Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Effective city-region governance: a case study of local economic development in Greater Vancouver Christie, Allison Veronica 1998

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_1998-0211.pdf [ 5.75MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0088397.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0088397-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0088397-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0088397-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0088397-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0088397-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0088397-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0088397-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0088397.ris

Full Text

EFFECTIVE CITY-REGION GOVERNANCE: A Case Study of Local Economic Development in Greater Vancouver by A L L I S O N V E R O N I C A CHRISTIE B.E.S., The University of Waterloo, 1996  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF ARTS (PLANNING) in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A April 1998 © Allison Veronica Christie, 1998  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of  C O m m l / W h i g^d  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date  DE-6 (2/88)  flgg  iflYW 1  flcfjinil^  Abstract City-regions have emerged as a critical focus of economic activity, governance and social organization as a result of the ongoing processes of economic restructuring. Canadian cityregions are limited in their capacity to respond to contemporary problems due to the functional and structural limitations of outdated governing systems. The Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) is a system of voluntary cooperation among twenty-one local municipalities. While this model has served the city-region well, its limits have been reached in terms of its ability to deliver necessary region-wide policy responses. Economic development, a crucial policy issue for urban regions, is characterized by vague and ill-functioning relationships and by poorly-defined policies and programs between the member municipalities and the regional tier. The G V R D is constrained by the fact that it can only do what is delegated by its members, and decisions are often compromised in order to suit conflicting local interests that exist throughout the region. A new governing model for the city-region should foster a regional vision, and should be appropriate for the responsibilities the city-region is expected to fulfill in this era of global competition. A single-tier government is the most appropriate model for Greater Vancouver, allowing comprehensive regional planning and innovative economic development to be carried out with a strong regional voice, and for decisions to be made with a greater degree of certainty, preserving the livability and economic health of Canada's fastest-growing city-region.  Table of Contents Abstract Table of Contents List of Figures and Tables  ii iii v  1. CONTEXT, BACKGROUND AND APPROACH  1  1.1. Context 1.2. Problem Statement 1.2.1. Regional Governance and Economic Development in Greater Vancouver 1.3. Research Questions 1.4. Description of Thesis Structure and Content 1.4.1. Approach 1.4.2. Methodology 1.4.3. Outline Notes  1 5 6 10 10 10 12 12 14  2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE  15  2.1. Changes in Urban Governance 2.2. New Roles for City-Regions 2.3. Structural Change and its Implications 2.4. Governance Issues 2.4.1. Reform of Metropolitan Areas 2.4.2. Metropolitan Pressures and Responses 2.4.3. Local Municipalities in tlie City-Region Context 2.4.4. Governance in Greater Vancouver: A Model of Voluntary Cooperation 2.5. Alternative Approaches to tlie Governing of City-Regions 2.5.1. The Canadian Experience 2.5.2. American Examples 2.5.3. Other Innovations: Strategic Planning and Intergovernmental Cooperation 2.6. Governing Models 2.6.1. Intermunicipal Agreements 2.6.2. Voluntary Cooperation 2.6.3. Two-Tier Metropolitan Government 2.6.4. Amalgamation and Consolidation 2.7. Conclusion Notes  15 16 17 19 19 23 26 27 29 29 32 38 41 42 43 43 44 45 46  3. T H E GVRD AS A CASE STUDY  49  3.1. The Greater Vancouver Regional District 3.1.1. Planning the Livable Region 3.2. Economic Development in Greater Vancouver 3.2.1. G V R D Policies and Programs 3.2.2. Local Municipal Approaches 3.3. Economic Development as a Policy Issue in Canadian City-Regions 3.4. Directions for Change Notes  49 50 53 53 56 58 63 65  4. EVALUATIVE FRAMEWORK  66  4.1. Goals and Principles for Effective City-Region Governance 4.1.1. Goals for City-Region Governance in Greater Vancouver 4.1.2. Objectives of an Effective City-Region 4.2. Criteria for Evaluation 4.2.1. Technical Feasibility 4.2.2. Economic Feasibility 4.2.3. Political Viability 4.2.4. Administrative Operability 4.3. Identification of Alternative Policy Options 4.3.1. Amalgamation 4.3.2. Enhanced Consensual Model 4.3.3. Two-Tier Metropolitan Government Model 4.3.4. Status Quo Notes  66 67 67 71 71 72 72 72 73 73 75 78 80 82  5 EVALUATION  83  5.1. Amalgamation 5.1.1. Technical Feasibility 5.1.2. Economic Feasibility 5.1.3. Political Viability 5.1.4. Administrative Operability 5.2. Enhanced Consensual 5.2.1. Technical Feasibility 5.2.2. Economic Feasibility 5.2.3. Political Viability 5.2.4. Administrative Operability 5.3. Two-Tier Metropolitan Government 5.3.1. Technical Feasibility 5.3.2. Economic Feasibility 5.3.3. Political Viability 5.3.4. Administrative Operability 5.4. Status Quo 5.4.1. Technical Feasibility 5.4.2. Economic Feasibility 5.4.3. Political Viability 5.4.4. Administrative Operability 5.5. Overall Evaluation of Options 5.5.1. Amalgamation and Regional Economic Development 5.5.2. Enhanced Consensual Model and Regional Economic Development 5.6. Conclusion Notes  83 83 84 86 87 88 88 90 90 91 91 91 92 93 94 95 95 96 96 97 98 99 101 102 104  6. CONCLUSION: A NEW GOVERNING MODEL FOR GREATER VANCOUVER  105  6.1. A New City of Vancouver 6.1.1. Ensuring the Success of a New Governance Model 6.1.2. Structure and Functions: Proposed Organization 6.2. Prospects for Amalgamation in Greater Vancouver 6.3. Conclusion Notes  105 106 108 109 111 114  iv  BIBLIOGRAPHY  115  APPENDIX  119  Appendix App endix Appendix Appendix  A: B: C: D:  Evaluation of Governing Models for Greater Vancouver Summary of Evaluation List of Policy Documents Reviewed List of Individuals Interviewed  119 12 0 121 122  L i s t of Figures and Tables Figure 1: Greater Vancouver Regional District Table 1: Population of G V R D Municipalities.  v  1. 1.1.  CONTEXT, BACKGROUND AND APPROACH Context Urban regions have been experiencing a dramatic and dynamic period of change.  "City-  regions" have emerged as a critical focus of economic activity, governance and social organization as a result of the ongoing processes of economic restructuring that have characterized the past twenty-five years.. Several factors have contributed to this transformation, including: the opening of national and world markets, increasing competition from newly industrializing countries, improvements in transportation and communications, increases in purchasing power, the role of women in the marketplace and the labour force, and the rapid progress of new information-processing technologies,' as well as the growth of specialized, highly agglomerative intermediate service industries. Vast metropolitan regions present a great challenge to the planner. Since most cities are not governed by any single metropolitan entity, there is inevitably fragmentation, overlap and questions about who exactly is in charge.  2  A city-region is often approximately coterminous with what Statistics Canada terms a Census Metropolitan Area, "a very large urban area, together with adjacent urban and rural areas which have a high degree of economic and social integration with that urban area."  3  These large  urban areas are at the very centre of competition and economic development in the new economy. It is largely within city-regions that a nation's core economic production and consumption systems are found, but also the physical and social infrastructures that constitute the very foundations of these systems.  4  The issue of city-region governance has been difficult'to resolve; one of the greatest challenges facing any large urban region is the establishment of a responsive governing framework. A major obstacle facing institutional reform is the existence of entrenched political 1  fragmentation, the divisions that threaten the economic and social viability of the region by limiting the opportunities to generate an area-wide response to problems. Canadian city-regions 3  are limited in their capacity to respond to contemporary problems, due to the functional and structural limitations of outdated governance systems, and the somewhat ambivalent attitudes of senior levels of government. City-regions may be occupying a leading-edge position in terms of trade and economic activity, but they lack the organizational capacity to govern effectively and to thrive in the new economy. Governments at all levels face severe challenges and budgetary restrictions; this period is also producing a reconsideration of what governments do and how they carry out their roles. There is less demand and support for government as a bureaucratic machine that provides services and increases taxes to pay for them. There is more demand and need for governance for leading society and convincing its various interest groups to embrace common goals and strategies.  6  . A system of regional governance is a network of formal and informal arrangements, consisting of the combined efforts of local governments, intergovernmental agreements, private sector contracts and initiatives that together provide services in order to meet the governing needs of a given constituency. Governance is ideally characterized by partnerships, strong leadership, and innovative intergovernmental arrangements, and by a broad umbrella body that has the capacity to view matters from a metropolitan perspective, and to act in the metropolitan interest. In particular, it is the presence of partnerships and the diversity and nature of public 7  and private sector arrangements that makes governance distinct from government. A regional government, on the other hand, would have the following five characteristics: representation; revenue raising capacity; autonomy; legal authority; and the capacity to  coordinate.  An effective government structure must be able to manage region-wide  responsibilities such as the coordination and provision of social services and infrastructure, the strategic planning of economic growth and development and the redistribution of public resources. The policy environment for the managing and planning of urban regions has changed significantly and unalterably in the era of the global economy. A central goal of planning and management for urban regions must be to make and to keep these regions competitive and as important engines of the global economy. The globalization of financial and property markets 9  demands that urban policy makers be conscious of global capital and information flows and global economic and political factors.  10  At the same time, proposed changes to governing structures should also respect the strength and importance of local autonomy, which allows residents to deal with their own neighbourhood planning concerns. However, changes to governing structures exact a political cost as shifts in functional and financial responsibilities inevitably encounter resistance from politicians unwilling to forego their governmental powers, and local residents unwilling to part with the formal structures that shape their neighbourhoods and identities." The importance of city-regions vis-a-vis senior levels of governments is increasing. As federal and provincial agencies and departments wrestle with deficits and debt reduction, responsibilities are being downloaded to the local level, and local governments have found themselves with more responsibilities in recent years. In most cases, devolving responsibilities to the local level is more appropriate as the local level can best understand the forces driving regional circumstances, and provide services and programs that are more cost-effective and  responsive. However, with the devolution of responsibilities must come the capacity to provide these programs and services, namely financial and structural capabilities. A more revolutionary viewpoint reveals that city-regions are increasingly viewed as the more appropriate and relevant scale of organization to address the changes resulting from transformational economic restructuring, while the nation-state becomes less and less relevant. There is a decline in the relative importance of national institutions and power, and trends emphasize the rise of the city-region and the eclipse of the nation-state.  Kenichi Ohmae notes  that the nation-state has become an unnatural unit for organizing human activity and managing economic endeavour in a "borderless world," where "region states" are natural economic zones that define the meaningful flows of economic activity and social organization.  13  Planning for quality of life remains an important objective for urban regions within the larger global context.  The social and employment impacts of economic restructuring are very  pressing and problematic; the need to respond to economic change must not marginalize social considerations. While Canada's metropolitan areas remain very livable, they are not immune to social impacts such as long-term structural unemployment and locational disadvantage. Metropolitan areas are the key to Canada's global economic future. Canadian cityregions must respond with proactive urban strategies and policies, rooted in a knowledge of today's and tomorrow's global economic reality.  14  City-regions must be proactive, adroit, and  anticipatory in their policy stance; a regional institution must be able to confidently respond to the needs of the entire area. "The successful city is one in which inevitable change is anticipated and embraced; one in which there is strategic re-investment in its physical and human capital; one in which a sense of fairness and equity is constantly refreshed; one in which a vision of a collective urban future is shared by its citizens and presented to the world."  15  4  1.2.  Problem Statement The new logic of production, employment and distribution has engendered changes in  land use and social occupation and has caused a reordering of the urban hierarchy and of the economic and political links between places.  16  William Coffey attributes these new spatial,  sectoral and occupational realities to a "non-industrial" revolution, characterized by an increasing integration and reorganization of the global economy. City-regions now hold a place of much higher importance in terms of the national and global economies, but this fact is poorly recognized within the city-region itself, and not always well-understood by federal or provincial governments. Within the larger city-region context, neighbourhoods and communities still represent the basic and relevant organization of households and individuals. It is therefore necessary to give attention to the small communities and neighbourhoods that make up and ultimately define many of the characteristics of these very large metropolitan areas. Many needs can in fact be met best at the very lowest level of government. In today's economy defined by a network of city-regions, there is a need to find a balance between planning for the larger city-region level and planning for the smaller local communities. Residents of city-regions rely on local governments for the delivery of services central to their well-being. In meeting the needs for these services, local governments within the urban region face many challenges, including: population growth and expansion; rising expectations of citizens and upper level governments; taxpayer scrutiny; and financial constraints.  17  The relationships between the local community and the city-region are difficult to define, and in many cases policies and programs fail to meet the needs of both levels effectively. The  5  need for both metropolitan and community levels of governance is very real and relevant, and there are appropriate tasks and responsibilities for both. There is neither a clear picture of what kind o f relationship is necessary, nor enough communication between these levels o f government. Adversarial relationships and political wars characterize the relationships that exist in already inadequate systems of governance, and effective policy-making has become very difficult. The structures o f governance and government for Canadian city-regions are outdated and inadequate. This subject has been widely studied, with a great deal of literature and numerous recommendations about what an ideal structure might look like for the twenty-first century. It must be acknowledged that change to the institutional framework does not come easily, and therefore, options for working within existing systems must also be studied. City-regions are not equipped with the right set of tools to make these regions competitive, and many fail to recognize their importance as engines of the global economy. A s Canadian cities continue to grow and expand, new policy approaches and forms o f local government are required.  1.2.1. Regional Governance and Economic Development in Greater Vancouver There are growing expectations that local governments must actively strategize to ensure the economic health o f their respective communities.  Some Canadian municipalities have  chosen to become more active in the area o f economic development for several reasons, including: globalization o f the local economy and the fall of trade barriers; fiscal restraint o f senior levels of government; competition from other municipalities at various spatial scales; collapsing world markets for resource communities; switch from manufacturing to service-led growth; increased demand for a highly educated workforce; and federal cutbacks for regional  6  economic development initiatives.  The nature of this effort has been largely superficial,  episodic, ineffective, and tactical. The Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD), established in 1967, is an upper-tier body of governance that carries out services on a regional basis as designated by its member municipalities. Economic development at both the regional and local levels is characterized by vague and ill-functioning relationships, poorly-defined policies and programs, lack of empirical knowledge about the regional economy and the types of policies that should be pursued, and ongoing confusion over what level should be doing what. William Coffey, in his account of Canada's metropolitan economies, notes that the "entire range of economic development policy at national, regional and local levels - needs to be expanded so as to include the new sectoral, 20  occupational and spatial realities." Greater Vancouver's twenty-one municipalities are involved in economic development to varying degrees throughout the region, with the G V R D playing a coordinating role. Some municipalities are eliminating or cutting back on their involvement altogether. This has important implications for the development and economic viability of the region as a whole. The G V R D comprises the entire Vancouver Census Metropolitan Area. The 1996 population of Greater Vancouver was 1, 891, 400, making it Canada's third-largest city-region." The G V R D is governed by an indirectly-appointed board of directors who represent their respective municipalities as elected members of council; Greater Vancouver has a system of metropolitan governance, rather than regional government. It is a model that has been very widely praised but it is not without faults. The current system is plagued with mistrust and parochialism, and the regional voice has become muted by the concerns of local municipalities that dominate the G V R D agenda. 7  Figure 1: Greater Vancouver Regional District  Greater V a n c o u v e r Regional District A cm ifiistrauve S c K i f j a n i ^ , 1 gg?  I  Source: Greater Vancouver Regional District, Strategic Planning Department, 1997.  8  Policies for economic development should be part of the integrated approach to community and regional planning necessary to prepare city-regions for the issues that lie ahead in the twenty-first century. In Greater Vancouver, economic development is poorly acknowledged as a proactive planning approach, applied within a faulty and inadequate system of governance. Economic development is not viewed as a tool that local governments can use in the building of a healthy and vibrant community, rather, it is viewed as an expendable function by cash-strapped municipalities. Some local municipalities have very comprehensive approaches to economic development, while some are relying on inadequate plans and policies, some still are doing nothing. As several local municipalities draw back on their economic development functions, the region as a whole suffers from a fragmented approach. Sancton has observed that "the best structural arrangements for local economic development are simply those that are most likely to promote effective and efficient local government."  22  The G V R D model of regional governance has worked well for quite some time, but the city-region is faced with different challenges than those of thirty years ago when the model was established. It has been flexible to a point, accommodating new challenges as they have arisen, but there is no longer room to bend and shape. It is time to truly evaluate whether or not this model can continue to address the governance demands that contemporary Greater Vancouver brings forth.  9  1.3.  Research Questions  This thesis explores two key questions. First, given that city-regions now occupy a crucial position in terms of trade and economic activity in an increasingly global marketplace, w h a t k i n d o f a p p r o a c h to e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t s h o u l d be t a k e n b y G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r , a n d w h a t a r e the implications of a new a p p r o a c h f o r the g o v e r n i n g of the region?  The  principal options for regional economic development will be offered. Second, based on an exploration of the various models of governance and their applications and the context of economic development, w h a t t y p e o f g o v e r n i n g a r r a n g e m e n t is most suitable f o r the G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r region?  1.4. 1.4.1.  Description of Thesis Structure and Content Approach  An incremental approach to changes in government structure has generally been characteristic of Canadian local government, by the tradition of Canada's political institutions and culture. It is broadly acknowledged that some sort of change is necessary in the Greater Vancouver situation; however, any change in structure or policy must be consistent with political attitudes and conventions of the area in question. Comprehensive reforms are generally few and far between, and it usually takes some time for new ideas and concepts to gain acceptance and be transformed into concrete policy instruments. The political process is generally more conducive 23  to incremental change, rather than radical restructuring. ' In a 1997 review of the GVRD, Artibise concluded that "[m]ost local experts agree that the G V R D needs to be reformed. There is, however, no particular consensus on the characteristics of a revamped system. As well, there is no strong public sentiment for change; for 10  most citizens, the G V R D is largely ignored. It is also clear that the G V R D will not reform itself. Only a proactive Provincial Government faced with the prospect of its major metropolitan region in crisis and decline, can bring about the necessary change."  24  The purpose of the policy analysis process applied in this thesis is to identify the option that: can most effectively and efficiently resolve a problem; that is politically viable; and, that can be implemented. A balanced examination of alternative models of government and governance is provided, as well as an evaluation of the application of these models to the Greater Vancouver case. This thesis acknowledges the fact that while incremental change is generally more accepted, radical reform may be a more appropriate course of action. Greater Vancouver is defined as the Vancouver C M A and the twenty-one local municipalities it comprises. As the city-region continues to grow and the patterns of activity become more diverse (such as suburb-to-suburb commuting), it is necessary to acknowledge that, over time, the definition of Greater Vancouver may extend further into the Fraser Valley and perhaps encompass the entire Lower Mainland. For the purposes of this thesis, the current G V R D will be the focus of study, while principles of flexibility and foresight to adapt boundaries over time will be adopted. This thesis addresses qualitative and broad conceptual aspects of governance and government for city-regions, rather than the situation-specific details associated with service delivery, taxation and financing. There are a wide range of variations and adaptations of the alternatives identified in Chapter four; further modifications may address or improve upon specific criteria that the models are evaluated against. Evaluation is primarily based upon the general concepts and principles of each model, instead of specific details that may be changed in  11  the process of implementing a model to address a city-region's specific political, social and economic circumstances.  1.4.2. Methodology A preliminary literature search undertaken from May to August, 1997, framed the governance context. An assessment of the case study, including research and review of G V R D policies and programs was undertaken through an internship with the G V R D Strategic Planning Department in June and July, 1997. At this time, telephone and personal interviews with G V R D staff and staff of member municipalities' economic development and planning departments were conducted, as well as a review of policy documents, economic development strategies and Official Community Plans. A list of documents reviewed, and persons interviewed comprise appendices C and D, respectively. The preliminary literature search and internship research framed the problem, established research questions and provided background information for the first three chapters. Remaining chapters, including the development of evaluative criteria and the goals and objectives for effective governance, are based upon an extensive search of current literature.  1.4.3. Outline This thesis is an analysis of the system of governance in Greater Vancouver, employing local and regional economic development policy as an illustrative case study. Chapter two, the literature review, frames the problem, discussing alternative models and experience and the changing context of urban regions. Chapter three describes the Greater Vancouver case study. Chapter four identifies goals and objectives of effective city-region governance, criteria for evaluation and a range of governance and government alternatives for Greater Vancouver.  12  Chapter five evaluates the alternatives based on the criteria established in chapter four. Chapter six, the conclusion, proposes a new governing model for Greater Vancouver.  13  Notes ' William Coffey, The Evolution of Canada's Metropolitan Economies. (Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1994). " Ellen Posner, "Introduction," in Cities in our Future. Richard Geddes, ed., (Washington, DC: Island Press, 1997), 1-U. Andrew Sancton, Governing Canada's City Regions. (Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1994). France St-Hilaire, "Introduction," in Coffey, The Evolution of Canada's Metropolitan Economies. Steven Webber, "Introduction: Urban Regions in a Changing Global Context," in Urban Regions in a Global Context: Directions for the Greater Toronto Area. Judith Kjellberg Bell and Steven Webber, eds., (Toronto: University of Toronto, Centre for Urban and Community Studies, 1995), 1-5. C. Richard Tindal and Susan Nobes Tindal, Local Government in Canada. Fourth Edition, (Toronto: McGrawH i l l Ryerson, 1995). ' I. VI. Barlow, Metropolitan Government, (London: Routledge, 1991). H.P. Oberlander and Patrick J. Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Vancouver: Regional Intergovernmental Relations in British Columbia," in Metropolitan Governance: American/Canadian Intergovernmental Perspectives. Andrew Sancton and Donald Rothblatt, eds., (Berkeley: University of California, 1993), 329-373. Michael A . Goldberg, "Urban Futures, Functions and Forms in a Global Setting," in Urban Regions in a Global Context. Bell and Webber, eds.. 19-46. 3  4  5  J  8  9  n —  Webber, "Introduction: Urban Regions in a Changing Global Context." Neal Peirce. Citistates: How Urban America Can Prosper in a Competitive World, (Washington, D C : Seven Locks Press, 1993). Kenichi Ohmae, "The Rise of the Region State," Foreign Affairs. Vol. 72, No. 2, (Spring 1993), 78-87. Goldberg, "Urban Futures, Functions and Forms." Joe Berridge, "Governance of the Modern Metropolis: A Response to Peter Hall and Directions for the G T A , " in Urban Regions in a Global Context, Bell and Webber, eds. 105-113. Susan S. Fainstein and Scott Campbell, "Introduction: Theories of Urban Development and their Implications for Policy and Planning," in Readings in Urban Theory, Susan Fainstein and Scott Campbell, eds., (Cambridge, M A : Blackwell, 1996), 1-17. Melville McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns in Major City-Regions: A n International Perspective and Lessons for Canada," in Urban Governance and Finance: A Question of Who Does What. Paul A.R. Hobson and France St-Hilaire,- eds., (Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1997), 1-56. Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Michael J. Skelly, The Role of Canadian Municipalities in Economic Development. (Toronto: Intergovernmental Committee on Urban and Regional Research, 1995). Coffey, The Evolution of Canada's Metropolitan Economies. Statistics Canada, 1996 Census Data, www.statcan.ca, 1998. Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions, emphasis in original. Paul A.R. Hobson and France St-Hilaire, "Introduction," in Urban Governance and Finance: A Question of Who Does What, Hobson and St-Hilaire, eds., iii-xii. Alan F.J. Artibise, Regional Governance without Regional Government: The Strengths and Weaknesses of die Greater Vancouver Regional District, Unpublished background report prepared for the Regional Municipality of Ottawa-Carleton, (Vancouver, April 1997). 12  13  14  15  ;  16  17  18  19  z 0  21  2 2  2 3  24  14  2.  REVIEW OF LITERATURE  2.1.  Changes in Urban Governance Cities across the world have been experiencing dramatic changes. These have been met  with varying degrees of success through equally varying responses to the challenges of governing urban areas. There are recurring themes in the literature on the economy of cities: economic restructuring; the emergence of region-states; growth of high technology and information-management advanced service jobs; increasing social ills as a result of employment polarization and problems relating to immigration, crime and health; environmental degradation; and increasing fiscal pressures due to the increasing costs of public infrastructure and service provision. Blais attributes the emerging role of city-regions to two related developments: the changing nature of competition in the post-Fordist economy, as competitiveness is based on flexibility, innovation and how the concentrated diversity of city-regions is the source of a nation's competitive advantage; and second, the reorganization in the nature and form of government, and the redistribution of roles and responsibilities between its various levels.' In order for city-regions to best adjust to these two developments, four broad areas where change is required may be identified, which are explored throughout the literature review: •  •  •  rethinking federal policy and programs, organizing them according to the fundamental principles of flexibility, responsiveness and innovation, rather than oriented towards equalization of regions or toward sector-specific industrial specialization programs; new economic roles for city-regions, such as research and development, networking, technology transfer and market development assistance, to respond to the local origins of competitiveness; regional governance, as tlie taking on of new economic development roles would require an appropriate regional governance body which represents the whole urban area; and, the functioning of city-regions, recognizing the relationship between urban form, functioning and growth management on one hand, and economic competitiveness on tlie other. 2  15  2.2.  New Roles for City-Regions Several key cities and city-regions have become the ascendant players on the world  economic stage, a place of activity and power in today's global context. The advent of the information-based global economy has forced nation-states to dismantle many of the economic barriers erected during the industrial era to protect domestic economies from foreign competition. Nations are thus becoming less important as regions are becoming more powerful.  3  "City-regions are key transmission points in the global economy. They are home to skilled labour, extensive communications and transportation networks and the most supple and innovative of firms. Yet the importance of city-regions, and the extent of their role in driving the economy, is poorly recognized in Canada." Policies and programs in Canadian city-regions 4  no longer reflect economic or political realities. The federal government is generally indifferent to the nature and needs of metropolitan Canada, as the federal agenda is driven by other concerns, and unable to achieve a more enlightened and contemporary posture toward cityregions. A collection of literature on Canadian cities revealed that the future of Canadian cities is going to be drawn largely by themselves, because provinces are ambivalent and incapable of coping with and comprehending the needs of large urban places.  3  The city-region or -state has always been a more natural political and economic entity than the nation-state. A review of American city-regions asserts that city-regions could be the most efficient form of organization for the modern world economy, as they generate most of the wealth of nations. The primary linkages of city-regions, or in Ohmae's terms, "region states," tend to be with the global economy and not with their host nations; these regions make effective points of entry into the global economy because the very characteristics that define them are shaped by the demands of that economy.  6  16  This draws from the earlier work of Jane Jacobs, who noted that nations are political and military entities, but it does not necessarily follow that they are the basic, salient entities of economic life. Most nations are collections of very different economies, rich and poor regions within the same nation. This is also true to some extent in major cities, for example, world cities such as New York and Los Angeles. Jacobs observes that the distinction between city and nation economies is important not only for getting a grip on reality, but this distinction is of the essence where practical attempts to reshape economic life are concerned.  The acceptance of  these ideas has implications for the way such regions are governed, and for the relationship between the various levels of government.  2.3.  Structural Change and its Implications Economic restructuring in the last twenty-five years has transformed the shape of cities  and regions once again - production and population have been decentralizing, while economic control has become increasingly concentrated in multinational firms and financial institutions. Technological innovations have forced dramatic changes in the organizational structures of manufacturing and service firms, as well as how and where they conduct business. "Location is still important, but proximity to raw resources and to large consumer markets may be less critical than positioning within regional growth corridors and within global networks of finance, specialized information and culture." These changes have led to important developments in the spatial distribution of both economic activity and employment patterns that, in turn, require governments at all levels to reassess their organizational structures and the functions they provide/ One of the major phenomena that has characterized advanced economies has been the growth of service industries. Services have gone from playing a supportive role in the era of  17  classic industrial cities to performing a propulsive, strategic role within the new advanced, integrated urban production systems.  10  " A t the root of the evolution of metropolitan economies  in Canada and other developed countries is a broader transformation occurring within the national and world economies. This broader transformation has involved fundamental changes in what is produced, in how the production of goods and services is carried out, in the nature of work, and in the demand for labour."  11  "[Metropolitan areas may be regarded as "gateway cities": entrance and exit points through which pass major flows of goods, seivices, information and money - flows that link the nation (and the region) to the rest of the world. Changes in global economic conditions that are capable of influencing a national economy will almost certainly be transmitted through that nation's major metropolitan areas, as will national level changes that are capable of influencing the regions. Business competitiveness at national and global levels is affecting the economic wellbeing of municipalities; the notion of "thinking globally, acting locally" has become veryrelevant.  A n attitudinal change is needed at the local level among government representatives,  business executives, labour leaders, educators and other important actors. Urban leaders must face foreign competition squarely and learn how to compete more effectively in an era in which goods can move through international airports on any two continents in a single day and financial and other business-related information can be transmitted around the world instantaneously.  13  Urban regions require new tools and capacities in order to fully participate on the global stage. Regional economic development has been a responsibility of the federal government, but it is becoming clear that these approaches are not effective.  It is time for local communities and  18  their broader city-regions to work to develop and nurture their own economic competitiveness, and to realize their own competitive advantage. There is no such thing as a national economy, rather, Canada is composed of a series of regional economies. Canada has a fairly long history of federal regional development initiatives that reflect past approaches to addressing regional disparities. Coffey and Polese wrote in 1985 that "since the 1960s, Canada has been regarded as one of the world's leading proponents and practitioners of regional development policy. A variety of federal and provincial agencies have attempted to alleviate the problem of economic disparities between Canada's regions by means of both explicit (direct) and implicit (indirect) policy initiatives." Attached to the long-standing 14  debates over transfers are discussions about how best to develop the "have" and "have-not" regions of Canada. It has only recently been realized that Canada can not solve problems of regional disparities through redistributive grants. Instead, it is necessary for regions to gain a qualitative understanding of what is driving the problems, and apply flexible, localized solutions to chronic problems.  2.4.  Governance Issues  2.4.1. Reform of Metropolitan Areas Canada has become a constellation of city-regions, as the economic context of this country is primarily defined by the activities of its largest metropolitan areas: Toronto, Montreal, Vancouver, and increasingly by a second-tier of city-regions, which includes Calgary, Ottawa, Halifax, Edmonton, London and Hamilton. Canada's major urban areas are a diverse group in terms of industrial mix, growth trends and market orientation, given the various physical, economic and cultural factors throughout this vast country. However, these regions share a great deal of similarities, defined largely by the greater political context of the federal  19  and provincial governments. "[T]he development of Canada's metropolitan areas has always been strongly susceptible to economic events and trends originating outside the country."  13  Today's global economic circumstances further influence Canada's patterns of trade, and technological innovations are changing the traditional definitions of work and commerce. The creation of the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto in 1954 launched the modern era of local government reform in Canada. Metro Toronto was North America's first and most admired system of metropolitan government that established a regional body responsible for planning, funding and implementing region-wide infrastructure and services, and provided for access to the City of Toronto's then-rich tax base to help finance much-needed infrastructure in the adjoining suburbs.  16  Metro Toronto proved to be a worthwhile and successful experiment,  serving as the model for local government reform throughout North America for the 1960s and 1970s. Most of the reforms introduced in urban areas throughout Canada during this period were concerned with improving administrative efficiency and the provision of services.  17  The  dramatic restructuring that accompanied the creation of metropolitan or regional governments in Canada was justified on three main grounds. First, and especially in fast-growing areas, a local political authority was needed to plan future development around existing population centres. Second, it was believed that there were economies of scale to be captured both by moving services from lower-tier municipalities to the regional or metropolitan level, and by merging lower-tier municipalities into larger units so that even the most local of services could be delivered by larger units. Third, many policy-makers in this field were convinced that larger municipal units would increase equity as measured both by relative tax burdens and levels of service.  IX  20  Many of the upper-tier governments created during this period have since been criticized as aloof, bureaucratic and unresponsive. Ironically, many of the upper-tier governments have also turned out to be too small for fulfilling their service delivery requirements. The result has been a "worst of both worlds" scenario, with upper tier governments too small for effective service delivery and too large for effective political representation.  19  Similar arguments may be  made for lower-tier municipalities as well. Today, the reasons invoked for reform of local government are different, but in some cases the same. Governing structures have become inefficient, out-of-date, and unable to respond to the demands of servicing and of performing within a global economy. More than four decades later, metropolitan regions are entering a new period of governance reform. Conventional arguments for municipal reform are no longer valid. "Economic restructuring and uncertainties associated with technological change severely challenge both the will and the ability of Canada's political institutions to adopt policies to deal with metropolitan area growth and change."  20  Canadian municipalities remain "creatures of the province/' established by provincial legislation to carry out localized functions. Local governments are not viewed as counterparts of, or even colleagues by their provincial masters. Provincial governments have remained firmly in control of municipal affairs and of most responsibilities of importance to municipal well21  being.  The fact that municipalities do not have any sovereign authority or formal constitutional  recognition often means that they are looked upon by both senior levels of government and their electorate as less important, and are not granted the profile or status they require to carry out the functions that are now imperative.  21  As society enters an "urban age" where cities are front and centre in the progress of the economy, it is time to formally grant municipalities the stature necessary to manage contemporary challenges. Increases in urban population and the complexity of urban problems have not led to a concomitant increase in the relative importance of municipal government. If anything, the opposite trend has occurred. As provincial governments tried to orient their economies away from various forms of primary production, cities became increasingly important as the places in which economic diversification could be achieved.  22  Urban areas in Canada, and elsewhere, have become too big to be governed by metropolitan or regional authorities of the type introduced in Canada from the 1950s to the 23  1970s.  The current era is an urban age, where cities and their regions are the engines of the  modern economy. The responsibilities and expectations of local governments have extended far beyond that of servicing property: it is time to fully recognize municipalities as a legitimate level of government that plays a key role in economic, social and political spheres of activity. Traditional approaches are becoming less and less appropriate; however, there is a shortage of 24  support for good ideas, and the tendency is towards a prevailing "sameness." The new period of local government reform should create structures appropriate for governing, rather than those designed for administering sendees. If municipalities are viewed mainly as service arrangers rather than as service providers, it follows that finding boundaries that are best for providing a particular mix of assigned functions becomes much less of an issue. "Municipal boundaries can then be used to delineate real communities, and optimal boundaries for service production can be worked out by other agencies and even by the private sector"  23  22  2.4.2. Metropolitan Pressures and Responses There are a number of pressures affecting metropolitan regions across Canada and throughout the world. Some are situation-specific, such as the effects of the ongoing constitutional debate upon Montreal's local economy and business environment; many are shared by city-regions everywhere, such as the issue of structural unemployment resulting from technological change. Frisken identifies increasing social complexity as a problem for metropolitan areas. Populations of Canada's metropolitan areas are becoming more differentiated spatially in terms of several dimensions of age, family structure, economic status, employment characteristics, ethnicity, mobility patterns, and housing. There are substantial social structure differences among metropolitan areas as well as within them.  26  The rise of intermunicipal relations is another significant change in contemporary Canadian metropolises, challenging existing understandings of urban public policy making in Canada. "Canadian cities have become global cities. They have established an increasingly activist and sophisticated international paradiplomacy; they have done so with either the encouragement or benign neglect of senior constitutional authorities [and] they have contributed to changing perceptions about the role of subnational actors in international relations."" The management of urban growth at multiple scales continues to be a problematic policy issue at national, metropolitan, and local geographical scales. Economic growth is not distributed evenly across the country, or even within regions. This unevenness invariably leads to inflation, social tension, congestion and pollution in growing areas: Consequentially, levels of poverty, unemployment, physical deterioration and social alienation all increase in stagnating areas. The post-recession period after 1982 seems to have accentuated regional differences.  28  23  Federal-municipal relations are formally non-existent; however, the federal government remains an important institution in determining the quality of our urban life through its monetary, fiscal and trade policies that play a central role in defining the nature of urban economic activity.  2)  Downloading has been perceived as one of the biggest problems by local governments. "Fiscal downloading from federal and provincial governments inevitably means that local governments - whatever their structures - must learn to adapt to a net reduction in financial resources. At the same time, despite limited resources, local governments are increasingly held responsible not just for providing local services but also for generating economic growth and 30  development."  .  .  .  Residents of city-regions rely on local governments for the delivery of services  central to their well-being. In meeting the needs for services, local governments in the urban region face many challenges such as population growth and community expansion, rising expectations of citizens and upper level governments, taxpayer scrutiny, and financial constraints 31  and shocks.  Each metropolitan area is also struggling with transportation, congestion, and  growth in varying degrees, and responding with equally varying degrees of success. Ecological realities have become a crucial pressure on metropolitan areas. The twentyfirst century will be the dawn of the urban, millennium, as for the first time, more than half the human species will live in urban communities. One of the major challenges will be to maintain and improve the health, well-being and quality of life of the earth's increasingly urban population, while also maintaining and improving ecosystem health. Cities therefore require planning tools, including governance mechanisms, that will help them prepare for the urban •11  - 3 2  millennium. McMillan, in a comparative survey of eight city-regions in Europe and North America, concludes that Canadian city-regions now require an over-arching regional authority. Regional 24  authorities must be responsible for services and functions that transcend local boundaries, although that responsibility may be one of organizing and coordinating the provision of services 33  rather than being directly involved in producing them.  The service delivery function of  municipalities continues to be very important, but it is now augmented by new roles and expectations. Peirce concludes his survey of American city-regions with the observation that a region must have some form of umbrella regional governance structure. At a minimum, such an organization needs the power to resolve disputes between individual governments of the region. The right kind of city-region governance must be developed in a consultative, "bottoms-up" process involving a wide range of civic players, neighbourhood leaders up to the level of top corporate leadership.  34  Sancton advocates that the greatest institutional requirement for the effective governance of Canadian city-regions is to have one regional institution capable of taking into account the interests of the region as a whole; "rather than new governments, city-regions need flexible and efficient institutions that can respond rapidly to changing economic circumstances."  35  Sancton's  oft-quoted 1994 monograph praises the G V R D as a model that Canadian city-regions should follow; however this view is challenged by McMillan, who argues that not every model works in every situation, given the fact that Canada's provinces, in particular British Columbia and Ontario, differ quite substantially in what functions are assigned to the local level. City-regions, being subject to continuous change, require governance structures that can evolve in response to changing needs.  36  25  2.4.3. Local Municipalities in the City-Region Context The local community or-neighbourhood level continues to play an important role in the composition and activities of Canadian city-regions. The local level is still very real and relevant; for most citizens, it is the level of government that they can most closely identify with and understand. Local autonomy is valued highly in many municipalities, particularly within Greater Vancouver. British Columbia's political traditions have been that the municipal level of government has maintained significant autonomy and power relative to the Provincial government, and individual municipalities have tended to maintain a fierce independence from one another;  Many people are very attached to their neighbourhoods and the city or town that  they call home; the 1997 act to amalgamate Metro Toronto, for example, attracted thousands of people to speak out to preserve their cities and its neighbourhoods, sparking a passionate debate about the role of local neighbourhoods and traditions. The municipality, whose role traditionally has been that of servicing property, is the closest level of government to citizens and taxpayers; the responsibilities of local government have an immediate impact on people's daily lives. The principle of subsidiarity favours a decentralized organization of responsibilities, whereby a function is only assigned to a higher level organization if it is in a "better" position to carry out this particular function than the lower level organization. However, opposing forces are calling for metropolitan governance that encompasses the entire city-region, in order to place the city-region at an advantage on the global stage. Striking a balance between the two becomes a delicate and difficult task. Greater Vancouver, to this point, has relied on its upper tier to carry out a limited range of functions where municipal cooperation and regional coordination is beneficial. The majority of functions have remained at the local level. "[MJunicipal independence has always been a 26  cornerstone of any regional organization. The various regional authorities were accepted as an offshoot of local government and not in any way superior to them. The regional authorities all depended on voluntary participation by individual municipal governments and on a consensus38  building approach." Community responsiveness and cohesiveness are valuable characteristics that should be respected in the reform of local government reform. Gary Pivo, a professor of Urban Planning and Design at the University of Washington recently observed that "often regionalism becomes a holy grail. We have to move to both localism and regionalism. Regionalism works when we work with neighbourhoods."  39  2.4.4. Governance in Greater Vancouver: A Model of Voluntary Cooperation British Columbia's efforts to reform municipal governments have been praised as being one of the most imaginative and flexible governing arrangements found anywhere in Canada. The regional district structure allows existing municipalities to continue with whatever communities of interest they represent; provides for the delivery of a variety of services by a regional authority; and avoids the bureaucratic buildup and duplication often associated with full-blown two-tier regional governments. However, despite these strengths, the regional district structure does not measure up well in terms of representing and being accountable to the local public. It is more of an administrative contrivance of considerable ingenuity than it is an effective political entity.  40  In Greater Vancouver, metropolitan governance has emerged in the place of metropolitan government in the Vancouver region, that is, metropolitan-wide services are managed regionally in the absence of metropolitan government. ' The British Columbia government 4  emphasized at the time of their institution that regional districts were not to be perceived as a  fourth level of government, but as a "functional rather than political amalgamation."  British  Columbia's municipalities, which range from the populous, urban G V R D , to the most remote, rural community, are governed by a "one size fits a l l " model. In the case of governance in metropolitan Vancouver, regional consensus was achieved early, maintained consistently, and has formed the basis of a system of regional governance where livability is the watchword of regional policy formulation. With that policy consensus, regional government has established itself as a preferred and positive alternative to metropolitan government in the Vancouver 43  region. In the city-region context, the G V R D is Canada's only model of "voluntary cooperation," described by Sharpe as minimal government restructuring i n which there is an area-wide body based on voluntary cooperation between existing units of local government i n the agglomeration with no permanent, independent, institutional status.  44  It is generally regarded as a good model  of metropolitan governance, as metropolitan services appear to be managed effectively on a regional basis without requiring a separate metropolitan government.  43  However, although there  are merits to this model, problems have arisen because of a lack of authority to implement 46  , • •  policies. In theory, the G V R D is indeed, as Sancton says, comprehensive i n territory and flexible in function. In practice, the Greater Vancouver Regional District model has not been the most effective in certain policy areas. In an urban region such as Greater Vancouver, real regional representation and decision-making are necessary.  In order to meet every member's interests,  policies are often watered down to the lowest common denominator. The G V R D is not a regional body in its vision and approach, instead, it is a confederation of localities that represent their own interests at the table. )  N  28  2.5.  Alternative Approaches to the Governing of City-Regions The governance experience is widely varied throughout the world. Local and national  political cultures, experiences, attitudes all have a dramatic influence on the type of arrangement that will succeed. City-regions throughout the world are responding to many of the same pressures and challenges, yet the solutions they come up with are unique to their own circumstances. Although no single model is perfect, there are lessons to be learned and principles that can be applied to the study of Greater Vancouver. The extent of the response to local restructuring has varied considerably among western states. According to Sharpe, efforts to implement structural reforms in the U.S. have been very limited, but in the U.K., there has been a "manic zeal" transforming local governments into the biggest in the western world. Jurisdictions throughout North America and Europe are experimenting with alternative methods of delivering municipal services through their approaches to governance. The driving forces behind alternative service delivery is citizen 47  demand for better, more responsive and more efficient services.  Prohl notes that the reform of  local government is often dedicated to answering two overriding questions: the first, how can local government provide the services needed by citizens even more efficiently in the future; and second, what kind of organization does local government need so that it can be shaped and further developed in the future? 2.5.1. The Canadian Experience The Montreal metropolitan area contains about half the population of Quebec, and more than half of Quebec's economic activity. The domination of Montreal within the province has ensured that the Quebec government has always been cautious about establishing a rival to itself in the form of a powerful metropolitan institution. Regional governance in the Montreal  metropolitan area is divided between one urban community and about a dozen regional county municipalities; although it may look like a metropolitan government, the Montreal Urban Community (MUC) is quite weak. M U C ' s territory of influence is minimal, and regional 48  governance and planning is very fragile.  "Institutional arrangements for the M U C combined  recognition of the principle of local autonomy with the imperative of developing important regional services. More than anything else, the M U C is a federation of municipalities to which a certain number of tasks have been entrusted."  49  Montreal is an example of a non-comprehensive two-tier system, which Sancton defines as taking in less than ninety per-cent of the entire region's population. There is no government for the entire area, despite the two tiers. The creation of the M U C had nothing to do with problems of regional planning and suburban development. "Among Canada's "big three" metropolitan areas, Montreal has been the laggard in terms of economic growth. It was not until its economic development plan, released in the fall of 1993, that the Montreal municipal government even officially recognized that service activities might have a role to play in promoting the economic development of the city and of the surrounding metropolitan region." A fragmented approach to governing the urban region, a lack of foresight and anticipatory planning, extreme political tension and uncertainty, and an adversarial relationship with the Province are factors that have contributed in some part to Montreal's decline. The Winnipeg Unicity, a comprehensive one-tier system, replaced this urban region's two-tier metropolitan system with a single enlarged city government in 1972. Amalgamation had long been an objective of the central city's business interests who were convinced that governmental fragmentation was hurting development.  51  The goal of the Province was to  enlarge and facilitate urban Winnipeg's role as a generator of development in the province and  50  its role as an urban centre within the larger Canadian context. Reform was deemed necessary, as more than half the people in the entire province resided in Greater Winnipeg, the greater part of all the province's production of goods and services took place in Winnipeg, and the area had 52  become plagued with social problems. Tindal and Tindal report that much more than amalgamation was involved in the reform of Winnipeg, as the administrative centralization for efficiency was to be offset by a number of provisions for political decentralization.  33  Special emphasis was placed on the representative  role of local government, and the importance of citizen access and participation. The principle of unification under a single-tier government was well-accepted, and greater equity in distributing the burden of taxation throughout the urban area was achieved, and disparities in service delivery considerably reduced.  54  The creation of Unicity facilitated suburban growth, in  part by spreading the costs throughout the metropolitan area rather than by concentrating them on the new residents within the relatively small suburban municipalities.  53  One of the main objectives of the Ministry of Urban Affairs, a provincial department exclusively concerned with administering the City of Winnipeg Act, is to help ensure that the City of Winnipeg is not subject to all the various provincial rules and regulations designed for much smaller municipalities. If municipalities within other city-regions are genuinely seeking more autonomy, they might wish to explore the Manitoba model.  56  It was assumed that, by equalizing tax levels and services throughout the urbanized Winnipeg area, the relatively well-off suburbs would be forced to subsidize the revitalization of the central city. The fact that the population of the eleven suburban municipalities was greater than that of the old city of Winnipeg and that suburban areas had considerably more growth  31  potential was ignored. Suburban dominance within Unicity was inevitable.  In any system of  governing for a city-region, the balance of suburban and urban interests must be a delicate one. January 1, 1998 witnessed the birth of a new City of Toronto after the Provincial government amalgamated the six municipalities of the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto into a single one-tier city government. The purpose of the amalgamation was to lower taxes, eliminate the duplication of services, decrease the number of politicians, and to help create jobs. Metro blazed the local government reform trail with the creation of Metro in 1954, and it served its initial purposes very well. It "provided a multi-purpose government for a large and expanding urban area characterized by both fragmented local government, and social and economic interdependence."  However, the municipal boundaries did not reflect realities, and  regional planning and coordinated economic development for Toronto became impossible. As the amalgamated city is only now a few months old, any judgment on its efficacy would be premature. As Toronto is Canada's largest urban area, it wields a great deal of influence; its success in local government to date is no small achievement.  2.5.2. American Examples Canadian metropolitan areas generally have more highly developed collective regional governance systems than their American counterparts.  39  Governmental fragmentation is just  about universal in American communities. The U.S. has only recently begun to explore new approaches to governing. Three barriers to effective city-region governance in the United States have been identified: first, the deep socioeconomic gulf between poor cities and affluent suburbs; second, physical sprawl - alarming environmental and social consequences of Americans' inability or unwillingness to contain urban growth within reasonably compact geographic areas; and third, 32  Americans' hesitation in creating effective systems of coordinated governance for city-states.  1  There are a few lessons to be learned from the U . S., examples of weaknesses that should be avoided and areas where improvements could be applied to Canadian city-regions. Some principles may be applied to the Canadian context, while acknowledging that the political cultures and values are quite different. The San Francisco Bay Area is a multi-nucleated regional community comprised of local and subregional communities; there is no single dominating central city, although San Francisco maintains an important profile and several important functions. Some formal institutional relationships have developed across all nine counties, such as the Metropolitan Transportation Commission, some involve two or three adjoining counties, and still other subregional institutions exist within a single county. There are four major subregions that group the counties, but each of the nine counties are indeed considered politically active subregions. State legislation increasingly uses the county as a unit for planning and implementation. Various agencies continue to identify needs and possibilities for ad hoc subregions, some larger, some smaller than the county.  61  The basic characteristic, one that is relevant to the study of Greater Vancouver and its efforts to create and sustain Regional Town Centres, is that of increasing dispersion in and around new and expanding older centres. The Bay Area is not a region made up of a central city and its suburban hinterland. It can be best understood as a region of overlapping subregions larger overlapping plates for some characteristics, such as labour markets, and smaller overlapping plates for activities such as retail shopping.  62  The Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG) provides a framework for cities and counties to deal with regional problems on a cooperative, coordinating basis. The association is  not i n itself a government, but a legal agency established by contractual agreement between member cities and counties. The enabling act authorizes two or more governments, including state and federal agencies, to exercise jointly any power that they could exercise separately.  6j  A B A G was not created to be a government, rather, it was designed as a forum for the discussion of matters affecting more than one city or county, for the development and analysis of information about interlocal problems, and for the development of recommendations to its members for individual or collective action to solve such problems. The San Francisco experience represents a fragmented but cooperative approach to local governance, with a few successes to its credit. The T w i n Cities Metropolitan Council of St-Paul and Minneapolis has been a "widely praised but never copied" model of regional governance. The evolution of this Council has resulted in a somewhat similar experience to that of the G V R D as well as Metro Toronto, in that in it was able to accomplish many goals in the initial period of its existence, but as times have changed, this model has not been able to keep up. The Metro Council arose, as the G V R D did in the Canadian context, as an innovative model for regional governance. L i k e Winnipeg, the T w i n Cities area is a relatively isolated metropolitan area; it has been argued that this isolation has in part forced this city-region to be creative and enterprising.  Governance and management are a  64  tangle of co-existing and sometimes conflicting interests: separate city and individual suburban municipal governments, county governments, and the state government, i n addition to dozens of locally controlled school, police, park and other authorities.  65  The Metropolitan Council arose as a bifurcated model that separated metropolitan policy making from implementation. Metropolitan Council was responsible for setting policies on transit, water quality, housing, land use, and other issues of regional significance; policies were  34  then implemented by other governing bodies. Within a decade, the Metropolitan Council sat atop a complicated but effective system of metropolitan governance.  66  This system was very  complicated in that different service areas had different implementation structures. Not only was this model a structural innovation, but it also produced a string of impressive accomplishments in its first decade.  67  However, by 1990, the Council had lost its dynamism. Despite the model's  important decision-making potential, council members became almost invisible to the public. It was discovered that there is much more to influence and accountability than mere decision, •  68  '  making power. Much of the explanation for the collapse of the Council in the 1990s can be traced to changes in the community, as support for the model dissipated. The most important of these involve the legislature, the business community, the political parties, and the failure to create a position of metropolitan leadership."  69  There was no highly visible political figure whose own  political base depends on coping with the metropolitan issues of central city/suburban disparities, suburban sprawl and positioning the region to compete in the global economy.'  0  In 1994, significant changes were implemented; the bifurcated model was discarded in favour of making the Twin Cities Metropolitan Council responsible for both policy planning and operations. Alleviating regional disparities, containing sprawl and positioning the region for global competition cannot be achieved by a bureaucratic agency, rather, only through leadership that has its.own political base of support. . The Portland Metropolitan Service District (Metro) is a multipurpose, regionally-elected governing body that is "at once pathbreaking as a mode of regional governance yet benign in its functions."  71  Metro is one part of the regional governance context in the Portland area, providing  services that cut across traditional municipal and county boundaries of twenty-four cities and  three counties. Although its scope of authority and provision of functions is narrow, "it is a 79  regional symbol of cooperation among otherwise competitive jurisdictions." : It is the nation's only directly elected regional governing body, representing a formalized structure for sharing power:, it is through a regionally-elected body that regional interests are addressed, and policies reflecting the regional interest are legitimized. One of the keys to Metro's success is that it limits its jurisdiction to only those functions for which there is consensus on a regional role. Other services that are concerned with the efficient provision of public goods are delivered through special purpose districts. Metro provides these special districts with the forum within which these district may coordinate planning and investment, and Metro may use its professional staff to solicit state or federal funds to help support activities. Through its databases and analytical capacities, Metro can assist small 73  special districts on anticipating future needs. Portland Metro exists alongside three urban counties and more than twenty cities. In some respects, Metro's services overlap these jurisdictions, especially in the area of planning. Each county and city prepares and implements its own land use and development plan; Metro coordinates the preparation of those plans at the regional scale. Local governments that fail to cooperate risk important legal sanctions. As a practical matter, the cities and counties within the region work in good faith to coordinate their plans more out of fear of coordinated attacks by other jurisdictions than for altruistic reasons or the fear of state sanctions.  74  • Metro is not the region's only regional government, it exists alongside two other major bodies which are in some ways more influential. The fragmentation and multiple authorities, however, have remained due to the fact that things work well this way, and there is really no  36  proven need to change. Each agency does what it does best within a coordinated regional context.  75  Metro brings together local and regional interests under one roof, by coordinating a variety of issues rangingfrom housing, to growth management, to appropriating transportation funds, to simply creating consensus for new regional initiatives. It was intentionally designed to have limited authority over local and special purpose interests; the elected body depends more on brokering between interests than dominating them. The Metro governing body represents a formalized structure for sharing power: it is through this regionally elected body that regional interests are addressed and policies reflecting the regional interest are legitimized.  76  Pittsburgh is the major city of Allegheny County, Pennsylvania and Allegheny County is the dominant county in the four-county Pittsburgh metropolitan area. Allegheny County is the most fragmented of US counties with a population in excess of one million, with 331 local government units. The multiplicity of local governments poses questions about the efficiency of public-sector service provision and the effectiveness of the structure of governance.  77  Services which most directly affect local residents are provided by the local government itself, but many specialized services are organized in cooperation with other local governments, or with the County. The County also plays an important role in coordinating and promoting cooperation among local governments. Allegheny County is relatively successful in providing local services efficiently; the large number of relatively small local government units ensures considerable representation of and responsiveness to local preferences. The provision of area78  wide services occurs primarily through intergovernmental agreements. Beyond basic service provision, Pittsburgh's transition from a single industry steel town to a post-industrial economy based on corporate, medical and educational services has been aided 37  aided through public-private partnerships.  Partnerships have sustained themselves over several  decades, covering a broad range o f issues, creating commissions and nonprofit organizations to carry out programs and acquire funds from public and private sources to pay for projects. Partnerships have taken a strategic approach to issues and play a strong role in planning the economy and physical redevelopment, proving to be durable and flexible, constructed through negotiation and compromise.  80  Initiating partnerships with the private sector is an approach that is gaining widespread acceptance.  Partnerships have proved to be a mechanism that can increase a city's  competitiveness, thus enhancing economic status and making it a desirable place to do business and therefore to live and work. Such partnerships are also proving to be cost-effective, practical, and viewed by local citizens as a sensible use of their taxes. Partnerships take many forms and can accomplish a multitude o f objectives. Jezierski observes that "public-private partnerships represent new community-based approaches to coordinating resources in an era o f postKeynesian state restructuring."  81  2.5.3. Other Innovations: Strategic Planning and Intergovernmental Cooperation Keating observes that the European response to the challenges o f economic restructuring, social division and the challenge of competitiveness has been very different from that o f Canada and the U.S. Responses reflect distinct European traditions of social integration and urban planning; however, in recent years, this has been challenged by the erosion o f the authority of 82  the central state and the uncertainties of the economic environment.  Within cities, inequality  has increased as those sectors and locations that can compete best exploit their advantages and others are marginalized. There has been a shift in thinking about economic development policy away from the large-scale, centralized and capital-intensive initiatives o f the past, and toward 38  locally-based initiatives to tap indigenous potential. The key factors in the new development paradigm are local networks, a trained labour force, small firms, innovation and technology.  83  The concept of strategic planning is praised as a potential innovative mechanism for local governance; in Europe, there has been a return to this concept which had been abandoned in the 1980s. Strategic planning does not refer to the large-scale, detailed plans of the past, rather, it is an effort to coordinate major investment projects and guide urban expansion. In Christchurch, New Zealand strategic planning is seen as an approach to problem solving and a process open to evolution. It departs from conventional approaches to local government in that it is distinctly long-term, and is concerned with effective outcomes, rather than efficiency. It is no more than a process for defining and then reviewing the major goals and objectives of the municipal council, and then determining the way in which resources can best be allocated today and in the future to achieve these goals and objectives.  84  "Strategic planning  acknowledges that an organization, whether public or private, exists in an ever-changing environment over which it has at best partial control and concerning which it never has perfect 85  information. As issues and circumstances change so should priorities and programs." In Denmark, the strategic planning approach has been successful due to strong political management, demonstrating that strategic planning must be related to precise political objectives, and political leadership must be ready to participate on all operational levels. In order to reach substantial results, it is necessary "to have a visionary political leadership that is at the same time able to build political consensus within the council and in relation to the inhabitants in the municipality .... A relevant strategic planning process must be related to very concrete political objectives and a selection of relevant means which are politically acceptable.  39  It must be based on an active and proactive process provided through complementary relationships between the administrative and the political level."  86  The decentralized model of strategic planning is particularly relevant to the.Canadian context as more functions are downloaded to the municipal level, and as urban areas seek independence in determining their own futures. As a new model of public sector governance, it seeks to address the effects of rapid socio-economic changes that conventional approaches to planning have failed to address and therefore have caused disappointment  This approach  presents a new way to look at the relationship between public and private sectors, and in looking at the tasks that are assigned to government. Political goals become very important, and a longterm outlook with a sense of where the city needs to be in the global picture is important. In Canada, there has been a strong reliance on bureaucratic structures as a mode of governing, as opposed to a "concept" such as strategic planning. While strategic planning on its own as an alternative to a governing structure may not be appropriate in Canada, its principles and certain elements of its approach may be incorporated to complement the traditions of Canadian urban regions. The call for intergovernmental cooperation has grown from the awareness that some problems do not respect political boundaries, that economies of scale can be realized, that cooperation can be a defensive strategy, and that the interdependence of local units may require cooperation.  Campbell et al, in their study of innovations in Phoenix, reveal that identifying  "communities of interest" may be an effective way of determining services to consolidate. They note that many current governmental structures were designed for another time, when the typical city existed by itself in a largely rural unpopulated area; their study of successful intergovernmental partnerships illustrates how making bigger governments by consolidated  40  entities is not necessarily appropriate in all circumstances. "Too much energy can be spent on "territorial wars" while nothing is accomplished, and larger bureaucracies tend to be sluggish and inefficient. Starting with problems people care about and finding ways to use regional 88  resources w i l l allow measurable progress." Improved cooperation between all levels of government, business and education, training and research centres together with the proper use of innovations in economic research and planning techniques, can increase the efficiency of both governments and private firms and enhance the competitiveness of the region.  2.6.  89  Governing Models The diversity of arrangements for governing and financing urban regions is quite  remarkable. There are not only many ways to establish a regional presence, but the degree of regional presence also varies greatly among city-regions.  90  Institutions for regional governance  in urban regions range from non-existent to large and comprehensive authorities. Throughout the world, some local governments have little reliance on local taxes while others (such as those in Canada) are heavily dependent on one or various sources of local revenue including property taxation, personal income taxation and business taxation.  91  In each of Canada's major city-regions the powers and geographic ambit of the various tiers of municipal governments vary according to the concentrations of population in their jurisdiction. The need for infrastructure planning, financing, and provision at the regional level usually figures prominently among the arguments in favour of regional structures that 92  encompass the greater region.  There are also different institutional mechanisms governing  land use planning, and decisions on the placement and the financing of infrastructure.  93  41  The need for some form of over-arching regional authority that encompasses the urban region is well-established. Certain issues and requirements transcend' local boundaries and concern the entire urban region. The question is not so much whether there is a need for an urban region authority of some kind, but how the authority is structured in terms of area, representation, responsibilities and funding.  94  Four models for regional governance are described in the following sections. Intermunicipal agreements, voluntary cooperation, consolidation and two-tier metropolitan government.  2.6.1. Intermunicipal Agreements Intermunicipal agreements are an alternative to a formal structure of government, that can play an important role in local governance. Prevalent in the U.S. and Europe, they are used primarily for emergency services, traffic signal maintenance, maintenance of boundary roads, and financing. Agreements are generally designed to reduce costs, formalize joint obligations on cross-boundary infrastructure, or set out the obligations o f lower and upper tier municipalities with regard to fees, transfers and joint infrastructure.  95  Agreements for intermunicipal cooperation present an attractive strategy to those suburban politicians and officials who oppose consolidation, since municipal autonomy and identity are preserved. The major flaw is the voluntary aspect of such agreements.  The record  of cooperation suggests that municipal governments tend to be highly selective in what services they are willing to cooperate for, and in whom they are prepared to cooperate w i t h .  96  42  2.6.2. Voluntary Cooperation A model of voluntary cooperation is defined by Slack as "minimal government restructuring in which there is an area-wide body based on voluntary cooperation between existing units of local government in the agglomeration with no permanent, independent, institutional status." The voluntary model of regional governance is considered to be a viable 97  alternative to more traditional forms of regional government. This is the model that exists in Greater Vancouver; the G V R D has a narrowly defined mandate as a regional authority. Voluntary cooperation works well when policy objectives are shared by all policy makers in the various local governments. Cooperation usually involves 98  bargaining, and some municipalities may not have much to bargain with. Frankfurt, Germany has a model of voluntary cooperation. Umlandverband Frankfurt (UVF) is an inter-community partnership established in 1975 to manage problems that were emerging in the rapidly growing urban area. The umlandverband structure was a compromise between Frankfurt's aspirations for amalgamation and the objections of the surrounding municipalities. Resistance from the municipalities has prevented the UVF from exercising its full authority." 2.6.3. Two-Tier Metropolitan Government A two-tier model of metropolitan government ideally captures the benefits of consolidated government without incurring its disadvantages, consisting of an upper-tier regional council that comprises a number of lower-tier local municipalities. Members of the upper-tier council may be directly or indirectly elected, from at-large in the region, or appointed by members of the lower-tier municipalities. In a two-tier system, one of the reasons for creating the upper tier in the first place is to minimize the need for cooperation and agreement among the 43  municipalities within the area covered by the upper-tier authority. Generally speaking, those functions which would otherwise require cooperation and agreement are placed within upper-tier jurisdiction.  100  The theory behind two-tier systems of urban government is that the upper tier can plan for the entire built-up metropolitan area. In practice, it is far from easy to determine appropriate boundaries. If they extend too far into the country side, the system will include rural municipalities having virtually nothing in common with the residents of the central city. If they do not extend far enough, then real metropolitan planning becomes impossible.  101  In the 1970s, the two tier model was on the agenda for many of Ontario's regions, but cost-efficiency was not the primary objective. It was desired that regions have the capacity to perform those functions that confer region-wide benefits with the greatest possible efficiency, efficiency being understood in terms of economies of scale, specialization and the application of modern technology.  2.6.4.  102  Amalgamation and Consolidation  A single-tier municipality, according to Sancton, is responsible for all local government functions within its territory that are not assigned to designated local special purpose bodies. One single-tier covering the entire urbanized area is the simplest form of municipal government r-  •,  •  103  for a city-region Conventional consolidationalist arguments argue that a single municipality saves costs through economies of scale, improves regional planning capabilities and promotes equity in tax burdens and municipal services among metropolitan residents. Claims have also been made that consolidation can significantly improve the prospects for economic development.  104  44  One tier is clearly responsible for all local services in the region. Inefficiencies in multiple bodies with overlapping tasks are avoided. A consolidated municipality is able to take a broad view of the entire range of services, the tax burden that people can bear, and the service needs of the entire community.'  05  In April, 1996, the four municipalities in the Halifax area were amalgamated into a single, one-tier regional municipality. Four reasons underlined this decision. First, it was believed that money could be saved through economies of scale. Second, the modernization of local government was long overdue, particularly in the light of ongoing urbanization which was concentrated in the Halifax area. Third, it was thought that the economy of the province of Nova Scotia could not afford to have a weak link at the centre; Fourth, the metropolitan authority that was in place to solve the area's solid waste problems had failed miserably and a new approach was needed.  2.7.  106  Conclusion  This chapter has explored the context for local government reform, including the nature of economic change facing city-regions, and has reviewed a number of responses to this changing context. It has revealed that there is a considerable range of responses, with a number of lessons that have proved successful, and some that have not been as successful. Local government reform in Canada has been an issue of long-standing concern and constant debate. In the context of Canadian city-regions, Greater Vancouver has not been an active participant in the reform debate. It has been an issue neglected by decision-makers in local and provincial government, as this region has struggled with growth and its related challenges. This neglect, coupled with the complacency in economic development addressed in chapter three, has left Greater Vancouver in a compromising position. 45  Notes ' Pamela Blais, "The Competitive Advantage of City-Regions," Policy Options, Vol 15, No. 4 (1994), 15-19. Ibid. Anne Golden, Chair, Greater Toronto: Report of die G T A Task Force. (Toronto: Queen's Printer for Ontario, 1996). Monique Jerome-Forget, "Foreword," in Sancton, Governing Canada's City Regions, i-ii. Frances Frisken, "Metropolitan Change and the Challenge to Public Policy," in The Changing Canadian Metropolis, Frances Frisken, ed., (Berkeley, C A : Institute of Governmental Studies Press, University of California, 1994), 1-35. Ohmae, "The Rise of the Region State." Jane Jacobs, Cities and the Wealth of Nations. (New York: Random House, 1984). Thomas A . Hutton, "Structural Change and the Urban Policy Challenge," Policy Options. Vol. 17. No. 7. (September 1996), 3-7. Norris C. Clement, "Local Responses to Globalization and Regional Economic Integration," in North American Cities and the Global Economy, Peter Karl Kresl and Gary Gappert, eds.,(Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage, 1995), 133149. Hutton, "Structural Change." ' William Coffey, "City-Regions in die New Economy," Policy Options, Vol. 15, No. 4, (May 1994), 5-11. ' Coffey, The Evolution of Canada's Metropolitan Economies. Wilbur Thompson, "Introduction: Urban Economics in a Global Age," in North American Cities and the Global Economy, Kresl and Gappert, eds., 1-15. William Coffey and Mario Polese, "Introduction: Still Living Together," in Coffey and Polese, eds., Still Living Together: Recent Trends and Future Directions in Canadian Regional Development (Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1987), 1-10. John Marshall in Frisken, "Metropolitan Change and die Challenge to Public Policy." Golden, Greater Toronto. Tindal and Tindal, Local Government in Canada. '* Andrew Sancton, Local Government Reorganization i n Canada since 1975, (Toronto: Intergovernmental Committee on Urban and Regional Research, 1991). Tindal and Tindal. Local Government in Canada. Frisken, "Metropolitan Change and die Challenge to Public Policy." Goldberg and Mercer, in Frisken, "Metropolitan Change and the Challenge to Public Policy." Sancton, Local Government Reorganization in Canada Since 1975. Sancton, in Tindal and Tindal, Local Government in Canada. Posner, "Introduction." " Sancton, Governing Canada's City Regions. Frisken, "Metropolitan Change and die Challenge to Public Policy." Patrick J. Smith and Theodore H. Colin, "International Cities and Municipal Paradiplomacy: A Typology for Assessing die Changing Vancouver Metropolis," in The Changing Canadian Metropolis, Frisken, e d , 613-655. Larry S. Bourne, "Addressing the Canadian City: Contemporary Perspectives, Trends and Issues," in Canadian Cities in Transition, Trudi Bunting and Pierre Filion, eds., (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1991), 25-44. Sancton, Local Government Reorganization i n Canada Since 1975. Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." Trevor Hancock, "Healthy, Sustainable Communities: Concept, Fledging Practice and Implications for Governance," Alternatives, Vol. 22, No. 2, (April/May 1996), 18-23. McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." Peirce, Citistates. Andrew Sancton, "Governing Canada's City Regions," Policy Options. Vol. 15, No. 4 (May 1994), 12-14. McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." Alan F.J. Artibise, Julie H . Seelig and Ken Cameron, Metropolitan Reorganization in Greater Vancouver: "Doil-YourscIf Regional Government," (Vancouver: University of British Columbia School of Community and Regional Planning, 1996). 2  3  4  5  6  7  s  9  1 0  1  2  1 3  14  1:1  16  17  1 9  2 0  21  2 2  2 3  2 4  3  26  2 7  2u<  2 9  3 0  31  3 2  3 3  3 4  3 5  3 0  37  46  Gary Pivo, i n Greater Vancouver Regional District, Conference Proceedings: Cascadia Metropolitan Forum May 8-10, 1997, (Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1997). "° Tindal and Tindal, Local Government in Canada. Patrick J. Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Change: Public Policy and Governance in Canada's City-Regions," in Canadian Metropolitics, James Lightbody, ed., (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1995), 161-192. Oberlander and Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Vancouver." Oberlander and Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Vancouver." L.J. Sharpe. in Enid Slack, "Finance and Governance: The Case of the Greater Toronto Area," in Urban Governance and Finance, Hobson and St-Hilaire, eds., 81-111. McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." " Slack, "Finance and Governance." Heather E . Campbell, Susan J. Perkins, Frank Fairbanks, "Phoenix: Alternative Service Delivery Strategies," in International Strategies and Techniques for Future Local Government. Marga Prohl, ed., (Gutersloh. Germany: Bertelsmann Foundation, 1997), 17-73. Marie-Odile Trepanier, "Metropolitan Government in the Montreal Area," in Metropolitan Governance: American/Canadian Intergovernmental Perspectives. Donald Rothblatt and Andrew Sancton, eds., (Berkeley: University of California), 53-110.  3 9  41  4 2  4 3  14  4 5  4  17  4!<  Coffey, The Evolution of Canada's Metropolitan Economies. Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Manitoba, in Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Tindal and Tindal, Local Government in Canada. ; ibid. Sancton. Governing Canada's City-Regions. Ibid. Ibid* Meyer Brownstone and T. J. Plunkett, Metropolitan Winnipeg: Politics and Reform of Local Government, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983). Donald Rothblatt, "Summary and Conclusions," in Metropolitan Governance. Sancton and Rothblatt, eds., 433466. Peirce, Citistates. Victor Jones and Donald Rodiblatt, "Governance of tlie San Francisco Bay Area," in Metropolitan Governance: American/Canadian Perspectives , Sancton and Rothblatt, eds., 376-431.  51  5 2  :  5 5  5 6  5  5 9  s 0  61  Ibid, emphasis added. " Judith Martin, "In Fits and Starts: The Twin Cities Metropolitan Framework," in Metropolitan Governance: American/Canadian Perspectives. Sancton and Rodiblatt, eds., 205-243. ; Ibid. ' John J. Harrigan, "Mimieapolis-St. Paul: Structuring Metropolitan Government," in Regional Politics: America in a Post-City Age, H . V . Savitch and Ronald K. Vogel, eds., (Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage, 1996). 206-228. Ibid. * Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Arthur C. Nelson, "Portland: The Metropolitan Umbrella," in Regional Politics. Savitch and Vogel, eds., 253271. 6  c  r 6  6 1  6  6 9  7 0  71  7 2 7 3  7 4  7 5  7  7  Ibid]bid. Ibid. ]bid.  *lbid. ' McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." ibM. Louise Jezierksi, "Pittsburgh: Partnerships in a Regional City," in Regional Politics. Savitch mid Vogel, eds., 159-181.  7 S  7 9  47  so H . V . Savitch and R. K . Vogel, "Conclusion," in Regional Politics. Savitch and Vogel, eds, 275-302. Jezierksi, "Pittsburgh." " Michael Keating, "European Cities and the Challenge of the Market," Policy Options Vol. 17, No. 7 (September 1996), 4.1-42. Keating, "European Cities and die Challenge of the Market." Mike Richardson, "Christchurch: Strategic Planning in Local Government - A Practitioner's Perspective," in International Strategies and Techniques for Future Local Government. Marga Prohl, ed., (Gutersloh, Germany: Bertelsmann Foundation Publishers, 1997). Richardson, "Christchurch: Strategic Planning in Local Government" Mikkelsen and Frimand, "Faram: Strategic Planning at the Local Level in a Decentralized Public Sector" in International Strategies and Techniques, Prohl, ed. Campbell et al., "Phoenix." 1  81  8  8 3  8 4  8 5  8 6  8 7  8 8  Jbid.  Clement, "Local Responses to Globalization." McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." Almos Tassonyi, "Financing Municipal Infrastructure in Canada's City-Regions," in Urban Governance and Finance Hobson and St-Hilaire, eds., 171-204. 8 9  9 0  91  9 2  ^ Jbid.  McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." Golden, Greater Toronto. " Barlow, Metropolitan Government. Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Change." Slack, "Finance and Governance." McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Ibid.  9 5  9  9 1  9 8  9 9  1 0 0  1 02  Andrew Sancton, "Reducing Costs by Consolidating Municipalities: New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Ontario," Canadian Public Administration, Vol. 39, No. 3 (Fall 1996), 267-289. Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Ibid. Nova Scotia Task Force on Local Government, in Sancton, "Reducing Costs by Consolidating Municipalities." Allan O'Brien, "Municipal Reform in Halifax," Policy Options. Vol. 17, No. 7 (September 1996), 20-23. 1 0 3  1 0 5  1 0 6  48  3.  T H E GVRD AS A CASE STUDY  3.1.  The Greater Vancouver Regional District British Columbia's regional districts were established by the Province in 1965 as a  flexible form of government adapted to the diverse circumstances found throughout the province. The creation of regional-districts was a province-wide initiative, rather than an effort to create regional government for the two large urban areas of the province centred on Vancouver and Victoria.  1  The role of the Greater Vancouver Regional District, which was  established in 1967, is to deliver essential services that are regional rather than local in nature to the area's 1.8 million people. Working through the GVRD, municipalities provide these services on a regional basis for reasons of economy, effectiveness and fairness. Table 1: Population of GVRD Municipalities  Municipality  1996 Population  Anmore 961 Belcarra 665 Burnaby 179 209 Coquitlam 101 820 Delta 95 411 Electoral Area "A" 6 833 3 066 Electoral Area " C " Langley City 22 523 Langley Township 80 179 Lions Bay 1 347 Maple Ridge 56 173 49 350 New Westminster North Vancouver City 41 475 North Vancouver District 80 418 Pitt Meadows 13 436 Port Coquitlam 46 682 Port Moody 20 847 Richmond 148 867 Surrey 304 477 Vancouver 514 008 West Vancouver 40 882 White Rock 17 210 Indian Reserves 5 826 Source: Statistics Canada, 1996, in Greater Vancouver Regional District, Greater Vancouver: The fastest growing metropolitan area in Canada. 1991-1996. Burnaby: G V R D , 1997.  49  Municipalities in British Columbia have a significant degree of autonomy relative to the Provincial Government and to one other. Intermunicipal governance through Regional Districts is based upon ad hoc incrementalism, an approach which creates intermunicipal institutions only where the continued delivery of a service by municipalities alone is unfeasible. This approach, which has been referred to as "an upward delegation of municipal authority," is adaptive and flexible, having evolved over a period of decades during which the Province has maintained an arms-length approach to local self-determination.' In addition to general planning and hospital district governance, the Greater Vancouver Regional District was initially charged with responsibility for water, sewerage and drainage when those boards merged with the G V R D in 1972, the Greater Vancouver Parks District was also amalgamated with the G V R D in 1972" Currently, the G V R D provides the following mandatory services to its member municipalities: general administration and government services, air quality management, hospital planning, strategic planning, regional parks, and the administration of electoral areas. The G V R D also provides services which its members can opt out of, including: water, sewerage and drainage, waste disposal, emergency 911 telephone service, municipal labour negotiations and public housing. Economic development is a function 4  of the G V R D ' s Strategic Planning department, as they "carry out regional planning with the economy in mind.  3.1.1. Planning the Livable Region Regional planning in the Greater Vancouver region began in 1949, with the establishment of the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board (LMRPB). The first Official Regional Plan was established in 1966, as a framework for regional and local land use development.  However, its very success led to disputes, jealousy in local bureaucracies, and  50  conflict with the provincial government. Subsequently, the L M R P B became critical of provincial decisions and policy making, resulting in significant intergovernmental friction all around. It was dissolved by the Province in 1968, and its territorial responsibilities were divided among the four regional districts created within the Lower Mainland. The L M R P B experience ensured that regional land use planning remained central to governance in metropolitan Vancouver and the rest of the Lower Mainland; this tradition of regional planning has also been 6  a driving force in ensuring the success of the "governance without government" approach in Greater Vancouver up to the mid- to late 1990s. The Livable Region Strategic Plan is the GVRD's current strategy for managing growth in the region. Its predecessor, The Livable Region 1976-1986 was adopted in 1975 and sought to create guidelines for the future development of the Lower Mainland, based on forecasts, citizen preferences, and economic conditions. Throughout the 1980s, the consensus achieved throughout the Livable Region Plan process in the 1970s helped to shape the region and focus action. Its successes included identifying the alignment of the regional rapid transit system, encouraging regional town centres as foci for higher density development and rapid transit in suburban communities, and acquiring regional parks. In the spring of 1989, the G V R D concluded that a major update of The Livable Region 1976-1986 was needed due to the changes in the region. Seven broad "livability" goals were approved by the G V R D Board, leading to a formal consultative process, including a series of regional seminars, a forum, community meetings, and a number of research reports. This process resulted in the Creating our Future report, and subsequent adoption of the Livable Region Strategic Plan in 1995, accepted by the Province as a Regional Growth Strategy in February, 1996.  51  The outcome of the effort to complete the Livable Region Strategic Plan illustrates both tlie strengths and weaknesses of the G V R D system.... |l]n the absence of any provincial statute defining a strategic plan and stating how it is to be adopted, tlie G V R D wrote its own rules for achieving consensus in a procedural resolution. Faced with resistance from member municipalities to die initial growth management strategy, die G V R D modified tlie plan to gain municipal support. The G V R D ' s efforts were assisted by the NDP provincial government, elected in 1991, and committed to strengthening regional planning. Presented with numerous recommendations as to how to achieve this, the province initiated a public process that drew heavily on the principles of non-hierarchical, consensus-based regional planning dial the G V R D had developed. This produced the Growth Strategies Statues Amendment Act in 1995, which enabled all regional districts in die province to prepare regional growth strategies. K  Oberlander and Smith note "[fjhat the G V R D achieved such policy consensus without formal planning authority attests to the thesis that planning regionally has been established as a staple of governance in the metropolitan Vancouver region." The G V R D demonstrated 9  excellent leadership and initiative in the development of the Creating our Future report, and garnered a great deal of public support through the process. In the absence of either local or provincial leadership, the G V R D has become a low-key focus for citizen concern about the future of the region.  10  While the G V R D has numerous successes to its credit, the limits of the consensus regional planning approach have now been realized. G V R D publications have generally pointed with pride to the fact that the regional district concept can "evolve so easily to meet changing circumstances" - but now, recent years have brought some dissatisfaction with its flexibility and adaptability. These characteristics are significant assets to the G V R D model, while at the same time, can also be its greatest weaknesses. "It is difficult for the process to make timely decisions, and there is a tendency to move towards the lowest common denominator in order to ensure that all participate. It is very difficult for a federation to make difficult decisions where it is necessary to balance development - where the impact is local - with environmental  52  considerations - where the impact is regional." Artibise et al. suggest that "perhaps it is time 11  for more regional certainty." Municipal parochialism dominates the regional agenda, and the consensus approach to decision-making generally translates into watered-down decisions. There is no clear regional identity or voice that speaks with certainty on issues that affect the entire Greater Vancouver region. "The G V R D example of regional planning shows the inherent distrust municipalities have toward any overarching regional authority."  3.2.  Economic Development in Greater Vancouver Economic development, broadly defined, is carried out by all levels of government. The  Strategic Planning Department is entrusted with the general duties associated with the implementation of the Livable Region Strategic Plan. Economic development falls within the duties of implementing the Livable Region Strategic Plan; rather than as a distinct function, it is integrated with its policy for managing growth and carried out along side other initiatives. Local governments, through their economic development operations, have a focused mission of supporting and expanding existing businesses and attracting new business investment to the community.  14  The G V R D plays a coordinating role in the municipal approach, by facilitating  cooperation where intermunicipal action is beneficial.  3.2.1. GVRD Policies and Programs In March, 1989, a consultant's report entitled Greater Vancouver Economic Strategy: A Vision and Action Plan for the Livable Region, was completed for the G V R D . This strategy identified the need for coordination of regional economic development efforts, and prescribed goals for the regional economy. This draft strategy was never adopted, and instead, its broad  53  objectives were incorporated into the Creating Our Future policies. There has never been a formally-adopted, stand-alone development strategy at the regional level for Greater Vancouver. Conventional economic development initiatives are undertaken by some local municipalities, which have adopted economic development strategies and provide staff to implement them. However, a difficulty for "municipalities has been determining which advice and assistance rendered to investors is within the scope of the municipal mandate and which is regional."'  3  The Livable Region Strategic Plan amplifies the regional economic goals that resulted from the Choosing our Future process, setting growth targets for jobs in the region to achieve a distribution that is more closely aligned with housing growth.' This process identified the 6  principle that the G V R D supports economic growth as a regional objective; not an assumption. In practice, however, the G V R D has not taken any substantive steps to address where such growth will come from. The G V R D Board of Directors expresses its commitment to economic development through the key sectors of transportation, tourism, export-oriented business services and 17  technology-based manufactured products.  Activities and programs to support this commitment  tend to work on a policy-oriented, ad-hoc basis. Outputs include policy documents and economic development publications, as well as the publishing and distribution of monthly economic statistics, as part of the GVRD's role in influencing private sector investment with 18  data collection, analysis and other information tools. The G V R D has entered into partnerships with Tourism Vancouver and the Agricultural Land Commission. The agreement with Tourism Vancouver, which is formally recognized as an Implementation Agreement under the provincial Growth Strategies Act, is an ongoing framework for the formulation of a regional tourism program. Both agencies are committed to 54  economic growth as a fundamental component of a livable region, and recognize that the tourism industry is a key sector of the regional economy.  19  The G V R D Strategic Planning Department has provided a forum for coordinating economic development policy, through a standing subcommittee of the Technical Advisory Committee (TAC). The Regional Economic Development Subcommittee is a casual arrangement that comprises economic development officers or planners from G V R D member municipalities and organizations representing municipalities, meeting on a regular basis to discuss economic development initiatives where intermunicipal cooperation is clearly beneficial  20  A draft Review of Economic Development Policy in Greater Vancouver was written in March, 1995, but was never released for review or published for distribution beyond the G V R D . This brief discussion paper is the first update since the 1989 draft economic development strategy was published, with a focus on the GVRD's policies for coordination the regional effort 21  of economic development as an extension of local government.  In this report's review of  municipal priorities for economic development, "the most over-riding observation of current municipal programs is the recognition that economic development is highly integrated with planning for land use development and infrastructure investments." Municipal approaches and priorities are very different throughout the region, and the G V R D attempts to promote discussion throughout the region. As traditional municipal programs decline, demand-side economic development initiatives such as producing pamphlets and marketing efforts to attract new business are becoming less prevalent. At the same time, economic and quality of life objectives have become key features in municipal Official Community Plans, and in the overall planning process. 55  Community planning in the Greater Vancouver area has been influenced by the need to plan to. accommodate growth and to protect the area as a desirable place to live, and the process has evolved to recognize that it is necessary to integrate economic concerns into the planning process. A 1992 workshop report entitled Economic Development Perspectives on Transportation Planning revealed many of the weaknesses in Greater Vancouver's approach to economic development, weaknesses which still have yet to be resolved. Competition among municipalities within the region, including that of competition to attract new economic activity, was viewed as having significant impact upon any cooperative long-range planning efforts for the region. "This competitive nature of municipalities within the region has implications for all long-range planning. Without a regional perspective, the goals and objectives of one municipality may be 22  in conflict with those of others."  The need for a coordinated regional approach to economic  development is well-established. But the low-profile, ad hoc nature of regional planning and economic development initiatives, and the lack of leadership and regional vision of the G V R D Board have prevented this from being realized. 3.2.2. Local Municipal Approaches Municipalities provide a lead role in the conventional field of economic development, although the approaches and level of involvement varies widely, reflecting local priorities and resources. Most municipalities have an economic development strategy or plan, or incorporate economic development into the goals of the Official Community Plan. Larger municipalities, including Surrey and Maple Ridge, have economic development offices with several staff positions to accomplish a wide variety of economic development objectives. Some municipalities, including Delta, Richmond and the Township of Langley, have smaller  56  operations, which usually comprises a single Economic Development Officer working within the municipal hall. Delta has the most recent and integrative Economic Development Plan, dated November, 1996. This plan explicitly acknowledges the context of the Livable Region Strategic Plan. Some municipalities, including Burnaby, choose to separate economic development from the municipal operations, instead contracting the function to the local Chamber of Commerce. The City of Vancouver has established the Vancouver Economic Development Commission, a separate, arm's length commission with a volunteer board of directors. This Commission replaced the City of Vancouver's Economic Development Office. Several municipalities, including New Westminster, White Rock, the City of Langley, Coquitlam and Port Coquitlam do not have distinct economic development functions. Economic development is part of the planning department, with staff members assigned to projects on a primarily ad hoc basis. The City of Langley also contracts some functions to the Chamber of Commerce and to the Downtown Business Improvement Association. Anmore, Belcarra and Lions Bay are primarily residential and do not address economic development. The now-defunct North Shore Economic Development Commission was a partnership between the City of West Vancouver, the City of North Vancouver economic and the District of North Vancouver. The three municipalities are rethinking their approaches. There are implications for such a wide range of approaches to economic development throughout the region. Each municipality has acknowledged its advantages, and seeks to pursue what they feel is appropriate to their own community, at their own pace. However, the lack of clear cooperation or coordination of approaches has resulted in competition among  57  municipalities. This fragmented approach can only be detrimental to a potential investor seeking an up-to-date, comprehensive account of what the region has to offer. Policies at the G V R D and the local municipality level fail to fully acknowledge the importance of the place of the Greater Vancouver region in the world economy. Achieving the status of a world or global city has been a goal of Greater Vancouver and the City of Vancouver for quite some time, but as the attention in this region has shifted more towards managing the impacts of growth, efforts to pursue foreign ties have slowed down. Academic literature throughout the 1990s has emphasized that city-regions need to change their approach; as we approach the twenty-first century, many regions still have not done enough. Greater Vancouver has not emphasized its place in Canada's economy as a leader: approaches to economic development do not identify this region as a "shining star" in the constellation of city-regions that Canada's economy is based upon. Local and regional efforts in this region have failed to realize the fact that there will be an inevitable loss of large sectors of this economy over time, and at a minimum, new industries and technologies will be needed to simply maintain Vancouver's economy.  3.3.  Economic Development as a Policy Issue in Canadian City-Regions In the light of ongoing structural change, a redefinition of government functions and  responsibilities, and continued budgetary pressures, municipalities across Canada are rethinking their approaches to economic development, beyond conventional supply-side approaches. There is an impetus to take a new approach to economic development, as there are growing expectations that local governments must develop realistic strategies to ensure the economic 23  health of their respective communities.  The economic role of government is becoming  increasingly important as city-regions are becoming the main players, leading to the need to 58  carry out economic development at the city-region level in new and innovative ways. Reform of economic development policies is also driven by the increasing realization of the importance of the city-region context, which emphasizes how economic activity transcends local boundaries, "leading to the call for a redefinition of local government boundaries to coincide with those of 24  the economic region and for more cooperation between local municipalities." As expectations upon local governments increase, cash-strapped governments at all levels are looking for ways to decrease spending. Municipal economic development tends to be one of the functions that is eliminated, as the results are not easily measured. Cutbacks often mean that instead of finding new and innovative approaches, municipalities are forced to do less with less, or nothing at all. In some situations, it is counterproductive if municipalities within the same region compete for new businesses, therefore, some sort of regional approach is both necessary and beneficial. There is some scope for competition within a broader framework of shared values, objectives and strategies; the lack of such a framework makes this kind of intermunicipal competition counter-productive. Local government reform experts argue that economic development needs to be carried out at the city-region level. When examining different places to locate or expand, firms tend to first focus on a particular region before deciding upon a location within a municipality. International "footloose" firms examine the assets that a whole region has 25  to offer in comparison to other regions in the world.  "Every city-region wants economic  prosperity and a high quality of life. The problem is that both objectives are becoming more and more elusive ... it is no longer acceptable for national governments to simply prime the pump with deficit spending to solve a nation's economic ills. Increasingly, cities must depend on their own resources for solutions."  26  59  The local origins of competitiveness and economic development suggest instead that city-regions take on a variety of new roles, such as research and development, networking, technology transfer, regional marketing to attract inward investment, market development 27  assistance and training.  Some may be contracted out, or shared with other institutions such as  universities. Some are roles that have traditionally been carried out by senior governments; however, regions tend to know best where their strengths lie, and it is more appropriate for a regional body to determine the nature of activities and how they would benefit and complement the region. This is a radical departure from municipalities' historic role as that of a narrow, property-servicing body. Innovative approaches require leadership, initiative and political support to introduce and implement them. As the place of city-regions in the economy heightens in importance, they cannot afford complacency, and must take the lead in defining their futures. The regional economy must be planned to marshall internal strength and find a profitable niche in the new world economy. The city-regions that w i l l prosper in the international economy must plan as carefully as the smartest corporations, seizing their comparative advantages. Both city-regions and businesses have to keep on strategizing to stay afloat in the volatile global economy. It is critical that a region simultaneously develop ways to draw all of the players into region-wide problem solving: business groups, nonprofits, citizen organizations, 28  universities and foundations are indispensable participants.  "City-regions are also uniquely  able to achieve the critical mass required to attract and support high degrees of specialization specialized labour, knowledge, businesses, services, infrastructure, institutions or media. Through these special qualities, city-regions contribute in a unique and significant way to an enterprise's flexibility, responsiveness and innovation - the qualities that are now the basis of competitiveness."  29  60  Economic development and planning are optimally complementary functions. The relationship between urban form, functioning and growth management of city regions on one hand, and economic competitiveness on the other must be recognized. Blais asserts that Canadian city-regions must integrate city planning and economic development, and to think about land use controls or transportation planning, for example, with a view to maximizing their contribution to the competitiveness of the city-region.  Too many city authorities seem to think  that "growth management" and "development planning" are mutually exclusive policy options. Fry notes that intergovernmental cooperation should be heightened on the local government agenda. It is a very necessary element of an economic development approach for North American cities in a global economy, noting that all levels of government can play a role in helping local businesses to understand the challenges and opportunities in a rapidly evolving continental and global economy. Core cities and their immediate suburbs should work together and cooperate much more effectively in preparing the regional economy for international 31  competition. Fry, commenting on the role of municipalities in economic development, notes that public-private initiatives should extend beyond national borders, and should be extended to major private actors in the transnational economy. A priority for municipal governments is to work closely with the representatives of existing businesses and to spur on local entrepreneurial 32  innovation.  It is> useful to unite business and government across jurisdictions to remove  obstacles to excellence and build on the strengths of the area and to increase business-to-business collaboration. If municipalities are to provide a supportive environment for the private sector, then it follows that public/private partnerships are important in understanding the needs of local 33  businesses."  61  The transformation of metropolitan economies affects local communities in different ways, and may have dramatic impacts. Community economic development ( C E D ) programs are a way to enhance the integrity of groups threatened by urban economic restructuring, and to offer more opportunities to groups and individuals marginalized by the consequences of 34  change.'  Involving social as well as economic goals, C E D is usually initiated by community  organizations rather than the public sector, although often financially supported by provincial or federal government. C E D seeks to enhance the well-being of the community at large by increasing economic activity, as well as empowering community members; it can involve fostering local small business, but also strengthening networks with other communities, as well as business, academic and political institutions.  33  C E D initiatives are an appropriate  complement to policies and programs designed to address region-wide economic restructuring. As the Canadian landscape continues to be defined by a network of city-regions, each regional economy with a major city at its core requires specific and customized economic development strategies. The challenge is to encourage municipalities to work together towards a common goal, and to coordinate all the actors involved.  36  A n approach should coordinate as  much activity as possible among the major players explicitly involved in economic development at different government levels and within the local business sector. Municipal governments can never lead local businesses in a way they do not want to go, but they can help them understand the challenges and opportunities in a rapidly evolving continental and global economy." A regional institution should facilitate local adaptation to changing economic circumstances. A t a minimum, the regional institution would collect economic data and provide information to investors and partners in pursuing economic development initiatives such as municipalities and community organizations. In some circumstances the need could be much  62  more substantial: it could be called upon to prepare a comprehensive plan for economic renewal, in cooperation with other levels of government.  A regional institution should be able  to confidently respond to the economic development needs of the entire area, in a way that is proactive, anticipatory, imaginative and realistic. However, without a regional governance structure that at least has the power to resolve differences among municipalities, it is uncertain that plans for economic development w i l l be brought on-line and in balance with conservation, quality land use and the goal of compact, cost-effective growth.  3.4.  39  Directions for Change B y cutting back on economic development, the Greater Vancouver region is moving in  the wrong direction. It is viewed as an expendable function, when what is needed is a renewed approach and commitment on behalf of the G V R D and its members. Some local municipalities have very comprehensive, modern approaches to economic development, some are relying on inadequate plans and policies, and some still are doing nothing. As several local municipalities draw back on their economic development functions, the region as a whole suffers from a fragmented approach. A dozen municipal strategies do not add up to a single regional approach. Economic development needs to be viewed as a tool that local governments can use in the building of a healthy and vibrant community; as well, it needs to be viewed as a function that is most appropriate at the regional level, as it is regions that are the main players i n the global economy. The region needs to take a lead role in economic development, fully using its analytical and informational capabilities to gain a quantitative understanding of economic needs and trends in Greater Vancouver. A regional approach would put each of the member municipalities at a greater advantage, eliminating costly and inefficient competition among municipalities.  Continued integration of economic development with other functions of  63  planning and growth management is indeed desirable, but economic development activities must be given greater priority and profile. There is a continued role for municipalities in terms of community-specific business retention efforts. In Greater Vancouver, the greatest weakness that exists with regards to economic development is i n fact systematic. The region exists as a collection of municipal interests, rather than as a single entity. A regional approach to economic development w i l l not be taken until the mechanisms are in place to achieve a single regional vision. Leadership and committed support for regional economic development are also essential components of a new approach; while these cannot be mandated at any level of government, they can be encouraged through structural mechanisms that enable greater accountability and eliminate intermunicipal competition, or at least manage this competition within sensible limits.  64  Notes Artibise, Regional Governance Without Regional Government. " Artibise et al, Metropolitan Reorganization in Greater Vancouver. Ken Cameron and Erik Karlsen, "Regional Governance and Improved Regional Co-ordination: The Context." ii Conveying Our Future: Proceedings of die Policy Workshop on Regional Governance in the Pacific Fraser Region. Jessie H i l l , ed.(Vancouver: University of British Columbia Centre for Human Settlements, 1992), 1-7. Harold Munro, "Surrey council backing away from plan to split with G V R D , " Vancouver Sun. (December 3. 1997) B I . Hugh Kellas. personal communication, April, 1997. Oberlander and Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Vancouver." Ibid. Artibise et al, Metropolitan Reorganization in Greater Vancouver. Oberlander and Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Vancouver." Artibise, Regional Governance without Regional Government. Hugh Kellas, in Tan Wight, "Six Degrees of Interaction: New Directions in Regional Planning," Plan Canada. Vol. 37, No. 6, (November 1997), 10-12. Artibise et al. Metropolitan Reorganization in Greater Vancouver. ; ;ibjd. Greater Vancouver Regional District, Review of Economic Development Policy in Greater Vancouver (Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1995). Greater Vancouver Regional District, Role of Regional Economic Development Subcommittee. Unpublished memorandum, (Burnaby, February 9, 1995). Greater Vancouver Regional District, The Economic Future of tlie Greater Vancouver Region. Unpublished memorandum, (Burnaby, June 10, 1997). G V R D , Review of Economic Development Policy. Ibid. Greater Vancouver Regional District, Implementation Agreement with die Greater Vancouver Convention and Visitor's Bureau. Unpublished memorandum, (Burnaby, December 7, 1995). G V R D . Review of Economic Development Policy. ;Md. Greater Vancouver Regional District, Economic Development Perspectives on Transportation Planning. Transport 2021 Technical Report 16, (Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1993). Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Skelly, The Role of Canadian Municipalities in Economic Development. Ibid. Clement, "Local Responses to Globalization." Blais, "The Competitive Advantage of City-Regions." Peirce, Citistates. Blais, "The Competitive Advantage of City-Regions." Ibid. Earl H . Fry, "North American Municipalities and Their Involvement in.tlie Global Economy," in North American Cities and die Global Economy, Kresl and Gappert, eds., 21-44. Fry, "North American Municipalities." Skelly, The Role of Canadian Municipalities in Economic Development. Hutton, "Structural Change." Skelly, The Role of Canadian Municipalities in Economic Development. " Michael J. Skelly, "The Future Role of Municipalities in Economic Development," Plan Canada. Vol. 35, No. 6, (November 1995), 30-32. Fry, "North American Municipalities." Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. 3  4  5  6  7  x  9  10  11  :  15  16  17  ,s  19  2 0  2  2 2  2 3  2 5  2 S  2 9  31  3 2  3 3  3 4  3 5  3  37  3 S  39  Peirce, Citistates.  65  4.  EVALUATIVE FRAMEWORK  4.1.  Goals and Principles for Effective City-Region Governance As Canadian cities continue to grow and expand, the challenge is to create appropriate  forms of local government that reflect the patterns of development and can respond adequately to evolving needs. Governance is a dynamic process that requires adaptive strategies for change. Greater Vancouver has a long and successful history of achieving objectives through its system of regional governance. However, as the needs have expanded beyond the basic servicing of property, the G V R D is becoming increasingly unable to manage current challenges. New mechanisms for better, informed decision-making are necessary. The one-size-fits-all approach to regional governance taken by the Province of British Columbia i n the 1960s with the creation of regional districts is not appropriate in a province where over half of the provincial population resides in its largest urban area. Greater Vancouver requires a structure that meets its specific challenges and needs. The greatest need, especially for the purposes of economic development policy, is to have one regional institution capable of taking into account the interests of the region as a "whole.  1  Regional issues must be given greater priority, rather than considered as an afterthought once those of lower-tier municipalities have been addressed. The current model for discussion and decision-making of regional issues is in fact an arrangement of local interests, with members of the G V R D Board speaking with their municipality's interest in mind. This adversarial, turfprotecting approach means that regional decisions do not reflect the region's best interest as a whole, but. rather, a compromise that all the local municipalities can live with. Governance affects the cost and effectiveness of services by enhancing or limiting our ability to introduce cost-savings and innovation in service delivery. It determines how much 66  access people and communities have to the system and whether they can influence public decisions concerning the services and programs they value. Governance also affects the capacity to plan and to make strategic investments on an integrated, region-wide basis.  2  Given the pace  and nature of urbanization in Canada, it is not clear that any city-region can ever have in place, for any length of time, an "optimal" municipal structure.  3  '  4.1.1. Goals for City-Region Governance in Greater Vancouver There are two general goals that,aj"egional approach to governing Metropolitan Vancouver should achieve  First, the model must be appropriate for the responsibilities the  city-region is expected to fulfill. The objectives of the regional structure must be well-defined, and organized to achieve these objectives. Different models cannot be compared without considering the circumstances that they exist in and the objectives that the structure is designed to meet. Second, a new model must foster a regional vision. Planning for a changing regional economy and the preservation of this region's livability requires both structural mechanisms and political leadership at the regional level. A fragmented approach to service provision and planning, or a meaningless commitment to a regional vision, are both inadequate for contemporary needs.  4.1.2. Objectives of an Effective City-Region In order to reach the above broad goals, several objectives must be met in the design of a governance structure for Greater Vancouver. There are inherent tensions among these objectives, and no single structure w i l l satisfy them all.  4  There are ultimately tradeoffs to be  recognized and negotiated.  67  Coordination A new structure should encompass the interests of the entire city-region, foster a common regional identity, and support the strategic coordination of certain key services.  3  Fairness A structure should ensure that costs and benefits are shared equally across the region.  6  The regional agenda must not be dominated by either suburban or core city concerns. A structure that ensures fairness w i l l facilitate a sense of shared regional responsibility.  Territorial Comprehensiveness The boundaries of a regional body must be large enough to contain the metropolitan system so that area-wide functions, including regional planning and economic development, can be performed effectively.  Criteria for setting boundaries should reflect the economic, social and  physical ties that cross jurisdictional boundaries and together define the true parameters of the city-region.  >  Territorial Flexibility The authority should be flexible in territory, in terms of its capabilities to expand (or contract) its boundaries as the city-region changes over time.  Functional Comprehensiveness The functional scope and autonomy of a regional body concern whether there is a broad set of functions over which the regional body has authority, and whether sufficient authority, fiscal resources, autonomy and implementation powers are available to address regional problems.  8  68  Functional Flexibility The model should be flexible enough to assume new functions and responsibilities in response to changing circumstances.  Efficiency Efficiency is defined as the ability of the government to limit waste and make maximum use of available resources.  Effectiveness What meets the criteria of effective provision will depend on the priorities of the community, the institutions through which decisions are made, the services to be financed and delivered, and the scope for redesigning institutions when they become an. impediment.  10  Overall effectiveness of regional governance requires some attention as boundaries to whether the regional bodies or processes exist-to address or resolve regional issues in the first place."  Subsidiarity The principle of subsidiarity favours a decentralized organization of responsibilities, whereby a function is only assigned to a higher level organization if it is in a "better" position to carry out this particular function than the lower level organization. For subsidiarity to play a significant role in the design of government structures, factors other than those narrowly related to economic will also have to be taken into account. A broader definition of subsidiarity may even imply some tradeoffs in terms of efficiency and equity.  12  The preferred degree of  subsidiarity will reflect the importance accorded to such things as local autonomy and choice in services relative to other objectives such as uniformity in service provision and tax rates.  13  69  Accountability and Access These objectives suggest that citizens should have access to local government so that they can influence government policy. Smaller government units can provide the average citizen with greater "access" to local decisions: "As the levels of consolidation of and concentration in the local government systems rise, so the capacity of the public to monitor policy makers' behaviour falls."  14  Accountability calls for maintaining a close connection between taxes and  expenditures in the city-region. A n accountable governing unit is understandable to the public 15  and of a manageable size, small enough to be effective, but large enough to adequately represent each community. The structure should respect and accommodate diversity and be responsive to the needs and preferences of local communities.  16  Willingness to Innovate The impacts of budget cutbacks and public sector restructuring implemented by upper levels of government have trickled down to the local level.  New approaches to fundraising  and financing are necessary, acknowledging that the property tax is not necessarily the most appropriate mechanism to fund the services that local governments provide. The abilities to perform research and to monitor the city-region's economy are essential to maintain a competitive advantage. Policy innovations that will develop the community's economy and strengthen international linkages, departing from the municipality's traditional role of a service providing body, are necessary. An effective approach to regional economic development can only be taken with this willingness and ability to innovate.  70  Practical, Realistic Municipal Boundaries The redrawing of municipal political boundaries, at either the upper- or lower-tier level should respect and consider three characteristics: size, history and culture, and natural boundaries.  4.2.  Criteria for Evaluation In evaluating a model of governance for Greater Vancouver, four criteria based on the  objectives and goals for effective city-region governance will be used: Technical Feasibility  Political Viability  o • • •  • acceptability • appropriateness • implications for governance • accountability  responsiveness effectiveness comprehensiveness equity and fairness  Economic Feasibility • costs • efficiency  Administrative Operability • coordination • organizational capacity and support  4.2.1. Technical Feasibility Technical feasibility includes questions of effectiveness, the ability of the model to achieve objectives, at municipal and provincial levels; comprehensiveness, which is whether or not the model is sufficient in both territory and function to govern the city-region. Responsiveness refers to the model's ability to respond to the needs, interests and preferences of a community, and to respect and accommodate diversity. Equity and fairness consider how the model ensures that costs and benefits are shared fairly across the entire community.  18  71  4.2.2.  Economic Feasibility  Economic feasibility includes assessing the costs, including the model's cost effectiveness, taxation and funding arrangements. Closely related to costs is e f f i c i e n c y , defined as the ability of the government to limit waste and make maximum use of available resources.  4.2.3.  19  Political Viability  Political viability considers a c c e p t a b i l i t y , as "[p]olicy is in the political arena and must survive the political test.... If a policy will not be supported by decision makers, officials or 20  voters, then it has little chance of being adopted or, if adopted, implemented."  This includes  consideration of acceptability to various interest groups, public officials, influential citizens and other sources of power, asking whether or not policy objectives mesh with the values of the 2  community or society.  1  *  It also includes a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s , which refers to how policy objectives  correspond with those of the broader community, and how well it addresses them.  22  I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r g o v e r n a n c e consider what sort of impact that implementation of the model  will have within the Canadian local government context, and within its own local circumstances. 4.2.4. A d m i n i s t r a t i v e O p e r a b i l i t y  Administrative operability criteria measure how possible it is to implement the proposed 23  policy within the existing political, social and administrative context.  This includes  c o o r d i n a t i o n , the structure's ability to encompass the interests developed of the entire  community. It should support the strategic coordination of certain key services and foster an approach to decision-making which integrates economic, environmental and social 24  considerations.  O r g a n i z a t i o n a l c a p a c i t y a n d s u p p o r t refers to the implications the model  72  may have for staff and financial resources, including skills, technical requirements, equipment and physical facilities.  4.3.  Identification of Alternative Policy Options A number of models for city-region.governance have been described in section 2.6.  Based on that overview, the following section identifies several alternative options that may be considered for Greater Vancouver. 4.3.1.  25  Amalgamation  The amalgamation of the twenty-one member municipalities of the Greater Vancouver Regional District into a single municipality is the simplest form of governance for this cityregion. Several Canadian city-regions have opted for this model, including Winnipeg, HalifaxDartmouth, London and, most recently, Toronto. A single municipality, according to conventional consolidationist arguments, "saves costs through economies of scale, improves regional planning capabilities and promotes equity in tax burden and municipal services among metropolitan residents. Claims have also been made that consolidation can significantly improve the prospects for economic development."  26  Structure and Functions A single tier for the entire Vancouver Census Metropolitan Area would be responsible for providing or arranging all the services currently provided by the local municipalities and the Greater Vancouver Regional District. The new amalgamated city, operating from a single City Hall and a number of community administration centres, would be responsible for the  73  arrangement and/or provision of services including:  •  administration of 911 sendees air quality animal control building regulation fire protection and prevention hospital planning and capital financing libraries, arts and culture licensing of businesses parks and recreation  planning and economic development policing roads social housing solid waste management and recycling transportation waste water treatment and disposal water supply and distribution  Elected councillors are divided into Community Councils. Each council will select a chair, and each chair will sit on an Executive Committee that is chaired by the Mayor. Each councillor will establish volunteer neighbourhood committees that will allow citizens to get directly involved in the governing of their city. They will be effective in keeping City Council 27  aware of local needs, issues and priorities.  Community Councils, employed in other  jurisdictions throughout Canada and the U.S. such as New York and Winnipeg, provide local accountability and input, and assist in the decision-making process in matters that directly affect local communities, such as consultation on planning and development decisions. In the newly amalgamated city, Community Council Administration Offices will provide localized services on behalf of the City. These include services of a customer service nature, where accessibility and convenience are required, such as: business licensing, issuing of building permits, paying fines and taxes, and general inquiries. Community Council Administration Offices will also house local Community Planning Offices, where community and neighbourhood planning issues are addressed.  74  Eight Community Councils will be formed: Community Council 1. Vancouver-University Endowment Lands 2. Burnaby-New Westminster 3. Richmond-Delta 4. Surrey-White Rock 5. Langley 6. North Shore-Electoral Area " C " 7. Belcarra-Anmore-Port Moody-Port Coquitlam-CoquitlamElectoral Area " C " 8. Pitt Meadows-Maple Ridge  Population* 520 841 228 559 • 244 278 321 687 102 702 165 622 172 475 69 609  Boundaries The boundaries for the new amalgamated city will encompass the entire existing Greater Vancouver Regional District. The option for future annexations to accommodate growth in the city-region will be a component of the legislation governing this new city.  Electoral System A thirty-member municipal council will serve the new amalgamated city. A ward system will ensure that local neighbourhoods are represented and maintained intact. •  One at-large mayor  •  Twenty-nine councillors, each representing one ward (approximately one councillor per 60,000 to 65,000 people).  4.3.2. Enhanced Consensual Model Continuing the tradition of regional governance without regional government in Greater Vancouver, an enhanced consensual model builds upon the strengths of the current system, while  Populations are based on 1996 Census Data, Statistics Canada. Numbers should be viewed as a general estimate, as the population of Electoral Area " C " (3 066) was roughly divided in half, and Indian Reserves (5 826) are omitted.  +  75  eliminating its weaknesses, providing it with the tools necessary to meet contemporary cityregion challenges.  Structure and Functions New legislation to empower the Greater Vancouver Regional District will give it enhanced legal status instead of "upward delegation" of its member municipalities' functions and legal abilities. A directly-elected regional board, comprising a smaller number of amalgamated member municipalities will be responsible for: •  administration of 911 services  roads  •  air quality  •  hospital planning and capital financing  • • •  parks policing regional planning and economic development  social housing transportation waste management and recycling waste water treatment and disposal water supply and distribution  Lower tiers will be responsible for: fire protection libraries  • • •  animal control arts and culture building regulation  •  business licensing  local planning and economic development recreation  •  by-law enforcement  waste collection  Boundaries In order to solve the current inequities, new boundaries are essential. Amalgamating local municipalities will permit a degree of continued local autonomy, while enhancing opportunities for regional consensus through a flexible coordinating body, as the parties involved will be on a more level playing field. Amalgamations are based on geographical circumstances, history and culture, and population in order to make the lower-tier municipalities more equitable. Boundaries are  76  political, and the community spirit, and integrity of local neighbourhoods will not be lost. Reform of Greater Vancouver's municipal boundaries is long overdue, as competition and disputes have long dominated the local political agenda. The region's livability, economic development and environmental quality will benefit from a renewed vision and approach. New municipal boundaries would be drawn to amalgamate the lower-tier municipalities as follows: Municipality Vancouver (Vancouver and Electoral Area "A") Burnaby-New Westminster (Part of Vancouver, Burnaby and New Westminster) Richmond-Delta Surrey-White Rock Langley North Shore District (North Vancouver City and District, West Vancouver, and part of Electoral Area "C") Coquitlam (Belcarra-Anmore-Port Moody-Port CoquitlamCoquitlam-Electoral Area "C") Pitt Meadows-Maple Ridge  Population 420 841 328 559 244 278 321 687 102 702 165 622 172 475  69 609  The most significant adjustment is that of the boundary between Vancouver and Burnaby, to create more equal lower tiers. This adjustment of approximately 100, 000 people would attempt to respect existing established neighbourhoods. This would likely take the form of a shift from the current boundary of Boundary Road, to relevant arterial roads west of Boundary Road, so as not to dissect established neighbourhoods while creating more equitable lower tier municipalities. Electoral System Enhancing the effectiveness of the Greater Vancouver consensual model requires a more representative and accountable electoral system, allowing for truly regional decisions to be made. Local citizens will be empowered to gain a greater understanding of how they are  77  affected by region-wide issues through the opportunity to directly elect regional representatives. This will heighten the profile of a regional body that has traditionally been overshadowed by local concerns. A regional chair, elected at-large, will ensure that the focus of the board is indeed regional, and not dominated by local concerns. The twenty-five member regional board will be composed of: •  One Regional Chair, elected at-large from the region.  •  Eight Mayors, each mayor of the eight amalgamated municipalities will sit on the board.  •  Sixteen Directly-elected, at-large Regional Councillors. Regional councillors represent their constituent municipalities on the regional board, but are not members of municipal councils. The existing system of weighted voting has been a characteristic of British Columbia's  municipalities for some time. It would be continued to ensure adequate representation for those municipalities larger in population.  4.3.3. Two-Tier Metropolitan Government Model Structure and Functions This model is a single Greater Vancouver regional government with a limited range of functions and expanded powers and responsibilities of area municipalities, and regional planning and economic development responsibilities. It is a traditional two-tiered metropolitan model, a modification of the existing Greater Vancouver Regional District, with its own enabling legislation that will afford it a greater range of powers and abilities. A n upper-tier regional  78  government would be responsible for: emergency services  roads social housing transportation  air quality hospital planning and capital financing. parks  water supply and distribution waste water treatment and disposal solid waste management, reduction and recycling  policing regional planning and economic development  Lower tiers would be responsible for: •  animal control  •  • • • •  arts and culture building regulation business licensing by-law enforcement  •  libraries  • • •  local planning and economic development recreation waste collection  fire protection  Boundaries The consolidation of lower-tier municipalities will lessen the potential for duplication and overlap, and simplify governance arrangements. There would be eight consolidated lowertier municipalities: Municipality Vancouver (Vancouver and Electoral Area "A") Burnaby-New Westminster Richmond-Delta Surrey-White Rock Langley North Shore District (North Vancouver City and District, West Vancouver, and part of Electoral Area "C") Coquitlam (Belcarra-Anmore-Port Moody-Port CoquitlamCoquitlam-Electoral Area "C") Pitt Meadows-Maple Ridge  Population 520 841 228 559 244 278 321 687 102 702 165 622 172 475 69 609  Electoral System A regional council will be composed of twenty-nine elected representatives. A combination of direct/indirect election will ensure that regional representation exists through the 79  involvement of at-large regional councillors, while attempting to avoid potential friction between the upper and lower tiers as municipal mayors and one councillor also sit on the council. The Regional Council w i l l be composed of: •  One Regional Chair, elected at-large.  »  Eight Mayors. Each municipality's mayor will be given a seat on the regional council.  •  Eight directly-elected, at-large Regional Councillors. One at-large councillor would be elected from each o f the lower-tier municipalities, to sit solely on the Regional Council.  •  Twelve indirectly-elected Regional Councillors. Regional councillors are also members of their local council. Each lower tier council has one representative for every 200,000 people. Municipality North Shore Vancouver Burnaby-New Westminster Richmond-Delia Surrey-White Rock Langley Coquitlam Pitt Meadows-Maple Ridge  No. of Regional Councillors i 2 2 2 2 1 1 1  4.3.4. Status Quo The current Greater Vancouver Regional District is praised as a model of governance that is flexible in territory and function, and is an innovative arrangement for intermunicipal cooperation, for governing without government. It has managed to create a regional plan to manage Greater Vancouver's growth into the next century without formal planning authority, a testament to its abilities to foster a regional vision for growth, livability and development. The subject of governance and government for city-regions has long been a target of academic and practical debate; coming up with the "ideal" arrangement is a much-studied issue. Perhaps a new structure is not what Greater Vancouver needs; rather, accommodating the  80  challenges of the twenty-first century might be addressed within the existing G V R D , a model of governance that indeed has flexibility and its ability to adapt to changing circumstances as its strongest characteristics.  Policy innovation and committed leadership are also useful tools in  pursuing regional goals; with them, the G V R D may serve to meet the criteria for effective cityregion governance.  81  Notes Sancton, "'Governing Canada's City Regions." } Golden, Greater Toronto. France St-Hilaire, "Introduction," in Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Golden, Greater Toronto. Ibid. Ibid. Barlow, Metropolitan Government. * H. V . Savitch and Ronald K . Vogel, "Introduction: Regional Patterns in a Post-City Age," in Regional Politics: America in a Post-City Age. Savitch and Vogel, eds., (Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage, 1996), 1-22. Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. ' McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." H . V . Savitch and Ronald K . Vogel, "Perspectives for die Present and Lessons for tlie Future," i n Regional Politics, Savitch and Vogel, eds., 275-302. Hobson and St-Hilaire, "Introduction." McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." Slack, "Finance and Governance.' 15 Melville McMillan, "Public Finance in City-Regions: International Comparisons," Policy Options. Vol. 17, No.7, (September 1996), 45-48. 16 Golden, Greater Toronto. Hobson and St-Hilaire, "Introduction." Wendel Cox, Local and Regional Governance in die Greater Toronto Area: A Review of Alternatives. Unpublished report prepared by Wendell Cox Consultancy, (Toronto: January, 1997). ' Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Carl V . Patton and David S. Sawicki, Basic Methods of Policy Analysis and Planning Second Edition, (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1993). Ibid. 2  3  4  3  6  7  J  0  11  12  1 3  4  17  1 8  9  i 0  21  2 2  Ibid.  .Ibid. . • D a v i d Crombie, Who Does What Panel Recommendations on Local Governance. Unpublished report to die Ontario Minister of Municipal Affairs, (Toronto, December, 1996). A system of intermunicipal agreements, or a joint-servicing model, was identified in section2.6 as one option in a range of several for city-regions. It was to be considered as an option in diis evaluation, but after initial consideration in the development of diis option for Greater Vancouver, it failed to meet several basic objectives established in section 4.1.2 and was dierefore deemed inappropriate for consideration in diis context. "° Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Adapted from Ontario Ministry of Municipal Affairs, Backgrounder: Planning to Reflect Community Needs. (Toronto: Ministry of Municipal Affairs, 1996). 2 3  i4  2 5  2 1  82  5.  EVALUATION This section evaluates each of the four governing models based on the criteria established  in chapter four. A chart summarizing the results of the evaluation comprises Appendix B .  5.1.  Amalgamation This model is responsive, effective, comprehensive, and reasonably fair. Amalgamation  into a single tier that covers the entire urbanized area is the simplest form of municipal government for a city-region. It is a major structural reform, in line with those being 1  undertaken in other Canadian city-regions.  5.1.1. Technical Feasibility Community Councils provide a mechanism for direct citizen input, in order to ensure that the amalgamated city is responsive to local"concerns. A single city will remove barriers to growth and investment, allowing the region to be more competitive, and improve the prospects for economic development. "In principle, it is clear that single-tier comprehensive systems are well-structured for making effective regionwide decisions. There is no uncertainty about which tier is responsible for what. There is one tier that is overwhelmingly dominant."  A single tier is able to take a  broad view of the entire range of services necessary for the city-region, the tax burden people can bear, and the needs of the entire community. This model meets the need for seamless delivery of services across the entire community, featuring area-wide equity in terms of service provision. If the boundaries do not cover the entire city-region, regional planning cannot take place. The proposed amalgamated model acknowledges that boundaries should be able to change over 83  time, and addresses the need for provisions to update the boundaries to reflect the real patterns of settlement in region, building territorial flexibility into the model. Suburban interests may dominate a consolidated city's agenda. The proposed model contains a mix of urban and rural interests, which may open up the city's agenda to disagreement among these interests. Greater Vancouver's record to date suggests that this is a particularly relevant concern. However, this model allows for a level playing field for regulations and J  bylaws, promoting fair business across the city-region. In recently-amalgamated Halifax, "there is substantial optimism that greater economic development, more administrative efficiency and more effective planning will result from the unification.  The unpredictables at this point are the level of savings or increased costs, the role  of council members in the face of an entrenched staff, and how well the quality of life can be protected if citizen and council committees come under excessive staff influence."  5.1.2.  4  Economic Feasibility  With fewer municipalities against which to benchmark, there is less opportunity to measure relative performance and less pressure to keep costs low. Public choice theory holds 5  that having several municipalities in the urban region generally promotes a competitive environment in which municipal authorities must be alert to the preferences of their and to the cost effectiveness of their own activities. Amalgamation will eliminate competition between 6  municipalities, potentially leading to less efficiency. However, the elimination of competition will make a single, strong municipality, increasing the city's capacity to benefit from the diversity of place and experience, providing a regional presence to participate in the global marketplace. Large cities have a major role to play in the new economy, and local  84  municipalities cannot achieve this alone. Diverse city-regions are those with a broad range of strengths and places, working together to succeed in the global economy. There is no substantial evidence to prove that amalgamation actually saves money. It is not necessarily a cheaper option than the status quo; the costs of operating an amalgamated city may be roughly the same or even more expensive, depending on the chosen course of administering and delivering services. However, the city-region's competitiveness is increased, and in a global economy, competitiveness should be considered as equally or more important than cost.  7  Amalgamation does not allow for a reduction in expenditures in the short term, but, efficiency can be realized by reducing duplication. "The efficiency of one-tier comprehensive municipal systems in Canada has tended to be assumed rather than investigated. Such assumptions are partly based on the fact that consolidation, by definition, eliminates intermunicipal disputes and duplication."  9  The Regional Municipality of Ottawa-Carleton found that complete consolidation within that area would lead to increased costs because the efficient, low cost operational approach of the smaller municipalities would be lost, and would not be compensated for by any economies of scale.  10  A way to mitigate the lack of competition in the amalgamated model is to insist that  components of government compete with the private sector, creating pressure for privatization and contracting of functions.  11  The principle of subsidiarity does not emerge as an important principle in an amalgamated city. "The preferred degree of subsidiarity or decentralization depends greatly upon the importance given to local autonomy, and to variety and choice in services relative to uniformity in services and tax rates."  In Greater Vancouver, local autonomy is fairly  85  important; therefore, exercising little or no subsidiarity in governance is not favourable. Regional solutions are essential for some areas of operation, but not necessarily for all o f them. In terms o f servicing the city-region and providing the most basic of functions, an amalgamated city is not necessarily the most appropriate solution.  5.1.3. Political Viability A n amalgamated city would be an accountable, transparent system that, is easy for the electorate to understand, featuring clear lines of political accountability from neighbourhoods straight to the top.  T o m Gosnell, former mayor of London, Ontario, observed that in that  city's single-tier system, politicians and staff cannot hide behind different levels of bureaucracy. "It's a much more accountable city, and accountability usually leads to savings for the taxpayer. The ward system w i l l be an accountable and responsive mechanism to receive feedback on distinct local preferences. Community councils and neighbourhood committees are accessible to taxpayers, and in fact, will increase opportunities for citizen participation. However, community councils may potentially be viewed by naysayers as window dressing in a model that eliminates local autonomy. The model o f amalgamation violates the tradition of local autonomy, as it moves the functions o f local government to a single upper tier. The provincial-local relationship would change dramatically, as it has been based upon this tradition of strong local preference and independence. A single city containing over half of the province's population would be perceived as a rival to the provincial government. widespread opposition from the suburbs.  15  Amalgamation is generally met with  Rural concerns would be overshadowed by those of  86  the urban centres. Functions that require proximity to citizens and which benefit from smallscale operation may not be performed effectively.  16  In terms of the acceptability of the model, reducing the number of bureaucracies and introducing a system of wards would be from the perspective of the electorate. Eliminating "red tape" is a frequent request of business and taxpayers; on the subject of wards, the City of Vancouver has held numerous referenda in recent years, and has found the public is welcoming of them. Residents tend to be attached to their neighbourhoods, but not necessarily the local municipality. Wards assure that local accountability would remain intact, and are essential to the political acceptance of this model. "Communities are neighbourhoods, and neighbourhoods are 17  made by people, not municipal boundaries." A single city would begin to place Greater Vancouver on a more level playing field with Toronto in terms of the size and influence Vancouver has vis-a-vis other Canadian city-regions. A single-tiered city w i l l considerably reduce intermunicipal disputes and competition, and w i l l foster a modern, metropolitan identity. 5.1.4.  Administrative  Operability  One tier is clearly responsible for all local services in the region, and political fragmentation is eliminated. Planning and economic development can be carried out at a single level, with a strong regional voice. The Livable Region Strategic Plan can be pursued with a renewed degree of certainty, as resources can be focused on the implementation of this broadlybased consultative plan, rather than pandering to the parochial concerns of local municipalities. It will be an effective model for the city-region to take a more active role in defining Greater Vancouver's future in the global economy, as the decision-making capacity is increased, and conflicting municipal agendas are eliminated. Research and development can be centralized,  87  providing the city-region with the institutional capacity to carry out new and innovative roles in economic development. Local citizens will not notice any significant differences in the way their services are delivered. Amalgamation will require the establishment of a new, single, large bureaucracy of which much of the infrastructure may be available, but some transitional costs and confusion will ultimately be incurred. The organizational capacity is not in place. 5.2.  Enhanced Consensual This model is responsive, comprehensive, and a particularly attractive option as it  respects British Columbia's tradition of local autonomy while introducing moderate reforms designed to increase accountability and the capacity to make region-wide decisions. In an era of fiscal restraint and streamlined institutions, new costly structures are not necessarily the answer, as tinkering with the existing structures may suffice.  5.2.1. T e c h n i c a l F e a s i b i l i t y Enhancing the abilities of a flexible, upper-tier body will ensure that those responsibilities that require regional attention receive it, while leaving the most local of responsibilities to the local tier to ensure responsive community service. This has been a strength of the G V R D to date in many areas of its operation, however, a main weakness has been the failure to also think regionally. The enhanced model rectifies this by giving distinct legal authority to the regional tier. In the global economy, responsiveness to the city-region's needs as a whole have become equally important as responsiveness to individual neighbourhood needs. The voluntary model works well when policy objectives are shared by all policy makers throughout the region. It may not work so well when there are divergent objectives. The  88  enhanced consensual model would allow the already effective G V R D model to become more sophisticated, perhaps the most advanced and innovative model of Canadian city-regions, and best suited to the local circumstances. The current model is primarily a utility and hospital facility model; an update that recognizes contemporary needs is essential, in order to give the decision-making process more certainty and authority. The current functional flexibility and territorial comprehensiveness are the current G V R D ' s greatest assets; combining these assets with enhanced abilities through a more effective way of determining its functions and making region-wide decisions would make it a sophisticated model capable of handling contemporary challenges. The proposed enhanced consensual model assigns more functions to the regional'level and maintains the municipal partnership concept without becoming a distant, remote level of government.  The proposed  model effectively gives necessary power to the regional authority without being overly top-down or domineering, maintaining the tradition of local autonomy. The current G V R D is effective at providing certain key, basic services, including water, sewerage and drainage;  this  effectiveness would continue within an enhanced model. M a n y of the weaknesses and failures of the G V R D can be attributed to its lack of clear mandate, in general, the G V R D can only do what it is delegated to do by its members.  19  This  model seeks to correct these weaknesses by granting an expanded regional tier authority for several key areas. Redrawing municipal boundaries to create eight more equitable partners will lessen the power struggle between municipalities, resolving the current inequities to facilitate regional decision-making.  89  5.2.2. Economic Feasibility The current G V R D is a cost-effective way o f delivering services throughout the Greater Vancouver region, and is focused on administrative efficiency in the limited range o f functions it currently performs. The enhanced model w i l l continue this pattern o f cost-effectiveness, in fact, centralizing some crucial regional functions w i l l save more money, eliminating duplication in areas that are best met by the regional tier. As this model is a modification o f the status quo, most of the organizational capacity is already in place and there w i l l not be substantial transitional costs.  5.2.3. Political Viability The introduction o f directly-elected regional councillors w i l l ensure clearer lines o f political accountability; the combined direct/indirect election o f the Regional Board w i l l ensure responsiveness while maintaining the link to local councils. The proposed enhanced model may not be much easier for the electorate to understand than the status quo, but enabling citizens to vote directly for the regional tier w i l l position the system within their reach, allowing them to take ownership o f regional matters, as opposed to the current system which is more remote and complicated. A loss of municipal identity may be suffered through redrawing of municipal boundaries, however, neighbourhoods w i l l remain intact. The amalgamations o f lower-tiers w i l l represent appropriate larger-scale communities of interest, such as the North Shore. They w i l l also reduce disparities among municipalities, making the lower tiers similar in terms o f performance capabilities. This model facilitates agreement among and between levels o f government. The enhanced consensual model continues the tradition o f British Columbia's system of regional districts, while giving the province's largest urban area the tools that it needs to manage . 90  contemporary change. A renewed regional vision will make Greater Vancouver less vulnerable to global competition, fostering a metropolitan identity. This option is likely the most acceptable option from the perspective of the current political representatives throughout the region, many of whom already feel threatened by the regional authority. Part of the current GVRD's biggest problems are its unequal parts; this model would make the regional authority more capable of focusing on the task at hand, rather than get caught up with parochial concerns.  5.2.4.  Administrative Operability  This model will permit much-needed coordination throughout the region, which is crucial to the success of the Livable Region Strategic Plan. The required organizational capacity is in place, as current responsibilities are being expanded. Some functions at the local level will be reduced, leading to cost-savings as some functions are moved to the Regional District.  5.3.  Two-Tier Metropolitan Government' This is a further modification of the status quo, transforming the upper tier into a full-  fledged regional government that is responsive, comprehensive, and allows for certainty and coordinated regional planning. It creates a true regional body while maintaining local autonomy.  5.3.1.  Technical Feasibility  Spillovers and boundary problems are reduced and scale advantages may be gained by means of an area-wide government, yet small-scale democracy and community control can be 20  retained and local needs met by lower-tier units of government. The main weaknesses of two-tier systems are that they produce endless discussions about which level should be doing what and generate frequent complaints about apparent duplication, 91  overlap and lack of coordination.  21  A two-tiered system, with a regional council and  bureaucracy atop eight local bureaucracies, particularly in an age where institutions are trying to streamline operations, seems wasteful and burdensome. This is a new spin on the multi-purpose body; however, "the mere creation o f new localgovernmental structures for entire city-regions does not in itself lead to predictable and desired 22  changes in political decision making."  N e w costly structures are not necessarily the answer,  and conflict between the two tiers seems inevitable, given Greater Vancouver's record of cooperation to date. This model is comprehensive in territory; but functions are less flexible as they are assigned to two tiers with little room for upward delegation as in the current model. The number and range o f functions allocated to the metropolitan government need to be sufficiently great to permit a viable government unit with a strong sense of purpose, but should not be so great that other levels of government are seriously weakened or threatened. Metropolitan government needs to control functions that are substantive, interrelated and form the basis for a clearly defined role in sendee provision, policy choices and planning.  23  The  upper-tier has a limited number o f functions, and responsibilities are clearly and appropriately . divided between the two tiers.  5.3.2. Economic Feasibility This is the most costly alternative, because of the separate regional bureaucracy and the administrative costs associated with it. A regional government can cany out assigned functions efficiently on a regional basis. Creating the new regional bureaucracy should not be a very costly task, however, it is more expensive than the enhanced model, but not as expensive as the new structure required for an amalgamated city, falling somewhere in the middle.  92  5.3.3.  Political Viability  Directly-elected regional councillors will ensure clearer lines of political autonomy, while the appointment of local councillors to the regional council will help'to reduce conflicts between the two tiers. Small-scale democracy and community control can be retained and local 24  needs met by lower-tier units of government. This is a top-down solution, a more vertical arrangement of power than the status quo. It will not be the easiest model for the electorate to understand. Voters may feel distant, and alienated from a regional municipality, as opposed to the current G V R D which is a partnership of municipalities. The loss of municipal identity through redrawing of municipal boundaries will occur, but neighbourhoods will remain intact. The new municipal boundaries represent true larger-scale communities of interest, and the arrangement will reduce disparities among municipalities, making the lower tiers similar in terms of performance capabilities. Conflict between and among the two tiers is common, and the relationship between the core city and the suburbs can also be conflictual. Plunkett and Brownstone do not see the two-tier model as being 25  conducive to the raising and resolving of conflicts. A regional council's indirectly-elected councillors are faced with several problems: discharging dual responsibilities is time consuming; also, members face loyalty conflicts when trying to take positions on regional issues that may run counter to local aspirations.  26  This model will rationalize government roles by amalgamating lower-tier municipalities to form stronger units, addressing representational inequities at regional council, establishing •  27  direct election to regional council.  It is a model that ensures that regional concerns get  addressed, while leaving the most local of responsibilities to the local level, and ensures real regional decision-making rather than leaving it to the faint hopes of a consensus model. 93  This model will create a regional identity that cannot be compromised; presence o f both regional and local councillors w i l l help to ensure that the integrity o f a single Greater Vancouver Region is ensured, while maintaining important aspects o f local autonomy.  A two-tier model  goes against current trends to streamline government. While it is acknowledged that every cityregion'faces different local circumstances, and what is suitable for one city-region may not necessarily be for others, it is curious that Greater Vancouver might move in a direction that other city regions have departed from.  5.3.4. Administrative Operability The two-tier structure has tended to be the favoured strategy for dealing with political fragmentation:  it can involve a sufficient degree of reorganization to deal effectively with the  problems, while accommodating local interests and needs sufficiently for it to be politically acceptable and feasible. It is able to meet a wide range o f both functional and community 28  requirements.  This model allows for certainty i n decision-making, and will be beneficial in  the implementation o f the Livable Region Strategic Plan. However, duplication and overlap are commonly cited as pitfalls in two-tiered regional government. In a two-tier system, one of the reasons for creating the upper tier in the first place is to minimize the need for cooperation and agreement among the municipalities within the area covered by the upper-tier authority. Generally speaking, those functions which would otherwise 29  require such cooperation and agreement are placed within upper-tier jurisdiction. The implementation o f a two-tiered model would require the creation o f a costly new structure.  Some modification o f the current upper-tier G V R D would facilitate this process, as  much of the required organizational capacity is in place, but would require moderate reorganization and expansion of the upper-tier role and organizational capacity. 94  The electoral system would require updating, to include the direct election of regional councillors.  5.4.  Status Quo The status quo is responsive, comprehensive in territory, and flexible. Most services are  managed effectively, and the G V R D is structured to preserve local autonomy.  5.4.1.  Technical Feasibility  Governance has emerged as a clear and viable alternative to regional government in Greater Vancouver as a consequence of its accomplishments since the creation of the G V R D in 1967.  "The regional district structure allows existing municipalities to continue, with whatever  communities of interest they represent, provides for the delivery of a variety of services by a regional authority, and avoids the bureaucratic buildup and duplication often associated with full-blown two tier regional governments."  30  The G V R D is primarily a utility and hospital facility authority; it is not equipped to manage contemporary challenges. It has been demonstrated that this model is not effective to carry out region-wide planning and economic development, as these functions have been compromised by the decision-making process and the process by which functions are assigned to the regional tier. Regional districts are virtually powerless. When hard decisions are required, 3 1  bold action gives way to compromise."  While effective at goal setting, it is less effective at  32  implementing goals and plans. The G V R D ' s flexibility is its most attractive aspect, both in terms of the communities served and the functions performed." It is this aspect that has been widely praised in the study of city-region governance. The G V R D "has enormous flexibility and an ability to achieve 95  solutions through dialogue .... The greatest strength is that is a negotiated, not a dictated system. Unfortunately, this is also [the] greatest weakness. It is difficult for the process to make timely decisions, and there is a tendency to move towards the lowest common denominator in order to ensure that all participate."  34  The system o f weighted voting has ensured regional representation by population without a Board o f Directors that is too large to be manageable; however, it is felt by smaller municipalities, such as White Rock, that the agenda is dominated by the larger municipalities of Vancouver, Burnaby and Surrey.  5.4.2.  Economic Feasibility  The G V R D is a cost-effective way of delivering services throughout the Greater Vancouver region, and focused on administrative efficiency in the limited range o f functions it currently performs. Costs of the existing model have not been cited as a problem.  5.4.3.  Political Viability  The G V R D is not directly accountable to its electorate, due to the lack o f direct representation. Board members are indirectly elected, haying been appointed by their local councils. The complex regional district structure does not measure up well in terms of representing and being accountable to the local public. It is more o f an administrative 35  contrivance o f considerable ingenuity than it is an effective political entity." The G V R D and other Regional Districts have been generally accepted by a skeptical public precisely because they were not touted as a new level o f government, but rather as a flexible mechanism for intermunicipal service provision.  36  From the outset of their creation,  96  regional districts were not conceived as a fourth level of government, but as a functional rather than a political amalgamation.  37  The G V R D has a great number of successes to its credit, including the adoption of the Livable Region Strategic Plan in 1996 after a lengthy public consultation process, despite having planning authority removed in 1983. Patrick Smith writes "[fjhat the G V R D achieved such policy consensus without formal planning authority attests to the conclusion that planning 38  regionally has become accepted staple of governance in the Vancouver region." The model has ensured that municipal identity has remained intact, as the creation and operation of regional districts in British Columbia has not disrupted the traditional pattern of . 39  municipal government."  The tradition of local autonomy has also been preserved in this model,  which is essentially an "upward delegation" of municipal responsibilities. There is no way to solve intermunicipal disputes or reduce competition among municipalities; this continues to diminish the possibilities for a single regional voice. 5.4.4.  Administrative Operability  The G V R D is generally regarded as a good model of metropolitan governance. Metropolitan services, such as water, sewer and parks, are managed effectively on a regional basis without requiring a separate-metropolitan government.  40  Voluntary cooperative models work well when policy objectives are shared by all policy makers in the various local governments. Cooperation usually involves bargaining, and some municipalities may not have anything to bargain with.  41  This has meant that region-wide  coordination has suffered, particularly in the areas of operation such as transportation, planning and economic development, where decisions require considerable discussion of region-wide goals.  97  5.5.  Overall Evaluation of Options Comparison of the four alternative governing models for Greater Vancouver does not  produce a model that fully meets all the criteria. A careful weighing of the community values and understanding of the city-region context are essential. The traditional period of local government reform is over, and new criteria, values and objectives need to be fulfilled. In the evaluation of the five alternatives, there is no clear winner. The summary chart on page 1 19 eliminates the weaker options, options that while they may have some merits, lack in the criteria that is weighted highest in arriving at an appropriate model to manage contemporary needs. Consideration of the alternatives must examine how well each model meets the goals established in section 4.1.1; as well, further discussion of how these models will be able to implement specific policies will be helpful in evaluation. The two-tier metro model, which has served as a reliable, tried and true model, as well as having been the resulting recommendation of hundreds of commissions of inquiry on the subject of local governance, now appears cumbersome, wasteful and inefficient. To adopt this sort of model for Greater Vancouver, where the current model has been praised as being one of Canada's most innovative approaches, would be moving backwards in an era of streamlined institutions. A top-heavy, inflexible regional government is not the most appropriate for Greater Vancouver, although its ability to coordinate services cost-effectively throughout the region,' and its accountability and comprehensiveness are desirable, it is not consistent with the governing needs or traditions of B.C. or of Greater Vancouver. The status quo, as established in earlier sections, is no longer appropriate for the governance needs of Greater Vancouver. Lacking the ability to foster a regional vision, it cannot achieve coordinated action throughout the region on crucial city-region policies, it has no  98  legislative authority, having accomplished all of its major tasks on borrowed authority. The limits have been reached. It is not directly accountable to its electorate, and it has outlived its usefulness. The two models that have emerged as suitable options are amalgamation and the enhanced consensual model. The criteria of coordination, accountability, comprehensiveness, effectiveness equity and fairness, and responsiveness are all fairly objective and for both models, were very strong and positive. Both feature strong mechanisms to foster the regional vision essential for the governing of the city-region. Other criteria, such as acceptability, appropriateness and implications for governance are more subjective, but still ranked quite high. The following sections compare and evaluate these two options further, applying them to the case study of regional economic development. 5.5.1. Amalgamation and Regional Economic Development In a single city, economic development could take place within a single economic development office, an office that would either be in close contact with or a part of the regional planning function. Its major advantage is the ability of economic development to be fully integrated with all aspects of planning, from broad regional efforts and the objectives of the Livable Region Strategic Plan, right down to local neighbourhood planning. Every local planning issue, such as a bikeway, rezoning application or public space could be viewed within the context of its opportunities for economic development. Economic development would become an integrative function of local government for the city-region, instead of an afterthought.  There would be no duplication between tiers of government, and those seeking  investment and economic information about the city-region would be met with a single, coordinated and confident response.  99  The economic development office or department would be responsible for the following functions: marketing of the city-region; collection, research and analysis of regional economic information; regional, provincial, national and international networking; coordinating research and development and partnerships with educational institutions; providing information to potential investors and businesses; networking; initiating partnerships with private industry and businesses and local Chambers of Commerce. The centralized ownership and operation of all regional assets, such as transportation infrastructure and parks, would enable regional tourism promotion and development. Community councils and neighbourhood committees will provide responsive local input into localized matters, and could be relied upon to establish business liaison committees and to initiate or carry out CED projects.  Coordinated by and reporting to the city's economic  development function, community councils could be delegated the business retention function of local economic development, ensuring that local businesses are receiving the responses and support necessary from the local government. There would be no opportunity for complacency or fragmentation. Regional economic development, promoting the assets that Greater Vancouver has to offer investors and businesses, is a crucial function that could not be neglected by the amalgamated city's council as it has been by the current G V R D . Faced with competition from other city-regions, including the newly amalgamated Toronto, an amalgamated Greater Vancouver would only stand to benefit from an innovative, proactive city-region wide economic development office. The added profile of a strategy endorsed by the Mayor of Canada's second largest city, as opposed to a regional chair whose influence is unknown beyond the region, is an asset to this model. The ties to the Pacific  100  Rim would be strengthened by the confidence of the region that has moved far ahead of the traditional complicated approach.  5.5.2.  Enhanced Consensual Model and Regional Economic Development  The prospects for economic development will be increased significantly. By giving the G V R D more leverage to address regional economic development and the place of Greater Vancouver in the global economy, the enhanced consensual model is an appropriate one in order for the city-region to play a more active role. "There is much to be said for relying either on what we already have, or on simple structural modifications. The mere creation of new local government structures for entire city-regions does not in itself lead to predictable and desired 42  changes in political decision-making." Economic development would be part of the Strategic Planning function of the enhanced regional district, which would responsible for broad regional planning and economic (  development initiatives and the implementation of the Livable Region Strategic Plan. The functions performed by the upper tier would be: marketing of the city-region; research, analysis and collection of regional economic information; handling inquiries from potential investors; regional, provincial, national and international networking; pursuing public-private partnerships; coordination of lower-tier economic development activities. Centralizing the majority of economic development initiatives at the regional level is essential in order to pursue a coordinated, confident regional approach; however, lower tiers, as they perform local planning activities, must play a role, as economic development and planning are inherently complementary functions. The only functions that are carried out at the regional level are those where regional action is truly required, applying the principle of subsidiarity. 101  Lower tiers would perform a business retention function, responding to the needs of local businesses to ensure the local business environment is favourable, providing insight on local conditions and policy recommendations to the upper tier. Other lower tier functions would include local networking and working with Business Improvement Areas (BIAs) through a small staff integrated with the planning department. The emphasis would be on localized marketing, customer service (with local businesses being the customers), and the implementation of the objectives initiated by the upper tier economic development function. There would still be four levels of government involved with economic development, and there is still the possibility of intermunicipal competition or fragmentation, as well as overlap with the upper tier. Tinkering with the old model still leaves a complicated arrangement, but with a single, strong region and eight lower-tiers, it is much more streamlined than the existing approach of disjointed strategies.  5.6.  Conclusion The preceding sections have demonstrated that both the amalgamated and enhanced  consensual models present adequate solutions to Greater Vancouver's governing challenges. The enhanced model, a modification of the existing GVRD, presents an acceptable, gradual reform that is consistent with the Canadian tradition of local government reform, as well as with the general preferences of Greater Vancouver's local politicians, presenting a model that at once presents adequate solutions to the region's governing needs by creating a regional tier with more authority, accountability, confidence and coordination, as well as is politically acceptable, perhaps the least offensive of the three alternatives to the status quo. However, as Greater Vancouver enters the twenty-first century, greater certainty and influence are necessary. Introducing modest structural changes may suffice for the immediate  102  future, but as the opportunity to make changes does not come along very often, an overhaul would permit both remediation of the current ills, as well as a proactive response to the impending challenges. A single, amalgamated structure is the best option for the implementation of the Livable Region Strategic Plan, this region's plan for maintaining and enhancing the livability of Greater Vancouver, and therefore for the economic development, planning and management of this dynamic city-region.  103  Notes Sancton. Governing Canada's City-Regions. Ibid. Nova Scotia Task Force on Local Government, in Sancton, "Reducing Costs by Consolidating Municipalities. 4 O'Brien, "Municipal Reform in Halifax." Golden, Greater Toronto. McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns." Meric Gertler, "City Regions in die Global Economy: Choices facing Toronto," Policy Options. Vol. 17, No.7 (September 1996), 12-15. Sancton, "Reducing Costs by Consolidating Municipalities." Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Sancton, "Reducing Costs by Consolidating Municipalities." " Sancton, "Governing Canada's City-Regions." McMillan, "Public Finance in City-Regions." A l Leach, in William Walker, "New City is a Massive Undertaking," Toronto Star, December 18, 1996, A 1 . Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Slack, "Finance and Governance." 2  3  5  6  7  x  9  10  12  13  14  15  1 6  Ibid.  Ontario Ministry' of Municipal Affairs, Backgrounder: Why Change is Necessary. (Toronto: Ministry of Municipal Affairs, 1996). Artibise. Regional Governance without Regional Government. 17  l s  Z  m  -  ~' Barlow, Metropolitan Government. Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Ibid. Barlow, Metropolitan Government.  21  2 3  Brovvnstone and Plunkett, Metropolitan Winnipeg. "ibid. Crombie, Who Does What Panel Recommendations. Barlow, Metropolitan Government. Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. Tindal and Tindal, Local Government i n Canada. Michael Y . Seelig and Alan F. J. Artibise, From Desolation to Hope. (Vancouver: School of Community and Regional Planning and Vancouver Board of Trade, 1991). Artibise, Regional Governance without Regional Government. McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns in Major City-Regions." Wight, "Six Degrees of Interaction." Tindal and Tindal, Local Government in Canada. Golden, Greater Toronto. Oberlander and Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Vancouver." Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Change." Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. McMillan, "Taxation and Expenditure Patterns in Major City-Regions." Slack. "Finance and Governance." Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions.  2 5  2  2 7  2 S  2 9  3 0  31  3 2  3 3  3 4  3 5  3fi  3 7  3i<  3 9  4 0  41  4 2  104  6.  CONCLUSION: A New Governing Model For Greater Vancouver  6.1.  A New City of Vancouver An amalgamated city will deliver all the necessary qualities for a new model of city-  region governance, without the compromises or uncertainties associated with minor adjustments to the existing system. It best meets the goals and objectives of an effective city-region, strengthening the capacity of the city-region to address region-wide issues with a clear mandate. It is necessary to take drastic steps to deal with the dramatic challenges that are ongoing and impending, as no modification of the existing model of voluntary cooperation will ever satisfy medium to long-term governing needs. "Constant structural tinkering" in Canadian municipal reform efforts has resulted in a "fumbling reformist hand, with interminable investigations, reports with substantially undifferentiated recommendations, and subsequent governmental inertia."  1  A single city, with a simple structure of governing and direct lines of accountability, recognizes that competition within the region will only hurt Greater Vancouver in the global economy. Transparent decision-making and the capability to plan for the entire region* will allow the region's decision-makers to overcome internal hurdles and move ahead with governing for the next century, removing obstructions to the pursuit of the Livable Region with a confident regional vision. The benefits of amalgamation for decision-making over the existing consensual approach, are that both the decisions and those who make them are distinctly regional, as opposed to a collection of local interests. The amalgamated structure will facilitate inherently more coordinated decision-making. In terms of local government reform, it has become evident that Canada's city-regions are abandoning a period of complicated, multiple-tiered complicated structures.  The previous 105  period of reform attempted to satisfy the desires of local politicians who did not want to lose their jobs, but met the needs for regional coordination. The new period is influenced by confident political leadership, aware that new governing approaches are necessary. At the same time, there is an increasingly influential grass-roots community movement that is gaining prominence, helping local communities to succeed in a global economy. The influence and importance of the local community is acknowledged and maintained through the community councils, which will ensure local representativeness while achieving effective regional coordination. The Livable Region Strategic Plan will become a reality in an amalgamated city. The Livable Region Strategic Plan, a plan put together using the bare minimum of powers, has relied on consensus and leadership to get it where it is today. However, as intentions change over time, the commitment to the Livable Region Strategic Plan has been compromised, and will continue to suffer under the existing framework. By removing the consensus approach and introducing a system of government with regional decision-making powers, the uncertainty is removed from the process. While introducing a new model does not ensure the success of the Livable Region Strategic Plan, or even its continuation, at the very minimum it will ensure that planning takes place at the regional level.  6.1.1. Ensuring the Success of a New Governance Model Trusted, effective leadership will be important in ensuring the political and operational success of any new model. In Halifax's experience with amalgamation, the new mayor and Chief Administrative Officer have been key in the new city's success; voters in the newlyamalgamated City of Toronto chose long-serving and charismatic Mel Lastman to lead that  106  city's transition. Seelig and Artibise state that effective, visionary and courageous leadership is 2  a critical component in contemporary governance. The tradition of provincial involvement has been weak in this province, this model is the natural course of evolution, providing the city-region with the powers it needs to manage growth and change. The role of the province will be to put the legislative framework in place, leaving the region to perform necessary public consultation to guide the transition, maintaining the current hands-off approach and tradition of autonomy in local government. While the sooner a new structure is in place the better, a hurried approach would only receive the same sort of hysterical response received by the announcement in December, 1996 that Metro Toronto was to be amalgamated. "Quick fixes" to problems are never the answer, and an important observation made in an earlier section was that importing a solution from another jurisdiction is not appropriate, as a uniquely "made in Vancouver" solution is necessary. A value identified in a 1992 Policy Workshop on regional governance was that dialogue on the issue was desired over sudden abrupt change." A careful transition with a reasonable time frame is necessary: at least six to twelve months to educate the public on how the new system would work and to complete public consultation, and a one to two year transitionary period as services are transferred from local municipalities to the new city. Certain functions could be moved sooner than others, as current private sector contracts are given time to expire and new arrangements are made. This process would build democratic principles into the transitionary period, allowing citizens the chance to learn how their new city works, getting the local community councils off the ground from the very beginning. Continuing the tradition of public consultation is essential. The public can be critically involved in the establishment of Community Councils and in the drawing of ward boundaries to truly reflect local  107  neighbourhoods, working with local community leaders and community organizations, to initiate a new tradition of public involvement in a new City of Vancouver. Vancouver has the benefit of learning from the experiences of the Winnipeg and Toronto unicities. A weakness of the City of Toronto Act was that it was a hurried, incomplete and unfocused piece of legislation. Vancouver can adapt certain aspects from these and other models, acknowledging that the traditions are different here and a bottom-up consultative process is more relevant and practical. Continuing the well-established tradition of public consultation and involvement established in the Livable Region Strategic Plan process is essential.  6.1.2. Structure and Functions: Proposed Organization The services and functions of the new City of Vancouver, listed in section 4.3.1.1, would be divided into five major departments: Police and Emergency Services; Public Works and Environmental Services; Parks, Recreation and Culture; Planning and Development; and Administration and Finance. The Greater Vancouver Transportation Authority would be an agency of the new City of Vancouver, working alongside the City's Planning and Development department. Under the proposed G V T A agreement, the Authority would assume costs for transit, the road network and transportation demand measures. The G V T A was passed by the G V R D on February 28, 1998. Eight Community Councils will maintain local input and preserve enthusiasm for planning at the community level, representing the following communities: North Shore, Vancouver-University Endowment Lands, Richmond-Delta, Surrey-White Rock, Langley, Burnaby-New Westminster, Pitt Meadows-Maple Ridge, Coquitlam-Port Coquitlarn-Port Moody-Anmore-Belcarra. Community Council administration will be carried out by the City's  108  Administration and Finance Department, as well as by a small staff located at a City of Vancouver Community Administration Building for each community. These sub-departments will provide local services, including: issuing of business licenses and building permits, pay taxes, obtain information on city services, planing information, by-law enforcement, house local economic development officer, Community Planning Office. These community-level committees will decentralize the politics and increase councillor accessibility without having the powers of a separate tier. 6.2.  4  Prospects for Amalgamation in Greater Vancouver "Between 1965 and 1967, the British Columbia government implemented a system of  regional districts for the entire province, including those areas not contained within incorporated municipalities. The regional district for Vancouver, created in 1967, took over the functions of the special purpose bodies. Indeed, the provincial government was anxious to emphasize that a new level of government not being created. It was more a matter of tidying up the existing system and creating a framework for increased municipal cooperation." The current needs of 5  local government reform are further streamlining, more concrete decision- making power, a regional vision, and region-wide economic development. A new model must offer these four things. Local government reform does not appear to be on the agenda of provincial government at this time. Michael Farnworth, former Minister of Municipal Affairs in the current NDP government noted that the political obstacles to forcing amalgamation in Greater Vancouver are simply too great at this time: "I think it would be a mistake for the provincial government to step in and [amalgamate Greater Vancouver]. It would be political suicide."  6  109  However, there are a number of points that suggest that amalgamation is in fact an inevitable path for this region. Adopting a single-tier structure would allow the region to move forward, modernizing local government for the Province's economic heartland and largest urban area. Previous local government reform efforts in Canada worked well for the servicing needs of the 1970s and 1980s. But in the late 1990s and beyond, pressures of growth and a changing economy fall beyond the reach of the existing model, and there is not much tinkering that can be done. Any efforts to modify the existing structure would likely be compromised. A January, 1998 proposal put forth by Surrey Mayor Doug McCallum to hold elections for the G V R D rather than appoint directors was turned down after a heated debate by Board members,  7  reflecting the inability of the current Board to even acknowledge that some sort of improvement is necessary. The tradition of slow and incremental change seems to have been upset by the amalgamation of Metropolitan Toronto. Greater Vancouver is a region that is open for new ideas and innovations, given certain initiatives such as the Livable Region Strategic Plan, recent initiatives in Cascadia and Vancouver's place in the Pacific-Northwest region, and links to the Pacific Rim. Much as British Columbia politics tends to differ from that of Central and Eastern Canada, and as much as the politicians and people of the West Coast are intent to establish unique traditions, it is impossible to ignore the amalgamation of Toronto as an influence as to why the province might impose amalgamation on Greater Vancouver. Not only were the circumstances leading to the amalgamation similar, namely, squabbling politicians and fragmented economic development, but as Canada's third largest city-region, Greater Vancouver could lose out to the city-regions it competes with i f the situation here continues.  110  This update o f local government would be a significant step forward in terms of Vancouver joining the ranks of larger cities. Opposition would likely originate from elected officials, desparately trying to protect their turf. One of the most destructive problems o f the current models is this constant battling; it would be no surprise that it would be the obstacle to initiating reform o f any kind. A n y reform would lead to more effective governance in this region. What differs in the choice o f governing model is, how soon after it is introduced w i l l further reform be necessary. Structural tinkering may give Greater Vancouver greater authority, but it w i l l not be adequate for long, as new challenges continually surface. If Greater Vancouver and the Province seriously want to solve the governing, growth management and economic problems of this region, they must go all the way. The Province and the region's elected officials must solve questions o f governance, in order to proceed with managing the challenges o f this urban region.  6.3.  Conclusion The best governing arrangement for Greater Vancouver is an amalgamated city. "The  problem of regional governance has never been so complex and comprehensive in scope .... Regional demands for livability in the overlapping areas of healthy environment, transportation and air quality, land conservation, urban development and form, healthy communities, economic health and public access to government are considerably broader than the physical and essential services normally associated with regional government."  A new solution has become  imperative. It is important to formalize the relationship between the city-region government and the local communities. Greater Vancouver has a history of citizen participation and involvement, demonstrated through the Choosing our Future process, as well as local initiatives such as the  111  City of Vancouver's CityPlan. Community Councils will be an effective way of recognizing the importance of the local community in determining the issues that must be addressed by the cityregion. Policies for economic development within a new governing structure must be proactive, anticipatory and innovative, recognizing the need for the city-region to take an active role in determining its future, mapping out courses of action rather than waiting for investors to knock on their doors. The necessary approach to economic development cannot be taken within the existing framework; therefore, not only would a new structure facilitate the development of a new approach to economic development, the city-region cannot prepare one without it. Being "open for business" is one thing, but the ability to address contemporary business interests, strategically working alongside private business, educational institutions and community groups in order to respond to the local origins of competitiveness is essential. A clearly-articulated coordinated economic development strategy will focus on Greater Vancouver as the economic engine of the province. The cavalier attitude and complacency towards economic development is beginning to subside, and dissatisfaction with the current governance model is becoming more widespread. A renewed approach to economic development requires a new system of governance, one that can perform effectively at the regional level while encouraging support from community organizations and utilizing local community forums. Literature on the subject of governance and government for urban regions is widespread and comprehensive. The two-tier metropolitan government model, in particular, has been a model that has been widely proposed for the last thirty to forty years. What is happening is that urban regions are changing far beyond the circumstances that have been advocating two-tier  112  metropolitan government. Amalgamation has not been the most favoured strategy in the past; however, based on the Canadian experience, it seems that the body of opinion in favour of amalgamation is growing. By expanding the city-region's capability to respond to contemporary problems, fostering a regional vision and introducing new and innovative ways to govern this region, Greater Vancouver can regain its confidence and status as a leader among North American cityregions. The failure to introduce an appropriate governing arrangement will result in continued ineffective management of urban issues in Greater Vancouver. Certainty, leadership and commitment to the future of this region must be accompanied by authority, accountability, comprehensiveness and coordination, best achieved through a single-tier structure for the entire Greater Vancouver city-region.  Notes Smith, "Governing Metropolitan Change." Seelig and Artibise, From Desolation to Hope. "Workshop Notes: Healthy Environment," in Conveying our Future: Proceedings of the Policy Workshop on Regional Governance in the Pacific Fraser Region. Jessie Hill, ed., (Vancouver: UBC Centre for Human Settlements, 1992), 31-34. Allan O'Brien, "Municipal Reform in Halifax." Sancton, Governing Canada's City-Regions. David Mitchell, "Ontario's hostile amalgamation of Toronto could be the future for Greater Vancouver," Business in Vancouver, (February 24, 1998), 8. Jeff Lee, "Region's directors reject elections" Vancouver Sun, (January 31, 1998), A 3 . Jessie H i l l , "Conclusion: Summary of the Policy Workshop on Regional Governance," in Conveying our Future, Hill, ed., 93-97. 1  2  3  4  5  6  7  x  114  BIBLIOGRAPHY Artibise, Alan F.J. Regional Governance without Regional Government: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Greater Vancouver Regional District. Vancouver: Unpublished background report prepared for the Regional Municipality of Ottawa-Carleton, 1997. Artibise, Alan F.J., Julie H. Seelig and Ken Cameron. Metropolitan Reorganization in GreaterVancouver: "Do-it-Yourself Regional Government." Vancouver: University of British Columbia School of Community and Regional Planning, 1996. Barlow, I.M. Metropolitan Government. London: Routledge, 1991. Bell, Judith Kjellberg and Steven Webber, editors. Urban Regions in a Global Context: Directions for the Greater Toronto Area. Toronto: University of Toronto Centre for Urban and Community Studies, 1995. Blais, Pamela. "The Competitive Advantage of City-Regions," Policy Options. Vol. 15, No. 4 (May 1994), 15-19. Bunting, Trudi and Pierre Filion, editors. Canadian Cities in Transition. Toronto: Oxford, 1991. Brownstone, Meyer and T. J. Plunkett. Metropolitan Winnipeg: Politics and Reform of Local Government. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. Coffey. William. The Evolution of Canada's Metropolitan Economies. Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1994. . "City-Regions in the New Economy," Policy Options, Vol. 15, No. 4 (May 1994), 5 11.  Coffey, William and Mario Polese, editorsStill Living Together: Recent Trends and Future Directions in Canadian Regional Development. Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1987. Cox, Wendel. Local and Regional Governance in the Greater Toronto Area: A Review of Alternatives. Toronto: Unpublished Report Prepared by Wendell Cox Consultancy, 1997. Crombie, David. Who Does What Panel Recommendations on Local Governance. Toronto: Unpublished report to the Ontario Minister of Municipal Affairs, 1996. Fainstein Susan S. and Scott Campbell, editors. Readings in Urban Theory. Cambridge, M A : Blackwell, 1996.  11  Frisken, Frances, editor. The Changing Canadian Metropolis. Berkeley, CA: Institute of Governmental Studies Press, University of California, 1994. Geddes, Richard, editor. Cities in Our Future. Washington, DC: Island Press, 1997. Gertler, Meric. "City Regions in the Global Economy: Choices facing Toronto," Policy Options, Vol. 17, No. 7 (September 1996), 12-15. Golden, Anne, Chair. Greater Toronto: Report of the Task Force on the Future of the Greater Toronto Area. Toronto: Queen's Printer for Ontario, 1996. Greater Vancouver Regional District. Economic Development Perspectives ort Transportation Planning, Transport 2021 Technical Report 16. Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1993. . The Economic Future of the Greater Vancouver Region. Unpublished Memorandum (June 10). Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1997. . Greater Vancouver: The fastest growing metropolitan area in Canada 1991-1996. Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1997. . Review of Economic Development Policy in Greater Vancouver. Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1995. . Role of Regional Economic Development Subcommittee. Unpublished Memorandum (February 9). Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1995. . Implementation Agreement with the Greater Vancouver Convention and Visitor's Bureau. Unpublished Memorandum (December 7). Burnaby: Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1995. Hancock, Trevor. "Healthy, Sustainable Communities: Concept, Fledging Practice and Implications for Governance," Alternatives, Vol. 22, No. 2 (April/May 1996), 18-23. Hill, lessie, editor. Conveying our Future: Proceedings of the Policy Workshop on Regional Governance in the Pacific Fraser Region. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Centre for Human Settlements, 1992. Hobson Paul A.R. and France St-Hilaire, editors. Urban Governance and Finance: A Question of Who Does What. Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1997. Hutton, Thomas A. "Structural Change and the Urban Policy Challenge" Policy Options. Vol. 17, No. 7 (September 1996), 3-7. Isin, Engin F., editor. Toronto Region in the World Economy. Toronto: York University, 1994. Jacobs, Jane. Cities and the Wealth of Nations. New York: Random House, 1984. 116  Keating, Michael. "European Cities and the Challenge of the Market," Policy Options, Vol. 17, No. 7 (September 1996), 41-42. Kresl, Peter Karl and Gary Gappert, editors. North American Cities and the Global Economy, Urban Affairs Annual Review 44. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996. Leach, A l . Second Reading Statement. Unpublished Statement to the Ontario Legislature. 1997. Lee, Jeff. "Region's Directors Reject Elections," Vancouver Sun. January 31, 1998, A3. Lightbody, James, editor. Canadian Metropolitics: Governing our Cities. Toronto: Copp Clark, 1995 McMillan, Melville. "Public Finance in City-Regions: International Comparisons," Policy Options. Vol. 17, No.7, (September 1996), 45-48. Mitchell, David. "Ontario's Hostile Amalgamation of Toronto Could be the Future for Greater Vancouver," Business in Vancouver, February 24, 1998, 8. Munro, Harold. "Surrey Council Backing Away From Plan to Split With G V R D , " Vancouver Sun, December 3, 1997, B I . O'Brien, Allan. "Municipal Reform in Halifax" Policy Options, Vol. 17, No. 7 (September 1996), 20-23. Ohmae, Kemchi. "The Rise of the Region State."Foreign Affairs. Vol. 72, No. 2 (Spring 1993), 78-87. Ontario Ministry of Municipal Affairs. Backgrounder: Planning to Reflect Community Needs. Unpublished Background Paper. Toronto: Ontario Ministry of Municipal Affairs, 1996. . Backgrounder: Why Change is Necessary. Unpublished Background Paper. Toronto: Ontario Ministry of Municipal Affairs, 1996. Patton, Carl V. and David S. Sawicki. Basic Methods of Policy Analysis and Planning. Second Edition. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1993. Peirce, Neal. Citistates: How Urban America Can Prosper in a Competitive World. Washington, DC: Seven Locks Press, 1993 Prohl, Marga editor. International Strategies and Techniques for Future Local Government. Gutersloh, Germany: Bertelsmann Foundation, 1997. Seelig, Michael Y . and Alan F.J. Artibise. From Desolation to Hope. Vancouver: Vancouver Board of Trade, 1991.  117  Sancton, Andrew. Governing Canada's City-Regions: Adapting Form to Function. Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1994. . "Governing Canada's City-Regions," Policy Options, Vol. 15, No. 4, (May 1994), 12-14. . Local Government Reorganization in Canada since 1975. Toronto: Intergovernmental Committee on Urban and Regional Research, 1991. • . "Reducing Costs by Consolidating Municipalities: New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Ontario," Canadian Public Administration. Vol. 39, No. 3, (Fall 1996), 267-289. Sancton Andrew and Donald Rothblatt, eds. Metropolitan Governance: American/Canadian Intergovernmental Perspectives. Berkeley. University of California, 1993. Skelly, Michael J. "The Future Role of Municipalities in Economic Development," Plan Canada, Vol: 35, No. 6, (November 1995), 30-32. Skelly, Michael J. The Role of Canadian Municipalities in Economic Development. Toronto: Intergovernmental Committee on Urban and Regional Research, 1995. Statistics Canada, 1996 Census Data, www.statcan.ca, 1998. Tindal, C. Richard and Susan Nobes Tindal, Local Government in Canada. Fourth Edition. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1995. Walker, William. "New City is a Massive Undertaking," Toronto Star, December 18, 1996, A1. Wight, Ian. "Six Degrees of Interaction: New Directions in Regional Planning," Plan Canada, Vol. 37, No. 6 (November 1997), 10-12.  118  Status Quo  Two-tier Metro  Enhanced Consensual  Amalgamation  Responsiveness Effectiveness Comprehensiveness Equity & Fairness Average Total Responsiveness Effectiveness Comprehensiveness Equity & Fairness Average Total Responsiveness Effectiveness Comprehensiveness Equity & Fairness Average Total Responsiveness Effectiveness Comprehensiveness Equity & Fairness Average Total 4 3 3.5/5 14/20 3 2 4 4 3.25/5 13/20  -i  Technical Feasibility • 5 5 4 4 4.5/5 18/20 4 4 5 4 4.5/5 17/20 4  3.75/5 15/20 3 3  3/5 12/20  Average Total (x2)  4/5 16/20 3.5 4  Average Total (x2) Costs Efficiency  Average Total (x2) Costs Efficiency  3.5/5 14/20 4 4  Average Total (x2) Costs Efficiency  Economic Feasibility Costs 3 Efficiency 4  Political Viability Accountability Acceptability Appropriateness Governance Implications Average Total Accountability Acceptability Appropriateness Governance Implications Average Total Accountability Acceptability Appropriateness Governance Implications Average Total Accountability Acceptability Appropriateness Governance Implications Average Total  Appendix A: Evaluation of Governing Models for Greater Vancouver  APPENDIX  5 4 4 4 4.25/5 17/20 4 4 4 4 4/5 16/20 4 4 3 3 3.5/5 14/20 2 3 2 3 2.5/5 10/20 Average Total (x2)  Average Total (x2) Coordination Organizational Capacity  Average Total (x2) Coordination Organizational Capacity  Average Total (x2) Coordination Organizational Capacity  3/5 12/20  4  2  3.5/5 14/20  4/5 16/20 4 3  4/5 16/20 4 4  Administrative Operability Coordination 5 Organizational Capacity 3  119  Status Quo  Two-tier Metro Model  Enhanced Consensual  Amalgamation  Responsive through direct/indirect election and the presence of local councillors on upper-tier council. Effective, reduces spillovers but endless discussion about who does what. G o o d for L R S P implementation. Comprehensive; not flexible in function Responsive through local members. Not effective regional decisionmaking body; L R S P suffers. Comprehensive in territory; flexible.  Technical Feasibility Responsive through community councils. Structured for region-wide decisions;best for implementation of LRSP. Comprehensive in territory and function; however, territory unflexible for future changes. Suburban concerns may dominate. Responsiveness is increased by directly-elected regional councillors. An effective model when policy objectives are shared across region; good for implementation of L R S P . Flexible and comprehensive in territory and function. Costs and benefits shared equally.  Appendix B: Summary of Evaluation  Cost-effective. Efficient in terms of the services it currently delivers.  Delivers services throughout the region effectively.  Most costly structure, costly administrative structures and potential for duplication/overlap  No substantial transitional costs.  G V R D has demonstrated efficiency and cost-effectiveness; new model not much of a change, although it may be more costeffective as some essential functions are centralized.  Economic Feasibility No proof amalgamation saves money; efficiency assumed rather than investigated. Not necessarily the most cost-effective model. Eliminates intermunicipal competition that promotes costsavings. Political Viability Clear political accountability; community councils accessible. Acceptable, reduces red tape and confusing bureaucracy. Appropriate for current and longterm governing needs; following other Canadian city-regions. Violates B C tradition of local autonomy. Accountable through directlyelected regional councils. Acceptable, fosters a regional vision while preserving local autonomy. Appropriate for current and shortterm governing needs of the cityregion. Continues tradition of governance without government. Clearer lines of accountability. Will create a true regional body while maintaining local autonomy. Appropriate for meeting cityregion's needs in the short to medium term. Top-down; goes against current trends to streamline government Not accountable, no direct representation. Not understood by electorate. Not appropriate for current or future needs. Structured to preserve local autonomy.  Decision-making process not modelled for coordinated regional action; no single regional voice. Most servicesare managed effectively on a regional basis without requiring a regional govt.  . Modification of current organizational capacity, but some new costs will be incurred.  Ensures coordinated regional decisionmaking. Eliminates fragmentation  Most of the organizational capacity and structure already in place  Organizational capacity requires costly new structure; single bureaucracy is simple to understand and operate. Permits coordination of key regional functions.  Administrative Operability Strong regional voice and coordinated approach to policymaking. Eliminates fragmentation.  120  Appendix C: List of Policy Documents Reviewed Greater Vancouver Regional District Strategic Planning Department Documents Creating More Jobs and a Stronger Economy in die Greater Vancouver Region, December 1987 Creating our Future: History, Status and Prospects of Regional Planning in Greater Vancouver, July 1994 Creating our Future 1996: Steps to a More Livable Region Economic Development as a Tool of Local Government (Draft), June 1997 Economic Development Perspectives on Transportation Plajniing, October 1993 Establishment of die Intergovernmental Advisory Committee for Greater Vancouver, April 1997 Establishing a Regional Strategic Plan: A Review of die Process, April 1996 Greater Vancouver Economic Strategy: Vision and Action Plan for the Livable Region (Draft), March 1989 Future of Tourism in die Greater Vancouver Region, May 1997 Livable Region Strategic Plan, April 1996 Report of die Task Force on Regional Strategic Planning Functions and Staffing, June 1996 Review of Economic Development Policy in Greater Vancouver, Draft Unpublished Report, March 1995 Role of Regional Economic Development Subcommittee, February, 1995 Transportation Governance and Funding Workshop-Summary of Input, May, 1997 Towards More Complete Communities for a Livable Region, January, 1995 The Economic Competitiveness of die Greater Vancouver Region, June, 1997 Vancouver Perspectives: A Business and Investment Guide to Greater Vancouver, 1986 Municipal Official Community Plans City of Burnaby Official Community Plan, 1987 City of Langley Official Community Plan, 1993 City of Nordi Vancouver Official Community Plan, 1995 City of Port Moody Official Community Plan, 1992 City of Surrey Official Community Plan, 1996 City of White Rock Draft Official Community Plan, 1995 District of Delta Official Community Plan, 1993 District of North Vancouver Official Community Plan, 1991 District of Maple Ridge Official Community Plan, 1996 District of Pitt Meadows Official Community Plan, 1992 District of West Vancouver Official Community Plan, 1994 Village of Belcarra Official Community Plan, 1996 Other Relevant Documents City of Port Coquitlam, Community Economic Strategy, 1996 City of Burnaby, Economic Development Strategy, 1989  121  Appendix D: List of Individuals Interviewed Abby Anderson, Burnaby Chamber of Commerce Maggie Morrison, Vancouver Economic Development Commission M a r c i a Freeman, District of Maple Ridge Deborah Day, City of Coquitlam Tom Leathern, City of White Rock Gerald Minchuk, City of Langley Jason Chu, Township of Langley Brian Coates, City of N e w Westminster L i n o Siracusa, City of Richmond Francis Caouette, District of North Vancouver Hugh Kellas, Greater Vancouver Regional District Joe Stott, Greater Vancouver Regional District • Ralph Perkins, Greater Vancouver Regional District  122  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0088397/manifest

Comment

Related Items