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Local knowledge in physical design and planning : a case study of Chiangmai, Thailand Vadhanasindhu, Pongsak 1995

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LOCAL KNOWLEDGE IN PHYSICAL DESIGN AND PLANNING:A CASE STUDY OF CHIANGMAI, THAILANDbyPONGSAK VADHANASINDHUB. Arch. (Hons), Chulalongkorn University, 1977M.L.Arch., University of Michigan, 1983A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFDoctor of PhilosophyinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESSCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNINGWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAAugust 1995© Pongsak Vadhanasindhu, 1995In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Z’-iott O CohflVN,rr 4Ni! /ovi’Qepamof_The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate ‘ fc’35-DE-6 (2)88)ABSTRACTThis study concerns “local knowledge” - the knowledge of local people - and the role itcan play in improving development projects. The study adds to previous definitions oflocal knowledge, describes how Thai designers and planners treat this knowledge, andillustrates the consequences of including or excluding its consideration in planningdevelopment projects.The research approach is a case study of design and planning in Chiangmai, a province innorthern Thailand. Both primary data and secondary data were collected and analyzed.Primary sources were personal observations, individual interviews and focus groupdiscussions. Secondary sources included others’ studies of architectural knowledge andplanning reports.The existing literature, including literature in local knowledge, planning, citizenparticipation and social impact assessment, is still grappling with the issue of localknowledge and its inclusion or exclusion in development project planning. The studyfound that local people have a powerful base of information that is potentially valuable tothe design and planning of development projects. Local knowledge can be technical,descriptive, explanatory, prescriptive, subtle, dynamic, scattered and holistic. An oftenignored form of local knowledge is local people’s perceptions and values which have been11made explicit through the impact that development projects have had on their socialorganization, their economy and their natural environment.Although the knowledge held by local people could provide real benefit to the design andplanning professions, it has been overlooked by many professionals who have a limitedawareness of the richness and value of local knowledge. The study found that awarenessand use of local knowledge are affected by professional training and by planningprocedures.This thesis concludes that for local knowledge to be appropriately and effectively involvedin design and planning, procedures need to be restructured to require or encourageprofessionals to actively seek local knowledge, to respect this knowledge and its owners,and to include this knowledge in their professional work through consultation with localpeople. In order for this restructuring to be effective, design and planning education mustinclude opportunities for students to learn how to gain and apply local knowledge in arespectful manner.111TABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT.TABLE OF CONTENTS ivLIST OF FIGURES viiiACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xCHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION1.0 INTRODUCTION 11.1 DEFINITIONS 21.1.1 Physical Design and Planning 21.1.2 Local Knowledge 21.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT 41.3 THESIS PURPOSE 51.4 RESEARCH APPROACH 61.5 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 71.6 RESEARCH METHODS 91.7 AN OVERVIEW OF SUBSEQUENT CHAPTERS 10CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REViEW2.0 INTRODUCTION 122.1 LOCAL KNOWLEDGE 122.1.1 Local Knowledge in Physical Design and Planning 162.1.2 Local Knowledge in Thailand 212.2 PLANNING 242.3 CITIZEN PARTICIPATION 262.3.1 Constraints and Problems of Citizen Participation 272.3.2 Models of Citizen Participation 282.3.3 Limitations of Citizen Participation in Thailand 312.4 SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT 322.4.1 Approach of SIA 332.4.2 Problems of SIA 342.4.3 Example of Local Input to SIA 352.4.4 SIA in Thailand 372.5 CONCLUSION 38CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS3.0 INTRODUCTION 433.1 RESEARCH STRATEGY 433.2 CHIANGMAI 443.3 DATA COLLECTION 503.3.1 Documentary Research 553,3.2 Personal Observation 573.3.3 Individual Interviews 573.3.3.1 Interviewees 58iv3.3.3.2 Interview Procedure .633.3,4 Focus Group Discussions 633.3.4.1 The First Group Discussion 653.3.4.2 The Second Group Discussion 673.3.4.3 The Third Group Discussion 693.4 ANALYTICAL METHODS 713.5 CONCLUSION 72CHAPTER FOUR: EXISTING PLANNING AND BUILDING DESIGN iNCHL4NGMAI4.0 INTRODUCTION 744.1 PRELIMINARY STUDY FOR CHIANGMAI TOURISMDEVELOPMENT 754.1.1 The Study Group 764.1.2 Study Process 774.1.3 Data Collection Methods 804.1.4 Outcomes 814.2 MASTER PLAN FOR CHIANGMAI TOURISM DEVELOPMENT ............... 834.2.1 The Working Group 844.2.2 Planning Process 854.2.3 Data Collection Methods 874.2.4 Outcomes 894.3 CHIANGMAI POLICY-BASED ACTION PLAN FOR HISTORIC &ENVIRONMENTAL PRESERVATION 934.3.1 The Working Group 934.3.2 Working Process 964.3.2.1 The Beginning of the Process - Study Tour 964.3.2.2 Field Research andAnalysis of Chiangmai Conditions 974.3.2.3 The Formulation ofGoals and Draft ofPolicies and Action... 974.3.3 Data Collection Techniques 994.3.4 Outcomes 1024.3.4.1 Goalsfor Regulatory Procedures 1024.3.4.2 Special Projects Proposed 1044.4 DESIGN OF BUILDING PROJECTS IN CHIANGMAI 1054.4.1 Participants in Building Projects 1064.4.2 The Design Process 1074.4.3 Data Collection Methods in Design Process 1094.5 CONCLUSION 111CHAPTER FWE: LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF CHIANGMAI, NORTHERNTHAILAND5.0 INTRODUCTION 1155.1 THE TRADITIONAL NORTHERN HOUSE 1165.1.1 The Steep Roof With Long Overhangs 1195.1.2 Roofing Materials 1215.1 .3 Kalae 1245.1.4 The Outward Slanting Wall 1285.1.5 The Elevated Floor 132V5.1.6 TheVeranda.1335.1.7 Orientation of the Traditional Northern House 1345.1.8 Space Allocation in the Traditional Northern House 1365.1.9 Modest House Size 1375.1.10 Building Methods 1395.2. LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE NORTHERN LANDSCAPE 1455.2.1 Residential Landscape Elements 1455.2.2 Drainage Patterns 1505.2.3 Irrigation System 1515.3. LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF NEEDS AND WANTS 1545.3.1 Knowledge of Threats to Natural Resources 1555.3.2 Knowledge of Threats to Sacred Placesand Unique Regional Features 1575.4 CONCLUSION 163CHAPTER SIX: THE CONSIDERATION OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGEAND ITS CONSEQUENCES6.0 INTRODUCTION 1716.1. LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE TRADITIONAL NORTHERN HOUSE... 1726.1.1 Steep Roof With Long Overhangs 1726.1.2 Roofing Materials 1786.1.3 Veranda 1826.1.4 Orientation of the traditional Northern House 1836.1.SKalae 1846.2. THE NORTHERN LANDSCAPE 1866.2.1 Residential Landscape Elements 1866.2.2 Drainage Patterns 1876.2.3 Irrigation Systems 1906.3. LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF NEEDS AND WANTS 1966.3.1 Knowledge of Threats to Natural Resources 1966.3.2 Knowledge of Threats to Sacred Placesand Unique Regional Features 2006.4 LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF PROCESS: LOCAL IDEAS ABOUTINCLUDING LOCAL KNOWLEDGE 2056.5 CONCLUSION 208CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS7.OSUMIVIARY 2117.1 CONCLUSION 2127.2 CHARACTERISTICS OF DESIGN AN]) PLANNING THAT LIMITINCORPORATION OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE 2157.2.1 Design and Planning Process 2167.2.2 Professional Education 2217.3 IMPLICATIONS OF ACTIONS TO INCORPORATE LOCALKNOWLEDGE INTO DESIGN AN]) PLANNING 2247.3.1 The Benefit of Incorporating Local Knowledge 2247.3.2 Possible Changes to the Design and Planning Process 2277.3.3 Design and Planning Education Reforms 2307.4 IMPLICATIONS OF STUI)Y FOR RESEARCH METHODS 234vi7.5 THEORETICAL CONTRifiUTIONS.2347,6 THEORETICAL ISSUES ARISING FROMTHE RESEARCH FINDINGS AIJD CONCLUSIONS 2367.6.1 Issues Related to the Nature of Local Knowledge 2367.6.2 Methodological Issues Related to Research in Local Knowledge 2427.6.3 Issues Related to Processes for IncorporatingLocal Knowledge into Design and Planning 2447.6.4 Issues on the Significance ofLocal CultureRelated to Local Knowledge 2497.6.5 Issues Related to the Preservation of Local Knowledge 2517.6.6 Issues Related to the Use of Local Knowledge By Professionals 2557.6.7 Issues Related to the Consequences of Ignoranceof Local Knowledge: Local Knowledge as a “Professional Tool” 2567.6.8 Issues Related to Strategies for Promoting Interestin Local Knowledge in the Academy 2587.6.9 Conclusion 261BIBLIOGRAPHY 262APPENDICESAPPENDIX 1: Interviewees 275APPENDIX 2: Participants in First Group Discussion 280APPENDIX 3: Participants in Second Group Discussion 282APPENDIX 4: Participants in Third Group Discussion 283APPENDIX 5: English Translation of Personal Information Questions 284APPENDIX 6: Abridged English Translation of Interview and Group DiscussionQuestions for People not Involved in Design and Planningof Studied Plans and Projects 285APPENDIX 7: Abridged English Translation of Interview and Group DiscussionQuestions for People Involved in Design and Planningof Studied Plans and Projects 286APPENDIX 8: Temperature Records from the Meteorological Department 288APPENDIX 9: Curriculum of Faculty of Architecture,Chulalongkorn University 289viiLIST OF FIGURESFigure 2.1.Figure 2.2.Figure 3.1.Figure 3.2.Figure 3.3.Figure 3.4.Figure 3.5.Figure 3.6.Figure 3.7.Figure 3.8.Figure 3.9.Figure 4.1.Figure 4.2.Figure 4.3.Figure 4.4.Figure 4.5.Figure 5.1.Figure 5.2.Figure 5.3.Conceptual Context of the Study 39Thai Context of the Study 40Map of Thailand 45Map ofNorthern Thailand 46Chiangmai City Map 48Urban Chiangmai 49Specific Projects Studied in Rural Chiangmai 51Rural Chiangmai 52Information Sought and Research Techniques Employed 56Locations of Specific Projects Studied and Interviewees’ Homesin Urban Area 61Locations of Specific Projects Studied and Pong Yaeng Nok Village 62The Study Process of the Preliminary Study(for Chiangmai Tourism Development) 78Planning Process for the Master Plan forChiangmai Tourism Development 86Suthep Mountain and Mae Sa Valley Clusters 90Baud-Bovey and Lawson’s Tourism Planning Process 98Chiangmai Planning and Design Process and Their Outcomes 112Perspective and Elevation of Traditional Northern Thai House 117Traditional Northern Thai House Plan 118Examples of the Kalae 125viiiFigure 5.4. Outward Slanting Box for Keeping Buddhist Texts 130Figure 5.5. Prefabricated House 142Figure 5.6. Lanna Garden Resort 143Figure 5.7. Scenery of Temple Destroyed by New Buildings 158Figure 5.8. An Example of Damage to the Integrity of a Sacred Place 159Figure 5.9. View of Phrathat Doi Suthep Temple 160Figure 5.10. Local Knowledge and Its Significant Aspects 164Figure 5.11. Characteristics of Local Knowledge 167Figure 6.1. Diamond Riverside Hotel 173Figure 6.2. Rim Ping Garden Hotel 176Figure 6.3. Pongyaeng Garden Resort 180Figure 6.4. The Only Remaining Stream in Pong Yaeng Nok Village 194Figure 6.5. Engineer’s Concrete Dam Blocks Water Way 195Figure 6.6. Elephants Performing in the Elephant Show 199Figure 7.1. Conclusion of the Study 213Figure 7.2. Mechanism of Exclusion of Local Knowledge in Designand Planning and Solutions 217Figure 7.3. Implications of the Study for Improving the Use of Local Knowledge 233ixACKNOWLEDGMENTSIn accomplishing this dissertation, there are many people who helped and supported me towhom I wish to express my deepest and sincerest gratitude. First, my supervisor, ProfPeter Boothroyd for his insightful thoughts, unending advice and support. Also, I ammuch indebted to my committee members: Prof Douglas Paterson, Prof. HenryHightower and Prof Penny Gurstein for their constructive comments and valuableguidance.My thanks to the faculty and staff of the School of Community and Regional Planning andthe Centre for Human Settlements for their assistance, and to Prof Alan Artibise and ProfWilliams Rees for arranging my academic program.My sincere thanks to all of the research respondents in Chiangmai who provided valuableinformation to my study; to many Faculty members of Chiangmai University, RajpatTeaching College and Rajamongkol Institute for their advice and assistance in my fieldresearch; to the Hongvithayakorns and members of “MBA” at Chiangmai University whoprovided every possible assistance during my stay in Chiangmai.Thanks to my university, Chulalongkorn, for supporting me in my study. Also, a specialthanks to my colleagues at the Department of Landscape Architecture, who had to carrymy work load during my absence. This study would not have been undertaken withoutfinancial support from the Canadian International Development Agency.My warm appreciation is addressed to Dr. Barbara Pettit, my editor who spent a lot of hervaluable time editing and providing valuable suggestions. Also, to James Pratt who hasalways been available for editing assistance.Thanks to my colleagues at UBC, including: Michael Beazley, Mark Roseland, PriscillaBoucher, John Curry, Sudharto Hadi, Mozaffar Sarrafi, Mathis Wackernagel, StanDeMello, Yoshihiko Wada, Mike Carr, and David Witty for their insights andcompanionship.My greatest debt in working on this dissertation goes to my family: my parents whoalways encourage and support their children’s education and who have suffered from myabsence; I will forever retain my memory of my late mother who passed away while I waswriting this dissertation; my brothers and sisters who provided valuable knowledge andsupport throughout my study. Finally, I can not adequately thank my wife, Suriphan, forsacrificing her professional work to support my study. Her patience and support in allways together with understanding and cheerfulness from my son, Medhavin, encouragedme to accomplish this study.xCHAPTER ONEINTRODUCTION1.0 INTRODUCTIONCurrent development of the built environment in Thailand is often an affront to its culturalheritage and destructive of its local communities. New approaches to design and planningare necessary if this situation is to change. This dissertation examines the potential forimproving design and planning in Thailand through the incorporation of local people’sknowledge, Specifically, it identifies:1) the nature of local knowledge that is relevant to physical design and planning;2) how and why this knowledge is currently considered or not considered byprofessional designers and planners;3) the consequences for local people and their environment; and,4) the constraints and opportunities affecting a wider incorporation of this knowledgeinto the design and planning process.This chapter provides an overview. It first discusses the definitions used in this research,the problem statement, and the thesis purpose. Then, the chapter states the researchapproach, the questions the research asks, and the methods used. The chapter concludeswith an overview of each subsequent chapter.11.1 DEFINITIONS1.1.1 Physical Design and PlanningThe term “physical design and planning” in this study is meant to encompass design andplanning in architecture, landscape architecture, engineering, and construction. It includesdesign and planning for residential projects, housing, and tourism (hotel and resortdevelopment), for recreational facilities such as open space, pools and gardens, and forinfrastructure facilities such as water supply systems.1.1.2 Local KnowledgeLocal knowledge emerges from people’s experience with their environment, and is whatFriedmann( 1973) calls “personal knowledge”. He defines “personal knowledge” asknowledge based on the direct experience of the knower. It is invariably rich in detailedobservation (Friedmann 1973, 245).Local knowledge is described by Keyes (1991, 3-5) as both the “everyday knowledge”people gain from their experiences in a place and the “specialized knowledge” of peoplewhich is the deep interpretations of their experience. Keyes (1991) sees local knowledgeas a combination of ethno-scientific knowledge and indigenous conceptual systems. Hedescribes ethno-science as knowledge created by the way people act in the natural world2and indigenous conceptual systems as the concepts people use for understanding theirexperiences.Local knowledge includes common-sense notions which are part of any particular culturalsystem. According to Mollison (1990) common-sense knowledge, gained from everydayinteraction with the environment, is the distinguishing feature of local knowledge systems.Geertz (1983, 92-93) states that common-sense itself can be identified as a culturalsystem.Thrupp, in Warren et al. (1989, 151), prefers the term “local knowledge” to “indigenousknowledge” because it can be more broadly interpreted. He provides the interestingnotion that “indigenous” is usually narrowly associated with “[long] tradition-based”knowledge among small aboriginal groups, such as tribes. This study uses the term “localknowledge” rather than “indigenous knowledge” because the knowledge of interest is thatheld by all residents (other than design professionals) of an area, not just those who are“aboriginal”.Chambers (1987, 83) broadens the definition of local knowledge. He makes a majorcontribution to the discussion by arguing that local knowledge should not be interpretedonly as knowledge or information of a local environment; it should also be seen as asystem of concepts, beliefs and ways of learning by local people about their environment.In this sense, Chambers’ definition is similar to Keyes’.3The term “local knowledge” in this study refers to environmental, technical, and sociocultural knowledge of local people. Local knowledge of interest to this research is thatrelating to both the built and natural environments. The natural environment includesclimate, natural drainage patterns, and vegetation; the built environment includes thearchitecture, infrastructure, and land use of the area. Socio-cultural knowledge isattached to environmental and technical knowledge and includes the concepts and beliefsof local people as defined by Chambers (1987). This study is also interested in localpeople’s knowledge of their own needs and wants in relation to their physicalenvironment, and so extends Chambers’ definition.1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENTNumerous studies in Thailand indicate that development projects using modern design andplanning models have damaged the local environment and culture and have causeddissatisfaction among local people (Ekachai 1990, 1991; Dearden 1990; Saisang 1992; andPholphoke 1992, among others). Modern planning in Thailand follows the mainstreamplanning model, which is permeated by professionalism and “expert-knows-best” views.Modern design is controlled by professionals and relies heavily on professional expertise.But what about local knowledge? Has it been excluded? If so, why, and what are theconsequences?The literature regarding local knowledge relating to physical design and planning in4Thailand is very limited (see Chapter Two). There are a small number of studies ontraditional Thai houses by Thai architects, but these are not well known, even among Thaipeople. There is also a small amount of literature on the existence or use of localknowledge in current community and regional planning practices. As such, localknowledge needs more attention and documentation if it is to benefit design, planning,engineering, and construction practitioners.The problem is that we do not have enough information about the knowledge that localThai people possess that is relevant to modern planning and design. We do not know howmuch of this knowledge is included or not included in current development processes andwith what consequences. Nor do we know enough about what opportunities arepresented for the inclusion of local knowledge and what constraints work against itsinclusion.1.3 THESIS PURPOSEThe purpose of this thesis is to respond to the inadequate information about local Thaiknowledge that is important to physical design and planning by: 1) revealing the existenceand nature of this knowledge, 2) determining how this knowledge is used by professionals,3) evaluating current developments which are sensitive or not sensitive to localknowledge, and 4) identifying the implications for improving design and planning.5The thesis documents some of the knowledge that some local people have about theirhouses and their fields. Such documentation offers a direct service to professionals whoare open to using local knowledge in their practice and, more importantly, allowscorroboration of more general findings about the nature and use of local knowledge. Thethesis also documents the existence of important knowledge that has been previouslyoverlooked, analyses its nature, and suggests the consequences when professionals areunaware of this knowledge. Finally, the thesis indicates some measures for more effectiveincorporation of local knowledge into physical design and planning.1.4 RESEARCH APPROACHTo meet the thesis purpose, a study of local knowledge in relation to design and planningin Chiangmai Province was conducted.Chiangmai,’ in northern Thailand, was selected as a case study because it is a provincerich in cultural resources. It reflects both a 700-year-old development and more recentchanges to the environment. Chiangmai is neither as economically and technicallyadvanced as Bangkok, nor as poor and undeveloped as many provinces. Its city (alsocalled Chiangmai) is the second largest in Thailand.‘It is also written as “Chiang Mai” by the Thai people.6Specific development projects in both urban and rural areas of Chiangmai, includinghotels, resorts, shopping centres and residential developments, are investigated in detail.Many of these projects are related to tourism development (such as hotels and resorts)because, at present, tourism is a major economic activity in Chiangmai. However, thisstudy is not concerned with tourism development as such. It only uses tourismdevelopment projects as cases for investigation of the use of local knowledge in designand planning.1.5 RESEARCH QUESTIONSWithin the case study, four general research questions are posed: 1) what local knowledgerelevant to design and planning exists? 2) how is it treated by professionals? 3) why so?and 4) what are the consequences of this treatment? These general questions areoperationalised through specific questions as follows:1) What local technical, environmental, and socio-cultural knowledge related to designand planning for development projects exists in the study area?2) In what way, and to what extent, has local knowledge been considered in thephysical design and planning processes for development projects in the study areas?a) Who (professionals or local non-professional people) were involved in the design7and planning? Who provided the information about the local environment? Whowere the decision makers?b) What kind of techniques were applied for collecting data regarding the local physicalenvironment in the design and planning processes? Did these techniques effectivelyaccess local knowledge?c) Was this local knowledge excluded/included in the design and planning processes?Why or why not?d) What problems and opportunities were encountered in incorporating localknowledge into the design and planning processes?3) What were the consequences of excluding/including local knowledge in the designand planning processes for the development projects?4) What are local people’s concerns and ideas about the exclusion or inclusion of localknowledge?5) What ideas do local people have for a process that would incorporate theirknowledge into design and planning?81.6 RESEARCH METHODSResearch methods used for gathering data within the case study were survey research,field research and unobtrusive research. Data collection techniques applied in this studyinclude those used by others in the study of indigenous knowledge (Barsaga 1989) andthose used in the study of physical environments (Lynch 1960; Hester 1984). Thesetechniques were personal observation, individual interviews, and group discussions.Data collection was accomplished using the above mentioned techniques and documentaryresearch. Documentary research was used to obtain data on the development plans andprojects studied. Personal observation was used at the beginning of the research to obtainan overview of the cases studied. Later, it was used to obtain detailed data for cross-referencing with data obtained from other techniques. Individual interviews were arrangedwith people involved in the studied projects including owners, professionals, bureaucratsand local people who reside near the studied projects and those who live within Chiangmaiprovince area. Three focus group discussions were arranged: first, for Chiangmai urbanresidents; second, for rural residents; and third for specialists who are interested in issuesrelated to local knowledge. Data collected from these techniques were analyzed bycontent and comparative analysis. Data collection and analytical techniques will bediscussed further in Chapter Three.This thesis contributes to the body of planning knowledge by showing that local9people have considerable knowledge that can benefit design and planning professionals intheir work. This knowledge includes awareness of threats to social and naturalenvironments that result from insensitive design. In general, Thai professionals do notrespect local people’s knowledge because their professional training has not taught themto appreciate the value of this knowledge, Furthermore, Thai design and planningprocesses fail to provide opportunities to include local knowledge. To overcome thesefailures, processes need to be revamped so that local people can contribute theirknowledge to new projects. As well, the formal education of design and planningprofessionals needs to change so that these people can appropriately obtain, evaluate anduse local knowledge.1.7 AN OVERVIEW OF SUBSEQUENT CHAPTERSThe following chapter, Chapter Two, reviews relevant literature. This literature includesliterature on local knowledge, planning, citizen participation and social impact assessment.Each body of literature is discussed both in general terms and with specific reference toThailand’s context. Finally, a conceptual framework based on the theories reviewed in theliterature is developed for this study.Chapter Three presents the research strategy and methods determined appropriate to meetthe thesis purpose and to find answers to the research questions.10Chapter Four reviews current processes of development planning in Chiangmai and majorplans. It focuses on the Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development and theChiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan for Historical and Environmental Preservation. Thischapter also discusses the development process for projects from the outset of the processto the time that building permits are granted. Discussion focuses on key actors whocontrol and work within the development process and on their data collection techniques.Chapter Five presents and discusses local knowledge identified through the field research.The discussion includes an analysis of the nature and significance of local knowledge.Chapter Six indicates which types of local knowledge are excluded or included in designand planning processes. It also looks at the reasons for and consequences of the exclusionor inclusion of local knowledge. The final section of this chapter presents local people’sideas on the inclusion of local knowledge.The last chapter summarizes the findings of the study and draws general conclusions aboutthe role of local knowledge in existing design and planning processes. This concludingchapter argues for increasing the incorporation of local knowledge into design andplanning processes by changing the processes themselves and by revamping the formaleducation of design and planning professionals so that they are encouraged to use localknowledge in their practice.11CHAPTER TWOLITERATURE REVIEW2.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter reviews the relevant literature on local knowledge, planning, citizenparticipation and social impact assessment. The review of literature on local knowledgedeals with the literature relevant to physical design and planning in general and specificallyto Thailand. This review also discusses the main issues raised in current studies of localknowledge. The review of planning literature focuses on theories of how professionalstreat and should treat local knowledge in their planning process. For citizen participationand social impact assessment, the review focuses on their development in relation to localknowledge and planning.2.1 LOCAL KNOWLEDGELocal people’s knowledge in the social, medical, ideological and agricultural fields hasbeen studied for more than a century under a variety of labels - ethno-science, folkknowledge, traditional knowledge, and people science, as well as indigenous knowledge.The label “local knowledge” has gained a consensus at two major conferences onindigenous knowledge in 1988 and 1989 as the most appropriate term to cover these12bodies of knowledge. This label encodes “the fact that portions of such knowledgesystems can be highly site-specific, and elaborated to fit a given agro-ecological,economic, socio-cultural and political context” (McCorkle 1989, 5).Two basic approaches in the study of local knowledge can be identified. First, there arethose analyses in a particular discipline which place an emphasis on recovering andutilizing local scientific and technical knowledge (Altieri 1983; Juma 1988). In theseanalyses, the recovery and utilization of local knowledge is seen as an instrument toempower local people. Second, there are studies of knowledge systems and processes ofknowledge acquisition and usage (Marsden 1990, 265). A third, more recent approach inthe use of local knowledge tries to unite the other two. This approach tries to bringtogether the work of natural and social scientists with that of outsiders and local people.For example, the work of Brokensha, Warren and Werner in 1980 introduced many formsof indigenous knowledge not only to agriculture, but also to general community and ruraldevelopment. Their work demonstrates ways of linking the knowledge of ethno-scientistswith those of development activists.Many studies show that local people possess a great deal of valuable knowledge and thaton certain matters they often know more than trained experts and professionals. A fewexamples include local knowledge of climatic phenomena and drainage patterns (Korten1982), and local knowledge that makes self-help irrigation systems work better than13systems designed by outside experts (Lansing 1987, Cowley 1989, Fleuret 1985).Chambers (1983), and Chambers, Pacey, and Thrupp (1989) point out that muchinefficient rural development arises from the unreflective application of western scientificrationality. They argue for breaking down the professional and technical barriers whichexclude local people from the development process. They assert that local people,typically the last people considered in the planning and development process, should be“the first”. Development should start from where people are rather than from where thespecialized experts would like them to be. Development approaches should be changed tobe situation-specific and negotiated. This requires dialogue with different groups andcultures to ascertain local knowledge. Chambers, Pacey and Thrupp (1989) believe thattraditional cultures should no longer be seen as problems for rural development, but as thebasis for smooth and effective new development.The need to incorporate cultural values and local knowledge into development efforts hasbeen emphasized continuously in the social development literature. Conyers (1982), andHardiman and Midgley (1982), have strongly supported this position. Cernea (1986) haspublished reviews of various literatures that describe ways of enhancing rural developmentprojects by understanding and incorporating different cultural values and knowledge.Moody (1988) has supported this method of encouraging rural development and cautionsthat people may express their knowledge in a different language from that of western14scientists or professionals. Expressions may often be emotional in response tounsatisfactory situations, but the knowledge giving rise to emotional expression needs tobe considered as significant information in the planning process.Incorporating local knowledge into the planning process increases the information basewhich can help to develop effective projects. It also reduces risk. “People themselves arethe best indicator of what will or will not work, what can be sustained and what cannot”,noted Marsden (1990, 230) in commenting on efforts to integrate local knowledge intorural development strategies. Uphoff (1986) and Korten (1987) have a similar notion toMarsden and emphasize the use of local human resources and locally developedorganizations for building effective development programs.The study of local knowledge has increased concerns regarding gender issues. Norem,Yoder and Martin (1989) have recognized the contributions of women to agriculture thathave been previously ignored. Jiggins (1986) has discussed the distinctive knowledge andinteraction of women with their local environment. In addition, gender issues invariablybecome major issues in farming studies through consideration of the family as a unit ofproduction and consumption (Marsden 1990, 231).In conclusion, studies on local knowledge may take a variety of forms but all point to theappreciation and importance of local knowledge. They illustrate the need forunderstanding this knowledge, the values of the different actors in the development15projects, and the importance of accessing, incorporating, and using this knowledge indevelopment planning.2.1.1 Local Knowledge in Physical Design and PlanningDesign and planning of the built environment can be seen as reflecting four traditions: thevernacular, high style, speculative, and participatory (Matthews 1994, 13). The vernaculartradition was developed by ordinary people and was used by them in their daily lives. Itresponds to the local climate and uses local materials. The high style tradition belongs tothe elite. Its design does not often respond to a climate and site, and its materials can beimported from elsewhere. The speculative tradition concerns market demand and profit.Appealing to the buyer comes before the quality of the building; social amenity, localtraditional character, and environmental impacts are not high priorities for consideration.The participatory tradition invites the users (who may be the specific users in the case of ahousing complex or the general public in the case of a public building) to take part in thedesign. In this case, designers have more responsibility to satisfy users’ needs and desiresthan in the other traditions (Matthews 1994, 13-27). Judging from the four traditions, thevernacular and participatory traditions show a linkage to local knowledge while the highstyle and speculative traditions show a tendency to reject local knowledge.The general rules and design principles of the vernacular tradition strongly support localknowledge in physical design and planning. According to Matthews (1994, 16-17),16vernacular architecture is created by ordinary people or specialists within the community,and the use of local materials gives a strong local or regional character to the building. Itsdesign focuses on the utilitarian, and the building itself is well adapted to the climate.Ritual and cultural symbolism have a strong influence in design but sometimes give way topractical needs.Several books have become sources of inspiration for vernacular architecture. Amongthem are “Architecture without Architects” by Rudolfsky (1964), “House Form andCulture” by Rapoport (1969) and “Shelter, Sign and Symbol” by Olivier (1977).Recently, neo-vernacular architecture has been popularly applied in the design of housing,religious buildings and tourist resort complexes. Vernacular architecture has beencriticized for its limited application especially in large scale projects and high-rise buildings(Powell and Ozkan 1989, 14). Frampton (1985) sees it as a form of cultural and politicalresistance.Regionalism in architecture, which shares general rules and principles with vernaculararchitecture, also supports local knowledge in physical design and planning. According toPowell and Ozkan (1989, 10), regionalism is an alternative to or a rejection ofInternational Modernism. “[It] goes beyond the simple reinterpretation of past patterns.It is a transformation, where a building is modern and yet retains the essence of a culture.”However, Frampton (1985) comments that regionalism is a marginal practice existing17previously in those cultural interstices which are able to resist universal civilization.Sorkin (1986) asks whether regionalism has any authenticity in a global culture in whichthere is no region.Participatory design, the most recent of the four traditions (Matthew 1994, 25), alsoshows the potential for including local knowledge in physical design and planning.Relevant literature includes participatory design, community design and architecture,democracy in design, and social design. The literature acknowledges that professionaltechnical knowledge is often inadequate in solving problems and that professionaltechnical knowledge itself sometimes creates problems worse than those which it wasintended to solve (Comerio 1984, 227; Schon 1983, 3-20). The literature argues for moreinput from people affected by the design and planning processes. The argument has beenpromoted by a number of contributors since the 1960s. Jacobs (1961) states thatsuccessful neighbourhoods require a combination of locally appropriate physical, social,and economic ingredients. Goodman (1972) attacks experts in planning and architecturalpractices for their conceptual organizing system which is incapable of providingknowledge of actual human existence. Instead, he proposes the revolutionary notion thatthe community should determine what it requires. Alexander (1977) introduced 253patterns of built environment to support his argument that local people can create andguide their own environments. Gratz (1989) asserts that the best experts in a city are itsusers. In short, these people argue that the vision of any built environment should come18from its residents,Participatory design and planning have developed from the idea that everyone has a rightto be represented in decisions made about his or her environment. According to Francis(1982), participatory design and planning can be characterized as a local, human-orientedand democratic process. Participatory design and planning practices place emphasis onprocess, particularly people’s involvement in the design and planning processes (Sommer1983, 21). Hester (1984) emphasized his five steps in planning for community physicaldevelopment: 1) discussions with community leaders; 2) home interviews; 3) observationand participation in people’s daily activities; 4) listing significant places, checking the listswith town board members, publishing the list and questionnaire in local newspaper andasking people to respond; and 5) publishing the results of the questionnaire and map in thenewspaper and asking people to respond.King (1989) also emphasized people involvement in the seven steps of his Co-Designprocess: 1) listing the task and process with participants; 2) taking participants for a walkaround the site; 3) visualizing ideas from participants; 4) rating priorities; 5) producing adesign concept; 6) exhibiting plans to the community; and 7) reporting on plans, feedbackand process.Community design and architecture developed from the belief that no one knows thecommunity better than the people in the community (Wates and Knevitt 1987, 23).19According to Francis (1982), community design can be characterized as a local, user-oriented and bottom-up approach. Comerio illustrates this point with the proposition that:• Community design focuses on the client type, rather than the buildingtype...;• Community design problems are generated by a grassroots or bottom-upprocess; and• Community design combines principles of empowerment with enablingproducts, (Comerio 1984, 237)The field of “social design” developed from the recognition that designers must beaccountable to the people affected by their works. Social design must include not only theclients, who pay the designers, but also the users and others who are unavoidably affected.Sommer describes social design in the following manner.Social design is working with people rather than for them; involving people inthe planning and management of the spaces around them;.. .to generate,compile, and make available information about the effects of human activitieson the biotic and physical environment, including the effects of the builtenvironment upon human beings (Sommer 1983, 7).One of the important findings in human-environment research is the realization thatdesigners and users of the designers’ products differ in terms of preferences, reactions toenvironments, and so on. Designers must realize that the users’ meaning is more importantthan their own (Bonta 1979; Jencks 1980; Rapoport 1990; etc.). Hester (1984) madesimilar conclusions in his study of the development of Manteo, North Carolina where hedescribed how professionals and local people differed in their vision of significant20places. For instance, a designer’s inventory of sacred structures was less than half of thetown people’s inventory. The difference, he suggested, shows that local people possessedadditional knowledge of significance to professionals. His study, in particular, makes amajor contribution to the scarce documentation on the importance of local knowledge inphysical planning for tourism.Many writers strongly argue for the consideration of local people’s interests in planningand design for tourism development. Murphy (1985) states that tourism planning must beintroduced in ways which respect and reflect the culture and social structure of the localpopulation. Haywood (1988) suggests that tourism development should be driven byresident aspirations and tourism planning must consider that planning is responsible for thefuture of the planned community. Dorward (1990) proposes that tourism developmentguidelines be established to reflect local values and interests and the thrust of his bookindicates what those guidelines should be. Like those who advocate participatory planningand design in the creation of urban space, these writers advocate local participation in theplanning and design process for tourism development.2.1.2 Local Knowledge in ThailandLiterature on local knowledge in Thailand focuses on local wisdom, community wisdom,and Thai wisdom. Local wisdom in Thai is “phumipanya thongthin” or “phumipanyachaoban”. According to Keyes, local wisdom, as the Thai people put it, is21equivalent to local value systems (Keyes 1991, 5). The term ‘Thai wisdom’ provides twolevels of knowledge: ideological and practical. At the ideological level, the knowledgeincludes an ideology of development focusing on a vision of society as it is described bythe people in that particular society. At the practical level, the knowledge includes aspecific understanding of traditional medicine, traditional irrigation systems, and conceptsof self-sufficiency among Thai villagers.Studies related to local knowledge in Thailand have been available in the fields ofmedicine, agriculture, engineering, ecology, social organization, and communitydevelopment. Banpasirichote (1989) notes that the studies in the medical field, whichhave the most developed literature, include the study of Thai massage, the principles andconcepts of Thai classical medicine, and the study of Thai people’s genesis and folktaxonomic structure. She also notes that there are studies in agriculture and irrigationincluding traditional irrigation systems in northern Thailand, indigenous technicalknowledge, and community development.Studies in community development to date have examined Thai concepts of self-relianceand self-sufficiency (Phongphit 1986; Phongphit and Bennoun 1988). Phongphit (1986)argues that development projects and programs must share not only villagers’ problemsand ideas but also their past and present, their struggles and aspirations; and must developfrom the perspective of view of the villagers. His work in 1988 notes important villagers’22knowledge to support his previous argument. This local knowledge includes knowledgeof integrated and self-reliant farming, forest-agriculture, irrigation systems, environmentalconservation, and community development.Tankimyong (1985) notes in Thai language that villagers in northern Thailand havedeveloped an effective organization for their traditional irrigation systems. She explainsthat the success of the organizations stems from the respect of community rights and rulesthat establish fair allocations to all members.From my continuous search for literature on local people’s knowledge related to physicaldesign and planning through libraries, colleges and interviewees, I must conclude thatthere is a small number of works on this issue. These works include “A Survey of VillageTechnologies in the Northeast of Thailand” in Thai language by the Research andDevelopment Institute, Khon Khan University. This survey reveals considerable localknowledge concerning self-reliant technology in agriculture, village industries, andtransportation and construction. The examples provided (rice storage structures, villagehouse trash walls and roofs, bamboo gutters, and windmill pumps) show the breadth ofpractical technical knowledge available at the village level. “The Traditional Thai House”by Nimmanahaeminda (1969) is a small document showing elements of a traditional Thaihouse. “Thai Style” by Warren (1989) focuses on styles of house in various regions ofThailand. “Thai House” in Thai language by Nukul Chompoonich (1987) is a report on23conditions of contemporary houses mostly in southern Thailand. We can conclude fromthe small number of documents available that literature regarding local knowledge relatedto physical design and planning in Thailand is inadequate.2.2 PLANNINGMainstream urban planning has been dominated by what Hudson (1979) calls the rationalcomprehensive or synoptic paradigm, or what Friedmann (1987) calls the social reformand policy analysis traditions. This kind of planning relies heavily on technical andeconomic rationality, which stems from positivist philosophy as described by Schon(1983). This approach views planning as technical, scientific and value-free. Hudson(1979, 389) states that this approach looks at problems from a systems viewpoint, usingconceptual and mathematical models that relate ends (objectives) to means (resources andconstraints) with heavy reliance on numbers and quantitative analysis. Analysis within thisapproach, including cost-benefit analysis, systems analysis and forecasting research, reliessolely on scientific and technical data and leaves out subjective data (Hudson 1979, 392).The rational comprehensive approach “tends to exclude subjective realities includingsocial, cultural, aesthetic, environmental and ideological considerations” (Hudson 1979,392).Because mainstream planning practice focuses on technical and scientific considerations, itis blamed for attempting to solve social problems without adequate tools and vision24(Friedmann 1987, 321-325). Planners in this mainstream have perceived themselves asindependent experts who fully recognize the implications of any plan (Gunton 1991, 107).Friedmann (1973, 85) criticizes the mainstream planners for being happier when others donot interfere with their calculations.Grabow and Heskin criticize mainstream planning for its inability to incorporate localpeople’s knowledge and for its fundamental resistance to other approaches. “Modernplanning”, they say “has elitist, centralizing and change resistant tendencies” (Grabow andHeskin 1973, 108). Elitism separates professional planners from other people and resultsin professional knowledge dominating the planning process. For these reasons, therational comprehensive planning process can easily be a top-down procedure. Cook(1983, 25) argues that issues and procedures are too often set from “the top” andoverlook “the bottom” (the citizens). In fact, there is rarely a significant flow ofinformation upward from the people involved to the professionals.The rational comprehensive approach is usually embedded in theories of the professionalestablishment. This “expert-knows-best” view leads professionals to make decisions basedsolely on their own knowledge and values. A number of critics, among them Jane Jacobs(1961), Roberta Gratz (1989) and Dolores Hayden (1980) have commented on thedangers of the “expert-knows-best” approach, and in 1989, H.R.H. The Prince of Walesbrought the problem into public focus with his own criticism of post-war architecture in25London. He argued that the theories of the professional establishment have made ordinarypeople feel they do not have legitimate opinions, and “accused the members of Britisharchitectural establishment of having done more visual damage to London than theLuftwaffe (Nazi Germany’s air force) had done during World War II” (Lim 1991, 12).The dangers of applying the so-called rational comprehensive model with its expert-knows-best view may be overcome by listening to local knowledge which has beenpreviously been ignored.2.3 CITIZEN PARTICIPATIONCitizen participation is usually discussed in relation to democracy with particular referenceto the rights of citizenship (Pateman 1970; Bourchier 1987). Citizen participation can bedefined simply as “providing citizens with opportunities to take part in governmentaldecisions or planning processes” (Glass 1979, 180). Connor (1985, 1) provides a morecomprehensive definition: a systematic process of mutual education and co-operation thatgives an opportunity for concerned citizens, experts and proponents to work together toformulate a plan. Parenteau (1988, 5) noted that citizen participation “assures a variety offorms depending on the goals the initiator of the process seeks to achieve and the goalsthe initiator attributes to the intended participants.” He also notes that citizenparticipation, ideally, “could prompt significant social reforms involving more equalsharing of the costs and benefits of affluence.” (Parenteau 1988, 4). Lang and Armour26(1980, 302) discuss the benefits of citizen participation and its ability to provide data,especially qualitative, on feelings, attitudes, goals and priorities from participants,particularly those who are potentially affected by a proposed plan or decision-makingprocess. Participants’ knowledge gained from experience in living in an area helps inunderstanding real issues and conditions, and result in better planning or decision-making.More open and responsive planning and decision-making help to inform citizens, obtainpublic input, and generate a better outcome. As a result, these activities strengthenpolitical awareness and democracy (Lang and Armour 1980, 302). In conclusion, citizenparticipation has been used to obtain information on local people’s feelings, attitudes,goals and priorities which are all parts of local knowledge. Thus, citizen participation canbring local knowledge into planning and decision-making processes.2.3.1 Constraints and Problems of Citizen ParticipationCitizen participation comes not only with benefits but also with costs. It may requirelonger planning time and cost more money. It may provide ideal alternatives or lead toconflicts, and even obstruct an action (Lang and Armour 1980, 302). Moreover, citizenparticipation does not assure that participants will benefit. As Arnstein (1969, 216) quotesa poster from student riots in Paris (in 1968):Je participe (I participate)Tu participes (You participate)Nous participons (We participate)27us profitent (They profit)Citizen participation can be ineffective when the process is top-down because it can leadto a manipulation of the process by bureaucrats or experts. Cullingworth (1984, 6) notesthat when the expert who dominates the process undermines the participation andcontribution of individuals and citizen groups, participatory democracy turns into apathy.Kasperson and Breitbart (1974, 5) also note that effective participation does not occurwhen individuals are not involved in setting the agenda, defining the issues, or determiningthe acceptable outcome.Citizen participation is even more ineffective when it operates only in order to legitimizedecision-making or planning, Scaff (1975, 82) states that citizen participation can be usedto provide a mask of legitimacy for elite decisions and the systems in which decisions aremade. Kasperson and Breitbart (1974, 5) add that “participation is unreal when themotivation is legitimation and control rather than creation.”2.3.2 Models of Citizen ParticipationTo improve effectiveness, citizen participation has to move from so-called, “nonparticipation” to full participation. Arnstein (1969) provides an eight-rung ladder ofcitizen participation. The two bottom rungs, “manipulation” and “therapy”, are nonparticipation which only inform citizens about decision already made. The next two28levels, “informing and consultation”, are token forms of participation. “Placation” allowsparticipants to give advice while “partnership” provides participants some power tonegotiate with decision-makers. The two top levels, “delegated power” and “citizencontrol”, give real power to citizens.Four broad approaches to citizen participation, as noted by Lang and Armour (1980, 302-305) and adapted from Bregha (n.d.), can be identified as information-feedback,consultation, joint planning, and delegated authority. The information-feedbackapproach can provide significant information to citizens and planners. Planners have a lotof processed knowledge which is statistical and scientific but little personal knowledgefrom first-hand experience. Citizens have experiential knowledge but lack statistical andscientific information. Techniques for the information-feedback approach include:newsletters, brochures, exhibits, films, and slides presentation. Consultation meansplanners interact with citizens in an organized way to increase knowledge for betterdecision-making and planning. Consultation techniques include 1) public meetings whichallow public involvement but which can be dominated by organizers; 2) open houseswhich provide a two-way communication, allow flexibility and avoid confrontation, butwhich are also expensive and time consuming. Joint planning creates a partnershipbetween citizens and planners. Techniques for this approach include: 1) working advisorycommittees which allow direct interaction among members and in-depth information onissues even though the committees may overlook some other citizens’ views. 2)29workshops that provide an opportunity for participants to work out values and prioritiesbut require careful preparation and experienced leaders. Delegated authority is citizencontrol of planning, decision-making and even management. This approach requiresappropriate administration, expertise, and management.Kasperson and Breitbart (1974), Cooley (1992) and Potapchuk (1991) criticize Arnstein’sladder because it is not flexible enough to acknowledge realities in the operation of citizenparticipation. In response to these criticisms, Connor (1988, 252) constructed a newladder. From the bottom, the rungs include: education, information feedback,consultation, joint planning, mediation, litigation, and resolution/prevention. Morerecently, Potapchuk (1991, 163) suggested five levels of shared decision-making: 1)government decides, 2) government consults with individuals and decides, 3) governmentconsults with a representative group and decides, 4) government works with arepresentative group and they jointly decide, and 5) government delegates decision toothers. He believes that this typology can move away from models that struggle withpower to a model that incorporates means of balancing power (Potapchuk 1991, 160).Currently, partnership (Arnstein 1969), joint planning (Lang and Armour 1980; andConnor 1988) and joint decision-making (Potapchuk 1991) are used as the basis for comanagement of resources. The definitions and techniques of partnership and comanagement are still under debate (Berkes 1991).302.3.3 Limitations of Citizen Participation in ThailandCitizen participation is limited by the character of society. Characteristics in society whichcan limit citizen participation include centralization and paternalism, patronage, andpersistent social habits. Third world societies, including Thailand, have often beendescribed as highly centralized and paternalistic (Christensen 1993; Muscat 1994).Initiatives and decisions are usually made according to knowledge at “the top”. Localpeople are treated as followers, not because local people are apathetic or because localknowledge is inferior, but because people, both at the top and at the bottom, becomeaccustomed to the top-down model and accept it as a way of life (Rigg 1991, 201).Patronage and patron-client relationships exist in every country. But in third worldcountries, including Thailand, it exists to a higher degree (Muscat 1994). The patron-client relationship can explain why certain individuals or communities do or do notparticipate in certain activities (Rigg 1991, 204).Just as every country has patronage, every society has persistent social habits. Acharacteristic of Thai society is the avoidance of confrontation. In Thailand, people whodisagree with what is being said on their behalf are likely to remain silent and will probablyonly reveal their doubts in private (Rigg 1991, 203). This characteristic of societyconstrains citizens from bringing information into design and planning and needs to betaken into consideration in any participatory process.31Citizen participation is seldom built into Thai planning processes, and when it is, it usuallyseems to be ineffective. In national planning, Prasith-rathsint (1987, 36) found from hisstudies on Development Sections of the Fifth and Sixth Five-Year National Plan (1982 and1987) that the plans were designed solely by a “maverick” group within the NationalEconomic and Social Development Board,1 Tourism development plans at the nationaland provincial level generally have not had effective public participation in the planningprocess. Tongcumpou and Harvey (1994, 291) note that the lack of public participation inenvironmental impact assessment in Thailand causes conflict between the public andproponents, In the case of a Bangkok expressway which was protested by the public, theyargue that if there had been public participation, the protest might not have taken place.The low degree of citizen participation in Thai planning is thus a result of both culture andgovernment procedures,2.4 SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENTSocial impact assessment (SIA) is a systematic process that aims to determine impacts onthe quality of life of persons whose environment is affected by development projects andpolicy (Burdge and Robertson 1990, 88). SIA was promoted in the 1970s when it becameclear that considering the social aspects of development was a necessary part of1A government office responsible for preparing the national development plans.32Environmental Impact Assessment (ETA).2 Tn many countries, ETA was explicitly set outby law and by regulation, including the United States in 1969, Canada in 1973 (Lang andArmour 1981, 11) and Thailand in 1975 (Tongcumpou and Harvey 1991, 273).2.4.1 Approach of SIAAt present, there are two approaches for conducting STA: a technical model and a politicalmodel (Lang and Armour 1981, 113). Assessment using the technical model involvessocial scientists applying their methods to predict and evaluate the potential impacts of aproject in theory while considering its alternatives and alternative futures (Lang andArmour 1981, 140). The political model focuses on empowering people who might beaffected by a proposed project so that they can effectively express their relevant attitudes,beliefs, values and needs. In this model, Melser (1983, 8) notes that practitioners not onlyproduce SIA reports describing tangible impacts but also have to ensure that the reportreflects local attitudes and conflicts in the development process.2STA still plays a minor role in ETA. Craig (1990, 41) reviewed over eighty ETS’s in thefirst decade after the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) in 1969. She foundthat less than ten percent of the studies mentioned social relationships and that moststudies focused on economic and technical considerations to the exclusion of socialfactors.33The debate over technical and political approaches continues. Craig (1990, 43) notes thatthe two approaches demonstrate conflicting opinions on scientific knowledge and the roleof experts and the public. There are two different views regarding the role of the expert.One is that the assessor should be a neutral expert who identifies impacts and lays outalternatives (Nelkin 1984). The policy-maker then evaluates the impacts and chooses thealternatives. The other interpretation is that an assessor should be an involved participant(Bronfman 1991, 69) who must be aware of and responsive to the dynamics of values andforces which the affected people are facing.SIA studies have not established explicit linkages to the study of local knowledge. Thepolitical approach, in practice, exhibits greater sympathy for local knowledge than thetechnical approach because the latter studies but does not involve local people, andanalyses their knowledge (if at all) in terms of professional categories, while the politicalapproach gives voice to local knowledge. But even political SIA is only beginning toappreciate the full depth or extent of local knowledge that is relevant to impactassessment, and, in particular, the assessment of physical designs.2.4.2 Problems of SIAExisting formal impact assessment approaches are reactive and added on to the design andplanning of development projects. Rees (1980, 371) and Boothroyd and Rees (1984, 11),for example, note that impact assessments have been merely a reactive add-on to34project proposals. In this role, impact assessment has a very limited opportunity to bringinformation such as local knowledge into design. Nevertheless, even reactive impactassessment can bring some local knowledge to the attention of decision-makers. If andwhen impact assessment becomes more integrative with design, the potential value of localknowledge to planning and decision-making will be greater.2.4.3 Examples of Local Input to SIAThere are some good examples of planning processes that have created significantopportunities for bringing local knowledge through SIA into design and planning. TheMackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry conducted by Justice Thomas Berger in 1977 wasasked to query potentially affected residents and prepare a report on the terms andconditions for granting a pipeline right-of-way. He provided all parties access to allstudies and reports relevant to the inquiry and organized two types of hearings. Formalhearings provided expert evidence about the proposal, and all participants had anopportunity to challenge and cross examine the experts. Community hearings in eachsettlement in the affected area allowed people to speak in their own language about theirviews on the pipeline. Berger found that the community hearings could provide significanttechnical knowledge such as seabed ice scour and the biological vulnerability of theBeaufort Sea (Craig 1990, 50). The key successes of Berger’s work reflected thesensitivity and flexibility of the inquiry and the co-operation and trust of the community35involved.Another example, the study of the proposed Polar Gas Pipeline in the District ofKeewatin, was intended to inform local residents about the proposed project, to obtaintheir beliefs, ideas, and concerns, and to evaluate potential consequences as much aspossible. Local residents were informed through information packages, regularnewsletters, films, in-depth discussions, public meetings, and community radio and phone-in programs. Collecting information on the possible effects was accomplished throughpersonal in-depth discussions, questionnaires and a literature review (Tester, 1979,7). Thestrength of this study was the contribution of an advisory committee composed ofrepresentatives from each community. This committee monitored the progress of thestudy and, more importantly, tracked participants studied in order to incorporate the viewsand concerns of the potentially affected residents. Both the Polar Gas and the MackenzieValley Pipeline examples show that SIA can add local knowledge to technical expertiseand citizen participation can bring information to SIA.Unfortunately, these two SIA examples are unusual in the detailed attention they gave tolocal knowledge. While other SIA’ s in the resource development sector have, to somedegree, emulated the Berger and Polar Gas studies, it is hard to find urban and physicalplanning SIA’s that pay much attention to local knowledge at all.362.4.4 STA in ThailandAccording to Tongcumpou and Harvey (1994, 271, 291), more than 3000 environmentalimpact assessment documents have been prepared and officially submitted in Thailand, butfor the most part these documents have given inadequate attention to SIA and have lackedpublic input. They note that the process of informing the public about a developmentproject usually occurs after the decision has already been made. Thus, impact assessmentsare not based on information about or knowledge from potentially affected residents orthe general public. In the two cases3 they investigated in depth, Tongcumpou and Harvey(1994, 291-292) showed that even after the public raised concerns about a project’simpacts, the Thai government continued to rely on the consultants’ impact assessments tomake their decisions to approve the projects. Therefore, SIA which reflects the localpeople’s personal knowledge and concerns about impacts has had little or no opportunityto be included in the impact assessment and planning process. Studies to understand andovercome this situation are needed. The new National Environmental Quality Act in 1992recognizes impacts on both the environment and people’s lives. It allows (but does notnecessitate) public participation in the assessment and decision-making processes. Thus,3The Second State Expressway in Greater Bangkok and the Pak Mun Hydroelectric DamProject in the Northeast Region.37SIA has the potential to play a more important role in planning and in major projectdevelopment.2.5 CONCLUSIONThe literatures reviewed in this chapter make a number of significant points which areuseful for establishing a conceptual framework relating local knowledge, citizenparticipation, SIA and physical design and planning. As Figure 2.1 illustrates, localknowledge has the potential to contribute to design and planning through sensitiveprofessionals accessing this knowledge directly, and through citizen participation and SIAprocesses. Figure 2.2 shows that according to the literature, this potential contribution oflocal knowledge is not yet being realized in Thailand today.The literature on local knowledge expresses the importance of respecting that knowledge.Recent studies have tried to bring local knowledge into various fields of developmentplanning that previously have overlooked this source of information. For local knowledgerelated to physical design and planning, the literature acknowledges that relying only onprofessionals is dangerous. To be more effective, professionals need to have input fromlocal people, and some writings suggest ways of incorporating local knowledge throughparticipatory processes.38Figure 2.1. Conceptual Context of the StudyCitizenParticipationIdealCF brings information to SIA- Listen to andempowerpeopleIn practice - OftentokenismSocialImpact AssessmentIdeal- Integrate withdesignIn practice- Often anadd-onprocessLocalknowledgeIdeal- Respected byall professionalsIn practice - Not wellunderstoodDesign andPlanningIdeal- Broadly knowledgebasedIn practice - narrow andtechnocratic? = Furpose of the study 4Focus of the study39Figure 2.2. Thai Context of the StudyCitizenParticipationSeldom or ineffectivelyapplied in ThailandSocialImpact AssessmentRarely applied inThailandLocalknowledgeInadequate literature relevantto physical design andplanningDesignandPlanningEmbedded in top-downprocedures and expert-knows -best view? = Purpose of the study Focus of the study40In Thailand, studies of local knowledge are available in medicine, agriculture, engineering,social organization and community development. There is, however, inadequate literatureregarding local knowledge in physical design and planning.Planning theory literature points out that planning has been dominated by professionalswho apply the so-called rational comprehensive approach. Because this approach isimbued with the “expert-knows-best” view, design and planning can often be top-downprocedures that ignore local people. As a result, design and planning are loaded withprofessional technical knowledge but leave out local knowledge. This problem has beenobserved in western countries, but not yet well studied in Thailand.Citizen participation literature shows, first, that participation can be used as a process toget data for planning from non-professionals and is particularly valuable for obtainingqualitative information such as feelings, values and views. Western countries, despiteconstraints and problems, often have relatively effective citizen participation processes. InThailand, however, citizen participation seldom occurs, and, when it does, it is usuallyineffective. Second, the literature on citizen participation shows the lack of clearlydeveloped methods of searching for local knowledge relevant to physical design, and thusthe potential of such knowledge for informing planning is far from maximized even in theWest, let alone Third World countries such as Thailand. Research on such localknowledge in relation to citizen participation is thus needed.41SIA literature identifies the potentials and current limitations of SIA as a tool forproviding information on the impacts of development projects. SIA tends to react ratherthan contribute to design. In any event, it is rarely applied in Thailand. The literature onSIA makes little reference to the forms and depth of local knowledge although thoseespousing the political approach do recognize the importance of such knowledge and theneed to give a voice to local people. Because the linkages between local knowledge andSIA are not well developed in the literature, they require further explanation.This thesis responds to the gaps identified between the potential of local knowledge tocontribute to physical design and planning through professionals directly and throughcitizen participation and SIA on the one hand and, on the other hand, the reality inThailand today. The thesis: 1) reveals the existence and nature of local knowledge relatedto physical design and planning in the case of Chiangmai; 2) determines how design andplanning in Chiangmai deal with local knowledge, why, and with what consequences; and3) identifies means for expanding the presently limited incorporation of local knowledgeinto design and planning.42CHAPTER THREERESEARCH METHODS3.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter begins with an explanation of the research strategy employed in studying therelationship between local knowledge and physical design and planning in Chiangmai.Then Chiangmai, the study area, is introduced. Data collection techniques are discussed indetail because these were crucial for gaining a broad base of information. The frameworkfor analyzing data obtained from the field is also explained.3.1 RESEARCH STRATEGYThe case study approach was employed because it seems to be the most appropriate forthe thesis purpose. The case study approach can include a variety of research methodsand data collection techniques in order to understand the totality of a phenomenon in itscontext (Yin 1988, 23). This study applied survey research, field research and unobtrusiveresearch methods. It also used participatory data collection techniques including thoseeffectively used in the study of indigenous knowledge by Barsaga (1989), and in the studyof perceptions on physical environments by Lynch (1960) and Hester (1984).433.2 CHIANGMAIChiangmai is a culturally and naturally rich province in northern Thailand about 750kilometres north of Bangkok, the capital city of Thailand. Chiangmai province has a totalarea of 20,107 square kilometres. Most of the area in the province is covered bymountains and forest. The remaining area is agricultural land where the lanna1 peoplereside. The province is divided into nineteen amphoe (districts) and ging-amphoe (sub-districts). The total population is 1,226,616 inhabitants; about 12 percent or 148,772residents live in the municipality of Chiangmai (Institute of Environmental Research ofChulalongkorn University 1989a).The centre of Chiangmai is the ancient city where settlement started 700 years ago. It isapproximately three square kilometres in size, and contains many distinctive historical andcultural features. The ancient city is located in the middle of the city with the Ping riveron the east side and Suthep Mountain on the west side. The mountainous scenery andcultural heritage of Chiangmai are important attractions for the tourism industry.Recently, Chiangmai has experienced the effects of Thailand’s rapid economic growth.Tourism, a major industry for Chiangmai, has contributed to many changes in the area. As1Lanna refers to a plain in northern region of Thailand. The meaning is “one million ricefields”.44MYANMAR(BURMA)LAOS• Chiang Mal jLampang I/fUdonmani2 Sukhothal1. ThAILAND• :.‘°‘ Ubon•Ratchathani•. \ \ Ayuthaya.•• J, \ QBANGKOKfAifaman\.CAMBOO(A()V •..• VIETNAM7•• ( Surat : ..\ Thanikato’t ••• .• •. :..•...Hatyal•• MALAY$IA\_..Figure 3.1. Map of Thailand45Figure 3,2. Map of Northern ThailandyAN UA,R(BURMA)46well, a master plan for tourism development of Chiangmai, prepared by professionaldesigners and planners, has resulted in significant negative impacts on the localenvironment. From 1987 to 1991, a large number of development projects have beenconstructed in Chiangmai including: 110 residential development projects; 52condominiums; 32 large hotels; 29 resorts; and 11 golf courses (Bank of Thailand,Northern Branch January 1991).This study investigated development projects in both urban and rural areas of Chiangmai.The urban area was the Chiangmai municipal area and included the ancient city ofChiangmai, which has been the prime site for development since settlement began.Development in this area is guided by government’s development plans including theMaster Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development and the Chiangmai Policy-Based ActionPlan for Historic and Environmental Preservation. The area is also impacted by manyprivate development projects encouraged by these plans.In the urban area the specific development projects studied were the Diamond RiversideHotel and the Chiangmai Garden Hotel which are representative of hotels with modernstyle buildings, and the Rim Ping Garden Hotel and River View Lodge which arerepresentative of hotels with local style buildings (see Figure 3.3 and 3.4). These projectswere used as sub-cases for detail investigation and acted as reference projects so that47\ Hotel [LNawarat Bridgencient City. .,‘O:\ <4Jfl[_iL J7/riverView LodgDiamond Riverside HotelFigure 3.3 Chiangmai City Map48Source: Photo No. 1. - Aerial Photo Dept., Royal ThaiGovernment; No. 2- Tourism Authority of Thailand;No. 3, 4 - Isara Kantaeng; No. 5, 6, 7 - Author.-jFigure 3.4. Urban Chiangmai1 Aerial Photo of Urban Chiangmai2 Plirathat Doi Suthep Temple1 3 Chiangmai Urban Scenery4 Chianguiai Urban Scenery5 Ping River Scenery with DiamondI Riverside Hotel Buildings6 Diamond Riverside Hotel(12 storey building on the left)River View Lodge (3 storey building on the right)7 Rim Ping Garden Hotel49research respondents would know what projects were being referred to in discussion.The rural area studied is typical of rural northern communities. The area most intensivelystudied was the Pong Yaeng Nok village of Pong Yaeng Sub-district in the Mae RimDistrict. This area is an active tourism development area. Many developments wereestablished under the recommendation of the Master Plan for Chiangmai TourismDevelopment. The specific development projects studied at Pong Yaeng Nok villagewere: the Erawan Resort, a western style resort; the Pongyaeng Garden Resort, a localstyle resort; and the Lanna Garden Resort, a local style resort at Banpong Sub-district inHangdong District (see Figure 3.5 and 3.6).3.3 DATA COLLECTIONSocial science data collection methods can be classified as: experimental, survey,unobtrusive research, and field research (Babbie 1991, 234; Singleton et al. 1993, 179).2Experimental research requires control over the research surroundings to examine therelationship of causes and effects (Singleton et al. 1993, 181). As there was no control2Babbie also noted a fifth, category of data collection methods (evaluation research),which is suitable for evaluating social intervention. He, however, thinks it refers to theresearch purpose rather than the method.50I) -CHIANG DAO /PHRAO‘II(ICHIANG RAT“SSS - 5’MAE “MAETAENGHONGSON/—-———“II —Pongyaeu1g Garden Resort I___________________________________________________________________________________________) —IMAE RIM ISAN 001 SAICEI)SAMOENG001 StJTHEPCI-4IANG MAtSAN KAMPHAENG /RAPt-IlGarden Resort H IANtDO‘S•—ISAN PATONGI I/ I,I-./‘S/ LAMPHUN‘(LAMPANG/I 5II(IKIM THONG I1 0 S 10 26KMI11(11)• ‘S(C-’,3) IFigure 3.5. Specific Projects Studied in Rural Chiangmai51Figure 3.6. Rural Chiangmai1 Pong Yaeng Nok Village Scenery2 Pong Yaeng Nok Village Scenery3 Erawan Resort4 Accommodation at Erawan Resort5 Pongyaeng Garden Resort6 Accommodation at Pongyaeng Garden Resort7 Lanna Garden ResortSource: Author.52over participants in the Chiangmai design and planning processes studied, experimentalresearch was clearly not appropriate.Survey research is used when the research population is too large to investigate fuiiy(Babbie 1991, 262). Survey research with appropriate sampling techniques can providevaluable data. Data are normally collected from representative samples throughquestionnaires and interviews (Jackson 1988, 32). In this study, a semi-structuredinterview which emphasized qualitative data (Fontana & Frey 1994) was conducted withprofessionals and local people.Unobtrusive research studies social behaviour without disturbing it (Babbie 1991, 342)and typically relies on available information or secondary data (Singleton et al. 1993, 387).The unobtrusive research method was used to obtain background on the Master Plan forChiangmai Tourism Development, the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan for Historicand Environmental Preservation, and the projects studied (i.e., hotels and resorts inChiangmai).Field research studies social events in normal settings (Guy et al. 1987, 25; Singleton et al.1993, 349) and typically deals with qualitative data for an in-depth understanding of the53subject matter (Babbie 1991, 285). Because the goal of this study was to understandphenomena related to the incorporation of local knowledge in design and planningprocesses in Chiangmai under normal conditions, field research was an appropriateapproach.As well as the data collection methods just described, data collection techniquesdeveloped by Barsaga (1989), Lynch (1960) and Hester (1984), were used in the fieldresearch.Barsaga (1989) discussed research techniques applied to access indigenous knowledge inthird world countries. These include participant observation, focused group discussionsand in-depth interviews. These techniques were all applied in the field research conductedfor this study.Lynch (1960), in his study of physical environments, found that professional observationtechniques that assess people’s perception can provide almost the same information asverbal interviews of local people and much more information than sketch maps. Incontrast, Hester (1984) found that, in order to discover what places are consideredimportant and what people’s needs are related to these places, individual interviews andgroup discussions with local people can provide twice as much information as professionalobservation. Therefore, individual interviews with local people and group discussionswere primarily applied in this study.54Figure 3.7 summarizes the data collection techniques employed for each type ofinformation sought.3.3.1 Documentary ResearchDocumentary research was used to obtain data on the plans and projects studied. Thefollowing documents were analyzed: 1) development plans including the PreliminaryStudy for Planning of Chiangmai Tourism Development, the Master Plan for ChiangmaiTourism Development, and the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan for Historic andEnvironmental Preservation; 2) development project brochures, and project press releasesincluding brochures of Kad Suan Kaew Shopping Centre, Diamond Riverside Hotel,Erawan Resort, and Pongyaeng Garden Resort; 3) articles, reports and newsclippingsabout the projects studied (e.g., Lanna Garden Resort), and about impacts on the areas(e.g., flooding at Kad Suan Kaew Shopping Centre in local newspapers); 4) archivalrecords (i.e., the geographical and demographic characteristics of previous and currentconditions in the area obtained from Chiangmai governor’s office, municipal office anddistrict office) and; 5) photographic records of the areas studied from personal, universityand college collections.55Figure 3.7. Information Sought and Research Techniques EmployedInformation Sought Research TechniquesBackground, process and • Secondary data gatheredoutcomes of the existing from plans and projectplanning and building brochuresdesign • Individual interviews withpeople involved in thedesign and planningprocess• Types of local knowledge • Individual interviewswith local people• Focus group discussions• Personal observation• Consideration of local • Individual interviewsknowledge in design and with professionals andplanning (ways and reasons local peoplefor consideration, lack of involved in the design andconsideration or ignorance planning processof) • Focus group discussionswith people interested inlocal knowledge• Impacts of existing • Interviews with localplanning and building design peoplewith reference to the • Focus group discussionsconsequences of the attention • Personal observationor lack of attention to localknowledge• People’s ideas about design • Secondary data on theand planning design and planningeducation and process• Interviews withprofessionals and localpeople• Focus group discussions563.3.2 Personal ObservationPersonal observation refers to field visits to the area studied for the purpose ofunderstanding both the phenomena and the context of the research, Whyte (1979)suggests that the observer must be an active collaborator in building good relationshipswith the communities studied. Following this suggestion, I actively joined communitymeetings, e.g., a meeting for solving problems of the Ping River and for locating auniversity auditorium. At the initial stage of this research, personal observation was usedto provide a greater familiarity with Chiangmai, its development projects and itscommunity in order to develop an efficient field research design. I visited and observedprojects which key informants had identified as projects that included or excluded localknowledge. Later, the same technique was used regularly to obtain detailed informationand to cross-reference data obtained from individual interviews and group discussions. Byphotographing the projects and taking notes on site, I observed the projects mentioned byinterviewees and participants in group discussions in order to understand and analyze datain detail.3.3.3 Individual InterviewsIn-depth interviews with both closed and open-ended questions were used to study theperceptions, attitudes and motivation of the interviewees (Patton 1980, 199). Open57ended questions, of course, allow interviewees to respond flexibly and to offer their ownperceptions of conditions and events. These questions are different from closed and highlystructured questions where interviewees have to adapt their responses to previouslydetermined answers (Foich-Lyon 1981, 445). In this study, individual in-depth interviewswere conducted using open-ended questions to acquire data about the incorporation oflocal knowledge and its outcomes in the design and planning process. Closed questionswere asked to obtain factual information (e.g., age and length of residence in Chiangmai). IntervieweesTwo categories were used to select the interviewees: people who were involved in theplanning and design of projects studied and people who were not. Interviews with peopleinvolved in planning and design of projects studied were used to obtain detailed data aboutthe design and planning process. Interviews with people not involved in design andplanning were used to gain local knowledge, to obtain their ideas about the design andplanning process, and to learn about the impacts of the studied projects.Interviewees in the first category were people who were involved in creating the plans andprojects studied. People involved in creating the plans studied included professional58planners and a few local people who had participated in the various planning processes.3Six planners and three local people who were involved in preparing the planningdocuments were interviewed. Interviewees who were involved in the design of theprojects studied included architects, project owners, and authorized government officialswho participated in the design and building of the various hotels and resorts studied.4Five architects of seven projects studied, seven owners and four authorized governmentofficials were interviewed, In total, twenty-five people were interviewed in this category.The second category consisted of interviewees who were not involved in the plans andprojects studied. These were local people who varied in age, sex, education, andoccupation. There were two groups of interviewees in this category: locals affected by orknowledgeable about the projects because they lived in the community where the projectswere located; and individuals who lived in Chiangmai and were interested in issues relatedto local knowledge.Interviewees in the first group included Chiangmai urban residents who live close to theDiamond Riverside Hotel, the Rim Ping Garden Hotel and the River View Lodge, and3The plans studied included the Preliminary Study for Planning of Chiangmai TourismDevelopment, the Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development, the ChiangmaiPolicy-Based Action Plan for Historic and Environmental Protection.4Diamond Riverside Hotel, Chiangmai Garden Hotel, Rim Ping Garden Hotel, and RiverView Lodge in Chiangmai urban area, and Erawan Resort, Pongyaeng Garden Resort,and Lanna Garden Resort in rural area.59Pong Yaeng Nok villagers who live in the area where the Erawan Resort and thePongyaeng Garden Resort are located. For Chiangmai urban residents, interviews withone person from each street block were conducted. These interviewees were selectedfrom recommendations by people who knew a lot of people in that particular block (e.g.,grocery shop and coffee shop owners). Twenty-one key informants were interviewed.For Pong Yaeng Nok villagers (see Figure 3.8), the method used for selectinginterviewees was random sampling. Using house number multiples (1, 11, 21 to housenumber 211), one person from each address was interviewed. However, when peoplefrom addresses designated were unwilling to answer interview questions, neighboursrecommended by these persons were interviewed. Nineteen people from the 212households compassing Pong Yaeng Nok village (see Figure 3.9) were interviewed in thismanner.Interviewees in the second group were residents of Chiangmai who were interested inissues related to local knowledge. These interviewees were recommended by formalleaders, informal leaders (e.g., religious leaders) and researchers whose interests arerelated to local knowledge (e.g., researchers in northern architecture). Recommendedinterviewees included monks, senior citizens, students, teachers, government officials,private employees, and home-makers. In total, thirty-two key informants interested inlocal knowledge but not necessarily affected by the projects studied were interviewed.6061Rim PingGarden HotelFigure 3.8. Locations spe Tic projhomes in urban area. 1 - 21 are interviewee numbers inAppendix 1: Chiangmai Urban residents.an___7.o; Pongyaerig G-arcien ResI;).7. ).7..&aefl:Vi11a.ç .;‘3y’ç;,Q\\ vj75:WJk\ sQ:•\N \.. . 0 1 Km‘1 . : . -.Figure 3.9. Locations ol’specilic projects studied and Pong Yaeng Nok village.623.3.3.2 Interview ProcedureThe interviews were conducted by myself and an assistant. The assistant, who speaks thelocal dialect fluently, was trained by accompanying me for the first two weeks ofinterviews. In each interview, the interviewees were asked to fill in personal information,and then the interviewer asked a series of open-ended questions (see Appendix 6, 7). Theinterviews were recorded by audio tape; short notes of any significant answers were alsomade.3.3.4 Focus Group DiscussionsThe group session is an interview technique where a small group of informants, guided bya moderator, discuss research issues freely and spontaneously. The discussion is heldamong participants who are chosen from a larger target group and have similar ages,educational and socio-economic backgrounds. In some cultural contexts, such as inAfrica, India, and Thailand, spontaneously-initiated group discussions develop becausefriends and neighbours join in informal groups to discuss their ideas (Scrimshaw andHurtado, 1987). This practice made it fairly simple to initiate group discussions whereconversation flowed freely and easily around selected issues.The advantage of the focus group is that it allows the moderator to observe the process of63interaction among participants as well as their perceptions and attitudes. Thedisadvantages of the technique are its unnatural setting and, very often, the loss of controlover the subject under discussion (Morgan 1984, 262). However, from a participatoryresearch perspective, this disadvantage can be a strength because it reduces theresearcher’s dominance and enables participants to play more active roles.Another advantage is that focus group discussion “encourage participants to disclosebehaviour and attitudes that they might not consciously reveal in an individual interviewsituation” (Folch-Lyon 1981, 445). This happens because “participants often feel morecomfortable and secure in the company of people who have similar opinions, attitudes, andbehaviour” or “simply because they become carried away by the discussion” (Foich-Lyon1981, 115).In this study, group discussions were arranged on three separate occasions. These focusgroup discussions were arranged the same way as workshops. Participants wereencouraged to actively exchange their ideas, to accomplish the task of the discussionwhich was to reveal the existence of local knowledge, and to provide their ideas aboutincorporating such local knowledge in design and planning. The first group discussionwas held in the Chiangmai urban area, and the second was conducted in a rural area withPong Yaeng Nok villagers. The intention of these two discussions was to gain localpeople’s knowledge related to the following research issues: the existing local knowledge64related to physical design and planning; the processes used in the development projects;the lessons they learned from the projects; and their ideas for future development. Thethird group discussion targeted people who were interested in or who actually studiedlocal knowledge. The purpose here was not only to gain the same information as in thefirst two group discussions but also to obtain other insights from the participants’ ownexperiences regarding the existence and accessibility of local knowledge and itsincorporation into project design and planning. The First Group Discussiona) Group SelectionThe first group discussion was arranged for residents in the Chiangmai urban area, Sevenkey informants were invited to participate. These informants were selected from peoplerecommended by other interviewees in this research, and were long term residents of thecity who had various occupations and an interest in the local knowledge of the people ofChiangmai. These key informants included a monk, a teacher, a university instructor, agovernment official, a business person, a descendent of a former Chiangmai ruler, and acompany employee who was also a home-maker (see Appendix 2). During briefinterviews with these key informants, they mentioned that they would attend a seminar on“Lanna Art and Architecture” arranged by the Social Research Institute of ChiangmaiUniversity and it would be convenient for them if my group discussion occurred in65conjunction with this seminar. Subsequently, the staff who organized the seminar invitedme to conduct my group discussion at their small group session because their seminartopic and my study topic were closely related. I accepted their invitation because it wouldbe convenient to the selected informants and because the seminar location, Jedi LuangTemple, is a well-known temple situated at the centre of Chiangmai city. Because thetemple is a neutral place, all people are welcome. The seminar, therefore, would gatherpeople who are interested in local art and architecture and would bring more participantsto my group discussion.b) ParticipantsTwenty-six people participated in this group discussion. Seven were selected keyinformants and nineteen were people attending the seminar who were either invited bymyself or encouraged to join the discussion by posted signs and by announcements duringthe seminar. These nineteen participants were from government services and includedteachers, researchers, tourism planners, preservationists, and university instructors inhistory, education, communication, fine arts, agriculture, and other sciences. The privatesector was also represented with a tourist agent, an employee and a home-maker.c) Group Discussion ProcessThe first group discussion was held on April 3, 1993, in a ground floor classroom of theJedi Luang temple and lasted three hours. I described my research purpose and the66issues for discussion and then asked questions based on a discussion guideline developedfrom questions prepared for individual interviews (see Appendix 6). The participants’responses were noted on a board. One assistant collected participants’ names and otherpertinent data and took notes on the main points of the discussion, on participants’answers and on the general discussion atmosphere. Another assistant controlled the taperecorder and took pictures. The Second Group Discussiona) Group SelectionThe second group discussion was arranged for local people in Pong Yaeng Nok village.Invitations were extended to ten people whose names were recommended by four sources.The first source was individual interviewees in Pong Yaeng village. The second sourcewas the Village Head and his assistant. The third source was a group of governmentofficials who were community development workers in the area. The fourth source wasthe village grocery shop owner who knows and is familiar with all the villagers. All teninvited villagers attended the second group discussion.b) ParticipantsThe participants in the second group discussion included the Village Head, the AssistantVillage Head, the dam chief and villagers who were long time residents of the village.67Almost all of the participants were born in the village. The participants worked inagriculture which is the occupation of most of the villagers. Some participants had asecond occupation in carpentry, for example, or in sales (see Appendix 3).c) Group Discussion ProcessThe second group discussion was held on April 20, 1993, and lasted almost three and ahalf hour. The discussion took place at the village head’s working area in front of hishouse. This area is usually used as a meeting place for villagers because it is located nextto the grocery shop which villagers also use as a common meeting place.The process for this group discussion was similar to the first group discussion. Imoderated the discussion and two assistants took notes, recorded the discussion on tape,and photographed the participants. The participants were asked to write down basicpersonal information about themselves (age, occupation, etc.) and answer some questions.Because some participants did not feel comfortable about writing anything down, thesession continued using verbal communication only.Afier the session ended, refreshments were served. My assistants and I had theopportunity to continue the discussion with participants who had mentioned significantissues in the session. The participants were still excited by the discussion and providedmore detailed information. This discussion also provided opportunities for participants68who do not want to confront other participants in the formal session to express their ideasinformally. This after-session time, therefore, provided an opportunity to obtain moresignificant data for this research. The Third Group Discussiona) Group SelectionThe third group discussion was arranged to discuss research issues in-depth withprofessionals, experts or researchers whose work is related to local knowledge in bothChiangmai urban and rural areas. Participants were selected through a screening processof brief interviews with key informants recommended by interviewees in this research.Eight key informants were invited.b) ParticipantsSeven of eight invited key informants participated in the third group discussion becauseone invited key informant, a specialist in local dialogue, was ill. The seven participantsincluded a senior architect who is actively involved both in his profession and in localsociety, an architect who specializes in local architecture, an urban planner who isinterested in balancing development and conservation, a geography professor whoseresearch interest is local irrigation, an urban designer and instructor in geography, anenvironmental designer and instructor in fine arts, and a trained development planner who69is presently a NGO leader (see Appendix 4).c) Group Discussion ProcessThe third group discussion was held on April 28, 1993, at a restaurant on the ChiangmaiUniversity campus and lasted a little over three hours. The process was generally similarto the first and second group discussions. Because the participants in this group werefamiliar with the research issues, less time was spent introducing the subject matter andmore time was spent in discussion on several issues that the participants were asked toanswer in written form (e.g., types of local knowledge). Then, the moderator pointed outanswers which were similar and those which were different. This technique helped to savetime for the discussion of common answers.At the end of the discussion, dinner was served. While participants had dinner, Icontinued to ask questions on points that had emerged from the discussion. Thediscussion was informal and allowed participants to avoid confrontation and talkinformally. As a result, much information was obtained over dinner. As with the secondgroup discussion, this after-session time was valuable in gathering more data for the study.703.4 ANALYTICAL METHODSData analysis for this research included content analysis and comparative analysis.Content analysis is particularly suited to answering classic research questions: “who sayswhat, to whom, why, how and with what effect?” (Babbie 1991, 314). Data collectedfrom the field handles the “what” questions and the analysis of data collected answers the“why and with what effect” questions. Content analysis is used to analyze data including1) data about local knowledge that identifies its significance and characteristics; 2) thedesign and planning process studied that identifies people who dominate the process,whose knowledge is included or excluded in the process, the ways of including andexcluding local knowledge, and the reasons and outcomes of exclusion or inclusion of thisknowledge.Comparative analysis is used to discover common patterns that recur on differentoccasions and in different places (Babbie 1991, 312). Comparative analysis was applied tocompare the consequences of exclusion and inclusion of local knowledge to show theimpacts of considering local knowledge in the design and planning process. The analysisnot only compares sub-cases in Chiangmai but in some cases also compares some of thesewith reported cases elsewhere.This study focused on the collection and analysis of qualitative data because the71purpose is to indicate the potential of local knowledge to contribute to physical designand planning. This study is interested in the nature and context of local knowledge. Thus,it searches for the kind of knowledge local people have rather than looking for thenumbers of people or types of people having various kinds of knowledge. In other words,this study is interested in the taxonomy of knowledge rather than the incidence ofknowledge holding. Interviews and discussions were conducted with a large number ofpeople (98 interviewees and 43 participants in three group discussions) in order to gain abroad base of knowledge rather than to gain adequate samples for statistical analysis.Data from interviews and group discussions were analyzed by inductively categorizing thekinds of knowledge they reported.53.5 CONCLUSIONThe discussion in this chapter shows why and how the case study method was applied. Byand large, the research methods applied - field research questionnaire surveys andunobtrusive research - were appropriate for the Chiangmai case study. Likewise, the data5Names are reported for people who provided expertise based on local or professionalknowledge. This gives credit where credit is due. Names are withheld for most peoplebeing quoted who participated in group discussions because they may not have alwaysbeen expecting their comments to be cited exactly. Some interviewees’ comments arenot attributed to named people where it seems such attribution might be embarrassing forthe person. Full names and titles are given for names of persons interviewed at the firsttime mentioned. After that, the first name is dropped. Where interviewees are also citedas authors, they are referenced in the standard way.72collection techniques used - documentary research, personal observation, individualinterviews and group discussions - provided enough detail to use both content andcomparative analysis effectively. The research respondents chosen through keyinformants, random sampling and spontaneous informal means provided a broad range ofpeople who were well-informed either about the design and planning process or aboutlocal knowledge pertinent to the case study.The discussions after the formal session of the second and third group discussion providesignificant information to the research. These discussions allowed participants whoavoided confrontation in the formal group discussion to talk informally. Futureresearchers of local knowledge should plan to allow such informal sessions at the end offormal discussions.73CHAPTER FOUREXISTING PLANNING AND BUILDING DESIGNIN CHL&NGMAI4.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter reviews the development planning and design process for building projects inChiangmai. It traces the background of these projects, and reviews the people or agenciesthat initiated them. It looks at the input of professionals and local people who participatedin the planning and design projects and analyses the planning and design process itself withparticular reference to the data collection process. The chapter also discusses outcomesof the process and any specific concerns regarding these outcomes.The review starts by analyzing three plans for tourism development. The first is aPreliminary Study intended to gather essential information for the Master Plan TourismDevelopment of Chiangmai.’ The Master Plan itself and the Chiangmai Policy-BasedAction Plan for Historic and Environmental Preservation are landmarks in planning for1The title “Master Plan Tourism Development of Chiangmai” is used in this thesis as it hasbeen translated by Thai planning staff Western usage would be “Master Plan forChiangmai Tourism Development” and this title will be used in this thesis from this point.74Chiangmai, and many programs and projects derive from recommendations in these Plans.The Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan for Historic and Environmental Preservation isChiangmai’ s most recent comprehensive plan and was prepared by international experts.After analyzing these plans, the chapter reviews the development process of existingbuilding projects from the time that the designer was hired until the building permit wasgranted.The information discussed in this chapter was gathered in two ways: first, from adocumentary analysis of the plans themselves and of articles written about the plans;second, from interviews with people involved in the planning and design processes andwith people affected by the plan.2 The discussion answers the research questions “In whatway and to what extent has local knowledge been considered in design and planning?”.4.1 PRELIMINARY STUDY FOR CHL&NGMAI TOURISM DEVELOPMENTBecause the Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development relies heavily on thePreliminary Study, it is useful to describe the Preliminary Study in some detail. Followingrecommendations from the first National Tourism Development Plan in 1976, the TourismAuthority of Thailand (TAT) conducted tourism development plans for individual2Documents referred to in this dissertation are in English except where otherwiseindicated. Thai documents and interviews have been translated by myself75provinces. TAT’s planning process for individual provinces involves the following stages:preliminary survey, preliminary study, master plan, and feasibility study for tourismdevelopment. The preliminary survey and study collect data from a field survey, analyzethe data, and present information from the analysis. The information provided by thePreliminary Study was used in preparing provincial Master Plans.4.1.1 The Study Group of The Preliminary StudyThe Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT) asked the Thailand Institute of Scientific andTechnological Research (TISTR), a central government agency located in Bangkok, to doa preliminary study for the Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development. TISTRspent a total of 10 months (February to December 1979) on this study. The study isavailable in both Thai and English. The English translation was done by the study group.All personnel on the study group belonged to the staff of TISTR. The study groupconsisted of 1) a project manager, 2) an assistant project manager, 3) two experts in thestudy of physical features, 4) five experts in the study of socio-economic conditions, 5) sixexperts in the study of tourist markets, 6) seven experts in the study of tourist attractionsand land use, 7) four engineers and experts in the study of environmental conditions, 8)seven experts in administration and production (TISTR 1979, i-ui).The study group worked together with the representatives from the central government76agencies. The working group was led by the Director and staff of the Planning Division ofTAT. The representatives included officials from the Department of Town and CountryPlanning, the Department of Public Works, the Office of the National Economic andSocial Development Board, and the Office of the National Environment Board (TISTR1979, iii). No local agencies were included in the working group.4.1.2 Study Process of the Preliminary StudyThe study was performed solely by TISTR staff Local people involved in the processresponded only to structured questionnaires designed by the study group. Briefly, theprocess can be described as follows: the collection of information, analysis of data and,finally, suggestions for directions and patterns of development. The study groupinvestigated the following six major topics (see Figure 4.1):1) Physical characteristics of the study area were analyzed in order to identifSr thephysical constraints influencing the development of tourism. The impacts of tourismdevelopment on physical characteristics of the site were also identified.2) Socio-economic conditions in the study area were analyzed to identify social andeconomic constraints on tourism. Following this procedure, the possible positive77—IcoFigure4.1.TheStudyProcessofthePreliminaryStudy(forChiangmaiTourismDevelopment)Source:ThailandInstituteofScientificandTechnologyResearch(1979,1-5).ProposedPhysicalDevelopmentPlansand negative impacts of tourism on the social and business structure of the studyarea were assessed.3) Past market trends in tourism demand were analyzed. Then future trends, in termsof the number of tourists, were forecast.4) The communication and transportation network linking Bangkok and Chiangmai wasanalyzed. This analyses included gathering information about the present conditionsof trains, buses, planes, and telecommunications services to assess the quality andquantity of existing services as well as future demand for these services.5) Existing tourist resources were surveyed in order to appraise their presentconditions, identify the major characteristics attracting tourists, identify the problemsin development, and evaluate their development potential.6) Surveys and studies were made of various existing urban infrastructures, such asland use patterns, road networks, electricity supply, water supply and trafficconditions in order to evaluate Chiangmai’s suitability as a tourism centre (TISTR1979, 2-1 - 8-26).794.1.3 Data Collection Methods of the Preliminary StudyAccording to Mr. Anucha Lekskuldilok,3a trained planner who participated in preparingthe Preliminary Study, data collection methods for the preliminary study were basedprimarily on documentary research. Most of the data relied upon secondary data fromvarious government agencies in Bangkok and within the study area. However, TISTRalso conducted field research to gather primary data in order to verify the reliability of theinformation and to gain essential information about specific topics such as water pollution.As part of their field research, as noted by TISTR (1979, 1-3), the study group conductedsite surveys of tourist spots in terms of distinctive features and infrastructure. Theylooked at particular problems that may affect tourism development, especiallyaccessibility, land use, environmental degradation, security, and public amenities andservices. In order to get information about tourists’ needs and preferences, the studygroup prepared questionnaires for both Thai tourists and foreign tourists. Thequestionnaires were intended to gather information about the profile of tourists and theirbehaviour. The study group also conducted a field survey to investigate other essentialtopics including water pollution, flooding and traffic congestion. The field survey was3lnterviewed on January 26, 1993.80done mainly in the city area in order to identify the readiness and constraints of the city fortourism development.The data collection methods of the Preliminary Study were insensitive to local people.Most data relied on secondary data from government offices. The site survey of touristspots focused on physical conditions required for tourist facilities development rather thanon impacts of tourist development on local communities, In addition, the questionnairewas designed for collecting data from Thai and foreign tourists not local people.4.1.4 Outcomes of the Preliminary StudyThe Preliminary Study investigated a number of physical features, socio-economic andtourism conditions in the Chiangmai area and provided information for future tourismplanning. The information provided in the Preliminary Study was dominated byprofessional knowledge. This domination occurred for three reasons: 1) all study groupmembers were staff of TISTR which is located in Bangkok. Some of them may have livedin Chiangmai but have now moved to Bangkok. There is, therefore, a high possibility thatthey lacked current local knowledge; 2) the process limited local people’s involvement;and 3) data collection methods were insensitive to local people. The information included:1) physical features including terrain and climatic conditions, surface and ground waterresources, existing land use, and natural disaster areas.812) socio-economic conditions including economic factors, safety services, the provisionof safety and public health services, and the provision of religious services.3) the tourist market in Chiangmai in terms of its past and present condition and futuregrowth trends.4) communications and transportation including present service, and problems, as wellas future demands for tram, bus and air services.5) tourist resources in terms of the significance of tourist attractions and their existingproblems and development constraints.6) urban infrastructure in terms of the readiness for tourism including the utility system(communications, water supply, drainage systems, electricity supply, and solidwastes disposal), and traffic (number of vehicles, traffic conditions, causes of thetraffic problem, and its impacts on tourism) (Thailand Institute of Scientific andTechnological Research 1979, 1-2, 1-4).Although the Preliminary Study lacked the input of local knowledge, it was used as thefoundation for developing guidelines for the preparation of a master plan for thedevelopment of tourism in the project area.824.2 MASTER PLAN FOR CfflANGMAI TOURISM DEVELOPMENTAfter the Preliminary Study for Chiangmai Tourism Development was finished andapproved in 1980, TAT hired four private consulting firms from Bangkok to prepare theMaster Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development with co-ordination and supervision byTAT. The main objective was to draw up a master plan which would achieve two goals.First, the plan would guide development of tourism in Chiangmai in harmony with theexisting natural resources. Second, it would create economic benefits that were not atvariance with the local social conditions, culture and traditions, or with the conservationand enhancement of the natural resources in the project areas. To assure that tourismdevelopment planning for Chiangmai would achieve these objectives, the consulting firmused the following concepts to guide their work (Sumet Jumsai Associates et al. 1981, 3-1-3-2).1. Develop tourist clusters in Chiangmai in such a way as to show distinctive touristfeatures in the natural beauty, architecture, arts, culture, and traditions of the area.2. Accord equal development opportunity to all tourist clusters by regarding theinvestment ability of the government and the readiness of each cluster to markettourist resources.833. Plan all tourist activities at the tourist clusters in accordance with the conditions ofthe respective area.4. Develop a public utility system adequate in both quality and quantity for all touristclusters.5. Plan measures to protect against the destruction of local arts, culture, traditions andnatural environments.The Master Plan was accepted in 1981 by TAT. It was written in Thai first and translatedlater into English by the working group.4.2.1 The Working Group of the Master PlanPersonnel in the working group were mainly employees of the four Bangkok consultingfirms: Sumet Jumsai Associates, M.H. Planning and Development, Four Aces Consultants,and Asian Engineering Consultants. The working group also included specialists fromuniversities in Bangkok such as specialists in law, socio-economics, marketing, arts andculture, and finance. The working group consisted of two people in project management,four specialists in socio-economics, four specialists in marketing and finance, fourspecialists in infrastructure, ten physical planners, one environmental specialist, threespecialists in arts and culture, and one legal specialist (Sumet Jumsai Associates et al.841981, 0-2).TAT had also appointed a special committee to work together with the working group.Committee Members were mainly government officials and included only four localrepresentatives (Sumet Jumsai Associates et al. 1981, 0-5).44.2.2 Planning Process of the Master PlanThe working group started a draft of the Master Plan for Chiangmai TourismDevelopment by gathering data, mainly from the Preliminary Study, and then progressingthrough site visits and data analysis to writing the Master Plan (see Figure 4.2). The4Representatives from TAT included the Governor of TAT, the Deputy Governors ofMarketing and of Planning and Development, the Directors of Planning andDevelopment, of TAT Chiangmai, and of the Project Planning Division, and a plannerfrom the Project Planning Division. Representatives of the Central Government includedthe Governor of Chiangmai Province, representatives from the Highway, Royal Forest,Land, Aviation and Fine Arts, Public Works, and Town and Country PlanningDepartments, representatives from the Ministry of Finance, from the National Economicand Social Development Board, from the National Environment Board, from the BudgetBureau and from the Office of Policy and Planning. The four local representatives werethe Lord Mayor of Chiangmai Municipality, the Chairman of Chiangmai ProvincialCouncil, the Chairman of Chiangmai Municipality Council and the Chairman of TourismPromotion Society.85PlanningProcessfortheMasterPlanfor ChiangmaiTourismDevelopmentReconnaissanceStudyDataProgramAlternativeRevisionofFinal&Collection&Development &MasterPlanFinalProductionPreparationConceptPlanningEvaluation/FinalMasterPlanFormulationStrategiesMaster Plan1.ReconnaissanceinNationalRegionalReassessmentSocio-EconomicImpact&Socio-EconomicTouristTouristAssessmentStructurePolicyPolicy2.ReconnaissanceinFieldSurveyofReassessmentSocialCost/BenefitAnalysisForeign&DomesticTouristDemand&MarketProjectionof EachClusterEnvironmental ImpactAssessment3.ReconnaissanceinLegalFrameworkLegalEnvironmentalLegalSettingLegalFrameworkAnalysisConstraints4.ReconnaissanceinLandscapeLandscapeLandscapeDesignLandscapeDataAnalysisProgram5.Planning:ConceptSetProgramofPlanAlternativeFinaliseDraftRevisionofFinalSetMethodologyFormulation&ClusterDesignPhysicalFinalMasterProduction&WorkPlanDevelopment DirectionDevelopmentPlanReportPlan5.ReviewPhysicalSurvey&ReassessmentLanduse&Landuse &ImplementationWorkingDataAnalysisofDevelopmentFacilitiesofStrategiesDrawingProductionLanduse&TouristPlanClusterPlanFacilities6.ReconnaissanceInfrastructureReassessmentInfrastructureInfrastructureInfrastructureinInfrastructureSurvey&ProgramPlanning&RecommendationDataAnalysisofInfrastructureCosting7.ReconnaissanceIdentificationReassessmentDevelopmentPrograminArt&CultureofResourcesQuality4—FirstTrip4__FieldSurvey—*IOccasional TripiIRevisionFieldTripDataCollectionFigure4.2PlanningProcessfortheMaster Planfor ChiangmaiTourismDevelopmentSource:SumetJumsaiAssociatesetal.1981, p.1-7.writing was finished in 1981. The activities performed by the working group includedsurveying information on the numbers of and demand by, foreign and Thai touristscoming to Chiangmai. This information served as the basis for estimating tourist demand.The working group surveyed the infrastructure of the study areas and analyzed thisinformation, The information analyzed included interconnecting communication systemsat the local regional and national levels, waterworks, disposal of garbage and pollutedwater, electricity, irrigation and flood protection. The information on culture andtraditions that was collected and analyzed included local handicrafts. The working groupalso surveyed physical data and environmental problems in the tourist clusters. Theyanalyzed these data to prepare a specific plan for each tourist cluster and to prioritizetourist clusters for development.After this analysis had been completed, the group presented its strategy for tourismdevelopment. The presentation included tactics for the implementation of thedevelopment plan with respect to the law, to administration, to investment and budgetaryallocation, and to the various organizations involved. The presentation concluded with anestimate of the increase in economic development employment from tourism developmentefforts (Sumet Jumsai Associates et al. 1981, 1-2 - 1-5).4.2.3 Data Collection Methods of the Master PlanThe Master Plan relied heavily on data from the Preliminary Study which was intended87to be the data base for the Master Plan, For purposes of analysis, the project managementteam for the Master Plan arranged site visits for the working group to show them thetourist sites. This group included personnel from four Bangkok consulting firms,specialists from Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok, and the committee established byTAT.Specialists and staff who had to work closely on the sites visited the site frequently for ashort period of time during the first three months of the working period.5 To ensure thatthe proposed development was suitable to the sites, the working group had a short visit tothe sites again before finishing the final draft.6 There is no evidence that they worked withthe local people during these trips.The data collection methods of the Master Plan were insensitive to the local people and tolocal issues. The Master Plan is based heavily on data obtained from the preliminary studywhich lacked local knowledge. Moreover, short site visits limited interaction with localpeople so that there were few opportunities for the professionals to sensitize themselves tolocal issues even if they wished to do so.5lnterview with Assoc. Prof Decha Boonkham, project physical planner, March 23, 1993.6lnterview with IVIr. Supalerk Mallikamas, architect and Project Management staff May13, 14, 1994.884.2.4 Outcomes of the Master PlanGiven the process for preparing the Master Plan, the recommendations could not beexpected to significantly reflect local knowledge. With limited local knowledge, theMaster Plan proposed the development of tourist clusters according to their attractivenessin the tourist market. These tourist clusters included Suthep Mountain and Mae Sa ValleyClusters (see Figure 4.3).Suthep Mountain Tourist Cluster: Cable Car ProposalThe Master Plan noted that Suthep Mountain Cluster is the most popular cluster amongboth Thai and foreign tourists, and more than 90 percent of tourists coming to Chiangmaipay respect to Buddha’s remains on the mountain (Sumet Jumsai Associates et al. 1981, 2-71). Even though roads, electricity and drinking water already exist, the plan noted thatthese facilities were in high demand when large numbers of tourists arrive and needed tobe improved.According to the Master Plan, the present transportation system to the mountain, whichrelies solely on the automobile, failed during festive seasons, and a more efficient systemwas needed, The Master Plan proposed an electric cable car. It was argued that the cablecar would directly increase the ability to bring tourists to Suthep Mountain, reduceaccidents, and spread tourists out among various receiving spaces in the clusters.89MEO LA[Figure 4.3 Suthep Mountain and Mae Sa Valley ClustersSource: Sumet Jumsai Associates et al. 1981, 2-62.D 0 Z2? Tourist Spots in Doi - -B • A Tourist Spots in Mae Sa Falls C_Asphalt Road— — —— Laterite RoadI U 1 PHUPHlNGROYALr.0 1 2 5Km90Moreover, it would also create a new form of tourism in itself (Sumet Jumsai Associateset al. 1981, 2-73).Two cable car route sections were recommended. The first was from the tourist sub-centre at the foot of the mountain to the sight-seeing spot at 9.4 kilometres. The secondwas from the 9.4 kilometre point to the tourist centre at the Phrathat Doi Suthep temple.The mid-way sight-seeing spot provides a good opportunity for tourist activities and at thesame time helps spread out tourist flow to the spot. The tourist centre at the Phrathat DoiSuthep temple would be used as a junction where tourists wanting to go further up coulddo so by mini buses (Sumet Jumsai Associates et al. 1981, 2-74). This would have causedimpacts on Phrathat Doi Suthep temple and also to Suthep mountain.The Master Plan recommended a special type of management for the project. The plansuggested that TAT should use its good offices to request land use concessions and shouldprepare a project proposal designed for private investors. The project should be of long-term duration but should be implemented within 10-year period (Sumet Jumsai Associateset al, 1981, 2-140).Mae Sa Valley Tourist Cluster: Tourist Resort and Elephant Show ProposalsThe Mae Sa Valley Tourist Cluster is about 16 kilometres north of Chiangmai in the Mae91Rim district. The cluster consists of tourist spots such as Mae Sa Falls, the Elephants atWork Show at Mae Sa (Mae Sa Elephant Kraal), and the Mae Sa Valley. This touristcluster has the potential to be very popular among Thai and foreign tourists. Therefore,the Master Plan recommends development of this cluster with lodgings, services, animproved access road, and more Elephants at Work shows.To improve the access road, the Master Plan recommends making the road into a loop forconvenience in combining the tour of this cluster with that of the Suthep MountainCluster. The development of this route will encourage the establishment of a new touristcluster by the private sector. The Master Plan further recommended that lodgingsconstructed to accommodate an increased number of tourists should assume forms inharmony with the natural surroundings. Such lodging would help increase the length oftime a tourist stays in the cluster. Furthermore, the Master Plan advocated promoting theElephant at Work show. The Master Plan also recommends that complementary activitiessuch as elephant riding through the forest to the Mae Sa Falls should be provided. Thegovernment would assist in publicizing these tourist attractions (Sumet Jumsai Associateset al. 1981, 2-142).Local ReactionMany recommendations of the Master Plan for both clusters dissatisfied local people. Thecable car proposed for Suthep Mountain Tourist Cluster was put on hold because local92people strongly protested that the cable car would disfigure the mountainside and takeaway from the spiritual and scenic value of Phrathat Doi Suthep temple. More resorts andelephant shows for Mae Sa Valley Tourist Cluster were seen as causing unwantedoutcomes for local people. Local people predicted that new resorts would take away rareresources (such as water) from local people, while more elephant shows would increasethe pollution in villagers’ streams. These outcomes from the Master Plan’srecommendations will be elaborated in Chapter Six.4.3 CHL4NGMAI POLICY-BASED ACTION PLAN FOR HISTORIC &ENVIRONMENTAL PRESERVATION4.3.1 The Working Group For the Policy-Based Action PlanThe Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan for Historic & Environmental Preservation wasinitiated by the late Governor of Chiangmai province because he was concerned about thefuture of Chiangmai, He set up the Chiangmai Planning Project (CMPP) Office in 1990 tostudy the situation and search for an appropriate response. CMPP was authorized tocontact the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) for technicaland financial aid. In 1990, the Royal Thai Government, acting through the Department ofEconomic and Technical Co-operation and the Office of the Governor of the Province ofChiangmai, together with USAID, determined that:93“There is a need to try a different approach to city planning and coordinatedinvestment in Chiangmai. The new approach should be policy-based andinvolve as much popular participation as possible in order to build consensusand confidence in the planning process. . . . The main emphasis will be oncreating incentives for cooperative, mutually supportive investment.”7[Emphasis added]The Provincial Government of Chiangmai took on the task of developing this approach tocity planning and co-ordinated investment with technical assistance provided by LouisBerger International Incorporated and the Chiangmai University (CMU) Faculty ofEngineering hereinafter referred to as the consultants. The effort was under the umbrellaof the Chiangmai Planning Project. CMPP’s objective was to develop a policy-basedsystem of city planning for Chiangmai, stressing participation and public/private sectorco-operation.8 Recommendations from a draft proposal were presented for public reviewand comment in a two-day seminar in Chiangmai in early August 1991. The consultants’final report on the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan for Historic and EnvironmentalPreservation was submitted in October 1991, It should be noted that the final report was7Contract No. 493 0341-71149 - between the Department of Technical and Economic andLouis Berger International, Incorporated for the Chiangmai Planning Project, September27, 1990.8lbid9It should be noted that the CMPP funding from USATU of 13,130,000 Baht (C$772,000) to finish this job was terminated earlier than originally anticipated. The reasonfor the termination of USAID funding was that US law required funding of the CMPPand similar projects to cease not later than 8 months after the February 1991 coup, i.e.,by October 23, 1991.94prepared in English. After Thai officials expressed difficulty in understanding the plan, itwas translated into Thai.Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan was prepared by employees of Louis BergerInternational Incorporated, an American corporation, along with staff members ofChiangmai University who were mainly from the Faculty of Theseemployees and staff members, called “consultants” in the working group, worked closelywith Chiangmai officials employed in the Governor of Chiangmai’s provincial Officewhom the governor appointed to co-ordinate and respond to the plan.The consultants also asked Thai agencies (mostly government) to participate in theproject. Participating national agencies included: the Office of Policy and Planning,National Housing Authority; Fiscal Policy Office, National Economic and SocialDevelopment Board; National Environment Board; Ministry of Communications; TheMunicipal League of Thailand; and the Departments of the Treasury, Lands, LandTransport, Local Administration, Public Works, and Town and Country Planning. Theonly participating local agency was the Chiangmai municipality (Louis BergerInternational 1991).‘°Charoenmuang (1991, 78) noted that only five Chiangmai University staff membersworked for this plan. Other points by Charoenmuang were discussed in Section Working Process of The Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan4.3.2.1 The Beginning of The Process - Study TourIn 1990, USAID provided finds for local officials including the Governor and otherofficials to tour selected cities in the United States which had been identified by theconsultants as potentially comparable to the Chiangmai situation (i.e., communities whichaccommodate large numbers of tourists and which have, to one degree or another,managed to maintain their historic characters). These cities included Annapolis(Maryland), Alexandria (Virginia), Washington (D.C.), Savannah (Georgia), Charleston(South Carolina), and Santa Fe (New Mexico) (Louis Berger International 1991, 1-7).After the tour, the lessons learned were extrapolated. The consultants and the tourmembers recognized that great differences exist between these cities and Chiangmai -differences in culture, economic base activities, climate, and racial and ethniccompositions. At the same time, they found that in many instances these cities havecertain characteristics in common with Chiangmai, such as problems of urbanization,vehicular traffic, large scale development in historical districts and citizens’ concerns.They had also faced planning situations of relevance to Chiangmai.964.3.2.2 Field Research and Analysis of Chiangmai ConditionsThe consultants followed the tourism planning process of Baud-Bovey and Lawson (1977)which they claimed is a standard master plan process (Louis Berger International 1991, 1-18) (see Figure 4.4). At the initial stage of the process, the consultants did field research,conducted interviews using questionnaires designed for tourist and local residents, andheld two seminars. The first seminar was arranged for invited business leaders andgovernment officials. The second seminar was arranged for other invited people and thegeneral public.The consultants undertook an analysis of existing conditions in the development ofChiangmai to determine social, economic, and environmental problems. They alsosearched for lessons from other communities facing similar development and historicpreservation issues that could be applied to Chiangmai (Louis Berger International 1991,1-13). The Formulation of Goals and Draft ofPolicies andActionThe consultants found that it was necessary to articulate a comprehensive set of goals forChiangmai which was used in order to draft a more simplified set of goals forconsideration by the community. The consultants also stated that the community must97MARI(Er ASSESSMENT SURVEY OF RESOURCESAND FORECASTS AND EXISTING FAcILmEs-COMPARISON -pol.ntliI . -— drawtmckacpportu&tla- 4 ImpoWbW*l.4.1 -. -.______ALTERNATiVE POSSIBLETOURIST DEVELOPMENTPOLICIES: A.B.C_NOVERALL DEVELOPMENT PLAN FOR EACH ALTERNATIVE F;DYPOLICY A- Poucy 6 POLICY Nfeasibility offrd;viuaI taclIii.eS• physical plan•probler.s ofidem ilemen(at,Or idem49• 5CiO-eCOflOfl’.C.. r71 lmp.a(cOs.bneflt swies) .rFEED—SACK---‘- SELECTION BY -• - DECISION MKINGAUTHORITIES ‘. - -_____ ______el;.-C DETAILED PLANNING-OF THE SELECTED POLICY--- -“Figure 4.4. Baud-Bovey and Lawson’s Tourism Planning ProcessSource: Baud-Bovey and Lawson (1977) as cited in Louis Berger International Inc.1991, 1-18.98ultimately establish their own goals. To achieve the goals drafted by the consultants aproposed action plan was presented by the consultants, The consultants then worked withofficials of the municipal and provincial governments and conferred frequently withvarious committees to identif,r and translate these goals and objectives into proposedactions. The consultants cautioned that much community effort would be needed toachieve these goals and to follow the recommendations put forward in the Policy-BasedAction Plan.4.3.3 Data Collection Techniques of The Chiangmai Policy-Based Action PlanThe consultants conducted a survey by interviewing selected groups of people using astructured questionnaire. Their objectives were to determine people’s attitudes towardhistoric preservation and their concerns regarding economic, transportation andenvironmental issues. There were two sample groups. The first included the people livingin the Chiangmai municipality and the second focused on tourists, both Thai and foreign.Five hundred residents were selected (equivalent to 1.3% of total households in themunicipal area). For tourists, random sampling was used. One hundred Thai tourists andone hundred foreign tourists, for a total of two hundred tourists were surveyed (LouisBerger International 1991).99The questionnaire survey was criticized for its insensitivity to local people. Dr. VorapitMeemark,11 Associate Professor in the Faculty of Social Science, Chiangmai University,commented that “the structured questionnaire for the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Planwas pre-determined by the consultants.” He said “questionnaire respondents can respondonly to the consultants’ questions. There was a request for suggestions at the end [of thequestionnaire] as usual, but, we know that not many people pay attention to that section.”The consultants of the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan held two seminars.Participants and presenters in the first seminar included representatives from the provincialand municipal councils, government officials and business leaders, The purpose of thisseminar was to identify the problems Chiangmai will face in the future. Presentations werealso made by the staff of Louis Berger International to describe cities in the United Statesthat have managed tourism and rapid growth without losing their attractive features orcultural identities. Many of these examples were communities visited by the Chiangmaistudy tour.The second seminar (August 1991) was a public seminar. Participants in this seminarwere invited by CIVIPP officials. The objective was to present the consultants’ draft of the11lnterviewed on January 15, 1993.100plan and to receive comments from the public. Comments and observations from thisseminar were intended to be incorporated into the consultants’ final plan.Participants in my field research complained that the seminar was ineffective in obtaininglocal people’s input on a complex proposal. Dr. Tanet Charoenmuang,’2a leading localintellectual and instructor in Political Science, strongly criticized the limitation of localpeople’s participation in the plan. He also referred to his article in Thai (Charoenmuang1991) on the working process of the plan. He commented that “Louis BergerInternational Inc. arranged the seminar for the public and distributed the Draft ChiangmaiPolicy-Based Action Plan on 1-2 August 1991. The numbers of participants were limited.Most of them were representatives from government offices. The distributed documenthad more than 100 pages. The participants did not have enough time to carefully studythe recommendations of the plan. Therefore, participants could not comment on theplan.”Those working on the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan conducted their datacollection as if the Chiangmai condition were static. Ms. Duangchan Apavatjrut,’3 aspecialist in Urban Studies and staff of Social Science Research Institute, Chiangmai‘2lnterviewed on April 1, 1993.13lnterviewed on January 16, 1993.101University, commented that “the plan did not look at the dynamics of Chiangmai and didnot study the development of Chiangmai and local peopl&s way of life. The plan’s datacollection was not designed to capture past, present, and future situations.” Dr.Charoenmuang also noted that the research design method was static. According to him,the focus of the plan is on present problems and did not capture the future needs ofChiangmai.4.3.4 Outcomes of the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action PlanThe Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan proposed four types of action: Development ofGoals for Regulatory Procedures, Public Investment Policies, Training Needs Assessment,and Special Projects. Goalsfor Regulatory ProceduresThe consultants examined Chiangmai’s current regulations and procedures for historicpreservation, land use, and building control, and recommended goals and additional and/orsupplemental legislation. Six goals for historic and environmental preservation wereidentified.1. to preserve the character of the city’s built environment. .2. to ensure that its transportation networks contribute to the efficientoperation of the metropolitan area. .1023. to preserve the relationship between Chiangmai and the naturalenvironment...4. to preserve the important historic features of Chiangmai whilepermitting new development that is respectful of those features.5. to accommodate tourism in a manner that preserves the unique qualitiesof Chiangmai.6. to enhance the quality of the biological environment (Louis BergerInternational 1991, 1-27).The Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan claimed that these goals were the community’sgoals, even though they did not include the goals of participants who live in thecommunity. Ms. Apavatjrut and Dr. Charoenmuang commented that the goals ofChiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan concentrated on Chiangmai city only. As an exampleof this bias, Ms. Apavatjrut cited the goal that ensures that transport means and networkscontribute to the efficient operation of the metropolitan area. In a similar vein, Dr.Charoenmuang said “[the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan’s] goals left out [the]Chiangmai rural area.” Both Ms. Apavatjrut and Dr. Charoenmuang thought that thegoals must include rural areas and give more importance to the relationship between ruralareas and the city.The identified goals were questioned by local people. For instance, the goals ofpreserving the important historic features of Chiangmai while permitting new developmentwere similar to the objective of the Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development: tobe respectful of Chiangmai’s history and to accommodate tourism in a manner which103preserved Chiangmai’s unique qualities. The goals of the Master Plan were criticized byparticipants in this study’s first and second group discussions for encouragingdevelopment that had a negative impact on Chiangmai people and the environment.’4Without including local knowledge about negative outcomes of the Master Plan, it isentirely possible that the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan may follow in the footstepsof the Master Plan. Special Projects Proposed by The Chiangmai Policy-Based Action PlanThe consultants suggested that once an adequate legal basis for historic and environmentalpreservation is in place, follow-up actions should be taken as special projects. Thesespecial projects include: evaluating, documenting and designating the remaining templecomplexes and the non-religious structures; setting in motion a program for environmentalup-grading of temples; restricting parking areas; organizing an adaptive reuse of the oldgovernment building as a conservation showpiece; establishing design guidelines for theold city including riverside development; co-ordinating current waste water construction;14The first group discussion was held on April 1, 1993, and the second group discussionwas held on April 20, 1993. The negative impacts of the Master Plan are discussed indetail in Chapter 6.104reinforcing environmental awareness programs; and promoting the concept of ecotourism.The consultants who prepared the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan emphasizedphysical conditions and technical aspects of the plan area, They did not consider socialand cultural aspects including local people’s concerns and subjective realities that attach tophysical form. For example, an upgraded temple building will not be successful if thesurrounding noise is too loud for religious activities. Maintaining or upgrading physicalform without maintaining or enhancing the subjective aspects that give meaning tophysical form, therefore, cannot generate a successful project. While goals set forward inthe Policy-Based Action Plan would appear to protect both historical buildings and thesubjective aspects of their surroundings which give meaning to the physical form, nospecific objectives were set to permit such protection to occur.4.4 DESIGN OF BUILDING PROJECTS iN CHIANGMAIThai law ensures that professionals control the design and construction of buildingprojects. After 1935, the Building Construction Control Act 2478 B.E.15 (1935)prohibited permanent building construction in Thailand without written permits from the15Thai people use “B.E.” (Buddhist Era) which is 543 years before A.D.105local authority.’6 As a result, local authorities started to control building construction.After the Engineering Professional Act 2504 B.E. (1961) and the ArchitecturalProfessional Act 2508 B.E. (1965) were promulgated, professional engineers andarchitects played the key role in designing buildings. These acts require that architects andengineers be responsible for requesting building permits. Most architects and engineersare university-trained and, if they graduate, are automatically approved as registeredarchitects and engineers. Thus, after 1935, control of the design and construction of localbuildings shifted from local people who lacked accredited technical training to expertswho had acquired this training.4.4.1 Participants in Building ProjectsField research in Chiangmai showed that the participants in the design of seven buildingprojects studied were owners (who initiated the process), professionals and authorizedbureaucrats. Many studies including the Preliminary Study and the Master Plan forChiangmai Tourism Development indicated that Chiangmai lacks tourist accommodationand recommended an increase in the number of hotels. Land owners interviewed for thisstudy (including Ms. Patra Boonchaleow of the Rim Ping Garden Hotel, Mr. Somchai16Local authority refers to municipal councils or to the provincial governor for areasoutside municipalities.106Patarateeranond of the Diamond Riverside Hotel, and Ms. Kessupee Phanachet17 of theChiangmai Garden Hotel) had proposals for hotel or resort developments. After theowners had positive results from the feasibility studies, they looked for architects to designtheir buildings. When the architects finished their designs, the designs were submitted tothe authorities for approval of building permits. As elsewhere, local people did not havean opportunity to be involved in the project designs and building permit approvalprocesses. The interviewed participants in the seven design projects studied said theywere happy with the existing process and relieved that they did not have to deal with thelocal people.4.4.2 The Design ProcessThe design process, although typical, is described below in some detail to show that localpeople and their knowledge were excluded from the process. The architects interviewedincluded Mr. Praphol Eamsoonthorn, Mr. Choolathat Kitibutra, and Mr. VithayaTantranond.18 They noted that during the first stages of these projects, several meetings17lnterviewed respectively on April 19, 1993; April 14, 1993; April 21, 1993.18lnterviewed respectively on May 10, 1993; April 22, 1993; April 24, 1993.107for the owner and the architect were arranged for gathering information and discussing theprojects. Also during the beginning stage, in most projects, the architect went with theowner for the first site visit. The architects had to visit the site again in most cases.The second stage involves schematic design. In this stage, using the information gatheredabout the project and the site, the architects analyzed the site and then preparedconceptual sketches to illustrate their proposed solution for the project.19 They alsoproposed the building style and discussed approximate costs with the clients to ensure thattheir designs would meet with the clients’ approval. According to seven owners ofprojects studied, the architects selected the building style by themselves.20Assuming that the client approved the schematic drawings, the architect contactedBuilding Permit Approval Authorities personally to discuss the legal regulations related tothe project. Mr. Kitibutra explained that their discussion was to ensure that there wereno problems with either the site or the design that would prevent them from obtaining abuilding permit.1-9lnterviewed with iVir. Kitibutra.20Six of seven owners interviewed stated that they allow the architect to design facades ofthe building freely.108At the third stage, the architect drew up the scheme in detail. Mr. Kitibutra and Mr.Tantranond frequently consulted their clients and kept in touch with Building PermitApproval Authorities. Many other professional consultants also worked on the design atthis stage.21 Finally, after the owner approved the working drawings, they weresubmitted to the Building Permit Approval Office. When the drawings conformed in allrespects, the permit was granted. It is clear from this description of the design processthat local people were seldom, if ever, consulted.4.4.3 Data Collection Methods in Design ProcessInterviews with architects showed that the data collection methods applied in the designprocess followed typical methodologies. The methods will be discussed in order to showthey did not allow involvement of local people or the use of their knowledge. Thearchitects of the projects in question noted that they collected data on the project fromthe owners. These data included functional requirements, finances and time schedules.The architects obtained site data from their site visits: Mr. Eamsoonthorn and Mr.Kitibutra explained that they observed distinguishing aspects of the site, e.g., a view or a21M. Suchai Kengkarnkar, architect and owner of Kad Suan Kaew Shopping Centre,interviewed on April 27, 1993, mentioned that he had to consult with a structuralengineer, an electrical engineer, a sanitary engineer and an interior designer.109flooded area, the adjacent sites, the infrastructure servicing the site, and the surroundingtopography.For large or complicated sites such as the Lanna Garden Resort and the Erawan Resort,critical detailed data were needed. These data were collected by hired surveyors and otherspecialists. Mr. Vichai Jariyakornkul,22the owner of Erawan Resort, and 1\4r. ThongchaiSaengrat,23 the owner of Lanna Garden Resort, explained that the information providedby hired surveyors and other specialists helped the architects with the design process. Thearchitects obtained legal and regulatory information from government publications anddiscussions with authorized officials.24It is clear from the preceding description of the design process that the design of buildingprojects in Chiangmai relies heavily on professionals and bureaucrats with some input fromthe owners. There is no evidence that local people have any input to the design process.The result of this exclusion of local knowledge will be discussed in detail in Chapter Six.22lnterviewed on April 5, 1993.23lnterviewed on April 15, 1993.24lnterviews with architects of studied projects including Mr. Kitibutra, Mr.Eamsoonthorn, and Mr. Tantranond.1104.5 CONCLUSIONAfter reviewing the Preliminary Study for Tourism Development, the Master Plan forChiangmai Tourism Development, and the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan forHistoric and Environmental Preservation and building design in Chiangmai, severalconclusions can be drawn. These conclusions are discussed below and shown in chartform in Figure 4.5.The existing planning in Chiangmai was initiated by top government agencies or officials.In the case of the Preliminary Study for tourism development and the Master Plan,planning was initiated by the Tourism Authority of Thailand which is the centralgovernment organization. For the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan, the project wasinitiated by the provincial governor, who was appointed by the central government underthe influence of USAD, an international organization. In addition, the design of hotelsand resort development projects was initiated by land owners who were encouraged tobuild projects based on their assessment of international market forces and therecommendations of the tourism development plan. In designing these projects, theyfollowed the recommendations of the Master Plan.Planning and design were performed by experts and professionals. The Preliminary Studywas done by experts of the Thailand Institute of Scientific and Technological Research111PreliminaryStudyMasterPlanTourismChiangmaiPolicy-BuildingforPlanningof—DevelopmentofBasedActionPlanProjectsChiangmaiTourismChiangmai(1981)forHistoric&(ongoing)Development(1979)EnvironmentalProtection(1991)InitiatorCentralGovernmentCentralGovernmentCentralGovernmentLandownersAgencyAgencyOfficialsParticipantsCentralgovernmentProfessionalsfromInternationalOwnersstaffprivatefirmsprofessionalsProfessionalsAuthorizedFourlocalLocal governmentbureaucratsrepresentativesofficialsLocal people(intwo-dayseminar)PlanningExcludedlocalpeopleExcludedlocalpeopleLimitedlocalpeople’sExcludedlocalProcessinvolvementpeopleDataCollectionInsensitivetoInsensitivetoLimitedinputbyNoinputbyTechniqueslocalpeoplelocalpeoplelocalpeoplelocalpeopleOutcomesInvestigationandGoalsemphasizedGoalsfollowedtheUnwantedinformationprovideddevelopingtouristMaster Plan’sgoals;outcomes:didnotbenefitfromareastoattractdidnotincludeflooding(shoppinglocalknowledgetouristslocalpeople’sgoalsmall),lossofintegrityofStrategiestoencourageProposedprojectssacredplacesetc.tourismdevelopment:emphasizedphysical(thrtherdiscussed-CablecartoSuthepdevelopmentratherinChapter Six)mountainthanlocal people’s-Increasednumber ofconcernsresortsandhotels_____________________________-Increasedtouristactivities(e.g.,elephantshow)Figure4.5.ChiangmaiPlanningandDesignProcesses,andTheir OutcomesSource: Author.which is a central government agency. The Master Plan was done by experts andprofessionals from leading Bangkok architectural and planning firms in consultation withthe Tourism Authority of Thailand. The Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan wasprepared by international professionals and a few local experts. All development projectswere designed by professionals.There was little or no participation by local people in the design and planning processes.In the case of the Preliminary Study, the Master Plan and the development projectsresearched, local people had no opportunity to directly participate in the planning anddesign processes. Even the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan, which was supposed toemphasize public participation, provided few opportunities for local people to participatein the planning process. Interviewees who participated in the Chiangmai Policy-BasedAction Plan’s “two day seminar” complained about the limited opportunity forparticipating in the seminar,There was limited communication between local people and the professionals and expertswho prepared the three plans or designed the development projects. In the case of thePreliminary Study and the Master Plan, the communication was only through structuredquestionnaires. For development projects, there was no evidence of communicationbetween the architects and local people. But the worst case was the Chiangmai Policy-113Based Action Plan. Because many of the people involved in its preparation wereforeigners, the plan was originally written in English. It was translated into Thai only afterThai officials expressed difficulty in understanding the plan.Information gathering methods in both the planning and design processes generallyignored local people and their knowledge. The methods used for the Preliminary Studyfor Tourism Development, the Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development and theChiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan were documentary research, site visits, and astructured questionnaire which did not encourage any interaction with local people.Methods used in the design process - a few short site visits and an engineering survey -were also likely to overlook the concerns and knowledge of local people.In all instances, design and planning were initiated by the top agencies or the land owners,and prepared by experts and professionals. There was little or no participation by localpeople and data collection techniques were insensitive to local people. The result was thedomination of professional expertise, much of which was gained in technical courses atvarious universities. This domination by professionals, which over looked localknowledge, led to unwanted outcomes for local people. These negative impacts will beexplored in subsequent chapters.114CHAPTER FWELOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF CHIANGMAI, NORTHERN THAILAND5.0 INTRODUCTIONFolks everywhere in the world- whether in the midwestern plains of the US,the Amazon jungle, the Kalahari desert, the Australian outback - know a lotabout their local ecology, both physical and human (McCorkle 1989, 5).This chapter presents the findings from my field research in order to show the existence oflocal knowledge related to physical design and planning. It shows examples of existinglocal knowledge from the northern landscape and from building techniques used in thetraditional northern house. The research demonstrates the breadth, depth and significanceof people’s technical, physical and environmental knowledge in each example as well astheir socio-cultural knowledge (e.g., beliefs and concepts). The final section introduceslocal people’s knowledge of their needs and wants, which are also elements of theirknowledge.The discussion in this chapter answers the research question “what local knowledgerelated to physical design and planning for development projects exists in the studyareas?”. The review of literature in Chapter Two began to answer this question bydefining local knowledge according to various authorities. My field research extends115other authors’ definitions because it includes needs and wants related to environmentaland cultural impacts and threats.5.1 THE TRADITIONAL NORTHERN HOUSEResearch respondents consistently referred to the traditional northern house when theywere asked about local knowledge related to physical design and planning. The traditionalnorthern house represents local knowledge of the built environment that developedamong northern people over many generations. A distinctive element of the traditionalnorthern house (see Figures 5.1 and 5.2), compiled from my field research, is the characterof the roof itself. It is steep, with long overhangs, and covered by locally manufacturedroofing materials, Other distinctive features are the kalae which are v-shaped ornamentsat each gable end, outward slanting walls, the elevated floors which raise the floor aboveground, the veranda which provides good ventilation, the orientation of the house, and thespace allocation within it. Another distinctive feature is the modest house size. Theconcept here is to encourage a small size house initially, and then to add to the housewhen and if required. Finally the building method is another important aspect of thenorthern Thai house. The house is designed to be prefabricated, knocked down andrebuilt with comparative ease.116Li-.FItIjIHIHIHFigure 5.1. Perspective and Elevation of Traditional Northern Thai HouseSources: Drawings from Warren (1989), description by author.kalaeSteep roof-Outward slanting wallElevated floor off the ground11111/ \IIIIIIIIIIIf/!—1I ii ii117Expansion First phase ExpansionNWI E___!2.IZtzizL1. Terrace2. Veranda3. Bedroom4. Kitchen5. Water Supply shelfFigure 5.2. Traditional Northern Thai House PlanSource: Based drawing from Warren 1989,description by author.1185.1.1 The Steep Roof With Long OverhangsThe traditional northern house, as in all other regions in Thailand, has a steep roof withlong overhangs. Mr. Wiwat Taemeepun,’ a long term resident of Chiangmai and anorthern architecture specialist, noted that the roof of the traditional northern houseusually slants 45 degrees or more straight from the peak to the end eaves. In addition,according to Mr. Samart Sirivechaphun,2a long term resident of Chiangmai and lecturerin northern architecture, a few houses have a roof with a small curve at the lower end. Atpresent, steep roofs and long overhangs are still used in the design of many northernbuildings.3A steep roof keeps living spaces cool. Mr. Sirivechaphun explained that the air under thesteep roof is a buffer between the roof and living spaces. Ventilation under the roof helpsto reduce heat that transfers down to living spaces. Local people know this benefit andcontinue to build their houses with steep roofs.1lnterviewed on March 25, 1993.2lnterviewed on February 18, 1993.3lnterviews with Mr. Sirivechaphun and Mr. Taemeepun, and from observations duringJanuary 16- May 10, 1993.119The steep roof with long overhangs is also suitable for heavy rain. Mr. VitheePanichphun,4 a northern architectural specialist and a lecturer in Environmental Design,explained that “the steep roof provides rapid drainage and prevents water leakage.” Inaddition, Mr. Sirivechaphun noted that “the overhangs help protect walls and windowsfrom heavy rain and sun.” According to Mr. Panichphun and Mr. Sirivechaphun, heavyrain is a distinctive climatic feature of Chiangmai. Participants in the second groupdiscussion also mentioned that it usually rains very hard in the rainy season, which startsafter Songkran Day (Thai New Year) in the middle of April. This is because of themonsoons winds which come from the south-west between May and October. When thewinds reach Chiangmai, which is a mountainous region, they dump heavy rain into theregion.5 The need for the steep roof will become apparent in subsequent descriptions ofnew projects.By moderating the local climate, the steep roof with long overhangs is an example ofphysical form that shows the significance of the relationship between people and theirenvironment. People discovered that steep roofs with long overhangs worked well in4lnterviewed on March 30, 1993.5According to Chiangmai weather statistics, the mean annual rainfall in Chiangmaiprovince ranges from 1,200 millimetres (47.25 inches) to 2,400 millimetres (94.49inches) depending on location (Institute of Environmental Research of ChulalongkornUniversity, 1989).120heavy rainfall, and they have continued to use this knowledge to the present day. Insteadof fighting nature, local people live with and respect nature.5.1.2 Roofing MaterialsMr. Taemeepun pointed out that three kinds of material have been used for the roof of thetraditional northern house: thatch grass, wood, and local terra-cotta tile.Thatch grass (ya-ka in Thai), as explained by local carpenter, Mr. Tanom Satatha,6 can befound on small houses and bamboo houses. He said that this kind of grass, which isabundantly available, is dried and tied together into sheets. Then, the thatch sheets aretied to the roof structure. After being wet by the first rain, thatch grass sticks togetherwell enough to protect the house from more rain. This knowledge has been used in somenew projects. According to Mr. Tantranond, designer and manager of Pongyaeng GardenResort where a thatched roof is used, “the grass does not absorb heat and, therefore, helpsto cool the building.” He also noted that “the life of the thatched roof is normally three orfour years, but can be replaced for very little cost, because both thatch and labour arecheap. Nevertheless, because thatch is not a long-lasting material, most people hesitate touse it.”6lnterviewed on April 22, 1993.121Wood roofs (pan-kied) consist of small, thin pieces of wood, According to Mr. Saengrat,the owner of the traditional style “Lanna Garden Resort” where a wood shingle roof isused, each shingle is attached to the roof structure by a wood peg. The preparation ofeach shingle requires special wood cutting techniques, which have been practiced by localcarpenters for many generations. In describing the techniques for cutting shingles, JVfr.Saengrat noted that “the side of the shingle which faces the rain has to be cut by an axe.This cutting prevents water leaking.”7 Cutting the shingle surface with an axe allowswater to run smoothly and with the least absorption following the grain of the wood sothat the rain does not leak through the roof Wood shingle roofs with the rightpreparation techniques last a long time and do not absorb heat. However, manyrespondents,8including Mr. Saengrat, concluded that “wood roofs are now less commonin new northern houses because wood is scarce and expensive. To continue to useimproperly cut shingles would be environmentally unwise. But if the shingles are cutproperly, they last a long time and are an environmentally sound solution.”Mr. Photong Kaewsootthi,9 the owner of a house with a local terra-cotta roof andPhaitoon Promvichit,’° researcher in northern architecture, explained that local terra-cotta7He said that he learned the knowledge from old local carpenters.8lncluding Mr. Panichphun, Mr. Sirivechaphun and Mr. Taemeepun.9lnterviewed on April 4, 1993.10lnterviewed on April 15, 1993.122tiles, din-khor in Thai, are hand-sized tiles made from local clay and baked the same wayas pottery. Paddy husk, which is abundant in the area, is used as fuel for baking. The topend of each tile is curved like a hook in order to hang on the roof structure. After beingon the roof for many years, these tiles become mossy, start to decay, and have to bechanged. But, according to Mr. Kaewsootthi, the tiles can be reused. “The abbot of TonKwaen Temple,” he said, “told me that din-khor can be reused by rebaking.” He,therefore, reused the tiles at his house, and found that the rebaked tiles work and look likenew tiles with very low labour and fuel costs.Local knowledge about roofing materials shows the significance of the relationshipbetween people and their environment. Roofing materials work well both with the localeconomy and the natural environment because appropriate technologies developed overtime make use of local materials, Locally available materials and techniques for preparingmaterials keep costs to a minimum and keep labour within the community, thus benefitingmany users and the community. The reuse of materials and reduction of the use of scarceand expensive materials through appropriate techniques not only provide economicbenefits but also preserve natural resources.1235.1.3 KalaeA local feature of the traditional northern house is the kalae. According to Prof. AnNimmanahaeminda,11 a professor in Architecture and City Planning whose family hasresided in Chiangmai for more than three generations, kalae are V-shaped ornaments atthe highest point of the roof-top extending the roof supports beyond the ridge-pole at bothends of the structure (see Figure 5.3). They have a variety of designs. For a smallbamboo house, kalae are simply two pieces of bamboo roof supportsextending from thetop of the roof. For a large wood house, kalae are made from separate pieces of woodcarved in various patterns (e.g., the traditional flame motif). Kalae have been on the roofof northern houses for centuries and are still seen on the roofs of new houses and otherbuildings (e.g., government offices).12This study’s first group discussions13 suggested several purposes for kalae. Some peoplebelieve that the Burmese occupation of Chiangmai may be the reason for the kalae. TheBurmese occupied Chiangmai for 216 years from 1558 to 1774. A participant stated that“elders told me that the Burmese forced local people to have kalae on the roof todistinguish Thai houses from those of the Burmese.” The Burmese believed that the kalae11lnterviewed on March 23, 1993.-2Interview with Prof. Nimmanahaeminda and from observations.13The first group discussion, April 3, 1993.124Figure 5.3. Examples of the kalae found on northern style housesin Chiangmai.Source: Drawings from Warren 1989.125would show that the Burmese had power over local people who lived under the roof Thissymbol of power would undermine the Thai people’s confidence and reduce their attemptsto liberate themselves.Other people believe that the kalae may represent a buffalo, which provides protection andbrings fortune into the house. The reference is to ancient times when people shared abackground of buffalo sacrifice in honour of the spirits. Participants in the first groupdiscussion pointed out this symbolic use of kalae:Participant A: Kalae represent buffalo horns.Participant B: Some houses have buffalo heads and horns for Kalae.Participant C: “Lua” people [people who lived in remote areas of northernThailand and worshipped buffalo] have buffalo horns orkalae.Another reason given for the kalae relates to their simple and direct meaning, which is“glancing crows”. Chao Duangduen Na Chiangmai,14 a descendent of a formerChiangmai ruler, believes that kalae discourage crows and other birds from lighting on theroof Chiangmai people believed that crows and blackbirds are a sign of bad luck.‘4From the first group discussion.126According to participants in the first group discussion, kalae may have both a structuraland an aesthetic function. Kalae are the extended rafters beyond the attached area thathelp to strengthen the roof structure. Houses which were erected by tying required theextended rafters to prevent the ropes from loosening. Houses which are erected byinterlocking various parts also required these extended rafters. The later northerntraditional house was erected using nails, and so the extended roof rafters were notrequired. Kalae of the later northern traditional house were made by nailing twoadditional pieces of wood to the roof structure. These kalae do not help strengthen theroof but are for decoration only. Participants in the first group discussion pointed out thestructural reasons for having kalae:Participant D: Kalae started from houses in which structures are tiedtogether. The extended structures are required.Participant E: The extended structures are needed for interlocking joints.Participant D: Kalae of recent houses are pieces of carved wood nailed toroof structures.Kalae are an integral part of the design of the northern house and provide a uniquecharacter to the region. According to Mr. Panichphun and Mr. Sirivechaphun, kalaehave existed long enough to make people recognize these items as a symbol of thenorthern house and a unique feature of the northern landscape that gives identity to theregion.Local knowledge related to kalae are significant in many respects. First, kalae127are a major element in identif,ring a house as a northern house, and in creating an identityfor the region. Second, kalae give people a sense of both form and function. At first,kalae may have a functional purpose but, now, they are used for aesthetics. Third, kalaemake people think seriously about their meanings, which may be related to history,construction, decoration or design. This thoughtfulness about the meaning of the kalaeadds to the cultural richness of people living in the region. Finally, because kalae haveexisted for a long time, they have become a symbol representing local design anddecoration for houses and other buildings. The fact that people put considerable thoughtinto the meaning of kalae suggests that they are an important regional symbol.5.1.4 The Outward Slanting WallAccording to Mr. Taemeepun, walls of the traditional northern house slant outward fromthe elevated floor toward the lower edges of the roof The slanting wall, however, is nolonger used and has been replaced by vertical walls because it does not suit present livingbehaviours and modern furniture.Debate about the purpose of this wall continues. One opinion for the outward-slantingwall, mentioned by college history instructor Mr. Sak Ratanachai and widely discussed byother participants in the first group discussion, relates to Burmese suzerainty. Mr.Ratanachai stated that “the Burmese wanted to destroy the local people spiritually byforcing them to live in an inauspiciously shaped house.” The outward leaning walls128make the shape of the house look like a Burmese coffin. The local people who lived inthe coffin-shaped houses would be condemned and lose their confidence to fight for theirliberty. Thai documents (Nindet 1978b and Nimmanahaeminda 1981) also cite this reasonfor slanting walls.Phrakruvinaithornprapat, abbot of That Khum Temple argued convincingly against thisopinion in the first group discussion. After the Burmese were forced out of Chiangmai,the houses continued to be built in such a shape with kalae. He argued “Prince Kawila[who fought the Burmese to liberate Chiangmai] would not allow his people to build ahouse with a shape determined by the Burmese [after he defeated the Burmese].”Nindet (1978a, 135), who writes in Thai, supports Phrakruvinaithornprapat by arguingthat the outward leaning box shape can not be inauspicious because the shape is similar tothe shape of box in which Buddhist texts are kept (see Figure 5.4). Faithful Buddhists,whether they were Burmese or local people, would never keep sacred texts in containerswith an inauspicious shape. Therefore, local people who lived in houses shaped like thevessels that contained sacred texts would feel a positive rather than a negative relationshipto their dwelling. The fact that the house is shaped somewhat like a Burmese coffin maybe simply a coincidence and may not explain the outward leaning walls.A second opinion is that the outward leaning shape of the house may relate to thepreviously mentioned buffalo sacrifices. Participants in the first group discussion129Figure 5.4. Outward Slanting Box for Keeping Buddhist TextsSource: Boeles, J.J. and L. Sternstein ed. 1966.— I130suggested that the shape of the northern house may have been designed to imitate theshape of the buffalo. Nimmanahaeminda (1981) asserts that the house with the gable roofon top, the outward leaning walls on the sides and the floor at the bottom forms a shapesimilar to that of a buffalo. Local people believe that the buffalo is an animal that cancarry humans to heaven. Living in a house shaped like a buffalo is like staying inside avehicle that will reach heaven soon (Sathirakoses (pseud.) 1973).Finally, the outward leaning shape of the house serves structural purposes.Chantavilasvong (1987) wrote that the outward slanting walls of the traditional northernhouse may appear to uniformly support the cantilever eaves without using any extrasupporting elements, but he argued that using additional small handy supporting elementsis easier and more practical than using outward slanting walls. Proof of his argument canbe seen under some cantilever eaves, usually on the north and south facades, where thereare supporting elements instead of outward slanting walls. Therefore, the northern house,one can argue, has two kinds of structural systems for walls.The outward slanting wall is significant because it shows the richness of local culture. Aswith kalae, research respondents provided a number of meanings for the outward slantingwall, some of which showed a considerable knowledge of Thai history. Unlike the kalae,the outward slanting wall is disappearing from Thai construction and the cultural richnesswith which it is imbued will be lost to fhture generations.1315.1.5 The Elevated FloorThe traditional northern house has an elevated floor. According to ProfNimmanahaeminda, Mr. Sirivechaphun, and Mr. Taemeepun, the elevated floor is practicalfor the northern region with its regular floods from heavy rains. Elevating the floor alsoprovides an area on the upper level with good ventilation. The open space under the floorcan be used as a working space for purposes such as repairing or storing agricultural tools,wood carving, and weaving.Mr. Taemeepun and Mr. Sirivechaphun mentioned that pillars supporting the house aremade of strong, straight woods. Traditionally, the pillars are built in pairs, with each pillarin the pair being of a different kind of wood. Woods with names that sound like wordswith a good connotation are preferred. In contrast, those with a bad connotation arerejected.The elevated floor with an open ground floor still can be seen in rural northern houses,although in urban areas, the ground floor is enclosed for protection against burglars andmosquitoes.15-5Interviews with Prof Nimmanahaeminda, Mr. Sirivechaphun, Mr. Taemeepun, andfrom observations.132The elevated floor of the northern house is an example of physical form that local peopledeveloped in response to local conditions. Knowledge of this building approach shows therelationship between people and their environment as well as the intelligence of localpeople in creating functional space from an adapted physical form.5.1.6 The VerandaA feature of the traditional northern house is the covered veranda. According to ProfNimmanahaeminda, Mr. Panichphun, Mr. Promvichit, and Mr. Sirivechaphun, the verandaor toen is raised slightly above the level of the open upper terrace. It is located in front ofa main room which is used as a bedroom for the head or females of the family. A coveredveranda protects the main room from the sun and rain. Because of lack of walls, theveranda has good ventilation and a view. The veranda is the most used space in the housebecause of its coolness and openness. Mr. Panichphun noted that “the veranda serves asa living and eating area during the daytime and as a sleeping area for male family membersand male guests at night-time.” He also noted that “in summer, the veranda is the mostdesirable sleeping place in the house because it is cooler than the main room.” Mr.Promvichit mentioned that “because the veranda is open, it allows users to interact with133their neighbours.” In contemporary construction, the veranda continues to be an elementof many northern houses.16Local knowledge about the veranda shows the relationship between people and theirsurrounding environment while enhancing social relationships among people in theneighbourhood. Protective and comfortable verandas encourage people to spend much oftheir time outside. When people are on their verandas, they develop a closer relationshipto their surroundings than do people who stay inside in air-conditioned rooms. At thesame time, they can easily see and talk to their neighbours. The resulting social interactionprovides better social relationships which lead to a better neighbourhood.5.1.7 Orientation of the Traditional Northern HouseAccording to Prof Nimmanahaeminda, Mr. Sirivechaphun, and Mr. Taemeepun, thetraditional northern house had been oriented so that its closed short sides face north andsouth and its open long sides face east and west (see ‘First phase of the traditionalnorthern Thai house’ in Figure 5.2).-6Interviews with Mr. Panichphun, Mr. Promvichit, Mr. Sirivechaphun, and observations.134This orientation takes advantage of the cooler climate of northern Thailand. Chiangmaiand the northern region are noted for their cool weather. Chiangmai receives cool, drywinds from the Northeast from November to February. The highest temperature duringthe cool season is below 18 degrees Celsius, though the lowest temperature is above 0degrees Celsius (Institute of Environmental Research of Chulalongkorn University 1989).Prof Nimmanahaeminda explained that the closed short sides that face north and south arefor protection from the cold north wind, and the open long sides facing east and west arefor gaining heat from the sun to keep the house warm.This orientation of the traditional northern house has been practiced for hundreds of years.Until this century, this orientation did not change. Prof Nimmanahaeminda argued thatthe change of orientation occurred because temperatures became warmer in the northernregion. Thus, northern houses have changed their orientation to receive cool winds fromthe south and to avoid heat gain from the west in order to keep the house cool in summer.This change in orientation maybe example of local knowledge changing in response tochanging needs.It is interesting to note that, Chiangmai weather records (which span a twenty-year periodonly, see Appendix 8) do not show conclusively that weather patterns have either changedor remained stable. Therefore, local people may only perceive that the weather hasbecome warmer. On the other hand, the local consciousness may in fact be reading135changes which do not yet show statistically, and local people say they experienced changesin weather temperature long before 1974 (when the Meteorological Department started torecord the temperature). If they are adjusting the orientation according to perceptionswhich are not based on fact, then they are still deriving satisfaction based on perceivedneeds. 1f instead, their perceptions prove to be correct (based on more detailed analysisof weather statistics, e.g., to take into account changes in residential micro-climates) thenlocal knowledge will be seen to have been in advance of science.5.1.8 Space Allocation in the Traditional Northern HouseThe traditional northern house has a front facade facing south and an entrance platform atthe southern end so that a person entering the house will head north. The main room,which is for sleeping, would be at the northern end and on the eastern side. The kitchenand the washing area are always on the western side. Occasionally, the locations of therooms are reversed on the north-south axis, but never on the east-west axis.17The space allocation of the traditional northern house is rooted in local people’s belief incompass directions. Mr. Taemeepun stated that “people believe north and east areauspicious, and west and south are inauspicious.” He explained that north represents17lnterviews with Prof Nimmanahaeminda and Mr. Taemeepun.136power and is associated with the size, strength and royalty of the elephant; east representslife and is the direction of the rising sun; west represents death and is the direction ofsetting sun; south is neutral or bad luck.The design of new northern houses does not follow compass directions to the same extentthat the traditional house does. Front facades of new houses are not oriented toward thesouth, but are oriented according to house access and land shape instead. While houseorientations vary, some belief in compass directions remains.’8 For example, most of theinterviewed respondents do not sleep with their heads pointing west. The orientation ofthe traditional northern house shows that local people have considered their beliefsregarding compass directions to be significant for a very long time, and still consider thesebeliefs to be significant even though the orientation of the house has changed.5.1.9 Modest House SizeThe Northern people had a tradition of living in a small house at the beginning andexpanding or building a bigger house later. Mr. Taemeepun noted that “the concept ofmodest house size is being lost because people build larger houses. Nowadays, theconcept appears only in lanna texts (palm leaf manuscripts) called Tamra Lok Sommutti18lnterviews with Prof Nimmanahaeminda and Mr. Taemeepun.137Raj.” According to lanna practices in building houses, when separating the young familyfrom the parents, the house should be small, like a hut, and expanded later (Tamra LokSommutti Raj [1980], 24-25). The concept also appears in Wane Tan, the blessing forcelebrating a new house. This text refers to people building a new bigger house afterliving in a small house or a hut at the beginning (see “First phase of the traditionalnorthern Thai house” in Figure 5.2). Then they would save money and building materialsuntil they were ready financially to expand the dwelling (Nan Tae Ja 1971, 14-15).’Mr. Taemeepun noted that it was only sensible that the new couple would want to build asmall house first. Because their family is small, they would need only a house of modestand affordable size. Modest size would eliminate both financial suffering and dependenceon others.Local knowledge regarding the concept of small house size is significant, First, this kindof local knowledge shows self-reliance. The concepts of self-reliance and self-sufficiencyderive from Buddhist teachings to rely on oneself to have only what one can afford, andto avoid doing things beyond one’s means or ability. Second, the concept of small housesize shows local people’s ideas about affordability. People are encouraged to build onlywhat they can afford. Although people may need a bigger house, they have to wait until9Thai literature.138they have enough money and enough building materials. Third, the concept of smallhouse size encompasses the notion of sustainability. A new small family does not need abig house even if they can afford one. When people build only the size they need, thishelps reduce natural resource consumption and is therefore good for the environment.Fourth, the concept prevents people from being greedy. When people are encouraged tobuild only as much house as they need, they are less likely to contemplate a big house. Inthis way, they learn how to reduce their desires.5.1.10 Building MethodsThe traditional building method for the northern house is prefabrication and knockdowndesign.2° According to Mr. Samran Chanrungsri,2’a local senior carpenter, “thecomponents of the traditional northern or Thai house include pillars, walls, doors,windows and roof structure that are made separately and put together on site.” Hedescribed the building method: “after ritual activities were performed, groups of helpersset up the pillars, laid down the floor, put up walls and covered the roof” The componentsare put together by cleverly designed interlocking or wooden pegs rather than nails. Thus,20prefabrjcation signifies easy assembly, but knockdown design signifies the ability todisassemble.21Jntejiewed on March 16, 1993.139the house can be taken down and rebuilt by using the old components repeatedly.22 Thismethod was practiced by Thai builders for centuries.Prefabrication and knockdown design provide several advantages. According to Mr.Taemeepun, the method used is suitable to the nature of Thai house building. He statedthat “the Thai house is assembled by large groups of relatives and neighbours who are ledby carpenters.” Because the owners should not employ specialists or depend on thegoodwill of relatives and neighbours for too long, they have, as much as possible, thecomponents of the house ready for assembly.Second, prefabrication is convenient and economical. It is convenient for carpenters toprepare components of the house in a workshop.23 In addition, the workshop, whichallows for assembly-line production, can produce high-quality building componentseconomically. According to Mr. Chanrungsri, prefabrication greatly reduces the buildingtime. Components can be prepared quickly at many different places. Each place can drawas many workers as needed, so that a short period of time is spent to fabricate componentsat the building location.22lnterviews with local senior carpenters include Mr. Chanrungsri; Mr. Anek Tanomrat,interviewed on March 26, 1993; Prof Nimmanahaeminda; Mr. Saengrat; and Mr.Taemeepun.23lnterviews with Mr. Chanrungsri and Mr. Tanomrat.140Finally, prefabrication and knockdown design make moving a house more simple. Mr.Saengrat noted that “the components of a house can be knocked down, transported, andreassembled at a new location.” Knockdown designs make old houses simple to reuse,and reused houses save both materials and labour. Field research showed that old houseshad been moved to new locations and some houses that were moved now serve differentfunctions. The Kaewsootthi house, for example, was bought and moved to a newlocation. It is over 40 years old. The Chutima house is now a cultural centre (see Figure5.5). Interestingly, old houses are being re-used in building new resorts such as the LannaGarden Resort (see Figure 5.6). Nevertheless, the use of prefabrication and knockdowndesign based on wood has declined because wood is scarce and expensive.24 This declinein turn has affected house building methods, especially the sharing of labour, and as aresult has had a profound effect on community life.Local knowledge of prefabrication has many significant aspects. First, the buildingmethod illustrates the importance of sharing labour. Northern people previously built theirhouses by getting help from neighbours and relatives under the guidance of specialists incarpentry. Villagers were committed to help build each house in the village without pay.In return, home owners would volunteer their labour to build other houses. Second, thehouse building method strengthens community cohesiveness. The method creates close24lnterviews with Mr. Chanrungsri, Mr. Saengrat, Mr. Tanomrat, and from observations.141Figure 5.5. Prefabricated house moved to a new location,now serving as a cultural centre.Source: Author.142Figure 5.6. Lanna Garden Resort where the northerntraditional houses are reused.Source: Author.F143ties, long-term commitments, and a set of reciprocal obligations within the group. Third,the house building method itself helps transfer knowledge of house building. Villagerswho participated in building a house under the guidance of skilled carpenters obtainedknowledge directly from them. Fourth, the house building method shows the decency ofparticipants. All participants are willing to help one other. At the same time, owners neednot take advantage of the goodwill of relatives and neighbours because prefabricationrequires only a short period of the helpers’ time. Fifth, the house building methodprovides economic benefits. Because of shared labour, a major building cost is eliminated.At present, the concept of sharing labour has disappeared from house building because themethod of building houses has changed. Less prefabrication and more custom work atconstruction sites are now the norms. Carpenters, masons, steelworkers and painters canwork independently and get paid. There is no need to gather large groups of people toerect prefabricated house elements.25 As a result, houses have become more expensiveand people have lost their ties with other people in the community. Whether or not thisfragmentation of society is inevitable given modern social forces, it is clear that thechanges to the building methods employed in the northern Thai house will accelerate theprocess.25Jnteiew with Mr. Taemeepun and from observations.1445.2 LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE NORTHERN LANDSCAPENorthern people have developed considerable knowledge from their experiences in thelocal landscape. This knowledge includes knowledge of residential landscape elements,drainage patterns and irrigation systems. The discussion in this section starts with thefunction of residential landscape elements, the design concepts behind them, and localpeople’s beliefs regarding these elements. Drainage patterns are subsequently discussedwith particular emphasis on water run-off The discussion concludes with a description oflocal irrigation systems and the social organization necessary for such systems.5.2.1 Residential Landscape ElementsElements of the traditional residential unit include the main house, well, granary, openspace and planting areas. According to Mr. Panichphun and Mr. Taemeepun, the mainhouse and well are located at the end of the property, leaving the front for the granary andopen space. The well provides water for washing. The granary has an elevated floor toavoid floods, moisture, and animals. The ground level is used as storage for carts andagricultural tools.Mr. Panichphun stated that “open space is mainly used for working and occasionally forrecreation. Its surface is usually cleanly swept earth.” The open space of a seniorcarpenter’s house, for example, is used as a working and training place for his145followers. Open space is also used to raise poultry.As Mr. Taemeepun pointed out, “the use of the landscape for food and medicinalpurposes had the highest priority. The next most important priorities were functionalpurposes such as shading and screening.” Plants and gardens are mainly utilitarian andusually edible. Mr. Taemeepun noted that “mature trees are fruit trees and shadeproviders. Some gardens are full of spices and herbs for cooking, [e.g., lemon grass, basil]and located near kitchens.” He also noted that other gardens contain plants which haveroots, leaves or flowers that can be used for medicine. Potted plants on platforms are forcolour and fragrance.The aesthetic ideal of the traditional residential landscape was to create the appearance ofharmony and to equally emphasize each element. Mr. Panichphun noted that “dominationof form or colour by any plant was avoided. Each plant species should grow togetherwithout harming others.” Therefore, plants were selected according to their usefulnessand their ability to grow with other plants without interfering with them.The selection of plants to grow in the residential unit is also influenced by beliefs of localpeople. The tradition most mentioned in interviews of various ages, sex and occupationsis that one should grow plants with names that sound like words with pleasant meaningsor connotations and should not grow those with names that sound like words withunpleasant meanings. A number of plants were recommended by interviewees: the146jackfruit or kha-nun (Artocarpus heterophyllus Lamk), was suggested by Mrs. BuachornVichayaphai26 (a home-maker) and Mr. Manop Sansai27 (a college student) because thename sounds like the word nun, which means support or being helped; star gooseberry orma-yom (Phyllanthus distichus, Muel) Arg), was recommended by Mr. NateeSumpuranaphan28 (a lecturer in architecture) and Mr. Tepnimit Charoenjai29 (a factoryworker) because ma-yom sounds like yom, which means admiration; the golden showerplant or chai-ya-pluek (Cassia fistula Linn.), was suggested by Mr. Sanya Waree30 (acollege student) because chai-ya-pluek means victory tree (chai-ya = victory and pluek =tree); the tamarind or ma-kham (Tamarindus indica Linn) was recommended by Mr.Choosit Choochart31 (a teaching college teacher) because the name sounds like the wordgreng-kham, which means being respected.The non-recommended plants include: the frangipani or lan-tom (plumeria), mentioned byMr. Somsak Boonrat32 (a retired janitor) and Mr. Chakree Sangkawandee33 (anemployee) because the name sounds like ra-tom or sorrow in Thai; the pine tree, or son,26Intepriewed on April 18, 1993.27lnterviewed on April 23, 1993.28lnterviewed on April 10, 1993.29lntewiewed on April 26, 1993.30lnterviewed on April 19, 1993.31lnterviewed on May 7, 1993.32Inteiewed on April 15, 1993.33lnterviewed on April 21, 1993.147noted by Ms. Aree Seeta34 (a vendor) because son sounds like khad-son or poverty; theRak or Rak-rae, (Calotropis gigantea R. Br), pointed out by Ms. Nopawan Pintasa-art35(a home-maker) because Rak means unstable love.Interview respondents also stated that plants used in pleasant activities and ceremoniesshould be grown and plants used in unpleasant activities and ceremonies should beavoided. For example, Som-poy (Acacia concinnq, DC.) is considered by Mr. Boonrat,Mr. Sansai and Mr. Waree to be a recommended plant because its leaves are used inspiritual and ritual activities.Prof Manee Payomyong, a professor in Social Science and researcher in northern culture,concluded that the local people experientially catalogued the usefulness and harmfulness ofparticular plants, and then related the plant name to a harmonious word that is easy toremember and identify instead of having a long explanation for recommended and non-recommended plants. In other words, they used word association to catalogue plantsaccording to their harmfulness or their usefulness as a food or medicine. Jackfruit, forexample, is a recommended plant because its roots can treat diarrhoea and fever, its leavescan cure wounds, and its meat can be eaten. Frangipani is not recommended because itslatex contains cyanide that is harmful to both human and animals. If Prof Payomyong is34lnterviewed on April 22, 1993.35lnterviewed on April 29, 1993.148correct, this is an extremely effective way of transferring botanical knowledge amongpeople and also shows the intelligence of local people in creating this system of beliefs.Local knowledge of traditional residential landscape shows many significant aspects.First, it shows the concept of self-sufficiency and self-reliance. The elements of thetraditional residential unit provide adequate food for residents. Water comes from a well.Rice is stored in the granary. Vegetables and fruit are grown everywhere in a garden or asa fence. Meat comes from chickens that run around the yard. And medicine comes fromthe herb garden. The family, therefore, can rely on food and medicine from their property.Second, landscape design of the traditional residential unit was based primarily on thefunction of landscape elements ranging from the need for life (food and medicine) to theneed for comfort (shading and screening). Third, local knowledge of the traditionalresidential landscape shows that the aesthetic of landscape derives from equity andharmony of nature. The beauty of landscape is the harmony between elements rather thanin the domination of one element over another. This approach to landscape shows theholistic way of thinking that is part of the local culture. Fourth, the local knowledge of thelandscape shows the usefulness of local belief systems. Plant names have connotationsrelated to the nature of the plants. People select plants according to beliefs which arerelated to plant names. Fifth, the local knowledge shows a clever way of transferringknowledge. Because the names of plants differentiate good and bad plants, people canselect appropriate plants for their gardens without having to memorize their uses.149According to Mr. Sirivechaphun, traditional landscape elements are still seen in ruralChiangmai. This was corroborated by field observation.36 In the urban area, high densitydwellings push the landscape elements away. Granaries and trees are replaced by housesfor children and grandchildren. The well is filled up and water comes from the municipalsupply. Open space is for recreation or parking a car.5.2.2 Drainage PatternsOnly local people who have observed water run-off continuously can understand itspattern and provide this knowledge to experts from elsewhere. During field research,Mr. Ruan Kongta, a 62 year-old farmer, described the natural drainage pattern of the areawhere he has been living and working all his life. He knows where the water run-offcomes from and where it goes to, even on apparently flat land where the run-off pattern isdifficult to identify. He pointed to an area and said that “this area looks flat and free fromflooding but when the monsoon comes, the rain runs through the Southwest corner of thisarea.”37 As a result, he was able to educate Mr. Kaewsootthi, a professional designer,who had not been in the area long enough to experience the fast water run-off.Knowledge of drainage patterns can be immediately gained from local people such as Mr.Kongta.36Field observation with Mr. Sirivechaphun on February 18-19, 1993.37lnterviewed on April 11, 1993.150Local people have developed storm drainage systems over time. According to Mr.Kaewsootthi, local people have observed storm run-off for many years and have dugchannels conforming to nature. These channels, lum-muang in Thai, handle water flowvery well, directing a water supply to each house and draining storm water out of the area.The earth from the channels has been made into dikes which have become public ways forpedestrians and carts. The open channel and the public ways have served the communityvery well for hundreds of years.Local knowledge of drainage patterns shows the significance of the relationship betweenpeople and their environment. Because of their close relationship to the surroundings overa long period, observing both regular and occasional phenomena, local people havedeveloped an accurate and frill knowledge of their surroundings.5.2.3 Irrigation SystemLocal people in northern Thailand have developed irrigation systems (muang-fai) whichhave provided water to local people for centuries. Mr. Satatha, dam chief at Pong YaengNok village, explained that “a muang [river or stream], which is the source of water, isblocked by afai [dam] so that water can be diverted or drawn up through the channel tothe villagers’ fields.” The dam structure is usually made by driving bamboo stakes into thestream bed, tying them with twigs and bamboo, and then filling the structure with earth.The dam needs to be maintained in working condition during rainy season. After that, it151is left opened to let water flow naturally. Dr. Vanpen Surarerks,38 a specialist on peopl&sirrigation systems, added that large dam structures are made by driving hard wood into theriver bed and adding bamboo, branches, earth and rock.Local irrigation systems are locally controlled on the basis of democracy and justice.According to Mr. Satatha, dam chiefs (kae-fai for a large project or kae-muang for asmall project) and facilitators or communicators (lam-num), are elected annually by waterusers. The dam chief is a person of integrity who must be trusted by villagers and capableof keeping the rules. He noted that “kae-muang [the dam chief] is in charge ofdistributing water and supervising construction and repair work.” Each water user has toput in his or her time which is determined by the size of his or her ricefield. One whocannot work for the group has to find a substitute. Absence from work withoutacceptable reasons or theft of water is punished according to the agreement. When aproblem arises, the dam chief solves it. For serious problems, he or she calls a meeting,and any major decisions are made at these meetings.Local people can thus be seen to have developed an effective social organization forirrigation systems. According to Dr. Surarerks, “the organization of irrigation systemswas created by mutual commitment among water users and kept water users in a social38lnterviewed on May 4, 1993.152group where they had to follow the rules and regulations they themselves had made.”She explained that water users worked closely and fairly with each other because of theirneed for water. The organization was run by local people and was free from outsidecontrol. At present, the social organization for local irrigation systems is deteriorating dueto government intervention and the addition of different type of users such as tourists.Local knowledge of irrigation systems is significant in many respects. First, theknowledge includes knowledge of appropriate technology. Local people have developeddams from the available local materials and technology. They do not have to importmaterials or machines from outside their community. Second, not importing goodscontributes to self-reliance on the part of the community. Third, the knowledge iscollective knowledge which is changed and adjusted in response to the shortcomings ofthe system. Fourth, the dam chief is a good role model of youngsters in the village. Thedam chief is selected under a real democratic system and therefore is respected by thecommunity. Fifth, local knowledge of irrigation systems shows mutual commitmentbecause water users work closely and equally together. Sixth, the knowledge shows asense of belonging and community. Because the irrigation system is organized to allow itsmembers to participate in all stages, each member feels he or she belongs to theorganization. Because the members work together and share the same need, the use ofwater, their sense of community is strengthened. Seventh, the irrigation system is due tolocal initiation and organization. Local people initiated the system in order to satisfy their153needs of water and have organized this system on their own. They do not have to rely onothers, especially the government. This means that the local irrigation system helps toempower local people.5.3 LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF NEEDS AND WANTSThis study’s field research addressed a type of local knowledge that has been overlookedin the local knowledge literature: local people’s awareness of their own needs and wants.In particular, the research addressed needs and wants that local people now articulatebecause of changes in their way of life that have produced new threats and opportunities.While the distinction between needs and wants is not precise, needs are usually thought ofas requirements for healthy life, as in “basic needs” (International Labour Office 1977).Access to clean water is an obvious example. Wants are preferences, e.g., for buildingstyles. Life is not threatened if they are not met.Once new development projects impact on their lives, local people are forced consciouslyto examine their needs and wants, and often to articulate them to each other and outsiders.Local knowledge in the form of articulated needs and wants is an important input toplanning if the purpose of that planning is to benefit people in the planning area. In thisstudy’s research program, respondents expressed needs and wants relative to natural154resources and to sacred places and unique features.5.3.1 Knowledge of Threats to Natural ResourcesChiangmai used to be recognized as one of the provinces most richly endowed withnatural resources in Thailand. But, recently, local people have realized that theirpreviously plentiful natural resources have diminished. The consensus of all 10participants in this study’s second group discussion39 at Pong Yaeng Nok village was thataccess to water and land resources to maintain their livelihood is the highest priority.They need water for their agriculture and for their daily living. They need land for housingand for growing agricultural products. An old villager who participated in the secondgroup discussion stated that “a decade ago, when the first few tourist resorts emerged inthe village, the resorts took water from the village stream to service their guests.”Another villager added that “the resorts’ use of the water minimizes the villagers’ waterresources and makes it difficult for us to maintain our livelihood.” Villagers are now moreknowledgeable about threats to water supply and the need for planning to protectresources.39From the second group discussion held on April 20, 1993.155Access to land is always a problem. But for Pong Yaeng Nok villagers, tourismdevelopment and land speculation has made the situation even worse. A participant in thesecond group discussion noted that “when the first group of tourist resort developmentsbought land in the village, land prices started to rise and land speculation made thesituation worse.” Another participant also noted that “ownership of land changed fromvillage farmers to non-agriculture land owners. As the demand for land increased,previous land owners [village farmers] had to rent land to make a living.” This situationhas made villagers realize that land tenure systems and individual tenures are notimmutable, and that the impacts of development can be subtle and intangible, yetprofound.Local people now know that they cannot take for granted their access to water and landresources to earn their living and continue their way of life. They know that they must beconcerned about others’ planning and physical design to protect themselves and that,therefore, they need to become knowledgeable about planning processes. The history ofprofessional planning in Chiangmai presented in the previous chapter shows thatprofessionals have had neither awareness nor respect for local people’s knowledge of theirown needs and wants and the threats to them. If the professionals had had such awarenessand respect, they would have seriously consulted local people before formulating plansand designs.1565.3.2 Knowledge of Threats to Sacred Places and Unique Regional FeaturesThe integrity of sacred places has been damaged by construction surrounding these places.After discussing the impact of modern architecture, the participants in the first groupdiscussion stated clearly that they wanted to preserve the integrity of their sacred places.Participant A: Temples and spiritual places [such as community spiritualhouse] in the city are now under the shadow of nearbybuildings.Participant B: The most important is that now people and things, such asclothes-lines in high-rise buildings, are placed higher than thestatues of Buddha. [The statues of Buddha, to whichBuddhists pay respect, should always be placed at the highestpoint in the temple].Participant C: The scenic value of sacred buildings has been destroyed bythe contrasting style of western architecture and by disorderlybuilding (see Figure 5.7 and 5.8).Participant D: The picturesqueness, for example, of Phrathat Doi SuthepTemple (see Figure 5.9) has been destroyed by the profile ofhigh-rise buildings.Participant A: Many high-rise buildings obstruct the admirable scenery ofPhrathat Doi Suthep Temple. People in Chiangmai citycannot admire and pay respect to the temple as they used to.Local knowledge of the need to preserve sacred places shows the significance of religiousand cultural ties as well as the concept of historic preservation. The fact that Buddhisttemples were mentioned as sacred places by research respondents shows that local people157Figure 5.7. Scenery of temple destroyed by newbuildings on Rajdamnoen Road.Source: Author.158Figure 5.8. An example of damage to the integrity of asacred place on Koomuang Road.Source: Author.159Figure 5.9. View of Phrathat Doi Suthep Templewhich people admire.Source: Author.160still have strong ties to their religion. Spirit places are also sacred to local people. Thoseplaces represent cultural ties as well.The unique features of Chiangmai that residents want to keep are also being destroyed.Participants in the first and second group discussions stated that they want to maintainChiangmai’s unique character. Participants in the first group discussion lamented that:Participant E: Parts of the ancient city and historical building were replacedby new, aesthetically incompatible buildings.Participant F: Local features of lanna [traditional northern] temples havebeen replaced by features of Bangkok temples.Participant G: Lanna houses have been torn down and replaced by westernstyle houses.Participants in the first group discussion pointed out that Chiangmai greenery which usedto make Chiangmai famous has been damaged. A participant pointed out that “trees in thecity and on the mountain, especially Suthep Mountain, have been cut down to providespace for cars and buildings.” Another participant noted that “the greenery along the bankof Chiangmai’s major river, the Ping, which makes the river unique, is damaged byinharmonious buildings. Small streams, which used to supply water and drain stormwater, are filled up for roads.” After observing the destruction of many of Chiangmai’sunique features, participants realized that they wanted to maintain those that were left.Pong Yaeng Nok villagers who participated in the second group discussion talked about161features of rural Chiangmai which have been destroyed. A participant said that “the greenmountains and dense forests of the village have been cleared to construct new resorts.”Another participant added that “rich rice plains along the village stream have been invadedby insensitive resorts and vacation homes. When they are built in the western style, thesehouses and resorts also destroy the local character.” The participants concluded that theunique features of their area need to be preserved.Local knowledge of the need to maintain unique features is significant for several reasons.Maintaining green mountains, dense forests, clean rivers and rich ricefields strengthensregional identity and encourages a sense of pride in the local people, especially for thosewho live nearby. Strengthening regional identity and encouraging a sense of pride in localpeople can also preserve the natural and agricultural heritage of the Thai people.When local people see threats to their sacred places and unique regional features, theybecome knowledgeable about cultural dynamics and change. Collectively they developideas for historical and environmental preservation. Such knowledge would be valuable toplanners and designers seriously concerned with benefiting local people culturally as wellas economically.1625.4 CONCLUSIONLocal people in the study area have been shown to have a rich and varied knowledgerelated to physical design and planning, This knowledge includes technical,environmental, and socio-cultural knowledge. The technical, and environmentalknowledge of local people is tangible. Examples are the knowledge of the traditionalnorthern house and the knowledge of the northern landscape. Social and culturalknowledge, (i.e., local people’s beliefs, concepts, felt needs and wants), is less tangible anddifficult to access. Thus, it is not commonly considered in discussions of local knowledgedespite the fact that it is perhaps the most important kind of local knowledge for theplanning profession to access. It is more enduring and is influential in shaping knowledgeof tangible phenomena. Taken together, the tangible and less tangible knowledge of localpeople can contribute greatly to physical design and planning. The significance of both thetangible and less tangible forms of local knowledge, as discussed in the examples given inthis chapter, is shown in chart form in Figure 5.10.163Figure 5.10. Local Knowledge and Its Significant AspectsTypes of Local Knowledge Significant AspectsTraditional Northern HouseThe steep roof - Relationship between peopleand environmentRoofing materials - Economic benefit- Environmentally friendly(reuse materials)The veranda - Relationship betweenpeople and environment- Relationship betweenusers and neighboursOrientation of - Response to localhouse conditionsKalae - Regional identity- Function and form- Meaningymb2Outward slanting wall Meaning, cultural richnessElevated floor Response to localconditionsFunctionPrefabrication Sharing labourDecency (not too muchdependence on goodwill ofneighbours)Community cohesivenessCommunity self-relianceBelief of local popieSmall house size - Self-reliance- Affordability- Sustainability- Stop greediness- Preservation of naturalresource and environment164Northern LandscapeResidential landscape - Self sufficiency- Function: food/medicine- Aesthetic: harmony ofnature and equity ofplantings- Beliefs of local peopleDrainage patterns - Relationship betweenpeople and environment- Collective knowledgeIrrigation systems - Appropriate technology- Self-reliance- Collective knowledge- Good role model (dam chief)- Mutual commitment- Sense of belonging, ofcommunity- Local initiation/organization- EmpowermentNeeds and WantsThreatened natural resources - Livelihood- Employment- Environmental concerns- Planning impactsThreatened sacred places and - Religious and cultural tiesunique regional features - Historic preservation- Regional identity- Sense of pride- Environmental preservation165Local knowledge can be classified into eight general characteristics that are of significanceto the design and planning processes (see Figure 5.11). Each characteristic can be appliedto at least several of the house, landscape and impact examples discussed above.First, some local knowledge is technical. This knowledge shows how to use localmaterials more effectively, such as the techniques for cutting shingles and recycling terra-cotta tiles. Because both the use and reuse of local materials contribute to the localeconomy, local knowledge can help community economic development. It is, therefore,important to any development planning that aims to benefit local community.Second, local knowledge can be descriptive. It includes physical and technicaldescriptions of local environments. For example, local knowledge of drainage patternsconsists primarily of the description of the nature of water run-off in the area. Not everyperson has this kind of knowledge. It may be held only by a single person who lives andworks in the area. Design and planning practitioners can potentially benefit greatly fromthis local expertise, if they can access it.166Figure 5.11, Characteristics of Local KnowledgeLocal Knowledge1 2 3 4 5 6 7 81. The Traditional Northern House1.1 The Steep Roof With Long x x x xOverhangs1.2 Roofing Materials x x1.3 The Veranda x x x1.4 Orientation of the Traditional x x x xNorthern House1.5Kaiae x x x x x x1.6 Outward Slanting Walls x x x1.7 The Elevated Floor x x1.8 Prefabrication x x x1.9 Space Allocation x x x x1.10 House Size x x2. The Northern Landscape2.1 Residential Landscape Elements x x x x x x2.2 Drainage Patterns x x x x2.3 Irrigation System x x x x x x3. Needs and Wants in Relation toImpacts and Threats3.1 Threats to Natural Resources x x x x x3.2 Threats to the Integrity of Sacred x x x x x xPlaces and Unique RegionalFeatures1=Technical; 2=Descriptive; 3=Explanatory; 4=Prescriptive; 5=Subtle; 6=Dynamic;7=Scattered; 8=Holistic167Third, local knowledge can be explanatory. It can provide deep meanings to what mightappear as prosaic practice to the outsider. In some cases, knowledge consists of several,even competing, explanations. The kalae and the shape of the traditional northern house,for example, are explained by various theories. Design and planning practices can beenriched by going beyond seeking local knowledge of “what is” to being open tounderstanding local explanations of “why that is” - whether or not these explanations arescientifically sound to outsiders. The explanation therefore provides the context for thepractice.Fourth, local knowledge can be prescriptive. Some types of local knowledge prescribelocal ppl5 behaviour. This characteristic has been illustrated by the fact that the beliefin the significance of plant names leads people to grow plants that are beneficial to them.Local people who have experienced and understand their environment can direct otherpeople according to their knowledge. Design and planning practices can become moresensitive and respectful by trying to understand prescriptions and the reasons for them.Fifth, local knowledge can be subtle. Learning types of local knowledge such as drainagepatterns requires a long period of observation. Other types of local knowledge, such asthe traditional northern house and the local irrigation systems result from manygenerations of analysis and creative problem solving. In other words, local knowledge isgradually developed from the experience of local people who have observed and reacted168to their environment for a long period of time. Therefore, it is almost impossible fordesigners and planners to gather this subtle knowledge by themselves. It must be obtainedfrom local people.Sixth, local knowledge is dynamic. It responds to its surroundings and changesaccording to the changing local situation. For example, traditional outward slanting wallsdisappeared because of changes in user& behaviour and modern furniture. The traditionalwood roof and prefabricated design disappeared because of the scarcity and high price ofwood. Space allocation according to compass directions is not used as often as beforebecause of the current concern with house access from the road, The dynamism of localknowledge indicates that design and planning practices must be aware of changes in localknowledge.Seventh, local knowledge is scattered. Different people hold different pieces ofknowledge. Some know about some plants, some about drainage, some about legends.Different people may hold different or conflicting theories. At the same time, some typesof local knowledge (e.g., knowledge of the traditional northern house) are held by manypeople. Therefore, design and planning practices must look for various types ofknowledge from various people and consider their different explanations.Eighth, local knowledge is holistic. Each example of local knowledge includesenvironmental, technical, and socio-cultural aspects. For instance, local irrigation169systems integrate environmental knowledge (water, streams and rivers), technicalknowledge (dam building), and socio-culture knowledge (the organization of the system).Because of its holistic nature, design and planning practices must consider localknowledge in its totality rather than partially.170CHAPTER SIXTHE CONSIDERATION OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGEAND ITS CONSEQUENCES6.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter investigates what local knowledge is excluded or included in physicalplanning and development projects in Chiangmai and analyzes the consequences ofexcluding and including local knowledge. The chapter analyzes the local knowledgecontained in the traditional northern house and the northern landscape as this knowledge isapplied to development projects. It also analyzes local knowledge of environmental andcultural needs and wants in development planning. The chapter concludes with adiscussion of local people’s ideas about the inclusion of local knowledge.This chapter answers the research questions: “What local knowledge wasexcluded/included, why, and what were the consequences?” and “What are local people’sideas about excluding and including local knowledge?” The information discussed in thischapter is collected from field research: personal observations, individual interviews andgroup discussions. As well, literature on similar cases outside Chiangmai is included tocompare the outcomes of the exclusion and inclusion of local knowledge.1716.1 LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE TRADITIONAL NORTHERN HOUSEThe application of local knowledge of the traditional northern house to the physical designand planning of development projects in Chiangmai is analyzed with reference to thoseelements that are used consistently by local people or have the potential to be used in theseprojects. These elements include the steep roof with long overhangs, roofing materials,the kalae, the orientation of the traditional northern house, and the veranda. Thediscussion does not include elements that are now not commonly used by local people: theoutward slanting wall; the elevated floor; prefabrication; inside space allocation; andmodest house size.6.1.1 Steep Roof With Long OverhangsAlthough the traditional steep roof with long overhangs discussed in previous chapterresponds to distinctive climatic features, it has been excluded from current buildings. TheDiamond Riverside Hotel, a complex with a twelve-story and a four-story building, hasflat roofs without overhangs. Similarly, the Chiangmai Garden Hotel is a four-storybuilding that has flat and low-pitched roofs without overhangs. In both projects, flat roofswith no overhangs have caused water leakage, damaged curtains and increasedtemperatures inside the hotel. The owner and president of Diamond Riverside Hotel (seeFigure 6.1), noted that “the roofs of the hotel have leaked, especially in the area where flatroof joins the wall. Leakage has also occurred around the windows.” In172$-,usI—nMaFigure 6.1. Diamond Riverside Hotel buildingexperienced water leakage with the roof and windows.Source: Author.173addition, the owner and manager of Chiangmai Garden Hotel, mentioned that her hotelexperienced the same problems. If the professionals engaged in designing these projectshad understood local knowledge, they might not have chosen flat roofs with no overhangs.Not only has the exclusion of the traditional roof resulted in replacement and repair costs,but it has also increased the operating costs of the hotels. The owner and president of theDiamond Riverside Hotel noted that “hotel rooms that have openings without overhangsheat up because they receive a lot of sunlight, especially those rooms on the west side ofthe hotel.” In consequence, the air-conditioning system has to work harder and increasesthe electricity bill. He also added that the curtains in these rooms have faded faster thanrooms not on the west side.At both the Diamond Riverside Hotel and the Chiangmai Garden Hotel, architectsdesigned modern buildings with flat roofs and no overhangs. The architect of theDiamond Riverside Hotel, who was trained in Bangkok and the United States, explainedthat “the Diamond Riverside Hotel was designed to be a pioneer modern building inChiangmai.” The architect of the Chiangmai Garden Hotel, a trained architect fromBangkok, noted that he designed the flat roof of the Chiangmai Garden Hotel buildingusing modern technology and sealed the windows with modern sealant to prevent waterleakage. Both architects applied western knowledge and technology gained fromprofessional schools either directly from the United States, in the case of the architect of174Diamond Riverside Hotel, or indirectly through western technology taught in Bangkokuniversities, as in the case of the architect of the Chiangmai Garden Hotel. Such trainingleads architects to prefer western concepts and technology, but may not always suitThailand’s environment.In other cases, local knowledge about steep roofs with long overhangs has been includedin building designs. The Rim Ping Garden Hotel (see Figure 6.2), a two-story hotel on thePing River, has a steep roof with long overhangs to protect all walls and openings. Ms.Boonchaleow, the owner of Rim Ping Garden Hotel, stated that “the roof of the Rim PingGarden Hotel has never experienced water leakage.” Balconies that serve the samefunction as long overhangs shelter openings and walls and protect the lower floor fromrain and sun. There is no water leakage through windows and doors, and direct sunlightcannot enter the hotel rooms.The Rim Ping Garden Hotel was designed by a local architect, Mr. Kitibutra, He knewthe benefits of a steep roof and intentionally designed the hotel by combining localknowledge with his professional knowledge. Mr. Kitibutra explained that after hegraduated from architectural school in Bangkok, he started his practice by applyingknowledge in modern technology that he had gained from his training. He found that the1lnterviewed on April 21, 1993.175Figure 6.2. Rim Ping Garden Hotel never experiencedwater leakage and its rooms are cool.Source: Author.176buildings designed were not suitable to the local climate and scenery. He needed to findknowledge that would enhance his professional knowledge. “Looking at my early works,”he said, “I feel something is missing from the building, something that protects the buildingfrom the local climate, something that makes the building special for Chiangmai.” Thisobservation caused him to study local architecture seriously by observing traditional localbuildings and discussing them with local builders. He mentioned that he had to spendconsiderable time studying by himself because his training did not provide this kind ofknowledge. He combined this new knowledge with experience from his childhood inChiangmai. Once he applied his knowledge of traditional northern houses to his buildings,the buildings gave satisfaction to many people, and many hotel guests have commentedpositively on its appearance.2 The Rim Ping Garden Hotel, with western facilities andtraditional northern building elements, suits the local climate and context. In this case,local knowledge played both a functional and an aesthetic role in the design andconstruction of the buildings.The negative outcomes from the excluding of steep roofs with long overhangs and thebeneficial outcomes of including them can be evidenced at another part of Thailand.Nukul Chompoonich (Thai literature, 1987), from his survey of houses in Nakorn Pathomprovince in southern Thailand, found that room temperature of houses with almost flat2lnterview with Ms. Boonchaleow, the owner of Rim Ping Garden Hotel.177roofs is 2 degrees Celsius higher than outside normal temperature, while the temperatureof a house under a steep roof with long overhangs is only 0.5 degree higher. In addition,houses with almost flat roofs had more water leaking through the roof than those withsteep roofs. His survey allows us to conclude that exclusion of local knowledge of thesteep roof causes negative outcomes and inclusion of this knowledge provides positiveoutcomes not only in Chiangmai but also elsewhere in Thailand.6.1.2 Roofing MaterialsLocal materials, which were used for roofs of northern houses for centuries, are oftenexcluded from northern buildings today. A number of interviewees3stated that importedroofing materials, including terra-cotta and cement tiles, are popularly used in northernhouses today. Excluding local materials has caused economic benefits to leave thecommunity. Mr. Kaewsootthi, the Director of Northern Industrial Development Centre,noted that “roofing materials for today’s houses in Chiangmai are purchased in Bangkokand abroad. The money leaves the Chiangmai region, and outsiders - not the people in thecommunity - are the ones who benefit economically.”3lnterviewees include Mr. Kaewsootthi, Mr. Sirivechphun, and Mr. Taemeepun.178There are several reasons why the traditional materials of thatch grass, wood, and localtiles are not used in most new houses in the Chiangmai region. Asst. Prof AsadangPorananondh,4instructor in Urban Design and Geography, explained that local materialsare considered to be less durable than imported roof materials, they do not fit western ormodern architecture which is the preferred style of trained architects, and wood is scarceand expensive. The scarcity of wood suggests that wood is not likely to be generally usedagain.Local materials, thatch grass, and local terra cotta tiles are still included in some villagers’houses and a few buildings designed by architects. Mr. Tantranond, Pongyaeng GardenResort’s architect, pointed out that “local materials are used in order to provide a naturaland local look to the resort.” Thatch grass is put on top of inexpensive industrial tiles tomake the buildings look like country cottages in harmony with nature and with thevillagers’ houses surrounding the resort (see Figure 6.3). As an added benefit, thatch grasshelps to reduce the temperature of the roof because it does not absorb heat.5The consequences of using local roofing material are not simply functional and aesthetic.Using local materials also provides an economic benefit to the community. Using thatchgrass roofs, for example, creates a demand for thatch grass which local people can supply,4lnterviewed on March 27, 1993.5lnterviewed on April 24, 1993.179Figure 6.3. Pongyaeng Garden Resort cottage madeof local materials and built by local carpenters.Inside, the cottage has all modern conveniences.Source: Author.180as reported by Pong Yaeng Nok villagers who participated in the second group discussion.At Pongyaeng Garden Resort, for example, villagers cut abandoned grass, tie it togetherand sell it to builders. Moreover, villagers are usually hired to put the thatch sheets on theroof6 Using local tile also enhances local industry and economics. Mr. Kaewsootthistates that “using local tile encourages local businesses to produce the tile and creates aneed for local skilled labour to put the tile on the roof.” Most of the benefits, therefore,go to the local community.Thus, the inclusion of local knowledge can help community economic development. Themore local materials are used, the more benefits go to local people. The arguments for notusing local materials do not hold. The lack of durability of thatch, for example, should notbe a limitation because replacement is simple and inexpensive, and this study has alreadyshown that local terra-cotta tiles can be reused by rebaking. The second argument for notusing local roofing materials is simply the aesthetic and technical knowledge preference ofprofessionals for the western building style. Given the fundamental problems with thewestern style in tourist facilities and the expressed satisfaction by tourists for theappearance of local materials, this preference requires re-thinking by the professionals.6From the second group discussion held on April 20, 1993.1816.1.3 VerandaThe veranda, which provides comfortable space and protects the main room from rain andsun, has been excluded from many new houses in Chiangmai. IVIr. SamartSirivechaphun,7a long term resident of Chiangmai and lecturer in northern architecture,stated that “new houses have an enclosed living room with no covered, open porch.” Healso stated that “northern houses today copy the current Bangkok style of house, whichhas no veranda. This style is also called the western style because of western influences.”Mr. Sirivechaphun explained that, with the exclusion of the veranda, the walls of the mainroom are exposed to direct sun and rain, causing heat to penetrate and water to leakinside. He also mentioned that “people live in enclosed rooms do not have muchopportunity to interact with other people.”A few newer houses in Chiangmai include verandas in their design. Two of these houses,owned by local residents: Mr. Panichphun and Mr. Promvichit, have verandas. Thesehouses are designed to accommodate modern living and preserve local house features.These verandas provide a space that is protected from weather, and has openness andview. IVIr. Panichphun notes that “[his] veranda is used as a living and sleeping area forfamily members because it is cool.” He also notes that while he and his family are on the7lnterviewed on February 18, 1993.182veranda, they are exposed to the surroundings which makes them have more concern forthe environment. Mr. Promvichit also states that “I can see and chat with my neighbourswhile I am [on the] veranda.” The inclusion of the veranda enhances the relationshipbetween humans and their environment as well as relationships among people in theneighbourhood.These designers incorporated verandas into the design of both houses because they knewthe veranda was appropriate to local conditions. In doing so, they were able to apply theirknowledge of the traditional northern house to modern living.6.1.4 Orientation of the traditional Northern HouseArchitects now orient new northern houses on the basis of convenient access whichexcludes local knowledge of the orientation of the traditional northern house. As a result,the house is cooler than it should be in the cool season. Prof Nimmanahaeminda8explains that “being open to the cold north wind and closed to the warm sunlight makesthe house unnecessarily cold. Although the temperatures in the north are not as cool asbefore, it is still cool in the cool season and the house still needs to be kept warm.” ProfNimmanahaeminda ascribes this orientation to a lack of local knowledge among architects.8lnterviewed on March 23, 1993.183“The orientation of northern houses today,” he said, “is the same as the orientation ofbuildings in Bangkok because architects apply knowledge from their training in Bangkokor abroad in designing the northern house.”6.1.5 KalaeThe kalae, which have been on the top of the traditional northern houses for hundreds ofyears, have been excluded from the new northern house. According to ProfNimmanahaeminda, Mr. Panichphun, and Mr. Sirivechaphun, traditional northern houseshave been replaced by western style houses, and over the years more and more westernstyle houses, designed by trained architects, have been built. Prof Nimmanahaemindanoted that “the Kalae have been excluded from northern houses simply because they donot belong to the western style of house.” The loss ofKalae in northern houses means theloss of the symbol of the northern house and the dilution of regional identity.Kalae began to be included on the roofs of Chiangmais buildings in the early 1980’s whenthe Thai government started to promote tourism as an industry. Chiangmai, because of itsrich natural beauty and cultural heritage, has become one of the highest ranking touristdestinations, and government officials thought that the loss of the unique character ofChiangmai was unfavourable to the tourism industry. In order to retain the city’s unique184character, Dr. Bundit Chulasai,9 an architect and long term resident of Chiangmai, notedthat “the Thai government passed a law in 1984 to control growth and change inChiangmai. One section was clearly aimed at conserving and enhancing the uniquephysical and cultural character of Chiangmai.” This section requires that all permits forbuildings within the city limit must show at least one traditional design element. Kalae areeasy to use as traditional design elements, and therefore, are usually included inChiangmai’s buildings in order to acquire building permits.However, using kalae without understanding and recognizing their significance providesan unpleasant facade to the building and reduces the significance of the kalae. Mr.Panichphun and Mr Sirivechaphun noted that kalae now appear everywhere in Chiangmaieven on inharmonious western style buildings, on the unsuitable roofs of shops with livingquarters above, and on large scale government buildings. The inappropriate overuse ofKalae creates a monotonous effect and visual pollution to the area. In this instance, usinga traditional design element that represents local knowledge without understanding orrespecting the design element used provides unwanted outcomes.9lnterviewed on March 26, 1993.1856.2 THE NORTHERN LANDSCAPEThis section discusses the inclusion and exclusion of local knowledge of the northernlandscape in design and planning for Chiangmai. Residential landscape elements, drainagepatterns and irrigation systems are each discussed in detail including the reason for theexclusion or inclusion of local knowledge and the consequences of its exclusion andinclusion.6.2.1 Residential Landscape ElementsLocal knowledge of residential landscape elements is being excluded from the presentlandscape design. Ivfr. Taemeepun mentioned that “wells, which were used for waterstorage, are being replaced by ponds for recreation and beautiful scenery. Plants whichused to be grown to provide fruits or other food are being replaced by exotic plants withbeautiful forms and colours.” Mr. Panichphun explained that “open space with an earthensurface which used to function as a working place has become a lawn with non-nativegrass for aesthetic purposes.”The residential landscape was based on the usefulness of the elements that comprised it.The exclusion of local knowledge in the design of the residential landscape eliminatessupplies for basic needs. Mr. Taemeepun explained that “people seldom use well waternow, and foods from plants in the residential landscape are not available.”186Mr. Panichphun added that “fewer working places (e.g., carpentry, handicraft) existbecause open space is not suitable for working partly because it is planted in grass andpartly because the lawn needs sunlight which makes the open space too hot for working.”But the most severe loss is the concept of self-reliance which was fundamental in creatingtraditional residential landscape elements.A further problem with present landscape design is that the lawn and non-native plantsneed to be treated with fertilizers and pesticides which endanger living creatures.Participants in this study’s second group discussion criticized the use of chemicals inrelation to the health and beauty of the plants. Not only do these chemicals harm humans,plants and animals who live in the treated area, but the excess chemicals which wash intothe stream also harm those who utilize that stream.It is the landscape architects, trained in modern schools of landscape architecture, whoexclude local knowledge of the residential landscape from present landscape design. Theyare more interested in the recreational and aesthetic aspects of the landscape than infunctional aspects which are essential for the local people’s way of life.6.2.2 Drainage PatternsKad Suan Kaew is the largest shopping centre of Chiangmai and includes 800 shops, 5theatres, an amusement park and two hotels on Huey Kaew Road. But its design187and planning did not include local knowledge of the drainage patterns for the area. Ms.Apavatjrut, an architect and urban studies specialist, noted that “the outside designers didnot know that this area has a large amount of surface water run-ofl and, therefore, did notprepare for it.”The exclusion of local knowledge of the drainage patterns has caused flooding to theshopping centre. According to a local newspaper, on July 13, 1992, a few days after thegrand opening, there was a heavy storm which caused immediate flooding to the shoppingcentre. Although the drainage system of Kad Suan Kaew used the best technology inChiangmai, this technology could not prevent the shopping centre from flooding. Thebasement was flooded, the electrical system was damaged, and, as a result, the shoppingcentre had to close for two days. The estimated damage to the buildings and mechanicalsystem was 10 million Baht10 ($500,000 Canadian). This estimate does not include thelarge amount of money lost due to the mall being closed for two business days.The problem was solved by improving the shopping centre’s drainage system and restoringthe existing drainage system of the surrounding area. Mr. Kengkarnkar, a trainedarchitect from Bangkok and a major share holder of the shopping centre, explained thatthe design of the drainage system inside the shopping centre was revised and additional‘°Chiangmai News and Khao Siam Newspaper, July 15, 1992.188technical equipment installed to handle the large amount of water. “Outside the building,”he said, “the drainage system was restored to follow the traditional drainage patternsdeveloped by local people.” The old water channels were dug again to let the water flowas it had in former times.This case shows that the developers of the mall experienced damage to the mall becausethey had excluded local knowledge of regular seasonal flooding. Local people know thatthis area floods regularly and they prepare for it, but the mall developer was unaware ofthis fact. Eventually, local knowledge had to be used to solve the problem.The exclusion of local knowledge in drainage patterns causing unwanted outcomes hasbeen evidenced elsewhere. In the Philippines, engineers insisted on building a dam despiterepeated warnings from local people who possessed knowledge of drainage patterns andclimatic phenomena. With the first storm, water run-off swept the dam away (Korten1982; Brokensha and Riley 1989). Here again, local knowledge could have prevented theproblem.Local people’s knowledge of natural drainage patterns was included in the construction ofMr. Kaewsootthi’s house. Mr. Kaewsootthi, an architect by training, described how heincluded local knowledge gained from Mr. Kongta, a local farmer, in locating his house.At first, he had marked the location of his house on land which appeared to be flat at thesouthwest corner of his 3.5 acres. After having a discussion with Mr. Kongta, he189learned that the southwest corner of his property was the storm run-off area. Mr.Kaewsootthi was surprised because, from his observations, he could see no indication ofthe water run-off through the southwest corner area. Finally, after talking to Mr. Kongta,he moved the house location to the northeast corner of the property and was saved fromflooding. Mr. Kaewsootthi said that, when the first monsoon came, he noticed that if hishouse had been built on the southwest corner, it would have been flooded. It would havebeen similar to what Kad Suan Kaew Shopping Centre experienced.As Chiangmai is located in a heavy rain area, local people are very interested in the patternof water run-off They have experienced heavy rain and fast water mn-off This kind ofknowledge, built on continuous observation over a long period of time, can be obtainedinexpensively from local people or equivalent knowledge can be obtained expensively fromvery detailed surveys.6.2.3 Irrigation SystemsLocal knowledge of irrigation systems was excluded from physical design and planning ofresort development projects in Pong Yaeng Nok village. Participants in the second groupdiscussion noted that resort development in their village did not consider the localirrigation system and its limited capacity. The resorts’ irrigation systems drew largeamounts of water from the village streams to use in their projects. A participantmentioned that “not long after the resorts were opened, two of the three streams in190the village did not have enough water to operate as an irrigation system.”Lack of local knowledge caused this knowledge to be excluded from the design of theresorts’ irrigation systems. Professional designers were unaware of the amount of wateravailable for the resorts and the amount of water needed by local residents. A participantin the second group discussion noted that “resorts were designed to require large amountsof water to maintain the beauty of their gardens and ponds and to keep reservoir levelshigh for recreational activities. They did not think of saving water.” Destroying localirrigation systems also affected the resorts themselves. Mr. Jariyakornkul, the owner ofthe Erawan Resort, for example, mentioned that he experienced an inadequate watersupply during the tourist season which is a dry season.The exclusion of local knowledge in this instance resulted from an unpublicized design andconstruction process. Participants in the second group discussion and many interviewedvillagers explained that the process involved only the owner, the designers, and theauthorized government officials. The villagers were excluded from the planning process: aparticipant noted that “I had no idea that Erawan Resort’s irrigation system and reservoir,which would draw water off the irrigation systems I relied upon, were included in thedesign of the resort.” This information was known only after the resort’s irrigation systemand reservoir were constructed when nothing could be easily changed.The exclusion of this kind of local knowledge caused the loss of two of the191three local irrigation systems. Participants in the second group discussion noted that“Muangfai (irrigation system) had distributed water to the villagers’ agricultural fieldsfor hundred of years. The loss of water from muangfai reduced villagers’ agriculturalproduction” which, in turn, reduced their income. The reduction of their already lowincome may not allow the villagers to continue farming.The exclusion of local knowledge of irrigation systems destroyed not only the physicalenvironment but also the social integrity of the village. According to participants in thesecond group discussion, “after the loss of two irrigation systems, there was no need towork together, to meet, and to elect leaders.” There was no longer a dam chief or amodel of a good person and leader for youngsters to follow, The resort has, therefore,loosened the traditional relationships and ties of the local people. It has diminished thevillagers’ sense of community and their social organization, and their power over theirown lives.Local knowledge of irrigation systems is, to some extent, included in some governmentdevelopment projects. The government engineers have studied and applied this localknowledge in concert with their trained knowledge. They build dams with the same heightat the same locations as the dams built by local people but, at the same time, they replacebamboo and earth dams of the local people with concrete dams designed with theirprofessional knowledge (see Figure 6.4 and 6.5). Participants in this study’s third group192discussion11 mentioned an example of the government engineers’ work in Ekachai’s study(1991, 193-195). Ekachai describes the replacement of bamboo by concrete at Puangvillage in Lumpoon Province (Chiangmai’s neighbour). Because concrete is strong anddurable and requires less frequent repair or rebuilding, water users are freed from havingto volunteer their labour. The government action sounded good until the villagers foundthat silt had accumulated in front of the concrete dam. When the dam is made of bamboo,silt can sneak through the gaps between pieces of bamboo but in a concrete dam, theaccumulation of silt reduces the amount of water in the reservoir. Moreover, in a concretedam, fish and shrimp disappear because the waterways are blocked all the time. With abamboo dam which has gaps and is usually left unrepaired during the off-season, fish andshrimp populations remain stable.Thus, the inclusion of local knowledge without a thorough understanding of thisknowledge does not always generate beneficial outcomes, and may also cause negativeimpacts. Government action of this type can destroy a locally initiated, owned andcontrolled system which leads to the loss of sense of ownership and pride among localpeople and eventually to the destruction of the villagers’ social and political power.Therefore, a thorough understanding of local knowledge is necessary. This understanding11The third group discussion, held on April 28, 1993.193Figure 6.4. The only remaining stream in Pong YaengNok village that still has a local irrigation systemoperating. The local people’s earth dam is leftopen when it is not in operation.Source: Author...;I 4’%•; . fl,.‘..?-..1’•,.194Figure 6 5 Engineer’s concrete dam blocks water way all the time.Source: Author.195is achieved by taking more time studying local situations and more time interacting withlocal people. Furthermore, constant monitoring of design is needed as locals get involved,because their new knowledge can contribute to redesign or to new designs.Similar examples of unwanted outcomes from the inferiority of new irrigation systems canbe found elsewhere. In Bali, Indonesia, a new agricultural irrigation designed byprofessionals could not compare with the Balinese system. The new system increases theincidence of viral and bacterial diseases in the water and soil, killing fish and eel, andultimately, depressing crop yields (Cowley 1989; McCorkle 1989). Moreover, in Kenya,many scientifically constructed irrigation systems have failed miserably and cannotcompete with the centuries-old, locally developed systems (McCorkle 1989).6.3 LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF NEEDS AND WANTSThis section discusses development projects which excluded people’s knowledge of theirown needs and wants related to threatened environmental and cultural features. Itillustrates how the exclusion occurred and the outcome of such exclusion.6.3.1 Knowledge of Threats to Natural ResourcesLocal knowledge of threats to water and land resources was excluded in the Master Planfor Chiangmai Tourism Development and tourism development projects in Pong Yaeng196Nok village. According to participants in the second group discussion and other villagersinterviewed,12 the villagers were never involved in the planning and design process fortourism projects. As a result, they had no chance to include their knowledge of threats tonatural resources in the process. Participants in the second group discussion said:Participant A: I have never participated in any planning or projectdevelopment.Participant B: I knew nothing until construction had already started.Participant C: I have something to say but there is nobody that I can talk to.Exclusion of local knowledge of threats to water and land resources in the Master PlanTourism Development made planners recommend more resorts and tourist facilities whichrequired more water and land resources. These recommendations were made withoutconsidering the possible impacts of these projects on the local economy. Encouraged bythe Master Plan, four more huge resorts were constructed and two more elephant showswere set up. According to a senior villager,’3 “these later resorts were larger than thefirst few resorts and took away large pieces of agricultural land and drew large amounts ofwater from village streams. These streams are water sources for the villagers’agriculture.” He also noted that “two of these village streams dried out after the new12Jifr Wang Tatiya, April 19, 1993; iVir. Supachai Sootjai, April 9, 1993; Mr. SukChaiya, April 11, 1993; Ms. Pranom Gantaya, April 12, 1993; IVIr. Sai Lawsua, April16, 1993.13lnterviewed on April 8, 1993.197resorts had opened.” Participants in the second group discussion complained that morethan 50 elephants which perform in the elephants shows had polluted the village canal tothe extent that the water was no longer suitable for household use (see Figure 6.6).Villagers now have to rely on rainwater during the tourist season. The loss of two streamsand the pollution of the village canal have caused a reduction in agricultural income andendangered the villagers’ health.The Master Plan, which recommended more resort developments and more elephantshows, was prepared by professionals. The professionals did not consider incorporatinglocal knowledge into their planning. They relied on their professional knowledge whichwas heavily loaded with technical training and on their values and interests which weredifferent from people in the planned area. Professionals were mainly interested indeveloping tourism while local people were concerned with maintaining their naturalresources for their livelihood.The Master Plan process compounded the proclivities of the professionals because it didnot make provision for meaningful incorporation of local knowledge. The site visits andstructured questionnaire were inadequate to capture local people’s concerns.198Figure 6.6. Elephants performing in theElephant Show polluted the village canal.Source: Author.‘ ;1996.3.2 Knowledge of Threats to Sacred Places and Unique Regional FeaturesIn 1985, a Bangkok company conducted a feasibility study for the construction of anelectric cable car from Chiangmai city to the foot of Phrathat Doi Suthep temple onSuthep mountain as recommended by the Master Plan for Chiangmai TourismDevelopment. Phrathat Doi Suthep temple, a beautiful northern style pagoda housing arelic of the Buddha, is a sacred place of Chiangmai and also Thailand. Suthep mountain isknown to be extremely diverse because of its orchids and other plants and its birdcommunity. Moreover, since 1981, the mountain has been included in the SuthepMountain - Doi Pui National Park. The mountain is considered to be one of uniquefeatures of Chiangmai (Thailand Development Research Institute Foundation (TDRI)1986, 90).The architect-manager of the company had prepared economic justifications for the cablecar project and carried out a preliminary environmental assessment without theinvolvement of local people. The manager proposed that the cable car would relieve thesevere traffic congestion on the highway up the mountain on holidays, promote tourismand make it easier for visitors to reach the temple with very little environmentaldegradation.200The project was making its way successfully through the Government approval system14until opposition to the project began appearing in Bangkok after protests in Chiangmaiand the local newspapers. The objections raised were numerous. The cable car wouldpromote inappropriate development in a national park near a holy shrine, and wouldintrude on the tranquillity and sanctity of the mountain. It would reduce the merit ofpilgrimages to the temple, destroy forest and wildlife species, and disfigure the mountain.Furthermore, it would scare the animals in the Chiangmai Zoo, and contribute to litter andrefuse.In April of 1986, 750 people of Chiangmai, including many monks, signed a letter to theprime minister opposing the project. The governor of Chiangmai was asked to investigateand make new recommendations (TDRI 1987, 174). According to Mr. ChayunPholpoke,’5 local activist and an author, when the project manager launched a strongpublic relations campaign against this opposition, the protest got stronger and wider, Allsenior monks in Chiangmai and the Centre for Promotion of Arts and Culture atChiangmai University opposed the project. Local people staged a protest against the14Government agencies involved included the Tourism Authority, Chiangmai ProvincialAdministration, Phrathat Doi Suthep Authorities, the Royal Forest Department, theZoological Organization, the National Environment Board, the National ParkCommittee, and the Office of the Royal Household (there is a Royal Summer Palace onthe mountain) (TDRT 1986, 91).15lnterviewed on January 17, 1993.201project at a holy place and burned in effigy the major players, both corporate andgovernmental, who supported the project. In response, provincial authoritiesrecommended against pursuing the project and decided to put the project on hold (TDRI1987, 175).This project lost a great deal of money for the Bangkok company including the cost of atechnical study team from Switzerland, the cost of a detailed survey and drawings, thecost of a feasibility study and an environmental impact assessment study, and the costs of apublic campaign. It also created tension between local people and the authorities. Bothlocal people and government officials mentioned that they felt uncomfortable with theconfrontation about the project.This case illustrates the importance of local knowledge that is intangible but representslocal culture and ideals. The Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development, whichlimited local involvement and applied a technocratic approach, did not obtain localknowledge when it recommended the cable car project. The result was the suspension ofthis project at tremendous cost to the company involved. This case is particularlysignificant. It was the first time in Chiangmai and even in Thailand that local people hadstopped a private project which was supported by both central and local governments.Mr. Pholpoke stated that the force that stopped the project was “the faith in the temple.”He added that “this case makes us realize the significance of the sacred place, our pride in202our community, and our power which we had almost forgotten.” In addition, he pointedout, “one of the most important things is that this case brought people together and thecommunity came to life again.”Mr. Pholpoke noted that “one of the reason that people protested the cable car project isbecause they know the need to preserve their unique feature, Suthep mountain.” Theycould see that the cable car project would destroy the greenery and uniqueness of Suthepmountain and, therefore, when the company tried to construct the cable car, they had tostop the project.Knowledge of the unique features of the Ping River, and the desire to preserve them, havebeen excluded from the design of new buildings along the river. Residents interviewedalong the river16 mentioned that new buildings have destroyed unique features of theriver. This destruction can be seen clearly (see Figure 3.4 no. 5, 6 and Figure 6.1). Oneinterviewee, a graduate of the Teacher Training college and now a home-maker, notedthat “the design of new buildings, including Diamond Riverside Hotel, did not consider theunique scenery of Ping River. Their heights and facades destroy the unique scenery.”-6Interviewees include Mr. Niwat Samajai, April 11, 1993; IVirs. Phachanee Soralum,April 19, 1993, Ms. Vichayaphai, Mr. Chakree Sangkawandee, April 21, 1993; Mr.Satit Klinnawee, April 22, 1993; and Mr. Sanan Nasamana, April 23, 1993.203This interviewee noted that she had never had an opportunity to introduce her aestheticneeds and wants to the design process of the building.The need to preserve unique features of Chiangmai’s countryside was excluded from theplanning and design of other new projects as well. Unlike local landscapes, the landscapeof Erawan Resort, for example, has plants with too many different colours together withfancy fountains and ponds. In addition, the resort’s architecture is in contrast with thelocal built environment. Participants in the second group discussion mentioned that thedesign of this resort and other new projects did not consider the surrounding greenery,tranquil landscape and architecture which was in harmony with nature.A few designs for development projects have included consideration of people’s desiresto preserve unique features of Chiangmai countryside. IVIr. Tantranond, architect of PongYaeng Garden Resort, explained that “the need to preserve the country scenery of the areawas considered in the design of the resort. The landscape is designed in harmony with thearea and the architecture is also designed in harmony with local architecture.” He claimedthat he designed these resort buildings by combining modern technology and local styles.He also noted that he spent a lot of time and effort studying local and traditionalarchitecture by himself after his training because knowledge of local and traditionalarchitecture was not adequately covered in the architectural curriculum.Participants in the second group discussion and interviewees from Pong Yaeng Nok204village’7 also concluded that the need to preserve unique features must be included in thedesign and planning process. New buildings and landscapes have to be designed to besensitive to the local area in order to maintain the unique characteristics of the area.6.4 LOCAL KNOWLEDGE OF PROCESS: LOCAL IDEAS ABOUTiNCLUDING LOCAL KNOWLEDGEPeople who suffer from the unwanted outcomes of the exclusion of local knowledge orwho have experienced the benefits of its inclusion see the importance of including localknowledge in design and planning, Interviewees suggested specific methods forincorporating their knowledge. These suggestions were based on what can be called the“process knowledge” of local people. Interviewees who live near the developmentprojects studied and participants in the three group discussions identified public hearings,open houses, working groups or committees, and workshops as possible methods forincluding local knowledge in design and planning, and assessed the advantages anddisadvantages of each method.The people criticized both public meetings and public hearings’8 for the limited timepermitted for people to input their knowledge with no guarantee that knowledge discussed17lnterview with Mr. Sootjai, Mr. Chaiya, Ms. Gantaya, and Ms. Chantip Surin.‘8Many research respondents did not use the word “public meeting” directly but theirexplanations show that they mean “public meeting”. This interpretation also applied toopen houses, working groups or committees, and workshops.205in the meeting will be taken into consideration. A participant in the second groupdiscussion noted that “I feel that I am being attacked by public meetings with short notice,limited meeting time. When people [have] started to understand what is going on, themeeting is over.” Three participants in the third group discussion stated that, from theirexperiences, public hearings were arranged only to inform local people about the projects.The hearing did not ensure that local people’s knowledge would be considered. Collins(1978) had similar critiques. She states that public hearings do not encourage on-goingfeedback and do not ensure that all concerns will be taken into consideration.People criticized open houses for the high cost of operation. Two participants in the thirdgroup discussion mentioned that open houses can bring in more people if they areoperated for a long period of time, but the longer the operation, the more expensive theopen house is. A participant in the second group discussion also noted that “there is nosuch place in their village to set up [open house]. Someone has to pay for the space, andif the open house was arranged outside the village to reduce the cost, many people wouldnot make the trip to the open house.”Working groups and committees are believed to be effective in including local knowledgebecause there is a working body that can take responsibility. Furthermore, if members ofthe committee are local people, they can bring local knowledge directly into the projectthrough the working group. One participant in the third group discussion noted that “the206working group can be a body which is responsible for reaching the goals and keeping themon schedule.” Two participants in the second group discussion added that a workinggroup can be comprised of people with whom they can talk. Under the current situation,they have nobody to whom they can express their concerns. Three participants in the thirdgroup discussion, however, noted that an effective working group depends on its membersand the influence it has on decision-making. These two factors have to be carefullyconsidered to ensure the inclusion of local knowledge.People preferred workshops as formats in which various views can be generated andcollected on schedule. Four participants in the third group discussion noted thatworkshops or group discussions with a clear task and active interaction amongparticipants can draw out many views, concerns, and alternatives. One participant alsonoted that “the workshop needs well organized and qualified moderators otherwise it willnot be effective.” Collins (1978) as cited by Lang and Armour (1980, 305) saw the sameadvantages and disadvantages of workshops. She stated that the workshop helps to raisea wide range of issues but it “requires careful preparation and experienced leaders.”As well as the above-mentioned formal methods, local knowledge can be gained simply byprofessionals or researchers talking and listening to local people and taking their views207into account. Mr. Duangkaew Saninat,19 a former Buddhist monk who is presently theChief of Pong Yaeng sub-district, stated that “We don’t need to arrange public meetingsor workshops or set up committees. What we need is people who have real concerns tosimply talk to each other listen to each other and to include the knowledge obtained intheir work.” This informal way of getting information can help professionals orresearchers, who are interested in including local knowledge, incorporate this knowledgeinto their planning or research.Interviewees and group discussion participants suggest both formal and informal ways ofincorporating local knowledge into design and planning. The formal method is throughparticipatory design and planning processes, which have the advantages and disadvantagesidentified above. The informal method for incorporating local knowledge is simpleinteraction by professionals or researchers with local people. No disadvantages wereidentified with this method.6.5 CONCLUSIONThe examples provided in this chapter show that the exclusion of local knowledge indesign and planning causes unwanted outcomes ranging from simple technical problems19lnterviewed on April 10, 1993.208such as water leakage to critical social problems such as the loss of self-reliance and theloss of a sense of community. Conversely, inclusion of local knowledge into the designand planning process provides beneficial outcomes, such as avoiding of flooding,enhancing social ties and community economic benefit.The exclusion of local knowledge is the result of design and planning processes that lackpublic involvement and are dominated by narrow professionalism. Narrowprofessionalism refers to professionalism which restricts its interests to geographicallygeneralized but sectorally specialized technical knowledge not necessarily suited to localrealities. This can result from professionals’ education following a limited western modelwhich does not consider local wisdom,To overcome their limitations, narrowly technical professionals need to be helped tounderstand how local knowledge is obtained and used. This includes understanding thatmuch of local knowledge requires a great deal of experience to develop, but like otherforms may or may not be quickly taught. Some local knowledge may require deepexposure to be thoroughly understood and must be approached continuously as in the caseof irrigation systems which are more complex than they first seen, and kalae which havemore history and meaning than the artifacts per se show. Therefore, professionals mustbelieve in it, understand it clearly, respect it, and apply it carefully.The discussion of people’s ideas about how to include local knowledge illustrates both209formal and informal ways of gaining local knowledge. Professionals can use a variety offormal participatory methods and interact informally with local people in order to includelocal knowledge into design and planning. The discussions with local people alsoillustrated some advantages and disadvantages of each formal method from their point ofview.210CHAPTER SEVENCONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS7.0 SUMMARYThis dissertation set out to discuss the existence of local knowledge in physical design andplanning; the exclusion and inclusion of local knowledge and its consequences, the reasonswhy such local knowledge was included or excluded, and the possibilities for more widelyincorporating local knowledge.The review of literature in Chapter Two identifies that there is a lack of information onlocal knowledge relevant to physical design and planning. In addition, the professionaland “expert-knows-best” views rampant in design and planning lead, to a tendency tooverlook local knowledge. The theory and practice of citizen participation and socialimpact assessment have not yet developed adequate linkages to local knowledge.Chapter Three explained the reasons for using the case study approach and the datacollection techniques within it.Chapter Four pointed out that the design and planning processes in Chiangmai have beendominated by narrow professionalism.211Chapter Five confirmed the existence of specific kinds of local knowledge important tophysical design and planning. Most of this knowledge is currently being used or has thepotential to be used with modern construction. This knowledge was analyzed andclassified into 8 categories: technical, descriptive, explanatory, prescriptive, subtle,dynamic, scattered and holistic.Chapter Six showed that the exclusion of local knowledge in design and planningprocesses caused unwanted outcomes and its inclusion provided beneficial results. Thischapter also provided local people’s ideas on the incorporation of local knowledge.This chapter summarizes the findings with reference to the conceptual context, andcategorizes those characteristics of design and planning that limit incorporation of localknowledge. It illustrates that the causes for exclusion can be identified and that exclusioncan be overcome. Finally, this chapter discusses the implications to improve theincorporation of local knowledge into design and planning practices.7.1 CONCLUSIONThe findings from the study fill several gaps in the literature on local knowledge and makecontributions to the fields of design and planning, citizen participation and social impactassessment. These findings are described below and shown in Figure 7.1212Figure 7.1 Conclusion of the StudyLocal knowledgeVarious and powerfullocal knowledge existsrelevant to physicaldesign and planning9.IDesign and PlanningRarely considered localknowledge because ofinadequate processes andprofessional education213Local KnowledgeThe study found that local people have a varied and powerful base of knowledge. Theknowledge consists of technical, physical, environmental, economic and socio-culturalinformation. Examples of this knowledge include knowledge of the traditional northernhouse, the traditional northern landscape, and threats to people’s cherished environments.Local people also have a knowledge of process possibilities that would help inincorporating their knowledge into design and planning practices.Design and PlanningThe study shows that mainstream design and planning in Chiangmai has been dominatedby professionals who relied exclusively upon professional training and methodology. Theresulting design and planning processes left out local knowledge and brought unwantedoutcomes to local people. In those instances where design and planning included localknowledge, the outcomes were beneficial to local people, Designers and planners canaccess local knowledge directly through informal means or through formalized proceduresfor citizen participation or social impact assessment. Design and planning schools in Thaiuniversities need to place more emphasis (perhaps through required courses) on the valueof local knowledge and methods of accessing and using it.214Citizen ParticipationThis study’s workshops show that participatory processes can be effective in revealing toboth observers and participants the extent, depth and complexity of local knowledge.Formal procedures in the form of professional standards and government guidelines thatmandate participatory processes and development of such processes by professionals on acase-by-case basis can potentially enhance the contribution of local knowledge tosubstantive design and planning.Social Impact Assessment (SIA)This study also shows how local knowledge, especially experience-based knowledge ofcultural and environmental threats, could contribute to design and planning through SIA.Since SIA is most effective when integrated with design, local knowledge should besought at the beginning stages of planning for new development projects.FormalizationThe study also found that people believe that formalization of citizen participation andSIA processes, e.g., in the form of public hearings, is not the only way to bring localknowledge to bear on planning. Some people, in fact, believe that it may not be the bestway. Encouragement of direct, informal contact between professionals and nonprofessionals may be preferable in the Thai context. This is a matter for fhrther215investigation.7.2 CHARACTERISTICS OF DESIGN AND PLANNING THAT LIMITINCORPORATION OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGEThe study found that the limited incorporation of local knowledge in physical design andplanning results initially from the way professionals are trained and then reinforced bydesign and planning procedures (see Figure 7.2). But there are other forces, such associo-economic forces and owners’ requirements, that may affect project developments,their scale and their location. However, in this study, most designers and planners had ahigh degree of creative control. They could, for example, decide whether to follow localor Western building styles (as discussed in Section 4.4.2) or to use local or westerntechnologies. Therefore, the primary force that affects the incorporation of localknowledge into the design and planning process derives from designers and planners.7.2.1 Design and Planning ProcessThere are four characteristics of the design and planning process that limit theincorporation of local knowledge. These are: the top-down procedure that is applied; thedomination of the process by narrow professionalism; the insensitivity of data collectiontechniques; and the lack of local involvement in the process.216Figure 7.2. Mechanism of Exclusion of Local Knowledge in Designand Planning and Solutions to This ExclusionProfessionalGovernmentDominationproceduresReliance on formal Organization ofeducation ProcessesV_______________________________Formal Education Design & Planning Process- Focus on technical, ignores - Top down proceduresocial-cultural - Insensitive data collection- Western technology & style techniques- Limited local involvementExclusion ofLocalKnowledge1Unwanted OutcomesIEducation Reform Design & Planning Process- Substantive knowledge of Changelocal knowledge- Procedures requiring more- Process knowledge of local involvementpeople’s participation- Implementation of Proceduresby competent professionals217Top-Down ProcedureAs previously described, planning and development projects in Chiangmai are initiated andorganized by top government agencies and officials, and given to lower agencies to carryout. The lower agencies, in turn, inform the local people of decisions that have beenmade. The local people have to comply with the authorities without being given a chanceto provide input into the process.The top-down planning process allows agencies and people at the top to work in theirown self-interest. For instance, the main goal of the Master Plan for Chiangmai TourismDevelopment- to develop tourist spots in Chiangmai in order to earn foreign exchange -works in the interest of the central government. This goal is also the goal of theChiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan for Historic and Environmental Preservation.Similarly, the goals of design projects (hotels, resorts and shopping centres) are related tothe owners’ economic benefit. The process always leaves out the goals of ordinary peopleand the local knowledge of their needs and wants.The process reaching the goals is also determined by the top agencies and people.Therefore, the process is considered appropriate if they suit the top agencies, even thoughthe action taken to reach these goals may cause difficulty for the people at the bottom ofthe process. This top-down procedure, based on the self-interest of government agenciesand project owners, is one of the characteristics that limits the incorporation of local218knowledge into the design and planning process.Professional and Expert Domination in Design and PlanningAnother characteristic that limits the incorporation of local knowledge is that the majorityOf participants in design and planning projects are professionals, Members of Chiangmaidevelopment project design teams included architects, landscape architects, interiordesigners, and structural, electrical and sanitary engineers. Chiangmai’ s tourism planningprocess also included professionals and experts in physical design, economics, finance,social issues and the environment. The professional domination of design and planningmeans that professionals can rely solely on their own knowledge of substance and process.Moreover, the majority of professionals restrict their concerns to the technical aspects ofdesign and planning. The result of all this is that the socio-cultural dimension is left out.In some cases, the omission of the socio-cultural dimension in the design and planningprocess can affect the social organization of entire communities.Professional technical knowledge which promotes and relies on imported technology candamage development and the local environment, Perhaps the two best examples ofunwanted outcomes are concrete dams which have blocked waterways permanently andhave made aquatic life extinct, and the flat roofs without overhangs which have causedwater leakage even though roofs and windows were built with the best technology. Bothexamples are evidence that professional domination of the design and planning process can219lead to the use of practices that do not work as well as the practices developed by localpeople.Insensitivity to Local Knowledge in Data Collection TechniquesA third characteristic that limits the incorporation of local knowledge into the design andplanning process is data collection techniques that are insensitive to local knowledge. Theresearch shows that professionals left out realities such as traditional “common-sense”knowledge and local people’s beliefs and concepts. Site visits and documentary researchfor the Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development did not obtain information aboutlocal sensitivities regarding the preservation of sacred places and unique features. In theexample of the cable car, the omission of local knowledge was costly in terms of time andmoney and resulted in the project being shelved.Limit ofLocal People Involvement in Design and PlanningThe final characteristic that limits the incorporation of local knowledge is a process thatdoes not provide opportunities for public feedback. The research showed that in someinstances information about design and planning projects was not transferred to the public,and so they could not provide feedback. Although Chiangmai people wanted to provideinformation on their needs and wants, they could not. In other cases, their input came toolate to be incorporated into the decision-making process. For instance, by the time theinhabitants of Pong Yaeng Nok village learned that the resort would draw large220amounts of water from their irrigation system, the resort had already started itsconstruction and nothing could be changed.Design and planning professionals rarely included local people in the process of design andplanning in Chiangmai. Local people were not involved in the design of developmentprojects such as hotels and resort developments. Only a few local people were involved inthe Master Plan for Chiangmai Tourism Development and the Chiangmai Policy-BasedAction Plan. The planning process of the Master Plan did not have direct localinvolvement, and the planning process of the Action Plan had a limited number of localpeople involved in their two-day seminars. The cable car protest illustrates that limitinglocal people’s involvement in the Master Plan can cause the public to reject projects.Similarly, limiting public involvement in the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan made thelocal people dissatisfied with the plan because their goals and the plan’s goals weredifferent. Thus, limiting public involvement is a characteristic of the design and planningprocess that not only limits the incorporation of local knowledge but also leads todissatisfaction and causes widespread protests that can derail planned projects.7.2.2 Professional EducationThe training of professionals involved in the design and planning process also limits theincorporation of local knowledge. Because professionals gain both their ideology andtechnical knowledge by training in professional schools, their education plays221an essential role in shaping attitudes about the practice of physical design and planning.Professional schools in Thailand follow western philosophy and concepts from thebeginning. Chantavilasvong (1987, 1-2) wrote that:The first school of architecture was [opened] in the 193 Os, later on becominga faculty of architecture at Chulalongkorn University, by a man trained fromEngland.The curriculum was almost a duplication of a western prototype, with anaddition of some lessons on traditional Thai architecture. While the western-adopted curriculum instructed and guided students to develop design skillsand work in the modern world, the Thai course focused only on the historical-classical aspect of architecture. Traditional and classical Thai architecture,however, is unique in identity and aesthetics. The Thai course emphasizedbuilding ornaments, construction elements, ‘golden’ proportions, and styles ofthose typical buildings belonging to royalty and Buddhist religion. As a result,Thai vernacular architecture was overlooked and left unconsidered since theschool started and professional architects trained in a western tradition begandominating the profession.Present design and planning schools in Thailand are oriented to western philosophy andtechnology. At present, there are only three professional in Thailand located inBangkok where graduates are approved as registered architects. The Faculty ofArchitecture of Chulalongkorn University, which houses the Departments of Architecture,‘Faculty of Architecture, Chulalongkorn University, King Mongkut Institute ofTechnology and Silapakorn University. There is only one school - Chulalongkorn - forboth Landscape Architecture and Urban and Regional Planning. In addition, the AsianInstitute of Technology provides planning education for Thai and other Asian students inEnglish.222Landscape Architecture, and Urban and Regional Planning, is the oldest and leadingschool. These departments have a curriculum that follows the western model, and havefew courses focusing on Thai culture, professions and traditions (see Appendix 9). Thecurriculum of the Department of Architecture in 1994 showed only three required coursesof two credits each and one elective course of two credits on Thai architecture in the 177credits required for graduation. The Department of Landscape Architecture has twocourses that discuss the Thai context. Urban and Regional planning has three courses thatclearly address the Thai context: one required course; one which is included in a group offour courses from which students must select three; and one elective course. At best,students would take three courses comprising six credits out of a total 50 credits requiredfor a Masters’ degree. Moreover, the literature used in most courses is western. Most ofthe literature written in Thai is based on western originals.2 And the scant literature foundin Thai is mostly derived from western originals.Almost all of the staff in the Faculty of Architecture of Chulalongkorn University hasgraduated from a Western university, and most of these were educated in the UnitedStates. Only five of more than eighty staff members in the Departments of Architecture,Landscape Architecture, and Urban and Regional Planning do not have a degrees from2lnterview with former Deputy Dean in Academic Affairs and former Head of Urban andRegional Planning Department, Chulalongkorn University, on March 23 and 19, 1993respectively.223abroad. Most of the faculty in other design and planning schools in Thailand and most ofthe staff in professional offices are comprised of graduates from ChulalongkornUniversity.The philosophy and concepts of western professionals that are taught in design andplanning schools have a strong influence on professional practice. Students study thework of Frank Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier, Frederick Law Olmsted, and Lewis Mumfordand learn very little about local people’s work. After they graduate, they prefer to applywestern styles in their practice, They are ignorant of and show little interest in, the localknowledge of the people. When Hoskin (1992, 20-26) wrote about the ubiquitousappearance of Roman, Greek, Spanish, Gothic and Tudor styles in Thailand, he reiteratedthe question posed by a local newspaper: “What on earth is being taught to Thaiarchitectural students?”.7.3 IMPLICATIONS OF ACTIONS TO INCORPORATE LOCAL KNOWLEDGEINTO DESIGN AND PLANNINGThe research findings lead to several implications for planning. The research has shownthat there are benefits to incorporate local knowledge into design and planning. Theresearch also suggests the need for changes to the design and planning process itself andthe need for reforms to design and planning education,2247.3.1 The Benefit of Incorporating Local KnowledgeA number of examples in the preceding chapters show that local knowledge can providevery sophisticated technical knowledge needed in design and planning practice. Theresearch has described several examples of valuable technical information (wood cuttingtechniques for shingles and the rebaking of local terra-cotta tiles). Even though designersand planners believe that their technical expertise is adequate, these examples show thatexperts can benefit from local technical knowledge.Designers and planners can gain a real understanding of local conditions by seeking localknowledge. Local knowledge can provide descriptive, explanatory, and prescriptiveinformation to these professions. Practitioners can learn more about local areas andpeople in those areas by getting descriptive knowledge that varies from water run-offpatterns to the social organization of local irrigation systems, Moreover, practitioners cangain a better understanding of local conditions because local knowledge is explanatorysuch as the interpretations of kalae, and, therefore, provides a clearer interpretation ofpeople’s thoughts. In addition, practitioners can learn about the reasons behindprescriptive local knowledge such as local people’s beliefs related to plant names. Byunderstanding why local people have that kind of prescriptive knowledge, practitionerscan decide whether to use that knowledge or not.Some information, such as drainage patterns, is subtle in nature and225practitioners can often save time by getting this less obvious information from local peoplewho can provide it immediately. Otherwise, such information can take a long time togather, simply because local people themselves took a long time to obtain it. Practitionerscan benefit immensely from the immediate availability of local knowledge that would beotherwise difficult to obtain.Practitioners must also understand the dynamics of local knowledge. Local knowledgechanges over time, and some local knowledge has disappeared. This disappearanceindicates either that the knowledge no longer has value in the present day context, or thatvaluable information has been submerged by the impact of modern technology or otherforces of social change. In the latter case, more study of local knowledge must be donebefore this knowledge is lost entirely. Other local knowledge has changed or adapted tochanges in local conditions. In these instances, local knowledge can provide currentinformation about development and about changes concerning the people in its area. Thisinformation can help practitioners understand the current situation and predict futuretrends in order to reach sound conclusions and provide appropriate suggestions.Professionals, therefore, must continuously consult local people in order to be up-to-dateon local knowledge.Design and planning practitioners must seek information from a variety of local people togain local knowledge. For specific local expertise, they must look to specific people who226have that expertise. Because local knowledge is scattered, one local person can have agreat deal of local knowledge, or one local person can provide a specific type ofknowledge, or a specific kind of local knowledge can be held by many local people.Therefore, practitioners must be flexible in the data collection methods they use to obtainthe appropriate knowledge for a given situation.Local knowledge is holistic and therefore design and planning cannot be practiced byconsidering only part of each aspect of local knowledge. Local knowledge consists oftechnical, socio-cultural, economic and environmental aspects which are all tied together.Practitioners must understand all aspects and the relationships among them. Because ofthe holistic nature of local knowledge, it can help practitioners see their work holistically.Similarly, the application of local knowledge must also be performed in a holistic way. Aswas shown in the concrete dam example, it cannot be broken down into parts and specificparts cannot be used without holistic understanding. Both the acquisition and applicationof local knowledge are a discipline which teaches practitioners to think and act in a moreholistic manner.7.3.2 Possible Changes to the Design and Planning ProcessAs described earlier in this chapter, there are a number of aspects of the current design andplanning process which limit the incorporation of local knowledge. These include a topdown procedure, the domination of professionals, insensitive data collection227techniques and the lack of local involvement. To overcome these limitations, the processmust be changed from a top-down procedure to a bottom-up procedure or, at least, anequal participation of local people along with professionals must be ensured. The publicmust be informed and their feedback encouraged. Arnstein (1969, 219) stated thatinforming citizens of their rights, responsibility, and options and inviting citizens’ opinionsare the most important first steps towards legitimate citizen participation.In order to have effective participation in the design and planning process, citizens mustreceive full and accurate information. Professionals and local people must be able to sharetheir vision and knowledge. Citizens must be able to negotiate and bargain withprofessionals in order to improve their situation, and the decision-making process mustprovide a fair chance for local people. Local people must also be able to manage theirown resources and organization. When an outsider wants to change their community,they must be able to negotiate to protect themselves. According to Arnstein’s Ladder ofCitizen Participation (Arnstein 1969), moving up the ladder from “non-participation” to“degrees of citizen power” gives citizens a chance to gain control over their own lives.A complete change to a bottom-up process may be difficult given the existing structure inThai society. As Prasith-rathsint (1987, 76-77) pointed out there has been little change inthe traditional Thai top-down process, and the flow of information and the structure ofdecision making remains centralized under the ministry’s control in Bangkok. Therefore, a228balance between top-down and bottom-up processes would be a more appropriatesolution. To achieve this balance, there needs to be an exchange of information betweenlocal people and professionals. “The top”, professionals and experts, can provide newtechnology, modern facilities and outside information. “The bottom”, local people and laypersons, can offer information that is appropriate to local conditions.Design and planning processes that intend to incorporate local knowledge must haveappropriate design and planning models that can efficiently include this knowledge.Boothroyd (1991, 5-6) offers seven steps in a planning model which has been tested inThai villages. These are: 1) planning task (problem) definition; 2) goals identification; 3)situation (facts) appraisal; 4) ideas generation; 5) options classification; 6) assessment; 7)decision. Each step can incorporate local knowledge. Local people can provideenvironmental and socio-cultural knowledge to help identify problems and goals. Localknowledge which consists of accurate and updated facts can help in appraising relevantfacts. Knowledge that develops from local people’s experience can suggest alternativesand options and assess impacts, especially those impacts that affect the people themselves.Finally, local people can make decisions for themselves. As such, they should be involvedin a negotiated decision-making process.The incorporation of local knowledge into design and planning can be both formal -through an arranged participatory method, and informal - through direct and spontaneous229interactions between professionals and local people. Formal methods of both citizenparticipation and social impact assessment can be initiated. But practitioners need to becertain that citizen participation and SIA are structured to be effective. The informal wayis simple and effective. If practitioners are interested in the inclusion of local knowledge,they can just talk and listen to local people to get this knowledge. By using both formaland informal methods of interacting with local people, local knowledge can be effectivelyincorporated into design and planning.7.3.3 Design and Planning Education ReformsChanges in design and planning processes, particularly the application of citizenparticipation, are necessary to incorporate local knowledge into design and planning.However, the changes may not be completely successful because these changes, especiallycitizen participation, may only be used to make the processes look legitimate. Therefore,in order to successfully incorporate local knowledge, the ideology of the professionalpractitioner must change. Professionals must believe in local knowledge, and they mustadopt a positive rather than a negative attitude toward local knowledge. If they believe inlocal knowledge, then local knowledge will be included in design and planning.To change the ideology of professionals, it is necessary to change their education. Thedesign and planning education must include the merits of local knowledge in thecurriculum in order to give professionals a reason to believe in local knowledge. As230well, the curriculum must include more courses in local architecture, landscapearchitecture and planning. The study of both traditional Thai architecture andcontemporary Thai architecture should be enriched. In Departments of Architecture,projects could focus on searching for an architecture that is suitable to local conditions.Studies in Landscape Architecture must include the history of and changes to the Thailandscape as well as examples of traditional and contemporary landscapes. In planning,the cases studied should be Thai. By reviewing Thai cases and evaluating their impacts,lessons can be learned for future planning in Thailand. Courses in design and planningprocess are also needed. Professionals have to be taught how to learn about localknowledge, how to access it, and how to apply it respectfully, in consultation with localpeople.Encouraging staff in design and planning schools to do research on local knowledge willincrease their own knowledge, the students’ knowledge and the public’s knowledge, whileat the same time encouraging a belief in this knowledge. Research topics can be varied.Research on local technical knowledge can provide appropriate technical information.Research into local materials can be applied to modern construction and provide economicbenefits to local people. Research into local styles of building can preserve architecturalidentity and integrity. Finally, research into local irrigation systems can help teaching staffunderstand both the technical knowledge and social organization of local people.231Students in design and planning schools must be given the opportunity to move beyondbooks and classroom lectures to local areas so that students are exposed to local people.This will encourage interaction with local people and enable students to learn about localknowledge. Moreover, special workshops can initiate co-operative work betweenstudents and local people such as local carpenters and senior monks who have specificexperience and knowledge. Such workshops would make students realize that localpeople have sophisticated knowledge that can benefit them in their professional life.Courses on design and planning processes should be taught to students in order toimprove their knowledge of how to access and apply local knowledge directly, throughcitizen participation and social impact assessment. The advantages and disadvantages offormal processes for incorporating local knowledge through citizen participation and SIAshould be taught. Students must have an opportunity to learn what constitutes effectivecitizen participation and SIA and how to collect information on local knowledgethemselves.The implications of this study for improving planning procedure, case-by-case processes,professional practice, and education, are summarized in Figure 7.3.232Figure 7.3. Implication of the Study for Improving the Use of Local KnowledgeI. Improve planning procedures & individual processesII. Teach professionals 1) Value of local knowledge; 2) Processes for accessing local knowledgeImprove FormalCitizenParticipationProcedureImproveFormal SIAProcedureLocal knowledgeEncourage informaldirect access by -Design and Planning2337.4 IMPLICATIONS OF STUDY FOR RESEARCH METHODSIt is well known that researchers must careffihly select their research methods andtechniques. This study showed that, with regard to research into local knowledge, themethods chosen can provide bch benefits and pitfalls. For example, large groupdiscussions can provide a broad base of information but are difficult to control. Sometechniques, such as writing down the answers as was done in the second and third groupdiscussions, can help speed up the session but also cause problems for those who do notenjoy writing or are semi-illiterate (a problem in the second group discussion).Research can take advantage of informal discussions after formal group discussions end.The extra time, preferably over dinner or refreshments, provides valuable information. Itis also an opportunity for researchers to continue discussing research issues and forparticipants who do not want to confront others in the formal session to express theirideas comfortably.7.5 THEORETICAL CONTRIBUTIONSThis study has shown that local knowledge is rich and powerful but it is not well discussedin planning literature. When it is discussed, the focus is on tangible and technicalknowledge. This study introduces intangible and social-cultural knowledge which consists234of local people’s perceptions and values. This introduction expands definitions of localknowledge.Local knowledge is categorized into eight characteristics by this study: technical,descriptive, explanatory, prescriptive, subtle, dynamic, scattered and holistic. Thiscategorization provides implications for academic and professional practices.Local knowledge is significant in many respects. For example, local knowledge showsrelationship between people and environment. It also shows patterns of self-reliance andself-sufficiency. It can help strengthen local identity, local economy and empower localpeople. It also can be a valuable tool for professionals in their practices. This significanceensures benefits to people who apply local knowledge.However, this valuable local knowledge has been overlooked which causes unwantedoutcomes to both local people and to development projects. The inclusion of localknowledge, on the other hand, has provided beneficial outcomes. This is evident inChiangmai and similar results can be expected elsewhere.The reason why much of the local knowledge is overlooked is because design andplanning are dominated by professionals limited in their awareness of the richness andvalue of local knowledge. Professional limitations vary depending on each professional’straining and on the applied design and planning procedures that he or she works235within. These limitations on professional knowledge can be most efficiently dealt withthrough appropriate processes for learning from and working with local people. Theseprocesses can be formal or informal interactions between professionals and local people.Design and planning education must include opportunities for students to learn how tomake appropriate use of participation and impact assessment processes. The professionsand government at all levels must institutionalize design and planning procedures so as torequire or encourage professionals to actively seek local knowledge, to respect its owners,and to consider local knowledge in their professional work through consultation with localpeople. To encourage professionals to incorporate local knowledge into their design andplanning is not an easy task, but if local knowledge is incorporated, it will greatly benefiteveryone.7.6 THEORETICAL ISSUES ARISING FROM THE RESEARCH FINDINGSAND CONCLUSIONSThis research opens a new area of study related to local knowledge in design and planning.It raises many issues which have significant theoretical implications and deserve furtherstudy. The issues are discussed as followed:7.6.1 Issues Related to the Nature of Local KnowledgeThis study has discussed the nature of local knowledge as it relates to physical design andplanning, but a number of the critical issues need to be addressed through further236research. It is possible that such research will show that local knowledge is a dynamicsystem of interrelated variables. Included among these variables may be the following:Holders and Types ofLocal KnowledgeThis study has illustrated the kinds of local knowledge held by various respondents. Theillustration raised the issue of holders and types of local knowledge they are holding.Types of knowledge may vary by the age, sex and education of knowledge holders.Further research into the holders of local knowledge and the types of knowledge eachholds could deepen our understanding of the dynamics of local knowledge production anddissemination.The age of knowledge holders, for example, may be important. Do young people havethe same or different knowledge from older people? Why is this knowledge the same ordifferent? What are the types of knowledge held by young people and older people?Further research in response to such questions would expand the literature on localknowledge and help explain the dynamics of local knowledge. It may also help identifyactions for dealing with the preservation, growth and change of local knowledge. Forinstance, if young people hold the same knowledge as older people, we may be able todetermine why that particular knowledge is passed along and still applied. On the otherhand, if young people hold different knowledge, we can note what local knowledge hasdisappeared or changed and try to understand the reasons for its disappearance or change.237In this research, some local knowledge (e.g., plants recommended for residential areas andthe elements of the Thai house) were provided by both young and older people. Furtherresearch may show that both young and old hold some local knowledge, such as everydayknowledge, common-sense and tangible technical knowledge, in common. On the otherhand, older people clearly hold local knowledge that is different. Older people, forexample, have knowledge that includes a time dimension (e.g., the information regardingprevious and present house orientation provided by a senior architect in this study). Olderpeople considered in this study, also seemed to have knowledge that is particularly subtle(e.g., drainage patterns) or scarce (e.g., the reuse of roof tiles by rebaking). Older peoplegenerally were more able to explain cultural knowledge (e.g., the relationship between aplant’s name and its usefulness). The age-related patterns suggested by the research forthis study could be formulated into hypotheses for further study.The age of knowledge holders is also significant in selecting research methods andtechniques. Field research for this study found that many older people feel morecomfortable with oral interviews and group discussions than with writing down answers toquestionnaires. They also prefer to spend time interacting with the researchers. On theother hand, young people do not mind providing information in writing but they prefer tospend less time answering questions. Further research may look into ways of creatingresearch methods that are sensitive to the age of people in the conduct of individualinterviews, group discussions and questionnaires.238The sex of knowledge holders poses similar questions. Do men and women hold thesame or different knowledge and why? What are the types of knowledge held by each?Further research here would add more information to gender-related studies, and wouldhelp our understanding of local knowledge as it relates to gender. It would also guideresearchers in their search for the appropriate knowledge holders and in the appropriateactions taken with knowledge holders.Further study may show that women have more knowledge about the house and gardenand that men have more knowledge about their fields and the construction of their homes.In this study, for example, women were more able to provide information about plantsgrowing near the home while men could provide information on drainage patterns,building processes and the elements of the traditional northern house.This study also poses questions about research methods related to gender. Interviewers inthis study (myself and my assistants) were male. What effect did this have on theresponses of male and female interviewees? Is there any effect when interviewer andinterviewee are the same or different sex? If so, what is the difference? What are theconsiderations for interviewers who are the same as or different from the interviewer ingender? Answers to these questions would help both academic and applied researchersselect appropriate interviewers.The gender of participants also raises methodological questions. Does the sex of239participants in group discussions impact on the data obtained? In this study, whereparticipants in all group discussions were male and female, would different informationhave been obtained if all participants in a focus group had been male or all had beenfemale. Arranging discussions with either males or females or both and comparing theresults and atmosphere of the discussions would provide significant information to futureresearch that uses focus group discussions.The education of knowledge holders poses other questions. Along with other literatureincluding Korten (1992), Brokensha and Riley (1989) and Cowley (1989), this studyfound that local people with a low level of education have knowledge that professionalslack. This finding raises several questions. Do people with a high level of education havemore or less local knowledge than people with less education? Can local knowledge begained through formal education? What kinds of local knowledge can or cannot be taughtin a formal setting? Further research into these questions would help to show how localknowledge is learned and the relationship between local knowledge and formal education.Further research may find that people with a high level of education have more advancedtechnical knowledge but that people with a low level of education may have appropriatetechnical knowledge (e.g., the example of dam building in this study), Similarly, peoplewith little education may have more subtle knowledge (e.g., drainage patterns) than thosewith a high level of education. In contrast, this study found that the level of education240with regard to socio-cultural knowledge seemed to be not important. This study foundthat knowledge of beliefs and concepts (e.g., related to kalae and plant’s names) seemedto come from people with both high and low educational backgrounds. People with a highlevel of education, however, could provide a more systematic explanation of socio-culturalknowledge. In this study, a professor in architecture explained the elements of thenorthern Thai house and a professor in social science explained the relationship between aplant’s name and its usefulness. Further research into the education of respondents wouldenable both academic and applied researchers to compare types of knowledge held bythose with differing educational backgrounds.The literature suggests that the age, sex and education of participants affects groupdiscussions. Folch-Lyon (1981) and Scrimshaw and Hurtado (1987) show thatparticipants in group discussions who have the same background (e.g., age, sex education,occupation and social status) feel more comfortable in discussion and provide moreinformation. However, group discussions organized for this study have shown thatparticipants with different backgrounds may have different points of view which lead toarguments that produce significant findings. Future comparative study of group dynamicsin discussions about local knowledge could enhance our understanding of the strengthsand weaknesses of alternate research methods.241The use of local knowledgeOther research that may have value in describing local knowledge as a dynamic systemcould be research on the way that local knowledge is used by local people. Does localknowledge have a cultural role or a technical function? Is local knowledge most oftenused to reinforce or correct the professional application of knowledge. Is local knowledgeused for community development planning? The text of this study gives many exampleswhere local knowledge would have improved professional practice (e.g., the flooding of ashopping centre) or reversed the decision of professionals (the cable car project) or helpedcommunity economic development (the use of local styles and materials to increase localemployment).Social Change and the Introduction ofExternal ValuesMore research on local knowledge in relationship to social change might indicate thevarious ways in which social change impacts on local knowledge. Is there a differentimpact of social change derived from outside forces (e.g., the requirements of a multinational corporation or effects of international media) and that derived from inside forces(e.g., conflict among classes or locals)? How does the introduction of external valueschange local technical knowledge?7.6.2 Methodological Issues Related to Research in Local KnowledgeThis study has shown that participatory research methods (such as group242discussions) are appropriate for accessing local knowledge and that informal discussions(such as dinner discussions) are particularly useful for eliciting local knowledge frompeople who were uncomfortable in more formal settings or who had become enthusiasticduring informal discussions.The advantages of “informal follow-up discussions” need to be studied in greater detail.Other informal participatory action research methods may also be effective in obtaininglocal knowledge from local people. Such methods might allow researchers to interactclosely with respondents while working together on a project. Engineers, for example,could participate in dam building, in irrigation operators’ meetings or could even take aposition in a local irrigation organization. Research into the effectiveness of thesemethods for accessing information will contribute to future research methodology.This study has also introduced a broad definition for local knowledge, i.e., knowledge thatincludes knowledge of needs and wants. Further research related to this new definitionwould be appropriate with particular reference to the significance of the new definition todevelopment planning and the impact of the new definition on the study of localknowledge. Further research on the categorization of local knowledge, includingalternatives to the eight characteristics this study provides (and possibly the criteria forcategorizing local knowledge), is needed in order to create optional classification.2437.6.3 Issues Related to Processes for Incorporating Local Knowledge into Designand PlanningThis study suggests balancing the roles of professionals and local people in design andplanning processes so that each group has valid input into development projects. But howcan balanced roles be achieved? And what would be the results? What opportunities existto balance the roles of professionals and local people and what might constrain theseopportunities?This study has shown that existing design and planning processes arranged byprofessionals can limit the roles of local people and lead to the domination of design andplanning processes by professionals. Further research could indicate whether morebalanced roles are created when local people have an equal opportunity to set up thedesign and planning process at the beginning.This study also has shown that, in the existing design and planning processes,professionals hold all the information and local people do not have an opportunity toaccess this information. In the case of some building projects cited, for example, localpeople did not have any information until the projects were constructed. In other cases,the local people were provided with information but did not have time to study thisinformation and express their concerns. The distribution of information on the first day ofthe two-day seminar for the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan for Historic andEnvironmental Preservation is an example of this problem. This study suggests, then,244that the design and planning process must provide both professionals and local people withequivalent information and with ample time to study this information. Further researchmay investigate possibilities that design and planning process can allow all parties to haveequal amounts of information and time to consider information.Finally, any process that intends to fully balance the roles of professionals and local peoplemust provide equal opportunities for influencing decision-making, Decisions in this studywere made by professionals and government officials without consulting local people.Further research, therefore, might focus on how the views of local people could carry thesame weight in decision-making as those of professionals and government officials so thatthere would be a balance of power between the two groups.This concept of balance may or may not fit Arnstein’s Ladder of Citizen Participation(Arnstein 1969). If we take Arnstein’ s Ladder simply as a framework, the concept ofbalanced roles between professionals and local people would initially seem to fit in the“partnership” rung. However, the concept of balanced roles may not be a “partnership”.The concept of balance requires an equal or balanced share for each party, whereas a sharein a “partnership” may not be an equal or a fair share. In this sense, Arnstein’ s Laddercannot be applied to the concept of balance. Thus, the generic and specific meanings ofArnstein’ s categories bear appraisal in the context of providing better opportunity for localknowledge to be applied to planning.245The concept of balanced roles presents some practical difficulties. Who should providethe ultimate advice to the duly elected decision-maker? How are those who give theultimate advice selected? One possibility that further research could investigate is the ideaof having different groups of people meeting together or working committees on decision-making process. Both the research respondents in this study and researchers themselves(Lang and Armour 1980 and Tester 1979) have suggested that working committees,whose members are representative of various groups, can be set up to solve problems.Various ways for selecting the members of the ultimate advisory committee could betested. One method would be to have a committee recommended by professionals andlocal people. This group could be an ad hoc committee or a long-term committee ifconflicts occur often. For the concept of balanced roles to succeed in practice, theselection of the ultimate advisory committee is critical, and therefore a useful focus forfurther research.It is quite possible that a formal participatory process can have negative outcomes if theprofessional does not play an appropriate role. The participatory design of the residentialbuilding of the University of Louvain by Lucien Kroll is an example. Both the medicalfaculty and the students participated in the design process. They laid out the rooms andthe circulation, and selected materials for the floors and walls. The finished buildings hadan amazing variety of materials and a randomness of appearance which obviouslyexpressed the idea of participation. The architecture was exciting but created many246problems: the study rooms and bedrooms are too small and the circulation is extremelycomplex. Furthermore, the buildings opposed every concept of sensible environmentalcontrol: the glass curtain wall faces southwest which is the worst orientation for solargain while the solid wall, which is exactly the right angle for solar glazing, faces north.The designer’s insistence on total reliance on the participants caused these buildings to beless acceptable to the users than had the designer played an appropriate role and exercisedhis knowledge (Broadbent 1984, 143), The Chiangmai study has shown that designerswho appropriately play their roles can accomplish their design with beneficial outcomes.In design and planning processes, therefore, an appropriate balance between roles must beachieved. Professionals must not only provide opportunities for local people to play theirroles as this Chiangmai study has pointed out, but also need to play their own professionalroles, as the Louvain experience suggests. Where previously the professional oftendominated the process, professionals should now consider themselves as ordinaryparticipants, equal, neither superior nor subordinate, to other participants. They canprovide their expertise and also exchange knowledge with local people to arrive at betterdesign and planning. How to achieve formal processes that appropriately balance the rolesof professionals and local people requires ffirther research.One danger of formalizing the concept of balance is that the process could be led by aprofessional or a local person who makes the process appear as if balance has been247achieved. Professionals who benefit from development projects (financially or otherwise)may try to lead other people tacitly in order to gain hidden benefits. Similarly, localpeople who may have hidden agendas or are allied with professionals may try to influenceother local people in order to gain hidden benefits. These and other dangers inherent informalizing the concept of balance offer potential for further research.Further research may also focus on opportunities for regulatory changes that would leadto a more effective incorporation of local knowledge. One possibility may be a change inthe approval of development projects and plans from closed involvement amongprofessionals, owners and authorized officials, as shown in this study to be the Chiangmainorm, to a procedure more open to the public. The process should provide an opportunityfor the public to access information on development projects, and to participate in eachstep of the approval process. Regulatory procedures may cover delivery of information tothe public (e.g., posting information at the development site, delivering informationpackages to each house in the neighbourhood), directly inviting local people to participatein each step of the approval process, and perhaps even having local people (individualsgroups or working committees) involved in some of the decision-making. Professionalsand bureaucrats, who currently control the existing process, may well resist such changebecause they may see that such changes will reduce their power and make their work morecomplicated. The constraints to a more open process in the Thai context, and thepossibility for dealing with these constraints and their implications, require further study.2487.6.4 Issues on the Significance of Local Culture Related to Local KnowledgeThis study brings out issues of significance of local or regional culture as a holisticexpression of local knowledge. It also raises the issue of the relationship between cultureand local knowledge. The issues raised pose many questions for further research. Canlocal knowledge be preserved, respected and employed if local culture is being eroded? Isthere a significant difference between externally generated cultural destruction andinternally generated social change in terms of the implication of each process fordevelopment or disappearance of local knowledge?Further research may show that the issue of the relationship between culture and localknowledge varies depending on the ways these two aspects are looked at. Culture may beregarded as a set of beliefs, concepts, and pattern of meanings through which peopledevelop their knowledge about life and attitudes (Geertz 1973). From this perspective,local knowledge has strong ties with culture as it has developed from culture. Therefore,local knowledge seems to be unable to be preserved and employed if local culture is beingdestroyed.Alternatively, culture can be looked at from a political point of view which may considerculture as an active force, negotiated process and product of the discourses through whichpeople signify their experiences to themselves and others (Clifford and Marcus 1986).Culture seems to be endlessly changed, persistently updated, and resilient to249destruction it is an active dynamic system that constantly influences people in developingtheir knowledge. Therefore, further research within different theoretical frameworks maycome to different conclusions about the viability and role of local knowledge, even withinthe same region. Further research may differently consider the question: Can localknowledge be preserved, respected and used in any meaningful way if local culture isbeing destroyed?The other side of the question may be if local knowledge is preserved, respected and used,will local culture be less vulnerable to destruction? This study shows the significance oflocal knowledge in design and planning and also shows that applying local knowledge canenhance local identity (e.g., using kalae) and culture (e.g., having traditional landscapeelements). Therefore, it seems that the use of local knowledge can become a mechanismfor preventing the destruction of local culture. But again, this depends on the meaning of“destruction of local culture”.The issue of perspective on culture may be framed thus: Local knowledge can beconsidered in the context of social change or in the context of cultural destruction.Cultural destruction may be seen as the imposition of a new culture to the extent that littleor nothing remains of the old. Further research may find study of local knowledge in theevent of cultural destruction would face difficulty because once the culture is destroyed,the study is now dealing simply with artifacts, not a dynamic system. But, social change250that adds new layers of meaning to the existing society is the kind of change when localknowledge is a dynamic part of the change rather than an endangered system or an artifactof the past. From this perspective, study of local knowledge can be done despite socialchange because local knowledge is part of and has adjusted to social change over time.Study of local knowledge during social change would reveal the power of local knowledgeto take new forms or to persist in the face of change.7.6.5 Issues Related to the Preservation of Local KnowledgeThis study has shown that a great deal of local knowledge exists that is relevant tophysical design and planning. The usefulness of this knowledge makes it critical to thinkclearly about its preservation. Related to preservation is the issue of proprietorship andthe simultaneous needs for change and for respect for the past. In terms of proprietorship,for example, should local knowledge be publicized only by original knowledge holders, byother local people, or by anyone? What is the proper professional ethic in dealing withlocal knowledge? How can we prevent local knowledge from being stolen and unfairlyplaced in the public domain?The issue of who should publicize local knowledge (whether the original knowledgeholder or others such as researchers and professionals) raises a discussion about rights.To take an extreme example, is the person who splits the shingles for a roof the onlyperson who has the right to talk or write about the technique of splitting shingles? If it251were unethical for anyone but current knowledge holders to transmit local knowledge,how would such knowledge be retained if the knowledge holders, as a group, passedaway? This issue needs further research (including meaningful consultations withknowledge holders and authors) to identify the appropriate conditions for, and approachesto, publicizing local knowledge. Such research could contribute to the general literatureon professional research and publication ethics.Respect for the past and respectfulness to knowledge holders are also aspects of aprofessional ethic. This study has shown that professionals have the potential to use localknowledge unethically. Both the professional decision to require new buildings to have alocal identity and the professionals’ use of kalae in order to get building permits approvedare examples of this potential for abuse. Similarly, Dearden (1990) and Ekachai (1991)show that respect for the past can lead to local people being forced into museum-likeconditions. This particular problem raises the issue of how to maintain simultaneousrespect for the past and while recognizing the need for change without museumizingpeople. Further research might use a case study approach to compare successful andunsuccessful attempts at balancing preservation and modernization in order to arrive at thebest practice for professionals. Such case studies would be valuable both in academicresearch into ethics and in applied research into similar cases.It may also be valuable to investigate professional education in order to understand how252best to include the ethical issues of accessing, using and publicizing local knowledge. Onepossible experimental way to educate professions could be to apply the concept of puttingoneself in another person’s position. Practically speaking, professionals would be taughtto think as local people or as knowledge holders; one of the teaching techniques for this is“role play” where professionals play the role of local people or knowledge holders undervarious conditions. Role play has the potential for helping professionals to understand thelocal people’s situation, to realize what they are thinking and through this realization cometo a greater ethical awareness.Research into local knowledge may show that a possible alternative for solving theproblems related to its preservation is to develop a local historical centre. The centrecould study and maintain various types of local knowledge with respect to local history,identity and culture. The centre could make this information available to users so that theywould not have to do extensive field research in order to access local knowledge. Such acollection would avoid the problems of overloading local people with demands for theirknowledge or stealing knowledge from local people by unfairly publicizing it. The centrecould deal with issues of improper use of local knowledge as well because knowledgeusers would be working directly with ideally controlling the centre. By setting upregulations for users, the centre could ensure that local knowledge was being usedrespectfully and in a proper manner.253Another alternative may be to experimentally establish a local knowledge holders’information system. As this study has shown, various people hold different types of localknowledge, and a system that could collect the names of knowledge holders and developan active list of information under various categories would benefit everyone. Informationholders always update and develop their knowledge and, as long as they remained linkedto the system, the system would be current at all times. A network of knowledge holdersand researchers could also be established so that members could exchange information.This alternative would be a simple and effective way to preserve local knowledge andmake it available to people who are interested. The establishment of an informationsystem may also be an appropriate way to deal with the rights of knowledge holders. Ifthe information system provided only the names of knowledge holders, then it would bethe choice of knowledge holders how to respond to requests. It would be their choicewhether to release their knowledge and whether to do so only under certain conditions.An interesting research topic would be to identify and assess legal methods for solving theissues of local knowledge preservation and protecting the rights of knowledge holders.Could the concept of copyright be useful and how could it be applied? Are there otherlegal alternatives for solving these problems? And what are the constraints? Furtherresearch in this direction would contribute to the literature both on local knowledge andon law.2547.6.6 Issues Related to the Use of Local Knowledge By ProfessionalsThis study discussed ways professionals use local knowledge by tapping into localknowledge for project design, in which case local knowledge is used merely forrefinement, and for community planning, in which case local knowledge is used moreproactively. There is a need for research not only on the differences in terms of processbetween the two approaches but also in terms of the outcomes or impacts of the twoapproaches.Research may find that using local knowledge for refinement is not necessarily inferior,because it could also contribute to community development. What is critical is the mannerin which such local knowledge is used. This study shows that if local knowledge isimproperly used in refinement, e.g., using kalae in improper places, it would provideunwanted outcomes and destroy community identity. On the other hand, if localknowledge is used properly, it can help community economic development and enhancecommunity identity. For example, resort developments that put thatch grass overindustrial tiles can help increase income of people in the community.The categorization of local knowledge, which in this study led to the identification of eightcharacteristics, has significant implications for practice. Categorization can be used tostructure field studies prior to design and planning. Professional designers and plannerscan use them as a guidelines for collecting and analyzing information.255Specifically, this study’s categorization of local knowledge could be developed and usedas a framework for field study. Care should be taken that the framework does not becomea mere checklist. Checklists are simple to use and allow professionals to get informationquickly. However, using a checklist has some limitations. It is not flexible and forcesusers to follow its pre-designed structure. Since it is very easy to use and simple to mark,people may not carefhlly use the checklist. They may just fill out or mark all items inorder to finish the checklist. This may lead to a simplistic view of the information.Further research may investigate ways to develop the categorization of local knowledgeinto a effective frameworks for professional use, frameworks which overcome thelimitations of checklists in general.The categorization of local knowledge also has implications for teaching and research.Categorization can be taught to students to help them better understand the nature andapplicability of each category of local knowledge. Further research may investigate thestrengths and limitations of using this study’s categorization as a teaching model.7.6.7 Issues Related to the Consequences of Ignorance of Local Knowledge:Local Knowledge as a “Professional Tool”This study has shown numerous examples of local knowledge that have practical value.To professionals, many of those have a significance other than cultural. Local knowledgecan help professionals in their practices by saving time and money. Local knowledge256about drainage patterns, for example, is easily available to professionals and can help toavoid floods without spending time and money on expensive detailed surveys.This study has shown that professionals are hampered in their work if they ignore localknowledge. Architects, for example, designed buildings that leaked and engineersdesigned dams that destroyed natural resources. Pointing out lost opportunities in designand planning may be more effective in drawing the attention of professionals to the valueof local knowledge than showing them its cultural significance. If they realize they aregoing to miss technical information which will improve the technical quality of their workand make them more competitive, they will certainly pay attention to local knowledge andsupport research into local knowledge.This study has shown examples of village technologies in roofing and in irrigation systems,There may be other appropriate technologies developed by local people that can helpprofessionals in their work. Further study may find, for example, windmill, water mill,water supply systems and storm drainage systems developed by local people that can beused in development projects. If it could shown that these cost little to install and operate,then both professionals and project owners would be satisfied.However, even research that focuses on local knowledge as a professional tool needs to bebased on awareness of its cultural significance. This study has shown that localknowledge is holistic and many types of local knowledge have elements that are257interconnected. By studying these elements together with their linkages, researchers willbe less likely to miss significant issues. Awareness of the holistic nature of localknowledge would make the research richer, with the possibility of broader and moresignificant findings than can come from reductionist, single-focus research.7.6.8 Issues Related to Strategies for Promoting Interest in Local Knowledge in theAcademyThis study shows the significance of local knowledge for physical design and planning, andstresses the need to promote interest in it within the academy and among professionals.Several issues need to be addressed: what are the strategies that can be adopted toachieve this end? What are the pros and cons of these strategies? And what are theopportunities and constraints of these strategies?This study found that the existing curriculum for Thai architecture and planning educationhas not paid adequate attention to local knowledge. Further research may find that onestrategy for promoting professional interest in local knowledge is to stress the advantagesof such knowledge in curricula for professional training in physical design and planning.However, it is important that the advantages that are stressed are tangible, significant andrelated to aspects that students are interested in, e.g., technical, social-cultural oreconomic aspects. One such advantage could be the time and money savings that wouldlikely occur if information on drainage patterns were obtained from local people who258could provide this immediately, rather than from elaborate surveys. Highlighting suchadvantages would help develop in students a healthy respect for local knowledge, and anincentive to use it in their professional careers.Another strategy which further research may identify is to arrange academic seminars orworkshops on local knowledge with local people. This study had arranged threeworkshops which raised the interest in local knowledge among participants, even thoughthese did not stress the benefits of applying such knowledge. It is recommended thatfuture seminars do so, so that even more interest may be generated. These seminarswould likely increase the enthusiasm for local knowledge in those already interested in it,and stimulate interest in those not familiar with it. But these seminars are likely to betime-consuming and expensive for both organizers and participants.A third strategy for promoting interest in local knowledge that further research mayevaluate is to provide awards for people who study local knowledge and/or use iteffectively, and in ways that benefits and respects local people. Publicizing such awardswould serve as a source of pride and an incentive to intensified efforts on the part ofaward winners and encourage people to become more interested in local knowledge.However, further research needs to look into the possible dangers of this strategy. Forexample, unless the selection procedure is fair, and seen to be fair, it is likely that thepublic may develop a negative attitude toward local knowledge.259Constraints for taking the above mentioned actions in terms of academic culture includethe negative attitude towards local knowledge. The literature on local knowledge,including McCorkle (1989), draws attention to this attitude. Local knowledge is oftenconsidered inferior to professional (western) knowledge. This attitude may keep peopleaway from being interested in local knowledge and obstruct the actions for promotinginterest in it. Further research should explore ways and means of countering this attitudeamong academics.Another constraint is related to the nature of local and western knowledge. Localknowledge is holistic and recognizes that the whole cannot be understood by merelyinvestigating its parts in isolation, as this study has demonstrated in the case of irrigationsystems, for example. Academic people, whose training is based on the western educationmodel, have a tendency to look at phenomena from the perspective of specific disciplines,and break down information into smaller elements as a means of understanding it. Thismay keep them from understanding and being interested in local knowledge. At thehighest theoretical level, further research could identif,r the pros and cons of western andlocal knowledge and seek ways of synthesizing them. This would be of great benefit toacademic researchers.2607.6.9 ConclusionThis section has broached a number of questions posed by the study of Chiangmai localknowledge and its use in development planning. The section has discussed these questionsbriefly in order to point out possible directions for further research. Because localknowledge is a relatively unexplored field, every inquiry suggested in this section is boundto add to the base of knowledge already existing, and it is entirely possible that carefulresearch will lead to new and unexpected findings. Again, because the field is relativelyunexplored, researchers can choose to concentrate on pure or applied research and,depending on the nature of the researcher and the area of inquiry, can choose to becomeproactively involved with a community or not. 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Mr. Supalerk Mallikamas, architect and planner for the Master Plan for ChiangmaiTourism Development, interviewed on May 13 and 14, 1994.5. Ms. Suree Panupongkul, planner for the Chiangmai Policy-Based Action Plan forHistoric and Environmental Preservation, interviewed on January 20, 1993.6. Dr. Suwatana Tadaniti, planner for the Master Plan for Chiangmai TourismDevelopment and former Head of Urban and Regional Planning Department,Chulalongkorn University, interviewed on March 19, 1993.Local People:1. Ms. Duangchan Apavatjrut, local resident, specialist in Urban Studies at SocialScience Research Institute (CMU), interviewed on January 16, 1993.2. Dr. Tanet Charoenmuang, local resident, the leading local intellectual and instructorin Political Science (CMU), interviewed on April 1, 1993.3. Dr. Vorapit Meemark, local resident, Associate Professor in Social Science (CMU),interviewed on January 15, 1993.II Interviewees Involved in the Design of Projects Studied (Architects, OwnersAnd Government Officials)Projects Studied1. Chiangmai Garden Hotel2752. Diamond River Hotel3. Erawan Resort4. Lanna Garden Resort5. Pongyaeng Garden Resort6. Rim Ping Garden Hotel7. River View LodgeArchitects:1. Prof An Nimmanahaeminda, interviewed on March 23, 1993.2. Mr. Chawalit Siriniran, interviewed on May 7, 1993.3. Mr. Choolathat Kitibutra, interviewed on April 22, 1993.4. Mr. Praphol Eamsoonthorn, interviewed on May 10, 1993.5. Mr. Vithaya Tantranond, interviewed on April 24, 1993.Owners andRepresentative of Owner:1. Ms. Kessupee Phanachet, interviewed on April 21, 1993.2. Ms. Mayures Pongphaibul, interviewed on April 12, 1993.3. Mr. Montri Wanpahul, interviewed on March 8, 1993.4. Ms. Patra Boonchaleow, interviewed on April 19, 1993.5. Mr. Somchai Patarateeranond, interviewed on April 14, 1993.6. Mr. Thongchai Saengrat, interviewed on April 15, 1993.7. Mr. Vichai Jariyakornkul, interviewed on April 5, 1993.Government Officials:1. Mr. Adul Pholpra-in, Head officer, Mae Rim district, interviewed on April 8, 1993.2. Mr. Amphon Satjasai, official of Mae Rim district, interviewed on April 8, 1993.3. Mr. Pongpayom Vaspoot, Deputy Governor of Chiangmai, interviewed on May 7,1993.4. Mr. Wattana Harnsawat, official of Chiangmai Municipality, interviewed on April7, 1993.Second Category: People Not Involved in the Planning and Development ProjectsStudied.I Interviewees Who Live Close to Projects StudieLA. Chiangmai Urban Residents:1. Mr. Adul Tantra, businessman, interviewed on April 21, 1993.2. Ms. Aree Seeta, vendor and home- maker, interviewed on April 22, 1993.2763. Ms. Boonsom Apichai, home-maker, interviewed on April 29, 1993.4. Mrs. Buachorn Vichayaphai, home-maker, interviewed on April 18, 1993.5. Ms. Buareang Saengtubtim, merchant, interviewed on April 23, 1993.6. Mr. Chakree Sangkawandee, employee in public enterprise, interviewed on April21, 1993.7. Mr. Decha Saengchai, salesman in an electrical store, interviewed on April 25,1993.8. Ms. Karnchana Wongmuen, employee in a private company, interviewed on April24, 1994.9. Mr. Kunakorn Siriwat, mechanic, interviewed on April 22, 1993.10, Mr. Manop Sansai, student, interviewed on April 23, 1993.11. Mr. Niwat Samaj ai, salesman (clothing), interviewed on April 26, 1993.12. Ms. Nopawan Pintasa-art, home-maker, interviewed on April 29, 1993.13. Mr. Nopphol Suchart, President of the Islamic Foundation, interviewed on April22, 1993.14. Mrs. Phachanee Soralum, home-maker, interviewed on April 19, 1993.15. Ms. Renoo Koonacharusdej, dress-maker, interviewed on April 25, 1993.16. Mr. Sanan Nasamana, local dialect teacher, interviewed on April 23, 1993.17. Mr. Sanya Waree, student, employee at the City Hotel, interviewed on April 19,1993.18. Mr. Satit Klinnawee, teacher in secondary school, interviewed on April 22, 1993.19. Mr. Taworn Mamun, vendor, interviewed on April 26, 1993.20. Mr. Tepnimit Charoenjai, worker in a steel factory, interviewed on April 26, 1993.21. Ms. U-sa Saengmanee, employee in a private company, interviewed on April 20,1993.B. Chiangmai Rural Residents (Using House Number Multiple):1. Mr. Chantip Surin, farmer, house no. 122, interviewed on April 18, 1993.2. Mr. Duangkaew Saninat, Chief of Pong Yaeng sub-district, interviewed on April 10,1993.3. Mr. Kaen Wongsua, retired farmer, house no. 9, interviewed on April 9, 1993.4. Mr. Kaew Morn-at, worker, house no. 59, interviewed on April 9, 1993.5. Mr. Khanthong Ratphan, farmer house no. 23, interviewed on April 11, 1993.6. Mr. Konkaew Madamool, farmer, house no. 93, interviewed on April 12, 1993.7. Mr. Mee Satatha, farmer and worker, house no. 72, interviewed on April 11, 1993.8. Ms. Pranom Gantaya, farmer and worker, house no. 82, interviewed on April 12,1993.9. Ms. Pun Surin, farmer, house no. 43, interviewed on April 18, 1993.10. Mr. Sai Lawsua, farmer, house no. 143, interviewed on April 16, 1993.11. Mr. Sithichai Tipawang, businessman, house no. 110, interviewed on April 16,1993.12. Mr. Suk Chaiya, worker house no. 113, interviewed on April 11, 1993.27713. Mr. Suk Satatha, farmer, house no. 149, interviewed on April 11, 1993.14. Mr. Suk Wongsua, farmer, house no. 37, interviewed on April 10, 1993.15. Mr. Supachai Sootjai, businessman, house no. 210, interviewed on April 10, 1993.16. Mr. Suwan Khanti, farmer and vendor, house no. 31, interviewed on April 12,1993.17. Mr. Thongchan Satatha, farmer, house no. 159, interviewed on April 11, 1993.18. Mr. Tun A-tatha, farmer, house no. 132, interviewed on April 10, 1993.19. Mr. Wang Tatiya, seventy-three-year-old farmer, house no. 1, interviewed on April8, 1993.II Interviewees Who Live in Chiangmai and are Interested in Issues Related ToLocal Knowledge.1. Mr. Anek Tanomrat, senior carpenter, interviewed on March 26, 1993.2. Mr. Apichart Sri-aroon, architect, interviewed on April 22, 1993.3. Dr. Bundit Chulasai, architect, interviewed on March 26, 1993.4. Assoc. Prof Chalardchai Samitranond, instructor in Social Science (CMU),interviewed on April 2, 1993.5. Mr. Chayun Pholpoke, local activist and author, interviewed on January 7, 1993.6. Mr. Choosit Choochart, instructor at Rajpat Teaching College, interviewed on May7, 1993.7. Mr. Joo Jaikham, contractor, interviewed on April 7, 1993.8. Prof Manee Payomyong, professor in Social Science (CMU), interviewed on April12, 1993.9. Mr. Moon Gan-ngoen, gardener, interviewed on April 5, 1993.10. Mr. Natee Sumpuranaphan, lecturer in Architecture, interviewed on April 10, 1993.11. Mr. Nit Hincheeranandh, former Director, Department of Town Planning,interviewed on April 4, 1993.12. Mr. Phaitoon Promvichit, researcher in northern architecture, interviewed on April15, 1993.13. Mr. Photong Kaewsootthi, architect, interviewed on April 4, 1993.14. Mrs. Rewadee Woothchamnong, government official, interviewed on April 1, 1993.15. Mr. Ruan Kongta, sixty-two-year-old farmer, interviewed on April 12, 1993.16. Mrs. Saengthien Mahawan, president of a travel agency, interviewed on April 23,1993.17. Mr. Samart Sirivechaphun, lecturer in northern architecture, interviewed onFebruary 18 and 19, 1993.18. Mr. Samran Chanrungsri, senior carpenter, interviewed on March 16, 1993.19. Mr. Sirichai Hongvithayakorn, landscape architect and instructor, interviewed onMarch 12, 1993.20. Mr. Somchote Ongsakul, lecturer in Education (CMU), interviewed March 29,1993.27821. Mr. Somkiat Wongwal, teacher at Rajamongkol Institute, interviewed on April 11,1993.22. Mr. Sophon Mongkolwat, instructor in Landscape Gardening, interviewed on April2, 1993.23. Mr. Suchai Kengkarnkar, major share holder of Kad Suan Kaew Shopping Center,interviewed on April 27, 1993.24. Mr. Tan Tuma, senior carpenter, interviewed on April 17, 1993.25. Mr. Tanom Satatha, farmer, carpenter and dam chief interviewed on April 22,1993.26. Dr. Vanpen Surarerks, specialist on local people’s traditional irrigation, interviewedon May 4, 1993.27. Mr. Vithee Panichphun, lecturer in Environmental Design, interviewed on March 30,1993.28. Mr. Wiwat Taemeepun, northern architecture specialist, interviewed on April 15,1993.29. Phra-athikarnvasunt, monk of Chiangmun Temple, interviewed on April 27, 1993.30. Phrachoompholchirathammo, monk of Lamchang Temple, interviewed on April 29.1993.31. Phrakruprachakpatanakhun, monk of Sanfang Temple, interviewed on April 27,1993.32. Phrakruvichianpanya, monk of Daowadung Temple, interviewed on April 30, 1993.33. Phrakruwaeroowanphitak, monk of Phraputthabaht Takpa Temple, interviewed onMay 5, 1993.279APPENDIX 2PARTICIPANTS IN FIRST GROUP DISCUSSION(APRIL 3, 1993)1. Phrakruvinaithornprapat Abbot of That Khum temple2. Mr. Mongkol Iamsamran Instructor, Rajpat TeachingCollege3. Mr. Somchote Ongsakul Instructor, Faculty ofEducation, ChiangmaiUniversity4. IVIr. Sak Ratanachai Specialist in northernhistory, Yonok Artand Culture Institute5. Mrs. Saengthien Mahawan President of a travel agency6. Chao Duangduen Na A descendent of a formerChiangmai Chiangmai ruler and ahomemaker7. Mrs. Yupin Employee of Thai Tobacco Co.Prakartwoothisarn8. Mr. Wiwatchai Boonyapak Planner, Tourism Authorityof Thailand (TAT)9. Mrs. Booppa Jirapong Instructor, Rajpat TeachingCollege10. Mrs. Patcharin Instructor in MassJantananuwatkul Communication, ChiangmaiUniversity11. Mr. Sumet Sukin Teacher, SarapeewithayakhomSchool12. Mrs. Sivaporn Watanarat Lecturer, Faculty of Humanities,Payap University13. Mr. Sompong Pengchan Faculty of Fine Arts,Chiangmai University14. Mrs. Nonglak Yavilas Teacher, SarapeewithayakhomSchool15. Mr. Korkiat Researcher, TATChatsriworakul28016. Ms. Panpen Kruathai Researcher, Social ResearchInstitute, ChiangmaiUniversity17. Mr. Somchai Sukantacheep Architect, ChiangmaiUniversity18. Ms. Isara Kantaeng Architect, planner, andlecturer at RajamongkolTechnical Institute19. Mr. Phaibul Duangchan Researcher, Language ResearchInstitute, Mahidol University20. Ms. Samorn Janevija Faculty of Education,Chiangmai University21. Ms. Aim-orn Chitasophon Faculty ofHumanities,Chiangmai University22. Mrs. Prapaporn Arunothong Faculty of Humanities,Chiangmai University23. Mr. Suchit Pitrakul Instructor, Faculty of Sciences,Chiangmai University24. Ms. Natreerat Lecturer, Faculty ofChandapradit Agriculture, ChiangmaiUniversity25. Mrs. Nantana Pokpong Instructor, Faculty ofHumanities, Chiangmai University26. Mr. Amnuai Yavilas Government official inMinistry of Education281APPENDIX 3PARTICIPANTS IN SECOND GROUP DISCUSSION(APRIL 20, 1993)1. Mr. Khonkaew Duang-ai Farmer (rice), Village Head2. Mr. Khanthong Ratphan Farmer (rice), AssistantVillage Head3. Mr. Chuen Chaisuvarat Farmer (fruit)4. Mr. Kham Himawan Farmer (tapioca)5. Mr. Duangchan Laosua Farmer (rice)6. IVIr. Tanom Satatha Farmer (rice), carpenter,dam chief7. Mr. Duangchan Tantito Farmer (rice)8. Mr. Soonthorn Wongsua Farmer (rice)9. Ms. Buadaeng Kunkaew Farmer (fruit), vendor10. Ms. Rean Siriprayong Farmer (flower), vendor282APPENDIX 4PARTICIPANTS IN THIRD GROUP DISCUSSION(APRIL 28, 1993)1. Mr. Sirichai Narumitlaehakarn Architect, formerPresident ofAssociation of SiameseArchitects, President ofChiangmai Residents Club2. Mr. Suphol Pawarajarn Architect, specialistin lanna architecture3. Ms. Pranom Tansukhanan Planner4. Dr. Vanpen Surarerks Professor in Geography,Chiangmai University;researcher of localirrigation systems5. Mr. Asadang Porananondh Trained urban designer,instructor in Geography6. Mr. Anek Navigmool Trained ruraldevelopment planner,NGO leader in Chiangmai7. Mr. Vithee Panichphun Trained environmentaldesigner, instructor inFine Arts283APPENDIX 5English Translation ofPersonal Information QuestionsNameSexAgeDomicileLength of residence in ChiangmaiPresent addressRegistered addressEducationField of educationOccupationEmployerRelationship to studied projectDateInterviewed timeInterviewer name284APPENDIX 6Abridged English Translation of Interview and Group Discussion Questions forPeople not Involved in Design and Planningof Studied Plans and ProjectsNote: Major questions (such as question 1) were askedfirst. After respondents finishedanswering the questions; the detailed questions (such as question 1 a)) followedQuestions were also asked according to a responsive reaction to each interviewee ‘sanswers. Therefore, the sequence of questions varied according to the circumstances ofthe discussion..1. What knowledge related to physical design and planning do you have?a) What environmental knowledge related to physical design and planning do youhave?b) What technical knowledge related to physical design and planning do you have?c) What social/cultural knowledge related to physical design and planning do youhave?d) What other knowledge related to physical design and planning do you have,beside those types already mentioned?2. What local knowledge was included in physical design and planning?a) How?b) Why?c) What were the consequences of the inclusion?3. What local knowledge was excluded in physical design and planning?a) How?b) Why?c) What were the consequences of the exclusion?4. a) Can you suggest methods for incorporating local knowledge into physical designand planning?b) What are the costs and benefits of each method?5. a) What are your ideas about physical design and planning regarding localknowledge?b) What are your suggestions?285APPENDIX 7Abridged English Translation of Interview Questionsfor People Involved in Design and Planningof Studied Plans and Projectsa) How did you participate in (name ofplan or building) project?b) What was the projects’ design and planning process?c) Who was the decision maker in this project?2. a) What local knowledge was included in this project?b) How?c) Why?d) What were consequences of the inclusion?3. a) What local knowledge was excluded in this project?b) How?c) Why?d) What were consequences of the exclusion?4. What local knowledge is related to physical design and planning?a) What local technical knowledge is related to physical design and planning?b) What local environmental is knowledge related to physical design and planning?c) What local social/cultural knowledge is related to physical design and planning?d) What other local knowledge is related to physical design and planning besidethose that have already been mentioned?5. What local knowledge was included in physical design and planning?a) How?b) Why?c) What were the consequences of the inclusion?6. What local knowledge was excluded in physical design and planning?a) How?b) Why?c) What were the consequences of the exclusion?7. a) Can you suggest methods for incorporating local knowledge into physical designand planning?b) What are costs and benefits of each method?2868. a) What are your ideas about physical design and planning regarding localknowledge?b) What are your suggestions?287I H1 NGAPPENDIX 8tr iTemperature Records from the Meteorological Department77r32B2B..JX224:.., n2.22.427h. :28.02S:7:;S.; . £26..5S. —S.2421-‘420I.“a21 222 . Ba22.813:p . ,p t.,. I’; :L74 17 20 o. 222 .. 2/•• . ?ii ..‘ .r077 21 :2r372 IC;i :22 .2 0:I, : :4.010 :‘: :: :;‘.:::: :1 C ?3S 2 210 21.2 :4I ;•, .‘1C26 14 242:8C2 7 :15 c 0Ii i S 2: 2: O.2 1 o :ooo : :i :...-.-.--.—.,.-—.— ‘_S•/:c\288APPENDIX 9Curriculum ofFaculty of Architecture,Chulalongkorn UniversityNote: • indicates courses with descriptions stating that Thai context is discussedDEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTUREDegree: Bachelor’s Degree in ArchitectureCurriculum StructureNumber of CreditsCommon Courses 30 creditsRequired Faculty Courses 22 creditsRequired Department Courses 109 creditsElective Courses 16 creditsTotal 177 creditsCourses OfferedCommon Courses: 30 creditsLanguage: 9 credits092 115 Foundation English I 3 (2-2-5)092 116 Foundation English II 3 (2-2-5)092 206 English for Academic Purpose I 3 (2-2-5)Mathematics and Sciences: 6 credits261112 Mathematics 2 (2-0-4)361171 Structural Systems in Architecture 2 (2-0-4)361172 Structural Mechanics inArchitecture 2 (2-0-4)289Sociology: 6 credits313 183 Society and Culture 3 (3-0-6)361 291 Architectural Psychology 3 (3-0-6)Humanities: 9 credits361 141 History of Art 3 (3-0-6)361 241 History of Architecture I 3 (3-0-6)361 341 History of Architecture II 3 (3-0-6)Required Faculty Courses: 22 creditsDesign (Lecture): 4 credits361 116 Design Fundamentals 2 (2-0-4)361118 Architectural Design Fundamentals 2 (2-0-4)Design (Professional): 8 credits361 117 Studio in Design 4 (0-8-4)361 119 Architectural Design I 4 (0-8-4)BuildingMaterials andConstruction (Professional): 6 credits361 135 Building Materials andConstruction I 3 (1-4-4)361136 Building Materials andConstruction II 3 (1-4-4)Additional Core Courses: 4 credits361151 Architectural Drawing 2 (2-0-4)361152 Architectural Presentation 2 (2-0-4)Required Department Courses: 109 creditsDesign (Lecture): 8 credits361 215 Architectural Design Criteriaand Concepts I 2 (2-0-4)290361 315 Architectural Design Criteriaand Concepts II 2 (2-0-4)361 415 Architectural Design Criteriaand Concepts III 2 (2-0-4)361 515 Architectural Design Seminar 2 (2-0-4)Design (Professional). 40 credits361 216 Architectural Design II 4 (0-8-4)361 218 Architectural Design III 4 (0-8-4)361 316 Architectural Design IV 4 (0-8-4)361 318 Architectural Design V 4 (0-8-4)361 416 Architectural Design VI 4 (0-8-4)361 418 Architectural Design VII 4 (0-8-4)361 516 Architectural Design VIII 4 (0-8-4)361 518 Thesis 12 (0-24-12)Sketch Design (Professional): 14 credits361 217 Sketch Design I 2 (0-4-2)361 219 Sketch Design II 2 (0-4-2)361 317 Sketch Design III 2 (0-4-2)361 319 Sketch Design IV 2 (0-4-2)361 417 Sketch Design V 2 (0-4-2)361 419 Sketch Design VI 2 (0-4-2)361 517 Sketch Design VII 2 (0-4-2)BuildingMaterials and Construction(Professional): 12 credits361 235 Building Materials andConstruction III 2 (2-0-4)361 236 Studio in Construction I 2 (0-4-2)361 335 Building Materials andConstruction IV 2 (2-0-4)361 336 Studio in Construction II 2 (0-4-2)361 435 Building Materials andConstruction V 2 (2-0-4)361 436 Studio in Construction III 2 (0-4-2)361 535 Building Materials andConstruction VI 2 (2-0-4)Calculation and Structure: 6 credits291161 290 Timber and Steel Structurein Architecture 2 (2-0-4)161 393 Structural Design inArchitecture I161 493 Structural Design inArchitecture IIBuilding System: 5 credits167 480 Sanitary System in Architecture361 372 Mechanical Design in Architecture IIAdditional Core Courses: 22 credits• 361 161 2(2-0-4)361 214 2 (1-2-3)• 361242 2(1-2-3)361 301 2 (2-0-4)• 361 342 2 (1-2-3)361401 0( )361 501 2 (2-0-4)363 3123 (2-2-5)3 (2-2-5)2 (1-2-3)2 (1-2-3)Introduction to Business Management 2 (2-0-4)Office Management 2 (2-0-4)Building Estimation 2 (2-0-4)Introduction to Computer andData Processing in Design 2 (1-2-3)Art Appreciation 2 (2-0-4)Philosophy of Art 2 (2-0-4)Design in Photography I 2 (1-2-3)Introduction to Urban andArchitectural Conservation 2 (2-0-4)361 391 Buddhist Teachings 2 (2-0-4)2 (2-0-4)2 (2-0-4)2 (2-0-4)3 (3-0-6)Tropical Design EnvironmentBasic Interior DesignThai Architecture IIntroduction to Building EconomicsThai Architecture IIPractical Architectural TrainingProfessional PracticeIntroduction to Urban andRegional PlanningUrban PlanningSite PlanningIntroduction to Landscape Architecture363 412364 321364 371Elective Courses: 16 creditsElective Courses: 12 credits (not necessarily in Faculty ofArchitecture)212 111212 314361 201* 361 273361 292361 294361 350361 381292361 402 Architectural Project Management 2 (2-0-4)361 420 Phenomenology in Architecture 2 (2-0-4)361 442 Housing 2 (2-0-4)361 461 Pollution Problems and Control 2 (2-0-4)361 473 Computer in Architecture 3 (1-4-4)361 481 Measure Work and Research inArchitectural Conservation 3 (1-4-4)361 482 Case Study in Urban andArchitectural Conservation 2 (1-2-3)361 491 CPM and Pert 2 (2-0-4)361 492 Building Finance 2 (2-0-4)361 493 Method of Research and Report Writing 2 (2-0-4)361 494 Energy and Architectural Design 2 (1-2-3)* 361 495 Thesis Preparation 2 (2-0-4)361 496 Contemporary Architecture in Thailand 2 (2-0-4)361 497 Large-Scale Building Systems 2 (2-0-4)361 583 Individual Study in Architecture 2 (2-0-4)362 262 Sculpture 2 (1-2-3)362361 Graphic Art 2(1-2-3)362 465 Exhibition 2 (2-0-4)362 524 Interior Design 2 (2-0-4)364 474 Plant and Planting Techniques for Architect 2 (2-0-4)714 286 Principle of Jurisprudence 2 (2-0-4)*= Required coursesFree Elective Courses: 4 creditsTo be chosen from courses offered in the University.Course Qffered for Students from Other Faculties361 115 Introduction to Visual Art and Design 2 (1-2-3)293DEPARTMENT OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTUREDegree: Bachelor’s Degree in Landscape ArchitectureCurriculum StructureNumber of CreditsCommon Courses 30 creditsRequired Faculty Courses 32 creditsRequired Department Courses 103 creditsElective Courses 12 creditsTotal 177 creditsCourses OfferedLanguage: 9 credits092 115 Foundation English I 3 (2-2-5)092 116 Foundation English II 3 (2-2-5)092 206 English for Academic Purpose I 3 (2-2-5)Mathematics and Sciences: 9 credits261 112 Mathematics 2 (2-0-4)361171 Structural System in Architecture 2 (2-0-4)361 172 Structural Mechanics inArchitecture 2 (2-0-4)364 370 Landscape Horticulture 3 (2-3-4)Sociology: 6 credits313 183 Society and Culture 3 (3-0-6) or093 130 Man and Society 3 (3-0-6)417 101 General Psychology 3 (2-2-5)Humanities: 6 credits361 141 History of Art 3 (3-0-6)364 243 History of Landscape Architecture I 3 (3-0-6)294Required Faculty Courses: 32 creditsDesign (Lecture): 6 credits361 116 Design Fundamentals 2 (2-0-4)361118 Architectural Design Fundamentals 2 (2-0-4)361 215 Architectural Design Criteria and Concepts I 2 (2-0-4)Studio in Design (Professional): 14 credits361 117 Studio in Design 4 (0-8-4)361 119 Architectural Design I 4 (0-8-4)361 216 Architectural Design II 4 (0-8-4)361 217 Sketch Design I 2 (0-4-2)Building Material and Construction (Professional): 8 credits361 135 Building Materials and Construction I 3 (1-4-4)361136 Building Materials and Construction II 3 (1-4-4)361 235 Building Materials and Construction III 2 (2-0-4)Additional Core Courses: 4 credits361151 Architectural Drawing 2 (2-0-4)361152 Architectural Presentation 2 (2-0-4)Core Courses: 103 creditsDesign (Lecture): 7 credits364 314 Plants and Design 2 (2-0-4)364 315 Landscape Architectural Design Theory 2 (2-0-4)• 364 513 Park and Recreation Planning and Design 3 (2-2-5)Design (Professional): 42 credits364 290 Landscape Architectural Design I 4 (0-8-4)364 291 Landscape Architectural Sketch Design I 1 (0-3-0)364 390 Landscape Architectural Design II 4 (0-8-4)364 391 Landscape Architectural Sketch Design II 1 (0-3-0)364 392 Landscape Architectural Design III 4 (0-8-4)364 393 Landscape Architectural Sketch Design III295364490364 491364 492364 493364 590364 591364 811Landscape Architectural Construction: 12 credits4 (0-8-4)1 (0-3-0)4 (0-8-0)1 (0-3-0)4 (0-8-4)1 (0-3-0)12 (0-24-12)Landscape Architectural Construction ILandscape Architectural Construction IILandscape Architectural Construction IIILandscape Architectural Construction IVPlant Material: 6 credits364 270 Plant Materials I364 271 Plant Materials IIAdditional Design: 19 credits168 293361 161364 251364 301• 364 343364410364 512364 515* 364516364 580267 369267 469363 312363 412364 461364 462Survey for Landscape ArchitectsTropical Design EnvironmentLandscape Presentation TechniqueLandscape Architectural Cost EstimateHistory of Landscape Architecture IILandscape Architectural Field TripLandscape Architectural Professional PracticeLandscape Architectural ResearchPractical Landscape Architectural TrainingLandscape Seminar3 (2-3-4)2 (2-0-4)2 (0-4-2)2 (2-0-4)2 (2-0-4)1 (0-3-0)2 (2-0-4)1(1-0-2)2 (0-12-0)2 (2-0-4)3 (2-2-5)3 (2-3-4)3 (3-0-6)3 (3-0-6)3 (3-0-6)2 (2-0-4)Landscape Architectural Design IVLandscape Architectural Sketch Design IVLandscape Architectural Design VLandscape Architectural Sketch Design VLandscape Architectural Design VILandscape Architectural Sketch Design VIThesis364 231364 331364 332364 4313 (1-4-4)3 (1-4-4)3 (1-4-4)3 (1-4-4)3 (2-3-4)3 (2-3-4)Environment and Planning: 17 creditsGeomorphology for Land PlanningRemote Sensing for Land PlanningIntroduction to Urban and Regional PlanningUrban PlanningMan and EcologyForest and Forestry296Elective Courses: 12 creditsElective Department Courses: 6 credits* 361 273 Introduction to Computer and DataProcessing in Design 2 (2-0-4)361 402 Architectural Project Management 2 (2-0-4)361 491 CPM and Pert 2 (2-0-4)361 493 Method of Research and Report Writing 2 (2-0-4)361 495 Thesis Preparation 2 (2-0-4)362 524 Interior Design 2 (2-0-4)363 512 Survey of Old Towns in Thailandand Southeast Asia 2 (2-0-4)364 372 Ornamental Plant Materials 2 (2-0-4)364 473 Application of Arts to Landscape Architecture 2 (2-0-4)* 364 475 Computer for Landscape Projects 2 (1-2-3)714 286 Principle of Jurisprudence 2 (2-0-4)*= Required coursesFree Elective Courses: 6 creditsTo be chosen from courses offered in the University.DEPARTMENT OF URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNll’GDegree: Master of Urban and Regional PlanningDegree RequirementsCore Curriculum 30 creditsRequired Option Courses 4 creditsTwo Elective Course 4 creditsThesis and Oral Examination 12 creditsCourse RequirementsCore Courses: 30 credits363 611 Planning I 3 (3-0-9)363 612 Planning II 3 (3-0-9)297363 615 Social Statistics 2 (2-0-6)363 621 Urban Economics 2 (2-0-6)363 622 Regional Economics 2 (2-0-6)• 363 640 Urban & Regional Administration 2 (2-0-6)363 644 Urbanization and Social Changes 3 (3-0-9)363 652 Transportation 2 (2-0-6)363 661 Planning Workshop I 4 (2-4-10)363 662 Planning Workshop II 4 (2-4-10)363 663 Planning Workshop III 4 (2-4-10)363 668 Practicum in Planning 1 (1-0-1)Option Courses: 4 creditsUrban Planning• 363 644 Planning Legislation and Administration 2 (2-0-6)363 651 Urban Evolution 2 (2-0-6)Regional Planning• 363 642 Local Government 2 (2-0-6)• 363 645 Rural Development 2 (2-0-6)Elective Courses: 4 credits312 615 Management Systems 2 (2-0-6)313 614 Problems of Urbanization and Industrialization 3 (3-0-9)313 626 Community Organization 3 (3-0-9)361 621 Man and Environmental Systems 3 (3-0-9)361 711 Seminar: Housing and Community Development 2 (2-0-6)363 623 Resource Development 2 (2-0-6)363 647 Urban Management 3 (3-0-9)363 653 Urban Landscape 2 (2-0-6)• 363 654 Evolution of Human Settlement in Thailand 2 (2-0-6)363 655 Historic and Environmental Conservation 2 (2-0-6)363 656 Planning System Analysis 2 (2-0-6)363 664 Planning Seminar 2 (2-0-6)363 752 Seminar in Urban Design Problem 2 (2-0-6)Elective courses other than those listed above may be taken upon the department’sapproval.363 811 Thesis 12 credits298


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