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"The blood of martyrs is the seed of Christians": Jesuit representation of seventeenth-century New France Dragonas, Stephanie 1998

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"The Blood of Martyrs is the Seed of Christians" Jesuit Representation of Seventeenth-Century New France by Stephanie Dragonas B.A. (honours) Queen's University, 1994  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March 1998  © Stephanie Dragonas, 1998  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of  t~(  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  DE-6 (2/88)  Highly ornamented with multiple images, the seventeenth-century map of New France, Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio, 1657 is unusual in juxtaposing multiple vocabularies. This thesis seeks to locate the map of within concurrent discourses of conversion and colonisation as well as diverse cartographic and religious visual vocabularies. Announced in the 1653 account of the of the Jesuit missions among the Huron Indians, Breve Relatione d'Alcune Missioni de 'PP. Delia Compagnia di Giesu netta Nuova Francia by Italian Jesuit Francesco Bressani, this map attempts to accomplish a task unusual in cartographic discourse; it is expected to visualise a history. In contrast to early modern cartography that tends to stabilise time and place, this map seeks to represent multiple time and multiple space in order to construct a history. The narrative of the Jesuit missionary efforts among the Hurons is conveyed by map through the juxtaposition of multiple visual vocabularies. Ships and sea-monsters inhabit the gulf of St. Lawrence; scenes of native life are scattered across the mapped landscape. These visual vocabularies, the ethnographic, cartographic and religious are all drawnfromother printed forms to be placed side by side on the map. Bringing with them their own assumptions and organising principles their juxtaposition opens up the possibility of contestation within the representation. An image of barbarism, sacrifice and redemption, this map also points to the struggles for power involved in the maintenance of the territory of New France. An important site of analysis is the Jesuit Relations, yearly printed accounts which provide a means of interpreting relations produced through the representation of the 'New World' to the Old. Guided by the many Jesuit texts and images that were produced in relation to New France in the seventeenth century in this thesis I propose to trace out some of the possible meanings produced by this map.  u  Table o f Contents  Abstract  ii  Table of Contents  iii  List of Figures  iv  Acknowledgement  v  INTRODUCTION  1  Chapter One - Mapping History  6  Chapter Two - The Image of Martyrdom  29  Chapter Three - "The Blood of Martyrs is the Seed of Christians" Social Relations in New France  58  Bibliography  84  Figures  90  iii  List of Figures Fig. 1 Francesco Bressani and Giovanni Pesca, Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio\651', Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris.  90  Fig. 2 Novae Franciae A ccurata Delineatio (west half), National Public Archives of Canada.  91  Fig.3 Sanson d' Abbeville, Amerique septentrionale, 1650.  92  Fig 4 Sanson d'Abbeville, le Canada ou Nouvelle-France, 1656.  92  Fig. 5 inset map, Huronum Explicata Tabula.  93  Fig. 6 detail, trade route, Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio.  93  Fig 7 Francois Du Creux, Tabula Novae Franciae, 1660.  94  Fig. 8 inset map, Chorographia Regionis Huronum.  94  Fig 9 Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio inset image, lower right side.  95  Fig. 10 Gregoire Huret Preciosa mors quorumdam Patrum e S. I. In nova Francia (first edition) Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, Cabinet des Estampes, Reserve, Collection Henin, volume 40,1650.  96  Fig. 11 Gregoire Huret, la Mort de quelquesperes de la Compagnie de Jesus... (second edition) Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, Cabinet des Estampes, Ed 35 a, volume 2.  97  Fig. 12 detail, Fathers Buteux and Garreau, Novae Francia Accurata Delineatio.  97  Fig. 13 detail, scene of torture, Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio.  98  Fig. 14 detail, scenes of native life, Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio.  98  Fig. 15 frontispiece, Voyages du Sieur de Champlain (Paris: C. Collet, 1619) Henry E.Huntington Library and Art Gallery, Los Angeles.  99  Fig. 16 study of male native Indian costume (plate three), Francois Du Creux, Historiae Canadensis.  99  Fig. 17 detail, praying figures, Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio upper left.  100  iv  Acknowledgement I have been fortunate to have had the help and support of many people during this project. I am grateful to my advisor Rose Marie San Juan for leading two rigorous and engaging graduate seminars, which I was fortunate to be a part of. During the writing of the thesis I thank her for always emphasising the value of the working process and for showing me the many different ways the material can be worked through during that process. I have learned a great deal. I would also like to thank John O'Brian for his support and enthusiasm and for providing concise and constructive criticism as my second reader. I owe thanks to the UBC Fine Arts Department for providing me with a teaching assistantship, which not only funded my work but also allowed me the experience of sharing my engagement with the visual and its histories. I should also thank my students whose energy was infectious.  The Fine Arts Department also  enabled me to visit the National Public Archives in Ottawa by awarding me a Departmental Travel Grant. There, I experienced the thrill of handling the seventeenth-century vellum bound Jesuit Relations, and was able to study the western half of the second edition of the Novae Franciae Accurate Delineatio 1657. I have also benefited from the support of many friends and family, my colleagues at UBC, especially Joan Handwerg whose critical engagement is always envigourating; my father Dennis Dragonas, and my grandmother Daphne Waye. I am blessed with the most constant and loving friends Krista Whittard and Peter Dillman who indulged my Jesuit obsession, took me to the French River and took my picture. Finally, I would especially like to thank my mother Carole Dragonas without whose love and support, given unconditionally and always with good humour, this thesis and many other things could not have been accomplished.  "Time is a blind guide." Anne Michaels, Fugitive Pieces  Introduction  In Macerata in 1653, Italian Jesuit Francesco Bressani published an account of the Jesuit missions among the Huron Indians, concluding it with a brief and intriguing note to his readers, "The whole [of the account] would have been made clear with the map which I was hoping to add here, but it is not ready. Those who shall desire it can have it a little while later, in separate form, with the pictures of the Barbarians and their cruelties." 1  Bressani's coda advertises a forthcoming printed map, which the reader is notified will be ornamented with pictures. Based on this passage, a large printed map entitled Novae Francia Accurata Delineatio 1657, in the Cabinet des Estampes of the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris has been attributed to Francesco Bressani [fig. 1]. There is no other written record of the map's production, however a second edition, located in the National Public Archives in Ottawa, gives us further insight into the circumstances of its production [fig.2]. Measuring 75 x 51cm the map was printed on two separate plates and then joined at the middle. In Ottawa only the left-hand 3  'Francesco Giuseppe Bressani, Breve Relatione d'glome missioni de 'PP. Delia Compagnia di Giesu nella Nuova Francia (Macerata: Heredi  de'Agostino Grisei, 1653). Bressani's account is reprinted and translated into English in Reuben Gold Thwaites, vols. 38-40, Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland: Burrows Brothers, 1896-1901). Francesco Giuseppe Bressani was bom in Rome, May 6, 1612. He became a Jesuit novice on August 15, 1626. Three months prior to the beginning of his noviciate he made thefirstof hisfiverequests (July 1626, July 1627, August 1628 and September 1628) to be sent to New France. In each of bis letters he expresses the belief that he had been called to serve God as a missionary. After completing his studies in Rome and at the Jesuit college in Clermont, France Bressani taught Latin, theology and astrology in Italy at Sezza and Tivoli, and in France at Paris. Hefinallyarrived in Canada in 1642. StelioCro, "The Original Letter ofFather Bressani Written from Fort Orange in 1644." Canadian Journal of Italian Studies 4.1-2 (1980-81) 26-67. Also Canadian Dictionary of Biography, eds. Gearge W. Brown, David M. Hayne, and Frances G. Halpenny, vol.1 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966-). Francois-Marc Gagnon "Les images," Les Saints Martyrs Canadiens: Histoire du Mvthe. vol. 1 Guy Lafleche (Quebec: Les Editions du Singulier Ltee, 1988) 56. 1  Large maps were often printed in sections as a single plate of that size was difficult to manage. They could be joined by the printer or purchased separately by the individual. Publishers often produced and offered maps for sale one section at a time. 3  I  portion is preserved. Changes to the plate give the name of its Italian engraver, Giovanni Frederico Pesca who was active in Rome in the second half of the seventeenth century.  4  This unusual map, depicting the territory of New France, and richly ornamented with scenes of native life, also features a large inset image of the torture and deaths of several Jesuit priests and laymen; this no doubt being the picture of the "cruelties" of which Bressani wrote. Produced to accompany Bressani's textual history, the map employs a variety of visual vocabularies in order to visualise a history of the Jesuits in New France. What Bressani demands of this cartographic representation is uncommon, that it will convey a historical narrative. The elaborately textured surface of Bressani's map, with its myriad imagery suggests the complexity of its aims. The multiple visual vocabularies are drawnfromvarious discourses to depict the complexity of the Jesuit encounter with New France and its inhabitants. Historian of print culture Roger Chartier has noted that there is a gap between the meaning assigned to a text and how it is interpreted by readers. At the same time, texts and 5  images adopt strategies to shape the stories produced in relation to them. Each of the vocabularies juxtaposed on this map of New France brings with it different organising principles, a different set of assumptions and varying ideological frames of reference. In the production of histories, "what is said is bound up with, if not identical to, how it is said."  6  Certain strategies are employed to reach out to the audience envisioned by the historical text;  4  Gagnon."Les images" 58.  Roger Chartier, "Communities of Readers," The Order of Books. Readers. Authors, and Libraries in Europe between the Fourteenth and Eighteenth Centuries trans. Lydia Cochrane (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994) 2. 5  Hayden White, "History, Historicism and the Figurative Imagination," Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978) 105. 6  2  7  these, according to historian Hayden White are rhetorical in nature.  The style in which the  historical events are represented shapes the attitude of its imagined audience "before data and interpretation." Of course the actual audiences may differ drastically from what has been anticipated, however we can determine that Bressani, or rather the designer of the map utilised particular visual vocabularies that call up audiences with specific interests. Viewers might draw on the familiarity of images of ethnography, cartography and religious painting in order to produce meanings in relation to the multiple images that make up the map Bressani hoped would supplement his textual account. At the same time, Chartier suggests that a change in the formal aspects of a text or image signal a change in "its register of reference and its mode of interpretation." The 8  juxtaposition of images on Bressani's map creates newrelationshipsbetween discourses. According to Chartier, "Material forms contribute to fashioning expectations, to calling for a new public or new uses." Thus the ethnographic imagery associated with narratives of 9  encounter and the vocabulary of religious sacrifice normally located within the institutions of the Church take on new meaning when they are located in relation to the representation of territory mapped in the interests of the Jesuits. In striving to accomplish so much Bressani's map pushes the boundaries of what we expectfromcartography. It maps out not only space, but also time, and in doing so it conveys something of the relations produced through Jesuit attempts to inscribe their own history in New  7  White 105.  8  Chartier. "Communities of Readers" 11.  9  Chartier. "Communities of Readers" 10.  France. Drawn from diverse sources, the variety of imagery used in the map opens up the possibility of contestation within the representation and raises the question of this representation's ability to produce a cohesive narrative. Rather than neatly sealing the territory of New France, this representation reveals cracks in the carefully mapped surface, pointing to the complexity of social tensions involved in its maintenance. This map is situated at the centre of many printed forms produced in relation to New France in the seventeenth century printed histories, loose-leaf images as well as the annual Jesuit Relations. These printed accounts, which represented the progress of the missions in New France to European audiences, were published yearly beginning in 1632; the same year New France was restored to the French after a three-year interregnum of British occupation. At this restoration, the Society of Jesus returned to the colony as the sole spiritual workers who were to renew the foundered missions to native nations and to begin what would ultimately be a thirty-year period of Jesuit hegemony in the affairs of the French colony.  10  Through the  production of histories in many forms, the members of the Society of Jesus strove to stabilise a fragile and contingent fabric of divergent interests in the colony. Guided by these many Jesuit texts and images in this thesis I propose to consider these diverse vocabularies and to trace out some of the meanings produced by this unusual map. The Jesuit representations are in many ways evocative of voyages, of the movements between centre and margin traced out by the material, which represented the missions in New  New France was restored to France by the British crown by the treaty of St. Germain en Laye in 1632. After 1632, the Jesuits assumed full responsibility for the spiritual aflairs of the colony replacing the members of the Recollet brotherhood who had been active in the territory since the 16th century. It is unclear exactly why the Recollets were shut out. With the restoration of New France the brothers assumed they would be returning to their former apostolic duties however the Company of One Hundred Associatesrefusedthem free passage despite Urban VIII concession that they be permitted to increase their number to 20. m(^bec me Jesuits took over their convent. William Kingsford History of Canada (Toronto: Roswell & Hutchison, 1887-98) 122-23. 10  4  France. Because of the spatialising implications of narrative, de Certeau notes that "every story is a travel story." On Bressani's map we may read the inauguration of his history in the 11  suggestion of a voyage. A voyage by sea and an arrival in New France heralded by the miniature sailing vessel entering the Gulf of St. Lawrence at the upper right of the map.  11  de Certeau, "Spatial Stories," The Practice of Everyday Life trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984) 115.  5  That there is no history but in your present memory, to which you will be aided by the cosmography of those who have written of it. Rabelais, Pantagruel  "Geography is the eye and the light of history..." Blaeu, 1663  Chapter One - Mapping History In the closing passage of his text, Breve relatione d'alcune missioni de 'P.P. delta Compagnia di Giesu nella Nuova Francia, Francesco Bressani articulates his expectations of the map. In his words, the information presented in his text would be "made clear" by the anticipated map. The notion that a map could clarify a textual representation tells us something of the kinds of knowledge that were thought to be available from maps. A map had the power to make things transparent. In seventeenth-century Holland, maps were referred to as glasses, in the sense of lenses that enabled objects to be brought before the 12  eye, allowing "one to see something that was otherwise invisible." Yet Bressani's map, highly ornamented, seems to be an image of great complexity rather than of self-evident clarity. Perhaps this is not surprising when we turn again to Bressani's expectations for it. Bressani's closing words to the reader suggest that he expects the map to complement "the whole" of his account, making it clear. Bressani's account, drawn both from his own experiences among the Hurons as well as from other textual accounts, covers considerable ground in telling of the establishment, growth and ultimate destruction of the Jesuit missions 12  Svetlana Alpers, "The Mapping Impulse in Dutch Art," Art and Cartography ed David Woodward (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1986) 67.  6  among the Huron nations of New France. As it attempts to replicate the scope and intricacy of the textual rendition in a visual form, the map is rendered complex and multifarious. The  visual languages of cartography, ethnography and religious oil painting are  brought together in this image in an effort to convey, clarify, visualise and map out, the history of the Jesuits in New France. Michel de Certeau has posited that writing histories is about managing space, it is a "utopian practice." Historical representation is a practice that 13  guides the movement of narratives into official representations. It is defined by "the relation of what is experienced (illuminating, devastating) to what is represented (official, received or imposed)." Writing history is an effort to give what is unstable, contingent and fragile the 14  appearance of being secure and well founded. The members of the Society of Jesus had long been conscious of the importance of the writing of artful histories as a way of defining their position. The plenitude of archival materials attests to the relentlessness with which they pursued this. Material relating to New France, letters, journals, histories of varying lengths, and printed images abound. However the juxtaposition of imagery on Bressani's map drawn from varying discourses produces a multiple representation that does not neatly represent the Jesuit position in New France. Extremely evocative, this representation reveals the concerns of the Jesuits in New  France, at the same time as it opens up the possibility of readings that convey the  complexity and instability of social relations in the territory.  Michel de Certeau, "Introduction Writings and Histories," The Writing of History trans. Tom Conley (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988)6.  13  14  de Certeau. Writing 129.  7  so Bressani insists that his map will contribute to the relation of a narrative, a history of the Jesuits in New France. Yet maps are generally understood to be a mode of representation intent on ordering the vastness of space. They do not tell stories. At the core of our understanding of cartography is the notion that it is about territory, that "place, not actions or events, is its basis, and space not time is what must be bridged [by it]."  15  It is a commonplace of early modern  studies that cartography is a reductive representational mode, employed in the service of imperial expansionist power.  16  Geographer David Harvey notes that after the adoption in the  fifteenth century of the Ptolemaic grid, cartography was a means to create a space in which territory could be located.  Ideologically this allowed the globe to be perceived as a knowable  totality; from which followed the notion that space could be conquered and contained for the 18  purposes of human action.  European voyages of discovery sparked an intense competition for  the right of occupation and exploitation of newly encountered lands. Maps were produced to indicate the state of knowledge regarding territories in the so-called TSfew World.' Ideologically laden, maps staked out national claims in relation to competing European powers. Through the 19  course of the Early Modern period, maps increasingly were "stripped of fantasy and religious "Alpers91. For an analysis of an early modem map and the ways that it departs from this given interpretation see Louis Marin, "The King and his Geometer," Portrait of the King (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988) 168-179. See also a recent work unavailable during my research for this project, Tom Conley, The Self-Made Map. Cartographic Writing in Early Modem France (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996). Conley addresses the relationship between cartography and ethnography, an issue relevant to my arguments in Chapter Three. 16  David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodemity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge Mass. & Oxford UK: Blackwell Press, 1990)246. 17  18  19  Harvey 243. J. B. Harley, "Maps, knowledge, and power," The Iconography of Landscape. Essays on the symbolic representation, design and use of past  8  belief, as well as o f any sign o f the experiences involved in their production, [they] had become 20  abstract and strictly functional systems for the factual ordering o f phenomena of space." With its myriad imagery and multiple insets Bressani's map o f N e w France offers a challenge to the given understanding o f cartography. In this representation, the emptiness o f a map produced in the interests o f the State is replaced by an inhabited space. This map produced by the Society o f Jesus presents a world full o f souls to be saved instead o f a vastness to be occupied. In the Breve Relatione Bressani notes that he had in his possession a "new chart or map, which has been recently engraved at Paris." Historical geographer, Conrad Heidenreich 21  has suggested that Bressani is referring to a map o f North America printed in 1650 by the French cartographic compiler Sanson d'Abbeville [fig.3]. A second map of North America produced by Sanson in 1656 more closely resembles the Jesuit map [fig. 4]. It is a larger scale representation, giving closer attention to the territory o f N e w France, its similarity to the Jesuit map suggests 22  that it may have served as its model.  The maps o f Sanson share many o f the characteristics  attributed to early modern mapping. Stark and without ornamentation, territory is located and empty space awaits discovery with a grid o f longitude and latitude. The radiating lines o f longitude emulating the curve o f the globe, found on Sanson's 1650 map, push the viewer environments, eds. Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988) 277-311. 2  °Harvey249.  21  JR39: 37.  Sanson d'Abbeville, to whom the authorship of the map is attributed, was not a cartographer himself but rather a geographic compiler, who drew up maps based on existing information combined with the results of new explorations undertaken in New France by Jesuit missionaries. Although he used information collected by the Jesuits, Sanson's maps were produced, as his title, geographe du roy suggests, for the French state. See Conrad Heidenreich, "Mapping the Great Lakes: The period of exploration, 1603-1700," Cartographica 17.3 (1980) 33. 22  9  outward. Positioning a remote and elevated viewer who is not a body, but rather a single eye, 23  who grasps the world's entirety in a glance.  The early modern map appeals to the sense of  sight; unlike its medieval predecessors it does not allow for the representation of the experience of a body moving through space. For de Certeau the idea of the map can be understood in relation to the difference between the concepts of place and space. Place is the order in accord with which elements are distributed in relationships of co-existence, each element in a proper and distinct location. Place is stable and fixed. A map like Sanson's is about the knowledge of an order of places; it is fixed in time. Space, however, involves the consideration of vectors of direction, velocities and time variables; it is composed of intersections of mobile elements. Space takes into consideration the movements of an acting subject; "space is practised place." On many early modern maps there 24  is the intimation of space as practised place, the suggestion of narrative action. The elaborate ornamentation of many seventeenth-century maps, illustrations of ships, sea-monsters, and allegorical figures, like those in the mouth of the St. Lawrence river on Bressani's map, introduce the possibility of spatial practices into the planarity of a cartographic representation. For de Certeau these images are describers of a tour type. A tour is an itinerary; it "organises movements." If the map is connected to the disembodied eye and the act of seeing then the tour is about going. These images are vestigial; they evoke the practices that were essential to the production of maps, the travel, conquest, surveying, building, commerce and political ^Harvey 244. For a discussion of perspective and monocular viewpoint and its impact see also Samuel Y. Edgerton, Jr. The Renaissance rediscovery of Linear Perspective (New York, 1976) and his more recent article "From Mental Matrix to Mappamundi to Christian Empire: The Heritage of Ptolemaic Cartography in the Renaissance," Art and Cartography ed. David Woodward (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987) 10-50. "de Certeau. Practice 117.  2  10  organisation that preceded the publication of a printed map. According to de Certeau's reading, stories are the vehicles of space, for narrative actions imply a movement through time, the specificity o f minutes, hours, and days lived. Stories speak of the practices undertaken in relation to space, stories arrange and locate places; they set up relationships and connections between them. They represent, in the words o f de Certeau, practised place. Unlike the vestigial quality o f the images de Certeau discusses, Bressani's map visualises a complex history. The multitude o f imagery on Bressani's map suggests the many threads of a missionary discourse. It tells of an arrival by sea, of the native peoples inhabiting the territory, of martyrdom and of conversion. These multiple images evoke the N e w France that is a practised place, where the culture o f the French Jesuits encounters that of the indigenous nations of the Hurons, AJgonquins and Iroquois, and o f competing European interests in the region. A n important thread to this history involves the Jesuit missions among the Huron nation. A large-scale finely detailed map inset vvithin the map entitled Huronwn Explicata Tabula charts out the territory o f the Hurons [fig. 5]. Scales o f measurement in Italian miles and French leagues testify to its scientific accuracy and point to its Italian and French audiences. Curling upward illusionistically, the corner of the inset map gestures toward the viewer, drawing them in. Beneath the upturned corner is revealed Lake Nipissing and the French River, the last leg o f the route between Quebec, the administrative centre of the Jesuits, and Huronia. The inset map shows the destination of travellers following that route. Shown on the shores o f the mare dulce  de Certeau. Practice 120.  25  11  what is now called Lake Huron, Huronia, was the home of the Huron confederacy. Trade between the Huron and the French had begun early in the history of European contact. In 1615 the alliance between the French and the Hurons was confirmed by Champlain's visit to Huronia and his participation in a raid on an Iroquois village.  25  Champlain also insisted that trade would  not take place, if the Hurons did not accommodate French missionaries. In 1632 a permanent Jesuit mission was established in Huronia. Champlain's stipulation and his demonstration of military solidarity with the Hurons established the pattern of trade, war and religion that would characterise European and native relations in Huronia. The voyage to HuroniafromQuebec was undertaken by canoe via the St. Lawrence, the Ottawa, the Mattawa, the Riviere de la Vase, Lake Nipissing, and the French River to Georgian Bay where Huronia was nestled beside Lake Simcoe. On the map, this route is marked out by 27  the engraved numbers one to thirty [fig. 6].  These small, engraved numbers refer to a sequence  of days and encode the presence of time on the map. In a letter to his superior, Father Paul Le Jeune, the head of the Huron mission, Father Jean de Brebeuf wrote, "I arrived among the Hurons on the fifth of August, the day of our lady of the Snows, after being thirty days on the 28  road in continual work." Reaching Huronia involved an arduous 800 miles of travel by canoe. Writing from Huronia in 1635 Father Jean de Brebeuf describes the voyage, "My reverend father, I send you an account of our journey into the Huron Country. It has been filled with 2 6  Olive Patricia Dickason, Canada's First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Inc., 1992)  124.  There is a peculiarity in these numbers. They begin at Montreal, not Trois-Rivieres or Quebec, from where the canoes usually began their voyage. Bressani, who spent most of his eight years as a missionary in New France certainly knew the difference, but perhaps his engraver did not 2 7  a  JR8:89.  12  more fatigues, losses and expenses." Brebeuf goes on to describe the hazards of the portages 29  and rapids, "Your Reverence has already seen enough of the rapids near Kebec.all the rivers of this Country are full of them...rolling and leaping in a frightful way, like an impetuous torrent..."  30  "Frequently one has to fast, if he misses the caches that were made when descending; and, even if they are found, one does not fail to have a good appetite after indulging in them; for the ordinary food is only a little Indian corn coarsely broken between two stones, and sometimes taken whole in pure water; it is no great treat. Occasionally one has fish, but it is only a chance, unless one is passing some Tribe where they can be bought. Add to these difficulties that one must sleep on the bare earth, or on a hard rock, for lack of a space ten or twelve feet square on which to place a wretched hut; that one must endure continually the stench of tired-out Savages; and must walk in water, in mud, in the obscurity and entanglement of the forest, where the stings of an infinite number of mosquitoes and gnats are a serious annoyance...I say nothing of the long and wearisome silence to which one is reduced..." 31  On the map the Huron villages are demarcated by minuscule circles, from which tiny spikes radiate. These are schematic renderings of the palisaded villages inhabited by the Hurons. Villages were made up of several multi-family bark-covered longhouses surrounded by a fence of sharpened logs. The permanent mission headquarters established in 1639 and named Ste. Marie is marked out on the map by a cross, superimposed on the sign for a village. From Ste. Marie the missionaries went to visit villages, where they preached, instructed neophytes, and 32  administered sacraments to Christian converts.  Quebec however remained the connection to a  Bruce Trigger. Natives and Newcomers. Canada's "Heroic Age" Reconsidered (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1985)254. 32  13  European reality upon which the missionaries in Huronia were dependent for almost everything. Food, paper for the writing of letters and reports, as well as wine for the performing of mass all had to be brought from Quebec. Bressani notes that whole years passed without any letters or 33  assistance from Europe or Quebec. There are some odd aspects to Bressani's inset map. Approximately every ten years the Hurons changed the site of their villages when the soil was exhausted and firewood depleted. Sometimes the village would then be split into two. The inset map encompasses early villages that were abandoned as well as later village sites. A little cross on Isle St. Joseph or Christian Island symbolises Ste. Marie II the last location of the mission before it was abandoned in 1649. Heidenreich notes that the inset contains many mistakes and omissions and suggests that perhaps Bressani was unable to check the final draft of the map, which resulted in a few errors. Yet the historical perspective of the inset, which represents the village sites known throughout the Jesuit presence there, is consistent with the construction of a history rather than with the visual situating of space within a particular moment.  34  so Bressani's map is situated within a nexus of printed material, textual accounts, printed histories and loose-leaf prints, mobilised by the Jesuits in order to represent their position in New France. Among these were the Jesuit Relations published in Paris annually by the printer  33  JR 39:47  Conrad Heidenriech, "Maps of the 17thCentury and Their Use in rjtetermining the Location of Jesuit Missions in Huronia," The Cartographer 3.2 (1966)114. 3 4  14  bookseller Sebastien Cramoisy.  Composed by the superior of the Jesuits in Quebec, the Jesuit  Relations were moulded into a cohesive account from fragments drawn from diverse sources. Reports sent to Quebec from missionaries living with various native nations told of the conversion and baptism of the Algonquins, Montagnais and Hurons. Questions about the missions sent in letters arriving from Europe were responded to, and pleas for support were voiced by the 'author' of the Relation^ Le Jeune described the Relations as positioned between 6  37  "des vaisseaux venus de France, et des canots d'escorce arrivez des Algonquins et des Hurons." The giving of reports from the missions abroad had long been a part of Jesuit missionary practice and printed accounts from all the foreign missions were being published in the seventeenth century. The founder of the Society of Jesus, Ignatius Loyola, demanded reports from the missions regarding anything and everything deemed useful to know. This included information relating to the customs of the indigenous people, who were the focus of attempts at conversion, as well as the specifics of climate and of the natural resources available to the territory. Initially these reports took the form of letters. They were addressed to a particular recipient but were composed with the understanding that they would reach a wider audience within the Society.  38  An epistolary format was maintained in the printed accounts from New  Leon Pouliot S.J. Etude sur les Relations des Jesuites de la Nouvelle-France 0632-16721 (Montreal: Desclee de Brouwer &cie, 1940) 267. Before undertaking the publication of the Jesuit Relations, Sebastien Cramoisy had produced other Jesuit works, including earlier relations from other missionary fields. Cramoisy earned successive privileges for exclusive printing rights throughout his career ultimately receiving the honour of the directorship of the royal press and controller of the production of works for the King's library. He was also very active, to the point of ubiquity in public affairs, holding both municipal and national posts. He was a member of the Compagnie des cents associes, the charter company for the development of New France. See Louis Blake Duff "The Printer of the Jesuit Relations." Colophon 2.1 (1936)33-41. 35  ^Claude Rigault and Real Ouellet, "Relations des jesuites," vol. 1 Dictionnaire des Oeuvres littiraires du Quebec ed. Maurice Leauie (Montreal: Fides, 1978-) 637.  JR5:10.  37  ^ e m i Ferland, Les Relations des Jesuites: un art de la persuasion. Ptocedes de rhetorique et fonction conative dans les Relations du Pere Paul Le Jeune (Quebec: Editions de la Huit, 1992) 12.  15  France and similarly they were addressed to the French Provincial in Paris, yet were demonstratively self-conscious of their wider audience. Father Paul Le Jeune superior of the Canadian missions at Quebecfrom1632 until 1639 and author of the first ten Relations (163239  1641) noted in the Relation of 1635, "en ecrivant a une personne, je parle a plusieurs." They were also consciously crafted to avoid offence or scandal. The celebrated Jesuit missionary Francis Xavier had warned that in the composition of written accounts care should betaken, "Que rien n'y paraisse qui puisse justement offenser personne, rien dont la lecture ne doive inspirer a la premiere vue la pensee de glorifier Dieu et de tout entreprendre pour son service [...]. Vous devez apporter un discernement et un choix dans les faits [...]. Toute la substance et le style doivent etre conforme a la gravite comme a la prudence ecclesiastiques [...]. Vous ne devez pas perdre de vue que les memoires de ce genre qui proviennent de pays si eloignes, sont curieusement recherches, et lus avidement en Europe [...]; les lettres que nous envoyons [...] doivent passer [dans les mains] de personnes souvent injustes, et souvent jalouses et malveillantes. II faut done que ces lettres satisfassent tout le monde, si e'est en effet possible [...]." 40  It is evidentfromthese two passages that the Jesuits saw the purpose of their published accounts as something other than the relation of the cold hard facts. Their aim was to craft a particular image of events in New France. It is often noted that in their representation, the RelationsfromNew France relentlessly turned hardship and setbacks into successes. Despite 41  its preoccupation with European affairs and neglect of its colony in America the Relations were  JR 7:230. Paul Le Jeune (1591-1664) continued to be a part of the Jesuit missions in New France working as a missionary at Quebec, Sillery, Tadoussac, Trois-Rivieres and Montreal from 1639 until 1649 when he then began rjerforming the duties of procurator for the Canadian mission in Paris until 1662. He is often credited with setting the mould for the Jesuit Relations and for his skilful and persuasive prose. See vol. 1, Dictionary of Canadian Biography. 39  Rigault640.  40  Rigault643.  41  16  never critical of the French government. In their unwavering positive aspect they contrast the private writings of the Journal des Jesuites and the personal letters which dealt with the difficulties facing the Jesuits endeavour.  42  Seventeenth-century Jesuit Claude Boucher  characterised the relationship between the two as, "Les Relations ne disent que le bien et les lettres que le mal."  43  Astute in their representation and keenly aware of their audiences, the Jesuits employed theflexibilityof print to further the reach of their campaigns. The Jesuits were among the biggest patrons of the book trade and were involved in the production of many different genres, from theological works to grammars for use in their colleges.  44  In addition to the yearly  publication of the Jesuit Relations, reprinted and translated editions were also circulated, and comprehensive histories were adapted from the annual accounts in order to promote the missions to wider European audiences. Francesco Bressani drew on the Relations, as well as his own experience as a missionary among the Huron nation in the composition of his Breve Relatione, noting in the preface, his desire to make what was available on a yearly basis to readers of French, accessible to readers of Italian. There appears to have been much interest in the printed letters of the Jesuit missionaries in Asia, the Levant and America. That the RelationsfromNew France were avidly read is  Pouliot 6. Prior to 1632 there were published accountsfromNew France, however these are of a different character. Composed in Latin rather than the vernacular French, they resemble private letters. The publication of the Relations beginning in 1632 seems to mark the assignment of new and particular aims to these accounts. 43  Ferland25.  ""Henri-Jean Martin, Print Power and Peolple in Seventeenth-Century France trans. David Gerard (Metuchen, N.J., & London: The Scarecrow Press, 1993) 127.  17  indicated by their extensive printing history.  The accounts appealed in a variety of ways,  employing a range of rhetorical strategies in order to access specific audiences. The accounts were written during the yearfromSeptember to September; carefully crafted by the Superior in Quebec from various reports by different authors. In the fall the ships departing for France carried the texts to the French provincial in Paris who after further editing submitted them to the printer. The volumes appeared for sale in March for twenty sols each.  46  Despite the lengthy  process that preceded their publication the Relations have an immediate quality. The narrator often refers to his writing towards the deadline of the ship's sailing for France, and adjusts the text to accommodate newly discovered additional information, "Depuis que j'ay ferme la Relation, plusieurs choses se sont presentees, que j'ai juge devoir estre escrites."  47  In thefirsthalf of the seventeenth-century this kind of journalistic sensibility was being cultivated by the publishing industry in Paris, with the publication of the first periodical literature. Gazettes began to appear on monthly bases, combined with supplements entitled,  Relation des nouvelles du monde, Nouvelles ordinaires de divers endroits, and Relation extraordinaire containing news of events in France and surrounding countries  48  Historian of  literacy Roger Chartier suggests that these gazettes were aimed at an elite readership, and were a  The Jesuit Relations from New France had a vigorous life in print. 41 Relations appeared in 131 editions and variants, 119 from the press of Cramoisy. Editions were translated and printed in other European centres, Antwerp, Cologne, Avignon, Lille Innsbruck and Bressani's summation in Macerata, Italy. The editions most frequently translated were from the years 1648 -1650 and told of the dramatic destruction of the Huron missions. The French publisher Cramoisy printed additional editions of these same years. Pouliot 24. See also James C. McCoy Jesuit Relations of Canada 1632-1673: A Bibliography with an introduction by Lawrence C. Wroth (Paris: Arthur Rau, 1937) 45  *Duff39. 47  JR12:234.  Roger Chartier, "Pamphlets and gazettes," Histoire de l'edition francaise tome I, Le livre conquerant: Du Moven Age au milieu du XVIIe siecle (Paris: Promodis, 1982)417. 48  18  means of shaping opinion in the interests of government powers.  Among the periodical  publications available was the printed news book the Mercurefrancais,a chronological narrative of important political, religious and international news.  50  Like the Relations, and  despite its fleet-footed eponym, editions rarely appeared sooner than a year or two after the events they covered. The Relation of 1632 was reproduced in the Mercure francais with a paragraph added dealing with the issue of the colonisation of the French territory.  5 1  These  volumes were among the book collections of many elite bibliophiles, often along with works of 52  history, particularly histories of contemporary events. If the Jesuits to appealed to elite audiences, it was because the missions were charged with obtaining their own support through gifts of land, goods and money from religious organisations and pious individuals in France, from the State and from converts. The soliciting 53  of financial support was a fundamental aim of the Jesuit Relations.  The Relations directly call  up their elite readership in chapters devoted to their work on behalf of the missions such as, "The sentiments of affection that many persons of merit entertain for New France." In these 54  chapters effusive praise is bestowed upon persons of high rank as a way of recognising their support and soliciting its continuation. In order to persuade readers to contribute support the Chartier, "Pamphlets and Gazettes." 417.  49  Vlartin351.  5  5l  a  Pouliot257.  Martin349.  McCoy v. That the Relations were successful in this endeavour is supported by a list of donations to the Jesuits made between 1626 and 1655 totalling 160,400 livres. 53  M  JR8:209.  19  'authors' of the Relations employed a powerful rhetoric.  Rhetoric, "l'etude des passions  humaines...un certain art de convaincre et de persuader fonder surtout sur la psychologie individuelle et sociale... les ressorts secrets des ames... les dispositions subjectives des auditeurs dont il fallait d'abord capter la sympathie," was the basis of all learning at Jesuit colleges. 55  Jesuit rhetoricians placed great faith in the capacity of language to produce in its audience sentiments, such as love and reverence, and actions such as adherence and religious practice,  56  "C'est une chose humainement divine et divinement humaine de savoir dignement manier d'esprit et de langue...planter de nouvelles opinions et nouveaux desirs en coeurs et en arracher les vieux, flechir et plier les volontes roidies...et victorieusement persuader et dissuader ce qu'on veut." 57  Thus they used delightfully eloquent prose to induce benefactors to support the missions. The text of the Relations is littered with explicit demands. Among these are solicitations addressed to a particular individual, such as Le Jeune's regular supplications to his superior "de secourir ces pauvres peuples qui sont en bon nombre" or to send over individuals capable of learning languages. Le Jeune also expresses thoughts that are seemingly directed at no one. In the Relation of 1633 he describes the Jesuit chapel at Quebec and notes the astonishment of the Hurons at seeing the statues of Sts. Ignatius and Xavier and the images of the Virgin. He then exclaims, somewhat disingenuously, "Oh, how fortunate it would be if all the mysteries of our 58  faith could be well represented! These images help a great deal, and speak for themselves." 55  Ferlandl9.  *Ferlandl7. Father Louis Richeome cited by Michel de Certeau, "Le 17e siecle francais," Dictiotmaire de spirituality ascetique et mystique doctrine et histoire eds. M . Viller, F. Cavallera, J De Guibert, S.J. et al. (Paris: Beauchesne, 1976) 75. 57  " ^ 5 : 259  20  And "if a small seminary of a dozen little Hurons could be founded at Kebec, in a few years incredible assistance could be derived therefrom, to help in converting their Fathers, and in planting a flourishing church in the nation of the Hurons. Alas! How many there are in Europe who lose in three casts of the dice more than would be needed to convert a world." Wealthy 59  benefactors who had contributed to the missions are celebrated with elaborate praise. For providing funds for the construction of the Hotel Dieu hospital in Quebec, the duchess d'Aiguillon, niece of cardinal Richelieu, is lauded as a "grand coeur [qui] aime et cherit l'une et l'autre France." Highly educated andfrommiddle class or noble backgrounds, the Jesuits were able to seek out wealthy supporters within their own circles.  60  The Relations specifically sought the  help of pious and wealthy women, who were able to make a portion of her wealth available to charitable causes. In the Relation of 1635 Father Paul Le Jeune writes, "Si les exces, si les superfluitez de quelques Dames de France s'employaient a cet oeuvre si sainct, quelle grande benediction...Voila des vierges tendres et dedicates, toute prestes a jetter leur vie au hazard sur les ondes de l'Ocean; de venir chercher de petites ames dans les rigueurs d'un air bien plusfroidque l'air de la France; de subir des travaux qui etonnent des hommes mesmes, et on ne trouvera point quelque brave Dame qui donne un Passeport a ces Amazones du grand Dieu, leur dormant une Maison, pour louer et servir sa divine Majeste en cet autre monde?" 61  Indeed these women did materialise.  62  When in 1639, Father Le Jeune wrote that "a  & i8i. '"A. Lynn Martin, The Jesuit Mind: The Mentality of an Elite in Early Modem France (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1988) xi. 61  JR9: 8.  For a discussion of the role of women in the church in the seventeenth century see Elizabeth Rapley, The Devotes. Women and Church in Seventeenth-Century France (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990) 6 2  21  college of Jesuits, a house of Hospitalieres and a convent of Ursulines" had disembarked at Quebec it was due to the generosity of two wealthy widows that these institutions took root in 63  New France. Madame de Combalet, duchess of Aiguillon, began in 1636, a series of donations that provided for the construction of a house and a hospital in Quebec for the hospital nuns from Dieppe who were to care for the sick in New France. A second devout widow, Madame de la 64  Peltrie upon the encouragement of Mother Marie de l'lncarnation and Father Paul Le Jeune, sponsored the establishment of a convent of Ursulines. Both Madame de la Peltrie and Marie de l'lncarnation were inspired to make the voyage to New France by their reading of the Jesuit Relations.  65  Bressani's map calls up its wealthy audience through its very form. Maps were among the most expensive printed items available and therefore presume an elite viewership.  66  The  collection of Marie Aragonnes, a highly educated woman, contained the maps of Sanson d'Abbeville; the cartographic compiler whose map of North America provided a model for 67  Bressani's highly ornamented map.  Sanson's maps were also owned by the English map  collector Samuel Pepys whose collection was encyclopaedic in its aims, containing, "mapps, charts, and other descriptions in taille-douce of countries, cities and townes, seas, coasts,  "JR 17: 22. "Marcel TrudeL The Beginnings of New France 1524-1663. trans. Patricia Claxton (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1973) 234. Natalie Zemon Davis, "New Worlds," Women on the Margins: Three Seventeenth-Century Lives (Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press, 1995)78. 65  This is not to say that its access was completely restricted to the wealthy, for anyone could observe the map hanging in the window of a print shop for example but it does suggest that it deliberately addresses an elite audience. 6 6  6 7  Martin 367.  22  harbours and other places domestick and forrein." While the cultivation of wealthy patrons is evidently one of the aims of the Jesuit Relations, a number of factors suggest that they were also intended for a variety of audiences. The choices printers made in the production of the volumes suggest something about their imagined publics. Chartier notes the lasting hierarchy of book size that was a hangoverfromthe production of manuscript books. Large folio sized volumes were for use at universities, while mid-sized works were humanist texts. Smaller texts were portable pocket books and were meant to access a wide readership. The modest duodecimo format of the Relations suggests 69  that they had the potential to reach a number of different audiences. The authors of the Relations also addressed issues that were relevant to different groups. Paul Le Jeune acknowledged that his accounts were not comprehensive, "Je ne pretends pas decrire tout ce qui se fait en ce pays 70  mais seulement ce qui tend du bien de la foi et de la religion."  Much, however, seems to be  relevant to the progress of faith and religion in New France. What might be assumed to be under the jurisdiction of the state, issues of colonisation and trade for instance were very much tied to the interests of the Jesuits. The Compagnie des Cents Associes was founded by cardinal Richelieu in 1627. In exchange for monopolies in the fur trade in perpetuity, in all other commerce for fifteen years, tax-free exports for fifteen years and therightsto manage and distribute territory in New France, the association was to undertake Sarah Tyacke, "Samuel Pepys as Map Collector," Maps and Prints: Aspects of the English Booktrade ed. Robin Myers and Michael Harris (Oxford: Oxford Polytechnic Press, 1984) 1.  6 8  Roger Chartier "General Introduction: Print Culture," The Culture of Print. Power and Uses of Print in Early Modem Europe trans. Lydia Cochrane, ed. Roger Chartier (Oxford: Polity Press, 1989) 6 9  7  °JR8:173.  23  the responsibility of peopling the colony. This was to entail bringing two to three hundred souls to the colony every year for fifteen years, to care and nourish these colonists for their first three 71  years and to maintain three representatives of the Church in every trading post.  In every issue  the progress of the colony was described. Unlike the French colonies in the Antilles where passage was extended without great discrimination, New France strove to attract colonists with specific qualities.  72  In a chapter dealing with advice for colonists, entitled "Some advice to those who wish 73  to cross over into New France," Le Jeune specifically addresses different social groups.  To  "personnes pauvres" and "gens moyennez," he suggests leaving their families behind while they establish themselves in the colony then sending for them later. For "les personnesricheset de 74  condition" belonging to "de tres honorables families," he advises them to secure a house from the 100 Associates in the town of their choice along with some land outside of town which when cleared and worked may feed the family.  75  He also advises these wealthy families to  bring over workers, "au moins deux macons, deux charpentiers, des manoeuvres, des defricheurs, tous disposant d'outils appropries et resistantS; A leur tete, il est necessaire d'avoir 76  un hornme 'd'authorite' et de prudence pour les diriger."  Dorninique Deflain, Un voyageur franpais en Nouvelle-France au XVTIe siecle: etude litteraire des Relations du pere Paul Le Jeune. 1632-1641 (Tobingen: M. Niemeyer, 1995) 50. 71  Rigault638.  7J  ^JR^: 185. 74  JR9: 184.  75  7S  JR9: 188.  JR9: 188.  24  so Just as in their written accounts the Jesuits used a variety of strategies to access different audiences in their visual material as well. An examination of two different maps of Huronia points to how a representation of the same subject could be manipulated to appeal to differing interests. Du Creux's Historiae Canadensis contains a map of New France that, like Bressani's, also features an inset map of Huronia [fig. 7]. Huronia is the focus of much Jesuit representation, not only because of the importance of the missions there, but also in relation to other interests in New France. The most westerly point of French intrusion into North America, Huronia was seen as a doorway to the fur rich hunting grounds of the Northwest and to the native tribes who inhabited the northern territory. In addition, western expansion was driven, in part, by a long held expectation of a possible water route across the continent to Asia. In becoming the trading partners of the Hurons, the French became the enemies of the Iroquois. Conflict between these two nations predated the arrival of the French in North America.  77  Throughout the 1640s the Iroquois were engaged in an offensive campaign to 78  disrupt trade and to eliminate the Hurons.  Convoys carrying furs to Quebec or supplies to  Huronia were often ambushed along the route between the two centres. After sporadic attacks on Huron villages in March 1649 the Iroquois deployed a massive force against the Hurons in a surprise attack. A Jesuit observer related the event, "The Iroquois, enemies of the Hurons, to the number of about a thousand men, well furnished with weapons... arrived at the frontier of this country...Toward nine o'clock in the morning, we perceived from our house at Sainte-Marie the "Dickasoa FirstNationsl24. 7 8  Dickasoa First Nations 131.  25  fire which was consuming the cabins of that village, where the enemy, having entered victoriously, had reduced everything to desolation..." 79  Most of the Huron people were dispersed at this time,fleeingto neighbouring nations. Several thousand established a refuge along with the surviving Jesuits on Isle St. Joseph or 80  Christian Island as it came to be known, in Georgian Bay.  This refuge Ste. Marie U is marked  out on the map with a tiny cross. The Hurons suffered the greatest losses here where the island could not sustain them; thousands died of starvation over the winter. In the spring, the Jesuits 81  along with 600 Hurons travelled east where the Hurons eventually established a settlement 82  called Loretteville.  As the site of such dramatic events and tragic loss, Huronia was loaded  with meaning. Once a symbol of French inland expansion and trade superiority, after its destruction Huronia represented the impossibility of further exploration and settlement to the west. Representations of Huronia are caught up in the tensions between this expectation and its failure. In encompassing historical time the inset on Bressani's map contains the intimation of a future. The representation of a linear sequence of time, moving backward into the past implies a 83  reciprocal forward movement into the future.  In the inset this treatment of time articulates the  the possibility of the restoration of the Huron mission. In the Breve relatione Bressani considers 79  JR34: 127.  8 0  Dickasoa First Nations 131.  81  Dickasoa First Nations 131.  8 2  Dickason. First Nations 132.  Harvey discusses the impact of the chronometer, an instrumentforthe measurement of time, on the understanding of the human relationship to the future in view of the past and the importance of this for the growth of capitalism. 252. 8 3  26  the possibility of the reestablishment of the Huron mission, "Now if the Reader should ask me, 'What will become of this mission?' whether it will be restored some day; whether there is hope of a return for the Hurons and for ours, -I would answer him that [...] if the fury of the Hiroquois should 84  moderate itself, why not?"  The inset on Du Creux's map represents a single moment in time, located in the past by the Latin text that reads hodie desertae, today deserted. The importance of Huronia is affirmed by the severe, black boundary that encases the inset, adhering it to the map, but it is relegated to a irrevocable past; there is no suggestion here of a return to the Huron missions. The different treatment of time in the spatial representations of the maps however, reveals a different emphasis. Published in 1664 one year after Louis XTV incorporated New France as a French province, Du Creux's Historiae Canadensis opens with an address to the members of the company of the West Indies, formed by Louis XTV to undertake the commercial development of the colony. After an impassioned description of the foundation of the Christian church in New France Du Creux encourages the interest of his profit minded readers by adding, "Furthermore, since a new, convenient and short route to China and Japan is being sought across New France, that region will be entrusted to you as a bond between the orient and the Occident, a bond worthy of your interest, your industry, yourrichesand your piety. Rich fruits are therefore expected from your Illustrious Company in response to the gifts and graces of God, and to the labours of pious men, and these fruits are the object of the hopes and the prayers for your Illustrious company of Your Most Devoted Servant in Christ, Francois Du Creux." 85  If one were to grasp the corner of the inset on Bressani's map and lift it off, what  Francois Du Creux, History of Canada or New France, vol. 1, trans. Percy J. Robinson, ed James B. Conacher (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1951) 10. 85  27  would one find underneath? Du Creux's map depicts the territory that one would find beneath it, the furrichregion of the Hudson's Bay area north of Huronia. A report published in the Relation of 1657 describes several newly discovered routes to the North Sea (James Bay). The expectations of commercial wealth and the discovery of a passage to the East once invested in Huronia are transferred on this map to a new site of interest, the Hudson's Bay region. Surely this information or at least the knowledge of plans to explore northward was available to Bressani as it was to Du Creux, yet Bressani's map takes up a very different position. Choosing to mask this part of the territory in favour of an emphasis on the site of the Jesuit missions he was a part of. Published in Italy, the Breve Relatione is a history of a Jesuit mission under the jurisdiction of the French province in a French colony. In it we do not find the same addresses to the state that are contained in Du Creux. There is a different quality to Bressani's treatment of Huronia. Without the explanatory text of Du Creux's, "today deserted," Bressani's inset evidences a different presentation of time. However, the impossibility of a return to Huronia is perhaps already contained by the map. The corner of the inset curls up illusionistically to reveal Lake Nippissing, Hudson's Bay and the major trade route from Huronia to the St. Lawrence along the Ottawa River. But this turned up corner also suggests the ephemerality of the representation. Gesturing toward the viewer it evokes a reciprocal action. By grasping the corner the whole map could be lifted away, removing the record of Jesuit presence altogether.  28  We are not ignorant of the fact that these Savages have eaten us with relish and have drunk with pleasure the blood of the Fathers of our Society; that their hands and their lips are still wet with it, and that the fires in which they roasted their limbs are not yet quite extinguished. We have not forgotten the conflagrations that they have kindled to consume our houses, and the cruelty that they have practised on our bodies, which still bear its marks. Father Francois Le Mercier "We can be certain only that European representations of the New Word tell us something about the European practice of representation..." Stephen Greenblatt, Marvellous Possessions  Chapter Two - The Image of Martyrdom  The lower right-hand corner of Bressani's map is dominated by a large, inset engraving [fig. 8]. This is the image of the "Barbarians and their cruelties" Bressani promised his readers in the Breve relatione. In the image, beneath a low, smoky sky, a band of native warriors, lithe and dark brandish various weapons, knives, hatchets, flaming pokers, they advance toward two figures that stand, expressions stoic; their hands tied to upright stakes. Smoke billowsfroma fire in the foreground. On the stakes are inscribed the names of these two figures, they are the Jesuit fathers Jean de Br6beuf and Gabriel Lalemant. To the right the space recedes dramatically, and here the deaths of several more Jesuits are represented in miniature. Their names engraved below them: Isaac Jogues and his two companions, Noel Chabanel, Antoine Daniel, Charles Gamier, Anne de Noue. These are the colleagues of Francesco Bressani, men who lost their lives in their efforts to convert the native peoples of New France to Christianity.  29  The large image is dominated by the figures of Brebeuf and Lalemant; the deaths of these two missionaries took place during the final attack on Huronia and their deaths mark the beginning of the end of the Huron mission. Bressani notes the symbolic symmetry of this in the Breve Relatione, "It appeared that God had determined to put an end to the Mission of the Hurons at the same time as to the life of him who had begun it; this was as we have said, Father Jean de Brebeuf, at whose death began the irreparable ruin of this nation." 86  In the visual representation of Brebeuf and Lalemant, engraver Giovanni Pesca has fashioned the foreground scene with fine attention to subtle variations of light and shade. Out of myriad, tiny, fine striations he has shaped full rounded bodies with potent volume and curving muscle. Smokefromfierce, licking flames, billows in a series of elegant flourishes. The figures are classical in their sensuous exploitation of the contrapposto stance. The illusionism of the inset engraving sits in sharp contrast to the schematic character of the cartographic image next to it. The image of martyrdom adopts the visual vocabulary of religious pamting, in particular the iconography of Christ and the Saints. Fathers Brebeuf and Lalemant tied to their posts, resemble Christ at the Flagellation. In the immediate foreground the implements of torture are laid out, like the instruments of the Passion. In calling up the supreme sacrifice of Christ for the redemption of humanity, the suffering of the Jesuit missionaries in New France becomes a Christian sacrifice. The Jesuits of New France were commemorated in a number of printed forms, which  •JR39: 245.  30  circulated in Europe. News of Huronia's destruction reached Europe in 1650 in the form of the Jesuit Relation for the preceding year. The great interest among European readers in the dramatic events that unfolded in New France necessitated the reprinting of this account in more editions than any other. Paul Ragueneau's Relation de ce qui s 'est passe en la Mission des Peres de la Compagnie de Jesus aux Hurons, pays de la Nouvelle-France es annees 1648 et 1649 was issued in two reprinted editions in Paris, was translated into Latin and Flemish and reproduced in other European centres. In addition to this textual account, also in 1650, a single-sheet print, featuring a scene of martyrdom, was produced by engraver Gregoire Huret [fig.9]. First published in the wake of Huronia's ruin, the finely executed copperplate engraving Preciosa mors quorumdam Patrum e Societ. Iesu in nova Francia presents the violent destruction of a Jesuit mission and the martyrdom of several Jesuits. This print was issued in four different editions and was included among the images in Father 87  Du Creux's Historiae Canadensis. There is no known record of the commission of this print, produced by prominent engraver Gregoire Huret. Huret, who worked under the sign "Au Soleil" on the rue St. Jacques, produced engravings for many Parisian booksellers, including Sebastien Cramoisy the printer of the Jesuit Relations, and is known to have worked for the Jesuits on several occasions.  88  In August 1650, the current Superior of the Jesuit missions in New France,  See Gagnon "Les images," 38-45, for a thorough survey of the variants of the image. An oil painting also exists of a similar composition at the Ursuline convent in Quebec. Gagnon also deals with the question of the relationship of the prints to the painting 87  Gagnon, "Les images," 43-44. Gagnon hypothesises that either of the two former superior of the mission, Jerome Lalemant or Paul Le Jeune could be responsible for oommissioning the print. Marianne Grivel notes Huret's prominence in La Commerce de I 'eslampe d Paris au XVIIe siecle 8 8  (Ecole pratique de hautes itudes- IVe section Sciences historiques et philologiques: VI Histoire et civilisation du livre, no. 16) (Geneva: Droz, 1986) 164.  31  Paul Ragueneau, his predecessor Jerome Lalemant, as well as the missionaries whose return to France was necessitated by the closure of the Huron mission, travelled to Paris in order to seek the help of the French state. Writing to her son, Claude Martin, Marie de l'lncarnation, Mother Superior of the Ursuline convent at Quebec, tells of the trip undertaken by the Jesuits who, "vont aussi en France pour demander du secours a Sa Majeste." In her letter de l'lncarnation also communicates to Claude howfragilewas the situation of the missions in the face of the continued attacks of the Iroquois, "II m'a encore assuree dans l'experience qu'il a de la fureur et de la force des Hiroquois que si nous n'avons un prompt secours du cote de la France, ou qu'il plaise a Dieu de secourir le pais extraordinairement, tout est perdu: Ce n'est point une exageration, je vous dis le meme selon mes petites connoissances." 89  In her letter de l'lncarnation represents a moment of crisis. The Jesuits are in Paris to petition the state for aid in the preservation of the colony and of the missions. Military aid from France was rare and slow in coming for New France. At this moment the Jesuits sought to mobilise every means of promoting awareness and soliciting support for the missions, and in so doing they added the power of visual imagery to the arsenal of printed material deployed to ensure the preservation of the missions. Huret's image presents a striking and dramatic scene. Amid blazing wooden chapels, set on a wooded hillside, the deaths oftenfigures,Jesuits and laymen, are united in time, within a single narrative scene. Numbers within the image lead the reader to an explicative text beneath. The numbered text redistributes the events in time, ordering a series that begins with  89  Marie de llncamation. Correspondance. ed Pom Guv Ourv (Solesmes: Abbave de Saint-Pierre. 1971)no.l28: 395.  32  the first Jesuit, Anne de Noue, to succumb in New France and culminates with the deaths of Fathers Brebeuf and Lalemant and the destruction of Huronia.  90  In contrast to the order of the  text, the corresponding numbers in the image emulate the chaos of the scene. They lead the eye of the viewer on a erratic trajectoryfromforeground to background and back again, across the fallen bodies of the Hurons before the oncoming Iroquois, and the vain, final attempts of the priests to minister to their followers as they are struck down. The placement of the numbers within the image suggests a deliberate representational strategy, one intended to heighten the emotional impact on the viewer. If the image was intended to induce an emotional response in the viewer, the text of the print's second edition makes it explicit what course of action the viewer should follow in order to act on that response. The first and second editions of the engraving, both published in 1650, differfromeach other only in terms of the text [fig. 10].  Thefirstedition features Latin text, the second edition is  accompanied by a French text that includes a direct plea for supportfromthe viewer. Printed by a philanthropic association of women , "Les Dames de la Nouvelle France assembled under the 91  name of St. Joseph, to procure the salvation of the Savages," the French text continued on the verso explicitly addresses the female reader, "You see my Ladies, the fruits of a vine newly planted. The Iroquois, like furious wild boars, seek to destroy it; but since many hands and many hearts may work for its conservation; sanctify yours and use them for the Greatness of the Rene Goupil was thefirstof the Canadian martyrs to be killed in New France however he was not a Jesuit priest by rather a donne. Trigger Natives 252, describes the role of the donnes who were bound by a civil contract to live without personal possessions, to work for the Jesuits without pay, to obey the superior and to remain chaste. In exchange they received food, clothes and lodging for the remainder of their lives. The Jesuits found this to be a more disciplined workforce than hired men and in situations where the Jesuits profession disallowed them from defending the missions with firearms the donne's were able to handle muskets. See also Jean C6te, S.J. "L'lnstitution des donnes" Revue d"Histoire de I'Amtoque Franfaise XV. 3 (1961) 344-378. 90  For a discussion of the complex infrastructure of religious organisations in France in the 17* century see Louis Chatellier, The Europe of the Devout: The Catholic Reformation and the Formation of a New Society, trans Jean Birrell (Cambirdge: Cambridge University Press, 1987) 106. 91  33  Heavens and the Earth, to defend it. It is the heritage of Jesus-Christ, who hides his power, in order to give you the honour of having upheld bis party; to have protected his Family; and to have extended the boundaries of his Church. Do not refuse this glory; it will not cost you as much as it did those whose names you shall see and of whom a few were of your acquaintance."  Like the Relations this image is being used as a means to gain financial support for the continuation of the missions. Published in 1650, these prints addressed an immediate need for funds to re-establish the Huron mission destroyed in March 1649 and deliberately sought out the support of the wealthy and pious people associated with the Jesuits in France. The text on the verso describes the deaths of each of the martyrs mentioning the regional affiliation of each man, "Le Pere Isaac Jogues d'Orleans" "Rene Goupil Angevin." This no doubt was an attempt to appeal to the compatriots of the deceased for aid. Upon his return to Italy after the closure of the Huron mission, Bressani disembarked in France in November 1650. Possibly, while he was in Paris, Bressani obtained a copy of Huret's engraving. There is certainly a remarkable resemblance between the loose-leaf print and the 92  image on Bressani's map. Although it is identical to the earlier prints in terms of content, and its use of a classical visual vocabulary, the martyrdom image within the map alters the composition in ways that paradoxically appear to distance the picture from the immediate context of Huronia's ruin.  The wooden chapels of the Jesuits are gone and the space is radically  reorganised to present Brebeuf and Lalemant on a narrow stage in the foreground. While the compressed time established in the print is borrowed for the map's image, any references to geographic specificity are erased. The connection of Brebeuf and Lalemant to Huronia and its  Gagnon. "Les images" 56.  34  destruction are made clear by Bressani, God brought an end to the mission with the death of he who began it. However the iconography of the figures articulates universal claims on behalf of the Jesuits represented here. The distancing of the martyrsfromthe specific place of Huronia allows for their re-inscription within the history of Christian martyrdom. Brebeuf and Lalemant are no longer two Jesuits suffering persecution in New France but rather, through a visual parallel, they become heirs to a lengthy tradition of martyrdom. The iconography of martyrdom was well established within Jesuit representation. 93  Inside the Jesuit colleges images of sacrifice were pervasive.  The decoration of the Roman  Jesuit noviciate featured elaborate scenes of martyrdom, even its portico was adorned with a frieze depicting instruments of torture. Every church belonging to the national seminaries of the Jesuits in Rome was ornamented with grisly scenes of sacrifice. In addition to frescos and paintings, the theme of martyrdom was addressed in the form of printed treatises on sacrifice, often illustrated with engravings. Art historian Thomas Buser has suggested that this imagery 94  indicates a renewed awareness of martyrdom within the Society of Jesus in the CounterReformation period and points a battle between Catholic and Protestant institutions at the centre of which were the early Christian martyrs. This battle manifested itself in the circulation of printed texts and images. Protestant works such as John Foxe's Acts and Monuments of These Latter and Perillous Days, were illustrated with woodcuts of Protestants killed in the battle against Catholicism. These texts were, despite criticism of the Roman Catholic cult of saints, 93  Emile Male, L'Art religieux apres le Concile de Trente (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1932) 110.  Two examples are Traltato degli istrumenti di martirio (Rome: 1591), also published in Latin, and the Thedtre des cruautes des heretiques published in Antwerp in Latin (1587) and French (1588). These are discussed in MSle 112. The Jesuit use of martyrdom imagery is also discussed by Lionello Puppi, Torment in Art: Pain. Violence, and Martyrdom (New York: Rizzoli, 1991) 55-56. 94  35  engaged in the production of Protestant saints and martyrs.  In response the Jesuits produced  their own collections of prints, based on frescoesfromthe churches of the national seminaries of the Jesuits in Rome. According to Buser, the focus of the competition between Catholic and 96  Protestants was that the martyrs of each "should be seen, through history, as the true reflection 97  of the martyrs of the early Church." Art historian, Emile Male credits the rediscovery of the early martyrs of the church with the adoption of an historical perspective in religious art. This interpretation of Christian history meant that a figure such as St. Sebastian, who in the middle ages had been the patron of archers and an intercessor invoked against the plague, was reinterpreted as a hero of the faith, one of 98  those who bore witness with his blood.  The development of this historical consciousness has 99  been linked to the rediscovery in 1578 of the catacombs, the burial place of the first Christians. Although there are no images of persecution among the paintings in the catacombs, Buser argues that there was such a pervasive sensitivity to the notion of martyrdom, that it caused one copyist to transform an image of the Adoration of the Magi into a scene showing a martyr burning at the stake.  100  Two of the characteristics that Buser notes concerning martyrdom imagery are picked up in the prints of the Jesuits in New France. Both the loose-leaf print and the map take steps to Thomas Buser, Thomas Buser, "Jerome Nadal and Early Jesuit Art in Rome," Art Bulletin 72 (1990) 427.  95  "Terser 427. "Buser 432. 98  Male 132.  "Male 132.  36  represent a history of martyrdom in New France and through the use of a classical visual vocabulary borrowed from religious painting they draw a parallel with the suffering of the early Christian martyrs. They are concerned with the construction of histories within both New France and Christianity. The connection of the French Jesuits to the early Christian martyrs, was elaborated in Jesuit writing. The positioning of the Jesuits in New France as the heirs to the early martyrs was viewed as particularly apt, for like the early Christians persecuted under the Roman emperors, (and unlike their colleagues fighting the heresy of Protestantism) these men suffered the persecution of pagan enemies. Writing of the Iroquois, Father Francois Le Mercier draws the parallel explicitly, "We know that their [the Iroquois] whole policy consists in knowing well how to plot treachery, and to conceal all their plans for it; that no Nero or Diocletian ever declared himself so strongly against the Christians as these bloodthirsty Savages have done against us." 1 1  Following Huret's print, and faithful to the visual history begun there, the image on the map features all of the same figures. However there is another, smaller inset, in the upper lefthand corner [fig. 11]. In it are presented two additional martyrs who are not found in the other prints. Beneath the two canoes, drawn up to the riverbank where a group of native warriors attack with muskets, are the names of Father Jacob Buteux and Leonard Garreau who died in 1652 and 1656. This small inset within the inset continues the history begun in the Huret print, however it is bound and separated in its own space. Why are thesefiguresnot incorporated into the larger composition?  1  0  W r 4 3 2 .  101  JR44: 53.  37  The answer is located within the idea of sacrifice for it contains within it the possibility of renewal. The notion of sacrifice is a leitmotif of the Relations; it is a fundamental principle, upon which the whole missionary endeavour turns, "From the birth of Christianity, and since Jesus Christ redeemed the world only through his blood shed upon the Cross, we are assured that the Faith has not been planted in any region of the world except in the midst of crosses and sufferings." 102  While the Huron mission came to an end in with the deaths of Brebeuf and Lalemant, their sacrifice planted the seed of future missionary projects. The small inset image contained within a separate, bounded space suggests the possibility of continued missionary activity, outside of Huronia. Both of these missionaries were active in establishing new missions. Both killed by the Iroquois, Garreau, was on his way in 1656 to establish a mission among the Ottawa nation to the north.  103  Father Jacques Buteux, on an exploratory voyage to the North Sea in  1652 had written of his hopes for this journey, "I hope next Spring to make the same journey, and to push still further toward the North Sea, to find there new tribes and entire new Nations wherein the light of the faith has never yetpenetrated." 104  All of these images, the loose-leaf print in several editions, the inset engraving, an inset within the inset, are evocative of repetition. The dominant trope of the printed medium, its reproducibility, is taken up in the figures. The construction of a history within the image, a  102  JR34: 198-99.  1 0 3  Dictionary of Canadian Biography 325.  1 0 4  Dictionary of Canadian Biography 143.  38  representation of deaths repeated in time compressed in the space of representation suggests the possibility of a future. Their deaths paraphrase that of Christ, but they also repeat each other, suffering similar deaths in duplicate and triplicate, a mirroring that suggests that these deaths may be emulated. It is this mechanism that allows the continuation of the missions, for there must always be individuals willing to follow in the footsteps of their martyred colleagues. The pervasiveness of martyrdom imagery was thought to be a necessary part of the intellectual and spiritual formation of Jesuit missionaries who would take the place of those who were killed, "II ne faut pas craindre de peindre les supplices des Chretiens dans toute leur horreur, les roues, les grilles, les chevalets, les croix. LEglise veut de la sorte, glorifier le courage des martyrs mais elle veut aussi enflammer l'ame de ses fils." 105  Writing in 1594 Cardinal Paleotti, gives us the double intention of the martyrdom imagery that adorned the Jesuit houses in Rome; it was meant to glorify the suffering of the martyrs but also it was intended to inspire the novices. In his examination of Jesuit pedagogy, Francois de Dainville S. J., notes that the Jesuits believed that images served not only to impress the catechism in the memories of students, but that they also had the ability to incite the will to action, the ultimate goal of Jesuit education. The Jesuit Louis Richeome, who was the author 106  of several books on the importance of imagery in Christian formation published in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, wrote,  Male 112, cites Cardinal Paleotti, De imag. sacris cap. X X X V (1594).  >5  Francois de Dainville, LaNaissance de I'HumanismeModerne (Paris: Beauchesne et ses fils, 1940) 184.  J6  39  "Quand (il) entre en la maison de Dieu, et apres avoir faict ses voeux et ses requestes, jette ses yeirx en divers endroicts; en Tun il voit une croix qui luy represente le terrible combat et la glorieuse victoire que son Seigneur emporta des trois puissans ennemys... il voit S. Estienne, qui premier combattant et martyr apres son bon maistre, tombe a terre accable de pierres et monte au ciel comble d'immortel honneur...Bref lit sans lettres en un moment, le vieil et nouveau Testament, & de ceste lecture repait ses yeux, refaict son entendement, remplit sa memoire, et prend pointe, s'il a Fame bien faicte, d'imiter et ensuivre les ouvriers & les oeuvres, dont il voit les images posees." 107  Thus the pervasive images of martyrdom were believed to have a direct effect on the formation of individuals who were prepared to suffer martyrdom for the growth of the Christian Church. The repetitive quality of the images suggests their effectiveness.  90 In the image on Bressani's map we witness an arrested moment. The attackers are poised in the middle of their violent acts, the knife slicing through flesh, the water scalding, the flames licking the contours of a body. There is no blood. The expressions of the figures of Fathers Lalemant and Brebeuf give no hint of pain. Indeed they appear to be elsewhere. This is at once an image of a proper manner of dying, characteristic of the martyr, and an evocation of a 108  mystical episode, a spiritual victory over the suffering of the body.  Mysticism pervades  representation from New France. Accounts of prophetic visions and implicit calls to martyrdom found in the Jesuit Relations distinguish them from contemporary accounts being produced by  Dainville 185-86, cites Louis Richeome, Tableaux Sacrezde I'Eucharistie. (Paris: Sonnius, 1601) 472-473. 18  Buser suggests this is typical of 17 century images of martyrdom 433. 01  40  Jesuits in China, the Levant and the Antilles.  The mystical resonance of the Relations from  New France may be traced to the influence the French Jesuit and professor of theology, Father Louis Lallemant. Lallemant was one of a number of seventeenth-century 'spirituals' who were disconcerted by extreme activism within the Society of Jesus. The spirituals encouraged deeper spirituality within the order through reforms in Jesuit education, aimed at producing a lasting habit of contemplation and prayer. Charles and Jerome Lallemant, Paul Le Jeune, Jean de 110  Brebeuf, Barthelemy Vimont, Paul Ragueneau, Paul Le Mercier, Jean de Quen, authors all of the Jesuit Relations, as well as missionary and martyr Isaac Jogues, had Lallemant as master of novices, third year instructor, spiritual prefect, rector, confessor, professor or colleague.  111  The reforms suggested by Lallemant and his fellow spirituals, seemingly innocuous to 112  some, suggested to others a conspiracy to destroy the very structure of the Society.  The  influence of Carmelite spirituality, and of devout women generally, on this movement is notable. Many had read the mystical vvritings of Teresa of Avila, including Jean de Brebeuf, who had a volume of her work among his few possessions in New France. For the critics of these reforms this suggested a fundamental immorality in its tenets. In their view this influence threatened to open the Society to a charismatic movement guided directly by the Holy Spirit and  '"Terland 14. "°J.C.H Aveling, The Jesuits (London: Blond & Briggs, 1981) 247. ln  Rigault643.  " Aveling 247-248. The General of the Society Mutio Vitelleschi dealt with (he 'spirituals' by allowing their activities to continue unhindered while keeping them under discreet supervision. As most of them caused little trouble this was seen as a successful strategy, although the Society's obsvervances remained unreformed. Aveling notes that a few disatisfied members left the Society and others sought refuge in the Huron Mission. Michel de Certeau "La mystiquereformee'de Coton a Surin" Dictiormaire de la Spirituality, suggests that those members with mystical tendencies were either ejected or sent to the foreign missions. 2  41  mediated by inspired and ecstatic 'prophets and prophetesses.'  Mystical movements in France,  which were not unusual in the first half of the seventeenth century, disappear circa 1640 amidst this opposition and in the face of other concerns, such as the strict moralism of the Jansenists.  114  Although it became less visible, mysticism was not eradicated in French Jesuit spirituality, but instead was localised around particular tasks. The exterior missions were among the locations where mysticism could flourish, for by 1640 individuals with mystical tendencies were either ejectedfromthe company or sent to the foreign missions.  115  Lallemant's biographer noted his fervent, but unfulfilled, desire to be sent to New France, where he wished to suffer martyrdom.  116  For the missionaries in New France the  spirituality of Lallemant had a particular resonance.  The aim of the mystical quest was to  experience the knowledge of God. Lallemant assigned supreme importance to the apostolic relationship between the priest and the "other," in this case the native Indian, because "only it permits the articulation of the mystical experience."  In this view, knowledge of God could be  achieved only by moving through the destruction of the self, through acts of penitence and deprivation, to an abundance of charity. Charitable action was then directed toward a variety of communities unknown within the circle of clerical culture: 'others' such as women, the savage, the illiterate, the poor and the insane. Without the 'other' in this formula, the itinerary from  " Aveling246. 3  Jansenism was a religious movement founded by the Dutch Roman Catholic theologian Cornelius Jansen, who held that the natural human will is perverse and incapable of doing good. The movement was characterised by harshness and moral rigour. Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary eds. Joyce M. Hawkins and RobertAllen (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991). 1l t  115  de Certeau "La 'mystique reformee'" 999-1001.  Rigault643.  116  '"de Certeau, "La 'mystique reTormee'" 1003.  42  interior dispossession to an inexhaustible expenditure of energy in service was not possible. Thus the Jesuits in New France saw the hardships of life among the Huron as the price of bringing Christianity to New France, a price without which there would be no hope of succeeding. In the Breve Relatione, Bressani describes the cultivation of extraordinary devotions, involving an extreme denial of the physical body among his colleagues as they sought to achieve a state of physical dispossession.  He writes of Charles Garnier's commitment to  sleeping on the ground, a habit common to all the missionaries in New France, to disciplining himself with an iron belt with stars of steel, to placing extreme restrictions on his diet, "His food was not only of things most insipid, but extremely moderate, so as to give alms with it to the hungry, especially in the last two years that he lived. During that time, partlyfromnecessity, partly for edification, - although he had been delicately brought up in a noble house, -[...] he reduced himself to the deprivation even of turkish corn, the only food of the country; he contented himself with some acorns, or with some bitter root cooked in water alone, without salt, and without bread or other relish." 119  This kind of corporeal denial and degradation, not uncommon among more contemplative religious orders, was not encouraged by the Society of Jesus, which upheld an apostolic commitment that necessitated a physique uncompromised by harsh practices of this kind. This was the hallmark of the spiritual influence of Louis Lallemant. According to Bressani, three days before his death Charles Garnier received a letterfromthe Superior of the Mission suggesting that he might require a rest from the severity of his daily life. Garnier replied that he felt that neither his body nor his spirit lacked the vigour necessary to continue  " de Certeau, "La 'mystique reformee'" 1003. 8  " JR40:23. 9  43  among the Hurons.  For Gamier, as for many of the other missionaries in New France the  absolute denial of the physical self was the necessary cost of the salvation of souls in New France. Father Ennemond Masse noted in his eight step spiritual plan, "the delights of the Cross (i.e. salvation) are not obtained without a cross (i.e. sacrifice)," and for this the missionaries were prepared, not only to suffer from hunger and deprivation but also to submit to the ultimate sacrifice of torture, death and cannibalism at the hands of the Iroquois.  121  As Gamier wrote to 122  his brother "Je me regarde doresnavant comme une Hostie qui est a immoler."  Martyrs performed an important role for the Christian community. As saints, they ascended directly to heaven at their deaths and could intervene on behalf of human petitioners. Thus in 1664 mere Catherine de Saint-Augustin of the Religious Hospitallers had a vision in which the martyred Father Jean de Brebeuf expressed his desire that the inhabitants of New 123  France "s'addressat a luy pour les necessitez du pais."  In New France there was a  particular immediacy in the notion of martyrdom. Not only a select few faced the possibility of 'JE40: 23,25. 11  Father Ennemond Masse was equally concerned with increasing his hardship, "If Jacob served fourteen years for Rachel, ought not I to weary myself to do the same for my dear Canada, adorned with so many and such precious crosses? Oh, what employments! Oh, what vocations! Oh, what delights! but the delights of the Cross are not obtained without a cross, and thou wilt therefore be obliged, henceforth, in order obtain it: First to sleep always on the ground; but, in order no to have other witaesses thereof than he who sees everything, it will be necessary to have in thy room a bed like the others. Secondly, no to use linen, except about the neck. Thirdly, never to say mass without the haircloth, that thou mayst more vividly remember the Passion, of which this sacrifice is a memorial, etc. Fourthly, to take the discipline every day. Fifthly, nevertodine unless thou havefirstmade the examination, whatever obstacle intervenes; and to be content with only a dessert similar to those on the evening of a fast. Sixthly, never to concede to the taste anything in the way of delicacies. Seventhly, to fast three times a week, -but so that others may not know it, save that being from whom thou canst not conceal thyself, [...] Eighthly, if there escape thee any word against charity, thou shalt lick thefirstspittle that thou shalt find on the ground." JR 39: 171  '  'Lettres de Saint Charles Gamier," Revue de I 'archiviste de la province de Quebec 1929-30: 40. 1 2 3  Lafleche 262, cites Paul Ragueneau LaViede  la Mere Catherine de St Augustin Relipeuse Hospitaliere de la Misericorde de Quebec en la  ffouvelle France. Composie par le ReverendPere Ragueneau de la Compagnie deJtsus (Paris: Florentin Lambert, 1671).  44  martyrdom, but the entire religious cornmunity in New France anticipated it. When Marie de l'lncarnation's godson an Algonquin called Joseph Onahare was sacrificed by the Iroquois for refusing to renounce Christianity, she wrote to her son Claude, "If I heard such a thing of you, my dear son, what joy I would receive."  124  Father Isaac Jogues had a widespread reputation as a heroic figure before his death, for having survived capture by the Iroquois. In August of 1642 Jogues and his party, on their way to Huronia, were ambushed on the St. Lawrence River by a Mohawk war party. The Mohawk subjected the Jesuit to customary torture and killed his companion, the donne Rene Goupil. While his image is small and not easily read on Bressani's map, on the loose leaf print Preciosa mors quorumdam paths in Societas Iesu the representation of Jogues on his knees about to receive the death blows of the axe wielding Iroquois reveals the evidence of his torture. His hands mutilated, cut and burned are shown joined in prayer, only two fingers of his right hand are intact, the others are shown as stubs. Jogues' hands were the subject of considerable interest after his returnfromthe Iroquois territory. Anne of Austria expressed her desire to see them 125  when Jogues was recovering in Europe in 1643-43.  While in Europe, Jogues received a  special dispensationfromPope Urban VHI to say mass with mutilated hands, "II ne serait pas 126  juste de refuser a un martyr de Jesus-Christ de boire le Sang de Jesus-Christ,"  the Pope is  reported to have said. Jogues' experience with the Iroquois gave him the status of a living martyr, someone who had born witness to his faith in the presence of its opponents; who had 124  125  de l'lncarnation no.128: 394.  f i 3 1 : 104.  Lafleche 258 cites Pierre-Francois-Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire et description generate de la Nouvelle-France. avec le Journal Historique  126  45  suffered physical loss but who had lived on as a reminder of the sacrifices necessary for the increase of Christianity. Thus a few days before his death, the missionaries collected blood from 127  Isaac Jogues to be preserved as relics.  After his death special curative powers were associated  with his hands. Saints who had suffered torture were believed to possess posthumous healing power.  128  In his Historiae Canadensis Father Francois Du Creux reports the miraculous healing 129  of a French nun who had handled Jogues' gloves. Bressani too had a reputation as a living martyr. Upon his return to Italy in 1650 Bressani enjoyed a notable career as a preacher. His sermons were animated by anecdotes concerning the Huron culture, impassioned tales of martyrdom as well as the visible traces of his 130  own tortures incurred at the hands of the Iroquois.  Like Jogues, Bressani was also captured  by the Iroquois as he made his way to Huronia. From Fort Orange, where he was ransomed from his Iroquois captors by the Dutch, who would soon send him back to France by ship, he composed a letter to the Father General of the Jesuit order in Rome. "Here is the letter of a  man  well known to your paternity, but very difficult to recognise in his present state...It is badly written, because a mutilated hand has written it," he writes. Bressani describes the effects of his torture, "I was made intolerable to myself due to the stench of my own putrid body," some of which he deems "could not be read nor written without shame." The clearest evidence of his d 'un voyage fait par ordre du Roi dans I 'Amerique Septentrionale 6 vols. (Paris: Ganeau, 1744). 127  de l'lncarnation, no. 128: 379-380.  Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianitv (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981) 82-83.  128  129  Du Creux 481.  Alberto M. Ghisalberti, ed. Dmonario Biografico degliItaliani vol. 14 (Roma: Societa Grafica Romana, 1972) 194.  130  46  trials was the mutilation of his hands, torn, cut and burned to such an extent that "it is difficult to avoid staining the paper with the blood which flowsfromhis wounds, not yet healed." With his letter, written in gunpowder because he had no ink, Bressani includes a drawing of his mangled hands, the thumb missing on the left, all but the little finger truncated on the right. The drawing is an additional testament to his sufferings, a record of his loss of the fingers necessary for the 131  saying of mass and the performing of other sacraments.  True to the model of sacrifice,  however, when Bressani eventually arrives in Huronia, wearing the signs of his faith upon his mangled body he proves to be an extremely effective preacher. The Relations described his arrival in Huronia, "The cruelties [which he suffered] among the Iroquois...have served more than all our tongues to give a better conception than ever to our Huron Christians of the truths of 132  our faith."  Bressani's mutilation, no doubt painful and inconvenient, is transformed into a  blessing. The visible traces of the tortures he suffered in the name of Christ bear witness to the faith of the missionaries. The renown of martyrs accrued through the publication of texts and images outlining their sacrifice. According to Guy Lafleche, the Jesuit Relations were, after 1642, a quasi-official journal for the promotion of the cult of the Jesuit martyrs in New France. Hagiographical material relating to martyrs could take various forms. Hagiographer Hippolyte Delahaye defines the material in these terms: "...to be strictly hagiographical the document must be of a religious character and aim at edification. The term then must be confined to writings inspired by religious devotion to the saints and intended to increase that devotion... The 13,  Cro32.  I32  JR30:69.  47  work of the hagiographer may be historical, but it is not necessarily so. It may take any literary form suited to honouring the saints, from an official record adapted to the needs of the faithful to a highly exuberant poem that has nothing whatever to do with factual reality." 133  Thus the images and texts relating to the Jesuit martyrs may be characterised as hagiographical, although they may take up different forms, they all aim to edify the viewer about the experiences of the martyrs. The use of printed imagery in the promotion of a particular martyrs' cult is not unprecedented. Nor are the omissions and politics that accompany it. In 1626 the engraver Jacques Callot produced a print for the Franciscans of Lorraine.  134  The  image depicts a mass crucifixion that took place in Japan in 1597. Callot's image features twenty-three figures hanging on crosses ranged one behind the other. Every figure wears the rough habit and knotted belt of the Franciscan order. Twenty-six people were crucified by the Japanese ruler. Six were Franciscans, seventeen were Japanese lay-folk; these are the figures represented in Callot's engraving. Interestingly, those omitted from the image were members of the Society of Jesus including the Japanese Jesuit Paul Miki. The production of this print commemorating the deaths of those associated with the Franciscan order suggest that existence of a campaign to promote the cult of these martyrs by the Franciscan order. Obviously they did not consider it their duty to include members of another order in the campaign. In 1862 all 26 martyrs were canonised.  135  133  Hippolyte Delahaye, The Legends of the Saints (New York: Fordham University Press, 1962) 4.  Michel Pemot, "L 'inspiration religieuse de Jacques Callot" Jacques Callot 1592-1635 Paulette Chone, Daniel Temois, Jean-Marc Depluvrez, Brigitte Hechel (Paris: Editions de la Reunion des musees nationaux, 1992) 442. Male 118 also notes the production of other images of the Japanese martyrs. 1 3 4  135  David Hugh Farmer, Oxford Dictionarv of Saints (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978) 278-79.  48  Although no officially sanctioned veneration of martyrs was permitted before the 136  beatification of individuals, their beatification depended on the existence of an unofficial cult. Although the Jesuit martyrs of New France were not canonised until 1930, in 1652 Superior of the Jesuit mission at Quebec, Father Paul Ragueneau perceived the cult of the Canadian martyrs to be so strong that he began compiling accounts of the deaths of the martyrs in view of their ultimate canonisation. All documentation relating to the martyrs was collected by Father Paul Ragueneau in 1652 and transformed into a more organised anthology with many supporting signatures in 1653. In the same year the nephew of the archbishop of Rouen issued a mandate for an inquisition into the lives and deaths of the martyrs.  137  The martyrs were also included in 138  lists of "hommes illustres" an epithet attributed in advance of their beatification. By the seventeenth century the institution of sainthood had been transformedfroma collective assertion of an individuals witness to the faith as it was in the earliest Christian communities to a highly regulated process.  139  In the wake of the Reformation and Protestant  criticism of the cult of saints the Catholic Church reaffirmed, through the Council of Trent, the role of the saints in Catholic worship.  140  However, at the same time it implemented policy to  control the process of canonisation. In a series of decrees, Pope Urban VLTJ (1623-44) defined Lafleche 249, outlines the proceedure: after the introduction of a cause before the Congregation of Rites in Rome thefirstphase of the process towards canonisation takes place at the diocesan level. A tribunal hears three trials, thefirstregarding the renown of the virtues (renommee des vertus,) the second on the evidence of the cult of the individual, and the third on the authenticity of the writings regarding the individual cause. 1 3 6  1 3 7  ,38  LaFleche 259 cites JR 38:188.  LaFleche259.  ' Kenneth L. Woodward, Making Saints. Inside the Vatican: Who Become Saints. Who Do Not and Why... (London: Chatto & Windus, 1991) 52. 35  Woodward 74-75.  140  49  canonical procedure, in an effort to give the papacy complete control over the creation of saints. Any form of public veneration before an individual had been formally beatified and canonised was strictly forbidden, including the publication of books of miracles or revelations attributed to a supposed saint.  141  In the preface to the Breve Relatione Bressani asserts that his account of the  spiritual glory achieved by the Jesuit martyrs adheres to Urban VfiTs decree regarding the publication of material concerning individuals who have not been sanctified through official channels, "His Holiness has - on the 5th day of June, 1631 - explained the same decree, to wit, that no eulogies of a Saint or Blessed should be permitted unconditionally, and so as to be directed to the person of such Saint or Blessed; but that such eulogies might well be permitted, as are given to their exemplary life and repute for sanctity, provided there is a protestation in theteginning,that the facts are not vouched for by the authority of the Roman Church but that reliance is to be placed merely on the author: In compliance with this decree and its confirmation and explanation, with all due observance and reverence, I declare that, whatever is related by in this book, I wish to understand and to be understood in no other sense than that in which is usually understood whatever is based upon mere human authority, and not on the divine authority of the Roman Catholic Church, or of the holy Apostolic See, excepting however those, whom the same Holy See has entered on the catalogue of Saints, Blessed, and Martyrs." 142  Bressani's disclaimer is followed by the approval and permission of Father Goswin Nickel, General of the Society of Jesus, who notes that the account is based on Bressani's first hand experience in New France. In accordance with the decree Bressani claims to bring no more than "mere human authority" to his account, although he testifies that he records "few  Woodward 75. JR38:211  142  50  things of which I have not been an eye-witness."  In the Historiae Canadensis, Father Du  Creux similarly professes his compliance with the pope's decree, just as he asserts his own authority as an historian, "I do not ask any one to believe what I write, except in the spirit in which men believe a trathful historian, or respect the authority and sincerity of those from whom I have received the facts which I now record." 144  Despite these concessions to official procedure both Bressani and Du Creux proceed to relate accounts of saintly behaviour, miraculous apparitions and sudden healings and changes of faith associated with the Jesuit martyrs. However it is not only in terms of claims of 145  miraculous events that Du Creux and Bressani construct the sainthood of their Jesuit comrades but also in the particular pattern of their telling of their deaths. As Kenneth Woodward has noted, the guarantee of sainthood was the imitation of the passion and death of Christ, or at least to have one's story told that way...  146  Bressani's account of the death of Jean de Brebeuf demonstrates how the missionary's final moments are constructed to resemble Christ's passion. First, he is stripped naked, insulted, and beaten with sticks, then, for continuing to preach and exhort his fellow Christians with reminders of the rewards of Heaven, his lips are sliced off and his tongue cut out. This is followed by a collar of red-hot hatchet blades, baptism with boiling water, the piercing of his hands and "with a thousand other cruelties proper to Hell, -the last of which was to cut the skin  143  JR38:213  144  145  Du Creux 19-20.  JR 40:33  Woodward53  146  51  of his head, in the shape of a crown, and tear it off."  Not only must the torments match those  of Christ, but the manner in which the martyr dies must show his extraordinary ability to withstand the pain of torturerightup to the end Indeed, it was believed that Christ worked within the martyr to sustain him or her to the end.  148  "Their [Brebeuf and his companion Gabriel Lalemant] fortitude was wonderful, especially that of Father Brebeuf. He never gave the least sign of pain, or opened his mouth to cry out, - insomuch that the Barbarians with difficulty opened it when he was dead; and having drunk his blood, they tore out his heart, dividing it among the young men, so that by eating it they might receive a portion of so brave a courage." 149  Essential to the martyrdom tale is the presence of an enemy of the faith. The sacrifice must be meted out by a tyrant, whose odium fidei is provoked by the martyr's profession of faith in the face of excruciating torture and imminent death.  150  In the writings  from New France the Iroquois are given the role of the tyrant; in fact the term "barbarian' in the Jesuit Relations is used specifically to denote the Iroquois. We have read of Marie de l'Incarnation's concern that the Iroquois would destroy the possibility of a French and Christian presence on the St. Lawrence. In the dedication of his Historiae Canadensis to Louis XTV, Father Du Creux reiterates the magnitude of the threat presented by these enemies and urges the King to action,  " JR 39:253 7  Woodward61.  ,48  ""JS39: 255. ""Woodward 129-30, notes that advocates of a martyrs cause must produce witnesses or documents proving that a profession of faith took place, that the tyrant acted in odium fidei and that the victim's motives were clearlyreligious.Witnesses are required to testify that the victim persevered in his willingness to die for the faith right through the shedding of blood  52  "Your subjects, Louis, expect that you will send adequate forces to take vengeance upon the perfidy of the Iroquois and to guard Church and State in Canada, both of which, staggering forward to this day, look to you as their preserver, and rest all their hopes for the future upon your assistance, next to the help of God. 1,151  De Certeau defines the task of the story as one of setting limits, of estabhshing boundaries. The history of martyrdom in New France is founded on a binary relationship traced between a savage other and a Christian man of religion. However, if we look closely, it is evident that these stories and images of martyrdom are actually full of difference. The binary relationship demanded by the martyrdom pattern is complexified by the presence of many small interventions. De Certeau also notes that it is characteristic of the limit to "play a double game," i C2  to permit entrance to that which is to be excluded.  As De Certeau notes, the boundary is  formed at points of contact between an interiority and an exteriority. These points of contact become bridges; they speak of the opportunity for transgression. Let us look again and closely at the scene of martyrdom; there is more complexity in this image than is implied by Bressani's promise of "Pictures of the barbarians and their cruelties." Are these all natives of the same nation? All undertake their task with relish; all seem to undulate with a common and devastating purpose. Some wear cloaks and headresses, others sport collars and leggings, loincloths...there is nothing conclusive here to suggest that these "barbarians" are not all fundamentally similar. In the texts however, the distinctions begin to blur. In his account Bressani notes the participation of some "Apostates" in the torture of  ,51  D u Creux 6-7.  152  de Certeau. "Spatial Stories" 129.  53  Brebeuf and Lalemant.  Perhaps the Jesuit representation of the native however is not quite so  homogeneous; perhaps it reveals a duplicity that evokes the precariousness of their project of conversion. There are two other accounts of the martyrdom of Brebeuf and Lalemant, in addition to Bressani's; Father Paul Ragueneau's Relation of 1649 and the report of Christophe Regnaut, a donne at the Huron mission. These two other accounts are more detailed in their representation of the events. Christophe Regnaut presents his report with the flare of an eye witness account, although he obtained his storyfromsome Christian Hurons who were present at the executions.  In his version of the martyrdom tale it is a "Huron renegade" who had  received religious instructionfromBrebeuf who performs the role of the tyrant,  "Hearing him speak of Paradise and Holy Baptism, [he] was irritated; and ...took a kettle full of boiling water, which he poured over his body three different times, in derision of Holy baptism. And, each time that he baptised him in this manner, the barbarian said to him, with bitter sarcasm, 'Go to Heaven, for thou art well baptised'" 154  Father Ragueneau's account follows Regnaut's report closely, in addition he tells how these "Infidels" came to be among the invading Iroquois; they had been captured by the Iroquois and were "naturalised among them."  155  Both the Huron and Iroquois practised the taking of  captives to replace individuals lost in battle.  156  These individuals were adopted by families who  had suffered a loss and were naturalised in the new community, in some cases, later, even going  153  JR39: 253.  ,54  JR34: 29.  155  JR34: 141.  Gordon Mitchell Sayre, "Les Salvages ameriquams": Representations of Native Americans in Narratives of Colonial Virginia and New France. PhD dissertation SUNYBuffalo. 1993, (Ann Arbor: UMI Dissertation Services, 1995)277. 156  54  to battle against their own nation.  In a way this speaks of the danger of not maintaining rigid  boundaries, of a European fear of a foreign, commingling social practice. But it also maintains the magnitude of the threat of the Iroquois for it is among them that the Huron apostatise.  158  Even within the representation of the martyrs boundaries are being defined. On Bressani's map the Latin cursive script beneath the images give us the names of members of the Society of Jesus. Kneeling beneath the swinging axes of the Iroquois is a small grouping of figures; the Latin inscription reads Father Isaac Jogues and his two companions. Rene Goupil was killed in 1642 when Jogues and his companions were first captured by the Iroquois and Jogues was maimed. Jean de la Lande was killed along with Jogues as they made a petition of peace among the Iroquois in 1646. He is mentioned only once in the Relations. Goupil and de la Lande were donne's who had pledged themselves to work with the Jesuits in New France in exchange for food and housing.  159  Despite their names Iraving been omitted in Bressani's image  Goupil and de la Lande were canonised with their Jesuit companions in 1930. The martyrs of New France include Jean de Brebeuf, Gabriel Lalemant, Antoine Daniel, Charles Gamier, Noel Chabanel, Isaac Jogues along with Goupil and de la Lande. Of the Jesuits pictured in the image the two added by Bressani, Jacob Buteux and Leonard Garreau were not included in the petition for canonisation nor was Anne de Noue who froze to death on his way to minister to some French soldiers. Directly above Jogues and his companions is a tiny figure dressed in a loincloth and tied  BniceTrigger, Children of Aalaentsic. A History of the Huron People to 1660 vol. 1 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's Press, 1976) 72.  137  Trudel224.  158  Trigger. Natives 252.  159  55  to a stake. Resembling a miniature image of St. Sebastien, a small archer takes aim at him. There is a similar figure in the loose-leaf print published in 1650, and the text below informs the reader that he is a young Algonquin, Joseph Onahare, who suffered the torture of the Iroquois for three days and three nights for refusing to give up the worship of Christ.  160  He is the godson  of whose martyrdom Marie de l'lncarnation wrote to her son. Francois-Marc Gagnon notes that Bressani's omission of his name begins a long erasure of the sacrifice of Joseph Onahare.  161  Indeed he is not included in the petition of canonisation These omissions seem to suggest that Bressani was most interested in promoting in this image the actions of the Jesuits alone. The presence of Joseph Onahare remains on the map however, and it raises questions regarding the Christian potential of the native people of New France. Joseph Onahare is an example of the success of the Jesuit project of conversion. In a way he confounds the binarism of the martyrdom tale. He is a convert whose faith was tested in the most violent and extreme circumstances and could not be shaken. However in the hierarchy created in Bressani's image he is relegated to the very bottom. In the telling of the story of martyrdom in New France he is pushed to the edge of the boundary delimiting the Good from the Evil. so Historian of print culture Roger Chartier has argued that meanings taken from printed texts by readers or viewers (or hearers for that matter) are dependent upon the forms through which they are apprehended. As Chartier puts it, forms produce meaning. Texts are invested  160  Rene Goupil and Jean de la Lande were canonised along with the Jesuit fathers in 1930. Joseph Onahare was not.  161  Gagnon. "Les images" 89.  56  with new meaning when the mechanisms that make it available to interpretation change. Variations in formal aspects of a text's or an image's presentation can modify its register of reference and its mode of interpretation.  Thus the alterations to the image of martyrdom  suggest that its use on Bressani's map was intended to shape different expectations "material forms contribute to fashioning expectations, to calling for a new public or new uses."  1 6 3  The  inclusion of the martyrdom image on the map suggests differing impact than its loose-leaf relative. The visual vocabularies of each are in sharp contrast with each other. The promotion of the cult of the martyrs could take any form. But the conjunction of these two forms must speak of the impact of the Jesuits on the territory of New France represented by the map. It is a testament to their stake in the land, a commitment and willingness to offer themselves up for its salvation. It also goes further in the evocation of the New France that was experienced by these men. In doing so it complements the evocation of the experience of time in the cartographic image by representing the vivid ways that experience left its mark in very vivid ways on their bodies.  162  Chartier, "Communities of Readers" 11.  1 6 3  Chartier, "Communities of Readers" 10.  57  It is, I think, a theoretical mistake and a practical blunder to collapse the distinction between representation and reality, but at the same time we cannot keep them isolatedfromone another. They are locked together in an uneasy marriage in a world without ecstatic union or divorce. Stephen Greenblatt, Marvellous Possessions  Chapter Three - "The Blood of Martyrs is the Seed of Christians' Social Relations is New France  Beyond the borders of the inset image, within the mapped landscape there is a second scene of sacrifice [fig. 12]. Afigureshown on a raised platform, standing, hands tied to a stake, is found among the small vignettes scattered across the map. Adversaries stab at him with pokers, smoking hot from fires that burn on all sides; others hunch beneath the platform, their presence taunting, half hidden. In the Relation of 1632 Father Paul Le Jeune describes having witnessed the treatment of three Iroquois captives taken in war by the Montagnais at Tadoussac: "When the hour comes to kill their captives, they are fastened to a stake; then the girls, as well as the men, apply hot and flaming brands to those portions of the body which are the most sensitive, to the ribs, thighs, chest, and several other places. They raise the scalp from the head, and then throw burning sand upon the skull, or uncovered place. They pierce the arms at the wrists with sharp sticks, and pull the nerves out through these holes. In short, they make them suffer all that cruelty and the Devil can suggest." 164  With uncanny prescience Paul Le Jeune imagines, "If we were captured by the Hiroquois, perhaps we would be obliged to suffer this ordeal, inasmuch as we live with the Montagnards, their enemies." The scene shares the components of the martyrdom image, the  JR5: 29  58  fires, the sharp implements, the taunting and vicious enemies. However, the miniature scene of torture is defined through a different vocabulary; it is part of a series of images depicting native practices, and in it all of the figures are native. Nine small images are scattered across the mapped territory of New France all of which feature aspects of native cultural practices [fig. 13]. These tiny vignettes have a quality that is 'ethnographic.' Male and female figures are shown dancing and making music, displaying the styles of dress specific to each gender, several men squat around a fire smoking tobacco in council, women grind maize, gather wood and water and travel with their children. The variety of ethnographic image on Bressani's map has led art historian Francois-Marc Gagnon to argue that it is fundamentally a mapping out of native cultural practices.  165  Gagnon posits that the vignettes organise native activity on a conceptual grid  that contrasts nomadic and sedentary nations.  The hunting figure refers to the nomadic  Algonquin peoples while the image of the long house with three female figures, one of whom is shown grinding corn into flour, evokes the cultivation of maize and sedentary lifestyle of the Iroquoian groups.  166  However, any discussion of the representation of non-  European Others in the seventeenth-century must acknowledge the problem of classifying such forms of knowledge as ethnographic. Anthropologist Bernard McGrane notes that the early study and recording of the customs of foreign peoples did not take place within a framework of acquiring positive knowledge concerning difference, as it would in the  1 6 5  Francois-Marc Gagon, "Iconographie Jesuite de l'lndien Canadien," vol. 2 Premiers Peintres (Quebec: Ministere des Aflaires Culturelles, 1976)  62. 166  Gagnon. "Iconographie" 63.  59  nineteenth century. In the seventeenth century the study of cultural difference functioned 167  strictly within the orbit of Christian thought.  Other customs and practices were only  168  understood in relation to the Christian Devil.  Le Jeune evokes his presence when he  describes the torture of the Iroquois captives, "In short they make them suffer all that cruelty and the Devil can suggest." Many Northeastern Woodlands peoples such as the Montagnais and all Iroquoian people, both the Hurons and the Iroquois, practised torture and cannibalism in warfare.  169  Captive warriors were obliged to demonstrate appropriate bravery under torture; Le Jeune describes the dancing and singing of the captive Iroquois "in order to show that they were not at all afraid of death, however cruel it might be."  170  Among these nations the torture of  captives was a social practice through which unity was forged within the victorious 171  community.  Torture was used within European societies to shape identity by subduing  unruly elements within the community as opposed to the vanquishing of hostile, alien 172  forces.  Le Jeune's reaction to this event is revealing. His reference to the Devil seems to  immediately evoke the possibility of martyrdom; a sequence of thought that points to the relationship between the scene of native sacrifice on the map and the image of martyrdom next to it. 1 6 7  168  Bernard McGrane, Beyond Anthropology Society and the Other (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989) 17.  McGrane 12.  169  Dickason. First Nations 72.  1 7 0  JR 5: 28  171  Dickason. First Nations 429 no. 35.  60  We could see the juxtaposition o f these two images o f sacrifice as oddly dissonant. Similar events that are framed very differently, one a test o f faith against the opposition o f a savage pagan and the other an indigenous native practice. H o w do these images affect each other? Guy Lafleche has argued that because the torture and death suffered by the Jesuits were part o f indigenous practice and were not applied purely i n hatred o f the Christian faith 173  they d i d not therefore suffer martyrdom.  Does the tiny scene, ethnographic i n its  vocabulary reveal the fabricated nature o f the image o f sacrifice?  Certainly, its presence  underlines the existence o f a separate discourse on the map, a discourse which must suggest something o f what was at stake for the Jesuits i n N e w France. Taken as an ethnographic description the scene o f sacrifice suggests the fabrication o f the martyrdom tale and supports the thesis o f Lafleche. However, these two scenes also complement each other. If the small scene o f torture represents the work o f the D e v i l , which is to be eradicated, then the sacrifice o f the Jesuit fathers is the means through which that may be achieved. These are not pictures o f the same thing, and it is through the visual language o f each that they are differentiated.  The language o f martyrdom through its vocabulary drawn from religious  painting converts the influence o f the D e v i l into the mechanism through which redemption can be achieved.  These two images can reside side by side because the are necessary for  each other, i n the Jesuit view even the D e v i l is part o f God's p l a n .  172  174  Dickason First Nations 429 no. 35.  Lafleche 231-253. His aim is to unravel, whathe calls, the myth of the Canadian martyrs in order to prove that the twentieth century promotion of the cult of the Canadian martyrs and their ultimate canonisation was part of the construction of Quebec national identity. 173  174  McGrane 12.  61  The many printed forms produced in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries relating to customs of dress, procurement of food, and modes of living of the inhabitants of 'newly discovered lands,' suggest that there was, on the part of publishers, a perceived interest in this subject. In his Historiae Canadensis, Father Du Creux reveals something of contemporary assumptions regarding the interests of prospective audiences, when he writes, "let us turn to the natural history of the country and its inhabitants, which is a part of my 175  work that I easily understand all my readers will expect from me at the outset."  Accounts  of exploration included textual reports regarding the customs of indigenous people in the Americas, and also were often accompanied by engraved images. The massive, global, printing project of the de Bry family, in thirty volumes of copperplate engravings, published between 1590 and 1634, illustrated the many accounts of exploration which had been circulating since the fifteenth century, with maps and pictures.  176  According to William 177  Sturtevant the images of de Bry provided a reference for artists for two centuries.  Du  Creux's history features full-page plates of native figures that clearly reveal a debt to de Bry. The imagery on Bressani's map also demonstrates a familiarity with earlier imagery: the frontispiece of Samuel de Champlain's account of his explorations in New France, the Voyages du Sieur de Champlain printed in 1619 was ornamented with a small scene of native torture [fig. 14]. The hunting figure on Bressani's map, who sports, in addition to his 1 7 3  Du Creux 68.  Bemadette Bucher Icon and Conquest: A Structural Analysis of the Illustrations of de Bry's Great Voyages (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1981)3. 176  WiUiam C. Sturtevant, "First Visual Images of Native America," First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old ed. Fredi Chiapelli (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1976) 419. 177  62  quiver of arrows, only a loincloth and a pair of snowshoes, is related to an equally seasonally confused image on a manuscript map of North America by Guillaume Le Testu 178  produced in 1555. Maps were often ornamented with 'ethnographic' illustrations, sometimes in the guise of representations of the four continents. Mapping and ethnography are joined on an ideological level. Svetlana Alpers notes that ethnography, with its interest in description, is 179  like a human map.  Among the claims made by cartography is that it brought reason and  order to a world characterised by chaos. A belief in the possibility of a rational ordering of physical space through cartography has a particular resonance in the social realm. As Harvey notes, "it was within the confines of such a totalising vision of the globe that environmental determinism and a certain conception of otherness could be admitted. The diversity of peoples could be appreciated and analysed in the secure knowledge that their 180  'place' in the spatial order was unambiguously known."  Perhaps the beginnings of these  ideas were represented in material that combined cartographic and 'ethnographic' interests. The first elaborate printed cosmographies such as Abraham Ortelius' Theatrum orbis terrarum (1570) and Gereardus Mercator's Atlas, sive cosmograpahicae meditationis de fabrica mundi (1585-95) included finely coloured maps and an accompanying text offering  ™Sturtevantfig.l9. 179  Alpers 93.  'Harvey 250.  63  information about the customs of foreign peoples.  Viewers may have expected to find  these two forms of knowledge side by side. Within Jesuit representation of New France on more than one occasion we find these two discourses are joined with religious imagery. The comprehensive volume of the Historiae Canadensis, more elaborate than the yearly Relations, contains illustrations as well as textual description. The images contained in Du Creux's volume, maps, images of fauna and of native clothing and customs as well as an edition of Gregoire Huret's print of the sacrifice of the Jesuit fathers echo the discourses brought together on Bressani's map. In Du Creux the 'ethnographic' plates draw heavily on the classicising visual mode found in the prints of de Bry. They feature massive and robust figures, isolated in generic landscapes, each figure displaying a different style of dress in a pronounced contrapposto stance  182  [fig. 16].  These images are contained by the classical visual mode; they are bound by the  frames around them. The images layered upon Bressani's map to form an elaborate textured surface are dispersed in Du Creux's text as individual plates of cartography, ethnography and religious interest. These three discourses and their repeated interaction in texts and images had a particular importance in Jesuit representation. For the Jesuits the relationship between territoriality and the social realm has a particular resonance for the increase of territory was tied closely to the spread of Christianity. The figures dispersed on the mapped space evoke freedom and movement; they travel across its surface. They suggest something of what the Jesuits expected of New France and of the social relations being defined there.  181  Margaret Hogden Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964) 143.  Gagnon."Iconcgraphie" 62, discusses these images, suggesting that they demonstrate the sexual division of labour in Iroquoian society.  ls2  64  In many early modern maps land yet to be explored is represented in the form of vast blank regions. These regions await the gaze of the European geographer to give them shape, yet their existence is traced out by their place already contained on the cartographic grid.  183  In Jesuit representation the discovery of new territory is always joined to the discovery of new people to whom Christianity could be brought. At the far left of the map five figures dance together on a bit of land between Lake Eerie and Lake Huron. The word in Greek, Chora, identifies their activity as a dance, and above them two schematic tents and the words Gatsistague populi identify the presence of native villages. Below these figures in the very left-hand corner is the image of a palisaded village. Inside the palisade are four schematised images of dome shaped bark-covered longhouses. These were the dwellings of Iroquoian peoples, common to both the Huron and the Iroquois.  The scaled frame  surrounding the whole map binds these images closely. The edge of these images is cut off from view, giving the impression that the patch of scrub-covered earth on which the figures dance continues outside of the frame; that it is peopled by other figures like those who inhabit the space of the map. In his Breve Relatione Bressani writes of the Jesuit's desire to bring Christianity to the native nations west of Huronia of whom they had heard of but had yet to make contact with: "Now, under the name of "Mission of the Hurons', we comprehended all these vast countries; and our design was never to stop in seeking out of new people, -to whom we hoped that a Colony in the Country of the Hurons might be the key, -had not the inscrutable judgement of God otherwise disposed." 184  This is evident on both of Sanson's maps, [figs. 3&4]. JR37:239.  65  The images spilling outside the boundaries of the mapped territory evoke the possibility of further conversions. Even the space defined by Bressani's map identified as "New France Accurately Delineated in 1657," portrays much more than the small European settlements on the St. Lawrence and in Acadia that were the established landholdings of the French in New France. There was some ambiguity as to its actual boundaries. Father Du Creux generously describes the colony as extending from Florida to the Polar circle, however Bressani acknowledges some uncertainty when he writes, "By New France is commonly understood the space of land and water which extends from 36 degrees of latitude which is that of Virginia, to 52 degrees where nearly begins the Great River of St. Lawrence; others locate it from 32 to 54 degrees." 1  Bressani's map follows his textual definition of French territory in America in its depiction of land extending from the St. Lawrence to Virginia, despite this also being rather generous.  Perhaps the distribution of scenes of native activity throughout the territory  named "New France Accurately Delineated in 1657" suggests the possibility of a vast and prosperous colony peopled by Christianised natives. In addition to increasing the Christian faith, the conversion of sedentary native groups who inhabited villages like that represented at the lower left of the map, could also increase the territory of France in America. Debates about what constituted a nations claim to territory in the New World were ongoing since the first voyages of exploration of the fifteenth century.  In the sixteenth century Francis I  king of France petitioned the Pope that claims could not be founded just by discovery but  185  JR38:221.  186  Olive Patricia Dickason, "Renaissance Europe's View of Amerindian Sovereignty and Territoriality." Plural Societies 8.3-4: 97.  66  had to be based on settlement in the territory in question. Therefore the increase of territory in New France would have to be preceded by the formation of a Catholic native population loyal to the French crown. Knowledge about non-European peoples was collected not as examples of other 187  cultures but as a way of developing effective means of conversion.  The ethnographic  interest and the religious imperialism of the Jesuits are joined in an image in the upper lefthand corner of the map. In it a native family is shown praying on their knees, their faces upturned toward the vision of a cross suspended within a radiating aureole. The clothing worn by these figures, the tobacco sac slung over the shoulders of the man, the detachable sleeves of the woman's dress, the ornamental plaque she is shown wearing hanging from her 188  hair are what may be called ethnographic in their detail.  Separated from the mapped  territory of New France by two scales of measurement indicating French leagues and Italian miles. They are brought into the realm of that which can be measured according to the standards of both French and Italian geographic exactitude. Kneeling in supplication these figures recall miniature donor figures. In many ways this grouping of figures is a representation of a Christian ideal, as Bressani wrote of the Hurons, "We have proved them to be most capable not only of faith, which is more excellent than all the sciences but also of the true science of the Saints, -that is to say, of a most constant and most tender devotion." 189  McGrane 17-18. Gagnon. "Iconographie" 65. JR38:263.  67  The assimilation of native culture to Christianity was the foundation of hopes for New France. Christian natives would also be obedient French subjects. In a letter to Louis XIII, Samuel de Champlain, expressed his hopes for the assimilation of the native populations, "...for increasing our long-cherished desire to send out yonder communities and colonies to teach those peoples, along with the knowledge of God, the glory and triumphs of your Majesty, so that with the French speech they may also acquire a French heart and spirit which next to the fear of God, shall breathe nothing but the desire to serve you." 190  There is something paradoxical about this image. These figures adopt a position that has a familiar resonance in Christian visual culture, kneeling before a suspended cross. Yet the ethnographic detailing of the clothing, appealing to an interest in the material culture of the Hurons, draws on the ethnographic discourse discussed above.  191  It is a paradox that  highlights the crisis of representation brought about by the Jesuits encounter with the natives of New France. Indigenous peoples encountered in the so-called New World presented Europe with an ontological dilemma. Unlike the internal others previously encountered by Early Modern religious thinkers, this other, radically external, was not a heretic but a pagan, having absolutely no knowledge of Christianity. As anthropologist Bernard McGrane puts it the non-Christian dwelt in a space of absence. them.  There was no category in which to place  They were not in possession of heretical religious beliefs but rather they were  1 9 0  Samuel de Champlain, The Works of Samuel de Champlain vol.3, ed. H P . Biggar (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1922-36) 5-6.  1 9 1  Joseph Monteyne, "Absolute Faith; or France Bringing Representation to the Subjects of New France," unpublished manuscript notes another  instance of the significance of the representation of the native body and how it is clothed in seventeenth-century imagery of New France 17.  1 9 2  McGrane 10.  68  believed to be without religion at all. In this case their salvation would simply involve the filling of the void, although a battle with the devil would be necessary first. The barbarity that had to be overcome is related with zeal in the literaturefromNew France. Father Du Creux outlines the dangers facing missionaries in New France, "All of those [missionaries] whom I have mentioned take their lives in their hands daily, still I think they are likely to count themselves happy in this one respect, when they contrast themselves with those whose deeds I have undertaken to relate [the Jesuits in New France], that they have to do with human beings, that is peoples who have received some long impress from civilisation; whereas our missionaries in Canada, who share their other dangers as well are confronted with this truly grave peril in addition, that they have to do, not perhaps with sticks and stones according to the hitherto prevailing opinion about these savages, but certainly up to the present time with barbarous and uncivilised men abandoned to every form of cruelty." 193  The Relations of the Jesuits in New France reveal an ambivalence, the texts tracing a trajectory between two poles, defined, at one end by the utter alterity of the native and at the other by an extraordinary potential for Christian observance. Bressani struggles with the notion of absence, and the commonplace notion that indigenous peoples in North America were devoid of religion, for as McGrane also notes the non-Christian also dwells in a space of potentiality.  194  Bressani vacillates between the assumption of their irreligiosity and his  own experience of indigenous religious belief and practice,  DuCreux 16. Despite Pope Paul IH's bull sublimis Deus of 1537, which affirmed that "Indians are true men," religious thinkers consistently located the natives of America at the bottom of the human hierarchy. In his text De procuranda Indorum salute (1588), the Jesuit father Jose de Acosta, a missionary in Peru, established a taxonomy of non-Christian peoples in ordertodescribe the best strategy for the conversion of each. The 'barbarians,' the tribal societies of the Americas ranked lowest, below the Chinese, Japanese and East Indians.  McGrane 16.  69  "Our Barbarians were indeed without religion, - that is, without regulated and ordinary worship of the divinity of whom they had but an obscure knowledge; therefore they had neither temples, nor Priests, nor feasts, nor prayers and public ceremonies; but they were not only not Atheists but also not so irreligious as not to render some homage to those genii to whom they attributed their most signal good fortune." 195  From the outset Bressani differentiates native belief from that of the Atheist, the term used to describe adherents of Protestantism, "Among these wholly uncultivated people nothing else seems to remain but corrupted nature alone; and yet they are very far from the opinions of our libertines, and from Atheism." In seventeenth-century Christian theological thought, pure unfettered nature was seen as fallen, demonical, degenerate and without inner rationale.  196  Christianity, it was believed, brought the necessary organising principle to  nature. Thus without knowledge of Christianity, indigenous people could only be savage and degenerate, of "corrupted nature." Bressani's text reveals a struggle, which centres around the reconciliation of a natural state without religion with what he is invested in proving; the inherent potential as Christians possessed by the Hurons. Bressani resolves this problem by suggesting that the Hurons did in fact have some obscure knowledge, although long corrupted, of what could be taken for a Christian God. He also suggests an analogy between Huron religious practices and those of Christianity, "They believe in the immortality of the soul, and in two separate abodes toward the Sunset, - for some happy, and for others wretched, - although they mingle with these a thousand fables, as the ancients did in speaking of their Elysian fields. Secondly, they believe in good Spirits and evil ones...And certainly they have not only the perception of a divinity, but also a name JR39: 15. McGrane 16.  70  which in their dangers they invoke, without knowing its true significance, recommending themselves Ignoto Deo with these words, Aireskui Sutanditenr; the last of which may be translated by misere nobis..." m  The image of the Christian Hurons articulates a belief in their ability to be redeemed by Christian observance. Yet, as the scales of measurement that contain the figures suggest, this transformation would never result in the autonomy of the natives but would have to always be safeguarded by Europe. As Marie de L'lncarnation writes, "il faudra toujours dependre de 1'Europe pour avoir des ouvriers de l*Evangile, le naturel des Sauvages Ameriquains,raemedes plus saints et spirituels, n'etant nullement propre aux fonctions Ecclesiastiques, mais seulement a etre enseignez et conduits doucement dans la voye du Ciel." 198  If we look at the whole of the map, we find disparate images, not just the ideal Christian native but also "the barbarians and their cruelties."  The paradigm of Christian  sacrifice proposes that we read the map accordingly, that the salvation of the territory can only be achieved through the kind of sacrifice imaged in the lower right hand corner. The result of this sacrifice is the native Christian family portrayed at the upper left. There is however, a problematic relationship between these images at the corners. While the sacrifice of the Jesuit fathers begets the faithful native family, it is at the hands of these same natives that the sacrifice is incurred. These are in a way opposing representations, a Christian native accorded a subject position under Christ and State and a demonised, objectified Other necessary for the assurance of the first.  oVrirjearnationnol28: 396.  71  Ambivalence also reigns in the Jesuit texts. The very presence of the missionaries speaks of a belief in a Christian potential among the natives of New France yet Du Creux among others, with relish, sets forth the hazards of labouring amidst extreme baseness.  This  ambivalence points to an essential paradox in the Jesuit position. How are the boundaries of a budding Christian community defined in relation to an external Other when ultimately the missionary project seeks to internalise that Other through conversion? De Certeau notes that bipolarity characterises the definition of identity and that the poles may be changed according to necessity.  199  The discussion of the imagery on Bressani's map has brought some of these  binarisms to light: [savage, Christian], [good, evil], [Huron, Iroquois].  However this  examination has also revealed the many interventions into these opposing pairs. These oppositions are difficult to maintain the boundaries defined by them are continually blurred by the complexity they attempt to contain. This problem becomes particularly poignant when the Jesuits establish missions among the Iroquois. On the map around the circumference of Lake Ontario the progress of Jesuit exploration into Iroquois territory is indicated by the tiny schematic symbols indicating neutral and Iroquois villages. Below Lake Ontario the word Hirochii designates the territory of the Iroquois confederacy. In the middle of this land is a tiny cross, surmounting the spiked circle that indicates a village. This is Ste. Marie Gannentaa the mission centre among the Onondaga nation of the Iroquois confederacy.  Initial missionary attempts saw the  Jesuits escape from the Onondaga in the dark of night to avoid their deaths. Ultimately,  '"de Certeau, Writing, "the successive contents of binomial suggest the movements of a boundary and therigidityof the principle by which a society organises events in order to define itself' 135.  72  however, they would prevail. Significantly the Jesuits would be aided in their efforts of conversion by the very native social practice which gave them pause at Huronia's destruction. At the dispersal of the Huron nation many Hurons were absorbed into the Iroquois nations; by 1657, Le Jeune observed that the Iroquois confederacy now counted "more Foreigners that natives of the country." Many of these had had Christian teaching and were instrumental in the eventual conversion of their Iroquois compatriots • Bressani's praise of the Hurons  "they are very far from the opinions of our  libertines, and from Atheism," reveals the presence of another familiar concern of the Jesuits, the heresy of Protestantism. At the very right of the mapped territory is a single figure of an Iroquois warrior. He wears wooden slatted armour and carries a rifle slung over his shoulder. A Latin word describes him as armatus. According to de Certeau historical content is organised according to internal functioning of a religious society such as the designation of heresy, or according to an exteriority (a past, a hostile present, the religious assimilation of non-religious elements).  200  This small image evokes the heretical and  exterior elements that are at the core of the Jesuit histories from New France.  The  'barbarian' Iroquois was long characterised as the enemy to be eradicated, in Jesuit representation, however, lurking behind him is a second enemy of the Faith, a more familiar Other, whose machinations are perceived behind those of their native allies. Early on the Jesuits presented the Dutch and their support of the Iroquois as a significant obstacle to the  de Certeau. Writing 126.  73  aims of French, writing in 1640 to Cardinal Richelieu, chief minister of Louis XIII, Jesuit Superior, Jerome Lalemant outlines the dangers presented, "Among the difficulties which we apprehend, and which are greater than ever, to the progress of the business of His Divine Majesty, is the proximity of the English and the Dutch, who occupy the shores of this side of the ocean, and who augment and powerfully support the courage of the enemies of the peoples who are our allies, among whom we live, and by whose means alone we can advance either south or west..." 201  Father Lalemant sees a solution to the Iroquois problem in the routing of the Dutch and the English from North America, he asks Cardinal Richelieu in his letter, "I would venture, My Lord, to express to your Eminence something further which has occurred to me; it seems that Heaven expects from your zeal and generosity that as you could not suffer heresy and foreigners to strike deeper roots in France, so you should not permit them to get a footing in this new fair possession of the Crown." 202  The Dutch and English colonies were larger and more prosperous than those in New France were. In 1663 New France had 3500 inhabitants, many of whom lived in Acadia under British occupation. At the same time, the combined population of British and Dutch 203  North America was 90 000.  The colonisation of New France was slow due to its  reputation as an undesirable destination, the harshness of the climate and the continual threat of the Iroquois, as well as the reluctance of the members of the Cent-associes to foster  Du Creux xx. 2 0 2  Du Creux xxi.  Leslie Choquette, "Recruitment of French Emigrants to Canada, 1600-1760," 'To Make America" European Emigration in the Early Modem Period eds. Ida Altaian and James Horn (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1991) 137. 2 0 3  74  resident communities who might grow to challenge their monopoly of the fur trade. However, after 1645 the responsibility for peopling the colony was conferred upon the Communaute des Habitants, a governing body of representatives from all of the social groups residing permanently in New France. This association included the Jesuits. The 205  foundation of a French Catholic society in New France was undertaken seriously by the Communaute des Habitants. While the need for a prosperous colony was evident, the character of that colony was of essential importance. The French colonies in the Antilles, were open to all kinds of people, however recruiters for New France sought to restrict the kinds of colonists in the colony in order to avoid the presence of heresy and to foster proper Christian behaviour.  206  The Jesuit Relations were the Jesuit's means of advertising for  colonists and throughout his accounts Father Paul Le Jeune emphasises the importance of religion for the well being of the colony, "pour former le corps d'une bonne Colonie, il faut commencer par la Religion..."  207  At the beginning of his 1633 account Paul Le Jeune writes, "...as a prefatory remark, I must say that we have felt a peculiar pleasure in the behaviour of the French who are wintering here. I confess I had some fear during our voyage that libertinage might cross the sea with us; but the good example of the chiefs who were in command at this place, the distance from all debauchery, the little work which has been done in preaching, and in the administration of the sacraments, have held all strictly in line of duty...A number made a general confession of their whole lives. Those who hardly  2M  2  Trudell23.  ° Choquette 134. 5  2 0 6  M a i n 60.  75  ever spoke of fasting, except in jest, have observed it strictly, becoming obedient to their mother, the Christian and Catholic Church." 208  Life in the colony is consistently presented as peaceful and joyous, "Nous avons passe cette annee dans une grande paix et dans un tres-bonne intelligence avec nos Francois..." The 209  orderly calm of New France is contrasted with the unruly, crowded, noisy cities of France, "Le bruit des Palais, ce grand tintamarre de Sergens, de Plaideurs, de Solliciteurs, les tromperies, les vols, les rapts, les assassins, les perfidies, les inimitiez, les malices noires, ne se voyent icy qu'une fois Tan sur les papiers et sur les gazettes, que quelques uns apportent de l'Ancienne-France. Ce n'est pas que nous n'ayons nos maladies, mais elles sont plus aisees a guerir..." 210  The presence of pious inhabitants from France was believed to be essential for the conversion of the native peoples. Christian behaviour in the colony would set an example for the natives, who in admiration, it was thought, would seek to emulate them, "les 211  families...changent la barbarie des Sauvages en la courtoisie naturelle aux Francois." Despite attempts to ensure the purity of those individuals in the colony, unwanted elements managed to insinuate themselves, "Je sais qu'il y a des dmes sales, qui par leurs paroles 212  brutales scandalisent les Sauvages," Father Le Jeune acknowledged.  Many people arrived  in New France unknowingly because of the fashion in which the passages to the various French colonies in North America and the Caribbean were advertised. Both were referred to 2 0 8  J R 5: 85,87.  2 0 9  JR 6: 102.  2 , 0  JR 9: 138.  2 1 1  JR 7: 254.  2 1 2  JR11:74.  76  as les lies,' les lies de les Antilles and les lies de la Nouvelle France.  No doubt a few  passengers expecting to arrive in the balmy south were disappointed to find themselves disembarking in Quebec. The presence of heretical Protestants was also hard to eradicate. An edict of 1628 had banned Huguenots from settling in the colony, although they were 214  permitted to disembark in New France on their way to colonies to the south. The Jesuit Relations tell of the presence of undesirable elements, "les vaisseaux nous avoient laisse 215  deux personnes de la Religion pretendue."  Contact with the soil of New France however  seemed to cause almost spontaneous conversions to Catholicism, "elles se sont rangees a la verite de l'Eglise Catholique, et ont proteste publiquement qu'ils desiroient vivre et mourir 216  en cette saincte creance." The beneficent effect of the catholic territory of Canada could also contribute to the salvation of old France, the Relation of 1635 tells of, "On the twenty-sixth of the same month a young man who came over into New France as a volunteer Soldier... publicly abjured the errors of Calvin, and embraced the Christian and Catholic truths...Finally after having enlightened him upon the principal points of our belief, he desired to carry back to Old France the treasure of truth which God had led him to find in the New." 217  Fear of the spread of Protestant heresy was also very much tied to the concerns of the Jesuits regarding trade relations. On the map the figure of the Iroquois warrior with his  Deffain60, Trudel 171. JR11:72. JR11:72. JR8:63.  77  rifle, a prized trade item, slung over his shoulder, also points to the complex relations of trade among nations in America. Trade was the foundation of all relationships between native and non-native groups and it was also integral to the continuation of the conflict between European groups in America. A letter written in 1650 by Marie de l'lncarnation indicates how the success of the missionary efforts of the Jesuits, and that of the struggling French settlements were intertwined with the progress of commerce in North America. Each of the elements that formed the symbiosis of the French project was threatened by the continuing war waged by the Iroquois. "Mais s'il [the Iroquois] pursuit ses conquetes et ses victoires, il n'y a plus rien a faire ici pour les Francois: Le commerce ne pourra pas s'y exercer; le commerce ne s'y exercant plus, il n'y viendra plus de navire; les navires n'y venant plus, toutes les choses necessaires a la vie nous manqueront, comme les etoffes, le linge. La plus grande partie des vivres, commes les lards et les farines dont la garrison et les Maisons religieuses ne se peuvent passer. Ce n'est pas qu'on ne travaille beaucoup et qu'on ne fasse des nourritures; mais le pais ne donne pas encore ce qu'il faut pour s'entretenir. La troisieme chose qui retarde nos affaires, est que si le commerce manque par la continuation de la guerre, les Sauvages qui ne s'arretent ici que pour trafiquer, se dissiperont dans les bois, ainsi nous n'aurons plus que faire de Bulle n'y ayant plus rien a faire pour nous qui ne sommes ici que pour les attirer a la foy, et pour les gagner a Dieu." 218  At the centre of trade relations between the French and Native groups was the beaver, whose luxurious pelt was highly desirable in Europe. The trade in furs is called up on the map by tiny pictures of the animals sought after for their pelts. Beaver, muskrat, elk, bear and moose are depicted the region between Lake Ontario and the Ottawa River. In Europe beaver pelts were transformed into felt hats. The small skins such as marten otter,  m  de l'lncarnation, no. 128: 398.  78  and black fox were used for the trimmings of the costumes of aristocrats and deer hides which were made into leather breeches and bags  219  Every summer, the Hurons came to  trade their furs at Quebec. They paddled up the St. Lawrence in flotillas of as many as sixty deep-bodied canoes six to eight metres long. These vessels, like the one shown empty at the bottom of Bressani's map plied by two men, were filled with four or five men and nearly ninety kilograms of furs. In a usual trading year 12,000 to 15,000 furs were traded from Huronia, about half the total furs exported from Quebec. In exchange for their furs the Hurons hoped to carry a variety of European goods back to Huronia.  Paul Le Jeune  described the trading he witnessed in 1632, "The day of their arrival they erect their huts; the second, they hold their councils and make their presents; the third and fourth, they trade, sell, buy, barter their furs and their tobacco for blankets, hatchets, kettles, capes, iron arrow-points, little glass beads, shirts, and many similar things. It is a pleasure to watch them during this trading. When it is over they take one day more for their last council, for the feast which is generally made for them, and the dance; and early the next morning they disappear like a flock of birds." 220  The Jesuits saw co-operating with the trade as necessary to success of their venture. In the Jesuit Relations they note the benefits: "The use of arquebuses, refused to the Infidels by monsieur the Governor, and granted to the Christian neophytes, is a powerful attraction to win them: it seems that our Lord intends to use this means in order to render Christianity acceptable in these regions." 221  James Axtell, "The First Consumer Revolution," Beyond 1492: Encounters in Colonial North America (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992) 129. 2 1 9  79  However they were concerned with circumscribing its limits. While the interests of the Jesuits were closely tied to those of the state, their priorities were often divergent. Neither native nor European traders were interested in facilitating the work of the Jesuits. The Jesuits for their part were concerned that the traders cared more for furs than for the saving of souls. The account of an exchange in the Jesuit Relations hints at the risks they perceived. In it a Montagnais is reported to have told a French trader, "The Beaver does everything perfectly well, it makes kettles, hatchets, swords, knives, bread in short it makes everything." "He was making sport of us Europeans,' explained his Jesuit guest [to the trader], "who have such a fondness for the skin of this animal and who fight to see who will give the most to these Barbarians to get it." Some while later, the same Indian said to the Frenchman, holding out a very beautiful knife, "The English have no sense; they give us twenty knives like this for one beaver skin." 2 2  The mocking tone of the Montagnais highlights the folly of European greed, assiduously pointed out by the Jesuit. The threat, in the form of the native, knife, in hand, has behind it the foolishness of the English whose rapacious desire for beaver pelts arms the natives twenty times over. When the French under Champlain reconfirmed their trade alliance with the Huron in 1615 they already had trade agreements with the Montagnais, Algonquins and Mi'kmaq. All of the French trading partners had been fighting the Iroquois long before the arrival of the Europeans.  223  French alliances with the enemies of the Iroquois to the north, effectively  221  JR 25: 27.  2 2 2  JR 6: 299.  2 2 3  Dickason. First Nations 124.  80  blocked them from obtaining directly the highly desirable European trade goods. After four years of battling the Mahicans who blocked their trade with the Dutch to the east, the Iroquois established their own trade with Europeans in which they had formerly been disadvantaged. In addition to the trade goods available to the Huron from the French in 1636 the Dutch also began trading firearms to the Iroquois. In 1641 the first Christian Huron 224  obtained a firearm.  That year the Iroquois received 39 muskets in trade and by 1643 the  number had risen to 300. The military superiority of the Iroquois was bolstered by their supply of guns.  In response the French armed the Abenaki south of the St. Lawrence,  Christian or not in an attempt to keep the Iroquois confederacy in check. However they did not extend their policy to the Hurons perhaps thinking them far enough away to be safe from the Iroquois. The Jesuits petitioned France for reinforcements against the Iroquois, who became "every year more powerful and more redoubtable upon the river," that was the lifeline between fur rich Huronia and the ships that would transport the pelts to Europe. The Iroquois (Mohawk and Seneca nations) began blockading the St. Lawrence, Ottawa and Richelieu rivers in 1642 using surprise to ambush travellers. In 1644 and 1645 only one in four brigades of fur traders made it to its destination; in two years not one brigade made it through at all.  The interruption of the fur trade between Huronia and Quebec was  Trigger. Natives 255.Christian natives were treated as French subjects and received the privileges accorded including incentives were economic, political and military and included access tofirearms,the availability of European goods and the same prices given to the French and the bestowal of additional gifts at the time offhe fur trade. In 1648 not even 15% of Hurons had been baptised while over half of the 250 traders were Christians or were receivingreligiousinstruction Through the influence of these men it was hoped their families and friends would also embrace Christianity. 2 2 4  81  potentially devastating to all parties involved. Jerome Lalemant writing from Huronia articulates the dangers, "...this rupture would ruin us equally with them [the Huron] since it would make it impossible for us to subsist here any longer and to discharge here the business of our Master, for that would be impossible without communication 225  with the French at Quebec."  In 1646 a short term peace was negotiated between the French and the Mohawks allowing eighty canoes through. In 1648 the Huron rallied to send 60 canoes, picking up French reinforcements in Trois-Rivieres. In retrospect the ease of their passing suggests foreboding for the brigade returned home to find three of Huronia's villages devastated. The Iroquois had changed their tacticsfromattacks upon the river to raiding settlements. After continued attacks, in 1649 the Huron gave up, burned their remaining villages and dispersed.  so Bressani's coda in the Breve relatione attempts to tie the map to his text, "The whole would have been made clear by the map, which I was hoping to add here..." The map will visualise a history and complement the text. Through my reading of Bressani's text as well as the other Jesuit texts produced in relation to the Jesuit missions among the Hurons I have suggested certain meanings for his mapping of history. Many factors, however, work to pull map and text apart. Four years passed between the publication of the Breve relatione and the production of the map. Bressani's conclusion, "Those who desire it can have it a little while  225  Du Creux xx.  82  later, in separate form..." suggests that he is hopeful that readers of his text will later seek out his map. Perhaps some readers did so, as I did, but it is also likely that many viewed the map independently of the text. Not only separated by time, the map and the text are also separated spatially, for the map is not bound to the text. If as Chartier has suggested, meaning is dependent upon the forms through which it is received, then the possibility of its altered forms suggest still other meanings. Produced in two halves to be joined at the middle, each of these halves of the map bears a compass rose to orient the viewer, giving each the ability to function autonomously. 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Gregoire Huret, la Mort de quelques Peres de la Compagnie de Jesus  Figure 14. detail, scenes of native life, Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio  98  Figure 17. detail, prayingfigures,Novae Franciae Accurata Delineatio  100  

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