that it w i l l be necessary to search for you on one o f the most brilliant stars. Y o u would be no more alone there than you have been for so long on the shores o f your glacial sea. H o w many times, however, I have been with you in spirit.]  L i k e innumerable other religious bodies in the nineteenth century, the Oblates were unable to resist the "missions etrangeres": the opportunity "travailler au salut des ames les plus delaissees...les pauvres sauvages," and thereby to assure their own 92  salvation.  In this final section I follow the Oblates across the Atlantic Ocean to the  Oregon Territory, one o f several foreign missions accepted by the congregation i n the 93  first half o f the nineteenth century. In 1838 Joseph Signay, the Archbishop of Quebec, sent secular priests Francois Norbert Blanchet and Modeste Demers to the Willamette Valley in response to a request from French Canadians settled there. Signay was clear in his instructions to the two men, commanding them to "withdraw from barbarity and the disorders which it produces, the Eugene de Mazenod, Eveque de Marseilles - Correspondence Generale, 1803-1861, 10 vols. Ottawa, A D , B C 494.M47, vol. 9. 9 1  92  [foreign missions]; [to work for the salvation o f the most forsaken souls, the poor sauvages.] Ricard aux Peres et freres de l'Oregon, 15 February 1857, H P K 5221 .R48c 3. Sauvage, i n French, does not have the same degree o f negative freight that savage does i n English. Indeed savage in its English sense would best be captured by fauve, brute, or barbare i n French, and there is no really acceptable English equivalent o f sauvage. I have therefore left it untranslated. I w i l l refer to the original inhabitants o f the U S and Canada as Native people (the most convenient and politically neutral term I think); otherwise my sources speak for themselves. The others were England (1841), Sri Lanka (1847), Texas (1849), and Natal (1851); Donat Levasseur, Les Oblats de Marie Immaculee dans l'ouest et le nord du Canada, 1845-1967 (Edmonton: University o f Alberta Press and Western Canadian Publishers, 1995), 23. 9 3  43  Indians... [and] the wicked Christians" o f the area.  They were also to learn Native  languages, regularize marriages, provide education, and plant crosses throughout their vast mission field. The Pacific Northwest (roughly, southeastern Alaska through southwestern Oregon) was a vast area with distinctive physical geographies (see Figure 1.2). The coast had a broken topography, dense forests, a mild maritime climate, and access to open ocean and a multitude o f fresh-water streams. A n account o f 1843 describes the terrain farther inland thus: "The lofty range o f the Cascade mountains forms a distinct boundary between the opposite climates o f the regions along its western and eastern bases. O n the west, they present a barrier to the clouds o f fog and rain which roll up from the Pacific ocean and beat against their rugged sides, forming the rainy season o f the winter i n the country along the coast. Into the brighter part o f the region along their eastern base, this rainy winter never penetrates; and at the Dalles o f the Columbia the rainy season is unknown, the brief winter being limited to a period o f about two months, during which the earth is covered with the slight snows o f a climate remarkably m i l d for so high a latitude. The Cascade indicated to the distant observer, both i n course and position, by the lofty volcanic peaks which rise out o f it..." 95  In the eighteenth century the coast was densely populated by Native people but several epidemics o f European diseases had drastically reduced that population by the 1840s. B o y d estimates a population o f 9,000 Kalapuyans for the Willamette Valley i n the  Francis Norbert Blanchet, "Historical sketches of the Catholic Church in Oregon, 1838-1878" i n Clarence B . Bagley, Early Catholic missions in old Oregon, 2 vols., (Seattle: L o w m a n & Hanford Co., 1932), I: 21-22. J. C . Fremont, Narrative of the exploring expedition to the Rocky Mountains, in the year 1842, and to Oregon and North California in the years 1843-44 (London: W i l e y and Putnam, 1846), 201. 9 5  44  Figure 1.2 M a p of the Pacific Northwest  45  pre-contact period: by 1841 Kalapuyans numbered 6 0 0 . Native people made use o f the 96  physical diversity o f the area variously, and coastal people and those in the interior who bordered rivers relied to a large extent on fish, while people i n the more arid plateau areas of the interior relied more on game; all took advantage o f a variety o f plant foods. Pacific Northwest Native societies were dynamic, and while cultural differences between groups could be marked, borrowing and adaptation produced similarities as well. The linguistic diversity o f the Pacific Northwest was pronounced, comprising 45 languages i n 13 97  language "families." The white population was concentrated in small pockets o f settlement. O f the 1000 whites estimated to inhabit the Oregon Territory in 1844, 600 were clustered i n the Willamette Valley, while the rest were scattered amongst Cowlitz and Fort Vancouver  Smallpox was the deadliest o f a battery o f introduced diseases, and B o y d suggests that there were major epidemics in 1775, 1801, 1853 (Washington) and 1862 (British Columbia). The fever and ague epidemics o f the 1830s also devastated Native populations. H e estimates that the pre-contact population o f the Olympic, Georgia-Puget Sound, and Southcoast areas was 59,989. These peoples were diminished to (probably far) fewer than 25,000 by the 1830s. Care must be taken with such figures, however, as there has been some scholarly debate surrounding the historical epidemiology o f the Pacific Northwest. Harris, for example, argues that there was no 1801 epidemic i n his essay "Voices of smallpox around the Strait of Georgia" in The resettlement of British Columbia: Essays on colonialism and geographical change (Vancouver: University o f British Columbia Press, 1997). Robert T. B o y d ' s figures can be found in "Demographic history, 1774-1874" in Wayne Suttles, ed., Northwest Coast, Handbook of North American Indians, 13 vols. (Washington, D C : Smithsonian Institute, 1990), 7: 135-148. See also B o y d ' s essay "Smallpox in the Pacific Northwest: The first epidemics", BC Studies 101 (1994), 5-40. 97  There were 23 languages i n the Salishan language family alone, 16 spoken on the coast. Lawrence C . Thompson and M . Dale Kinkade, "Languages", Handbook of North American Indians, 7: 30-51, 30.1 w i l l only go into ethnographic detail when it offers some clues to Native reactions. While the latter were culturally and temporally specific, Oblate methodology often was not.  46  and other Hudson's Bay. Company ( H B C ) establishments.  The land-based fur trade  accounted for much o f the white presence in the area in the first half o f the nineteenth century, and French Canadians and Anglo-Europeans connected with the H B C , as well as a first trickle o f settlers from the eastern United States composed the bulk o f the white population. Chinook jargon, a trading language, was the lingua franca o f the country, marriages a la facon du pays were common, and through the French Canadian and Iroquois employees o f the H B C some Natives had been exposed to the rudiments o f Catholicism. A s a result o f the settlement o f the Anglo-American boundary dispute i n 1846, the flood-gates o f American settlement would open, and Native/white relations would change significantly. Originally under the direction o f M g r . Provencher, Bishop o f the Apostolic Vicariate o f Hudson's Bay and James Bay, the Columbia was erected as a separate Apostolic Vicariate composed o f three dioceses i n 1846, with F . N . Blanchet as Vicar G e n e r a l . " W i t h no clergy to speak of, the Bishops had little choice but to call upon Europe for help: in 1847 Norbert received five Oblates from France, and two more accompanied Magloire Blanchet to Oregon in 1848.  100  Levasseur(1995, 18). Apostolic Vicariates are missionary areas that have not yet been absorbed into the regular church hierarchy. They are governed by the Congregation o f the Propaganda and thus ostensibly directly by the Pope. Apostolic vicars are usually delegated powers similar to those o f a bishop. The Apostolic Vicariate of Columbia contained the dioceses of Oregon City under the care of Bishop F . N . Blanchet, Walla Walla under Bishop A . M . Blanchet (Norbert's brother), and Vancouver Island, N e w Caledonia, and the Princess Charlotte Islands under Bishop Modeste Demers. y 8  9 9  M g r . Ignace Bourget o f Montreal met Mazenod in Marseilles, and requested that the latter send Oblates to minister to French Canadians in the lumber camps and eastern Townships, as well as to Native people. Although hesitant at first, Mazenod did eventually send seven Oblates to eastern Canada between 1841 and 1844. Donat 1 0 0  The Oblates' first decade in O r e g o n  101  was marked by strife. Intermittent  hostilities between Americans and Native people over land issues were typical o f the 1840s and 1850s. Sparked by the Whitman massacre  in November 1847, the 'Cayouse  W a r ' lasted through the following summer, and the Yakima War broke out in 1855 as Native people responded to the pressures o f white settlement. Oblate relations with both settlers and government were tense and in 1856 Territorial Governor Stevens echoed public sentiment when he reported that: "whilst [the Catholic missionaries] have made every exertion to protect individuals and to prevent other tribes joining in the war, they have occupied a position which cannot be filled on earth - a position between the hostiles and the Americans. So Levasseur, "La venue des Oblats de Marie Immaculee en Amerique ", in Raymond Huel, ed., Etudes Oblats de 1'ouest, 2 (1992), 13-29. Longueuil, in the diocese o f Montreal, would become the center o f the Oblate congregation in eastern Canada, drawing recruits from both Europe and Quebec. Bishop Blanchet employed similar tactics to obtain Oblates for the Oregon Territory. In the nineteenth century, British Columbia (with the exception o f Vancouver Island) would acquire virtually all of its personnel directly from Europe. The first Oblates to arrive were Father Pascal Ricard (Superior o f Missions), scholastics Charles Pandosy, Casimir Chirouse, Georges Blanchet, and Brother Celestin Verney. Pandosy and Chirouse were ordained almost as soon as they arrived in Oregon, Blanchet several decades later. In 1848 Fathers Louis D'herbomez and Timothee Lempfrit arrived and in the same year Francois Jayol, a secular, joined the Oblates. In 1849 Fathers Paul Durieu and Pierre Richard arrived, and from 1848-1854, Brothers Philippe Surel, Gaspard Janin, and Leo Weymaere. Gaston Carriere, Dictionnaire biographique des O M I au Canada, 3 vols., (Ottawa: Editions de l'Universite d'Ottawa, 1979). Hereafter cited Dictionnaire O M I . The entries in these volumes are in alphabetical order. F r o m 1818 to 1846 the Northwest was jointly occupied by the United States and Great Britain. In 1846 the Oregon Treaty set the continental boundary at the 49th parallel. In 1849 a U S territorial government was established in Oregon, in 1853 Washington Territory was officially separated from Oregon, and the latter was granted statehood in 1859. For more on the boundary agreement see Daniel Clayton, Islands of Truth: Vancouver Island from Captain Cook to the beginnings of colonialism (PhD dissertation, University o f British Columbia, 1995). 1 0 1  Methodist missionaries arrived in Oregon in 1834, the Whitmans among them. A n Oblate mission was established very near the Methodist mission at Wailatpu on the Walla W a l l a River. Cayuse Indians killed the Whitmans and several other whites in the vicinity, for reasons that are open to speculation. 1 0 2  48  great had been their desire for peace, that they have overlooked all right, propriety, justice, necessity, siding with the Indians siding with the Americans, but advising the latter particularly to agree to all the demands o f the former: - murderers to go free - treaties to be abrogated - whites to retire to the settlements. A n d the Indians seeing that the Missionaries were on their side are fortified in their belief that they were fighting for a holy cause. I state on my official responsibility that the influence o f the Catholic Missionaries in the Upper Country has latterly been most baneful and pernicious." 103  The immediate effect o f the Y a k i m a war was the gradual abandonment o f Oblate missions east o f the Cascades (in 1855 St. Joseph's at Attanem was sacked by Washington volunteers and St. Anne's at Umatilla was burned down by the Cayuse) and the Oblates, working out o f their missions at Olympia and Tulalip, focused on the Puget Sound area.  104  In conjunction with interdenominational rivalry between Catholics on the one side and Methodists and Presbyterians on the other (typical throughout the nineteenth century), the Oblates were also involved in a bitter dispute with the Bishops Blanchet. The latter conflict centered on ownership o f mission property, and the degree o f ecclesiastical authority the Bishops could exercise over religious (as opposed to secular) clergy.  105  The squabble was serious enough to be taken to Rome, but no solution  Report o f Governor Stevens, 22 October 1856, in Ore. II: 633, original punctuation and tense. For details on perceived Catholic involvement in the Whitman Massacre o f 1847 see Jean-Baptiste Brouillet, "Authentic Account of the murder of Dr. Whitman and other missionaries... " in Bagley, I: 153-226. O n the Y a k i m a War, see Robert I. Burns, SJ, The Jesuits and the Indian wars of the Northwest (New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, 1966), and David Nicandri, Olympia's Forgotten Pioneers: The Oblates of Mary Immaculate (Olympia, W A : A Publication o f the State Capitol Historical Association, 1976). Nicandri reports that Stevens and Ricard were on friendly terms. Nicandri, 33. Secular clergy are diocesan clergy who are under the jurisdiction o f their diocesan Bishop. Religious clergy include monks, members of religious orders and congregations, and nuns and sisters. The jurisdiction over religious is complex and often a matter o f 1 0 4  1 0 5  49  satisfactory to the Oblates was found, and it was under these circumstances that the Oblates removed to Esquimalt, Vancouver Island in 1858, and mainland British Columbia i n 1859. A first British Columbia mission (Immaculate Conception) was opened near Lake Okanagan in that year, a second (St. Charles in N e w Westminster) i n 1860, and a third (St. Mary's), in 1861, up the Fraser River from N e w Westminster (see figure 1.3). The Oblates formally took possession o f the mainland in 1864 when it was erected into the Apostolic Vicariate o f British Columbia under the direction o f M g r . Louis D'herbomez, O M I , Bishop o f Miletopolis. The Oblates removed entirely from Vancouver Island i n 1866, with the temporary exception o f the Fort Rupert mission. Fathers Leon Fouquet and Charles Grandidier arrived in British Columbia in 1859, Fathers Baudre, Lejacq, and Gendre followed in 1862, M c G u c k i n in 1863, Horris i n 1865, and Marchal and Lamure in 1868.  106  In all, fifteen priests formed the core o f the  Oblate presence in mainland British Columbia until 1879, and it is they who established the parameters and shaped the details o f the Oblate evangelization o f Native people that would persist well into the next century.  107  dispute. In Oregon the Jesuits were also involved because o f the Bishops' stance on Episcopal authority. For a detailed account o f Oblate involvement i n this dispute, see George N . Wagett, "The Oblates of Mary Immaculate in the Pacific Northwest of the USA ", reprinted in Edward J. Kowrach, Mie. Charles Pandosy, O M I : A Missionary of the Northwest (Fairfield, W A : Y e Galleon Press, 1992), 247-320. Ricard was recalled to France i n 1858 for health reasons; Lempfrit left the Congregation i n disgrace in 1853, accused o f fathering several children on Vancouver Island; F - X Villemard apostatized i n 1867 to join the Anglican church; Lamure died i n a shooting accident i n 1869. These men were aided inestimably by the hard work of at least seven lay brothers, about whom little is known. 1 0 6  1 0 7  50  Skeena  V  Babine Lake ;'S0 m i l «  Stuart Lake i O u r Lady of G o o d H o p e  1873  Fort Rupert Assumption 1863-65  o„ \ V  feHarbledown Island St Michael's .1866-74  /^Williams Lake *^» St Joseph's 1867 %  /  3 \ ^ j  Kamloops -St Louis 1878  N e w Westminster .St Charles 1860 -  j St Marys 1861 Mission  Lake O k a n a g a n ifmmaculateConception #1878 #o  #„ f Upper P Arrow  / Lower °Tulalip ".  1  „  J  St Francis-Xavier Mission 1 8 5 8 - 7 8  I /(/row  '„, * - " '  :  t 0  y'  M a p 1.3.  Oblate missions.  e  /  ^?  Cranbrook  St Eugene's 1874  j (  51  Conclusions The Oblates did not make any great changes in a strategy o f mission evangelization that extended back through the centuries and which predominated i n nineteenth-century France. But it is important to trace out the broad patterns o f nineteenth-century French Catholicism, and to situate the Oblates within that context i n order to lay some groundwork for an examination o f their mission strategies i n the Pacific Northwest. There are several points that I think bear reiterating, because they appear with peculiar force and intensity in the Oblates' missions to the American and Canadian west. The first o f these is the style of preaching and teaching that I have termed the pastorale de la peur, characterized above all by moral rigorism. Oblate sermons to Native peoples o f the Pacific Northwest were concerned to portray graphically the consequences of sin and the terrors o f hell, particularly in the early years of their mission. They were adamant about the need to re-shape Native sexuality in such a way that it conformed to what they considered to be acceptable Euro-Catholic sexuality. These are precisely some o f the practices most frowned upon by current scholars, and it seems important to emphasize that the Oblates were employing the practical techniques o f evangelization that they had learned, and used, in France. Second, I think the attitudes toward wage labor and the working class that were held by both Mazenod and the French clergy more generally, are crucial to understanding the Oblates' campaign to sedentarize Native people in the Pacific Northwest. The Oblates persistently attempted to persuade Native people that an agricultural way o f life was the  best option, and they did not encourage Native entry into wage labor or a (small) provincial capital economy. In this they differed dramatically from other denominations. Third, I do not think it is possible to underestimate the importance o f the Oblates' seminary formation, both in terms o f its disciplinary practices and its subject-production, processes that I see as inextricably bound together by a mutual dependence on the manipulation o f both time and space. B y this I mean that discipline acts in tandem on the body o f the seminarian and on his subjectivity: as Pasewark suggests, power is "present 'inside' as well as 'outside' the subject."  108  Thus the seminary is a pre-eminent example  of what Foucault has called a "complete and austere institution" in that it both echoes and foreshadows many o f the technologies o f power deployed through a carceral space: individualization, examination, surveillance, and the minute management o f time. Seminary training also served to form good Christian dispositions through its constant insistence on the seminarian's participation in his own subjectivization through selfexamination, confession, and penance, his own willingness to open himself to the myriad gazes to which he was subject and which subjected him. These processes o f time management and surveillance were so insistent that they marked Mazenod's own personal routine for life, as well as having a profound effect on his Rules and Constitutions for the Oblates. A n d last, while some of the details o f Oblate evangelization in France and the Pacific Northwest may have changed, the broad contours o f mission procedure, from the  108  •  K y l e A . Pasewark, A theology of power: Being beyond domination (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), 42. This is not to suggest, as Pasewark does (48), that Foucault's work can be condensed into a problematic dichotomy such that "power is a concept o f space and that a philosophy of the subject stands under the principle o f time."  53  order o f processions to the instructional timetables, varied little. In the next chapter I look at some o f the details o f Oblate proselytization i n the Pacific Northwest. I focus on the role o f vision i n their evangelical practices, as well as the ways in which the circulation o f certain images and analogies between North America and Europe may have affected their outlook on Native people.  54  Chapter 2 The Circulation of Representations and the Power of Vision "Nous arrivames le 4 Decembre au soir en face d'Olympia, de cette grande ville de 400 ames. Nous contemplions la position de la ville sur le bord d'un bois; i c i i l n ' y a que des forets, et des arbres effrayants par leur hauteur et leur largeur; au loin des montagnes remplies de neige; 9a et la sur la Baie des colons americains qui essayent de fertiliser une petite partie d'un terrain si ingrat. Tout cela etait nouveau pour nous." Durieu to Mazenod, 7 December 1854. 1  [We arrived the fourth o f December i n the evening across from Olympia, that great city o f 400 souls. We contemplated the position o f the city at the edges o f a wood; here are nothing but forests and trees that are frightening in their height and size; i n the distance the mountains covered with snow; here and there on the Bay are the American colonists who try to fertilize a small corner o f this ungrateful earth. A l l o f this was new to us.] The Oblates not only encountered a strange and imposing physical terrain i n North America, they also found that Native people did not necessarily resemble descriptions circulating in Europe. Their seminary training may have equipped them to evangelize the countryside o f Provence, but affected by the utopianism implied by such mots clefs as Paraguay and the early church, they were unprepared for the realities o f evangelizing Native peoples. In this chapter I explore some o f the expectations and attitudes the Oblates brought to North America regarding both Native people and their own role in the mission field. Oblate correspondence regarding Native people in the Pacific Northwest suggests a complex circulation o f representations between Europe and North America. I discuss notions such as the early church and Paraguay, drawn from Church history and a long tradition o f Catholic missionary activity, used by the Oblates both as markers o f their  In Paul Drouin, ed., Les Oblats de Maries Immaculee en Oregon, 1847-1860, 3 vols. (Ottawa: Archives Deschatelets, 1992), II: 749. Hereafter cited Ore. 1  expectations and as a means o f describing their views on the character o f the "sauvages." But I do not limit my discussion of representation to a consideration o f statements, for representation also implies imagery and the visual. Therefore I also discuss the role that vision played i n the Oblate imaginary, the constitutive and repressive functions that Oblate visuality brought to bear on Native people, and how it was used as a primary means o f evangelization. In the course o f this chapter I range broadly both in terms o f time and space, beginning i n the Oregon Territory i n 1838, and ending in British Columbia in the 1890s. This was a period that saw immense changes to the human geographies o f the region, geographies shaped by such processes and events as the border agreement o f 1846, the 1858 Fraser canyon gold rush, the implementation o f the Native reserve system, Canadian confederation, the arrival o f the Canadian Pacific Railroad and the telegraph system. The topics o f this chapter - Oblate representational tropes and the power o f vision - also range widely yet selectively through time and space.  Representations " V o y e z dira-t-on en Europe comme la foi opere chez ces barbares, c'est un Paraguay, c'est la primitive Eglise. O u i , mais moi qui ai encore la dessus mes idees europeennes, et ce qui est plus fort, les instructions que j ' a i recues de la part de ceux qui avaient vecu avec les sauvages et qu'ils donnaient du haut de la chaire de verite, je prends tout cela pour de la bonne monnaie..." Lootens to Ricard, 17 M a y 1853. 3  [Look they w i l l say i n Europe, how the faith operates amongst these barbarians, it is a Paraguay, it is the primitive Church. Yes, but I who still have my underlying European ideas, and what is more, the instructions that I received from those who Cole Harris' (1997) essays "The Fraser Canyon encountered" and "The struggle with distance" thoroughly chart many of these changes in British Columbia. Ore. I: 249. Lootens was a diocesan priest with Demers.  2  3  56  had lived with the sauvages and that they pronounced from the pulpit o f truth, I took all this for good money.]  M a n y o f the Oblates' expectations were fueled by the missionary literature available to them i n the seminaries, and the early Jesuit missionaries and St. Alphonsus Liguori cast a long shadow over both Mazenod and his congregation. Neither o f these 4  models made particular sense in North America, and the more common analogies circulated i n Europe and eastern Canada for North American Native-missionary relations were the Jesuit reductions i n Paraguay and the early church.  5  The early Church connoted several things, most notably the successful missionary activity o f the apostles among the gentiles, the purity and zeal o f the first Christians, the small, tightly-knit, urban pockets o f Christians that were forming i n the first centuries after Christ's death, and the fervent faith that would lead to the martyrdom o f many o f the early Christians i n the face o f Roman persecution. The early church, then, was an 6  appealing analogy for missionaries in North America because it suggested missionary  St. Francois-Xavier, the Jesuit missionary par excellence, was for the most part dealing with literate cultures in China and Japan, while St. Liguori evangelized the peasantry o f the Italian countryside i n the eighteenth century. The former provided the definitive model (after Christ) o f missionary martyrdom. Reductions were separate mission colonies managed independently by the Jesuits, to be populated only by Native people. In them the Society "attempted to apply a comprehensive program o f directed social and cultural change...and economic relations." W i l l i a m L . M e r r i l l , "Conversion and colonialism in Northern Mexico: the Tarahumara response to the Jesuit mission program, 1601-176T in Robert W . Hefner, ed. Conversion to Christianity: Historical and anthropological perspectives on a great transformation (Berkeley: University o f California Press, 1993), 135. Peter B r o w n ' s work is among the best o f the vast amount of literature available on the early church, The body and society: men, women and sexual renunciation in the early church (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988) and The rise of western Christendom: triumph and diversity, A D 200-1000 (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1996). 4  5  6  57  success and Native eagerness to embrace Christianity. Some missionaries arrived in the Pacific Northwest expecting to find an incipient early church with "les sauvages soupirant apres la bapteme comme des cerfs alteres"; instead they found the Bishops asking "quand [les sauvages] seront-ils ma joie et ma couronne?" Paraguay provided a common analogy for missionary endeavors in the Pacific Northwest. In the sixteenth century, Jesuit missionaries gathered small tribal groups o f Guarani together to form very large, communal reductions composed solely o f Natives and Jesuit personnel. These reductions were admired throughout the Catholic world (except by Spanish colonists in Paraguay) for their "order and regularity," selfsufficiency, and fervent religiosity. Father Jean-Pierre de Smet, Jesuit missionary to the Flatheads o f Idaho i n the 1840s, set out explicitly to duplicate these reductions i n North America, claiming that they would be characterized by "profound respect for the only true religion; perfect submission to the Church o f God, in all that regards faith, morality, discipline, etc." These goals were to be achieved by "flight from all contaminating influence; not only from the corruption o f the age, but from what the gospel calls the w o r l d . " De Smet's Utopian scheme was never realized, largely because nineteenth9  century North America had little in common with sixteenth-century Paraguay, where the  [the sauvages sighing after baptism like thirsty stags]; Lootens to Ricard, 17 M a y 1853, Ore. I: 249; [when w i l l they be my joy and my crown?] Demers to Ricard, 9 December 1852, A D , H P K 5322 .R48Z. For more on Paraguay reductions see Phillip Caraman, The lost paradise: the Jesuit republic in South America (New York: Seaburg Press, 1976). H . M . Chittenden and A . T . Richardson (eds), Life, letters and travels of Father Pierre Jean de Smet, 4 vols. (New York, 1905), I : 328, 329. 9  58  Guarani were subject to the encomienda system, and the best way to avoid enslavement 10  was to live on a Jesuit reduction. Obviously the encomiendas provided a powerful motivation for the Guarani to submit to the Jesuit reduction scheme, but no such system was in place in the Pacific Northwest. The Jesuits in Paraguay also benefited from relative isolation, and the patronage o f the Spanish crown: Catholic missionaries i n the United States did not enjoy government patronage, nor could they count on isolating Native people once the Oregon trail became a major conduit o f white immigration. Thus while Paraguay represented the ideal mission, the Oblates would abandon it as impracticable by the mid-1860s.  11  But i f the early church and Paraguay provided a set o f misconceptions about the actualities o f mission work in North America, they also lent an aura o f docility and eagerness to Native people, those cerfs alteres clamoring to emerge from the darkness o f heathenism into the light o f Christianity. What did the Oblates make o f them?  Oblate Representations  of Native People  The Oblates' correspondence is riddled with characterizations o f Native people. These descriptions ostensibly captured both the essence o f 'The Native Character' as well as delineating the finer variations o f specific Native groups. It is important to remember that such descriptions varied according to the audience (the European public or  In its more virulent form, the encomienda system made Natives slaves; in its milder form Natives became serfs to the conquistadores amd white colonists in Spanish Paraguay. See Chapter 3 for a discussion o f claims that the Oblates based their mission strategy on the Paraguayan reductions. 1 1  59  fellow missionaries in the field, for example), as well as according to the personality and 12 mood o f the individual writer.  I want to trace out some o f these descriptions i n order to  situate them both in the context o f broader European constructs o f race and civilization, and i n a more specifically Catholic cultural imaginary. M a n y Oblate characterizations o f Native people, particularly i n the early years i n Oregon, were stereotypes that are familiar to any late twentieth-century student o f colonialism. Natives were "voleurs, menteurs, fourbes, traitres, changeants, laches, 13  demoralises."  Pandosy inevitably referred to the "irrationality" of Native people, while  all the Oblates emphasized fear, pride, and indolence as typical Native traits. Some recent scholarship suggests that such characterizations were exported versions o f a complex European "discourse on idleness" used "not only to draw distinctions between laboring classes but also to sanction and enforce social discipline, to legitimize land plunder and to alter habits o f labor." Perceptions of Native indolence, then, may have been rooted i n 14  previously developed European categories of race and class, and put to work legitimizing European colonial and imperial projects. But indolence, irrationality and fear are peculiarly interconnected terms and bear additional freight for the Oblates. A s M c C l i n t o c k ' s claim suggests, indolence does seem to be a complaint about Native resistance to the Oblates' attempts to form disciplined, A striking example o f the Oblates' sensitivity to audience is the use o f sauvage among themselves and i n French publications, and the use o f Indien in correspondence to provincial and federal government officials i n Canada. [thieves, liars, deceitful, treacherous, changeable, cowardly, demoralized.] Chirouse to Ricard, 12 January 1849, Ore. I: 41. Anne McClintock, Imperial leather: race, gender and sexuality in the colonial contest (New Y o r k and London: Routledge, 1995), 252. 1 3  1 4  60  sedentary, agricultural communities. But it is also bound up with irrationality and fear, for the Oblates could not understand why Native people continued to depend on the "vagaries" o f fishing and gathering - on nature - when they could control both their o w n food supply and nature itself through cultivation. Native food procurement rounds led not only to an excess o f leisure time (or so it seemed to the Oblates), but also to many o f the "superstitions" to which Native people were seemingly so devoted. A s Jaenen has 15  suggested, because Native people had brought neither the "animals or the elements" into submission, they were seen as "stupid primitive men living in constant terror o f the environment and the inexplicable forces o f nature."  16  Superstition, as the product o f that  constant terror o f the natural environment was, for the Oblates, more than simply a matter o f ignorance or irrationality, it was the active work o f Satan - one powerful means 17  for the Demon to secure his own disciples. But the Oblates also consistently complained o f Native orgeuil - pride. This trait, too, has a peculiarly Catholic inflection. N o t only was pride one o f the seven deadly sins, it was the most pernicious and tenacious of them all. Pride, in the Oblate sense, was at least as much about its opposite, humility, an important concept epitomized by the  Thus Chirouse would complain that "ils sont sans cesse a s'epouvanter les uns les autres, et partout ils voient des monstres la ou i l n ' y a que des atomes [sic]." [they are aways terrifying one another, and everywhere they see monsters where there are only atoms.] To Mazenod, 12 December 1857, Ore. II: 774. Cornelius J. Jaenen, " 'Les sauvages ameriquains': persistence into the 18th century of traditional French concepts and constructs for comprehending Amerindians", Ethnohistory 29 (1982), 43-56, 47. 1 5  1 6  17  A s A . G . Morice, O M I would put it in 1906, in instances of Native superstition, and particularly o f Native prophesying and other seemingly Christian ceremonials, "the D e v i l apes the Almighty." The history of the northern interior of British Columbia, 16601880 (London: John Lane, 1906), 238.  61  example o f Christ, and buttressed by its emphasis in the Benedictine Code, which served as a model for subsequent monastic codes. Humility, I think, is inextricably linked to obedience - to submission o f the w i l l , in both the sense of obediently submitting to a 18  superior, and to an extremely complex re-routing of the w i l l and o f desire.  A s Asad  argues, humility and obedience have to do with processes o f subjectification requiring both the development o f a fragmented self, and the systematic mastery o f that self, processes that Christian monastic (and seminary) discipline were developed to facilitate.  19  In conjunction with their seeming inability to master nature, the absence of Native selfmastery, as well as the absence o f Christian discipline, were seen as evidence that Natives were peculiarly vulnerable to the wiles of the Demon. But the Oblates did not simply see Natives through a uniquely Catholic lens, they also brought more far-ranging European conceptions with them to the Pacific Northwest. Consider, for example, Pandosy's claim to Ricard on N e w Year's day, 1853: "J'ai entendu qui disaient: i l n'y a rien a faire dans ces pays, les sauvages sont d'une race maudite de Dieu. S ' i l y avait une race maudite, ce serait je pense celle des negres, puisque d'apres quelques interpretes de l'Ecriture sainte ils sont des descendans [sic] du fils deboute de Noe et pourtant, quoique de race maudite on en fait quelque chose. Pourquoi les sauvages de ces contrees seraient-ils plus maudits que ceux de l'Europe ancienne? Qu'etaient nos peres? Quoique Gaulois etaient-ils plus des sauvages? L'histoire est la pour nous dire ce qu'ils etaient; leurs moeurs Augustine defined original sin as the w i l l run riot. Cf. Elaine Pagels, Adam, Eve and the serpent (New York: Random House, 1985). In 1883, the following advice was offered to an Oblate father: "II doit se dire: mes superieurs qui me tiennent la place de di[sent] ce que je dois faire et comment je dois le faire. Je suivrai en tout s[es] direction^]...persuade que le bon Dieu ne me demande qu'une obeissance aveugle." [You must say to yourself: my superiors, who for me take the place o f God...tell me what I should do and how I should do it. I w i l l follow my superior's directions 18  exactly...persuaded that the good G o d asks nothing o f me but blind obedience.] Gandan to ?, 19 February 1883, V R C A D , GR1/01 S/01, box 1, folder 6. A s a d devotes two chapters to tracking the disciplinary formation and incorporation o f Christianized subjects into medieval monastic modalities o f power. 1 9  62  etaient autres que les moeurs des sauvages du bas-Oregon, et pourtant ces Gaulois aux moeurs barbares, feroces, sanguinaires, effeminees, moeurs que Ton trouve i c i bien plus douces, bien plus modestes, ces Gaulois, dis-je, ont fait des Francs d'ou 20  viennent les Francais."  [I have heard those who say: there is nothing to do in this country, the sauvages are a race accursed by God. If there is an accursed race, I think it would be that o f the blacks, because, according to some interpretations of the H o l y Scriptures they are the descendants o f the outcast son o f Noah, yet although [they are] o f an accursed race we make something o f them. Why would the sauvages o f these countries be more accursed than those of ancient Europe? Although Gauls were they more savage? History tells us what they were; their customs were different from the customs o f the sauvages o f lower Oregon and yet these Gauls with their barbaric, ferocious, bloodthirsty and effeminate ways, ways that we find here though considerably softer, more modest, these Gauls, I say, made the Franks, whence come the French.]  I want to make two broad points about this citation. First, clearly the connections between time, race, and civilization are important. Pandosy equates nineteenth-century Native people o f the Pacific Northwest with first- or second-century pagan Europeans, attributing the same characteristics (barbarity, ferocity, blood-thirstiness and effeminacy) to both, although to different degrees. This suggests and invokes a complex system o f measurement - a hierarchy or scale - based on the historical march o f civilization and a teleology i n which Apocalypse can only be triggered by the Christianization o f the entire globe. In Pandosy's case, measuring distinctions was as bound up with moral difference 21  as it was with material difference.  But in general, Pandosy was operating within a  culture o f cognition that posited a social hierarchy lying at the crossroads o f race and  Pandosy to Ricard, 1 January 1853, Ore. I: 177. Robert J.C. Young, Colonial desire: hybridity in theory, culture and race (New Y o r k : Routledge, 1995), 45. 2 1  63  civilization (and, some would argue, gender).  Pandosy had to work within the  framework o f the Biblical injunction "there is neither Jew nor Greek, bond nor free, male nor female: for ye are all one in Jesus Christ" (Gal. 3.28): souls are entitled to equal opportunity salvation. But he also called on a very specific, racialized interpretation o f the Bible used to justify black slavery: Noah's curse on Canaan son o f Ham, that "a servant o f servants shall he be unto his brethren" (Gen. 9.25). In conjunction with the monogenist problems o f explaining racial differences, this one passage led to the literal blackening o f Canaan and his descendants, and equated colored skin, and hence nonwhite race, with divine retribution. Thus Pandosy's positioning o f Native people i n a racialized hierarchy o f civilization between blacks and the French suggests that while all souls may have been equal before God, all people were not equal before God's representatives on earth. Given the broader Catholic stance on the nineteenth-century debates surrounding monogenism and polygenism, Pandosy's position vis-a-vis this particular mode o f scriptural interpretation is hardly surprising. The Oblates were firm believers in monogenism - the belief that all humanity was descended in a direct line from A d a m , and 23  that everyone, as his direct descendants, had inherited his original sin.  The polygenetic  22  This is a complex issue, and there is a large literature both on the intersection o f race, gender and colonialism, and on nineteenth-century hierarchies o f race and civilization. See V r o n Ware, Beyond the pale: white women, racism and history (London: Verso, 1992), and M c C l i n t o c k for the former; for the latter see Stephen J. Gould, The mismeasure of man (New York: Norton, 1981), and Young. For a geographical perspective on the connections between race, place and morality see David N . Livingstone, "The moral discourse of climate: Historical considerations on race, place and virtue", Journal of Historical Geography 17 (1991), 413-434. Thus at the 1874 meeting o f the Congres des Savants in Nancy, "free thinkers" attempted to prove that "the indigenous races of America were of American origin solely, 2 3  64  position posited that different races arose from different sources, a theory which could clearly be made to support the belief that different races were actually different species. The implications o f such a position were that non-white races (species) were inferior humans, or indeed sub-human. Thus while Pandosy could, in all likelihood be considered a racist, he was a far less virulent racist than many o f his (polygenist) nineteenth-century contemporaries. Second, I think the tensions in Pandosy's adjectives are interesting, most particularly i n his depiction o f Native people as both ferociously blood-thirsty and effeminate. Edward Said has tracked the role that such characterizations play i n the imperial imagination, but I suspect that i n the Oblate imagination, the ferocity and 24  blood-thirstiness o f Native people have to do less with imperial desires than with their desire for martyrdom. Descriptors like 'ferocity' really only appear with force and consistency during the Oregon period - in other words, during the phase o f initial contact with Native people who were i n a state o f semi-warfare with the American government. A n d it is really only during this period that the Oblates themselves were 'sighing' after martyrdom. A n incident described by Durieu is telling: "Tout i c i semblait annoncer la mort. Cette main portee sur le ministre du Seigneur avait ete trempee dans le sang d'une foule de Colons, cette langue qui venait de parler avait prononce bien des arrets de mort et Tame qui animait cet homme n'aimait pas la Robe Noire qui par sa conduite, ses paroles et sa doctrine  and were not o f Asiatic origin, and consequently were not descended from A d a m , but were autochthons o f the American continent...that the tribes o f North America were a race apart, that had no brotherhood o f origin with any other portion o f the human family." Emile Petitot, O M I , who was attending the meetings, refuted this "Voltairean position." From Cooke, I: 274. Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1981). 2 4  65  condamnait ce genre de vie licencieuse. L e Missionnaire neanmoins etait calme. 25  Depuis longtemps i l soupirait apres le martyre."  [Everything seemed to announce death. This hand raised against the minister o f the L o r d had been soaked in the blood o f a host o f colonists, this tongue that had just spoken had pronounced many death sentences and the soul that animated this man did not love the Black Robe, who, by his conduct, his words, and his doctrine condemned this type o f licentious life. The missionary was nevertheless calm. He had long sighed after martyrdom.]  While Durieu doubtless did believe that death was imminent, he brought the desire for martyrdom with h i m from Europe - "dans 1'image de St. Francois Xavier expirant[,] quel sort, quelle mort digne d'envie" - it was the greatest sacrifice that any missionary could 26  make for G o d , and hence the most yearned for.  But this ultimately desirable fate would  not have been imaginable i f Native people were perceived simply as effeminate or infantile. In other words, I suggest that the Oblate desire for martyrdom, its potential, depended on a construction o f Native people as ferocious: the one required the other. Oblate references to martyrdom virtually ceased after 1858, the year they pulled out o f 27  Oregon, and also the year that Visitor General  Francois-Xavier Bermond inspected the  Oregon missions, and recommended that good health was critical to the important work o f salvation at hand.  28  Durieu to Mazenod, 1 February 1857, Ore. II: 663. [in the image o f Saint Francis-Xavier expiring, what a fate, what an enviable death]. Ricard to Faraud, 18 February 1850, Ore. I: 103. Aquinas maintained that heavenly rewards came particularly to those who practiced virginity (victory over the flesh), martyrdom (victory over the world), and preaching (victory over the D e v i l by truth).  2 6  A s Visitor General, Bermond was to inspect the Oblate.missions, identify problems, and suggest remedies. He was directly responsible to, and a personal envoy of, the Superior General o f the congregation. Bermond, Acte de visite, 15 September 1858, Ore. I l l : 793.  2 7  66  Bermond made numerous other recommendations and observations i n 1858, including the following: "Nous croyons...avec la generalite des Missionnaires que des sauvages qui n'ont pas encore cette foi profonde et eclairee, ne sont pas meme capables par leur nature de cette conviction et de cet heroisme que la civilisation donne, pas plus pour la vertu que pour autre chose. Q u i ne sait que leur caractere est mobile et que c'est avec raison qu'on les compare a des enfants et qu'on les traite a peu pres comme tels." 29  [We believe...with the majority o f missionaries that the sauvages who have not acquired a profound and enlightened faith, are not capable by their nature o f that conviction and heroism that civilization brings, no more for virtue than for any thing else. Who doesn't know that their characters are changeable and that it is only just that we compare them to children and that we treat them approximately as such.]  This is clearly an argument against the noble savage image, which, as Cornelius Jaenen 30  has suggested, existed in considerable tension with its opposite, the ignoble savage.  In  Europe, the trope o f the noble savage was used to critique church, state, and European society, and owed a great deal to the liberal, secular ideology o f the Enlightenment. But in post-Revolutionary France, the noble savage - the image of "natural goodness" that Rousseau was popularly believed to espouse - was also connected with what McGregor 31  has called "Jacobin rationalism,"  a set o f associations that could have had no appeal for  the politically conservative Oblates. But they must also have had theological reasons to disagree with the trope o f noble savagery and its links with the concept o f natural goodness: a major strand o f nineteenth-century Roman Catholicism was the conviction Bermond sur 1'evangelisation des Indiens, 18 September 1858, Ore. I l l : 804. Cornelius J. Jaenen, Friend and foe: aspects of French-Amerindian cultural contact in the 16th and 17th centuries (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976). Gaile McGregor, The noble savage in the New World garden: Notes toward a syntactics of place (Toronto: University o f Toronto Press, 1988), 23. 3 0  3 1  67  that, since the fall o f A d a m , humanity was inherently sinful. Although Native people were perceived as redeemable through the action of faith and grace, as pagans they were as yet unredeemed sinners, and no amount of natural goodness (a dubious concept at best) 32  could effect their salvation. The concept o f noble savagery was also implicated in a long and often contradictory set o f notions revolving around nature and paradise. Savagery, o f course, suggests a series o f lacks: lack of a desirable moral condition, o f appropriate social and sexual relations. But it also suggests a place that is most decidedly opposed to paradise 33  wilderness; untrammeled, undisciplined, unconquered nature.  The Oblate theology o f  nature was thus complex and marked by ambivalence, i n part because the scriptures approach nature from at least three different trajectories: created nature, fallen nature, and redeemed nature. The first approach implies that nature manifests the glory o f God and was confided to the stewardship o f man and for his benefit. Fallen nature suggests that The irony o f Bermond's argument against the noble savage image is that the latter was largely constructed by fifteenth and sixteenth century Jesuit missionaries, as Jean Franco has suggested i n "The noble savage " in David Daiches and Anthony Thorlby, eds., Literature and western civilization: The modern world I, Hopes (London: Aldus Books, 1975), 567. McGregor argues that the noble savage had lost much o f its rhetorical purchase i n Europe by 1820, but other evidence suggests that this was not the case in France, where Chateaubriand's works (Attala, Les Natchez, Rene), as well as those o f James Fenimore Cooper (The Leatherstocking tales) were vastly popular. Several delegations o f Native people were received by French royalty in the first half o f the century as well (1827, 1845, 1846), and Louis-Philippe had been immensely impressed by Native Americans during his exile i n the United States. See Veronique Wiesinger, et al., Sur le sentier de la decouverte: rencontres Franco-Indiennes du XVIe au X X e siecle (Paris: Editions de la Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1992), 81-87. A more detailed account o f the connections between noble savagery, nature and Christianity can be found in Hayden White, "The forms of wildness: Archeaeology of an idea" in Edward Dudley and Maximillian E . Novak, eds., The wildman within: A n image in western thought from the Renaissance to Romanticism (Pittsburgh: University o f Pittsburgh Press, 1972). I paraphrase from pages 13 and 21. 3 3  68  following A d a m ' s sin, the earth became accursed and damned. The third term testifies to the liberation and redemption o f the earth through Christ's resurrection. In the 34  Renaissance, perceptions o f nature evolved, but still remained ambivalent. One approach to nature was what Livingstone has called "natural theology" where the workings o f the "world-machine" were evidence o f God's power and glory, a view that was bound up 35  with an increasingly positivistic stance toward nature.  Another view can perhaps be  described as primitivism, suggesting either the degradation o f social life a la Hobbes, or the innocence and natural goodness posited by Rousseau. But as I have pointed out, the Oblates were wary o f nature: Father Lejacq was not alone in thinking that " l a nature, c'est a dire la bete." Native people, deemed incapable of 'heroic virtue,' were representative 36  of, and shaped by, the most dubious aspects of nature. Virtue was also bound up with notions o f childhood, and it is not surprising that i n Bermond's account one follows so closely from the other. H i s attitude toward childhood clearly rejected the natural virtue of children posited by Rousseau in Emile; he warned the Oblates that thinking o f the "sauvages" only "comme des enfants" was dangerous, because "on est porte...a ne pas observer a leur egard cette reserve qui fait le salut et l'honneur du pretre au...monde civilise."  37  This quote not only suggests that Bermond  These scriptural approaches are outlined in G . Mathon, et al., Catholicisme: hier aujourd'hui - demain, 13 vols. (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1982), 9: 1098. 4  35  D a v i d Livingstone, The geographical tradition: Episodes in the history of a contested enterprise (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 105. [nature, that is to say the beast.] To Durieu, 19 September 1869, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566. 3 6  37  [as children]; [we are brought...not to observe with respect to them that reserve that marks the salvation and the honor of the priest in the civilized world.] Acte de visite d'Olympia, 15 September 1858, Ore. I l l : 794.  connected nature, childhood and sin, but also that the perilous childhood o f Natives and the necessity o f priestly reserve was sexually charged. He addressed this link immediately, arguing that while " i l ne faut pas laisser croire aux personnes du sexe qu'on 38  les meprise...on peut fort bien les tenir a une distance respectueuse."  Thus Native  women exemplified Bermond's linkage o f the potential dangers o f nature, sexuality and childhood. But his declaration also placed Native people on a biological time scale, one that assumed that Native people, like children, required parental control and a Catholic upbringing - civilization - to teach them 'heroic virtue.'  Vision, Power, Gender "Helas! i l n ' y a rien dans l'eglise [de Cowlitz] qui excite, qui remue, qui touche le coeur." Durieuto A . M . Blanchet, 11 October 1857. 39  [Alas! there is nothing i n the [Cowlitz] church that excites, that stirs, that touches the heart.]  The Oblates were not simply enmeshed in a circulation o f representations o f Native people that extended to both Europe and the past, they were also trying to represent Catholicism to Native people. Oblate activity in the Pacific Northwest was profoundly oriented to the visual, both metaphorically and practically. In this section I look at some o f the visual practices used by the Oblates to evangelize Native people (to bring them into the light), and I want to emphasize that these practices were intended to be both productive and repressive: vision was both a means o f salvation and a dangerous  [we must not allow persons of sex to believe that we scorn them...we must keep them at a respectful distance.] Idem. Ore. II: 743.  3 8  3 9  70  entry-point o f sin. I w i l l consider both o f these aspects o f vision - as mechanism for sin and salvation - as well as some of the more striking connections between vision and power embedded i n the Oblate program in the Pacific Northwest. V i s i o n and imagery have long been o f particular concern to the Roman Catholic church, and have been troubling doctrinal and practical issues in the past. O n the other hand, the church has long been aware of the efficacy o f the use o f images for pedagogical purposes, and it reaffirmed Catholic "iconophilia" at the Council o f Trent. Native 40  people o f the Americas were seen as peculiarly susceptible to visual demonstrations o f church teaching because o f the technological "inadequacies" o f their societies, and due to inherent "flaws" in the "savage" character.  41  Thus Ortolan would note that  " L a logique leur est presque totalement inconnue, et les conclusions les plus irrefutables ne s'imposent nullement a leur esprit. Pour leur convaincre, i l faut, avant tout, frapper leur imagination et toucher leur sensibilite. L ' a x i o m c . q u e , chez l'homme, rien ne vient dans l'intelligence qui n'ait passe, d'abord, par les sens...est surtout vrai des sauvages, qui sont des etres incomparablement plus materiels que le commun des hommes civilises." 42  I borrow the term iconophilia from Francois-Marc Gagnon, L a conversion par l'image: un aspect de la mission des Jesuites aupres des Indiens du Canada au XVIIe siecle (Montreal: Editions Bellarmine, 1975), 100. This, o f course, foreshadows Claude Levi-Strauss' claim regarding the "savage mind," which he saw as approaching the physical world from the "supremely concrete...angle o f sensible qualities." The savage mind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 269. Thomas Ortolan, O M I , Cent ans d'apostolat dans les deux hemispheres: les Oblats de Marie Imacculee durant le premiere siecle de leur existence, 2 vols., (Paris: Librairie des Annales, 1915), 2: 453. Ricard also claimed that Natives were "ensevelis dans la matiere" [buried in the material] and resembled "etres prives de raison" [beings deprived o f reason]. A s evidence of these qualities he notes that "vous n'en verrez jamais un contempler les spectacles de nature [!]...ils cherchent ce qu'ils peuvent manger, et rien de plus." [you w i l l never see one contemplate the spectacles o f nature. ..they look for things to eat and nothing more.] Obviously, this quote says far more about Ricard, French aesthetics and tropes o f nature than it does about Native people. The citation is from ibid., 2: 302-3. 4 1  4 2  71  [Logic is almost unkown to them, and the most irrefutable conclusions can not be impressed on their minds. To convince them, it is necessary, above all, to strike their imaginations and touch their sensibilities. The axiom that, for M a n , nothing enters the intelligence that has not first passed through the senses, is especially true for the sauvages, who are incomparably more material than the average civilized man.]  But people so "irrational and material" would also be particularly susceptible to the baser, indeed dangerous, aspects o f vision: i f the eyes were the windows to the soul, they were also the doors to concupiscence.  Gender, Sexuality and Sin Doubtless a history o f vision in the Catholic church is bound up with a more general history o f the body and of changing social contexts and theological paradigms. It seems fair, however, to say that vision has always played an important role in the church. Obviously, Catholicism, with its ceremony, stained glass, and soaring cathedrals was (and is) profoundly geared to the eye, and on the one hand, visions, and sight, were seen as a mode o f enlightenment by which people could transcend the corporeal world and "understand formless ideas and G o d himself." O n the other hand, visions could be 43  produced and sight controlled by demons, as Aquinas would argue.  44  A s the patristic  identification o f sin with flesh became a central tenet o f church dogma, the eyes would become the most important interface between an individual and the evils o f the world:  Carolly Erickson, The medieval vision: Essays in history and perception (New Y o r k : Oxford University Press, 1976), 38. This phrase also recalls Lefebvre (1991, 259): Gothic cathedrals embodied a visual logic i n which " a l l should be revealed." Albertus Magnus, and his pupil St. Thomas o f Aquinas, believed that demons and "malevolent noncorporeal beings" could create "phantasms to deceive the sight." In Erickson, 38.  4 3  4 4  72  lust, residing i n the bodies o f all Christians, could be set loose by one unguarded glimpse, particularly o f the female form. A hierarchy o f grace was constructed, with married couples occupying the lowest echelons, while the "integritas" o f the "virgin bodies o f Catholic women and the studied continence of Catholic clergymen echoed the enclosed spaces o f the Catholic basilicas." The dichotomous patristic vision o f women as either 45  the immaculate V i r g i n or the poisonous Edenic serpent hardened in the Middle Ages with the 'scientific' misogyny o f Aquinas and its subsequent incorporation into Canon law, while the Enlightenment recast women as extravagantly sexualized beings, more suited to passion than reason  4 6  The "democratic Christianity" o f the nineteenth century, an  overwhelmingly Protestant phenomenon, would touch the Oblates not at all: they remained firmly convinced both o f the need to regulate the body and to restrict the field o f objects on which the unguarded eye could f a l l  4 7  They felt a need for witnesses to their  conduct, and constantly strove to assure that their manner exhibited what Visitor-General Bermond had called reserve, that on no occasion should their conduct "blesser les yeux  de D i e u . "  48  They placed a great deal o f emphasis on teaching modesty to Native people:  B r o w n (1988), 362. O n patristic attitudes toward women see Brown (1988); on Aquinas see Eleanor Commo M c L a u g h l i n , "Equality of souls, inequality of sexes: women in Medieval theology" in Rosemary R. Ruether, ed., Religion and sexism: Images of women in the Jewish and Christian traditions (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974), 213-266. M c L a u g h l i n is "amazed" at "the extent to which these [medieval] attitudes toward the female regarding her sexuality, her roles, and her personality characteristics...remain with us today", 214.  4 3  4 6  I borrow the scare-quoted phrase from David F. Noble, A world without women: the Christian clerical culture of western science (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 242. [wound the eyes o f God.] Chirouse to Ricard, 30 October 1853, Ore. I: 332.  4 7  4 8  73  "quoique les Sauvages soient peu delicats en fait de decence et de modestic.faites leur comprendre que l'honnetete demande qu'on s'habille du mieux qu'on peut, surtout en se presentant devant les pretres ou dans les lieux saints." 49  [although the sauvages are not delicate about things regarding decency and modesty, make them understand that honesty demands that they dress themselves as best they can, above all when they present themselves to the priests or go to holy places.]  Priestly vision, saturated with Augustinian overtones o f the w i l l run riot and fleshly concupiscence, was predicated on a two-fold equivalency. First, the body was seen less as the temple o f the soul than as the site o f a barely contained sexual desire: it was the field on which, to borrow from Foucault, the "battle for chastity" took place. This battle could only be won by male mastery, both o f the body itself (as Ricard recommended "veillez tous a la garde de vos sens"), and o f the field o f vision i n which women were permitted to appear. Thus in the early church women were 50  to be veiled, while the desert ascetics strove to isolate themselves from the physical presence o f women, and to eradicate images o f women from their minds' eye. Monastic life and orders (as well as the early universities) also required a rigorous control over the presence o f women, and this remained the standard for nineteenth-century Oblates who "defendant] a tout personne du sexe d'entrer dans notre maison..." Thus for the 51  Ricard to the Oblate fathers and brothers, 15 February 1857, Ore. II: 669. M y emphasis. [guard your senses well.] Idem. [forbid all persons o f sex to enter our house...] Chirouse to D'herbomez, 19 February 1860, Ore. I l l : 973. O n the desert ascetics see Brown (1988); for an interesting perspective on women and monastic, university, and western scientific cultures see Noble. In 1868 Durieu commanded that "Dans les eglises ou i l n ' y a pas de confessionaux on se procura au plutot de grilles pour entendre les confessions des personnes de l'autre sexe..." [In churches where there are no confessionals you w i l l procure as soon as possible some grills in order to hear the confessions o f persons o f the 5 0  5 1  Oblates, vision and the sexual desire represented by women may have been interconnected. Second, this type o f connection between vision and sexuality was predicated on a (still prevalent) objectification of the female body, and for Catholic clergy, this objectified female body was also irredeemably sinful. This way o f seeing, which reduced women to objects o f and spurs to (potentially uncontrollable) lust and unmediated sites o f sin, suggests a profoundly European "scopic regime," and was equally profoundly tied to 52  European forms o f power: male domination and Church authority. These were precisely the forms o f power that the Oblate suspicion o f vision extended to Native societies. A s I noted earlier, most Oblates were convinced that Native people were incapable o f 'heroic virtue,' and were therefore particularly susceptible to the ravages o f lust. Motivated by fears of what he saw as the rampant carnality o f Native people, Durieu drew up a list o f regulations that were to be strictly adhered to in all Native villages and camps, a list which amply demonstrates my point: " 1 . Les garcons, meme petits, ne s'amuseront jamais avec les filles - et vice versa. 2. Les femmes et les filles n'iront jamais seules loin de la maison, surtout la nuit; elles seront au moins deux quand elles ne seront pas accompagnees de leur pere, mere ou mari. 3. Tout homme ou grand garcon qui entrera dans la maison d'une femme quand elle sera toute seule, et s'entretiendra avec elle, sera mis a genoux devant le chef et reprimande. II en sera de meme pour les femmes ou filles... other sex...] thus effectively shielding priestly eyes from the female form. V R C A D GR1/01 S/01 box 2, folder 6. Martin Jay uses the term scopic regime to indicate those "visually imbued cultural and social practices, which may vary from culture to culture and epoch to epoch." Downcast eyes: The denigration of vision in twentieth-century French thought (Berkeley: University o f California Press,1993), 2. Lefebvre (1991, 261) argues that the growing dominance o f the facade in Roman Catholic church architecture exemplifies an increasing trend towards a type o f visual logic in which the "living, naked body had a very limited role" and i n which the female body had a dichotmous role as either ascetic or damned. 5 2  75  4. Tout homme et femme qui seront surpris a parler seuls dans le bois ou dans les lieus ecartes loin des yeux du public, seront mis a genoux devant le chef. 5. Les hommes et garcons ne baigneront jamais au meme temps que les femmes au meme endroit. 6. Les hommes et garcons se baignent plusieurs ensembles garderont tous les vetements de dessous, i l en sera de meme pour les femmes et filles qui se baigneraient plusieurs ensembles. 7. Quand ils voudront se laver le corps, ils iront a l'ecart, dans un endroit ou personne ne pourra les voir; la ils pourront quitter tous leurs habits. 8. II est expressement defendu d'aller deux ensemble faire suer dans leurs fours a vapeur; ce n'est qu'en cachette qu'ils peuvent ainsi se faire suer, de maniere que personne ne puisse les voir entrer et sortir du four et se jeter dans l'eau. 9. Tous doivent eviter de se montrer nus dans la maison ou ailleurs; c'est un peche dont ils doivent s'accuser en confession, comme aussi d'avoir v u des nudites et de n'avoir pas aussitot detourne les yeux. Les femmes tiendront les enfants decemment couverts c'est a elles a veiller a ce que les jeunes enfants ne se decouvrent pas devant les autres en jouant...  53  [1. Boys, even small ones, must never play with the girls, and vice versa. 2. Women and girls must never go far from the house alone, above all at night. They must be at least two together when they are not accompanied by their father, mother or husband. 3. A l l men and big boys who enter the house of a woman when she is alone, and talk with her, must kneel before the chief and be reprimanded. The same goes for women and girls. 4. A l l men and women who are surprised speaking alone in the woods or i n places far from the eyes o f the public w i l l kneel before the chief. 5. M e n and boys w i l l never bathe at the same time as the women or i n the same place. 6. M e n and boys who bathe together w i l l keep on all their undergarments, it w i l l be the same for the women and girls who bathe together. 7. When they want to wash their bodies, they w i l l go to the side, to a place where no one can see them; there they may remove all their clothing. 8. It is expressly forbidden to go two at a time to sweat in their steam ovens; it is only i n secret that they can go to sweat, in such a manner that no one can see them enter or leave the oven and jump in the water. 9. Everyone must avoid showing themselves nude in the house or elsewhere. This is a sin they must acknowledge in confession, as well as having seen nudity and not having looked away. Women w i l l keep children decently covered it is up to them to see that the little children do not uncover themselves in front o f others when they play...] Durieu, Direction des Sauvages, 7-8. Hereafter cited Direction. Durieu's persistent references to washing the body are symptomatic o f his more general attitude regarding the body: it was a vessel of lustful desires and hence dirty. 5 3  F r o m the firm placement o f Native women under parental or spousal control to the austere management o f the visibility o f the Native body, all "occasions for sin" were to be eradicated. This visual repression, or disappearance, o f the Native body was underpinned by the (European) assumption that vision and sexuality were similarly linked in Native societies: that to gaze upon nudity automatically and universally produced lust, an unequivocally evil human tendency. But these sets o f assumptions may have been far from self-evident to Native people, who may not have reduced the world to a visual field governed by the rules o f "perspectival representation" in which the body was consigned to object-hood.  54  V i s i o n was not simply a field o f repression, however, and the Oblates also used a multiplicity o f visual techniques to attract and to teach Native people. Durieu's insistence on an exacting observance o f church ceremony stemmed from his belief that "comme tous ces exterieurs, cette pompe fait impression sur nos bons sauvages."  55  The Oblates,  then, were convinced o f the power o f the visual to teach, to move, and to persuade Native people o f the glories o f the Catholic religion.  Vision and Salvation One o f the visual methods the Oblates used to 'explain' Catholicism to Native people was the Catholic ladder (figure 2.1), a long paper scroll that illustrated the major  I paraphrase Jay (1993, 4). [like all externals, this pomp makes an impression on our good sauvages.] Durieu to D'herbomez, 1 July 1874, A D , box P2288-35305, folder P2310-2413. 5 4  5 5  77  Figure 2.1 Lacombe's Catholic Ladder. 1896  78  events i n Christian history: the ark, the tower o f Babel, Sodom and Gomorrah, the principal events in the life and death o f Christ, and general Christian history. There was a Catholic path that led up through the centuries, to St. Peter's Basilica and on to heaven, while a fork in the path showed Luther, Calvin and other "heretics" falling into the pit o f hell.  0  It was perceived as an efficient means of teaching the basics o f Catholic  eschatology as well as the errors o f Protestantism to Native people, but it also provided an introduction to European concepts of time, and particularly in the later more sophisticated versions, to European representational tropes. The ladders, as well as images, crosses, medals, rosaries, flags, and 'tickets' (temperance, baptismal, catechumenical, etc.) seem to have been highly prized by Native people. In Oregon, Blanchet recorded that a Snohomish chief "Sehalpahen" attributed his defeat o f the Clallam i n 1840 to his rosary beads and Catholic ladder, and certainly the possession o f 57  these objects was seen as positive, and perhaps prestigious, among Natives themselves. Christophers discusses a Native man's accumulation o f baptismal tickets from three different Christian denominations, a cache this man obviously regarded as useful, while the Oblates consistently alluded to the Native demand for images, crosses and medals and 58  record the pride with which they were received.  Unfortunately the Oblate commentary  The paper or hide ladder was preceded by a sahale stick - a 'talking' stick carved with the basic events in Christian history. See Bagley, II: 119-122; Philip Hanley, Catholic ladders and missionary activity in the Pacific Northwest ( M A thesis, University o f Ottawa, 1965). 5 6  Bagley, I: 107. Brett Christophers, Time, space and the people of God: Anglican colonialism in nineteenth century British Columbia ( M A , University o f British Columbia, 1995) 229231; requests for images and medals are countless, cf. Durieu to his brother, 1 June 1856, D'herbomez to Ricard, 9 September 1856, Ore: II: 614, 624; medals, crosses and images were used as rewards and Fouquet noted the typical reaction to receiving such an object 5 7  5 8  on specific Native responses to Catholic imagery or objects is thin at best, but it seems clear Native people were aware o f some the associations these objects were intended to convey: i n one case the breaking and burning of a cross by a Native man was clearly intended to convey rejection o f priestly authority, and was interpreted as such by Lejacq.  59  A l l o f the Oblates were firm believers in the axiom that one could "mieux parler a leur coeur par le moyen des yeux," and they acted consistently on that belief. To 60  demonstrate Christ's sacrifice for humankind more clearly, Father E . C . Chirouse would drape himself on a cross, and speak o f Christ's passion from that position. Chirouse also 61  designed an exhibition to be performed by his students during his summer tours through Puget Sound: "leur h'exibition [sic] se divisait en deux actes. Dans le premier, ils representaient par cinq scenes, les habitudes des vieux sauvages non-civilises et dans le seconde  " i l etait hors de lui-meme de fierte et de bonheur quand son enfant alia lui remettre l'image devant tout le monde" [he was beside himself with pride and happiness when his child gave h i m the image in front o f everyone.] Fouquet to D'herbomez, 2 June 1863, A D , H P K 5282 .H53Z. Lejacq to D'herbomez, 17 November 1873, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566. The Jesuits in eastern Canada have left an intriguing record of Native responses to imagery (in the Jesuit Relations), which they took very seriously. A fascinating letter exists requesting images o f the crucifixion, resurrection, a damned soul, etc., but it also explicitly described what was wanted. For example, the writer specified that Christ should not have a beard; faces were not to be in profile; hair was to be "bien polis" [shiny], and no bald men were to be depicted; colors were to be bright; halos were to be "rayons" [rays] not circles, which were apparently confused with hats; and people must not be entirely swathed i n clothing but should have "une partie du corps honestement decouverte" [a part o f the body decently uncovered]. A detailed description o f a damned soul is also given. Gagnon, 42-44. [speak better to their hearts by means o f their eyes.] Chirouse to Mazenod, 12 December 1857, Ore. II: 771. Idem. 5 9  6 0  6 1  80  acte, ils representaient leur progres dans la science ou premiers pas dans la voie de la civilisation - par differentes scenes." 62  [This exhibition was divided into two acts. In the first they represented in five scenes the customs o f the old, non-civilized sauvages and i n the second act, they represent their progress in science or their first steps on the road to civilization.]  Obviously a spectacle o f this kind suggests the bifurcation o f the self on which confession was predicated (see Chapter 4). In this case the portrayal o f an object (the past) as, i f not sinful, then at least degraded, is juxtaposed and displayed against a (consciously) improved present self - a value-laden exhibition o f history and culture. The Oblates also placed a great deal o f emphasis on ritual and ceremony o f all types (and certainly the same could be said o f Native people o f the Pacific Northwest). The sacraments are embedded in elaborate and highly symbolic rituals, and the exposition of the Eucharist was regarded as particularly important. But the Oblates also arranged dramatic and well-attended celebrations that combined the performance o f passion plays (see figures 2.2 - 2.4), penitential parades, Eucharistic parades, and proselytization. A l l o f these activities involved not only the performance of spectacular acts o f faith intended for the consumption o f the hundreds and often thousands o f Native people observing them, but must also have had more profoundly personal impacts on those performing them. Passion plays in particular were geared toward the personal involvement o f both participants and observers, as a description from 1892 at Saint M a r y ' s M i s s i o n suggests: "The Indians gathered like an army on the lowland, and at a given signal from the two chiefs, moved up the hill. Slowly they moved, chanting in Latin ' H a i l Jesus.' Their voices rose high and shrill, and died away in a low moan. A t the crescendos the Indians would throw back their heads, and wave their arms in religious excitement. The procession as it slowly wended its way up the hill - true To Tempier, 12 February 1863, A D , G L P P 591.  81  resemblance o f Calvary - singing hymns in Chinook, passed by the tableaux - eight in number. Only the best among the Indians were chosen for parts. The first tableau presented a tall Indian kneeling in supplication; six gowned Natives lay on the ground behind him, feigning sleep. The scene was the Agony. The Indian impersonating Christ threw his whole soul into the portrayal, and his face showed a wonderful expression o f suffering and intercession. In the second scene, representing Christ seized by the soldiers, natives with shields, spears, helmets and jerkins o f Romans, bound the unresisting Saviour. The third tableau showed Christ standing before Pilate, with downcast eyes and bound in chains. A slave holding a basin and pitcher, and a group of sullen, angry Jews watching the proceedings completed the realism o f this affecting picture. The fourth station was the dreadful flagellation. It depicted two savage soldiers standing with bloody knouts upraised over the bound figure o f Christ. His face showed anguish and spiritual determination. In the crowning o f thorns that followed, the blood that trickled from the brow down the face o f Christ, and stained H i s white garments, seemed so true that the spectator could not rid himself o f the idea that it was real. Fully as real was Christ bearing H i s cross, St. Veronica stepping forward to wipe H i s face, and two Indian soldiers compelling H i m to rise with blows. In the seventh scene Christ comforts the weeping women o f Jerusalem with a reassuring smile. From this spectacle the procession moved, singing softly, into the large mission yard. There on a platform on the edge of the cliff stood the Cross, a waxen figure o f Christ was nailed to its arms, and clinging to the feet of the Crucified, and receiving the drops of blood on her head, was a Mary Magdalen. Beside her was the Blessed Mother. St. John, a handsome Squamish Indian, sat bowed in hopeless grief...As the chanting procession came before this last tableau, the singing was hushed and all fell silently on their knees. The stillness had become oppressive when five o f the chiefs arose and each i n turn called out in his own language: 'Jesus is dying! Jesus is dying! Jesus is dying!' A shrill mournful chant, repeated over and over, and echoed from the cliffs across the river, was the reply. Then at a signal, all arose and, filing past the crucifix, each made a deep reverence." 63  Thus participation in a passion play - a highly regulated and emotionally charged social and ideological event - the performance o f a role, with its defined gestures and display o f associated emotions must have prompted some degree of identification on the part o f the actor with the passion o f Christ. The passion play, then, served to "event-ualize" Christ's passion, to make it happen in the present, and as Ronald Grimes argues, " i n such events  Cited in Cronin, 165-167.  82  Figure 2.2 Christ on Calvary  Figure 2.3 Christ Nailed to the Cross  83  Figure 2.4 The Crucifixion: Passion Play at St. Mary's Mission, 1892  people find themselves defined, that is judged, enlightened, and put into fundamental touch."  64  The same would hold true o f participation in a penitential parade or Eucharistic  parade, which served not only as spectacle, but also as a source, or statement, o f identity: a public and personal recognition of one's self as a sinner, as a celebrant, as a Christian.  65  Beginnings in ritual studies (Columbia, S C : University o f South Carolina Press, 1995), 52. Cf. Robert A . Schneider, "Mortification on parade: penitential processions in 16th and 17th century France", Renaissance and Reformation, 10 (1986), 123-146. This is certainly not to imply that participants in passion plays and other religious performances did not effect a "transformation o f [the] significance attached to rituals and roles," as June Nash argues in "The passion play in Maya Indian communities", Comparative Studies in Society and 6 5  History 10 (1968), 318-327, 318.1 address the ways in which Native people remade the Catholic message in the next chapter.  84  These ritual displays depended on very European notions o f historical time (as a series o f events) and representation (symbols as effective, transparent, and universally readable). A t first glance these rituals have an almost surreal quality to them, unhinged from European social space and sporadically yet ostentatiously erupting in Native space. But this quality is deceptive i n that these rituals - which clearly had religious significance were not only spectacular celebrations and elaborate educational tools, they were also territorial markers and claims o f possession. The sacraments are all, to some extent, marks of possession. Baptism is the literal entry o f a soul into the Christian community, and its emphasis on (re)naming implies not just entry into the church community, but the acquisition and acceptance o f a Christian identity. Marriage, too, is a mark of possession, i n that it grants the church the authority to regulate the conditions i n which interpersonal relations take place: it enmeshes the individual i n a web o f obligations, including life-long monogamy, European norms o f relatedness, sexual mores, and (particularly clear in Protestant/Catholic marriages), the obligation to raise one's children as Catholics. B y accepting the blood and body o f Christ in communion, one is clearly participating i n a mutual act o f possession.  66  Communion is certainly one o f the more literal acts of possession - one literally swallows and digests the Host. For the anxieties this produced in the Middle Ages see Piero Camporesi, "The consecrated host: A wondrous excess" in Michael Fehrer, et al. eds., Zone: Fragments for a history of the human body, 3 vols., (New Y o r k : Urzone, 1989), I: 220-237. A s Chirouse noted, it also created some confusion in nineteenthcentury Oregon: "One day, Judith, who was a fervent convert, genuflected before me after I had said Mass. O n my asking her why she did so, 'Father,' she said, ' y o u have just celebrated Mass. Y o u have received Jesus Christ; He is now within your breast, and it is before H i m I genuflect'...I explained to her that she should not adore the H o l y Eucharist where our L o r d was not sacramentally present." Cited in Cooke, I: 354.  85  But many o f the activities I have described, for example participation i n passion plays and parades, were also visible signs o f possession and spectacular displays o f power aimed at a more general public - by turning the churches (the most material markers o f denominational affiliation) inside out they declared the equivalency between numbers and legitimate authority. Flags, crosses, and images, no matter what use individuals actually made o f them, were all the insignia o f the Catholic church. Cross planting, in which Chirouse seems to have delighted, was perhaps the most over-determined o f all Catholic possessory gestures, an action that has been repeated countless times i n Canada from Cartier on the St. Lawrence River to the Spanish at Nootka Sound, the ultimate statement o f an indubitable right to lay claim to a territory and all its inhabitants. Thus the functions of spectacle were multiple, involving processes of subj edification, as well as the insinuation o f the Church's power as an institution into individual lives and Native communities. Certainly, vision, pageantry and ritual also played a role in Anglican proselytization, but they were also the crux o f fractures within the Church o f England resulting in 'high' and ' l o w ' Anglicanism, and in the Oxford movement. These fractures were also evident in nineteenth-century British Columbia. In the context o f a struggle over the Anglican mission Metlakatla, Anglican Bishop Hills complained o f the mission church there because "there was nothing to impress the sense, no colour, or ornament, or church decoration, or m u s i c . "  67  Thus the benefits o f the use o f such visual practices were  not as universally accepted by the Anglican Church as by the Catholic Church, and the  Cited i n Peter Murray, The Devil and M r . Duncan (Victoria: Sono N i s Press, 1985), 80.  6 7  86  more general Protestant "repugnance to the yisible and the tangible matters o f faith" has been commented upon by a number o f historians. It seems appropriate to suggest that 68  vision and the multiple modalities o f power that worked through it, was precisely a Catholic means o f colonizing Native people.  Conclusions In both Oregon and British Columbia, the Oblates arrived at the cusp o f a major shift i n Native-white relations from a long period o f trade and sporadic contact to a sudden, large influx o f white settlers and the establishment o f a formal, though relatively incomplete, governmental structure. Not only did tensions arise in both areas due to land and disease, wage labor for whites became an option, and, in many cases, daily contact with whites would become the norm. While war on a large scale was not to occur i n British Columbia, all o f these conditions had an effect on Native responses to missionary activity (see Chapter 3), and these responses were both individual and group. The Oblates also brought many ideas about the nature and character o f Native people with them from Europe, and two, I think, stand out in particular. The first o f these can simplistically be termed the trope o f the ignoble savage, a representation o f Native  The citation is from Jay (1993, 43). Jay (44, 46) argues that Catholicism demonstrated the assumption that sight was "the noblest o f the senses" while Protestants privileged the ear which was to hear "the unmediated word of G o d . " This distinction is also demonstrated i n church architecture. A s Warren Sommer notes, nonconformist churches in nineteenth-century British Columbia were intended to be "functional meeting houses and places o f prayer, not beautiful temples laden with symbolism," and i n Catholic churches religious statues replaced the Anglican pulpit and lectern. "Mission church architecture on the industrial frontier", in John Veillette and Gary White, Early Indian villages churches: Wooden frontier architecture in British Columbia (Vancouver: University o f British Columbia Press, 1977), 12-23, 17.  87  people i n the Pacific Northwest that was distinctively at odds with earlier Jesuit representations o f indigenous peoples which reflected a far more optimistic theology o f human nature. But the ignoble savage, an image that is very difficult to prise apart from the noble savage, also seems to me to be thoroughly bound up with what could be called Catholic imperialism: the barbarity o f the pagan Indian could only be remedied through the action o f "true" religion. This last observation again calls forth some o f the interdependencies o f the noble/ignoble savage trope; quite clearly the Oblates approached Native people with a confidence in, i f not their perfectability, then at least in their educability. Second, while some o f the sharper edges o f Oblate perceptions o f Native people that they were barbarous and cruel - would gradually wear away, many o f their original assessments, and particularly their persistence in seeing Natives as children, would remain at the core o f their relations with Natives for over a century. The Oblates' perceptions o f Native people as barbarous or child-like both rest on conceptions o f time, cast as either historical or biological. Time, as M c C l i n t o c k suggests, "became a geography o f social power, a map from which to read a global allegory o f 'natural' social difference."  69  The dualisms o f present/pagan and future/Christian seem to have hardened  into an enduring not yet: many Oblates continue to see Native people as children who still haven't gotten it right. Thus the positioning o f Native people within a double helix o f historical and biological hierarchies had serious consequences both for the details o f Oblate methodology and for Native people, who were caught in a web o f infantilism  McClintock, 37.  88  projected on them by missionaries of all denominations as well as by government officials. V i s i o n , like the noble/ignoble savage trope, played an ambiguous role in the Oblates' evangelization o f Native people: vision represented a means o f both sin and salvation; sight was something to be suppressed or enhanced according to the objects on which it was to fall; it performed both declarative and constitutive functions. Thus, the explicitly visual nature o f many o f the Oblates' techniques o f evangelization served to demarcate a series o f material spaces (the altar, the church, a reserve) and segments o f time (matins, a mission, a passion play) as Catholic. But i n conjunction with this declaratory function there was also a constitutive function that was both more fragile and more powerful. The constitutive effects o f what John Rajchman has called "spaces o f constructed visibility" operate through the "art o f light and the visible" and help to 70  "determine who and what we think we are."  The Oblates aimed precisely to create such  spaces o f constructed visibility, and seem to have been convinced that to see was to know, and hence to possess; that these were the lines through which the church was to enter the lives o f Native people. But this was also the method by which Native people were to possess the church; by teaching them to see 'appropriately' they were being taught to know and to become: a presumption that the Native mind could be emptied o f 'superstition,' opened up to the observing gaze of the priests, and then filled again with the images o f Christianity.  John Rajchman, "Foucault's art of seeing" in his Philosophical events: essays of the Eighties (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 68-102, 82.  89  But Native people were also being introduced to the fine art o f visual translation. The Oblates were not leaving the interpretation o f Catholic symbols to chance, they were not just teaching simple lessons in the translation of symbols, they were shaping the content and direction o f that reading. They were introducing new ways o f seeing to Native people - reconstructing the "art o f light and the visible." In other words 'new' objects were produced and cast into both the realm o f the readable and the see-able. For example, different aspects o f the human body were made visible in order to be covered up: the naked human body had to be rendered first as an object (of lust, o f sin) before a deflection o f the gaze could occur. The lines of power and knowledge running through the visual and the visible gripped not only the material aspects o f life, but its mental preconditions. They supposed the re-making o f the psychology of the individual through a barrage o f images and instructions, through a strategy o f visualization. A n d , in the broadest sense, the European scopic regime by which the Oblates viewed the 'new world' and its Native inhabitants also served as a conduit o f colonial power. Clearly the Oblates engaged in a great deal of speculation, but they were above all observers who followed the "tacit rules" o f their culturally constituted scopic regime: they "carrie[d] out the characteristic manoeuvre o f the modern subject, who separates himself from an object-world and observes it." A n d as Timothy Mitchell goes on to argue, this "enframing" is, in itself, colonizing: it re-orders, objectifies, and abstracts. It builds-in "an effect o f order and an effect o f truth" that renders the "picture-world" it enframes up to calculation. It is a logic o f visualization that reduces the 'real' to a plan. 71  Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Berkeley: University o f California Press, 1988), 28 and 3 3 . 7 1  90  And plans, of course, are maps of intentions. Thus the "techniques of the observer"  72  deployed by the Oblates served not only to (re)constitute Native subjectivities, but also to render them up as the objects and effects of power.  I borrow from Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the observer: On vision and modernity in the nineteenth century (Cambridge, MS: MIT Press, 1990).  91  Part II: Pastoral Power  "There is no truth which the faithful missionary has greater need o f keeping constantly before his mind, than the importance of labouring, not only for the multitude, but also for the one individual soul." Robert Cooke, O M I , 1879. 1  "Self-immolation was the theme....he showed them how the faithful observance o f the rules o f life he proposed to them, led to a mystical death to self and the world." Ibid. 2  Foucault traces the roots o f a pastoral technology o f power back to the Christian modification o f a Hebraic metaphor which figured the priest as shepherd (guardian and guide) to a flock o f the faithful, and an appropriation o f Greco-Roman techniques o f selfexamination. The melding o f these two disparate traditions provides the productive core o f a form o f power that rests on responsibility, obedience, and knowledge, and has as its goal  mortification. The priest-shepherd is responsible for the "sins and merits" o f each and every  member o f his flock - he must not only account for their actions, but be judged himself through this accounting. To assure a positive accounting the shepherd must exercise constant vigilance over the flock as a whole, and each o f its members. He must ensure not just the fact o f his vigilance, but its efficacy: he must be able to lead the flock i n all matters. Obedience, then, becomes one of the necessary attributes o f the flock, and in Christianity it is a virtue, an end i n itself. Individual willfulness must be rooted out and total dependence on the shepherd established. But the shepherd's ultimate ability to lead  1 : 376. Ibid., 69. Foucault, "Omnes et singulatim.Towards a criticism of political reason", Tanner lectures on human values, 2 (1981), 225-54, 230, 238. Hereafter cited as O S . 1  2  3  92  rests on his knowledge of his flock, both as a whole and, most importantly, as individuals: he must know all their trespasses, both public and private. This form of knowledge rests on a complex of practices that has a double movement. First, each member of the flock must attain a measure of self-knowledge and awareness through a (continuous) process of self-examination, both of actions and of conscience. And second, this knowledge of the self must be communicated in its entirety to the pastor through confession. Christian subjectivities are constituted through this perpetual circulation of knowledge, confession, and pastoral guidance and correction. The goal of these techniques is mortification, a denial of the temptations not only of the world, but of those ever present dangers lurking in the individual human body and soul. Only through mortification - a kind of death to the world and to specific aspects of one's self - can both the pastor and the flock be assured of attaining life in another (better) world. This conception of pastoral power suggests some general similarities to my sketch of Durieu's action of formation (Chapter 4). But I want to make a series of somewhat different points about Foucault's model of pastoral power. The first of these is the circularity of the process itself, which Foucault's account suggests is unproblematic. This circularity is in part a result of the desired end: for obvious reasons, admission to heaven was not a certainty for the vast majority of Christians (nor could it be if the Church was to maintain its importance). The means of reaching heaven, confession and pastoral mediation, had to be at once continuous and self-perpetuating: constant submission to pastoral power became an end in itself. These are, of course, precisely the doctrinal and  93  theological elements o f Catholicism that the Protestant Reformation would condemn as corrupt and oppressive, and it seems clear that this pastoral form o f power was peculiarly Catholic. Second, pastoral power is inherently hybrid. It is scarcely feasible to consider pastoral power outside the institutional structure of the Catholic Church: pastoral power was profoundly shaped by and responsive to the needs o f the institution as a whole. A s such, pastoral power was part o f a wider web o f power that was both disciplinary and sovereign. Priests employed what in Foucault's terms would be classically disciplinary techniques i n the management o f their flocks: surveillance, the production o f docile bodies, the creation and maintenance o f Christian norms, as well as processes o f examination/confession and the knowledges they produced. But clergy were also subject to the disciplinary gaze, and Church power, particularly after the Council o f Trent, was exercised through and upon the clergy using many o f these same techniques o f selfexamination, confession, and moral guidance. The clergy were also subject to far stricter 4  standards and norms than the mass o f lay people. The Church's formal adoption o f clerical celibacy (and ideally virginity) in the twelfth century, and the reforms i n clerical education and behavior, brought about primarily through the development o f diocesan seminaries that were well established by the late seventeenth century, are only two major examples o f the considerable impress of Church standards and norms on its clergy.  5  See Chapter 1. O n clerical celibacy, see Joseph H . Lynch, The Medieval Church: A brief history (New York, Longman, 1992), 78-80. O n the impact o f Tridentine reforms on the clergy see Hoffman, chapter 3 in particular. Brown (1988) tracks the debates surrounding both clerical and lay celibacy and virginity in the early Church.  4  5  94  But Church discipline over both clergy and laity was also codified and buttressed by sovereign power. While the papacy's secular power waned significantly between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries, its institutional control over both clergy and laity became more than ever dependent upon "judicial" violence. The Inquisition was the ultimate manifestation o f the spectacular coercive power deployed by the Church to enforce its norms. The formal codification of these norms i n the body o f canon law dates 6  back to the early Church, and canon law was continuously elaborated over the centuries. But a juridical model o f power is even more deeply embedded i n pastoral power than the canopy o f the canon law or inquisitorial proceedings suggest. The entire complex o f confession, penance and absolution is profoundly juridical, indeed doubly so. A s Thomas Aquinas explains, "the institution o f confession was necessary i n order that the sins o f the penitent might be revealed to Christ's minister; hence the minister to whom the confession is made must have judicial power as representing Christ, the Judge o f the living and the dead. This power again requires two things: authority o f knowledge and power to absolve or condemn." 7  But more, confession casts the penitent i n the role o f accused, witness, and to some extent judge, i n that confession itself implies a recognition o f guilt, and an acceptance o f punishment. Thus pastoral power employs both the repressive functions o f sovereign power brought to bear on the transgressive objects o f its exercise, and the productive functions o f Christian formation and self-identity on its subjects.  A s Paul Johnson notes, the seeds of the Church's willingness to use force - whether to suppress heretics, or later to convert pagans and infidels - were planted by Saint Augustine's campaign against the Donatists i n the fourth century. A history of Christianity (London: Weidenfeld andNicolson, 1976), 252. St. Thomas Aquinas, Contra Gentes IV, 72. 6  7  95  Finally, while Foucault lingers on the individualizing aspects o f pastoral power, he makes only a brief allusion to its role in the regulation of the Christian population. While an over-arching control o f the Christian populace has never been perfected by the Church, that has certainly been one of its goals. B y the ninth century, the parish was at once an obligatory  legal, social, economic, and religious framework intended to regulate  both laity and clergy - "a reflection o f the fact that society was legally Christian." The parish was also one o f the most fundamental levels at which knowledge was produced: parish records contain births, baptisms, marriages and deaths; legitimacy and illegitimacy; the course o f epidemics and famine; and in the absence o f these records themselves, to fires and flood. But for centuries the parish register was a peculiarly local knowledge, while the parish priest exercised an authority limited largely to the parish itself. The Church's dream o f unencumbered control of the entire Christian population would fade with the rise o f the nation-state and with Luther's first nail. A s the previous paragraphs have shown, pastoral power is a very old modality o f power that can be characterized as productive, subjects; as disciplinary  in its constitution o f Catholic Christian  i n its focus on individual bodies and minds; as normalizing  promotion o f the self-regulation o f its subjects; and as sovereign  in its  in its juridicality and use  of spectacular force. A n d , as I argue in Chapter 5, it is also thoroughly imbued with a w i l l to govern.  L y n c h , 81-82.  96  Chapter 3 Spatial Strategies and Sacramental Practices  The Oblate Congregation was provided with official instructions regarding foreign missions written by Mazenod, and incorporated into the Constitutions i n 1853. Briefly, the Oblates were to work in pairs; only adults who were sufficiently instructed and had proved themselves during a probationary period were to be admitted to baptism; catechisms and canticles were to be translated into Native languages; visual imagery was to be used to aid teaching; every effort was to be made to sedentarize Native peoples; and missionaries should concern themselves with the temporal conditions o f their neophytes.  1  While Mazenod clearly recognized that Native subsistence patterns, languages, and oral cultures required a particular form o f proselytization, he gave few details about how his Oblates were to accomplish these goals. In this chapter I address the questions of where the Oblates located their mission stations and why, and how they set out to evangelize Native people. A s I have suggested, the Oblates i n Oregon had a number o f mission strategies available to choose from, including their own experience in Provence, but they chose itineracy as the best means o f evangelizing Native people. Oddly enough, many contemporary writers have fixed on the Jesuit reductions o f sixteenth and seventeenth century Paraguay as the model for Oblate activity i n the Pacific Northwest. I argue that while the Jesuit reductions may have provided the model for a mission Utopia, eclecticism and practical experience combined with a Tridentine mentality would eventually contribute far more to Oblate mission  1  Constitutions, 1853, "Appendix de exteris missionibus."  97  practices. In the second section of this chapter I consider some o f the options the Oblates discussed among themselves concerning the basic issue o f itineracy, I map out the system o f mission activity they eventually chose, and suggest that Oblate evangelization rested on three interconnected yet distinct modes o f spatial practice. I conclude by giving some account o f what the Oblates actually did when they "gave" a mission to Native people, i n terms of preaching and the performance o f two sacraments, baptism and marriage. I want to show that evangelization was an active process i n which both Native people and the priests participated, and also to suggest some o f the ways both engaged with each other through the medium o f the mission. But I also want to suggest that these sacraments, and proselytization more generally, were interpreted by Native people in a multitude o f ways.  Mission Sites " E v e n unto this present hour we both hunger, and thirst, and are naked, and are buffeted, and have no certain dwelling place." 1 Corinthians 4.11. missit illos binos." Bermond, 17 September 1858.  u  Obviously, upon their arrival in Oregon, housing and food were o f primary importance to the Oblates. Both because their bourse required self-sufficiency, and to provide an instructive model for Native people, the Oblates turned to agriculture to provide for themselves. Dependable sources of wood and water, fertile soil, shelter from  Ore. I l l : 798. The amount o f early correspondence concerned with food - how much, what kind, price, and provenance - suggests not only that food was often scarce and expensive, but also 2  3  wind and snow, and transportation and communication links were primary considerations in the choice o f a mission site, as was a location central to the greatest possible number o f Native people. In the Oregon Territory the Oblates requested permission from Native people to settle on sites that met these requirements, a location policy that usually placed them in very close proximity to Native settlements.  4  Initially the Oblates hoped "former un noyau de Chretiens et de demeurer au milieu d'eux pour les instruire en attendant les autres." They soon realized, however, that 5  many Native bands were small, and that these groups stayed at winter villages only for a few months i n the year. The Oblates also found that settlement amidst Native groups had unforeseen drawbacks, particularly regarding the daily cultural politics o f Native camps. For example, while the Oblates made a clear distinction between their temporal and spiritual duties, Native people were less inclined to do so: they often expected the Oblates to share provisions during hard times, which the latter resisted as involving the mission too deeply i n temporal affairs, and as detrimental to the Native character - "handouts" only deepened Native "indolence." The Oblates were also determined to begin mission 6  that the average European stomach and taste buds were slow to acculturate to the most widely available food source: dried salmon and "graines" bartered from Native people. Champagne notes the importance of these requirements to Oblates east o f the R o c k y Mountains, and also that Hudson's Bay Company forts and trading posts - which were endowed with many o f these qualities, solved the transportation and communication problems, and attracted large numbers of Native people - were seen as attractive mission sites. Joseph-Etienne Champagne, Les missions catholiques dans l'ouest de Canada, 1818-1875, (Ottawa: Etudes Oblates, 1949). A s a rule the Oblates in British Columbia didn't settle at forts (Fort Rupert was a temporary exception) and also took pains to establish Indian missions away from other white settlements. 4  [to form a group o f Christians and to live among them in order to instruct them while awaiting others.] Chirouse to Ricard, 25 December 1849, Ore. I: 89. The correspondence is peppered with examples of the difficulties o f Native cultural politics. O n food-sharing, see particularly Ricard to Faraud, 18 February 1850, Ore. I: 5  6  99  schools, and the close proximity o f Native settlements was believed to make surveillance of the children difficult. The reserve system, put in place from the 1860s to the 1880s, also had an impact on the location o f mission sites, and different reserve policies in the United States and British Columbia account for different location strategies. After 1858, the only remaining Oblate mission in Washington was on the Tulalip reservation, and both Chirouse and Durieu noted the benefits o f that situation. Chirouse, who would remain i n Washington until 1878, was employed and paid by the American government to direct Native education on the reservation. He was therefore accountable to the government for his methods and results, and seems to have developed a close working relationship with the Indian Agents assigned to the area. With the implementation o f President Grant's Peace Policy i n 1869, which gave religious associations direct control over local Indian agencies and reservations, Chirouse served as Indian agent from 1871-1876. Although accountability to the American government must have been something o f a drawback, the benefits seem obvious: the Oblates gained governmentally sanctioned authority over many aspects o f Native life within the boundaries o f the agency, and received funding. It is not difficult to imagine that in these situations the civil and the religious tended to blur.  100 and Fouquet to D'herbomez, 29 March and 6 A p r i l 1875, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 2595-2977. Grandidier noted this problem at St. M a r y ' s in 1866, "l'ecole etant ainsi entoure de sauvages, la surveillance devient excessivement difficile, sinon impossible: les enfants pouvant avoir des communications illicite, avec qui ils veulent, ou ils veulent, sans que personne le sache." [the school being thus surrounded by sauvages, surveillance becomes excessively difficult, i f not impossible: the children being able to have illicit communications, with whom they please, where they please, without anyone knowing.] To D'herbomez, 18 December 1866, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. 7  8  Chirouse to D'herbomez, 7 February 1859, Ore. I l l : 838.  100  The situation in British Columbia was different. Generally, the Oblates did not settle on reserves, although there was some debate over this issue. British and Canadian government policy did not encourage religious involvement i n reserve administration, and i n British Columbia the Oblates' relations with government authorities (particularly colonial and provincial) were often strained.  9  While religious denominations were  eventually subsidized to manage and operate schools in British Columbia, few missionaries were granted formal civil powers, and certainly no Catholic missionaries were. In terms o f physical structures on reserves, then, the Oblates in British Columbia were generally limited to day schools and church buildings. Finding suitable mission locations off reserves was often complicated: the Oblates could purchase land, but prices were often high, and improvements made by the seller, such as cleared land, fences, and buildings, added to the price. The Oblates could also pre-empt, but problems arose due to the 1870 naturalization requirements,  10  and pre-  emption entailed improvement and residency schedules that were difficult for itinerant priests to meet. In 1871, for example, Lejacq and M c G u c k i n had been unable to make improvements at W i l l i a m ' s Lake sufficient to fulfill legal requirements,  11  and a first  Oblate claim near Kamloops was "jumped" in 1873. In the same year an ambitious settler, Louis Chretien (Cretin as Grandidier came to call him), threatened to contest another Oblate claim on the basis that the naturalization requirement had not been met.  Some Protestant missions were located on reserves. See Chapter 5 for Oblate/government relations. Naturalization required 'aliens' to become British citizens in order to pre-empt land. Lejacq to Durieu, 2 February 1871, A D , box P4150-4934, folder P4168-4566. Grandidier to D'herbomez, 16 November 1873, A D , box P2288-3505, folder P31183505.  9  1 0  11  1 2  12  101  Since the Oblates pre-empted land as individuals, rather than as a corporation, their properties were often vulnerable to these types o f legal action. But location o f mission sites was not the only detail the Oblates had to work out. There was also considerable debate about the way these sites were to be used. Were they to be year-round permanent residences or simply pieds a terrel What was the most effective and economical way to evangelize Native people, mission stations that would encourage nearby Native settlement, or itineracy? Itineracy seems to be the facet o f Oblate practice most taken-for-granted by historians, but in the Pacific Northwest it was not a foregone conclusion. A s early as 1853 Ricard was convinced that mission stations would never attract enough Native people to justify the presence o f more than one priest, but here he was 13  constrained by the Rule, which required that the Oblates always work in pairs.  This  aspect o f the Rule was to have a serious impact on the ways mission activity proceeded i n both Oregon and British Columbia. A t first, working in pairs seems to have been seen as an ideal situation that must be sacrificed to the immediate necessities o f establishing missions: most o f the Oblates spent long periods of time either alone, or with a lay brother as their sole companion. Their responses to isolation and separation varied: some, like Charles Pandosy, seem to have revelled in it; others, like Chirouse, were uncomfortable.  14  Chirouse's response ran a gamut o f spiritual and practical concerns.  Ricard to Jean-Baptiste Brouillet, 6 February 1853, Ore. I: 197. I choose revelled advisedly. Pandosy, and later Leon Fouquet, seem to have had a great deal o f difficulty living and working with other men. While some conflict due to personalities would have been normal, both seem to have spent their entire careers unhappy with their assigned companions. The correspondence outward from several o f 1 3  1 4  102  First, he objected to working alone because it was physically and psychologically demanding; he often compensated for this by bartering food and shelter to travellers who performed farm labor for h i m in return. Second, he objected because he felt it put his soul at risk: he was unable to confess regularly, and he wanted a witness to his actions. A n d finally, he felt that a lone missionary made less than an imposing impression on Native people, pointing out that it was difficult to command respect from people who "ne regardent que l'exterieur du missionnaire, et pensent que la verite ne peut sortir que de la bouche d'un veritable chef, c'est-a-dire d'un homme qui n'est pas seul, qui est riche, et qui peut se passer des sauvages."  15  In 1852 D'herbomez had suggested that "nous aille passer l'hiver dans le camp des sauvages quelque part qu'ils se trouvent et en ete lorsque les sauvages sont tous disperses, T o n pourrait se reunir et passer quelques mois ensemble..."  16  Doubtless this  suggestion was rejected out o f hand because wintering a la mode des sauvages would have been a hardship for the missionaries. Only five years later, soon after he was  their respective mission stations contains long litanies of complaints and accusations against their companions, and many requests for transfers from the latter. [see nothing but the exterior o f the missionary, and who think that the truth cannot come out o f the mouth o f anyone but a real chief, that is to say, a man who is not alone, who is rich, and who can make do without [the help of] the sauvages.] Chirouse to Ricard, 4 August 1849, Ore. I: 68. Chirouse had noted earlier that year that "ils veulent pas, disent-ils, ecouter des chefs sans dessein comme moi, qui n'ai pas seulement [sic] du sucre pour boire, ni de la galette pour manger." [they do not want, they say, to listen to chiefs without means like me, who have [neither] sugar to drink, nor bread to eat.] To Ricard, 22 July 1849, Ore. I: 59. Thus poverty, one o f the fundamental religious vows, was on occasion an impediment to proselytization i n the Pacific Northwest. In light o f these two quotes I suspect that chastity could also be interpreted somewhat differently by Native people, some o f whom saw multiple wives as an indicator o f wealth and status. 1 5  [we spend the winter i n the sauvages' camp wherever they may be, and in summer when the sauvages are all dispersed, we can reunite and spend a few months together.] D'herbomez to Ricard, 15 February 1852, Ore. I: 148. 1 6  103  appointed to replace Ricard as Superior o f missions, D'herbomez had done a complete about face: "Je trouve meme plusieurs avantages de laisser venir les sauvages, au lieu d'aller nous-memes les visiter; d'abord i l en coute beaucoup moins de depenses, et nos peres qui sont loin de se bien porter sont beaucoup mieux a la mission qu'en crois neanmoins q u ' i l serait necessaire de faire une tournee au moins une fois chaque annee." [similarly I find many advantages in letting the sauvages come, rather than going ourselves to visit them; first it costs much less, and our fathers, who are far from being well fare better at the mission than in visiting...nevertheless I believe it w i l l be necessary to make the rounds [of the camps] at least once a year.]  But i n the same letter he quoted Durieu, who argued that: "tant qu'on gardera le systeme d'apres lequel on s'est conduit jusqu'ici, resider sur une place et ne pas aller visiter les sauvages dans leurs camps, on ne fera rien a mon avis...Mais si le missionnaire partait du lieu de sa residence pour visiter les divers serait missionnaire...Avouons le franchement aujourd'hui; nous n'avons 17  ete que des cultivateurs et non des missionnaires." [as long as we keep the system we have used up to now, living in one place and not visiting the sauvages in their camps, we w i l l accomplish nothing i n my opinion...But i f the missionary leaves the vicinity of his residence in order to visit the different camps...he would be a missionary...let us admit frankly today: we have been cultivators and not missionaries.] Thus two very distinct models o f evangelization were available to the Oblates, and they were weighing the benefits o f both when Visitor General Bermond arrived in Oregon i n 1858. Bermond underscored the importance o f the bini rule, and soon after a pattern emerged that would remain typical throughout the nineteenth century. A t least two priests would be assigned to each mission. In larger mission districts, and particularly those where two language groups existed, each priest would visit specific Native groups in  17  D'herbomez to Mazenod, 22 A p r i l 1857, Ore. II: 701.  104  order to minimize distance and the number o f languages to be learned. In smaller districts one man would remain at the mission to work with Natives located nearby, while the 18  •  other visited more distant groups (see figures 3.1 and 3.2). Although Lejacq's letters are useful to locate him geographically, compared with accounts o f mission courses in the 1880s, his descriptions of his activities are thin at best, and his greatest concern seems to lie in "putting affairs in order" rather than in a comprehensive program o f religious instruction. In an 1882 account o f a missioncourse through the Fraser Valley, Father Lejeune, like Lejacq, records where he was and when, and comments on the "scandals" he finds. But he also details camp populations, the numbers o f baptized and catechumens, the individuals permitted to receive the Eucharist, and the topics on which he spoke.  19  B y 1889, the missionaries were expected to answer a  series o f questions about each stop they made i n Native camps or villages, including (in addition to populations and "disorders") the number and duration o f visits per year, the order and degree o f instruction, the conditions on which they admitted Native people to 20  receive the Eucharist, etc.  Thus while the broad contours o f mission activity before the  1880s are discernible, really detailed accounts of mission courses become available  Pandosy took the north, Richard the south, portions o f the Okanogan district, D'herbomez to Pandosy, 11 October 1868, A D , box P6273-7077, folder 6360-6563. A t Williams Lake, Lejacq toured the district and M c G u c k i n stayed at the mission, cf. Lejacq correspondence, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566. Lejuene report, 1882, A D , H P K 5301 .L53C 10. 1889 reports from B C missions, V R G A D , GR1/03 S/01, box 4, folder 4. 1 S  1 9  2 0  105  ..V  Roche , Deboule  V • • • Water, route Land route  I  P' M.|ss|.on-.vjsit"'  Fort \ \ Kilmars \ > \  Bo bine  *• • \ » .\Yakoutshi .^N».  ioke  '  ;  / ,  ,  \v  ?  *\ vPinshi x  Map 3.1. Lejacq mission course described in a letter of 28 August 1869.  -I  106  7.  :i.. _,.»•.' Water route •r/*- — Trail route o Mission visit 10 miles -J 0  \  *  10 kHoroetro  Williams Lake ^ S t ]oseph;s. Missi6n (late August) s  Alkali Lake  s  \  .r- % » \ t T \ll j'  ^ . \^ v  S  >f' ;  m 7 3  v  -<  Bonaparte  . /  ^SkQCanoe Creek j  /,_X,/  A -fx, I v..<"  ShalalthO^ (Shelil)  > > V  --4u  Kamloops Lake  t """  Kamloops'  Map 3.2. Lejacq mission course described in a letter of 7 October 1870.  \$ )  107  only toward the end o f the nineteenth century, and this doubtless reflects both the congregation's growing concern with a standardization o f mission practice, and with an increasing awareness o f the political (and financial) value o f accurate enumerations o f the Native Catholic population. Itineracy, then, was dictated by the need to reach as many Native people as possible, while an established mission station manned by two priests would satisfy several o f the requirements o f the Rule - the Oblates were a congregation and the Rule aimed specifically at the daily governance o f that community - as well as providing a means o f support. But, I think that Oblate strategists also thought that the mission stations were important because they were sites o f disciplinary power. The priests' daily life at a mission station i n North America was supposed to look much like a day i n an Oblate house in France, which I described in some detail in the Chapter 1. Thus Chirouse described his daily routine at Tulalip: 5 A M - prayer and meditation in common 6:00 - first mass 7:30 - second mass 9 - 11:30- study o f Native languages and theology. 11:30-l :30 P M - sext and nonce, examination in common, lunch. 1:30- vespers and compline, then visits 4:00 - matins and lauds [sic], followed by spiritual reading 6:15 - oraison 7:00 - dinner 8:30 - evening prayers in common, preparation o f the next day's meditation subject, to bed at 9:15 P M . 2 1  2 1  Chirouse to D'herbomez, 19 February 1860, Ore. I l l : 975.  108  Centered on the daily liturgical schedule, as well as on processes o f self-examination, the mission stations were intended to echo the disciplinary technologies o f seminaries i n France. But i n Oregon and British Columbia, this schedule, designed with European conditions i n mind, was constantly interrupted. Personnel at the mission stations were not being controlled, as they were in French seminaries, by a strict regulation o f time or arrangement o f space. Thus in 1871 Grandidier was anxious to complete the new residence at Williams Lake where the Rule could "reprenne son empire." He made a direct connection between the physical structure o f the residence and the spiritual condition o f the lay brothers, claiming that they did not attend exercises or mass; rarely confessed, took communion or meditated; and lacked a religious spirit o f charity toward one another.  22  The last point was a serious problem, for the early Oblates frequently 23  disagreed about almost every aspect o f their personal lives and public functions. Personal animosities could demolish the communal structure o f the mission stations, and as Durieu noted, "je sais trop bien quel enfer on endure dans une maison ou 1'union de coeur ne regne pas."  24  It is no surprise, then, that many o f the Oblates relished spending  their summers travelling among Native people. [regain its empire]. Grandidier to D'herbomez, 12 August 1871, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. The amount o f correspondence concerning personal relations, as well as its sheer venom, took me aback. The Oblates disagreed on everything from literally what to have for lunch to very broad questions o f how to evangelize Native people. They accused one another o f everything from insanity to sexual impropriety to reading novels. Visitors General always had a great deal to say about the need for charity and mutual support amongst the Oblates, as well as stricter observance of the Rule.  2 2  2 3  [I know too well what hell one endures in a house where the union o f hearts does not reign.] To D'herbomez, 29 July 1861, A D , G L P P , 1557-1598. 2 4  109  While itineracy may not have been the ideal mission strategy i n the Pacific Northwest, it was a tradition with which the Oblates were familiar. Both Protestants and Catholics were motivated to proselytize by Christ's injunction to "go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature" (Mark 16.15), as well as by the examples of the apostles, and above all o f Saint Paul. Itineracy, then, was a tried and true method o f proselytization recommended by the ultimate source o f authority (for Protestants at least), the Bible. But denominational solutions to the problems of proselytization in British Columbia varied, reflecting historical differences as well as the national origins o f the missionaries and the national setting i n which they worked: British Columbia.  Following  Paul  Both Protestant and Catholic missionaries took for granted the necessity o f settling Native people into a stationary, agricultural way o f life, but Protestants pursued this goal more systematically and vigorously than did Catholics. Protestant missionaries in British Columbia seem to have worked far harder to encourage Native settlement at mission sites: for example, W i l l i a m Duncan at Metlakatla provided employment for Native people by developing timbering and canning operations, while John Good at 25  Lytton hoped to offer land and water rights to Natives who would settle near him. While the Oblates did encourage some Native settlement near their missions, they did not offer the range o f wage labor that, for example, Metlakatla would provide and thus Native people leaving villages and mission stations to work for wages would trouble the Oblates Cf. Christophers (1995) for a thoughtful and original account o f Good's mission i n Lytton, British Columbia. 2 5  110  throughout the second half o f the nineteenth century, ostensibly because Native mobility entailed close and direct contact with the "contamination" o f white civilization, as well as 26  removing Natives from Oblate influence. These different attitudes toward Native labor stem in part, I think, from the distinct visions Protestants and Catholics had o f the end result o f Christian civilization: many Protestants envisioned the development of a self-sufficient working class, while the Oblates seem to have leaned toward an inward-looking, communal peasantry governed by the precepts and calendar o f the Catholic church (see Chapter 5). Thus Duncan would develop industry, a tax system, and allotments o f privately held land at Metlakatla, while the Oblates' approach to the temporal lives of their neophytes was more determinedly agrarian.  27  Thus Lejacq would complain that "malgre tout ce que j ' a i pu dire pour les empecher, j'apprends que quelques families, tout de suite apres mon depart, se sont dirige de ce cote avec l'intention de passe l'hiver au milieu des mineurs. lis voulut travailler pour gages: les fourrures ne se vendent plus." [despite all that I could say to prevent them, I learn that several families, immediately after my departure, directed themselves to this side (of the mountains) with the intention o f spending the winter with the miners. They want to work for wages: furs are no longer selling.] To D'herbomez, 9 November 1878, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566. Durieu would draw up a set o f regulations for Natives working for wages off the reserve, "Direction des sauvages," 9-10. Thus while the Oblates frowned on wage labor (echoing Mazenod's complete inability to come to grips with the working class and the Industrial Revolution in France?), they did recognize that they could not prevent it. While Metlakatla and many o f the most 'successful' Protestant missions were located on the coast, the Oblates were confined to the interior where agriculture was often the most pragmatic option. But saw milling, grain milling, some fishing-oriented industry, etc., could have been developed and never were. In Native villages and near missions, Catholic missionary government tended to be far more religious: where Duncan taxed i n order to provide maintenance and improvements at Metlakatla, and encouraged Native people to take care o f their privately held (but not owned) property, the Oblates depended on fines collected for drunkenness and public "faults" that were largely used for church maintenance. For detailed accounts o f W i l l i a m Duncan's work at Metlakatla see Jean  Ill  Brett Christophers argues persuasively that the more aggressive Protestant campaign to sedentarize Native people may have stemmed from the way they chose to rework the Pauline system o f evangelization. Christophers notes that the population o f the eastern Mediterranean was concentrated in urban centers - the crucibles o f the early Church - and the simple fact of Paul's presence in the city afforded h i m a congregation. Thus he concludes that given the "right urban setting, a pastor has no need to reshape 28  territory to produce a congregation - a flock is already latent in the city's social fabric." This was patently not the case in nineteenth-century British Columbia, where the spatial organization o f social life was not centered on the parish or the city, but where small settlements, immense distances, and a Native seasonal food procurement round prevailed. John Good, claims Christophers, and many other Protestants I would argue, altered the Pauline model, believing that in order to produce a congregation they must first produce a space suitable for the assembly, education, and livelihood o f that congregation. Protestants seem to have been keenly aware o f the ways in which such spaces contributed to their attempts to Christianize Native people. Thus Good encouraged Natives to relocate in order to remove them from temptation, but also because he thought that "by changing their location I might induce them to live separately in families, and to build  Usher, William Duncan of Metlakatla: A Victorian missionary in British Columbia (Ottawa: National Museum o f M a n , 1974) and Murray (1985). Brett Christophers, "Spaces of missionary power " (paper presented at the Association of American Geographers conference, A p r i l , 1996), 8. 2 8  112  after a better style."  For some Protestants in British Columbia, then, a mission was a  spatial entity that must be produced by the pastor. The Oblate conception o f a mission was more transitory than Good's or Duncan's: it was a time as well as a place. A s I pointed out i n Chapter 1, the Oblates in southern France specialized i n giving missions to the rural poor, and Mazenod did not encourage his Oblates to accept parish posts. The Oblates, like the Jesuits, were intended to be 31  itinerant, free to give missions where they were deemed most necessary,  and the Oblate  conception o f a mission constituted bringing together a group o f people to participate i n intensive instruction, exhortation, and a celebration o f the sacraments during a given 32  period o f time.  In other words missions were temporal events and spatial structures.  Thus far I have traced out two spatial practices characteristic o f Oblate evangelization. The first o f these I have called mission stations, built environments that were to house the missionaries, to discipline them, to provide access to the greatest possible number of Native people, and to serve as venues for the elaborate mass z y  John Good, 1861. The Mission Field, vol. 8, March 1863, pp. 116-118.  30  In the same sense that I do not claim that all Catholics saw itineracy as the best mission strategy (De Smet and the Paraguayan Jesuits come to mind), neither do I mean to imply that all Protestants scorned itineracy. The Methodist Church was organized into a system of circuits that were inherently itinerant, but the Methodists aimed to create independent Native churches - a far cry from Catholic aims. 31  A s Levasseur (1955, I X : 70-71) has pointed out, "le Fondateur ne veut pas que ses Oblats...deviennent des cures; i l veut eloigner des siens...les preoccupations administratives qui soustraient du temps pour le soin des ames, l'isolement du cure oppose a la vie commune." [the founder did not want his become parish priests; he wanted to distance them...from administrative preoccupations that took away from the time spent i n the care o f souls, the isolation o f the parish priest [was] opposed to life i n a [religious] community.] But he also notes that a parish structure was regarded as necessary i n the colonies, and that superiors were encouraged to both establish and administer them. See Chapter 1 for details. 3 2  113  ceremonies described in the previous chapter. Mission courses, my second designation, indicate the itinerant nature o f Oblate evangelization. Mission courses were the spatial conduits through which the Oblates moved to give missions, and I want to emphasize that in this sense a mission is much more an activity than a site. The third spatiality o f Oblate evangelization lay i n their attempts to create "model" Catholic villages, spaces dominated by the physical and disciplinary edifice o f the Catholic Church, and by the Oblates' conception o f Catholic civilization. The degree o f their success covers a broad spectrum, and I consider only two extremes. A t one end o f this spectrum was Sechelt, a Coast Salish village on the South Coast o f British Columbia (see figure 3.3). Sechelt demonstrated all the characteristics o f a "model" village: in 1871 Bishop D'herbomez confirmed the entire tribe; "church chiefs" and watchmen were installed to ensure that the "Indians came to church on • Sundays, every morning and night for prayers in common, did not drink, and obeyed all the rules" (a forerunner o f the Durieu system - see Chapter 4); a temperance society was organized; and 'modern' houses and a large church (financed through Sechelt donations) 33  were built.  The industry o f the Sechelt and the discipline Of the village were lauded not  only by the Oblates but also by a wide variety o f observers, including Indian Land Commissioner G . M . Sproat.  34  U B C Special Collections, Rev. George Forbes O M I Papers, box 4, file 7. Sproat noted that the "Sea-shells" were "stout and well-clothed i n European dress. The children i n particular look healthy and rigorous." He commented on their "thrift", "neatly patched clothes", and on the "modest demeanour" o f the women which, he claimed, "offer[ed] pleasing evidence to the observer how closely the progress o f the Indians is connected with the condition of the women." Sproat report on Sechelt, 7 December 1876, R G 1 0 , vol. 3611, file 3756-5. 3 4  115  But Sechelt (like the Anglican mission Metlakatla) was an exceptional case, both in terms o f the dominance o f the physical structure o f the church and o f the disciplinary mechanics imposed upon Native people. Missionaries usually chose a site for the church on the outskirts o f existing Native settlements to encourage the inhabitants to move nearer the church and to build European-style single family dwellings. But as Warren Sommer suggests, "since the Indians resisted resettlement, and the government failed to provide sufficient land for agriculture, the missionaries found the model-village projects 35  extremely difficult."  A n d , as I argue i n Chapter 5, disciplinary order and a unanimity o f  religious opinion did not necessarily characterize most Native villages. This is illustrated by figure 3.4, an 1868 map o f the False Creek Indian Reserve drawn by Durieu. While the map certainly demonstrates Durieu's intimate knowledge o f the reserve and its inhabitants, it also attests to the encroachment o f industrialization ( C P R tracks and a shingle mill) and to a heterogeneous mixture o f people. Some are clearly baptized Catholics (Fidele, Andre, etc.); others are designated only by their Native names (Telsentsout, Iokoutse, etc.) and, given the propensity o f Christians o f all denominations to re-name those they baptize, were probably not Christian. Some o f the inhabitants o f Snakz bear very English names (William, Douglas, etc.), and one (un negre) is neither named nor located through kinship relations. The map points to the ways in which even a reserve located directly in the path o f European settlement could be diverse religiously, and there is no sign o f a church or chapel in the village.  Sommer (1977, 13).  JSP /  a a  \  ll /  i  /  \  IS-  0 ^ *»eU»  Figure 3.4 False Creek Indian Reserve  117  The Oblates, then, depended above all on a mission strategy that had itineracy at its core. But what did the Oblates do when they "gave" a mission to Native people?  Praxis: Preaching, Baptism and Marriage "II y avait sur le rivage de la mer plus de 100 loges ou tentes alignees sur un etendue de plus d'un demi-mille; leurs canots grands et petits qui se trouvaient sur le bord de l'eau; 5 a 6 cents sauvages qui se fixaient et se preparaient pour la mission; leurs enfants qui jouaient sur la greve; les chiens qui couraient de cote et d'autre...Tout etant fixe, la mission commencait. Chaque jour i l y avait priere du matin en commun; apres le dejeuner venait 1'instruction sur l'ancien ou nouveau testament toujours accompagnee de conclusions pratiques et morales. Cette instruction...durait ordinairement jusqu'a 3 heures apres midi; les sauvages allaient manger, puis on les appelait a 1'instruction des prieres et cantiques ce qui durait jusqu'a la nuit; suivait la priere du soir en commun puis le souper apres lequel ils venaient encore pour se faire instruire en particulier ou pour apprendre les cantiques. Ils nous tenaient ainsi occupes jusqu'a 10 a 11 heures du soir...a la fin de la mission nous baptisames 155 enfants le meme jour." D'herbomez to de Mazenod, 23 November 1856.  36  [On the seashore there were more than 100 lodges or tents aligned along a stretch o f more than half a mile; their canoes large and small were at the water's edge; five to six hundred sauvages were settled there and prepared themselves for the mission; their children played on the beach; dogs ran from one end [of the camp] to the other...All being ready, the mission began. Each day there was morning prayer in common; after lunch came instruction on the old or new testament always accompanied by practical and moral conclusions...This instruction ordinarily lasted until three i n the afternoon; the sauvages went to eat, then we called them to the instruction o f prayers and canticles that lasted until evening; then followed the evening prayer i n common and dinner after which they again came to be instructed individually or to learn the canticles. They kept us occupied thus until ten or eleven at the end o f the mission we baptized 155 children in one day.]  I begin with this quotation because it is a typical Oblate description o f mission activity. It suggests that the course of a mission was an uninterrupted flow during which the Oblates acted and Native people unquestioningly received: in its generality it  Ore. II: 642-643.  118  completely smooths over the jagged edges that must have characterized every mission. It elides such pragmatic questions as what the Oblates said, in what language, and how Native people responded, both to the verbal messages (practical and moral instruction) and material practices (baptism i n this case) proffered by the Oblates. In this section I look at predication  (preaching and teaching), one of the most basic Oblate activities i n  the Pacific Northwest. I focus particularly on the Oblate reliance on heaven and hell as concepts that were crucial to teaching Christian eschatology, and their belief that these terms were easily described and translated. I then look at some o f the ways Native people translated, interpreted, and responded to the concepts o f heaven and hell. Thus I hope both to fracture some o f the continuity o f the above quotation and to offer some insight into why the Oblates approached these particular aspects o f proselytization as they did. But as the quotation suggests, the Oblates also offered a range o f sacraments to Native people, ranging from baptism and marriage to penance and communion. In this chapter I consider baptism and marriage - both how they were offered and how they were received - i n order to suggest that, disengaged from a broader Christian culture, they were not effective conduits o f power for the Oblates.  Predication "Quelques fois les sujets sur lesquels prechait le P. Chirouse etaient si terribles et si sensibles que plusieurs sauvages pleuraient..." D'herbomez to Ricard, 9 September 1856. 37  [Sometimes the subjects on which F . Chirouse preached were so terrible and tangible that several sauvages wept.]  Ore. II: 624.  1  Predication  - preaching and teaching - was the most common mode o f Oblate  activity, and in Oregon the message seems to have consisted primarily o f the joys o f heaven and the horrors o f hell. D'herbomez provides a detailed account o f how such a session could go: "Apres avoir remue leurs coeurs, pendant plusieurs jours, par les plus terribles verites de notre Ste religion, venait le jugement dernier qui a toujours fait sur eux les plus grandes impressions; on leur y faisait voir le sort des Elus et celui des reprouves dans l'Enfer; puis on leur demandait de quel cote ils voulaient etre? S'ils voulaient aller avec le Demon et les reprouves dans l'Enfer, ou avec Dieu, les Anges et les saints dans le ciel? O n leur disait qu'on leur avait montrer deux routes: l'une qui conduit au C i e l , l'autre qui va droit en Enfer! Que tous avaient le malheur de se trouver sur la route de l'Enfer, mais que Dieu dans sa bonte leur envoyait des missionnaires pour les retirer de leur voie de perdition et les faire marcher vers le C i e l . Que ceux qui voulaient sincerement se convertir; renvoyer une ou deux femmes, quitter le mal et faire le bien, afin de devenir, dans la suite, enfants de D i e u par la bapteme...C'etait vraiment frappant et edifiant tout a la fois, de les voir se lever tous comme un seul homme, et protester qu'ils ne voulaient plus marcher vers l'Enfer..." 38  [After having moved their hearts for several days, by the most terrible truths o f our H o l y Religion, came the last judgment which has always made great impressions on them; there we made them see the fate of the Elect and that of the damned i n H e l l ; then we asked them on which side did they want to be? If they wanted to go with the D e v i l and the damned to Hell, or with G o d , the angels and the saints to Heaven. W e told them we had shown them two roads: one which led to Heaven, the other that went straight to H e l l ! That all had the misfortune to find themselves on the road to H e l l , but that G o d in his goodness sent them missionaries to pull them off their path to perdition and to make them go to Heaven. That those who seriously wanted to convert, [should] send away one or two wives, quit evil-doing and do good, i n order to become children o f G o d through baptism. It was truly both striking and edifying, to see them all rise as one man, and protest that they did not want to go towards H e l l any more.]  D'herbomez to Mazenod, 23 November 1856, Ore. II: 639-640.  120  A s I have suggested, this kind o f hellfire and damnation preaching was characteristic o f early nineteenth-century Catholicism in France. But in addition to being a familiar style o f preaching, and to focusing on the most basic aspects o f Christian eschatology, I suspect the Oblates emphasized heaven and hell because these concepts lent themselves to v i v i d description: the Oblates believed they could be communicated transparently both verbally and visually. Communication is at the core o f proselytization and it was an issue that would trouble the Oblates throughout the nineteenth and into the twentieth century. The Chinook trading jargon was widely used by the Oblates throughout the Pacific Northwest, but this jargon, which contained 500 to 700 words from several languages was geared to the pragmatics o f trade, and was hardly sufficient to transmit concepts as basic to 39  Catholicism as original sin, the trinity, or transubstantiation.  In addition to the  inadequacy o f using a trading jargon to convey such complex abstract ideas, many  A l l missionaries seem to have experienced difficulties with Chinook jargon. A missionary with the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel [SPG] complained that "I had been trying to make [my Cowichan servant] understand that I had come in a ship, five moons over the sea, to teach the Indians what was good. I had a great deal o f bother to get hold o f a word for 'teach,' as I said 'Chinook' has very few words to express feelings and thoughts." Richard Dowson, 3 June 1859, The Mission Field, vol. 4, September 1859, pp. 193-199. The Jesuits also experienced difficulties with translation, although they were working within the far more subtle and broad context o f Native languages rather than the Chinook jargon. Jesuit Father Cataldo, working amongst the Crow, struggled with a satisfactory translation o f 'confession o f sin' and settled on a phrase ostensibly meaning 'I make sin seen', but worried that the "carnal C r o w would understand ostendo genitalia (show my genitals)." Gerald McKevitt, SJ, '"Faith enters by the ear': missionary linguistics in the Pacific Northwest" in Christopher Chappie, ed., The Jesuit tradition in education and missions: a 450-year perspective (London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1993), 242-253, 249. This is a particularly telling example because it suggests that there was no Crow conception o f sin per se, and that Cataldo therefore chose the Crow word for genitals as an adequate concept for sin.  121  Natives in the Pacific Northwest simply did not speak the Chinook jargon, nor did they have concepts o f sin or G o d similar to those of Christianity  4 0  The multitude o f languages  in the area, i n combination with the dearth and often frequent reassignment o f Oblate personnel exacerbated the problem o f communication. While most Oblates seem to have had a reasonably good command of Chinook jargon, and some did learn a Native language, every Visitor General between 1858 and 1882 reported the need to make more effort with Native languages. While the Oblates were aware that translation was a problem - they had to content themselves with chef d'en haute (saghalie tyee, in Chinook literally above chief) for G o d - they don't seem to have worried that it affected their "practical and moral" instructions  4 1  Interpreters were a necessity, despite the numerous problems they posed.  Wayne Suttles argues that pre-contact Coast Salish societies did not perform communal religious rituals worshipping a unitary God, but rather that individuals sought knowledge and power from guardian spirits. He also notes that there is little evidence to suggest that "sin causes misfortune which may be relieved by confession" for pre-contact Coast Salish peoples, who did, however, have "rules o f good behavior." Coast Salish Essays (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1987), 177-188, 189. 4 U  There seems to have been a hierarchy at work regarding translation, where Latin was seen as a more pure or accurate representation of Catholic truth than French or Native languages. Thus Chirouse noted in 1860 that he had to teach "David Telssetlhour" the benediction i n Latin, because the former was not "certain" that he had the "real translation" o f the benediction in Coast Salish, one o f the primary language groups in the Pacific Northwest; to D'herbomez, 21 February, Ore. I l l : 979-80. Even the pronunciation of Latin was seen as important: in 1850 Lempfrit would complain that the Cowichan, lacking an V sound, sang Sancta M a l i a and O l a Plo Nobis, rather than Sancta M a r i a and Ora Pro Nobis, while in 1883 Durieu forbad the singing o f O Salutaris in Latin unless pronunciations were correct; Lempfrit to the Gray Sisters at Montreal, 9 February 1850, Ore. I: 97; Durieu, Direction, 43. Many commentators on Catholic missionary activity have noted the sinister (as they see it) predilection for "latinizing" Native grammar, but M c K e v i t t suggests that the Jesuits in the Pacific Northwest may have translated Native languages into Latin because it was the only language available to all the Jesuits i n the field, who were often from five or six different European countries, M c K e v i t t , 247-248. 4 1  122  In 1858, for example, Visitor General Bermond noted that "a l'aide d'un autre nous pouvons transmettre notre parole, mais non le sentiment persuasif qui l'accompagne," suggesting that he was more concerned with the transmission of a feeling than with content. In the twentieth century, content was the problem: Father George Forbes observed that "at the Kamloops Indian Church...I noticed that my interpreter was giving a sermon o f his own on the Eucharist and I remind h i m I was talking about Extreme U n c t i o n . "  42  The problems with interpretation then, included both the translation  of emotion and content, and these problems were doubtless magnified by the chain o f translation itself: most Oblates preached in Chinook jargon, which was then translated into the appropriate Native language by an interpreter, multiplying the potential for confusion and misunderstandings. But i n the event that a given message survived the chain o f translation, what did Native people make o f it? One example w i l l illustrate the complexity o f the situation. After an explanation o f Catholic eschatology at Fort Nesqually in 1838, Bishop Blanchet recorded a Whidby Island Native's comment that "that man N o a h had more children than the first man A d a m . "  43  This statement is breath-takingly literal, and given the range o f  subject matter Blanchet had just covered, a telling item o f interest. The first point I want to make is that basic information had survived the translation process, but this can hardly have been the kind o f information that Blanchet wanted to convey. Surely he was more concerned with A d a m as the progenitor o f the human race and source o f original sin and  [with the aid o f another we can transmit our words, but not the persuasive sentiment that accompanies it.] Bermond report, Ore. I l l : 795; U B C S C , Forbes papers, box 4, file 4. Bagley, I: 80. It seems unlikely that Blanchet would mention Seth i f he was focusing on the basic moral precepts o f Genesis. 4 2  4 3  123  with Noah's role as God's chosen flood survivor, than with reproductive rates. Either these broader attributes o f A d a m and Noah did not survive translation, or Native people were engaged i n what Vincente Rafael calls "fishing," where "the congregation skid from word to word without connecting what they hear to the priest's actual message. Instead, they 'fish out' discrete words from the stream o f the sermon, arbitrarily attaching them to their imaginings." I agree with Rafael that "fishing" was probably one very common mode of Native 44  listening, having as much to do with the sermon's length as it did with its content: family size was probably far more accessible (and more appealing) to Native listeners than original sin. But Rafael goes on to suggest that perhaps "the natives are compelled to submit to the priest's authority despite, indeed because of, the fact that his sermon is almost incomprehensible." It is precisely the almost incomprehensible nature o f this 45  interaction that raises so many questions, not just of how meanings cross cultural boundaries, but why. What Rafael points to, I think, are not only the unintended meanings of the priests' words or the daydreams o f the audience, but Native interpretations that read the priests' messages i n very specific ways. These interpretations could spring both from personal ambition when, for example, individual Natives used the missionaries to consolidate their authority, and from more complex sets o f reactions to the more esoteric aspects o f Christianity. I want to use one specific example o f the Catholic ladder to illustrate what I mean (see figures 3.5 and 3.6).  Vincente Rafael, Contracting colonialism: Translation and Christian conversion in Tagalog society under early Spanish rule (Ithaca, N Y : Cornell University Press, 1988),  4 4  2. 4 5  Idem.  124  The ladder was introduced into Oregon by F . N . Blanchet at least by 1839, and Wayne Suttles records a Squamish prophet from about 1840 who preached to the people from a "map," which Suttles posits was probably a Catholic ladder. Certainly the ladder 46  shown i n figure 3.5 does resemble a map, and in one sense it is a map o f how to get to heaven and avoid hell. But compare the Catholic ladder to a Nkla'kapamux sketch o f the world (figure 3.6) - again a map to the place o f souls, but a map that marks two paths to the same place, not two paths to two very different places. Ethnographer James Teit records that i n the 1890s, after 30 years o f extensive contact with missionaries, many Thompson believed that "only those Indians who were not Christians go over the old trail to the spirit-land, while those who profess to be Christians go by a new trail...which ascends...[to] the sky. Here it [the soul] stays a short time, and sees the Chief, to whom it confesses its sins. Then it goes on a trail downward toward the west, and finally reaches the old abode o f shades." 47  Thus while concepts such as G o d , sin, and confession seem to have been incorporated (literally) into the Thompson world view, heaven and hell as separate entities have been excluded from Thompson cosmography. The "place o f souls" is still one place, which is simply reached by different paths. This rejection of the "terrible truths" o f Catholicism casts serious doubt on any Native internalization, much less acceptance, o f the concept o f sin - a concept that requires an imaginative geography o f the afterlife that includes heaven  Suttles, 192. James Alexander Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, The Jesup Northwest expedition vol. I part 4, Franz Boas, ed., (New York, 1900), 359. w  4 7  125  e Fig. aoo. Sketch of World, a, Trail leading from the earth to the land of the ghosts, with tracks of the souls; b River and log on which the souls cross; c, Land of the ghosts, and dancing souls; if. Lake surrounding the earth; e, Earth, with rivers and villages; N, S, E, W, Points of the compass. %  Figure 3.6 Nkla'kapamux Sketch o f the W o r l d  127  and hell. Thus while the Oblates may have chosen to focus on heaven and hell as relatively simple concepts to describe and translate, they seemed unaware that these concepts had to be rooted i n a more general set o f Christian cultural constructs - heaven and hell were insufficient pegs from which to hang Christian eschatology because they depended on specifically Christian notions o f God, salvation, and sin (and hence o f the self). Employed outside a more general framework of Christian belief, heaven and hell could be interpreted i n a multitude o f ways, as the example of the Thompson demonstrates. Oblate accounts o f prophets are particularly revealing o f some o f the ways Native people re-made the Catholic message. D'herbomez described a "pretendu Moi'se" near the Fraser river i n 1855 who spoke to G o d on a mountain top, was given papers with which to instruct the Natives, and received the power to revive the dead and a medicine that would ensure an abundance o f fish. D'herbomez also wrote o f an old woman who, left for dead by her companions, returned to them some time later. She claimed to have been dead for 12 days, during which time her soul wandered the earth, and then went to the sky where she saw God's house and many beautiful things. But when she tried to enter, G o d stopped her, saying "Que viens-tu faire ici? vieille femme! ce n'est pas ici ta place,  48  Indeed, it seems that Native people were perfectly willing to tailor their concepts o f heaven and hell according to the circumstances. One S P G missionary wrote with bemusement that "[an Indian man] evidently believed he would go somewhere after he was dead - i f he did not k i l l , steal or cheat, he would go to a land where there was plenty of sun and plenty o f water, and no work - but i f he did k i l l , etc., he would go to a land like 'yawa' 'there', and he pointed to a rough rugged piece o f land by the side o f the trail - by the by to crown his description o f the good land, after he had done his best to tell me what it was like, he said it was like K i n g George land, ie. England." Richard Dowson to Ernest Hawkins, 3 June 1859, B C A R S , H / A / S o 2 , Society for the Propagation o f the Gospel, Papers relating to the diocese of Columbia, 1858-1868, 3 vols., 1:43.  128  retourne sur la terre, la tu enseigneras aux sauvages a prier et a chanter et dans un an tu viendras."  49  These are two very different ways o f approaching the Catholic message. In his analysis o f Native prophets in Mexico, Serge Gruzinski suggests that such accounts must be examined in terms o f their form and content, and his methodology casts the Europeanness o f these accounts into question.  50  While both accounts appear to be over-burdened  with Christian allusions, the form o f the first narrative is explicitly Native, including the solitude o f vision quest or guardian spirit quest, contact with a spirit, and the reception o f a medicine, usually in the form o f power and/or knowledge. The content seems to be an amalgamation o f elements. The commandment to instruct other people o f the content o f the vision is not typical of Native communication with spirits, events that were usually intensely personal and private, while the allusion to paper is quite obviously a European element. The second account, too, has many explicitly Native elements, and is particularly reminiscent o f Native accounts o f serious illness, when the soul is lost and wanders about until it finally reaches the place o f souls. It is the shaman's duty to retrieve the soul from its wanderings, although in this case the old woman was sent back by G o d . It too emphasizes teaching.  [What are you doing here? O l d woman! This is not your place, return to the earth, there you w i l l teach the sauvages to pray and to sing and in one year you w i l l return.] To Mazenod, 25 August 1855, Ore. I: 575-6. D'herbomez used the conclusion o f the second story - which ended when the old woman died within a few weeks rather than i n a year as God had told her - to defuse the tensions created by the activities o f the "pretendu Mo'ise" [pretended Moses.] Serge Gruzinski, The conquest of Mexico: the incorporation of Indian societies into the western world, sixteenth-eighteenth centuries, Eileen Corrigan trans. (Cambridge, U K : Polity Press, 1993), Chapter 5. 5 0  129  In these terms, it seems clear that the above examples still follow a typically Native narrative form o f vision motivated by spirit quest or induced by illness. But the contents o f both definitely contain specifically European, and in the second case, Christian, elements, both o f them involve coming to grips with - i n the sense o f gaining control over - particularly different or disturbing aspects o f European culture. Writing, specifically, seems to have carried a lot o f conceptual freight, inspiring both fear and desire i n Native people: it was desirable to know and thus to possess writing. But such a powerful technology was slippery - it could also be used for e v i l .  51  In the first account,  the appropriation o f writing seems connected to the emphasis on teaching, and I believe that both visionaries sought to relocate the sources o f knowledge, to appropriate both the priests' role and their teachings. While both narratives suggest very different degrees o f the subjective experience o f Christianity, neither show an "interiorization o f relations to the self... [or] scrutiny o f the self [that] is a probable effect o f the Europeanization o f the person. These narratives, and many others like them, are indicative o f Rafael's concept o f fishing as a mode o f listening - both o f these Native people fished out Christian pegs on which to hang their experiences: they were ways of dealing with the almost incomprehensible. The Oblates were aware of the activities o f Native prophets, and knew from the questions they were asked that the translation process was far from perfect, but  Thus M u l h a l l and others have speculated that the Chilcotin uprising o f 1864 may have been triggered by a white man who wrote down the names o f some Chilcotin and threatened them with another plague - a smallpox epidemic had broken out in 1862. D a v i d M u l h a l l , Will to power: the missionary career of Father Morice (Vancouver: University o f British Columbia Press, 1986), 19. Gruzinski, 210. 5 1  5 2  130  they seem to have attributed these "misunderstandings" more to Protestant competition and irreligious whites than they did to a politics of translation on the part o f Native people. I w i l l pursue this politics of translation further with regard to both the material practices o f baptism and marriage. I suggest that while these practices, and particularly marriage, were far more open to an Oblate deployment o f power, baptism was an extremely contested act that was immensely vulnerable to just such Native (re)interpretations.  Sacraments The performance and celebration o f the seven sacraments are critical to the Catholic conception o f religious life, and are among the most distinctive aspects o f Catholicism itself. Christ, through word and example, is for Catholics the source o f all the sacraments: baptism, confirmation, communion, penance, extreme unction, orders, and marriage. While the celebration of all the sacraments involves the performance o f more or less elaborate ritual laden with symbolism, I agree with Talal Asad's claim that sacramental practices cannot be seen simply as ritual "representations o f cultural metaphors; they are parts o f a Christian program for creating in its performers, by means 53  of regulated practices, the 'mental and moral dispositions' appropriate to Christians." Thus it is probably most useful to see the sacraments not simply as demonstrative but as instrumental: i n a theological sense the sacraments are not merely signs o f grace, they are causes o f grace, and, as Asad suggests, i n a more this-worldly sense they can play a role  Asad, 78.  131  in the constitution o f Christian subjectivities.  In this section I investigate Asad's claim  i n relation to Oblate methods o f baptism and marriage. I want to suggest that the forms o f power that ran through these particular sacraments were more bound up with sanctions the repression o f non-Christian behaviors - than they were with the formation o f "real" Christian subjectivities. While baptism and marriage were transfer points o f power, they alone were not sufficiently saturated with a micro-physics of power, and neither were they embedded i n a sufficiently Christianized cultural context to operate as effective disciplinary modalities o f power.  Baptism " L e vieux sauvage...dit a Henri [l'interprete]: ce pretre-ci doit faire la medecine (et en meme temps i l faisait semblant de verser l'eau sur son front). Certainement, repondait Henri: i l lave et fait les petits enfants, enfants de Dieu. A h ! je le savais bien, repartit le vieux: j ' a i v u une fois un pretre en bas: et i l faisait cette [sic] medecine-la; j ' a i pense tout de suite que ce pretre-ci devait faire la meme chose." Grandidier to D'herbomez, 31 December 1 8 6 0 . 55  [The old sauvage...said to Henry [the interpreter]: does this priest make the medicine (and at the same time he pretended to pour water on his forehead). Certainly, responded Henry: he washes the little children and makes them children o f God. A h ! I knew it well, rejoined the old man: Once I saw a priest lower down [the river]: and he made this medicine; I immediately thought that this priest would do the same thing.]  Catholic doctrine encouraged missionaries to baptize all Native children under the age o f reason (six or seven years old), as well as adults who were clearly at death's door.  A s Hoffman (53-70), Bernard Plongeron i n Theologie et politique au siecle des lumieres, 1770-1820 (Geneva: Droz, 1973), 91-92, and numerous historians point out, the sacraments are profoundly communal acts as well. A D , G L P P 1754 5 5  132  Baptism was seen as an indispensable means o f grace and salvation: it not only washed away past sin, but as Robert Choquette states, it ensured "that in time, nourished by sacraments, the convert would advance to a more robust Catholic faith." Baptism, for 56  Catholics, was one step in a continuing process o f conversion. Protestants, with a predilection for "sudden and complete conversion," tended to see baptism as the formal conclusion to an already-completed process.  57  Thus the official Catholic attitude toward  baptism was very different from Protestant attitudes and drew a great deal o f criticism from the latter that stemmed largely from these doctrinal differences. Although the Oblates had a stringent set of baptismal requirements for adult neophytes - including knowledge o f the basic tenets o f the Catholic church, memorization and comprehension of catechisms and prayers, and a probationary period in which both a desire and ability to live by Christian precepts must be demonstrated - Catholics were frequently charged with going too fast, insufficiently instructing neophytes before they were baptized, and o f 58  producing only nominal Christians. For the Oblates, then, baptism was rebirth into a life cleansed and purified o f sin, and offering the hope o f salvation. But Native people throughout the Pacific Northwest Choquette, 192. M y emphases. 57  Choquette, idem. Anglicans seem to have seen conversion as a process as well, cf. Christophers (1996). 58  Catholics in general were often accused of baptizing "whole villages" in order to "propagandize" their success in converting Natives, cf. Good to the S P G , 28 December 1863, U S P G , E l 4 , folio 1,510. The Oblates also believed that rapid baptism was necessary i n Oregon because "tout le monde voit que le nombre des Sauvages diminue chaque jour et qu'en quelque annees i l n'en restera a peu pres plus par i c i . " [everyone sees that the number o f sauvages diminishes each day and that i n a few years practically none w i l l be left in this vicinity.] This was an extremely commonly expressed opinion in both Oregon and British Columbia. Ricard to M . Blanchet, 30 March 1854, Ore. II: 403.  133  during the nineteenth century often saw it as a death sentence. This perception most obviously stemmed from the Oblate practice o f baptizing adults in articulo mortis, but it was also frequently connected to localized outbreaks o f disease. Natives made a series 59  o f connections between baptism and death, and frequently between disease and the priests. The Oblates were to remain targets of Native suspicion regarding disease transmission throughout the last half of the nineteenth century. Grandidier described an incident at Fort Hope in 1860: " U n petit sauvage de Thompson, qui etait venu me voir, et a qui j'avais demande s ' i l etait baptise et s ' i l voulait etre, me repondit avec effroi: Oh! non, cela me ferait mourir, tous ceux qui ont ete baptises cette annee-ci a Thompson sont morts." 60  [A young Thompson sauvage, who had come to see me, and whom I asked i f he was baptized and i f he wanted to be, answered me with horror: Oh!, no, that would make me die, everyone who has been baptized this year at Thompson is dead.]  He was also accused o f bringing disease to Port Douglas in 1862, while Native people at Lake Babine believed Lejacq had brought thepeste in 1868, and as late as 1891 Chirouse the younger was accused o f spreading measels in Bonaparte.  61  Thus Native people in nineteenth-century British Columbia re-enacted the Huron response to Jesuit baptism in the seventeenth-century. The Jesuits recognized that "their practice o f baptizing mainly the dying led inevitably to the [Native] conviction that baptism was fatal." John Webster Grant, Moon of wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians of Canada in encounter since 1534 (Toronto: University o f Toronto Press, 1984), 40. While many Native people i n British Columbia did make this connection between baptism and death, many others either did not, or preferred to take their chances. To D'herbomez, 11 February 1861, A D , G L P P 1754. Grandidier to Fabre, 3 September 1862, A D G L P P 1754; Lejacq to Durieu, 28 August 1868, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566; Bedard to Lejeune, 4 January 1891, A D , H P K 5303 .L53Z. The Oblates also vaccinated a considerable number o f Native people, both at the mission stations and on their mission tours. Sadly, their humanitarian impulse was tempered by denominational considerations. D'herbomez wanted all his missionaries to put every effort into vaccinating because "ces sauvages pourraient aller trouver le ministre qui cherche a en vacciner le plus grand nombre q u ' i l peut." [these sauvages 6 0  6 1  134  Native people also objected to baptism because they believed they would not see their unbaptized relatives in the place o f souls, and many refused to have their children 62  baptized for fear o f being separated in this way.  Parents often disagreed about baptizing  their children, and women seemed particularly unenthusiastic about allowing their 63  children to be baptized.  It is probable that some Native people refused to be baptized  due to the Oblates' requirement that they be free o f debt.  64  B y far the most detailed  account o f Native rejection o f baptism comes from the Puyallup: " S i nous faisons baptiser nos enfants...ils vont tous mourir, car on dit que tous les enfants que la robe noire a baptisees l'annee derniere sont tous morts. L a medecine des Robes noires (le bapteme) communique dit-on une maladie que nos Tamanouasman ne peuvent jamais arracher...Des hommes blancs comme toi et qui savent lire dans le papier, nous ont assures que les pretres ne sont que des trompeurs, des enfants du mechant esprit sortis des entrailles du grand feu. Leur robe est noire, dit-on, parce que le diable l ' a mise a la teinture. Lorsqu'ils disent qu'ils veulent sauver les sauvages et les conduire en haut, c'est afin de mieux les tromper et les precipiter plus surement dans leur pays d'en bas. O u i , ajoutait une vieille sorciere, les pretres font un jouet de nous et veulent detruire notre race en baptisant nos enfants. Nous connaissons maintenant la malice de leurs sortileges et tous les ingredients de leur medicine (du bapteme). Ils soufflent contre le visage de could go find the minister, who seeks to vaccinate as many as he can.] To Durieu, c. 1868, A D box P912-2287, folder 1417-1750. Chirouse to Fabre, 17 December 1865, A D , box P912-2287, folder 963-1085. It is unclear what role gender played i n these decisions. D'herbomez to Ricard, 15 February 1852, contains three references to the reluctance of Native women regarding baptism. In the first example D'herbomez noted that women were "plus entetees que les hommes" [more stubborn than the men], while in the third example Ricard had the following exchange with a woman: " T u veux done q u ' i l [l'enfant] aille en enfer? elle repond oui! avec un sourire diabolique!" [Do you want him to go to Hell? She responded yes! with a demonic smile!] Ore. I: 148-150. Carol Devens argues that Huron women accepted Catholicism far less readily than did men because the "reciprocity and interdependence that had previously governed the relationships between men and women were missing from the reserves, where missionaries worked to establish a hierarchy o f stratified gender roles and status - a reflection o f their own class-bound understanding o f French social order." Counter colonization, Native American women and Great Lakes missions, 1630-1900 (Berkley: University of California Press, 1992), 29. Lejacq to Durieu, 5 M a y 1870, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566. This letter suggests that the Oblates hesitated to baptize Native people with debts. 6 2  6 4  135  nos enfants comme les mechants jongleurs soufflent contre leurs ennemis pour leur communiquer un sort fatal. Ils pilent des os des morts et en font une poudre blanche (le sel benit) qu'ils font manger a ces pauvres enfants pour attirer la mort dans leurs entrailles. Ils les oignent ensuite avec de la graisse qui n'est autre chose que la moelle qu'ils ont extraite de ces meme ossements humains. Ils leurs arrosent la tete avec la urine de crapaud afin de les mettre sous 1'empire des demons crapauds et tortues qui sont dans les bas lieux. Ils prennent enfin avec leur pouce la mort qu'ils tiennent cachee entre leurs dents et la font passer par leurs oreilles et par le nez de nos enfants et des lors i l n ' y a plus de vie pour les pauvres petits infortunes. Certainement disait un autre jongleur en interrompant la vieille, certainement tu nous trompes Robe noire, lorsque tu nous dis de rejetter nos femmes, car nous savons que le Chef d'en haut (Dieu) le createur de tous, a toujours aime et protege les anciens qui en avaient plusieurs..." 65  [If we have our children baptized, they w i l l all die, because it is said that all the children baptized last year are dead. The Black Robes' medicine communicates they say an illness that our shamans can never draw out...White men like you who know how to read i n the paper, have assured us that the priests are nothing but deceivers, children o f the evil spirit from the entrails o f the great fire. Their garb is black, they say, because the D e v i l himself has colored it. When [the priests] say that they want to save the sauvages and take them above, in the end it is to better fool them and to precipitate them more surely into the world below. Yes, added an old sorceress, the priests toy with us and want to destroy our race by baptizing our children. W e know now the malice o f their sorcery and all the ingredients o f their medicine (of baptism). They blow against the faces o f our children like the wicked shamans [literally jugglers] blow on their enemies to cast a fatal spell. They grind the bones o f the dead to make a white powder (the consecrated salt) that they make these poor children eat to draw death into their entrails. Then they anoint them with fat which is nothing other than the marrow they have extracted from those same human bones. They sprinkle their heads with toad urine to put them under the empire o f the demon toads and turtles that are i n the l o w places. Finally, with their thumb they take the death that they keep hidden behind their teeth and pass it through the ears and nose o f our children and from then on there is no more life for our poor unfortunate children. Certainly said another juggler interrupting the old woman, certainly you deceive us Black Robe, when you tell us to reject our wives, because we know that the Chief Above (God) the creator o f all, has always loved and protected the old ones who had several.]  The parenthetical interpretations are Chirouse's. Chirouse to Mazenod, 12 December 1857, Ore. II: 767-8.  136  This litany o f rejection is interesting not only for its detail - particularly the close observation o f every action made by the priest during a baptism - but also for the range o f objections offered, moving from diseases incurable by Native methods to arguments about "traditional" marriage practices and God's love for the old ones. But above all, it points to the almost incomprehensible nature o f baptism, and offers some insight into how Native people "translated" the role o f the priests, a translation that ironically seems to have focused on the similarities between Oblates and shamans. Native people seem to have consistently referred to hymns, catechisms, baptism and other sacraments as medicine, and some seem to have frankly regarded the priests as "grand sorcier[s]." The above quote suggests the Puyallup saw Chirouse as such: toads, 66  lizards and snakes were spirits associated with shamans; children who had not acquired their own guardian spirits were particularly vulnerable to shamans; and a shaman could cause harm by spirit intrusion, when he sent one o f his spirits into someone's body by performing specific gestures in the presence of the victim. These similarities, i n conjunction with a Native predilection to assign "supernatural" causes to death, illness, prosperity, etc., as well as the belief that shamans could act both for good and evil, all suggest that the Oblates were regarded as shamans.  67  [great sorcerers.] Idem., 773. The references to medicine abound. O n lizards and snakes, the vulnerability of children, and gestures, see June M . C o l l i n s , Valley of the spirits: the Upper Skagit Indians of western Washington (Seattle: University o f Washington Press, 1974), 170, 196, 194. Chirouse was accused o f making rattlesnakes vomit venom to concoct a medicine to poison peoples' tobacco; to Ricard, 12 January 1849, Ore. I: 40. O n the lack o f a Native concept of 'natural death' or accident see Suttles, 95; Collins, 206. 6 7  137  W h y , then, would Native people allow their children, or themselves, to be baptized? There are a number o f possible answers to this question, and I w i l l suggest just a few. First, while shamans had the potential to act both for good and evil, June Collins claims that they were people with "tremendous authority and power" whose "potential for good...far out-weighed [their] potential for e v i l . "  68  Native people seem to have paid  careful attention to circumstances, and refusal or acceptance o f baptism followed from those observations. Thus the Oblates would note that baptisms fluctuated according to a variety o f factors, including the state of Native relations with whites, the presence o f Protestant ministers, and according to a geography o f disease. Generally, however, Native people seem to have opted for baptism, apparently believing it to be a beneficial addition to an arsenal o f protections against the contingencies o f daily life. Fouquet wrote o f a Tlahos tamanoas man (shaman) urging the people to pray, in order to be "plus sure d'etre proteges et preserves de la mort, Dieu et les tamanoas les protegeant [sic]."  69  Second, there seems to have been a spirit o f competition between bands with regard to the priests. This may have been prompted by a desire to have preferential access to the useful European technologies the Oblates possessed, as well as to their albeit scanty material resources. But it seems to have been more than this, and one o f Collins' Skagit informers stated that when Chirouse "stayed with the Upper Skagit...the Skagit beat the Snohomish."  70  Collins, 205. [more sure o f being protected and preserved from death, G o d and the shamans protecting them.] Fouquet to D'herbomez, nd., A D , box P2288-3505, folder 2595-2977. Direction, 36. 0 8  6 9  7 0  138  A n d last, Native people seem to have been very selective in the way they chose to read the Oblates' message: while many do seem to have reacted to the heaven/hell dualism, by far the greater focus was on heaven. For example, Chirouse's instruction o f the Skagit was rendered thus: " T f you are sick, you are going to die. If you are not baptized, you w i l l not reach the good country.' A l l the old people got baptized, so when 71  they die, they would go to good places."  Chirouse himself noted that Native people  worried that they would not see their un-baptized relatives i n heaven, not that they themselves would go to hell, while the passage from Teit in the previous section suggests that even after years o f missionary work the Thompson had not accepted a distinction between heaven and hell. Thus Durieu's claim that Native people saw the sacraments "comme une passe pour le ciel, ou comme une medecine qui doit les sanctifier sans qu'ils 72  aient besoin de faire des efforts" was probably quite accurate. The Oblates consistently translated Native references to the sacraments as medicine, but the priests never seemed to realize that they were regarded as the tamanoasmen they reviled as agents of the Devil. While the second point is mystifying, the Oblate translation o f the sacraments as medicine has some precedent in Catholic theology. Both M c N e i l l and Asad note the prevalence o f medicinal metaphors i n Christian discussions o f penance, while Camporesi argues that "Christ was 'the doctor who could heal all infirmities' through confession, the Eucharist [that malorum omnium  7 1  Idem.  72  [as a pass to heaven, or as a medicine that would sanctify them without their needing to make an effort.] Ibid., 12.  139  antidotum] and extreme unction."  73  Thus the view that the sacraments were medicinal  was probably both familiar and unobjectionable to the Oblates. Baptism, i n the short term, was only an Oblate point o f entry into Native lives. In Oregon the vast majority o f baptisms were o f small children and very i l l adults, not o f adults who had undergone epreuves or who had a functional command o f the mysteries o f Catholicism. Baptism, in the absence o f a concerted attempt to introduce a Christian culture based on the concepts of individual sin and salvation, was not an effective application point o f power: it relied on Native acquiescence and carried a confusing multitude o f meanings. It was also one medicine amongst many others, and the act o f baptism itself did not automatically suggest to Native people that they had to make a transition to a Christian way o f living. Rather, it was simply a ritual that was easily incorporated into Native cosmologies, and just as easily rejected. In British Columbia and Tulalip i n Washington, where the Durieu system (Chapter 4) would lay down firm roots and a framework o f surveillance and examination was developed, adult baptism would become an essential and far more effective vehicle of Oblate power than it had been in Oregon. Thus, while baptism seems to have had few immediate consequences for Native people i n the United States the same cannot be said o f its long term ramifications: the early Oblate eagerness to baptize seems to have been productive o f some intractable and abiding problems.  Asad, 105; John T. M c N e i l l and Helena M . Gamer, eds., Medieval handbooks of penance: A translation of the principal libri poenitentiales and selections from related documents (New York: Octagon Books, 1965), 44-46; and Camporesi, 221.  140  Marriage The "regularization" o f Native marriages became an increasingly serious issue for the Oblates as the number o f baptized adults increased. The problems that arose were initially produced by baptized Natives seeking unions with the un-baptized, as well as by the different obligations imposed by Catholic and Native marriage customs more generally. Although debate within the congregation on the issue o f marriage was intense, the Oblates were relatively silent regarding the Native point o f view. The most obvious difficulty the Oblates encountered regarding Native marriage involved the Catholic system of impediments and Native polygamy; a more obscure, but equally galling problem was the Oblates' perception o f Native marriage more generally. I w i l l pursue the latter trail first, and then return to the question o f impediments and polygamy. The Oblates were divided in their opinions regarding the validity of Native marriages. Some believed, with the Jesuits, that Native marriages that had not been sanctified by the Church, but that were characterized by monogamy and fidelity should be considered as valid "natural" marriages. Others believed that all Native marriages should be considered as invalid, because Natives were  "d'un mauvais nature et de moeurs dissolues, n'ayant d'autres motifs dans leurs actions que de se procurer les plaisirs de ce monde. Ils n'ont d'autres vues dans leurs unions entre femmes et hommes que le bien-etre materiel et si leur compagne ou compagnon n'a pas soin d'eux ou ne contribue pas assez a acquerir ce qui est necessaire pour l'entretien et l'agrement de la vie, ils le quittent pour se mettre avec un autre parti et cela arrive indefiniment jusqu'a l'heure de leur mort." 74  D'herbomez to ?, 1874?, V R C A D , G R 1/01, S/01, box 1, folder 1.  141  [of a bad nature and with dissolute morals, having no other motives in their actions but to procure for themselves the pleasures o f this world. They have no other goal in their unions between women and men than their material well-being and i f their companion does not contribute enough to what is necessary for the maintenance and amenities o f life, they leave them for another and that continues indefinitely until the hour o f their death.]  B y 1867 D'herbomez was vexed enough by the difficulties stemming from Native marriages to circulate a questionnaire to his Oblates asking "doit-on regarder les manages des sauvages de ce Vicariat comme generalement nuls ou comme generalement solides? •  •  O u bien, doit-on les regarder comme tous douteuse?"  75  The most extensive reply was  Pandosy's, arguing that all Native marriages should be considered nul on two grounds. In a valid marriage both parties must be free, and Pandosy claimed that i n three quarters o f all Native marriages at least one o f the parties had been compelled by their parents to marry. Second, both parties were to remain married forever and indissolubly. The result 76  of this argument was the annulment (in the sense that they were not sanctioned by the Church) o f existing Native marriages or the postponement o f new marriages until both parties had fulfilled the requirements for a valid Catholic marriage - a process that could take years o f instruction and epreuve before baptism was performed. The question of Native marriages was formally reconsidered by the Oblates i n a theological conference i n 1874, when it became clear that Oblate policy regarding Native  [should we regard the sauvage marriages o f this vicariate as generally nul or as generally solid? Or, should we regard them all as questionable?] These questions are cited in Pandosy to D'herbomez, 30 March 1867, A D , box P6273-7077, folder 6360-6563. Idem. Pandosy justified his opinion by claiming that there was no real linguistic equivalent i n many Native languages to the words wife, husband or marriage. 7 6  142  marriage was far from uniform. Lejacq wrote an anguished letter outlining his course o f action: "je n'ai pas dit aux sauvages qu'un baptise et non baptise ne pouvaient vivre ensemble sans commettre le peche; ils etaient dans la bonne foi, je les ai laisses dans la bonne foi le premiere annee; apres un certain temps, sans detruire leur bonne foi, je leur ai dit que ceux qui avaient un conjoint baptise devaient vite apprendre le catechisme et faire leurs [coeurs] forts, le pretre voulait vite les baptiser." 77  [I did not say to the sauvages that a baptized and an unbaptized could live together without committing a sin; they were in good faith and I left them in good faith for the first year; after a set time, without destroying their good faith, I told them that those who have a baptized spouse must quickly learn the catechism and make their hearts strong, the priest wants to baptize them soon.]  He therefore made a distinction between marriages that had been made before he arrived, and those that had been made after Natives had received Catholic instruction. Although 78  the Archbishop o f Saint Boniface's opinion  was similar to Lejacq's, the British  Columbia Oblates seem to have adopted a more stringent stance. To the Oblates' dismay, the Native solution to the problem o f "mixed" marriages was often to "reject" the baptized spouse for another, rather than to be baptized oneself. The Oblates also encountered difficulties with the social relations associated with Native marriage practices. Polygamy was seen as the major obstacle to the Christianization o f Native people, and was apparently one o f the most entrenched aspects  Lejacq to D'herbomez, nd., A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566. H i s insistence on good faith also suggests that he had adopted a Liguorian stance toward Native marriage, both i n terms o f a distinction between sinning knowingly or through ignorance, and i n probabilist terms, which I discussed in Chapter 1. " W e must allow ourselves to believe that [Native marriage] does in fact exist..." Archbishop Tache to D'herbomez, 14 March 1878, V R C A D , GR1/01 S/01, box 1, folder 1. 7 8  143  of Native life. In most northwest coast Native societies the practice o f taking more than one wife seems to have been a marker o f status and wealth, and while it was apparently common, it was limited to those who could afford it. Thus both Catholic baptism and marriage required Native men to reject all but their first wives (regardless o f children) - a requirement that not only had a profound impact on Native families but also on men's social status. Catholic impediments to marriage also acted on Native societies i n complex ways. Impediments regulated marriages between relatives i n a peculiarly European conception of incest that included not just blood relations, but affinal relations as well. Thus, among other things, to marry one's brother-in-law after one's husband had died was frowned upon, and required a special dispensation from the church. But the connections between in-laws i n Native society operated through a levirate or sororate, where a widow or 79  widower often married a brother- or sister-in-law, or other affinal relative.  Lejacq,  requesting powers o f dispensation for impediments, listed the following, which were typical: 1° - A . a connue le frere de son mari 2° - B . a connue la soeur, la niece, la cousine de sa femme 3° - C . a connue la soeur de sa femme 4° - D . a connue trois freres de son mari 5° - E . a connue la soeur, la cousine, la tante de sa femme. [1° - knew the brother o f her husband 2° - knew the sister, the niece, the cousin o f his wife 3° - knew the sister o f his wife 4° - knew three brothers o f her husband  80  O n the levirate and sororate among the Thompson see Teit, 325; among the Coast Salish see Suttles, 15-25. Lejacq to Durieu, 2 February 1870, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566.1 discuss the importance o f writing to Oblate disciplinary strategies i n Chapter 4. 8 0  144  5° - knew the sister, the cousin, the aunt o f his wife]  These relations represented important and durable inter-family connections involving the distribution o f food and wealth. A s Suttles argues, affinal exchanges may have been a form o f sharing access to resources that eventually "made for greater efficiency i n the exploitation o f the environment": in other words they represented more than friendly relations, they were important means o f securing and distributing a variety o f food 81  resources.  Affinal relations, then, were complex networks o f obligation and dependency  that were important to people living in the fractured physical geography o f the northwest coast, while they were less critical to nineteenth-century agricultural or urban nuclear European families. The Oblate campaign against polygamy and affinal marriages destabilized important Native kinship relations, and Native people seem to have responded to this i n a number o f different ways. Some simply refused to come to Oblate missions, where they knew they would be harangued about multiple wives. Others "put away" wives, but often not according to Oblate ideas: many shed wives with whom they had no children, or the oldest o f their wives, rather than "putting away" all but their first wife. But many must have reasoned as one man did when he observed to D'herbomez "pourquoi te dirais-je que je vais separer de mes femmes lorsque je sens que c'est plus fort que moi, et que mon coeur me dit que je les reprendrais! Ecoute, j ' a i m e trop mes enfants. Je ne puis me faire baptiser maintenant; attends que mes enfants soient grands."  1  2  82  Suttles, 23. To Mazenod, 25 August 1855, Ore. II: 578.  145  [why would I tell you that I w i l l leave my wives when I sense that it is too much for me, and my heart tells me that I would take them back! Listen, I love my children too much. I cannot be baptized now; wait until my children are older.] A s this man pointed out, Oblate marriage requirements were not just a process o f "putting away" wives, they also involved children. Certainly the anti-polygamy campaign must have had serious consequences for women who were rejected by their husbands, and men were not insensible to these problems. Many seem to have been unable to make an 83  irrevocable break and see-sawed in their relations with their "former" wives.  What these  women did when their spouses disavowed them is hard to say: doubtless many returned to their families, but the impact on their lives is unclear. While the most serious consequences o f Oblate marriage policy would fall on Native societies, the Oblates themselves would feel (in a round-about way) some o f its results. A "Soyoos" chief sent the young people o f his camp who wanted to marry to the Jesuits at Colville, where they could be married without having to learn the catechism or 84  be baptized, requirements at the Oblate Okanagan mission.  Thus different  interpretations o f Catholic doctrine had a direct impact on the ability o f the Oblates to provide specific services for Native people within their Vicariate, while Native people  Lejacq wrote that "les separations de mari et femmes sont aussi tres frequentes; cependant j ' a i reussi du moins pour le moment: Gabriel, qui avait deux femmes dans un temps...rejette une de ses femmes mais pour la faire retourner quelques temps apres." [the separations o f husbands and wives are also very frequent: however I have succeeded for the moment; Gabriel, who had two wives at the same time, rejected one o f them but took her back some time afterwards.] To Durieu, 7 October 1870, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566; see also Grandidier to D'herbomez, 23 December 1873, A D , box P22883505, folder 3118-3505. 8 4  Pandosy to D'herbomez, 10 March 1878, A D , box P6273-7077, folder 6360-6563.  146  appear to have been well aware o f the practical consequences o f those doctrinal differences. N o t only did Catholic marriage norms disrupt long-established and useful kinship relations between different groups of Native people, they also disrupted the intra-familial relations between fathers and children, and must have had profound consequences for women who were rejected by their husbands. Some Native people claim that "divorce" was extremely rare before European contact due to different sets o f social pressures 85  operating i n Native societies.  But polygamy was under attack from all quarters: both the  American and Canadian governments frowned on it, as did Protestant clergy. The system o f impediments was a uniquely Catholic set o f prohibitions, however. The Oblates obviously used marriage to compel Native people to be baptized, although why a Catholic marriage was seen as useful or desirable by Native people remains unclear to me.  Conclusions The placement o f mission stations and the adoption o f itineracy were responses to the specific circumstances in which the Oblates found themselves, and the Oblate Rule, as well as European and biblical traditions, were also factors. I hope to have set out some of the impact that membership i n their specific religious congregation had on the Oblates' approach to missionization in the Pacific Northwest, and to have suggested some o f the constraints it involved. While the Oblates were (ostensibly disciplined) members o f a  Collins, 105.  147  religious community, they were very much individuals, and they did not always get along or agree with each other, and much o f the diversity between missions, as well as the "success" o f those missions, was directly related to the individuals involved in them. But it is also worth noting that, having established a very set pattern o f mission activity, in the 1860s the Oblates would attempt to impose a uniform set o f standards to which all missions (and missionaries) in British Columbia would be held. This standardization was vigorously opposed by Pandosy, who argued that such uniformity 86  was impossible "par des circonstances de temps, de lieux et de personnes."  While the  details (for example, how much builders should be paid) of establishing mission stations would vary according to specific social and physical geographies, the general outline discussed above would remain consistent, and itineracy was the standard Oblate mode o f proselytization throughout the nineteenth century. I also want to point out that these mission strategies bear little resemblance to the Jesuit reduction model discussed in Chapter 2. Certainly reductions were seen as an ideal type by the Oblates, and D'herbomez stated clearly that "nous avons le projet d'etablir, tout pres d'Esquimalt et N e w Westminster, une Reduction modelepour les meilleurs de 87  nos sauvages."  But this reduction was to be only for the better Indians, and furthermore,  the project was never realized at either Esquimalt or N e w Westminster. Recent scholarship on Oblate activity has begun to reject the reduction model, as well as the [due to the circumstances o f time, place, and persons.] Pandosy to ?, November 1860, A D , B o x P6273-7077, folder 6360-6563. [we have a plan to establish, near Esquimalt and N e w Westminster, a model Reduction for our better sauvages.'] D'herbomez to Fabre, 30 M a y 1861, Missions de la congregation de Marie Immaculee. I (1862), 183. M y emphases, hereafter cited Missions. 8 6  8 7  148  "Indian State" model (posited by Lemert in the 1950s) as appropriate assessments o f 88  Oblate missions i n British Columbia.  Most would agree with Jacqueline Gresko's view  that Oblate mission strategy in British Columbia was "a composite with roots i n Quebec 89  and Oregon, Jesuit work, and in the Oblate experience in France and in Red River." The Oblates' decade in Oregon, then, was less one o f imposing pre-determined models o f missions and evangelization than it was o f working out how best to proceed. B y the time the Oblates moved into British Columbia, most o f the general patterns o f mission activity - itineracy and the location o f mission stations - had been established, and would remain relatively stable until the era o f government-sponsored industrial and residential schools. Influenced by a wide variety o f sources, ranging from the Bible to their own practical experiences, their decisions about how to approach the problems o f mission activity i n the Pacific Northwest often varied significantly from those o f A n g l o Protestants. Clearly Protestants such as John Good were intent on producing a mission See E d w i n W . Lemert, "The Life and death of an Indian state " Human Organization 13 (1954) 23-27'. A s his title suggests, Lemert argued that the Oblates were attempting to create an 'Indian state' within the state, basing his claim on an 'analysis' o f Sechelt. This claim seems both excessive and skewed in the wrong direction: the Oblates were concerned to establish the power and authority o f the church, not the autonomous authority o f Natives, while their view of Native people as childlike certainly would not have encouraged their participation in the creation o f an 'Indian State'. Other arguments against Lemert's thesis are presented in Robert M . Weaver, "The Jesuit reduction system: Its implications for Northwest archeology", New Anthropological Reasearch Notes 11 (1977), 163-173. O n Sechelt see Rodney A . Fowler, The Oblate system at the Sechelt mission, 1862-1899 ( B A thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1987). Fowler points out that there was not even a resident missionary (surely a requirement i n the Paraguay system) at Sechelt until the twentieth century, and suggests that the O M I were referring to reductions i n the Spanish sense o f the word - as mission stations. Gresko, "The Oblate Missionaries' Durieu system i n the Fraser V a l l e y " (paper given at the Pacific Northwest conference, 1987). For an earlier opinion, see Gresko, "Missionary Acculturation programs in British Columbia" Etudes Oblates, 32 (1973), 145-158. M y research clearly supports Gresko's later assessment. 8 9  149  space, a physical structure that recalls de Certeau's contention that power must necessarily appropriate a space o f its own through which the contingencies o f time can be controlled, and fields o f vision and knowledge produced. But the physical space o f any 90  colonial mission, Protestant or Catholic, could be likened to what Foucault has called a "complete and austere institution," one in which the mechanics o f disciplinary power surveillance and normalization - were facilitated by, even built into, the physical structure o f the mission itself. But the itinerant Oblates did not depend solely on the production 91  of a physical space o f power: rather, evangelization took place at a series o f sites that were often predominantly Native. I have also given some account o f the usual activities involved i n staging a mission to Native people. Preaching, via the Chinook trading jargon, was an unusually slippery process, but I want to emphasize two broader points about Oblate predication in the nineteenth century. First, I do not want to suggest that a transmission o f ideas was made impossible by an over-arching cultural (or linguistic) incommensurability. While much o f Catholicism is indubitably European i n its assumptions, metaphors, and practices, and while even the daily, face-to-face encounters between missionaries and Native people must often have been frustrating and even mystifying at times, the Oblates' message o f faith and salvation certainly was understood, and embraced, by a large number o f Native people. O n the other hand, I want to emphasize that while many Native people may have misunderstood the Oblates' message, many others remade it to suit their  M i c h e l de Certeau, Steven Randall, trans. The practice of everyday life (Berkeley: University o f California Press, 1984), 36-37. Foucault, D P , 231-256. 9 1  150  own needs and circumstances - they fished out the parts that seemed o f greatest importance or utility to them. Thus Native people were certainly not simply passive receptacles for the word, but neither was Christianity simply unassimilable or totally incommensurable with Native lives. Indeed it points to one reason why Catholicism has survived for two thousand years: while the dogma o f the Church is often completely out o f step with the needs o f its members, it is, in the end, a living religion that can be remade and deployed differently by those who embrace it. While this practice may make "bad" Catholics, it might also lead to spiritual lives that can cope with the contingencies o f everyday life. But, disconnected from the context o f an encompassing Christian culture, the sacraments o f baptism and marriage were not effective means o f Christianizing Native people. While they did increase (and legitimize) Oblate involvement in some aspects o f Native life, particularly kinship relations, these sacraments were little more than Asad's "representations o f cultural metaphors" that had little power to alter Native life. Baptism and marriage established sets o f prohibitions: their power was negative - skewed to the regulation o f behavior - not constitutive or productive o f Christian dispositions that could be depended upon as self-policing mechanisms. In the next chapter I w i l l argue that the Oblates did, gradually, produce spaces, or transfer points, o f power that rested on a human architecture o f surveillance and discipline that has become known as Durieu's system. Durieu's system was an attempt to remedy the problems o f translation and interpretation I have discussed, as well as to provide a Christian foundation i n which the sacraments could be anchored, and through which they could operate. It also provided  151  one conduit through which Oblate power could flow, a conduit made particularly necessary by their choice o f itineracy - travelling through space rather than producing space - as their primary mode of proselytization.  152 Chapter 4 The Machinery of Power "The Sechel [sic] village is composed o f 50 houses or more, all built o f lumber on a regular plan, each divided up in a complete set o f rooms. Their beautiful church [which cost $10,000 contributed by the Sechelt and contained statues, a font, a well-equipped sacristy, monstrances, chalices and translucent paintings hung over the windows]...stands in the center o f the village...The bell would ring shortly after five in the morning, and the first mass was read at half past five, during which the church was filled up with the Indians who hastened [there] as soon as they were ready, unlike so many others who hardly leave their beds before the last bell and o f course arrive too late at the morning prayers. Not so with the Sechels: they were all in the church at least ten minutes before the ringing o f the last bell. They want to make their visit to the Blessed Sacrament early i n the morning, and they know how to spend their time with their beloved Lord and Saviour. The second mass was at six, and the third at half past six, and we remarked that there were two masses for the dead sung everyday during the visit...After the masses i n the morning, and the time set for breakfast and household duties, the bell summoned the Indians together again, first for the sermon, and to the catechism house, where they would remain until noon, for a review o f the instruction received in Church, then to learn a few questions o f catechism, some hymns, or to receive the missionaries' directions, and to attend to matters o f discipline conducive to common peace and happiness in their different families. Dinner was at one o'clock, and about three, the meeting was recalled to continue i n the afternoon the work o f the morning. This lasted till supper time which was about 6:30 or seven. A t eight, night prayer, sermon and Benediction, after which a third meeting was summoned, which lasted till ten, and was sometime protracted by the Indians, until midnight and later, when some important question had to be settled." Kamloops Wawa, nd. 1  Order, regularity, devotion and piety: it would seem that the Oblate dream o f producing the model Native Christian community had been realized. But how was this clockwork efficiency, this "common peace and happiness," this knowledge o f how to spend time with Christ, achieved? The passage above offers some subtle clues in its passing reference to discipline, its pragmatic approach to the constant repetition o f  Lejeune, Rapport de voyage a Sechel, nd. A D , H P K 5301 .L53C (12). The date o f these events is sometime between 1889 and 1906 (when the Sechel church burned down). Originally in English. 1  153 religious exercises, and its assumption of a passive reception o f the "missionaries' directions." The Sechelt were, for the Oblates, the ultimate proof that Native people could be made into good Catholics by means o f a rigid adherence to Durieu's system. Articulated in its entirety by Durieu in a series of letters written to Lejacq in 1883 - the Direction des sauvages - the Durieu system had two objectives. First, through an "action o f repression" it aimed to extirpate vice and sin amongst Native people; and second, through an "action of formation" Natives were to become model Christians. In the course o f this chapter I show that Durieu's action o f repression rested on the development o f a system o f surveillance carried out by networks of Native officers "elected" by Native people, but I also argue that complex techniques of examination were the motor o f the system. Native temperance societies and confraternities also played a role in Durieu's system, as did a formalized practice o f flogging offenders in a ritual - the kaltash bilalam - that was, according to the Oblates, roughly equivalent to the public penances characteristic o f the early church. I look at the development o f the Oblate system o f surveillance from its beginnings i n Oregon to its ubiquitous presence in every "Catholic" band of Native people in British Columbia. I also discuss the Oblate appropriation o f the kaltash bilalam, and the problems that arose from a missionary dependency on systematized flogging.  Durieu's "Direction des sauvages" is a set o f three letters written to Lejacq. There are several typescripts available at the Deschatelets Archives, probably done originally by or for E d w i n Lemert (who recommended that access to the manuscripts be severely limited fortunately the Oblates are less infected with a spirit o f academic competition). The typescript I have used is i n French and runs to 56 pages. This manuscript abounds with errors (for example 'inoculer' is typed where 'inculquer' is probably intended), and I have made corrections where they seemed clearly warranted.  2  154 In the final section o f this chapter I offer an outline and analysis o f Durieu's action o f formation, a program that was developed to produce "real" Christians by means of a complex interplay between disciplinary power and processes o f subject-formation embedded i n confession, self-examination, and Native interiorization o f a series o f images intended to re-order their relations both to the church and to themselves.  La Machine The exact provenance o f the system o f Native informants that was to be so elaborately developed by the 1860s is unclear, but it seems to have been an outcome o f early Oblate success in attracting committed neophytes. The first mention o f a Native informant that I have found is in 1855, when "Catherine," one o f Pandosy's most cherished neophytes, warned h i m o f a plot against his life. Over time, Native informants were formalized into a system o f captains, soldiers and watchmen that was i n place among the Snohomish in Washington Territory by 1860. Chirouse described the function 4  of the watchmen, who "font tenir l'ordre et nous font connaitre en particulier tout ce qui se passe dans le camp tant pour le bien que pour le m a l . " B y 1868 the practice o f 5  electing captains, soldiers and watchmen had spread as far north as Lake Stuart, and Lejacq noted that "ces elections que nous faisons autant que possible dans tous les camps  Durieu to Ricard, 28 M a r c h 1855, Ore. II: 553-4. Chirouse refers to them as 'watsheman" and the English word 'watchman' suggests that the system may not have originated with the Oblates. Chirouse to D'herbomez, 3 February 1860, Ore. I l l : 963-4. [maintain order and to let us know in particular all that happens in the camp, whether for good or evil.] Idem. 3  4  5  155 et villages sauvages que nous visitons, flattent beaucoup ceux qui sont elus." While the 6  Oblates did not appoint officers, the priests instigated and doubtless influenced the 7  outcomes o f these elections. Depending on the source, the actual number of offices filled by Native people varies, but all tally with A . G . Morice's account of the roles o f soldiers, watchmen and chiefs, and the justification for them: "Being a grown-up child, the native must be constantly watched...hence the establishment o f the watchmen, who are the eyes of the village chief. But a correction cannot be administered without the proper means o f enforcing orders: this accounts for the presence among Durieu's neophytes o f the so-called 'soldiers', or policemen, who are the arms of the chief, whose role in the native social  g economy is that o f the head in a well-organized body." Offices multiplied, such as " l a cloche-man" (who rang the church bell morning and evening to call people to prayer), chantmen, Eucharistic chiefs, and "zelateurs." Societies of the "meilleurs femmes" who were to be "les modeles de regularity et doivent etre des especes de watchmen pour les autre femmes" were formed, and in 1883 Durieu recommended the appointment o f a "secret" watcher to watch the watchers. Temperance 9  [these elections which we hold as much as possible in all the sauvage camps and villages that we visit, greatly flatter those who are elected.] Lejacq, in Missions (1874), 347. Cf. Marcus Smith to Powell, 21 August 1875, "[the Oblates] undertake to depose and appoint chiefs not according to their fitness to govern, but as they w i l l best subserve Church interests." Canada, Department of Indian Affairs, Record Group 10, Black Series, vol. 3621, file 4763. Hereafter cited as R G 1 0 . 6  7  A . G . Morice, O M I , History of the Catholic Church in western Canada from Lake Superior to the Pacific, 1659-1895, 2 vols. (Toronto: the Musson B o o k Co. Ltd., 1910), II: 351-2. The organic metaphor employed by Morice serves to naturalize the hierarchy o f the system, as does his claim that Natives are children who must naturally be looked after. 8  [best women]; [models of regularity and must be a sort o f watchmen for the other women.] For the multiplication of offices see Bishop E . M . Bunoz, "Catholic Action and 9  156 societies were developed with fines or physical punishment for offenders. This proliferation of offices speaks not only of a means of producing knowledge, but also of the deepening of an oddly skewed disciplinary modality of power. Obviously, surveillance was extremely important to Durieu's system, and he was aware of the power of an omni-present gaze: Natives "doivent se sentir surveilles," but they were also intended to see the watcher, who was to "se montrer...pour inspirer la crainte." The Oblate economy of power was marked by many of the disciplinary tactics 10  traced out by Foucault in Discipline and Punish, yet they were altered in subtle ways by their deployment in a colonial context, which Foucault never addressed directly. Thus time was carefully measured out and assigned exclusively to specific activities. As Chirouse informed Mazenod, the daily time table on the Snohomish reserve echoed the priests' own liturgical schedule (see above page 104). Wake-up bells rang at 5:30, first mass at 6 A M was followed by instruction and second mass at 7:30, children's instruction at 2:30, prayer in common at 5 PM followed by instruction. Times were assigned for work, meals and sleep, and there was an evening curfew. Fixed hours for confession were set aside on Saturdays and Sundays, the latter devoted to mass, common instruction, particular instruction for married couples or those to be married. Not only time but 11  space too was carved up and assigned: penitents were stationed outside the church;  Bishop Durieu's System'" 1941, Records of  the Oblate Missions of British Columbia, National Archives of Canada, AW 1R 4664, reel 6. Durieu recommended a secret watcher in Direction, 2-3. 10  [must fell themselves to be surveilled]; [show order to inspire fear.] Ibid.,  5. Chirouse to D'herbomez, 19 February 1860, Ore. Ill: 972-74. The curfew is mentioned by Bunoz, 25. 11  157 catechumens, first communicants, and the baptized all had their particular places within the church. Writing was a considerable tool for the Oblates. Catechumens and members of the temperance society warranted tickets, flags inscribed with the names of "good Christians" and catechumens were flown, baptisms and marriages registered, births 12  recorded, necrologies chronicled. Thus Natives were enmeshed in a web of writing where their "progress" and their "faults" were meticulously recorded. Writing served not simply to communicate information, but also to produce knowledge. It acted to "place individuals in a field of surveillance" and "engage[d] them in a whole mass of documents that capture and fix them" : in short, writing individualized Native people. 13  But without doubt the most prevalent mode of discipline was the examination. Everything and everyone was subject to examination and inspection. Houses were inspected every Saturday to ensure they were swept and clean; catechumens were examined and graded on their memorization of prayers and catechisms, while their conduct was "mise a l'epreuve" for months or years. "Severe examinations" were to be passed before entry into baptism or first communion, while Natives wishing to be married were examined on their degree of affinity and past sexual conduct. And of course, there were the Saturday and Sunday hours for confession.  14  12  Writing followed one even into death: "nous avons un necrologe de tous ceux qui sonts morts avec les sacraments, et nous en faisant la lecture ordinairement avant la priere...tout en leur [les assistants] faisant craindre de n'avoir point, plus tard, leurs noms inscrits dans le papier des bons morts" [we have a necrology of all those who have died in the sacraments, and we ordinarily read it (aloud) before prayers...all to make them fear not to have, later, their names inscribed on the paper of the good dead.] Chirouse to D'herbomez, 19 February 1860, Ore. Ill: 973. DP, 189. Idem. See also Bunoz. 13  14  158 Foucault claims that the examination lies at the heart of disciplinary power because it is crucial to the constitution of the individual (in his genealogy a European subject) as an "effect and object" of power/knowledge: thus the examination is the instrument par excellence of normalizing judgment. 1 begin my examination of the 15  examination - my account and its genealogy - with the kaltash bilalam practiced by the Oblates before Durieu formalized a methodology of confession in the action of formation portion of his system. Both of these forms of examination stem from a complex of practices that were penitential and confessional, but the kaltash bilalam focused on physical punishment as a means of correction, while Durieu's later version depends far more on training the Native mind and body.  Kaltash Bilalam  The kaltash bilalam was a ritual performed by Native people in which an 16  individual publicly declared his or her "transgressions" and was publicly flogged or fined as a punishment for those transgressions. Flogging was practiced by Native people and Protestant missionaries (and fur traders) before the Oblates arrived in Oregon: Blanchet claimed that Protestant missionaries flogged Natives for theft in the 1830s, and DeSmet recorded the presence of 17  the kaltash bilalam among the Kootenay in 1840. 1 5  Chirouse first alluded to whipping in  DP, 192.  Despite searching several Chinook jargon dictionaries I have been unable to find a translation of this term. Bagley, I: 172, 229, 233; Gabriel Dionne, Histoire des methodes missionnaires 1 6  17  utilisees par les Oblats de Marie Immaculee dans l'evangelisation des Indiens du  Versant Pacificique au 19eme siecle (MA thesis, University of Ottawa, 1947), 89, on  159 1849, and D'herbomez in 1852, but both noted that it was a Native practice and neither mention being directly involved.  However, many observers would comment on the  specifically Catholic elements o f the kaltash bilalam - it began with "le signe de la croix, puis une courte priere" - and the Oblates themselves regarded it as a "contre-facon grotesque" o f Catholic ritual.  19  The origins o f the kaltash bilalam have been a matter o f debate throughout this century. It seems likely that it formed part o f what has been called the prophet dance, a ritual dance originating in the Plateau that eventually incorporated some Christian elements. This dance spread to the Coast from the Plateau, where it was appropriated i n 20  various forms by most o f the Puget Sound and Georgia Strait peoples.  Suttles describes  the prophet dance as a ceremony that could include any or all o f the following: a marriage dance, public confession, worship o f a deity, and prophecy. But while "the belief that sin causes misfortune which may be relieved by confession" has been noted for several North American Native cultures, "there is little evidence for the belief in aboriginal Coast Salish 21  culture," and even less for pre-contact use o f corporal punishment.  Garth has traced a  "whipping complex" that moved west from the Plateau, claiming that it probably originated in the Spanish missions o f California or the southwest, but the use o f ritual DeSmet. Fouquet found whipping in place i n 1875 among the Kootenay, his first mission where the whip was used, to D'herbomez, 29 March 1875, A D , B o x P2288-3505, folder 2595-2977. Ore. I: 80, 169. [the sign o f the cross, then a short prayer], Ortolan, II: 307; [grotesque imitation] Dionne, 19. See Leslie Spier, " The prophet dance of the northwest and it derivatives: the source of the ghost dance" General Series in Anthropology, 1 (1935), 5-69, and Suttles, 152-198. Suttles, 189. 1 8  1 9  2 0  2 1  160 corporal punishment on the Coast before the arrival o f the Oblates appears to have been 22  rare.  Whatever its origins, the kaltash bilalam or something similar seems to have been  in place when the Oblates arrived, although they would formalize and put it to work i n specific ways. Thus by 1854 Pandosy was instigating the whipping o f Native people at Attanem, and by 1856 the Oblates were using the kaltash bilalam as a sort o f court: "nous etions resolus de montrer aux sauvages que Ton droit toujours juger d'apres les lois de la justice. Nous laissames parler les fut declare coupable; seulement nous leur dimes qu'ils feraient bien de faire une distinction entre les 23  chefs et leurs sujets, laissant aux chefs le choix du fouet ou d'une autre punition."  [we were resolved to show the sauvages that it is always necessary to judge according to the laws of justice. We let the guilty speak...they were declared guilty; only we told them that they would do well to make a distinction between the chiefs and their subjects, leaving to the chiefs the choice between the whip and another punishment.]  Chirouse had fully incorporated the kaltash bilalam into his mission routine by 1859. Chiefs visiting the mission were "d'abord se presenter au pretre et lui rendre compte de son administration...les penitences publiques [the kaltash bilalam] et surtout le fouet sont toujours en vigueur et ce systeme nous ayant reussi jusqu'a present, nous desirons qu'on nous permette de le continuer jusqu'a ce que les temps et les circonstances ne viennent nous obliger a changer pour faire m i e u x . " 24  [first to present themselves to the priest and give him an account o f [the c h i e f s ] administration...public penances [the kaltash bilalam] and above all the whip were always i n force and this system having succeeded up to the present, we desire to be allowed to continue it until such times and circumstances arrive that oblige us to change [it] for the better.] 22  Thomas R. Garth, "The plateau whipping complex and its relationship to Plateausouthwest contacts", Ethnohistory 12(1965), 141-170. 23  O n Pandosy, see D'herbomez to Ricard, 1 January 1854, Ore. II: 366; the quote is from D'herbomez, 23 November 1856, Ore. II: 644. To D'herbomez, 19 February 1860, Ore. I l l : 974.  2 4  161  The kaltash bilalam had been transformed from a Native ritual dance to an Oblate method o f punishing crime and maintaining order: "guilt" - broken temperance vows, adultery, sorcery, and other public faults - would begin to be defined as sin and punishment as penance. B y 1860 Durieu was complaining that: "Pendant ces douze jours i l n'y a pas eu une seule instruction, un seul catechisme, tout le temps a ete employe a des affaires de police, ou a terminer les proces et les 25  debats...Est-ce la la meilleure maniere de former les Indiens a la vie chretienne?"  [during these twelve days there was not a single instruction, a single catechism, all the time was employed in police matters, or to finish the trials and that the best way to train the Indians for a Christian life?]  This complaint would set off a debate amongst the Oblates i n 1861 surrounding the use o f whipping and public penance, and ironically, the strongest argument against whipping was elaborated by Pandosy. He attempted to refute the three bases on which the Oblate case for whipping seem to have rested: that Natives were children and should be treated 26  as such; the example o f public penance in the early church; and established usage. In the first case, Pandosy noted that while Natives were intellectual or emotional children, they were not physical children and couldn't be "led" in the same way. He also noted that it had never been proved that whipping made children good, and the Oblates themselves didn't use it in the petit seminaire.  Second, Pandosy argued that despite the  example o f the early church, " l a foi est stable, mais la discipline change," and further, that since the Church had abandoned public penance centuries ago, why should the Oblates [faith is stable, but discipline changes], Durieu to D'herbomez, 17 August 1860, in Dionne, 99. Pandosy to D'herbomez, 27 November 1851, A D , Ore 2, ab-1, 1. 2 6  162 27  presume to revive it?  Last, regarding established usage, Pandosy argued that neither the  Oblates nor the Natives could pinpoint the provenance o f the kaltash bilalam, and it was therefore spurious to defend it on that point at all. But Pandosy was fighting a losing battle and whipping as punishment was used and encouraged by the Oblates for the next quarter century. In 1868, for example, Lejacq noted that he had spoken to the Shuswap about whipping, but that initially "on m ' a trouve trop severe: je leur avais communique les regulations que vous m'aviez donnees. Aucun chef ne voulut adopter le fouet pour la premiere faute de fornication. M a i s aujourd'hui au lieu de les stimuler a fouetter, je suis oblige de les arreter." 28  The use o f public penance in the early church, and the completeness o f a transition to a system o f private penance in the Middle Ages is still murky at best. While the early church practice o f public penance for post-baptismal sin is evident, the precise way in which such penances were meted out, as well as for which sins, remains unclear. There is also a great deal o f debate about the prevalence o f public penance after the introduction and spread o f the Irish penitentials in the sixth and seventh centuries. M u c h o f this debate surrounds the rise o f 'religious individualism' that many scholars date from Canon 21 o f the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), which decreed that all Christians must confess annually. But as Mansfield has argued, public penance continued to be used throughout the Renaissance period: church officials recognized that "the humiliation o f sinners is perhaps the most powerful means o f instilling conformity in a community [and] public penances simultaneously promised salvation i n the next world and public order i n this." M a r y Mansfield, The humiliation of sinners: public penance in 13th century France (Ithaca, N Y : Cornell University Press, 1995), 5. Schneider, 123, also notes that "mass exercises i n public penance" swept through sixteenth and seventeenth century France, and were "a highly effective means o f stimulating Catholic militancy and fervor." Further, confessional boxes were only developed by Saint Charles Borromeo i n the mid-sixteenth century, during or just after the Council of Trent (1545-1563). Borromeo was only partially successful in introducing the boxes into his own diocese (Milan) in the latter part of the sixteenth century, and they were only slowly adopted elsewhere in Catholic Europe: by the mid-seventeenth century it appears that confessional boxes were the exception rather than the norm in rural France. Cf. John Bossy, "The social history of confession in the age of the reformation ", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 25 (1975), 21-38, 31-32. 2 8  To D'herbomez, 2 December 1868, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 4168-4566.  163 [they found me too severe: I told them o f the regulations you had given me. N o chief wanted to adopt the whip for the first fault o f fornication. But today rather than urging them to whip, I am obliged to stop them.]  In 1873 Grandidier complained that Oblate Father Marchal had "mis toute la village [of Clinton] a dos, a fait fouetter les sauvages; les fouetteurs ont ete cite devant le juge de paix et condamne," and in 1875 a formal complaint was lodged by settlers near Lillooet 29  that Marchal had had several Native men and women flogged.  Not only had  D'herbomez regularized flogging, but in 1873 Chief Justice Matthew Begbie countenanced it, warning that "whitemen not justices o f the peace, have no right to interfere with Indian chiefs exercising their accustomed jurisdiction over drunken and disorderly members o f their tribes, and inflicting on them the salutary discipline usual in the is quite improper and unnecessary for ordinary individuals to interfere with the coercive measures necessary to restrain rioting and drunkenness among the Indians by their own consent."^ This is a classic case o f what Ranger has called the invention o f tradition, where Europeans, whether missionaries or government administrators, (re)interpreted Native customs as time-honored traditions. The result o f this transformation was that onceflexible custom became rigid, codified tradition. A s this case amply demonstrates, the traditions that attracted European notice were often products o f the colonial encounter itself, and offered the best way "to 're-establish' order and security and a sense o f  [made enemies o f the village (of Clinton), had the sauvages whipped; the whippers were cited before the justice o f the peace and convicted.] Grandidier to-D'herbomez, 9 A p r i l 1873, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505; John E . Lord to Superintendant Powell, 20 February 1875 and Marcus Smith to Powell, 21 August 1875, RG10, v o l . 3617, file 4606; Powell to D'herbomez, 25 M a y 1875, V R C A D , G R 1/01 S/01, box 2, folder 3. 3 0  Begbie Notice, 10 October 1873, V R C A D , Gr 1/01 S/02 box 2, folder 2. M y emphases.  164 community" where order and community may never have been the static and uncontested traditions imagined by Europeans in the first place.  The kaltash bilalam, as a useful  means o f disciplining Native people, was thus appropriated by the Oblates and sanctioned by the government on the basis that it was Native tradition. Furthermore, the Oblate insistence on the established usage o f the kaltash bilalam i n Native populations was, as Furniss suggests, a ploy to "protect themselves from the criticisms o f the settler 32  population and from criminal prosecution by the colonial government." Public confession and flogging would continue to underpin the Oblate system o f surveillance until 1892, when Father Eugene Chirouse was arrested, convicted o f aiding and abetting assault, and sentenced for having two Native women at LaFontaine 33  flogged.  While public opinion eventually rallied to gain h i m an official pardon, Morice  and other Oblate historians have claimed that this event signaled the end o f the Durieu system because Native leaders became concerned about their own positions vis-a-vis the law.  34  This seems perfectly likely as far as it goes, but I suggest that something rather  Terence O. Ranger, "The invention of tradition in colonial Africa" in Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The invention of tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 211-262, 249. 32  Elizabeth Furniss, "Resistance, coercion and revitalization: the Shuswap encounter with Roman Catholic missionaries, 1860-1900", Ethnohistory 42 (1995) 231-263, 244. See also her book, Victims of benevolence: The dark legacy of the Williams Lake residential school (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1995). In Chirouse's case, the complaint was lodged by a Thompson Indian who was visiting the LaFontaine reserve. Flogging was considered assault in the criminal code, but apparently since it was inflicted only on Native people, and was constantly justified as " i n accordance with tribal customs" and had been "practiced for many years amongst the Indians i n British Columbia" (The Month. June 1892, 127) few justices o f the peace seem to have taken cognizance o f it. Why, precisely, action was taken against Chirouse is unclear. Durieu believed it to be "un complot trame par les Blancs, Orangistes..." [a plot hatched by the whites, Orangemen], to Lejeune, 6 M a y 1892, A D , H P K 5242 .D96L 66. Morice (1910), 391-392. 3 4  165 more profound than fear o f the law was at work: that Native people were presented with evidence that religious virtue and lawful behavior were not equivalent. Earlier confusion on this point may have been related to the lack o f a categorical distinction in Native culture between the temporal and secular aspects o f life, a cultural viewpoint that was doubtless reinforced by the Oblates' tendency to conflate sin and crime. The result, as Indian Agent B i l l Christie would point out years later, was that  "The Indians were quite confused about what was legal and what wasn't, what was morally wrong. If somebody was sleeping with somebody else's wife, they figured 35  that they should go to jail. Y o u see, that's what the Indians couldn't figure out."  This quotation flags several rather troubling aspects o f the Durieu system and the kaltash bilalam, most particularly the question o f why Native people participated in either. The most obvious, and incomplete, answer is that the Durieu system and the kaltash bilalam evolved slowly over an extended period of time. But I want to suggest two other possibilities. A t least one group of Native people on the Coast seems to have experimented with corporal punishment before the Oblates arrived. Collins reports an Upper Skagit chief called Slebabtikud who used parts o f the prophet dance, including flogging, to concentrate authority in his own hands.  36  This kind o f authority was doubtless  Margaret Whitehead, Now you are my brother: missionaries in British Columbia, Sound Heritage Series #34 (1981), interview with B i l l Christie, 31-32. Her informant claimed " I f there was a man sinning, they got a big strap. [Slebabtikud] had hold the man. One strapped him. One counted how many straps. I f the man had been making bad trouble, the other counted a lot of straps." Slebabtikud was eventually assassinated for overstepping his bounds. Collins, 34. 3 5  3 6  166 encouraged by the American and Canadian governments, who tended to deal exclusively with one representative from each Native group, and expected that individual to be able to enforce agreements. Certainly the Oblates encouraged the ascendancy o f one authoritative individual, and the Durieu system was an inherently hierarchical structure. Circumstances encouraged enterprising Natives to accumulate authority, and the kaltash bilalam and the Durieu system may have facilitated such a concentration o f authority. A n additional possibility for Native incorporation o f the kaltash bilalam and the Durieu system was the profoundly social nature of Native morality. A s Suttles points out, Native children were not told that "the supernatural would punish them i f they 37  misbehaved...[but that] they would be called 'low-class.'" Further, Suttles argues that morality and class were tightly interconnected: high-class families believed themselves to have exclusive access to moral training in the form o f 'advice' and knowledge (don't 38  steal, don't lie) passed on by elder family members; lower-class people 'had no advice.' But what happened to social structures when the missionaries were busily engaged i n giving "advice" to everyone, and when social mobility became more fluid due to the new economic opportunities offered by the European presence? The Durieu system, as well as the kaltash bilalam, could have offered alternative modes o f social control. But the repressive aspects of the Durieu system and the kaltash bilalam were really only (albeit elaborate) codes o f external behavior. Neither encouraged a conception o f morality based on the relation between an individual and God; indeed both emphasized the social nature o f morality: both were geared toward the maintenance o f social order, 3 7  3 8  Suttles, 9. Idem.  167 not the development o f an individual, private conscience. Thus sin and crime would remain communal affairs to be remedied by public performances. Before Durieu supplemented them i n 1883, neither repression nor the kaltash bilalam had a great deal o f potential to alter profoundly Native patterns o f cognition or emotion. In other words, while both the Durieu system and the kaltash bilalam may have reshaped the form o f Native life, they may not have significantly altered a specifically Native "apprehension o f 39  the real."  Indeed, as I have shown, Native people tended to interpret and to utilize  Christianity i n very particular ways, and it was only with Durieu's recognition that technologies for a scrutiny o f the self were necessary that "real" Christianization could go forward. This last point underlines what I have called the oddly skewed disciplinary mechanisms embedded i n Durieu's action de repression. While Durieu's system did have many o f the elements suggested by Foucault as characteristic o f a disciplinary modality o f power, there were many divergences as well: surveillance was not anonymous; the spatiality o f power - panopticism and other effects o f power enhanced by a built environment - is less apparent; and there seems to be far less o f what Foucault has called a "penality o f the n o r m . "  40  Given these qualifications, is it appropriate to think o f  Durieu's system as a disciplinary modality o f power? The answer, I think, is yes, because these variations i n the mechanics o f power stem primarily from differences in both the field o f disposition o f power, and in its goals.  Gruzinski, 218. D P , 183.  168 First, itineracy (above Chapter 3) required that the spaces invested with power did not depend on the material architecture of a panopticon or prison. Rather, the spaces o f Oblate disciplinary power can best be seen as loose, yet effectively latticed, classrooms o f power. What I mean here is that the human architecture of surveillance set up by the Oblates functioned as both vertical and horizontal relations o f power: the entire machinery o f surveillance was invested with power (particularly after the first decades), but this power was precisely not intended to be anonymous. The high ground (as it were) was clearly occupied by the Oblates, and through them, the omniscient and omnipresent gaze o f G o d was to fall on each and all. But the Oblate technology o f power was also firmly rooted in the production o f a network o f circulating knowledge, and resembled nothing so much as a huge classroom invested by the micro-powers o f all modern educational institutions: the obsessions with time, exercise, and the compartmentalization of space. A s I noted above, the entire process of Christianization was punctuated by and predicated on examination. Baptism, marriage, confession, kaltash bilalam, first communion, and even death, were enmeshed in the mechanics o f the examination individualization and documentation - and hence to a circulation o f knowledge between the Oblates and Native people.  41  Second, the goal o f Oblate power was not the production o f useful bodies demanded by modern western political economy, but the production o f devout Catholics demanded by the church, and as Foucault notes, "the regulation imposed by power is at the same time the law o f construction o f the operation." The production o f devout 42  4 1  4 2  More about this i n the next chapter. D P , 153.  169 bodies (by which I mean bodies that displayed the signs of piety) accounts for many o f the peculiarities o f Durieu's system, particularly concerning normativity and punishment. Oblate normativity cannot be seen in Foucauldian terms as a continuum ranging through the infinite points o f difference between normal and abnormal. Oblate normativity was bi-polar, based entirely on the dichotomy between pagan and Christian. This duality o f the norm suggests i n turn that punishment played a different role in the Oblate economy of power: it aimed precisely to extract from bodies the signs o f Christianity and was in no way opposed to what could be called sovereign legality. Indeed, for the Oblates, the norm was the law o f God, the ultimate sovereign. Expiation for, and repression of, infractions against that law demanded the spectacle o f a sovereign penality which, when coupled with a disciplinary penality o f time and gesture (repetition, dressage, examination), would constitute the framework o f Durieu's system as a whole. But, as Durieu knew, surveillance and punishment could not possibly achieve his goal o f forming "truly" Christian Native people: at best the system could regulate the external behavior o f his neophytes only when they were within the confines o f the village or camp. That was one o f the flaws o f the Durieu system: it could function only i n the delimited space o f a group setting where, for example, Native people felt themselves being watched, and where they could see the watchers. The kaltash bilalam was a symptom o f that flaw i n that the Oblates obviously believed that a truthful Native confession could only be elicited in public, i n the presence not only o f witnesses but o f potential accusers. The repressive action o f the Durieu system, then, merely established and enforced a behavioral code, a set o f signs displayed by bodies. The defense o f  170 flogging indicates that the order and discipline represented by these codes were important to the Oblates, but i n the final analysis 'repression' could not produce Christian Natives. Durieu, then, would answer his own question o f 1860 with a resounding no - and would go on to develop a set o f sacramental practices that aimed to seize the minds and souls o f individual Native people so that they would internalize the tenets o f the Catholic church.  From confession to contrition "Nous leurs prechons une morale tout opposee a leurs precedentes habitudes. Comme i l doit leur couter, pour plier leur vieille nature sous le joug de l'Evangile." Durieu, 1 A p r i l 1865. 43  [We preach to them a morality completely opposed to their previous habits. H o w it must cost them to bend their previous nature to the yoke o f the Gospels.]  Confession is part o f the sacrament o f penance, which also includes contrition and satisfaction (absolution by a priest). The Catholic church bases its authority to absolve or ex-communicate on the power to loose and bind given by Christ to Peter (Mt 16.19). In this section I focus on the constitutive aspects o f the penance complex. I begin with a general discussion o f confession, and then move on to Oblate attempts to introduce this procedure into Native life. I then take a look at Durieu's action o f formation in order to suggest some o f the ways power worked through confession and communion, the latter being a necessary adjunct, in Durieu's eyes, to the former.  Ortolan (1915), 2: 414.  171 Confession Confession is ideally motivated by contrition, a sincere sorrow for sin and a profound love o f God. Imperfect contrition, called attrition, results from "lesser motives" such as fear o f hell or punishment, which are thus distinguished from "natural regrets," such as loss o f stature in the community - motives having no relation to G o d .  44  Confession involves identifying sin through a process known as the examination o f conscience, and communicating those sins to a priest-confessor. The examination o f conscience involves a peculiarly Christian construction o f the self that Rafael sees as divided into a "past, unexamined, sinful self," and a "present, interrogating conscience." Confession is productive o f knowledge (of one's past activities or desires as sinful), and dependent on objectification (of the past self as an entity distinct from the present interrogating self). But inherent in the act o f confession is the circulation o f knowledge and the multiplication  o f objects for scrutiny: knowledge o f past sin must be  communicated to the priest, and the interrogating conscience itself must be made an object o f scrutiny (for example one must know that one is making a "bad" confession). Thus examination and inspection epitomize confession in that two simultaneous examinations take place: the examination o f one's own conscience, and the examination of one's examination (as it were) by the priest, and objectification becomes a multiple process involving self-scrutiny as well as presenting oneself as an object to priestly inspection. It seems obvious that a "good" confession involves numerous layers o f  New Catholic Encyclopedia, 18 vols. (New York: M c G r a w - H i l l , 1967), 11: 80. Hereafter cited N C E . Rafael, 100.  4 4  4 5  45  172 surveillance and a continuous circulation o f knowledge, but I would argue that it also, through the bifurcation o f past and present selves and their location i n various spiritual states, organizes those selves as both objects o f scrutiny and as lived actualities. In other words, confession reinforces Christian subjectivities which, through the continuous production and circulation o f knowledge, constant surveillance, and objective inspection, ostensibly can be made to yield up the truth about the condition o f the s o u l .  46  I want to make one major point about this idealized account o f confession, particularly as it might have operated among non-Christian or newly Christianized peoples. Confession is a technology o f power that requires some degree o f cooperation on the part o f the person confessing: unwillingness or inability w i l l only result i n a "bad" confession (incomplete, untruthful, etc.). Thus a "good" confession is dependent on willingness, and perhaps more importantly competence, and I suggest that subsumed within this concept o f competence is the notion o f an already-present Christian conscience that is distinct from a past, sinful self, and that is also able to objectify that past self to a degree that would permit a thorough examination. This is not just to suggest, as Foucault does, that Christian subjectivities rest only on "complex relations with others" - and here I take h i m to mean one's confessor - but rather to point out that  I follow Foucault to some extent in this discussion, but for Foucault the power relations intertwined with confessional discursivity bear most heavily on sexuality. Thus in "The battle for chastity' in Politics, philosophy, culture: Interviews and other writings 1977-1984, Lawrence Kritzman, ed. (New York: Routledge, 1988), 227-241, 240, Foucault suggests that 'subjectivization' is the product o f "new fashions i n monastic sexual mores", while i n The history of sexuality, V o l . I, trans. Robert Hurley (New Y o r k : Vintage Books, 1990), 65, he locates the production o f a discourse o f "truth concerning sex" at the crossroads of "procedures o f confession and scientific discursivity." ,  173 Christian subjectivities commonly rest on a complex culture o f Christianity, where one is saturated with the norms, forms and assumptions o f Christianity daily from the earliest stages o f l i f e .  47  The point I want to make, then, is that confession tout court does not form  Christian subjectivities, it refines and reinforces those already present. While it may be legitimate (for whatever reason) to suggest that Native people in British Columbia had bifurcated selves and consciences, it is not likely that that bifurcation or those consciences were inherently Euro-Christian. In British Columbia, the Oblates consistently complained about the quality o f Native confessions, and Durieu set out to develop a sense o f contrition in Native people, in essence to effect a shift from shame to remorse in Native motivations for confession. Confessions, as I suggested in my discussion o f the kaltash bilalam, were performative rather than informative: they were public spectacles o f punishment involving none o f the introspective processes I have just outlined. With this in mind, I want to look at some examples that characterized confessional practices in British Columbia before Durieu set out to form "real" Christians who would be susceptible to the lines o f power that ran through penance and confession.  Un penible mode de confession There is limited discussion in the Oregon papers about Native confessions outside the kaltash bilalam, and with the exception o f Durieu, no one seemed alarmed about the  Foucault, Battle for Chastity, 240.  174 quality of Native confessions. D'herbomez described Native people as unable to "conserver le moindre peche sur la conscience," and noted that i n confession "ils repassent toutes les epoques de leur vie afin de ne rien omettre; ils n'oublient pas leur bas age, lorsqu'etant encore enfants ils se fachaient contre leurs parents. A f i n de se faciliter la memoire, ils prennent des paquets de petits morceaux de bois (ou un amas de petites pierres) qu'ils comptent les uns apres les autres, en vous 48  disant: celui-ci est-il peche, celui-la tel autre, etc. jusqu'a ce qu'ils aient fini!"  [they go over every epoch o f their life i n order to omit nothing; they don't forget their youth, when, being still children they got angry with their parents. To aid their memories, they take packets o f small pieces o f wood (or a pile o f small stones) that they count out one after another, telling you: this one is this sin, that one another, etc. until they have finished.]  This account sounds rather like descriptions of Native time-keeping, where each day a stick was broken and the days o f the European week could thus be reckoned. It strikes me as an equivalent form o f accountancy where sins were enumerated, and the ritual performance  o f confession seemed to suffice.  The next year, 1858, Visitor General Bermond would seek to correct this enumerative approach to confession, charging the Oblates to "leur apprendre a faire leur examen de conscience, necessaire, a vaquer a la priere avant de se presenter au I'aveu de leurfaute comme une histoire qu'ils racontent, devant D i e u s'ils n'ont pas le regret du mal qu'ils ont fait faire..."  a y consacrer le temps pretre, a ne pas regarder a ne pas se croire purifies et la volonte de ne plus le  49  [to teach them to make their examination of conscience, to give to it all the time necessary, to apply themselves to prayer before presenting themselves to the priests, not to regard the avowal of their fault as a story to be told, not to believe themselves purified before G o d i f they don't regret the evil that they have committed and the desire not to repeat it...]  D'herbomez to Mazenod, 30 March 1857, Ore. II: 695. Bermond, Directoire des missions, 17 September 1858, Ore. I l l : 800. M y emphases.  175 These injunctions suggest that Native confessions, and Oblate expectations, were well below what Bermond considered to be sufficient. But they also suggest that the narration of sin was far from a personalized act o f contrition. Rather, it took the form o f a story one told at a safe distance from the events recounted. In 1860 Durieu complained that hearing Native confessions was a torment to h i m due to the "peu de soin, de preparation et de dispositions qu'ils ont f a i r d'y apporter. Estce manque de dispositions, ou manque d'education pour la maniere de se confesser [?]" and he set out to teach the principles by which a true Christian life could be l e d . H i s 50  primary goal was to destroy the "vice" o f lying in confession - the "father" o f all other vices - which he believed may have resulted from a confusion o f sacramental confession with the kaltash bilalam.  51  But he also noted that many Native people simply refused to  give a full confession: "Combien n'ai-je pas trouve qui ont nie en confession des crimes dont on les accusait, et dont ils ont ete reconnus publiquement coupables quelques jours apres, quand les complices ont ete confronted. C'est parce que dans leur kaltash bilalam ou confession publique, ils ne disent que ce qu'ils ne peuvent pas absolument nier, et quelquefois, quoique la faute ait ete faite devant toute une nation qui l'entend..." 52  [How many times have I found those who denied i n confession the crimes o f which they were accused, and which they had acknowledged publicly only days earlier when confronted by their accomplices. It is because in their kaltash bilalam or public confession, they say nothing but what they absolutely cannot deny, sometimes even though the fault has been committed in front o f an entire listening nation.]  [lack o f care, preparation and disposition that they seem to bring to it. Is it a lack o f the proper frame o f mind, or a lack of education in the manner o f confessing?] To D'herbomez, 28 M a y 1860, A D , G L P P 1557-1598 To D'herbomez, 17 August 1860, A D , ibid. Durieu to D'herbomez, 17 August 1860, A D , G L P P 1557-1598. 5 1  5 2  176 Others refused to confess because they believed that i f they sinned after they confessed they would die. The obvious solution to this dilemma was simply not to confess until one 53  was on one's death bed. B y the 1870s the Oblates had forbidden Native people from one mission district to confess to priests i n another district, suggesting that only a priest who was intimately aware o f the doings o f an individual Native could elicit any thing approximating a thorough confession and that absolution came too readily from unwitting strangers. Pandosy would note that confession "cost [the Natives] nothing," i n other words they did not approach confession with the trepidation that European Catholics d i d .  54  Confession, then, was hardly playing an active part in the formation o f "real" Native Christian subjectivities: it was a ritual performance rather than a painful accounting o f personal failure motivated by contrition. Durieu believed that Natives saw the performance o f the sacraments simply as a "passe pour le ciel" and was determined to change these "payens laves" into "vrai" Christians. He set about doing this through an 55  immensely detailed set o f instructions to Lejacq on the action o f formation, a process designed to compel Native people to interiorize and personalize the precepts o f Christianity.  Grandidier to D'herbomez, 18 M a y 1864, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. M a n y Europeans came to the same conclusions about the proper timing o f confession. Pandosy to D'herbomez, 6 September 1871, A D , box P6273-7077, folder 6360-6563. [pass to heaven]; [washed pagans], Direction, 12, 10. S J  5 4  5 5  177  Action offormation Durieu defined a "true" Christian Native as having " l a croyance a la doctrine de Jesus-Christ unit [a] une vie de sacrifice et de lutte contre le peche."  56  In order to produce  these "true" Christians, he instructed Lejacq to give missions lasting a minimum o f twelve days, and he wanted these missions conducted in an "Ignatian spirit" - roughly along the lines o f the Spiritual Exercises developed for the Society o f Jesus by Ignatius o f 57  L o y o l a i n the sixteenth century. O n the first day o f each mission Lejacq was to announce the daily schedule. H e exhorted the Natives to attend all prayers and instructions and to leave aside all exterior preoccupations as far as possible during the course o f the mission. He was to instruct the Natives on how they should listen to his sermons: they were to apply his words directly to themselves and to ruminate on all he said. He was then to make note o f those who were absent. Durieu divided the rest o f the mission into two six day periods, giving explicit instructions on the topics to be dealt with over the course of several visits. The first six days o f all missions were to deal explicitly with creating "une crainte vive de D i e u et peche," and were to focus on: the creator-God and general judgment; hell and punishment o f sin (specifically pride, fornication and disobedience) illustrated by specific biblical examples; death, heaven and hell; Christ's life, passion and death; and a consideration o f sin. The two daily sermons were to last no more than half an hour, and were to focus on  [a belief i n the doctrine of Jesus-Christ combined with a life o f sacrifice and struggle against sin.] Ibid., 13. Ibid., 14. 5 7  178 one idea. Lejacq was to be explicit in his sermons, as Natives were to be made to apply the appropriate sins to themselves. Each was to experience the shock o f self-recognition during the sermon, to say "oui, c'est bien cela, je me reconnais dans ce que le pretre d i t . j e suis un fou. A h ! j ' a i peur...j'ai fini de faire ce peche-la et cet autre...j'ai fini 58  d'offenser D i e u . "  After each sermon all were to kneel and to meditate for five minutes  on the nature o f their sins. Then a canticle on the same subject matter was to be sung. During the first visit, instructions on the morning prayer and the principal "mysteries" were to be given, and all were to be examined on these subjects. A catechism on penance was to be taught: "ce que c'est que l'examen? Comment le faire? L e peche que commet celui qui recoit ce sacrament sans etre examine comme i l faut."  59  This  catechism was to be repeated after Lejacq, then all were to practice the self-examination. The same formula was to be followed taking contrition as the subject. The second and third visits were to be spent on the proper mode o f confession, the fourth on marriage. The catechism on confession was to be learned "ce que c'est, sacrilege commis si on y cache des peches, etc.," and a "confession blanche" acted out by Lejacq and an assistant: "Apres le signe de la croix celui qui est a genoux pour le mecanisme dit: ' M o n Pere, benissez-moi parce que j ' a i peche. Je me confesse a Dieu Tout Puissant et a vous mon Pere. II y a trois mois depuis ma derniere confession. J'ai recu l'absolution, j ' a i fait ma penitence.' Alors vous nommez le peche qu'ils doivent accuser sur le premier commandemant; 'pas fait de prieres', le penitent accuse cette faute comme i l faut, avec le nombre de fois. 'Pris tamanoas' le penitent accuse avec [yes, that is good, I recognize myself in what the priest says...I am a fool. A h ! I am afraid...I have finished committing this sin and that other...I have finished offending God.] This was a very Liguorian tactic: listeners were intended to personalize the sermon. Direction, 19. [what is the examination? H o w to perform it? The sin that those who receive this sacrament without being properly examined commit.] Ibid., 22. 5 9  179 le nombre de fois. 'Desirez le tamanoas', et ainsi de suite pour les autres peches que vous indiquez au penitent, celui-ci s'en accusant avec les circonstances necessaires et le nombre de fois, mais sans faire des histoires. Dans une seance vous prenez un commandement ou deux, les fautes contre ce commandement se trouvant repetees par tous ce qui passent sur la sellette, se gravent mieux dans les tetes que par toutes les instructions qu'on pourra leur dormer...lis apprennent ainsi a distinguer le peche lui-meme [sic] quand ils s'examinent, et ne vous apportent pas un tas d'histoires ou le confesseur n'est pas toujours capables de voir le peche qu'ils ont c o m m i s . " 60  [after the sign o f the cross those who are kneeling for the mechanism say: 'Father, bless me for I have sinned. I confess myself to Almighty G o d and to you my Father. It has been three months since my last confession. I have received absolution, I have made my penance.' Then you name the sin against the first commandment that they must acknowledge; 'haven't prayed', and the penitent acknowledges this fault as he should, with the number o f times. 'Used tamanoas' the penitent acknowledges this with the number o f times. 'Desired tamanoas', and so on for the other sins you indicate to the penitent, he acknowledging each along with the appropriate circumstances and the number o f times, but without telling stories. In a meeting you take a commandment or two, and have all those who pass the seat o f judgment repeat the faults against that commandment, this engraves [these faults] into their heads better than any instruction we could give them....Thus they learn how to identify sin themselves when they examine themselves, and won't bring you a pack o f stories where the confessor is not always able to see the sin they have committed.]  A t the end o f six days, confessions were to be heard, advice given on how to make 'better' confessions, and penance assigned consisting o f designated periods o f meditation in the chapel (to "pleurer" their sins), but absolution was not given. Lejacq was to refuse to hear unprepared confessions. The first six days of the missions, then, were devoted to teaching contrition and self-examination, and most importantly to compelling Native people not only to identify sin, but also to personalize and interiorize it. In other words, sin was to be re-located: it was no longer simply a story to be told, but an undesirable condition i n which one lived.  [what it is, the sacrilege committed i f they hide sins]; [a white confession]; Ibid., 23-24.  180 The individual self became the locus o f sin, and hence an identification o f the self as a sinner was (supposed) to occur. The second six days dealt with remedies for the condition o f sin, and consisted o f action. Thus Lejacq was to explain the five "spiritual weapons" - fearful heart, vigilant heart, combative heart, a spirit of prayer, humble heart - and how each was to be used.  61  Christ was to be used not just as a model of good conduct, but called upon for help i n destroying the pride and concupiscence that lurked in body and soul. A n entire six day period was to be devoted to eradicating pride, which Durieu saw as the most serious vice in the Native character. To this end the humility o f Christ was described i n detail, and Natives were enjoined to abide by a hierarchy o f humility - a man was to practice humility toward his wife, she to him, children to parents, and all to the "priest, chief and 62  watchmen."  Finally, all were to be made to realize the sacrifices that must be made i n  order to avoid sin, Christ's sacrifices for humanity providing the model. A t the end o f this second six-day period confessions were to be heard again, and absolution, where appropriate, given. Special attention was given to children aged six to fifteen, who were to learn special catechisms and to practice confessions under the tutelage o f a watchman assigned solely to watch over and correct them. Durieu's third letter dealt entirely with preparation for first communion, and he began by noting that while whites approached the Eucharist with a holy fear and profound reverence, Native people saw nothing terrible in the Eucharist - on the contrary it was an  6 1  6 2  Ibid., 13-14. Durieu rendered all o f these terms into Chinook. Ibid., 30.  181 honor for those who received it.  The goal in these instructions was to inspire i n Native  people a fear and awe o f the Eucharist. Preparations for first communion were to center on the ritual o f the Eucharist, repeated performances o f acts o f faith, and preaching. Durieu gave minute details regarding the pomp and ceremony celebrating the entry o f the Host into a Native chapel. Thus the spatial arrangements of Native people around the altar, the decorations of the church and the tabernacle (candles and holders, silk or fine cloth, etc.), the cleanliness to be observed, the donations to be made (coal o i l , etc.), and the frequency o f visits to view the Host and to pray were all discussed. Then the communion catechism must be taught and thoroughly explained: " i l a dit ' C e c i est mon corps' done i l a change le pain en son corps: II est Dieu et ne saurait se tromper. Done c'est bien son corps qui est dans l'hostie." Durieu gave Lejacq the following formula, to 64  "faire passer dans leur esprit le mystere de l'Eucharistie": "Quand vous dites montagne, cheval, canot, votre esprit se represente de suite le forme de la montagne, du cheval, du canot. Quand vous dites l'Eucharistie, que votre esprit se represente-t-il? Rep: Quand je dis l'Eucharistie mon esprit se represente ce 'blanc et rond' comme du pain qui contient ou cache le corps du Jesus Christ. D e m : O u va votre esprit quand en disant l'Eucharistie i l se represente ce blanc et rond comme du pain qui cache et contient le corps de J C son sang et son ame? Rep: A la messe, lorsqu'a la consecration, le pretre fait la genuflexion et eleve en haute l'Eucharistie. Dem: Quand J C sera dans la petite maison [tabernacle] que vous lui faites, ou ira votre esprit quand en disant l'Eucharistie i l se represente ce blanc et ronde comme du pain, etc.? Rep: Dans notre eglise, ou ce blanc et rond comme du pain qui contient JC sera nuit et jour dans la petite maison au milieu de l'autel." 65  Ibid., 33. [he said 'This is my body' then he changed the bread into his body: He is G o d and does not make mistakes. Therefore it is really his body that is in the host.] The vehemence o f this particular phrase suggests that there was some considerable doubt on the part o f Native people regarding the transformation of bread into the body o f Christ. Ibid., 36. [make the mystery o f the Eucharist pass into their spirit.] Ibid., 36-37. w  6 4  6 5  182 [When you say mountain, horse, canoe, your spirit sees the form o f the mountain, horse, canoe. When you say Eucharist, what does your spirit see? A : When I say Eucharist my spirit sees this 'white and round' like bread that contains or hides the body o f J - C . Q: Where does your spirit go when in saying Eucharist it sees this white and round like bread that hides and contains the body, blood and soul o f J-C? A : To the mass, when at the consecration, the priest performs the genuflection and raises the Eucharist on high. Q: When J-C is i n the little house [tabernacle] that you make him, where w i l l your spirit go when in saying Eucharist it sees this white and round like bread, etc.? A : To our church, where this white and round like bread that contains J-C w i l l be in the little house in the middle o f the altar night and day.]  This lesson on image construction and symbolism was to be followed by instruction on proper genuflection, demonstrating not only how it should be made, but "indicating the thoughts and feelings that should accompany the genuflection o f the body." Durieu 66  believed that not only would the constant and correct repetition o f this act produce faith in its performers, but that the degree and sincerity o f that faith would be rendered transparent to the observing missionary. Details were also given on how veneration o f the Eucharist was to be performed, and the feelings that should accompany those actions. The emphasis i n this portion o f the mission was on performance o f acts o f faith, emotional responses to those acts, and the development o f confidence in Christ. Predication was the final step in compelling Native people to turn their lives toward Christ. They were exhorted to "build houses i n their hearts for Jesus Christ", and Durieu traces a long analogy between this spiritual activity and the actual process o f building a house. Thus one must clear the ground (root out sin), sweep away the debris (pride and lust), raise the walls (to keep out impure thoughts and actions), make a door (to let Christ in), and lay a floor (of humility).  Ibid., 38. Ibid., 44-48.  67  183 The last portion o f the Direction is given to the reglement o f the "Iah'anshout," those who have pledged to let Christ into their hearts: candidates for first communion. These men and women were to be carefully looked after, and Durieu recommended the appointment o f a "zelateur," who would serve both as a policeman or watchman, and as a spiritual guide or director, giving advice, leading instruction, and lending moral support to the Iah'anshout under his care. The Iah'anshout were to faithfully perform all exercises, learn all catechisms and prayers, and consistently display their devotion to Christ through acts o f faith. A n y breaches o f conduct were to be reported to the priest, and public correction o f faults was to be made. Because the Iah'anshout were to be models for the rest o f the village, their apprenticeship could last for a year or longer. Careful attention was given to their confessions and examinations, and all received a grade before they were allowed to enter communion. They were to remain under the direction o f the zelateur after making their first communion, and he was to continue to monitor and guide them throughout their lives. Finally, Durieu remarked that once everyone in a village had made their first communion, respected and feared the Eucharist, and was "impregnes dans les habitudes 68  par cette rigueur et severite des premiers temps," methods could change. Durieu's action de formation was clearly intended to be a productive program, filling in the lacunae left by the action o f repression, and there are several aspects o f this process I want to consider in some detail. These missions were primarily classrooms, and most o f the priest's activity was instructional. Native people were to be taught  Ibid., 56.  184 everything: they must learn not only what sin was, but where it was, and the feelings and actions that ought to accompany its recognition. Thus predication served to compel Native people to recognize themselves as sites o f sin, a process that entailed a reidentification and bifurcation o f the self into tenses: past and present self awash i n sin and its explicitly detailed consequences, future self endowed with the potential to avoid sin and experience another set o f consequences. Self-examination had to be taught, not just as a means o f recognizing the past self and its sins, but also to induce a state o f what can be described as objective contrition. Natives had to learn how to objectively scrutinize the actions and desires o f the past self, and they also had to learn how to feel simultaneously and intensely sorry i n the present for those past actions and desires. Durieu hoped to inspire this present state o f contrition for past actions less through the earlier noted emphasis on hell-as-future-state, and more by associating specific feelings with precise gestures, and by evoking a complex set o f imagery that engaged the body and the mind. It is no accident that Durieu took Ignatius Loyola's Spiritual Exercises as a model for the action o f formation. Ignatius' program was intended to be a four week retreat composed o f a series o f meditations, instructions, prayers, and examinations o f conscience in order to move the exercitant to a discovery and acceptance o f God's w i l l . O f primary importance i n the Exercises was the "interiorization" of subject matter through repetition and an "application o f the senses." Predicated on what Barthes calls a "radical imperialism o f 69  the image," the Exercises sought to enmesh exercitants i n a web o f relations dominated  N C E , 13: 579.  185 by guided imagery.  Thus Durieu's insistence not simply on an explanation o f the  Eucharist, but on guiding the mind's eye: the Eucharist triggers not just the image o f a white round o f bread, but Christ's words, the tabernacle, and eventually the church 71  itself.  This was not just a lesson in the appropriate interpretation o f symbols (this bread  is food for the soul), but a conquest of the imagination, a displacement o f the subject into 72  the image - i n the church, in front o f the altar, at Christ's side.  These images bring with  them a set o f relations, with the priest, with Christ, with the church, that are intended to be ascendant, and it should come as no surprise that the Exercises have been "accused" o f 73  being a "powerful psychological machine." But Durieu concentrated these effects through the repetition o f particular gestures, the verbal reiteration o f the feelings to be experienced while performing those gestures, and meditation on the entire process. He hoped to produce more than an unbreakable association between gesture and thought: the dressage o f the genuflection involved a minute training o f the body, a training that was both to evoke a specific set o f emotional Roland Barthes, Sade, Fourier, Loyola, trans. Richard M i l l e r (Berkeley: University o f California Press, 1989), 66-67. / u  71  Rule number two for the Native associates "de la confrerie de la garde de l'honneur" [of the confraternity o f the guard o f honor] states: "les associes choississent une heure pendant la journee...[quand] ils tachent de se rendre en esprit au tabernacle, et de penser plus souvent a Notre Seigneur, en lui consacront d'une maniere speciale leurs pensees, leurs actions, leurs peines, et surtou leur l'amour" [the associates choose an hour during the day...when they try to render themselves in spirit at the tabernacle, and to think more often o f Our Lord, consecrating to h i m i n a special manner their thoughts, actions, sorrows, and above all their love.] c. 1880, V R C A D , GR1/01 S/01, box 1, folder 7. 72  This type o f hierarchy is echoed in D'herbomez's injunction to Lejacq regarding a Native man, who "must listen to the priest. Those who listen to the priest listen to the Bishop, those who listen to the Bishop listen to the Pope, those who listen to the Pope listen to Jesus Christ, who is never wrong." 4 March 1876, A D , G L P P 1435. N C E , 13: 580. 7 3  186 responses, and to make the exact nature and degree o f those responses precisely available to the watchful eye o f the missionary. Durieu's micro-physics o f power was intended not simply to enmesh the Native body in a field o f power but to capture the Native soul as well. The emphasis Durieu placed on the production o f contrition was intended to be transformative i n several senses. First, he wanted to shift the mechanism that triggered sorrow for sin from its external sources (public shame or the admonitions o f the Oblates) to a source internal to Native consciousness: he was trying to create a Christian conscience i n Native people, a recognition o f sin as an interior state o f being. He was also trying to shape an exact response to that state o f being, a response o f true contrition, motivated not by fear o f God, but by love. Love, ostensibly, would motivate Native people to action, to avoidance o f and repugnance for sin. Put another way, a very Catholic system o f surveillance was to be built into the Native mind itself. But inspection o f the self through the examination o f conscience, and the monitoring o f the self that the conscience was in turn to perform, were not the only consequences o f this exercise. What was being established through this process was more than the application and internalization of a set of norms, it was the creation o f the conditions that made those norms applicable and internalizable in the first place. What the Oblates were attempting to do was far more than what the Comaroffs have called a "colonization o f consciousness." It was not simply a revolution in habits, or the saturation of Native consciousness by the "axioms and aesthetics...of European capitalism, o f  187 western modernity."  74  The Oblates were interested neither i n modernity nor i n capitalism  (indeed the absence o f capitalism and o f many aspects o f western culture were seen as benefits), and only i n "habits" to a very limited extent. Rather, the Oblates were interested in producing devout Catholics, and Durieu for one, did not believe that this could occur through either a revolution of habits or a revelation o f the word o f God. It could only occur through a slow and painstaking process offormation: the originary constitution o f Christian subjectivities, a kind o f concentrated and accelerated Christian childhood. Thus penance assured that contrition was properly felt and expressed: by assigning penances composed o f specific bodily gestures (kneeling) and constant repetition (five trips daily to the chapel to meditate), penance could be expected to induce contrition, although ideally the opposite would be the case. Confession assured that Christian consciences were active and engaged: it was the oral expression o f the examination o f conscience, and was used by Durieu as a sort o f final examination. For an adult Native i n British Columbia each attempt to move to a different stage i n the Catholic hierarchy o f Christianization was finalized by confession - an overview o f the process as a whole. Thus confession was a crucial transfer point in the circulation o f knowledge. This leads me to my last point. Knowledge and power are woven together i n this process i n incredibly complex ways, and perhaps most startling is the importance o f the extremely intimate and personal forms of knowledge presupposed by confession: the  Jean and John Comaroff, O f revelation and revolution: Christianity, colonialism and consciousness in South Africa, 2 vols. (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1991), I: 4. See the conclusion for a fuller discussion o f this issue.  7 4  188 production o f truth is irrevocably bound to the examination and articulation o f desire. A n d desire, i n this context, ranges through all the rubble o f the human heart and mind, from sex to status, thought to action. Although driven by a missionary will-to-know, it is also predicated on a Native will-to-be-known, a condition on which the Oblates simply couldn't count.  Conclusions In 1882, one year before Durieu's direction des sauvages was written, Lejacq referred to Oblate methods o f Christianization as a machine that the priests "font 75  marcher."  Indeed the direction des sauvages, in both its style and substance, seems to  reflect this perception o f Oblate methodology, and I hope to have captured some o f Durieu's confidence in this machine that he believed transformed the raw material o f pagan Natives into the finished product o f true Native Catholics. In retrospect, much o f Durieu's confidence may seem overly optimistic, but it seems clear that the Oblates genuinely believed in the ability o f their system to unproblematically convert Native people. G i v e n the amount o f recent work that has questioned the meaning and quality o f conversion, it is certainly possible to take a very dim view of Durieu's system o f "true" conversion. Certainly the direction des sauvages represents an ideal that was doubtless rarely or never achieved. O n the other hand, it seems difficult and indeed somewhat spurious from my position more than a century later to suggest that Durieu was hopelessly misguided or mistaken about the efficacy o f his "machine." But I cannot Lejacq to D'herbomez, 12 and 19 January 1882, A D , box P4150-4934, folder 41684566. 7 5  189 argue against its effectiveness, in part because that would involve an impossible quantification o f Native faith, and in part because I suspect that the system probably did work very effectively i n some cases. I want to focus on the conditions that were built into the system itself that I believe may have made it a potent method o f producing what the Oblates considered to be good Christians. The most striking aspect o f the Durieu system was its unwavering focus on the details o f disciplinary power. I have been constantly struck by the Oblates' careful attention to the 'nuts and bolts' o f disciplinary power: their emphasis on written records; the partitioning o f time and space; their insistence on physical inspection and spiritual examination; their persistent attempts to prompt Native people to internalize the precepts o f Christianity; and their focus on a rudimentary system o f surveillance. This acute attention to detail, and the shifts in focus illustrated by Durieu's 1883 letters, suggest changes i n the material obstacles encountered by the Congregation. M o s t apparent, I think, was the lack o f a physical site premised on, or built around, the requirements o f disciplinary power. Clearly the Oblates were not working i n Bentham's panopticon, or in seminaries, prisons, or barracks - and I w i l l return to this point below. They were working in the wide-open spaces o f nineteenth-century British Columbia, and while the reserve system may have enhanced the conditions for surveillance, reserves were simply not the disciplinary containers, the "complete and austere" institutions that had been developed in Europe. This fact o f colonial life sheds some light on the Oblates' passion for what I have called the nuts and bolts o f disciplinary power. Unable to depend on the high ground o f panopticism, on an all-  190 encompassing gaze or on normalizing processes inherent in Euro-Christian subjectivities, the Oblates set about deploying the mechanics o f disciplinary power that were within their reach. Above all, they made examination and inspection an art. When "truth" was not accessible in individual confessions, they turned to the public examinations o f the kaltash bilalam and the system o f watchmen. It was through the normalizing judgment o f the examination that the mass o f Native people were constituted as individuals who could be slotted into a Catholic hierarchy o f catechumen, first communicant, zelateur, watchman. A n d it was only through the examination that Native people could move within that hierarchy. The examination, I suggest, became supremely important to the Oblates because it provided many o f the power effects that in Europe would have been invested i n the physical architecture o f a seminary or boarding school. This obsession with the everyday mechanics o f disciplinary power produced sites o f disciplinary power that were instead dependent on a human architecture of surveillance. The power effects o f the panopticon - o f always being subject to an unseen gaze - were replaced by a forest o f gazes o f which one was constantly aware and from which one was forbidden to escape. Cyclops was replaced by Argus. This observation brings me to normalization and subject-formation. Clearly Durieu's direction des sauvages represents a complex approach to the problem o f Christianizing Native people. While it still incorporates the action o f repression, fourfifths o f the document is devoted to the action of formation. Whether this suggests a realization on Durieu's part that repression simply wasn't working, or whether he was codifying an already-worked out methodology, or, indeed, i f he had been exposed to a  191 new methodology developed elsewhere, is impossible to say. But the entire thrust o f the program is to compel Native people to internalize Christian precepts, not simply to act them out. Again, he relies on a subtle combination o f disciplinary tactics such as gestural dressage, repetition, and exercise. But above all, he relies on the processes o f image formation and (for lack o f a better word) discovery embedded in the Spiritual  Exercises,  with which the Oblates were very familiar. Image formation was important, as I have suggested, because it enmeshed Native people in a web o f hierarchical relations with the Church by directing the production o f specific religious images. But this process was also about discovery, o f one's self, o f sin, o f God's w i l l , o f Christ's sacrifice, o f one's debt and obligation to the Church. In writing about Durieu's action o f formation I am constantly struck by its element o f surprise, by the jolts o f self-recognition, o f meaning, of consequences, it aimed to create. It seems more than plausible that while many Native people may have been frightened into Catholicism, and others attracted to it for a multitude o f other reasons, many may have been surprised into the fold.  192  Part III: Governmentality "I have to report that in consequence o f the Indians at Fort Rupert having threatened my men, I burnt the Ranch to the ground, destroyed about 100 canoes and a quantity o f spirit. I have brought a chief called J i m [on board] who was foremost in endeavouring to create a disturbance, and a few other prisoners." Captain o f H M S Clio to Governor Seymour (?), 29 Dec. 1865. 1  "I beg to report that an Indian winter village consisting o f probably between 30 and 40 cottages, exists on the [Oblate] Mission property. There [sic] houses are very close to one another and I could not but feel that they were too close to be healthful.... I fear also that the Influence o f these Indian houses in such close proximity to the school w i l l be o f no advantage to the Indian pupils who w i l l be educated thereat...[and] an effort should be break up the village and to scatter the Indians on their Reserves." Vankoughnet to Dewdney, 10 Feb. 1890.  Foucault traces the concern with an art of governing to the explosion o f commentaries provoked by Machiavelli's The Prince (1532). Machiavelli's treatise focused on the nature o f the Prince's relations with his territory and with his subjects. H i s links to both were often imposed from the outside through conquest and they were thus typically synthetic and tenuous: the Prince was literally surrounded by potential enemies, both external (other princes covet his territory) and internal (the rebelliousness o f his subjects). Machiavelli's solution to this problem lay in an artful manipulation o f relations of force that enabled the Prince to bind his subjects ever more tightly to h i m and thereby freed h i m to concentrate on external threats. Although Machiavelli's tract captured the  British Columbia Archives and Records Service, Colonial Correspondence, B-1349, file 1209a. Hereafter cited as C C . R G 1 0 , vol.3840, file 69,529.  1  2  193  essence o f sovereign power, what shocked most o f his readers was the way in which he laid bare the rationality behind it: the naked self-interest of the sovereign. Most o f the commentaries on The Prince tried to formulate a model o f government based on the continuities between different types o f government, and Foucault identifies three basic forms: "the art o f self-government, connected with morality; the art o f properly governing a family, which belongs to economy; and finally the science o f ruling the state, which concerns politics." 4  To be effective the Prince had to practice all three forms o f government: he had to learn to govern himself and his goods in order to govern the state. When the Prince governed the state well, it followed that "the head of the family w i l l know how to look after his family, his goods and his patrimony, which means that individuals w i l l , i n turn, behave as they should." Thus the lines o f government extend, continuously, to include the Prince, the family and individuals within its purview. It is at this point that government becomes individualizing, and the connections between governmentality and pastoral power thus become apparent: good government enables individuals to "behave as they should." But these connections hinge on the family and its association with economy. Thus in the eighteenth century we find Rousseau struggling with the problems o f introducing "[family] economy into political practice."  Foucault, "Governmentality", i n The Foucault effect: Studies in governmentality, Graham Burchell, C o l i n Gordon and Peter M i l l e r eds., (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1991), 89-91. Ibid., 91.  3  4  194  The family, then, as the primary unit of economy and patriarchal power, provides the model for good government. It follows that "to govern a state w i l l therefore mean to apply the level o f the entire state, which means exercising towards all its inhabitants, and the wealth and behavior o f each and all, a form o f surveillance and control as attentive as that o f a the head o f a family over his household and goods." 5  There is an important shift from the imposition o f a juridical model o f sovereignty concerned with territory to an economic model based on the disposition o f things and people " i n such a way that, through a certain number o f means, such and such ends may be achieved." It is here that Foucault posits the reorientation o f government toward a 6  different sphere o f activity: population. Some time during the eighteenth century, so he suggests, the notion o f economy is liberated from its confines in the sphere o f the family, and is reconfigured as an activity in which the entire population engages, and, as such, becomes a target o f governmental intervention. In conjunction with this repositioning o f the economic sphere the family is re-configured as the basic unit o f a population,  and re-  emerges not as a model o f government but as an instrument o f government: knowledge o f the family provides the basis for a statistical accounting o f the population as a whole. Thus the population, its pursuits and products, its very life, become appropriate objects o f state management. There are three important points to make about Foucault's elaborations upon Machiavelli. First, what I have described in the last paragraph can most appropriately be termed the rise o f biopower, which Foucault describes as a web o f technologies that  5  6  Ibid., 92. Ibid., 95.  195  "brought life and its mechanisms into the realm o f explicit calculations and made power/knowledge an agent o f transformation o f human life." But biopower does not provide the range or scope o f power/knowledge that Foucault intends to evoke by the term governmentality. Secondly, therefore, it is crucial to see that governmentality arises from a series o f modalities o f power. Thus sovereign law continues to play a critical role in governing populations, as do ritual and spectacular displays o f sovereign power. Disciplinary power is even more important to governmentality: dressage, examination, surveillance, and standardization are all common experiences. But more, disciplinary power produces the subjects which governmentality takes as its targets. The criminal, the lunatic, and the bourgeois subject come into being not only as an effect o f disciplinary power, but also because they are effective objects and vehicles o f that power. Sexuality becomes a principle target o f law, the disciplines, and biopower, and provides the primary  g link between individuals and populations. Finally, the anatomy o f governmentality, with its skeletal modalities o f sovereign, disciplinary, and biopower, must, I think, evoke pastoral power as well: for pastoral power also lies at the intersection o f these forms o f power. Some might object to this claim, arguing that governmentality is a uniquely "modern" form o f power in that its "point o f application" - "the conditions in which [the] body is to live and define its life" has its roots i n the Enlightenment. Enlightenment reason, as David Scott has argued, required the  Foucault, History of Sexuality, I: 143. Hereafter cited as H S . Foucault, H S , and "Two Lectures" in Power/Knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972-1977, C o l i n Gordon, ed., (New York: Pantheon, 1980), 78-108. 7  8  196  "fundamental uprooting [of ignorant and irrational behaviors] by means o f a broad attack on the conditions that were understood to produce them, and second, their systematic replacement by the inducement o f new conditions based on clear, sound, and rational principles." 9  While this is an interesting argument, I do not think that it sufficiently distinguishes "modern" power from other regimes o f power. Apart from sovereign power, all the other modalities o f power necessarily alter the conditions o f life and behavior according to their own peculiar rationalities. Pastoral power from the Apostle Paul on attempts to redefine a "heathen" psychological and physical landscape as a Christian one according to a particular set o f "rational" constructs, and disciplinary power also seeks to re-construct the mental and physical terrains through which it operates according to specific and internally necessary sets o f "rationale." If it is necessary to try to identify the distinctiveness o f modern power, then I suggest that the instrumentalities it deploys and the rationalities that give it impetus and "moral" weight, are the most revealing. While I want to insist upon governmentality and pastoral power as congeries o f these technologies o f power, I also want to accentuate the unique component that governmentality brings to the mix. Governmentality marshals these modalities o f power under the banner o f a unique form o f rationality - reason o f state - and deploys them productively  through an extended network o f police - originally conceived as benevolent  and legitimate state intervention in the lives o f the individuals who constitute 'the populace'.  10  David Scott, "Colonialgovernmentality" Social Text 43 (1995), 191-220, 199. The concept o f policing, both as perceived by the populace and as practiced by the government, has changed significantly over the last two centuries. Most government officials and citizens would agree that the 'productive' functions o f most state police lie solely in the use o f force to repress 'disorder', which is defined according to the  9  1 0  197  While much o f Foucault's argument - in terms of his periodization and interpretation - can be quibbled with, I am intrigued by his insight into the connections between forms o f rationality and their profound consequences on the morphologies o f power. The different rationalities that shape, and are in turn shaped by, pastoral power and governmentality should also serve as a reminder that those powers are immensely geographical and cultural: Catholic pastoral power differs from Protestant; French raison d'etat from British; metropolitan disciplinary power from its monastic and colonial manifestations. This observation brings me back to Oblate activity in British Columbia, where the cultural geographies o f pastoral power and governmentality - my third geography o f Oblate missionary activity i n British Columbia - crystallize in particularly clear ways. The Oblates were a French Catholic congregation working i n an Anglo-Protestant government space: Oblate missionary activity in British Columbia can not be seen as indistinguishable from a mass o f British colonial practices. Thus in the following pages I look at Oblate-government relations from two very different perspectives. In Chapter 5,1 suggest that while government and the Oblates could agree on the general goal o f establishing and maintaining order on Native reserves, they could not agree on the means of achieving it because their rationales and reasons for order were incommensurable.  'necessities' o f reasons o f state. Thus reason o f state can be mobilized to cover an ever wider range o f contigencies and the legitimacy o f police action is increasingly difficult to dispute.  198  Chapter 5 Cultures of Order  In July 1869, the Chilliwack and Sumass reserves were surveyed and a dispute concerning the zum (surveyor's map) of Chilliwack ensued. A copy o f these maps was usually given to the " c h i e f o f the surveyed reserve, and "Jim" had received the zum for the Chilliwack reserve. But, prompted by a petition from the people o f Sko-yalla village complaining that "the paper o f our reserve" had been given to the wrong man, Captain B a l l , stipendiary magistrate at Yale, took the Chilliwack zum from J i m ("only the second in authority") and gave it to "Peter," who was pointed out to h i m by Durieu. This 1  incident prompted an infuriated response from Rev. A . Browning o f the Methodist church. Browning wrote several letters to the colonial government, complaining that the "real" hereditary chiefs were " i f anything Protestants," that taking the zum from " J i m " was "part o f a system to coerce the Indians into Catholicism," that B a l l had accused h i m of "making chiefs", and that i f the colony would not remedy the problem "there are those at home who, perhaps, w i l l not hesitate i n redressing so evident a wrong."  A letter  signed by 28 white settlers supported Browning's candidates for chief, " J i m " and "Captain John." B a l l was thoroughly disgusted by the whole business, noting that he 3  intended to distribute maps to all the "chiefs," and adding that "the Indians o f each tribe must certainly know who have been the chiefs o f their tribes much better than the settlers, who have only been there a few years, and until Sko-yalla Village to Captain B a l l , July 1869, V R C A D , G R 1/01 S/02, box 2, folder 1; B a l l to Colonial Secretary, 15 December 1869, Papers connected with the Indian land question, 1850-1875 (Victoria: R. Wolfenden, 1875), 74. Hereafter cited I L Q . A . Browning to Officer administering the government, 6 July 1869, I L Q , 71; Browning to Trutch, 9 August 1869, I L Q , 72; Browning to Trutch, 18 August 1869, I L Q , 75. V . Vedder and others to Governor Musgrave, 30 November 1869, ibid. 1  2  3  199  there was a division o f religious feeling amongst the Indians the question o f Chiefs was never raised." 4  Two threads i n this story of the zum - land and authority - were o f crucial importance to all the groups involved. While details i n Native, government and denominational interpretations may have varied, all participants were acutely aware o f the real issues at stake. Durieu saw justice where Browning saw coercion, yet both were clear about the significance o f possession of the zum: it was important to both missionaries that the proper person be given the zum because that signaled government recognition o f the local authority o f a specific denomination. Native people also understood the zum, but i n a somewhat different way: it was a "guarantee" o f their possession o f the reserve, o f their ability to prevent white encroachment on land and resources, and it may also have symbolized government recognition o f the authority o f a particular Native person on the reserve. B a l l , on the other hand, saw the zum as a legal definition o f the exact boundaries of the land accruing to a specific reserve; it was a statement o f the colonial government's authority to allot land to Native people. For all involved, then, the zum was a territorial marker and symbol o f possession, whether of land itself, or o f moral or legal authority over the land and its occupants. In this chapter I w i l l address the issue o f moral and legal authority in two connected stages. First, I look at the "Indian land question" in British Columbia i n the 1860s and 1870s, suggesting that Oblate and government perceptions o f Native rights to land were bound up with culturally specific conceptions o f property and possession. In  4  B a l l to Colonial Secretary, 15 December 1869, I L Q , 74.  the 1870s these different interpretations o f rightful possession were wedded to a concern with ordering what was seen as ah increasingly disorderly Native population disgruntled about the reserve allotment process. Second, I w i l l argue that while both the Oblates and government agreed that establishing and maintaining order was o f the highest importance, the former saw order as a moral condition while the latter construed it as a legal one. In other words, both groups called upon different notions o f authority to rationalize and legitimize their conceptions o f order. These different conceptions o f order reflected cultural and institutional differences between the Oblates and the government, deeply held convictions about the appropriate objects and desired outcomes o f governing Native people. These conceptions o f order and authority - o f governance - consisted in particular rationales o f pastoral power and governmentality and the multiple spatialities wrapped up with them.  Land and the Order of Rights  "Dites avec Jesus-Christ: Regnum meum non est de hoc mundo. ne vous melez jamais des affaires politiques, parce que les opinions sont comme les modes qui changent avec les saisons." Ricard to the fathers and brothers o f Oregon, n.d. 5  [Say with Jesus Christ: M y reign is not o f this world, never m i x i n political affairs, because opinions are like fashion which changes with the season.] "The Superintendant General is no doubt well aware that all clergymen w i l l urge their views from their own religious standpoints." Lenihan to Meredith, 12 A p r i l 1875. 6  5  6  A D , H P K 5 2 2 1 .R48C, 3. R G 1 0 , vol. 3614, file 4225.  201  The Indian land question, as it was dubbed in the 1870s, involved the allotment o f reserve lands to Native groups i n British Columbia. It was a "question" that provoked a wide range o f opinions, and involved first the colonial government, and then the provincial and Dominion governments, the Oblates, and, o f course, Native people themselves. Not surprisingly, colonial land policy reflected the attitudes o f the men who formulated it. Governor James Douglas was instructed by the colonial office to set aside land reserved exclusively for Natives, and his attitudes towards the location and extent o f those lands can be considered liberal in comparison to later colonial and provincial land policies. Douglas insisted that " i n laying out Indian Reserves the wishes o f the Natives themselves, with respect to boundaries, should in all cases be complied with," and this was generally the policy that prevailed until his retirement in 1864.  7  Thus, i n 1862, when a Squamish man, "Snatt Stroutan," attempted to pre-empt a suburban lot adjacent to N e w Westminster, Governor Douglas affirmed Native rights to pre-empt land on the same terms as whites. Land and Works Commissioner M o o d y was uneasy about Douglas' Proclamation, however, and noted that the "Indians are preempting i n extended order along the River and elsewhere to a considerable extent, and such extent is likely to increase very considerably and very rapidly." M o o d y ' s concern 9  was reiterated i n 1863, when he wrote that the " R C priests have moved the Indians to pre-  Douglas to Chief Commissioner o f Lands and Works Colonel Richard M o o d y , 27 A p r i l 1863, cited i n Robert E . C a i l , Land, man and the law: The disposal of Crown lands in British Columbia, 1871-1913 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1974), 179. I L Q , 2. Idem. 8  9  202  empt as fully as any other persons." This was the first time the Oblates were mentioned i n government correspondence about the Indian land question.  10  Between 1864 and 1871 colonial land policy was largely dictated by Joseph Trutch, Chief Commissioner o f Land and Works. Trutch tended willfully to misinterpret Douglas's policies regarding Native lands, and his land policy raised serious concerns after Confederation in 1871. Trutch claimed that Native people "really have no right to the lands they claim...and I cannot see why they should either retain these lands to the prejudice o f the general interests o f the Colony, or be allowed to make a market o f them."  11  He refused to entertain the idea o f Native rights to land on the basis that such 12  rights were not in the interests o f white colonists. The Terms o f U n i o n o f 1871 shifted the responsibility o f administering Indian affairs to the Dominion government, and Section 13 conceded that Dominion Indian policy should continue along the lines "hitherto pursued by the British Columbia 13  Government."  The appointment o f I.W. Powell as Dominion Superintendent o f Indian  Affairs for British Columbia in November 1872 was the Dominion's first real involvement i n the land question in the new province, and Powell's reception in British Columbia was typical o f Provincial-Dominion relations at the time. Powell's appointment Ibid., 3. Trutch to Acting Colonial Secretary, 28 August 1867, in Cail, 180-181. In 1880, Gilbert M a l c o l m Sproat characterized the Provincial Government's management o f Indian affairs as showing "how faithfully they represent the deep raceprejudice o f the general white population," and wrote that "history must state that the existence o f an Indian land question is mainly due to [Trutch]." Sproat to Grandidier, 28 A p r i l 1880, A D , H E B 6751 .C47c. R o b i n Fisher, Contact and conflict: Indian-European relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890, 2nd ed.(Vancouver: University o f British Columbia Press, 1992) 176. 1 0  1 1  1 2  1 3  203  was vigorously opposed by Trutch, then Lieutenant-Governor o f the province, whose administration was loathe to relinquish control o f Indian affairs to a Dominion appointee.  14  Throughout 1874 the provincial government avoided giving Powell any  practical powers, and blocked the Dominion's attempts to guide land allotment to Natives. Unsuccessful negotiation (from the Dominion point o f view) about the specifics o f land policy characterized Powell's first year in office.  15  The Oblates' involvement in land matters increased during this period. In 1868 and 1869 Snatt visited several government officials to request a land survey o f an area where the Squamish had settled, built houses and a church, and cultivated potato fields. Durieu penned the petition that requested government recognition o f this Squamish land claim, which was recognized despite the government's opinion that the Squamish were "troublesome."  16  In 1870 Durieu and Oblate Father Marchal sent at least eight petitions to  the provincial government on behalf o f various Native groups. Most o f them dealt with 17  white incursions on Native lands and requested land surveys.  The same year Durieu and  Methodist Minister Crosby were engaged in a dispute over the allotment o f land to a group o f Protestant Natives in the Fraser canyon.  18  In 1871, the provincial government  For details see C a i l and Fisher. A primary point o f contention was the Dominion suggestion that 80 acres o f land be allotted to every Native family o f five, while the provincial government insisted on (and eventually allotted) 20 acres per family o f five. Brew to Bushby, 29 July 1869, I L Q , 75; Bushby to Trutch, 30 July 1869, I L Q , 74; Trutch to Bushby, 5 August 1869, I L Q , 75. Chapman's Bar Band to O ' R e i l l y , 16 September 1870, V R C A D , G R 1/01, S/01 box 2, folder 1; the same set o f correspondence contains O M I petitions through 1872. One petition protested that few o f the people were "at home" when the surveyors came and that the wrong man had been designated chief. Durieu to Bushby, 8 M a y 1870, ibid.; Durieu to D'herbomez, 28 February 1870, A D , H P K 5282 .H53Z, 152. 1 5  1 6  1 7  1 8  204  received several Native petitions from the upper Fraser regarding land, water rights and livestock, and Durieu bought land for two Natives.  19  The Oblates were engaging with Native land issues in British Columbia despite Ricard's advice never to become involved in political affairs. Durieu, however, probably did not see these Oblate forays into such issues as broadly political. H i s interventions at this time do not seem to have been motivated by a clearly formulated policy regarding Native rights. Rather, he saw land issues as practical matters that either threatened the Church's local authority over Native people, or as government persecution o f his 20  Congregation and as a Protestant drive for dominance.  Ensuring that a particular reserve  was legally surveyed, that the "proper" individual was given a zum, or that the Temperance society functioned without interference, all served to protect the local power and space o f the Oblates, manifested most concretely by Catholic chapels built on reserves by "Catholic" chiefs, and by the Catholic temperance flags wafting over "Catholic" villages. B y 1873, however, the Oblates' engagement with Native land issues shifted perceptibly from tactics concerned with the defense o f the Catholic church and Oblate missionary space to an offensive stance which clearly articulated Oblate conceptions o f Native rights to land. Three related concerns motivated this transition. First, there was a real concern that Native dissatisfaction would manifest itself violently, a move that D'herbomez believed could only result in a devastating loss of Native lives and o f their Grandidier to D'herbomez, 4 September and 28 June 1871, A D , B o x P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505; Durieu to trutch, 12 January 1871, C C , b-1326, file 503. Durieu had apparently been granted power of attorney by these two Natives. Durieu to D'herbomez, 10 August 1869, A D , H P K 5282 .H53Z 150. 1 9  2 0  205  legitimate claim to lands. Second, the Oblates seem to have had distinctly different conceptions o f property rights than those articulated by the Province. A n d last, the Oblates became increasingly aware that the land question had profound effects on their ability to maintain order and discipline on "Catholic" reserves. M u c h o f my discussion of these Oblate views centers on events in and around Kamloops, an area in which Thompson, Lillooet, Okanagan and Shuswap peoples mingled, and a core o f Oblate influence on the mainland. But two other factors played a part i n the importance o f Kamloops in the 1870s: it was a region o f intense Native dissatisfaction with the reserve allocation process, and a meeting place for large groups o f Native people; i n addition, one o f the most politically aware and active o f the Oblate missionaries, Father Charles Grandidier, was stationed at Kamloops.  Ordering Natural Rights "II y a des grands desordres; et les sauvages presque partout veulent conduire le pretre au lieu d'en etre conduits." Grandidier to D'herbomez, 26 September 1873. [There are great disorders; and the sauvages almost everywhere want to lead the priest rather than to be led by him.] "In his [Father Marchal's] church teachings he has horrified some old Indians who believed the Government intends to act justly toward the Indians and w i l l secure and protect them in their rights. The Priest telling them that the Queen and Government was as so much dirt; and that the presents made to them was no good, and was as so much dust thrown into their eyes to blind them." John E . L o r d to Powell, 20 February 1875. 22  2 1  2 2  A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. R G 1 0 , vol. 3617, file 4606.  206  One o f the first tasks assigned to Commissioner Powell was to respond to complaints and rumors o f serious dissatisfaction among Shuswap and Okanagan Natives. Powell visited portions o f the interior in the summer o f 1874, where he met Grandidier, who had been concerned about the course o f Native activity in the Kamloops area since his arrival i n 1873. Grandidier's correspondence to M g r . D'herbomez describing the mood and activities o f Native people i n the Kamloops area is extensive, and in 1873 he wrote o f two large potlatches at Lytton and Bonaparte. These potlatches alarmed Grandidier because they were attended by the principal chiefs o f the area and involved the distribution o f large amounts o f property, drunkenness, gambling, dancing and other "public disorders," all o f which he was unable to prevent. Grandidier was denied his customary access to information on Native activities and motivations through chiefs and watchmen, and believed that there was "quelque anguille sous r o c h c . o n me cacherait ce que l ' o n ne voudrait pas que je susse." He also worried that these "reunions," attended by both 23  Protestant and Catholic Natives, "abaisser[ont] la barriere qui les separe [et] de plus nous sommes obliges de defendre plusieurs choses que les ministres permettent, et on fait des comparaisons."  24  But potlatching and Native "va-et-vien" continued throughout the  winter.  [something in the wind...they hide from me what they do not want me to know.] Grandidier to D'herbomez, 16 November 1873, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. [will lower the barrier that separates them (and) more we are obliged to forbid some things that the ministers permit, and (the Natives) make comparisons.] Grandidier to D'herbomez, 23 December 1873, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. He was also annoyed that they took place so close to Christmas.  1 5  2 4  207  In late June 1874, Powell met a delegation o f Shuswap people near Kamloops to talk about reserve lands. This is how Grandidier described the tenor o f these meetings: "Dans la premiere reunion des Sauvages j'avais grand'peur q u ' i l n ' y est des difficultes; j ' a i parle aux chefs, leur ai recommande la moderation, leur ai explique la position du Docteur, et les ai engages d'etre polis et calmes dans leur rapport avec lui tout en etant fermes dans leurs demandes. C'est ce qui est arrive. L e Superintendant leur a propose de leur dormer un fete [avec des presents]...beaucoup voulaient tout refuser, de peur de compromettre leurs droits. J'en ai averti Dr. Powell, qui leur a explique que ce q u ' i l voulait faire pour les engageait a rien, qui ne les mettait pas dans son pouvoir...A Nicolas, et au L a c Okanagan cela s'est passe differement. Ils n'ont rien voulu prendre, ni fete, ni instruments...que le Superintendant voulait dormer aux chefs. A la tal d'epinette, i l n ' y avait que peu de sauvages. Les Pentektons, Osoyoos, et Similkameen ne s'y sont pas rendus. L e Docteur Powell n'en a pas ete tres content...." 25  [At the first meeting o f the sauvages I was very afraid there would be difficulties; I spoke to the chiefs, recommended moderation to them, explained the Doctor's position to them, and urged them to be polite and calm in their relations with h i m , while being firm about their requests. That is what happened. The Superintendant proposed to give them a feast [with gifts]...many wanted to refuse, for fear o f compromising their rights. I warned Dr. Powell, who explained what he wanted to do for them...[the feast] would commit them to nothing, and would not put them i n his power...At Nicolas, and at Lake Okanagan all this happened differently. They did not want to take anything, neither the feast nor the farming implements...that Dr. Powell wanted to give to the chiefs. A t the heap of talus covered with spruces, there were only a few sauvages. The Pentictons, Osoyoos and Similkameen did not go. Dr. Powell was not very content.]  Pandosy, at the Okanagan mission, commented less positively on Native reaction to Powell, who had stopped at Head Lake: " L a visite a irrite les sauvages. 'Comment, disent-ils, ce grand chef nous fera-t-il rendre justice pour les terres qu'on nous a enlevee, s ' i l ne vient pas sur les lieux? Nos reserves sont deja bien petits, toujours les blancs nous les rongent et personne ne nous rend justice. Nous pensions que les Anglais ne sont pas comme les Americains, mais nous savons maintenant qu'ils sont pires. Les Americains prennent les terres, mais ils payent, les Anglais ne payent pas et les laissent prendre, en promettant un chef qui viendra lorsqu'il n'y aura plus de terre ou lorsque nous serons tous morts.'" 1 July 1874, A D , Ibid.  208  [The visit irritated the sauvages. ' H o w , they said, can this great chief do us justice for the lands that have been taken from us, i f he does not come to the spot? Our reserves are already very small, the whites already eat away at them and no one gives us justice. We thought the English were not like the Americans, but now we know that they are worse. The Americans take the land, but they pay, the English do not pay and let them be taken, promising a chief who w i l l come only when there is no more land or when we are all dead.] Pandosy was less than impressed with Powell's efforts in the Okanagan, noting that 26  Powell stopped at Head Lake because he couldn't continue in his "boggey" [buggy]. Both the Oblates and Native people were dissatisfied with Powell, but his trip was to have important consequences. In late August, Powell suggested that Grandidier write a letter to the principal British Columbia newspapers to raise public opinion and press the provincial government on the land question. O n August 28th a long editorial by Grandidier (approved by Bishop D'herbomez) appeared in the Victoria Standard. It contained what was to become the quasi-official Oblate stance on the land question i n British Columbia, placing the Congregation in opposition to provincial policy. Grandidier's position was that Native people had possessed the land before whites came, that the use they made o f it was immaterial: "it is not correct to say that no injustice has been done to the Indians in taking away their land because they did not cultivate it. For they were the owners o f the land, and the title to a property is not rendered valueless because the land is left to decay."  He argued that the land had been "wrenched from them in virtue o f might, not right" and also claimed that the purpose o f "the Government [is]... to civilize and make useful men  Pandosy to D'herbomez, 25 June 1874, A D , B o x 6273-7077, folder 6360-6563.  209  of them... to reclaim them from their wandering life and attach them by bonds o f interest to the s o i l . "  27  This provocation elicited a curt response from the Provincial Secretary, who declared that "all that it is 'reasonable and just' to demand of the Provincial Government is that the 13th Section o f the Terms o f Union should be faithfully observed." Lenihan (Indian Commissioner at N e w Westminster) responded to the Provincial Secretary, arguing that the Province had not made the "most liberal and enlightened interpretation" o f that section. In November the Dominion government, prompted by Under Secretary o f State Langevin (who corresponded regularly with D'herbomez), issued a memorandum 28  critical o f the provincial position regarding Indian land claims. Grandidier's article also had a profound effect on the language that was used i n Oblate/Native petitions to the provincial government. A petition in the name o f the Chiefs . of Kamloops, Shuswap, Okanagan and Similkameen bands to Powell i n November claimed that "the reserves have been laid out generally without our agreement and against our own w i l l . The Magistrates have treated us as i f we were slaves and as i f we had no right to our own land." Durieu noted i n the margin that this was a "model petition" to be tailored to the actual circumstances o f specific bands, and in 1875 he urged his missionaries to take care in  Grandidier's letter is reproduced in I L Q , 145-148. John A s h to Lenihan, 12 October 1874, I L Q , 148; Lenihan to A s h , 15 October 1874, I L Q , 148; Langevin to Trutch, 14 November 1874, I L Q , 150-155.  2 8  petitions that they not allow government "voir que c'est nous qui avons tous fait."  A  petition to L o r d Aberdeen i n 1875 made the strong claim that "the Indians' lands have never been paid for and that the government took possession o f the country without loss o f life or injury to the British people and the Government has been benefiting from the sale of their lands and in return we are most unjustly treated by the authorities."  30  These Oblate petitions had moved from specific cases o f encroachment and demands for surveys to a far more legalistic and abstract set o f arguments about rights. I want to make a number o f points about the seemingly uncharacteristic rightsbased language employed by the Oblates. Grandidier's newspaper article provides some insight into the set o f claims he was attempting to. counter, and it seems clear that the latter were rooted i n what was essentially a Lockean conception o f the linkage between property rights and labor. I want to suggest that Locke's conceptions o f labor and property were the products o f a particular post-Reformation strain o f thought that worked against the grain o f an older Catholic tradition regarding natural law and property rights. M u c h o f this post-Reformation thought was premised on the general proposition that the law o f nature was the law o f reason, a position that would alter both the location of natural law in the order o f the universe, and the uses to which it was put. Saint Thomas Aquinas, who formulated what was to be the definitive view o f natural law until the Reformation, posited that theology and natural law formed the two parts o f what he called the lex aeterna, the eternal law that was "the divine providence governing the cosmos,  [to see that it is we who have written them.] 20 November 1874, V R C A D , G R 1/01 S/01 box 2, folder 3; Durieu to D'herbomez, 6 January 1875, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 2310-2413. Langley to Aberdeen, 20 October 1875 (?), V R C A D , G R 1/01 S/01, box 1, folder 3.  2 9  3 0  211  man, and matter."  Natural law derived from God's w i l l and could be apprehended by  what Aquinas called practical reason, which he defined i n opposition to speculative reason. The latter mode o f rationality was concerned with the observable (the natural sciences, for example), while it was through practical reason that people were able to discern the good. Thus for Aquinas, the natural law was an immutable and eternal expression o f G o d ' s w i l l , knowable through the application o f objective principles o f right reason. For Aquinas, right reason was a means o f apprehending natural law - he did 32  not equate the two - and philosophical enquiry was a means o f discovering G o d ' s w i l l . Post-Reformation philosophers, working from a series o f premises first formulated by legal theorists Grotius and Pufendorf, located natural law i n an individual's capacity to reason, a positioning that tended to sever its connection with (Catholic) theology and revelation. The equivalence thus established between reason (as an individual activity) and natural law, i n conjunction with the political nature o f the enquiries it was called upon to elucidate, stripped natural law o f its immutable, objective, and divine elements. Natural law, i n the post-Reformation period, became subjective, increasingly secular, and historically contingent. This later tradition o f natural law provided the philosophical framework i n which Locke worked. A t the core o f his argument about property is the claim that property rights lay with those who "mixed their labor" with the land to improve and cultivate it, rather than with those who "merely collected" the fruits of the "spontaneous hand o f N C E , 10: 253. The entire body o f Aquinas' work was approved by the church, and his theological precepts formed the backbone o f Church doctrine for centuries. The Oblate seminaries taught canon law as well as Aquinas' theology. See chapter 1. 3 1  3 2  212  nature."  The performance o f labor did not just fulfill God's injunction that " i n the sweat  o f thy face shalt thou eat bread" (Gen. 3.19), it also had social utility i n that it ameliorated what Buckle has called the "persistent social problem o f necessity" by producing "social bounty."  34  Thus L o c k e ' s claim that there would always be "enough and as a good" left  for others and that a day laborer in England was better fed and housed than a king i n America, rested on his utilitarian belief that the private accumulation o f land and the proper activities o f labor were socially useful. For Locke, labor was a rational and moral activity - it was a law o f nature. But as Stephen Buckle has argued, Locke's argument was also "context sensitive" because "In the stage o f primitive simplicity, the spoilage condition implied by the workmanship model o f the created order prevents the accumulation o f excessively large estates. In the developed stage o f a money economy, the productive capacity of labour guarantees that the initial bounty of God's provision for human beings is always maintained, so that no matter how scarce usable land becomes, there is always 'enough, and as good' o f the means o f subsistence for all - in fact there is more for even the worst off." 35  For Locke, then, labor was the motor o f progress and the emblem o f civilization, to the detriment o f other "primitive" modes of accumulation, land use and property rights.  36  See Peter Hulme, "The spontaneous hand of nature: savagery, colonialism and the Enlightenment", i n The Enlightenment and its shadows, Peter Hulme and L u d m i l l a Jordanova, eds., (New York: Routledge, 1990), 30. Stephen Buckle, Natural law and the theory of property, Grotius to Hume (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 156-7. Ibid., 148, 161. 3 4  3 5  36  These kinds o f philosophical arguments regarding Native land rights clearly have implications. The social/cultural hierarchy established by Locke's premise that " i n the beginning all the world was America" places Native people at the bottom o f the historical heap, as incapable o f progress. The centrality o f his concept o f labor in natural law (the law o f reason) serves not only to suggest - as Hulme does - that Native people refused to  213  Following Patricia Seed, I think that Locke's argument can be seen as the "rational" expression o f a "culturally unique English impression...that the actions involved i n agriculture [planting hedges, building fences, ploughing and manuring, and 37  constructing buildings] were connected to legal title."  Seed's argument suggests that  from an English point o f view, Native land use was either unrecognizable - the land was "left to decay" - or insufficient to establish legal right even i f it was recognizable. In English common law and English custom, property tended to be seen as arising from agricultural labor and the material signs o f that labor, and, increasingly, as private - solely and individually held. Grandidier, however, worked within a natural rights framework that made no connection between labor, right and use. In canon law, property was seen as a fundamental natural right, a necessary extension o f the rights to life, liberty and limb. Thus Canon law placed a great deal more emphasis on the importance o f possession and/or occupation i n establishing a right to property, declaring that " l a possession prolongee suffit a faire naitre un droit de propriete sans q u ' i l soit besoin d'autre preuve  exercise their reason in relying solely on the spontaneous hand o f nature, it also casts doubt on the very applicability o f the justice and fairness o f natural law to them, as beings who are unable to discern the light o f reason and therefore fall outside its purview. These implications, however, seem more remote than the immediate rationalization Locke provides for depriving Native people o f their land rights: the notion that, in the end, they w i l l reap the social bounty provided by a "correct" use o f land. Patricia Seed, Ceremonies of possession in Europe's conquest of the new world, 1492-1640, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 35. Seed claims that the importance o f agricultural actions to English conceptions o f property rights had been operative since the early Middle Ages. 3 7  214  directe."  But more important, perhaps, than this formal declaration of Canon law was  Grandidier's theological training, which taught him the basic precepts of natural law formulated by Aquinas. The right to property was not historically contingent, nor could it be dictated by political necessity, or prevented by positive law. It was lex naturalis, part of God's eternal order. Thus positive law that deviated from the principles of natural law 39  was not only illegitimate, it was also a willful flouting of God's will.  For many white  settlers in British Columbia, property rights were seen as arising from a set of decidedly legal (and unconsciously cultural) claims, while Grandidier saw those rights as a set of moral (and equally unconscious cultural) claims. But there is another persistent theme to the Oblates' arguments about Native property rights: the emphasis on Native acquiescence and agreement to the presence of the British. Again, as Seed has argued, French colonial possession was established not through agricultural actions or metaphors, but in the formality of ceremony; and Native [prolonged possession suffices to bring a property right into being without there being need of any other direct proof.] Dictionnaire de droit canonique, R. Naz, ed. (Paris: Librairie Letonzey et Ane, 1965), 7 vols., 7: 366. 39  Several of the principles underlying the Oblates' position were reinforced in 1864 by Pope Pius IX with the publication of the Syllabus of Errors. Among the specific theses laid out by the Syllabus were: "it is not lawful for the individual to accept and profess that religion which, guided by the light of reason, he considers true; The State does not possess, as origin and source of all rights, an unlimited right; moral laws require divine sanction, and it is at least necessary that human laws should be made consistent with natural law, or should receive their binding force from God; the science of philosophy and ethics, and the civil laws, shall not and ought not to deviate from divine revelation and the authority of the Church"; and a general thesis was also announced, that "The Roman Pontiff cannot, and ought not to, reconcile himself and come to terms with progress, liberalism, and modern civilization." From J.B. Bury, History of the Papacy in the nineteenth century, 1864-1878, (London: MacMillan and Co.: 1930), 16, 27, 34, 40.  Obviously, the Syllabus in general is a sweeping rejection of Enlightenment thought in favor of a far more medieval set of presumptions including the pre-eminence of the Church over the state, the former as final arbiter over every aspect of human life.  215  consent and participation were critical to the enactment o f French ceremonies o f possession.  40  There are countless examples o f French explorers and colonial officials  manufacturing Native consent, and the Oblates themselves had abided by the unwritten formality o f asking Natives for permission to settle from their earliest years in Oregon. The persistence o f the importance of Native consent to this French approach to possession-taking is reflected in Durieu's claim that the provincial government had not gained Native consent to take possession o f the land, and hence his use o f the word "slave." Natural liberty (which embraced property rights) could only be constrained legitimately by consent. A condition o f voluntary servitude could be established only by "a freely chosen renunciation o f natural liberty i n return for the rules [and privileges] o f civil conduct supplied by the sovereign power."  41  For Durieu, the lack o f consent  constituted involuntary servitude, i.e. slavery. This position was also reflected in Grandidier's statement that British possession was based on might (force), not right (consent). Neither Durieu nor Grandidier argued from a utilitarian point o f view that tied individual labor to private property, or that translated private property into the bounty o f society as a whole  4 2  Grandidier constantly alluded to a man's right "to earn the  livelihood o f his family," or to rights as possessed either by "the Indian" - a collective term - or as requirements for the maintenance o f Native families - another collective  Seed, 1-68, particularly 56-68. Michael Sonenscher, Work and wages: natural law, politics and the eighteenthcentury French trades (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 50. Indeed, as Tombs points out on page 66, "France was the only country i n Europe that never accepted the Scottish Enlightenment, the 'birth certificate o f modernity,' with its principles o f economic liberty, utilitarianism and liberalism." 4 0  4 1  4 2  216  term. He never mentioned individual rights or private property. For Locke, civil society was based on a social contract that arose from the need to protect individual rights o f life, liberty and property. For Durieu and Grandidier, the basic unit o f society was the family, not the individual. For the Oblates, civil society had its origins i n the family, and as Anthony Pagden has argued, a more general Catholic conception saw that family-based social order as "a pre-determined condition [that] existed in the mind o f God even before it was enacted on earth."  43  In other words, the social order, based on the family, was  divinely ordained - it was part o f an immutable natural law that was completely unaffected by local circumstances and could not be abrogated by mere positive law. The position o f the provincial government regarding Native rights to land was a legal position that embodied a set o f inherently British cultural assumptions about possession-taking and the link between "reasoned" economic activity, individual rights to property, and the social order. The Oblates' rejection o f that legal position was rooted in a set o f moral precepts that supposed a fundamentally different view o f the economy, property, and the social order, a difference that w i l l become clearer i n the latter part o f this chapter. But i n this instance, the Oblates' position regarding property rights scarcely caused a ripple i n the provincial government's management of Native land claims and Native dissatisfaction with provincial land policies continued to increase after Powell's visit to the interior. The Oblates' entire attention would be drawn to establishing a more local kind o f social order.  The fall of natural man: the American Indian and the origins of comparative ethnology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 105.  4 3  217  Disorder Around Christmas 1874 the Sechelt forcibly removed white loggers from the land adjacent to their reserve. The loggers' ejection was reported in the Victoria newspapers, prompting a public response from Durieu, and igniting a heated exchange between h i m and P o w e l l .  44  Several bands on the lower Fraser refused to attend the annual celebration  of Queen Victoria's birthday, and " A l e x i s , " the chief of Cheam, warned that "we w i l l be forced to act as seashell indians have done with just reason this winter, drive out every white man who would try to pre-empt the lands we wish to have outside our present reserves."  45  Grandidier advised D'herbomez at the end o f 1874 that despite his  interventions in land affairs, Native people in the Kamloops area continued to meet  Durieu wrote to the Mainland Guardian to correct its interpretation o f a conversation between Schelle, the Sechelt chief, and Powell. Durieu claimed that Powell had made a public announcement at N e w Westminster i n 1873 assuring the Indians they would be given 80 acres o f land per family of five. He also offered an explanation o f Sechelt behavior i n December 1874, noting that the Sechelt "raised an objection to the whitemen coming on their country before the portion o f the land they wish to have been marked out and secured to them," and that they felt "very bad about the timber lease given to whitemen." For his part, Powell wrote Durieu privately, suggesting that Durieu must have misunderstood h i m i n 1873, and that Durieu's letter to the Guardian had created a "want of confidence" on the part o f the Indians. Durieu responded that he had not misunderstood, and that Powell should hardly be surprised that "as soon as the Indians heard that only 20 acres o f land would be allowed to each family o f five members they have manifested feelings o f dissatisfaction and discontent," and that " i f the Indians have lost part o f their confidence in you it is not my fault, and it appears somewhat astonishing that you yourself cannot know where the fault comes from." Durieu to Mainland Guardian. 12 June 1875; Powell to Durieu, 22 June 1875; Durieu to Powell, 22 August 1875; V R C A D , G R 1/01 S/01, box 2, folder 3. 4 5  Cheam to Lenihan, 15 M a y 1875, V R C A D , G R 1/01 S/01, box 2, folder 3.  218  frequently, and Grandidier was convinced that "quelque chose de secret [se passe] parmi les sauvages. In 1875 Grandidier reported that many Natives were "un peu indifferents pour les exercises religieux," that a Native woman at Petit Lac had "abandoned" her sick husband to live with a white man, that the Justice of the Peace had refused to take her into custody, and " i l y a partout un esprit d'insubordination que [les chefs] avaient de la peine de contenir."  47  In 1876 serious discontent re-surfaced in the Kamloops area, triggered by William Duncan's plan for the creation of General Reserves. Duncan formally suggested his concept of general reserves as the cornerstone of reserve policy in 1875. He recommended that the government "lose sight" of tribal divisions amongst Natives and lay out one large reserve for each linguistic group. The benefits of this system, according to Duncan, lay in separating Natives from malign white influences, and in gathering Natives together to render them "accessible to the Christian Missionary and 48  Schoolmaster."  Reacting to rumors of the general reserve plan, the Shuswap called a  [something secret (is happening) among the sauvages.] Grandidier to D'herbomez, 25 October 1874, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. [a bit indifferent toward religious exercises]; [everywhere there is a spirit of insubordination that (the chiefs) are hard pressed to contain.] Grandidier to D'herbomez, 13 December 1874 and 7 January 1875, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875, in Usher (1974), 139-142. The similarities between Duncan's statement and Foucault's observation that in disciplinary societies "prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons" is eerie; DP, 228. It also recalls Bhabha's assertion (1994, 83) that the "peculiar visibility of colonial power" - in which the "barracks stands by the church which stands by the schoolroom" is possible because the exercise of colonial power "obscures" these institutional relationships, and renders them only as "spectacles." This seems to suggest a complete incommensurability between European and Native 'readings' of these spaces. The 'obscurity' of those relationships to Native people in British Columbia is debatable: the  4 7  4 8  219  meeting i n M a y 1876, where they decided to claim a huge parcel o f land extending from Kamloops, to the north fork o f the Thompson, and to Adams Lake and Petit Lac, much to Grandidier's dismay. But the opposition of Native groups to the general reserve plan seems to have been so widely taken-for-granted that there is little comment on i t .  49  In 1876 the provincial and Dominion governments agreed to a jointly appointed Indian Reserve Commission for British Columbia whose function was to examine Native land claims, adjudicate disputes between white settlers and Natives, and to institute reserves. In A p r i l 1877 Grandidier tried to prepare a Kamloops chief for the Commission's visit: " U n jour j ' a i dit a Petit Louis, en presence d'Hyacinthe, q u ' i l ferait bien de preparer ce q u ' i l devait dire devant les Commissaires; et je lui supposai que m o i j'etais un Commissaire, que me dirait-il? II voulait telle lui fis des objections comme K w a k w a k a ' w a k w for example, saw the links between military force and the specific denomination o f missionaries very clearly. They taunted the Oblates, who could not, like the Protestants, "make the gunboats come," thus demonstrating their awareness not just of the relationship between the barracks and the church but between the barracks and a specific church. Grandidier to D'herbomez, 22 M a y 1976, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. The Oblates objected to the general reserve plan, although they saw that it could potentially make proselytization easier by eliminating the need for itineracy and by providing them with a captive audience. But Grandidier pointed out that it was impracticable: the provincial government could not find contiguous tracts o f land large enough to accommodate entire "nations"; armed force would be required to move and keep Natives on such reserves; and last, a single nation united on one reserve could trigger mass revolt. Grandidier to Lenihan, 5 March 1876, RG10, vol. 3632, file 6337. Grandidier wondered why, i f the general reserve plan was so feasible, Duncan hadn't concentrated all the Tsimpshean Indians at Metlakatla, while D'herbomez sarcastically noted that the Indians were not "school boys" who would simply "adopt a view they do not wish to hear spoken of." Grandidier to D'herbomez, 3 March 1876, A D , box P2288-3505, folder 3118-3505; D'herbomez to Couchon, 4 February 1876, R G 1 0 , v o l . 4627, file 6176. Sproat, too, mentioned the strong attachment Native people had to their homes and land, and claimed that for the Native this attachment was due both to "associations common to all men" and to "superstitious ideas connected with his birthplace and domicile," reasons he believed the general reserve plan would never work. B C A R S , Sproat papers, A d d . mss. 257, V o l . 1, file 15, p. 102.  4 9  220  commissaire; comment y repondrait-il? Alor, je lui dis, que ce n'etait pas ainsi qu'il devait faire; mais qu'il fallait dormer des raisons pour supporter ses demandes, et reclamer les terres, repondre aux objections des commissaires, etc. II ne me comprit pas, ou ne voulut pas me comprendre: et le bruit se repandit comme 1'eclair, que je ne voulais pas dormer des terres aux sauvages, et que j'avais ecrit en bas pour qu'on ne leur en donnat pas..." 50  [One day I said to Petit Louis, in the presence of Hyacinthe, that he would do well to prepare what he should say to the Commissioners; and I [asked him] to imagine that I was a commissioner, what would he say to me? He would like this land...I made objections as though I was a commissioner; how would he respond to them? Well, I told him, that was not how he should do it; he must give reasons to support his requests, and to reclaim the land, respond to the objections of the Commissioners, etc. He did not understand me, or did not want to understand me: and the rumor spread like lightening that I did not want to give land to the sauvages, and that I had written down river to say so...] The Commissioners arrived in Kamloops in July 1877, and began their task of interviewing bands and laying out lands. Grandidier noted with satisfaction that the commission used a great deal of "tact" in its interviews with the chiefs, and was generous in its allotments. Most of the Shuswap seemed "satisfied," with the exception of Petit Louis of Kamloops, who refused to accept the official survey map of his reserve.  51  The Okanagan and Spellumcheen bands responded differently. At Spellumcheen introductions were tense, no one visited the Commissioners' camp, and they were generally ignored. The chief of Spellumcheen refused to "turn his eyes to unoccupied land" and despite pressure from other Shuswap chiefs persisted in claiming land on which whites had settled. Veiled threats were made to white settlers ("vous avez une belle recolte cette anneee, mais ce sera la derniere"), and Grandidier reported rumors of the  Grandidier to D'herbomez, 5 April 1877, AD, box 2288-3505, folder 3118-3505. Grandidier to D'herbomez, 15 July and 5 August 1877, AD, ibid. Petit Louis was in no doubt about the symbolic (if not the exact legal) significance of the zum - he knew that by refusing to accept it he was protesting the Commission's allotment. iU 51  221  approach o f an armed police force.  G . M . Sproat, the commissioner appointed jointly by  the D o m i n i o n and provincial governments, believed that the Okanagan were influenced by events across the border i n the United States, noting that the chief o f Head Lake was off visiting "Moses, chief o f a remnant o f Spokanes i n the Columbia basin...who with Joseph and other insurgents is a leader o f the mystic Smo-ha-la Indian sect whose precepts require that the Indians shall hold no intercourse with the white man and shall 53  not practice any o f the arts o f civilization." In the 1870s, then, the Kamloops mission was a place o f intense Native activity, which Grandidier characterized as insubordinate, secret, and disorderly. This was a state 54  of affairs that he could neither countenance nor control, and his solution was a plan to police Native people, which he submitted to Powell and Chief Justice Matthew Begbie for approval. The plan aimed to prevent Native disorders by subtly buttressing Oblate influence with formal government power. A s such, it epitomizes the confluence o f several essential themes o f Oblate and government attitudes toward Native people in British Columbia, attitudes that were informed by different concerns and goals, and that had practical implications for the policies o f both groups regarding Natives. Grandidier's  [you have a good harvest this year, but it w i l l be the last.] Grandidier to D'herbomez, 19 August and 15 July 1877, A D , ibid. Sproat to Powell, 27 August 1877, R G 1 0 , vol. 3653, file 8701. Grandidier's characterization of Native people echoes government's views o f working class activities i n the manufacturing districts in early nineteenth-century England, where "magistrates rode through thronged neighbourhoods a few hundred yards from their seats, and found themselves received like hostile aliens. They were more powerless to uncover trade union lodges than Pizzarro's free-booters were to uncover golden chalices i n the villages o f Peru." M y point is that there was a European tradition o f responding to 'insubordinate' activities in just such a manner. E . P Thompson, The making of the English working class (New York: Vintage, 1966), 487. 5 3  5 4  plan, and Begbie's responses to it, were underwritten by very different conceptions not only o f what order was, but the methods for its enforcement, and what the appropriate objects o f that enforcement should have been. I want to suggest that these conceptions o f order, methodology and object arose from both the kind o f projects that the Oblates and government were engaged in, and from the rationales that informed those projects.  Law and the Order of Culture Grandidier's plan for policing Native people in his area would, he thought, alleviate the widespread disappointment felt in the province "with the results obtained by the application o f the Common law to [the Indians.]" Grandidier outlined three primary 55  problems with the law as it concerned Native people. First, justices o f the peace were too few and far between to be able to provide the "increasing and local surveillance" needed to maintain order amongst the Indians, who were, in his mind, "but grown children." Second, Native chiefs could not maintain order as Grandidier conceived it. A n d last, he thought there were "vacuums" in the law regarding gambling, the morality o f Native women, and the enforcement o f the liquor law. The solution to these problems, Grandidier believed, was legal recognition o f the "patriarchal authority o f the Native chiefs" to address and punish instances o f "drunkenness, immorality, gambling, petty thefts, and quarrels and contentions." Grandidier suggested that chiefs be aided by councils of four or five men elected by the tribe and by two policemen appointed by the chief and council. The expenses  Grandidier to Laird, 29 June 1876, R G 1 0 , vol.3638, file 7251. A l l subsequent quotes from Grandidier derive from this source unless specified otherwise. 5 5  223  incurred by these officials would be paid out o f the fines they collected for offenses, and the remainder o f the funds would be used for public projects such as road and fence building. But, "Besides the fines, the Chief ought to have coercive power, such as locking up in j a i l , putting in irons or tying up with ropes, condemning to labor [sic] for public benefit for a limited space o f time, a month by instance, and punishing with the whip i n certain instances."  Grandidier outlined the procedures to be followed in three situations. In cases o f drunkenness, the chief and council were to deal with intoxicated Natives, but the liquor seller was to be reported to a magistrate. In cases o f "immorality" i n which a Native woman, either married or single, left "her husband,...father, or her family" to live as a "concubine," the chiefs would have the power to "go and take possession o f the woman and bring her back amongst her friends." A n d last, whites trespassing on reserves, or interfering with reserve matters, would be taken before a magistrate. Grandidier believed that this system would result in a "patriarchal and family way o f settling these matters," without incurring any undue government expense or trouble. This plan was circulated amongst a wide range o f British Columbia officials I.W. Powell, Sir Matthew Begbie, David Laird (Dominion Minister o f the Interior), and M g r . Louis D'herbomez (Roman Catholic Bishop o f the mainland), and the responses to it are instructive. D'herbomez approved the plan and forwarded it to Begbie, who, in a memorandum to Powell, offered a careful analysis o f Grandidier's ideas and goals. The "main object" o f Grandidier's plan, as Begbie saw it, was to "strengthen the quasi-  224  patriarchal authority o f Indian chiefs among their tribes" and he noted that " i f it could be increased and strengthened without introducing countervailing mischiefs I think it would be both satisfactory to the chiefs and people and very useful to the Indian (commoners) themselves."  56  But Begbie found the plan seriously flawed on several counts. First, he  noted that o f the offenses targeted by Grandidier - drunkenness, immorality (primarily sexual, as Begbie noticed), gambling, petty theft, and quarrels and contentions immorality and gambling were not considered criminal matters per se by British common law, and gambling was no longer forbidden to the "labouring classes." Second, Begbie objected to the punishments recommended in the plan. While he allowed that fines and coercion were common to almost every "uncivilized" and "primitive" people, he particularly objected to binding with ropes as a cruel form of pillorying, and to flogging. These, according to Begbie, were precisely the types o f punishment that Britain had been attempting to discourage for decades. Third, Begbie maintained that Grandidier's plan significantly altered some o f the basic principles o f English criminal jurisprudence: "That no man shall be permitted to criminate himself; that no alleged offender shall be convicted except on sworn evidence; that a crime is an offence against society and cannot be expiated by compensation to the sufferer; that unnecessarily painful punishments shall be abolished; that sins are not de facto crimes."  Begbie also warned that the "prepotent" ecclesiastic must be considered, particularly over the selection o f chiefs. W i l l i a m Duncan, Grandidier, and some o f the "Wesleyan element" could stand i n as "enlightened, impartial and excellent Mentors...but it is evident that the prepotent ecclesiastical adviser (and an able ecclesiastic is sure to be always prepotent with  Begbie Memorandum, 11 September 1876, ibid.  225  Indians) may not always give satisfaction to the adjoining population o f a different denomination or to the Executive."  Begbie offered three amendments to Grandidier's plan: 1) fines should be paid to the Indian agent; 2) chiefs should be appointed and removed by the Indian Department, and the Council eliminated completely; and 3) chiefs should be made salaried H i g h Constables. Powell, in a letter to the Ministry o f the Interior, provided his own commentary on this correspondence, recommending Begbie's suggestion that chiefs be made constables.  57  He also condemned the use o f corporal punishment (see Chapter 4)  advocated by Grandidier, claiming that "the custom o f flogging and tying with ropes, etc. is one which has been introduced by Missionaries, and so far as I know, does not exist among other than Catholic Indians. Complaints have been frequently made to me both by whites and Indians of excess, and often cruelty, in these punishments, and I should not think it desirable to encourage or authorise them. A s stated by Sir Matthew, culprits w i l l often pray to be flogged, but in such instances (which I believe to be limited) they have been taught to regard the punishment as they do the confessional in full expiation o f their offences."  58  Thus, while government officials agreed with the general goais o f Grandidier's plan - the increased sobriety, order and discipline o f the Native population under the auspices o f "patriarchal" chiefs - they did not agree on all o f his targets nor on all o f his proposed methods. These differences can perhaps be summed up like this: while both the Oblates and the government agreed that the Native "race" needed special supervision, the two  Apparently someone i n Ottawa agreed with him: there is a handwritten note i n the margin next to Powell's recommendation reading "a valuable suggestion I think." Powell to Laird, 28 October 1876, R G 1 0 , ibid. 5 8  groups saw the final product o f that supervision quite differently. The Oblates wanted to fashion moral, monogamous, Christian communities, while government officials envisioned (at worst) an orderly subject population, or, (at best) the formation o f selfsufficient, potential British citizens.  The Products of Order: Neophytes or Commoners? "Je comprends l'homme civilise et surtout sauvage, je comprends aussi tous les moyens d'illusion que le prince des tenebres peut jeter dans une ame et combien cette force est doublee, triplee surtout dans des ames qui non seulement ne connaissent pas l'alphabet de la vie ni de l'esprit chretien; mais qui ignorent presque le veritable usage de la raison humaine." Pandosy to D'herbomez, 27 November 1861. 59  [I understand civilized man, and above all the sauvage, I also understand all the means o f illusion that the Prince o f Darkness can use on a soul and how this force doubles and triples above all in souls that not only do not know the alphabet o f life or the spirit o f Christianity, but that are practically ignorant o f the real use o f human reason.] "I have not yet met with a single Indian o f pure blood whom I consider to have attained to even the most glimmering perception o f the Christian creed. In fact the idiosyncracy o f the Indians of this country appears to incapacitate them from appreciating any abstract idea, nor do their languages contain words by which such a conception could be expressed." Joseph Trutch to Secretary o f State for the Provinces, 26 September 1871. 60  Almost all o f Grandidier's assumptions about the proper policing o f Native people flowed from his desire to establish a "patriarchal and family way o f settling these matters." Begbie, on the other hand, seems to have grasped some o f the ramifications o f  A D , Oregon 2, ab-1. I L Q , 101.  227  Grandidier's plan, and sought to bend it to what he took to be a more suitable means o f promoting order amongst Native people. Grandidier's plan was objectionable to Begbie on two major grounds: first, the nature o f the problems to be solved; and second, the means by which they should be solved. A s I have noted, Grandidier objected most strongly to five offenses: drunkenness, sexual immorality, gambling, petty theft, and quarrels and contentions. He saw the majority o f these offenses as having been imported; gambling and theft were the exceptions. White men were the "procurers" of liquor, and the "seducers" o f Native women, and for Grandidier, these were the chief causes o f "quarrels and contentions" on Native reserves. Because these offenses were imported into reserves by whites, Grandidier suggested that the boundaries o f reserves should be more rigid, off-limits to all but a few whites, although Native people would be allowed to come and go during the day. More notably, Grandidier conflated sin and crime, and a series o f dislocations flowed from this. The first o f these had to do with the rather confused methodology the Oblates had developed to address Native sin. The general Catholic view o f post-baptismal sin emphasized its individual nature. Sin was an individual's transgression against G o d and could be expiated only when the offending individual confessed, performed penance, and received absolution from a priest. But in British Columbia, sin tended to be a far more communal affair for Native people. Penance and confession were linked together through the communal performance o f the kaltash bilalam, while the repressive aspects o f the Durieu system, with its emphasis on the surveillance o f a community by its own  228  constituent members, were predicated on a communal approach to sin (Chapter 4). While the locus and origin o f sin resided in the individual, then, sin also involved the community, as witness to - and often cause o f - the spectacle of expiation. Grandidier 61  saw offenses as pertaining to a private, community sphere o f life, and therefore as matters that should naturally be dealt with as family matters. He saw justice as a mechanism internal to the racial and moral container o f the reserve. Grandidier's conflation o f sin and crime served to move his list o f Native offenses out o f a government-dominated public sphere and into what he construed as a pastoral space to be controlled by the Oblates. But this pastoral space was compound, combining multiple spatialities. It was a gendered space in which Native women's roles were severely circumscribed by the Oblate view of proper gender relations: hence the forcible retrieval o f Native women who were seen only i n their roles as wives, sisters and daughters, and negatively as "concubines." It was also a moral, Christian, familial space in which the priest assumed the (culturally natural) role o f the pere de famille (not an idle metaphor for the Oblates), and Native people were, ideally, "good children." A s a father figure, the priest had to both mediate between, and buffer his family from, harmful outside influences (the contagions o f civilization), as well as adjudicate internal disputes and punish his wayward children. Hence the Oblate insistence on the necessity o f corporal punishment (as a time-honored European method o f maintaining family discipline), and a paternalistic form of authority assured by the priests' appointment o f  Plongeron (1973, 91-92) also notes that penance functioned not just to reconcile the sinner with G o d , but also reconciled him with the community. Most o f the sacraments performed functions that can be considered communal.  229  Native officials.  The ultimate ramification o f Grandidier's plan was the production o f  an ideal space which was moral, Christian, paternalistic, private and Native: an Oblate heterotopia. But there was a peculiar quality to the "domesticity" o f this pastoral space: it was neither gendered nor classed in ways that were familiar to British observers such as 63  Begbie.  In a British culture o f cognition, domesticity and the private sphere were  intimately bound up with notions o f middle-class femininity and the reification o f motherhood as an institution. These were precisely the attributes that Oblate domesticity lacked: it was neither classed nor feminized; indeed, it was profoundly masculine, and the mother figure was, literally, an institution. This Catholic domestication of Native peoples' sexuality and race was the product o f specifically Oblate understandings o f sin and Catholic civilization. It was a peculiar form o f imperialism that was doubly internal, relying as it did on a family model of the community, and on individual examination, confession and expiation, on myriad questions posed about consanguinity, polygamy, legitimacy and adultery. A n d it is important to note that for the Oblates these were not questions that simply spun around sex, they also involved race. For the Oblates, to be The Oblates consistently made this connection between corporal punishment and the family when defending the former. In a letter to Powell, Durieu noted not only that chiefs chastised offenders "as a good father would his unruly child" but also took a more general shot at government attitudes to flogging, claiming that it should not be "astonishing" to see "Indians making use o f the same kind o f punishment that is practised in some civilized nations and which is commanded by the English Govt in the East Indies as well as i n the English army and N a v y . " 4 July 1875, V R C A D , G R 1/01, S/01, box 2, folder 3 . Indeed, a Major Butler noted that "he who has travelled through the vast colonial Empire o f Britain...must often have met with men [Catholic priests] dwelling in the midst of wild, savage peoples, whom they tended with a strange and mother-like devotion." Cited i n Cooke, I: 241. 6 3  230  Native suggested that one had married one's wife's sister, that one had more than one wife; that one was a concubine and therefore guilty o f (at best) bearing illegitimate children, and (at worst) also committing adultery. This was an imperial space imposed 64  by the Oblates' conceptions o f race and sex. It was an imaginary space that would allow the Oblate deployment o f disciplinary and individualizing technologies o f power/knowledge, and that reflected peculiarly French Catholic notions o f the hierarchies that subsumed the racialized other, gender roles, and sexuality. But it was also an imaginative space that rested firmly on the belief that Native reserves constituted communities composed o f families that duplicated, or embodied, the natural, patriarchal hierarchy o f the Divine order. Begbie seems to have intuited some o f these ramifications o f the Oblates' plan, and his modifications reflected alternatives that were congenial to a secular, British model o f government. He realized that Grandidier conflated sin and crime, and hastened to correct this and its implicit assumptions i n two ways. First, he stated very clearly that "sins are not de facto crimes," and as a corollary, "crime is an offense against society and cannot be expiated by compensation to the sufferer." Begbie thus placed the entire  In a bit o f a rant, Father Leon Fouquet sums up this train o f thought with regard to the first and only Native novice in British Columbia in the nineteenth century: "Je me demande si point jeune sauvage eleve dans 1'ignorance plus profonde (1'ignorance de sauvages) et les superstitions (on dit q u ' i l a eu trois femmes, que sa constitution est ruinee par la maladie venerienne, q u ' i l a passe par les diaboliques ceremonies des tamanouas, i l est batard, nothus dit le regie, s ' i l est vrai que les mariages des sauvages n'en sont pas, sont pere est bigame). [I ask myself whether any young sauvage raised in the most profound ignorance (sauvage ignorance) and superstition (they say he has had three wives, that his constitution is ruined by venereal disease, that he has undergone the diabolical ceremonies o f the shamans, he is a bastard, nothus says the rule, i f it is true that sauvage marriages are nul, his father is a bigamist. Fouquet to D'herbomez, 15 January 1863, A D , H P K 5 2 82 .H53Z. 6 4  231  question o f Native offenses firmly in the public sphere o f government control. For him, crime and punishment were most definitely not family matters, but public matters that had to be dealt with according to broad principles o f British justice. Punishment is one o f the more interesting points Begbie raised. He had hitherto given specific Oblate missionaries written permission to use corporal punishment and had issued warnings that no whites except Justices o f the Peace could legally interfere with this "right." But Begbie, like Powell, equated the Oblate use o f corporal punishment not with punishment for crime but with expiation o f sin. Natives, it would seem, had to be convinced o f the social nature o f their crimes, and hence the nature o f their punishment had to reflect society's retribution. He also saw these methods of punishment as "primitive," "uncivilized," and ultimately as oppressive, a judgment o f Natives and o f the Oblates themselves. This double condemnation reflected not only Begbie's clearly articulated conviction that Natives were primitive, i f not savage, but also a far more subtle othering o f the French Catholics. Begbie had thus little choice but to formally condemn any government-sanctioned Oblate use o f flogging. Above all, Begbie was wary o f what he called the "theological element." While he was very aware that some "enlightened" and able missionaries would make good "mentors" to Natives due to their influence, therein lay the danger. According to Begbie, any able missionary could acquire a great deal o f power amongst his neophytes and become far more than a mentor. Large portions o f the reserve population would fall under the direct control o f missionaries; worse, that power might be seen as having been handed over by the government. This was not a scenario that Begbie was willing to countenance  232  and he altered Grandidier's plan to remove appointment powers from individual missionaries, and did away with any appearance o f church-government collaboration regarding police matters. Begbie's vision o f the policing of the Native population was thus quite different from Grandidier's. For Begbie, correct policing involved throwing open Native reserves to a homogeneous, secular, and public governmental gaze. It is clear that he did not want to see Native people caught in a priestly web o f domestic, communal relations: rather, law's empire must reign supreme. For Begbie, law represented one o f the highest expressions o f British civilization, and his attitudes about the beneficence o f British law articulated his preoccupations with race with a particular clarity: "the advantages o f strong law" acted to "defend [Indians] from each other, who were their own worst tyrants and oppressors," a statement that smacks o f the tyranny and savagery o f Hobbes' state o f 65  nature. L a w was, and is, one o f the essential supports o f a governmental mode o f power, in that it is both an instrument and a standard o f that power. For example, the state is responsible for "creating standardized and uniformly administered rules and institutions  The belief that British law was the highest expression o f British civilization was a common trope throughout the Empire, as James Fitzjames Stephen, member o f the V i c e r o y ' s Council for India from 1869-1872 proclaimed in 1875: "the establishment o f a system o f law which regulates the most important parts of the daily life o f the people constitutes i n itself a moral conquest more striking, more durable, and far more solid, than the physical conquest which rendered it possible. It exercises an influence over the minds o f the people i n many ways comparable to that o f a new religion... Our law is i n fact the sum and substance o f what we have to teach them. It is, so to speak, a compulsory gospel which admits o f no dissent and no disobedience." Thomas R . Metcalf, The New Cambridge History of India III.4: Ideologies of the Raj (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 39.  233  to guide the pursuit o f self-interest and to manage...conflict." The legal system is one o f 66  the primary institutions through which the liberal assumption that society is composed o f rational self-interested individuals is reproduced and formalized. In other words, the law establishes a particular set o f norms. One o f the primary normative assumptions o f white British Columbians was the inherent superiority o f their civilization, resting on the rational activities o f industrious people to improve their property and their prospects, and hence their economic lot in life. Begbie would conclude that Native people were the beneficiaries o f the liberality and superiority o f that civilization and the law that embodied it. He claimed that "every Indian is ready to admit that they are safer, longer lived, better housed, and better fed and clothed, than they were before we came." A n d here, I think, Begbie voiced an opinion that was intertwined with a much wider set o f racial and class markers. In his memorandum Begbie referred to Natives as "commoners," and this aptly expressed a very British point o f view. In nineteenth-century British Columbia Natives were consistently described i n class terms. Thus Native houses at Metlakatla were "similar to labourers cottages at home," and the Protestant ideal for Native Christians, as Usher notes, "strongly resembled Samuel Smiles' ideal o f the upright workingman," with all the paternalistic and class implications that it bore.  67  A t least one British observer was  completely unable to disentangle race and class when describing Native people: " [ M r . Duncan] has not converted whole tribes and miraculously imbued them with a love o f eau-de-cologne and k i d gloves, but he has brought some hundreds o f the Tina L o o , Making law, order and authority in British Columbia, 1821-1871 (Toronto: University o f Toronto Press, 1994), 9. Fisher, 133; Jean Usher, "Apostles and aborigines: The social theory of the Church Missionary Society" Social History 7 (1971), 28-52, 45. 6 6  6 7  234  natives from a state o f the most degraded barbarism and the blackest heathendom to a state o f civilization and outward Christianity which may be quite placed on a par with that o f an ordinary English village...When one compares his Indians with others it is difficult to realize that they are o f the same race." 68  These markers o f class and race were particularly important in nineteenth-century British Columbia because they were almost inseparable from a very Protestant, British nationalism. L i n d a Colley charts the role that Protestantism played in the construction o f British national identity and patriotism up to the reign o f Queen Victoria. She notes that while the British originally defined the superiority o f their political, religious, and national life against a "powerful and persistently threatening France [which] became the haunting embodiment o f that Catholic Other," overseas empire provided the "final and conclusive p r o o f o f that superiority. These attitudes towards both Natives and the 69  Oblates are evident in Begbie's memorandum. While the latter were clearly seen as civilized, Begbie saw them as engaging in a form o f punishment that was oppressive, cruel and primitive. This attitude was common in Victorian Canada, where Catholicism was often seen as "inimical to the social well-being and material progress" o f the state, and "the indolence, ignorance, misery and poverty" o f Catholic countries seemed to offer a startling contrast to the "energy, intelligence, happiness and wealth o f Protestant 70  countries."  Catholic education was seen as pernicious for whites and Natives alike, and  the Jesuits i n particular were seen as laboring to "clap the padlock on the mind o f the Vancouver Island letters of Edmund Hope Verney, 1862-1865, ed. A l l a n Pritchard, (Vancouver: University o f British Columbia Press, 1996), 172 and 174. L i n d a Colley, Britons: Forging the nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven, Conn.:Yale University Press, 1992), 368. See Usher (1971), 36-37. J.R. M i l l e r , "Anti-Catholic thought in Victorian Canada", Canadian Historical Review, 66 (1985), 474-494. The quotes are from pages 478-479 respectively. 6 9  7 0  235  young."  The Jesuits, with whom the Oblates were frequently confused, had a fearful 72  reputation i n the nineteenth century for political conspiracy and brain-washing.  It seems  likely that most staunch Protestants would have approved o f Beranger's verse o f 1819 asking: " M e n i n black, whence come you? W e come from underground H a l f fox, half wolf, Our rule is a mystery profound."  73  The Church Missionary Intelligencer neatly summed up the Protestant view o f Catholic missionary activity: Catholics were "too tyrannical," and were unsuccessful with Native people because the latter "had an even greater command o f 'miracle-working' and superstition" than the Catholics.  74  I suspect that British Protestantism, like the Oblates' Catholicism, involved a 75  nuanced interpretation o f the nature and meaning o f civilization.  For government and  Protestant missionaries alike, the notion o f civilization carried both religious and nationalist overtones. Thus while Duncan noted that "those who have broken away from degrading Indian customs [to] live under the influence o f Christian teaching" were " i n a Ibid., 485. Cf. Durieu to Powell, 4 July 1875, V R C A D , G R 1/01, S/02, box 2, folder 3; Marcus Smith to Powell, 21 August 1875, R G 1 0 , vol. 3621, file 4763.  7 1  7 2  Tombs, 92. Christine Bolt, Victorian attitudes to race (Toronto: University o f Toronto Press, 1971), 112. While the Church Missionary Intelligencer was describing Catholic missions in Africa, the same attitude prevailed i n British Columbia. Young (1995) points out the connections between Victorian notions o f culture and civilization. It is hardly surprising that the British, as a profoundly politically-oriented culture, should read civilization through a politically charged and class conscious lens, while the Oblates, as a religious community, would tend to see civilization as a moral condition. 7 3  7 4  7 5  236  fair way to become worthy members of society" or "Christian subjects o f the Queen," he also claimed that there was no "social advancement" at Catholic missions, suggesting that there was also a political economy o f British civilization at w o r k . This echoes Governor 76  Douglas' assessment o f the social and economic consequences o f Catholic missionary activity: "educated and trained i n the R C faith [the Indians] were well fed and clothed, and they were taught how to labor; but being kept in a state o f pupillage, and not allowed to acquire property o f their own, nor taught to think and act for themselves, the feelingfs] o f pride and independence were effectually destroyed; and not having been traine