UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The English lyrics of the Henry VIII manuscript Siemens, Raymond G. 1997

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_1997-251616.pdf [ 16.89MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0088249.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0088249-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0088249-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0088249-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0088249-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0088249-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0088249-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0088249-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0088249.ris

Full Text

The English Lyrics of the Henry VIII Manuscript by R A Y M O N D G . SIEMENS B . A. (Hons), The University of Waterloo, 1989 M.A., The University of Alberta, 1991 A THESIS SUBMITTED LN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES, Department of English We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 20, 1997 © R . G . Siemens, 1997 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or 'by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. /7 v. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2788) Abstract The Henry VIII MS (BL Additional MS 31,922)—a song book with lyrics by Henry VIII, Thomas Wyatt, William Cornish, and other literary figures of the early Henrician court—is a document that contributes greatly to a critical understanding of the connections between poetry, patronage, and power in early Renaissance society because of the prominence of its chief author, the King himself, and the manuscript's reflection of literary, social, and political elements of the early Tudor court. Acknowledging that the contents of the Henry VIII MS have been thoroughly treated as "words for music" by the musicologist John Stevens, whose Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court and Music at the Court of Henry VIII are the standard works in the area, my thesis builds on existing scholarship to treat the lyrics of H chiefly as "words," as literary texts. The chief focus of this work is the fifty-three English lyrics longer than one line, many of which are extant in the Henry VIII MS alone; the four English incipits and seventeen foreign lyrics and incipits are gathered in the appendices. Intended to be the beginning of a larger work toward the demonstration of the Henry VIII MS* importance both as a poetic and cultural document, my thesis provides the first text of the English lyrics of this manuscript intended for an audience of literary scholars and students. In introductory chapters, my thesis provides an analysis of the manuscript's content, text, and context; ultimately, my work aims to provide the basis for a more complete consideration of the Henry VIII MS' foundation in literary tradition, its influence, and its place within the court culture of early Tudor England. Siemens, Henry VIII MS ii Table of Contents Frontmattcr Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Figures vii Table of Abbreviations and Sigla viii Acknowledgements xii Introduction 1 King, Court, and Literary Accoutrement 2 Processes of Naming: The Name and "Place" of the Henry VIII MS 7 i. Interpretative Provinces and Sites of Authorisation: The Critic, the Author, and the Process of Attribution in the Henry VIII MS 13 Song or Verse? Interpretative Provinces and the Authors of// 15 Skelton and Wyatt: The Court Professional and the Coterie Poet / Troubadour 20 A Critical Approach to Textual Authorship in the Early Tudor Songbooks 28 Authorial Evidence in H, and the Ascription of Works to Henry VIII 33 ii. Henry VIII as Writer and Lyricist 41 Henry as Author: Models and Texts 42 Lyrical Attributions, Dubious and Otherwise 48 Henry's Lyrics, Their Contexts, and the Realms of Their Interpretation 53 Youth and Age, Lover and Disdainer: Poetic Discourses and Royal Power in Henry's Lyrics 65 Henry VIII's Place in Literary History 72 Appendix. Myne hart is set vpponw a lusty pynne 73 Textual Introduction 75 Authors and Composers 77 Description 83 The Date of the Manuscript 88 The Provenance of the Manuscript .92 Language 100 The Principles of this Edition 101 Notes, References, and Brief Comments on Textual Witnesses and Related Manuscripts . 104 The English Lyrics 110 Possible Presentations 110 English Lyrics by Composer/Author I l l English Lyrics by Manuscript Order 113 English Lyrics by Occasion/Theme 115 Siemens, Henry VIII MS iii Siemens, Henry VIII MSiv English Lyrics, Alphabetically by Incipit 118 The Lyrics, Organized by Composer/Author Henry VIII Pastyme with good companye (The Kynges Ballade) (14M51) 121 Alas what shall I do for love (20v-210 131 0 my hart and o my hart (22v-23") 133 The tyme of youthe is to be spent '. . . (28v-2Qr) 135 Alac alac what shall I do (35") 139 Grene growith the holy (3T-3V) 141 Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne (39*) 145 Iflovenowreynydasithathbene (48v-490 148 Wherto shuld I expresse (5 lv-52r) 151 Thow that men do call it dotage (55v-56*) 154 Departure is my chef payne (60") 157 Withowt dyscord (68v-690 160 Though sum saith that yough rulyth me (IV-TS*) 164 Whoso that wyll for grace sew (84V-85I) 168 Lusti yough shuld vs ensue (94v-97*) 170 William Cornish Adew adew my hartis lust (23v-240 174 My loue sche morneth for me (30v-31'1) 176 A the syghes that cum fro my hart (32^ 33") 185 Blow horrme hunter (39M(r) 188 Adew corage adew (42") 195 Trolly lolly loly lo (43v-44r) 197 Yow and I and amyas (45v-46*) 199 Arobyngentylrobyn[Wyatt] (53v-540 205 Whilk? lyue or breth is in my brest (54v-55r) 211 Thomas Farthing Aboffe ail thynge (24") 218 In may that lusty sesouw (26^ 222 The thowghtes wi/ttn my brest (29v-30r) 224 With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne (33v-34r) 226 1 love trewly wj/frowt feynyng (44M51) 228 Robert Cooper Alone I leffe alone (221) 230 I haue bene a foster (65v-66r) 232 Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart (66v-68*) 239 Siemens, Henry l-WMSv William Daggere Downbery down (25") 242 Henry Rysby Whoso that wyll hym selff applye (2T-2V) 244 John Lloyd Deme the best of euery dowt (79*) 246 William Pygott QUid petis o fily (112M161) 249 Robert Fayrfax / Anthony Woodville Sv/wwhat musyng (120M220 253 Unattributed Ifflhadwyttfortoendyght (34v-350 274 Hey nony nony nony nony no (360 281 Iamajolyfoster (69v-71r) 287 MAdame damours (73v-74r) 291 Adew adew le company (74v-750 294 Heytrolylolyloly (800 298 Letnotvsthatyongmenbe(Possibly Henry VIII) (ST-SV) 300 ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart (100M020 305 Pray we to god that all may gyde (103") 307 And I war a maydyn (106M07*) 310 Why shall not I (107M080 312 What remedy what remedy . (108M Iff) 315 Wherbeye (H0v-112r) 319 My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble (116M200 323 I loue vnloued suche is myn aduewture (122V-124I) 328 Heytrolylolylo (124M280 330 Appendix 1: English Incipits 335 Heynowenowe (Kempe) (21*) 336 Hey now now (Farthing) (25*) 337 It is to me a ryght gret Ioy (Henry VIII) (61*) 338 Now (Unattributed) (980 339 Appendix 2: Foreign Lyrics & Incipits 340 Adew mes amours et mon desyre (Cornish) (15M70 341 Adew madam et ma mastress (Henry VIII) (17*-180 342 HElas madam eel que ie me tant (Henry VIII) (W-IS1) 343 Sy fortune mace bien purchase (Unattributed) . ! (50-510 344 Siemens, Henry VIII MS vi Benedictus (Isaac) (3v-4*) 345 Fortune esperee (di Giovanni) (4v-5r) 346 Alles regret uuidez dema presence (van Ghizeghem/Duke Jean II of Bourbon) . . (5^ 60 347 En frolyk weson (Barbireau) (6v-70 349 De tous bien plane (van Ghizegehem) (40v-41r) 351 lay pryse amours (Unattributed) (41M21) 352 Ough warder mouwt (Unattributed) (46v-47r) 353 La season (Compere) (47M8«) 355 Gentyl prince de renom (Henry VIII) 356 En vray Amoure (Henry VIII) (86v-870 357 Dulcis arnica (Prioris) (88v-89r) 358 Belle sur tautes (Agricola) (99v-100r) 359 Ffors solemant (Ockeghem) (104v-105r) 361 Bibliography 362 List of Figures Siemens, Henry VIII MS vii 1. Henry VIII at the tournament celebrating the birth of a son 4 (From Anglo's reproduction of the Great Tournament Roll of Westminster [Membrane 13]) 2. Henry VIII reading in his chamber 37 (From the Henry VIII Psalter.) 3. Henry VIII playing a harp, with fool Will Summers nearby 39 (From the Henry VIII Psalter.) 4. "Blush not fayer nimphe," attributed to Henry VIII 49 (From a prayer book belonging to Katherine Parr, at Sudeley Castle.) 5. "Romance Subject" from Henry VIII's Holy Day Room, Hampton Court 67 (From Marillier.) 6. Block capital "H" from the second voice of Henry's "HElas madam eel que ie me tant" . . 75 (i/18v-19r;343.) 7. Portrait of Henry Guildford (by Holbein) 93 8. Henry VIII as a young monarch, ca. 1520 120 (Artist unknown; from the National Gallery, London.) 9. Detail of Henry' s "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14V-15r; 121) 129 10. Henry's "Departure is my chef payne" (H60v; 157) 159 11. Cornish's "My loue sche mometh for me" (H 30v-3 l r ; 176) 183 12. Cornish's "Blow thi horrme hunter" (#39v-4Cr"; 188) 193 13. Cornish's "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r; 199) 203 14. Cornish / Wyatt's "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r; 205) 209 15. Cornish's "Wliilles lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211) 216 (Seemingly intended for presentation by Katherine of Aragon.) 16. Farthing's "Aboffe all thynge" (H 24v; 218) 221 17. Cooper's "I haue bene a foster" (//65v-66r; 232) 237 18. Lloyd's "Deme the best of euery dowt" (H 79v; 246) 248 19. Fayrfax / Woodville's "Sv/mvhat musyng" (H 120M22r; 253) 260 19 a. Witness: ZFav(33v-35r) 264 19 b. Witness: Wells (lr-2r) 268 19 c. Witness: CFitz (1*) 272 19 d. Witness: NYDrex (I1) 273 20. "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (H 34v-35r; 274) 279 21. "Adew adew le company" (H 74v-75r; 294) 296 22. "Let not vs that yongmen be" (H 300) 303 23. "Pray we to god that all may gyde" (H 103r; 307) 309 Siemens, Henry VIII MS viii Table of Abbreviations and Sigla Abbreviations for textual witnesses, manuscript and otherwise, as well as other frequently used abbreviations are given in the following table. For brief summaries of the textual witnesses, and a list of their contents as related to the Henry VIII MS as well as a list of their mention in this work, please refer to Notes, References, and Brief Comments on Textual Witnesses and Related Manuscripts (104). For Manuscript and Early Printed Book Information Sources and Notable Reprintings, full information is provided in the Bibliography, abbreviations as per these two lists are present in the Bibliography as well, for ease of use. For ease of reference, the table is presented in three separate parts on the next three pages. Siemens, Henry ^ll MS ix Sigla CFitz Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 1,005. CGon Cambridge, Gonville & Caius College MS 383/603. CPei Cambridge, PeterhouseMS 195. CTri Cambridge, Trinity College MS 0 2.53. DBla Dublin, Trinity College MS 160. EPan Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, Panmure MS 9,450. H London, BL Additional MS31,922. L1587 London, BL HarleianMS 1,587. L18752 London, BL Additional MS 18,752. LDev London, BL Additional MS 17,492. LEge London, BL Egerton MS 2,711. LFay London, BL Additional MS 5,465. LR58 London, BL Royal Appendix 58. LRU London, BL Additional MS 5,665. LTho London, BL Egerton MS 3,537. LVes London, BL Cotton MS Vespasian A.xii. NYDrex New York Public Library, DrexelMS 4,185. OxAsh Oxford, Bodleian MS Ashmole 176. OxEP Oxford, Bodleian MS English Poetry E l . OxHill Oxford, Balliol College MS 354. QxRawl86 Oxford, Bodleian Rawlinson C.86. PBLe Legenda aurea. Wells Wells Cathedral Library, Music Manuscripts: Fayrfax Fragment. Siemens, Henry VIII MS x Other Abbreviations BL Boffey Crum CSPMilan CSP Spain CSP Venice L&P Henry VIII MED OED Pollard/STC PRO RinglerMS Ringlet Print Robbins Index Robbins Suppl London, British Library. Boffey, Julia. Manuscripts of English Courtly Love Lyrics in the Later Middle Ages. Crum, Margaret. First-Line Index of Manuscript Poetry in the Bodleian Library. Also Addenda. Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Existing in the Archives and Collections of Milan. Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negociations Between English and Spain. Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts, Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice and in other Libraries of Northern Italy. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Middle English Dictionary. Oxford English Dictionary. Pollard, A.W., and G.R. Redgrave. A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland 1475-1640. London, Public Record Office. Ringler, William A. Jr. Bibliography and Index of English Verse in Manuscript 1501-1558. Ringler, William A. Jr. Bibliography and Index of English Verse Printed 1476-1558. Robbins, R H . and Carleton Brown. Index of Middle English Verse. Robbins, R H . and J.L. Cutler. Supplement to the Index of Middle English Verse. Siemens, Henry WIMSxi Notable Reprintings Arber Black Briggs Collection Chambers Lyrics Chambers Verse Chappell Music Chappell Popular Chappell Account Chronicle Davies Dearmer Dyboski Fliigel Anglia Fliigel NeuengL Foxwell Furnivall Greene Hearne. Hebel Hebel and Hudson Jones MacNamara Padelford Percy Reed. Reese Rickert Rimbauh Ritson. Seaton Stafford Collection Stafford Antiqua Stevens M&P Stevens MCH8 Tillyard Trefusis Turner Arber, Edward. Dunbar Anthology. (Dunbar and his Times.) Black, Matthew W., ed. Elizabethan and Seventeenth-Century Lyrics. Briggs, Henry B. A Collection of Songs arid Madrigals of the Fifteenth Century. Chambers, Edmund K. and F. Sidgwick. Early English Lyrics. Chambers, Edmund K. The Oxford Book of Sixteenth Century Verse. Chappell, William Old English Popular Music. Chappell, William. Popular Music of the Olden Time. Chappell, William. "Some Account of an Unpublished Collection . . . " Chronicles of White Rose of York. Davies, Reginald T., ed. Medieval English Lyrics. Dearmer, Percy, et al. Oxford Book of Carols. Dyboski, Roman, ed. Songs, Carols, and other Miscellaneous Poems. Fliigel, Ewald. "Liedersarnmlungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts, Besonders aus der Zeit Heinrich's VIII." Fliigel, Ewald. Neuenglisches Lesebuch Wyatt, Thomas. The Poems of Sir Thomas Wiat. (AK. Foxwell, ed). Laneham, Robert. Captain Cox. (F. J. Furnivall, ed.). Greene, Richard L. The Early English Carols. Hearne, Thomas, ed. Joannis Rossi Antiquarii Warwicensis Historia Regum Angliae. Hebel, J. William, et al. Tudor Poetry and Prose. Hebel, J. William, and H.H. Hudson. Poetry of the English Renaissance. Jones, Emrys, ed. The New Oxford Book of Sixteenth Century Verse. MacNamara, Francis, ed. Miscellaneous Writings of Henry VIII. Padelford, Fredrick M. Early Sixteenth Century Lyrics. Percy, Thomas. Reliques of Ancient English Poetry. Reed, E.B. "The Sixteenth-Century Lyrics in Additional MS 18,752." Reese, Gustave. Music in the Renaissance. Rickert, Edith. Ancient English Christmas Carols. Rimbault, Edward F. A Little Book of Songs and Ballads. Ritson, Joseph. Ancient Songs. Seaton, Ethel Sir Richard Roos: Lancastrian Poet. Stafford Smith, John. A Collection of English Songs in Score... Stafford Smith, John. MusicaAntiqua: Selections of Music. Stevens, John E. Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court. Stevens, John E. Music at the Court of Henry VIII. Tillyard, E.M.W., ed. The Poetry of Sir Thomas Wyatt. Trefusis, Lady Mary. Songs, Ballads and Instrumental Pieces Composed by King Henry VIII. Turner, Sharon. History of England. Acknowledgements No matter how humble, the work of most individuals has many authors; this thesis is no exception. In the processes of researching, collating, annotating, writing, and revising I have benefited considerably from the direction and assistance of many people, without whom this thesis would not have been completed. My advisor, Paul G. Stanwood, has been immensely helpful and supportive, as have my readers Gemot Wieland and Bryan N.S. Gooch, as well as Mark Vessey and Stephen Partridge; to them, and my mentors and friends Ian Lancashire, Raymond Grant, and Paul Beam, my work owes a considerable debt. I wish especially to express my gratitude to Ian Lancashire, who introduced me to the material that my work here covers, and who has encouraged me greatly in its pursuit; to my wife, Lynne, who endured several years of my concern with the materials presented herein (as well as the reading of the penultimate draft of this work); to my daughter, Kate, who is (at the time of my writing) as old as this thesis, but a much better work on the whole; and to my father, whose hand I feel on my shoulder, still. I wish also to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (Doctoral Fellowship), the U of British Columbia Faculty of Graduate Studies (UG Fellowship), the U of Toronto Faculty of Graduate Studies (Open Fellowship) and the U of British Columbia and U of Toronto Departments of English for funding which allowed me to carry out this research, as well as Oriel College, Oxford, where I was an associate (MCR) for the time during which I worked with primary materials Among those who answered very specific questions about often obscure materials, I would like to express my gratitude to L.G. Black, Oriel College, Oxford; Andrew Busza, U of British Columbia; Thomas B. Campbell, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; David Fallows, U of Siemens, Henry Mil MS xii Manchester; Nancy Frelick, U of British Columbia; Steven Gunn, Merton College, Oxford; Peter C. Herman, San Diego State U; Steven W. May, Georgetown College; Peter Meredith, Leeds; David Starkey, London School of Economics; Simon Thurley, Curator, Historical Royal Palaces (Hampton Court Palace); Greg Waite and others at the Early Tudor Textbase Project (U of Otago, New Zealand); and Joanne Woolway, Oriel College, Oxford. As well, Chris Banks, British Library; Patricia Basing, British Library; Robert J. Bruce, Principal Library Assistant in the Bodleian's Music Library; David A H . Cleggett, Historical Advisor and Archivist, Leeds Castle Foundation; Wayne Furman, Office of Special Collections, New York Public Library; Sue Hanson, Head of Special Collections, University Library, Case Western Reserve U; William Hodges, Bodleian Library, Oxford; Hilton Kelliher, British Library; Thomas V. Lange, Curator of Early Printed Books and Bindings, Huntington Library; Phillipa Marks, British Library; Frances Neale, Archivist, Wells Cathedral Library; J.F. Russel, Research Assistant, Manuscripts Division, National Library of Scotland; Stuart 6 Seanoir, Assistant Librarian, Manuscripts Division, Trinity College Library, Dublin; John Shepard, Head, Rare Books and Manuscripts, New York Public Library; Bella Stewart, Senior Assistant, Department of Manuscripts and Printed Books, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; Bill Winder, U of British Columbia; and Lady Aschcombe, Brigadier LeBlanc-Smith, and others at Sudeley Castle, Gloucestershire, for their kindness during my visit and for permission to work with Katherine Parr's book of prayers that contains the poem "Blush not fayer nimphe." I wish also to thank librarians and archivists at the U of British Columbia Library, Vancouver (especially Joseph Jones and Keith Bunnell); the British Library and its Manuscript Room, London; the Public Record Office, London; the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh; Oriel Siemens, Henry WILMS xiii College and Balliol College, Oxford; the Bodleian Library, Oxford; Fitzwilliam Museum, Gonville and Caius College, Peterhouse, and Trinity College, Cambridge; the Centre for Kentish Studies, Maidstone; the New York Public Library; and Robarts Library, U of Toronto. Siemens, Henry VIII MS xiv Introduction When we think of exemplary models illustrative of the nature of courtly literature and culture in Renaissance England, the early court of Henry VIII is not always the first to come to mind. By sheer force of voluminous scholarship alone, one might be more drawn to that of his daughter Elizabeth I and, once there, persuaded to consider those who assisted in the process of shaping the literary life of her court in a model suited to its monarch, and literary representations of that monarch in terms suitable to the court. Of this, there are many illustrations, among them the Cynthia of Edmund Spenser's Colin Clout, the Britomart, Glorianna, and Belphoebe of The Faerie Queene, Sir Philip Sidney's judicious judge at the centre of his Lady of May; and the figure—constructed and interpreted by Spenser, Mary Sidney, William Shakespeare, George Peele, John Davies, and others—of Astrea.1 What emerges from consideration in such a vein is the nature of the social fiction that is constructed and elaborated in literary terms by these literati and, when viewed in the larger context of court activity, the way in which literary constructions are reflected in (and, themselves, reflect) themes and trends in the larger fabric of court life. Such processes, of course, are similarly at work in the earlier Tudor court,2 especially that of Elizabeth's father Henry in the first years of his reign, but there are far fewer literary figures of such prominence to recount—unless, of course, one is willing to consider the king directly among those literary figures who participated in the construction of courtly social fictions. The Henry 1 See Frances Yates' Astrea (29-87). 2 See, for example, recent studies in the literature of the Henrician court carried out by Alistair Fox, in his Politics and Literature in the Reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII, and Greg Walker, in his Plays of Persuasion, among others. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 1 Siemens, Henry mi MS 2 VIII Manuscript (BL Additional MS 31,922; hereafter referred to as H), one of only three large songbooks surviving from the period, is notable for many reasons, but chief among them is its intimate connection with Henry's early court and, within, its exemplification of the fictions developed and elaborated by Henry and his early contemporaries, specifically that of courtly love and the elements of spectacle and regal power that Henry brought to it.3 King, Court, and Literary Accoutrement An illustrative event, the underpinnings of which are demonstrated in part by lyrics of the Henry VIII MS authored by Henry himself and members of his Chapel Royal, may be presented by a rehearsing of details surrounding the February 1511 tournament in honor of a male child born to Henry and Katherine of Aragon on 1 January of that year.4 A letter of challenge, issued by Henry, presents the fiction to which the combat would adhere: Be it knowen to all men, that where as certaine Lettres haue bene sent and directed Vnto the moost high noble and excellent princesse the Quene of England and of ffraunce, from her right dere and best beloued cousyn Noble Renome Quene of the Royalme named Cuer noble, having knowledge of the good and gracious fortune of the byrthe of a yong prynce that it hath pleased god to send to her and to her make, which is the moost Joye and cornfort that mought be to her and to the moost renomed Royalme of England considering the valliantenes, vertues, and expert nobles which highly aboundeth in her moost derest cousyn the king of the same, hath sent iii] knyghtes borne in the Roialme of Cuere noble, whose names foloweth that is to sey, Cuere loyall, Vailliaunt desyre, Bone voloyr, and Joyous panser, to accomplisshe certaine feates of Armes which at the Instaunce and desire 3 On the nature of the fiction of courtly love, see the fourth chapter of R.F. Green's Poets and Princepleasers, "The Court of Cupid" (101-134); also the chapters in Stevens M&P: "The 'Game of Love'" (154-202) and "The Courtly Makers from Chaucer to Wyatt" (203-232). On the dynamic of political power inherent to such "fictions," see Anglo (Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy). 4 There were other festivities, but the central event was the tournament beginning 12 February 1511; the child died on 22 February. Siemens, Henry WI MS 3 of the said princesse hath goten and opteyned of the king our souuerain . . . .5 With a debt betrayed, but not overtly acknowledged, to Burgundian tournaments which typically adopted and maintained allegorical themes, the idea of a foreign court of love is established, that of the realm known as "Cuer noble" (Noble Heart). Upon hearing of the birth of a son to the Queen of England, and knowing of the valiant nature and chivalric expertise of her king and his men, the queen of this foreign court, "Noble Renome" (Noble Renown), has sent four challengers to accomplish "feates of armes" as part of, noted further in the challenge, "the honnor or curtesie" required of them for "the quene and the ladies." For two days—interspersed with disguisings, banquets, and other celebratory activities—the tournament lasted, to end with the queen's presentation of the prize to the knight known as "Cuere loyall" (Loyal Heart) for his valiant actions. The realm known as "Cuer noble," explicitly presented as being parallel to that of England through relation, is of course England itself, "Noble Renome" is Katherine, and the foreign knights—Cuere loyall, Vailliaunt desyre (Valiant Desire), Bone voloyr (Good Will), and Joyous panser (Joyful Thought)— are Henry VIII, Thomas Knyvet, William Courtney, and Edward Neville, respectively,6 Such was the fiction, as demonstrated in the document issuing the tournament challenge, and also graphically preserved in what is now known as the Great 5 Preserved in British Museum Cart. Harl. Antiq. 83 H. I; reproduced in Anglo (Tournament Roll 109-11). 6 The identities of these figures, erroneously reported by Hall in some cases (517), is confirmed by extant jousting cheques for this tournament (BL Ashmolean MS 1116 109M 10v; see Anglo, Tournament Roll 112-5). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 4 Figure 1: Henry VIII at the tournament of 1511. Tournament Roll of Westminster1—a grand manuscript which details the participants in the tournament and displays Henry, himself and his horse arrayed in fabric covered with Hs and As as well as several devices of a golden arm holding a scroll with the word "Loyall" thereon and a 7 London, College of Arms MS Great Tournament Roll of Westminster; a facsimile reprint is available (Anglo, Tournament Roll). Siemens, Henry Wl MS 5 heart hanging from the scroll (membrane 13; see Figure 1 [4]), breaking his stave against the helmet of a competitor (membranes 25-6).8 Participating in the courtly fiction also were pageants and, notably, singing by the Chapel Royal of "diuers freshe songes."9 Among these songs, very likely, were those from H, such as the unattributed "Adew adew le company," Adew adew le company I trust we shall mete oftener viue le katerine et noble henry viue le prince le infant rosary. (H 74v-75r; 294) which bids goodbye to a company gathered at a celebration for the short-lived heir, as well as Farthing's "Aboffe all thynge," Aboffe all thynge now lete vs synge both day and nyght Adew mornyng a bud is spryngynge of the red rose and the whyght (H 24v; 218) which, in the emblematic terms of the Tudor rose (as noted also in the final line of "Adew adew le company"), commemorates that which the tournament also sought to celebrate. Henry's own "Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne" (H 39"; 145) and "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48M91; 148) buttress the chivalric fiction of the court of love that Henry himself championed in his early years, as do others, including the lyrics "Let not vs that yongmen be" (H 87v-88r; 300; unattributed), Rysby's "Whoso that wyll hym selff applye" (H 277-28'; 244), and Cornish's "Whiltes lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211), itself making explicit reference to Henry's 8 As noted by Anglo, this in itself is a fictionalised situation, for jousting cheques reveal that Henry did not break a stave against a competitor's helmet during this tournament (Tournament Roll 97 n.l). 9 Quoted in Anglo, Tournament Roll (55). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 6 chivalric prowess and seemingly intended to be performed by his queen. Such was the scale of this particular courtly fiction, involving the king not only as a much-heralded participant, as one chiefly sees in similar courtly events surrounding Elizabeth I, but also as a leading author of that fiction, as evinced by his role in the construction of the letter of challenge, in the device of the "loyal heart" displayed in his jousting costume (which associates, in a venue intended to display active virtuosity, the more passive symbol of the scroll with loyalty and love), and in the lyrical works which herald the very ideals of courtly love which form the foundation of the "Royalme named Cuer noble." The Henry VIII MS, which documents the fictions of the early Tudor court constructed and upheld by the literati of the day, provides what is a rare opportunity for such witness, and the even rarer opportunity of examining the light lyrical works of a figure better known for his large reforms, secular and religious alike. It allows one to view the court, and its monarch, through the short poetical works which graced them, the lyrics of the Henry Mil MS themselves being exemplary of the literary accoutrement—the apparel or attire intended for special purposes10—of the early Tudor court and of the king himself. Hitherto unedited in a form intended for a literary audience, the English lyrics of the Henry VIII MS thus constitute a document that contributes considerably to our critical understanding of the connections between poetry, patronage, and power in early Renaissance society—because of the prominence of its chief author, the King himself, and also because of its literary reflection of the social and political elements of the early Tudor court. See OED ("accoutrement"). Siemens, Henry WI MS 7 Processes of Naming: The Name and "Place " of the Henry VIII MS In addition to establishing a critical context for H, an introduction to a work dealing with this document also necessitates discussion of the name and place that recent tradition has ascribed to it, because typical assumptions about the relation of the manuscript to the king himself that might be properly held about other documents and their relation to their namesakes simply do not apply in this case and, hence, must be dispelled. In such a discussion, a place for H in our critical minds—one based in perceptions associated with it because of its name, but the implications of which are more far-reaching—also begins to take shape. Though one of its early describers, William Chappell, has commented that the manuscript belonged to Henry," the Henry VIII MS was not owned by Henry VIII, nor did he commission it, nor, given the present state of our knowledge about it, did he handle it. Henry is the chief author in the collection of lyrics it contains and, as one might expect in a courtly document, a number of the works therein refer to him and his court's activities; however, the relation of this outstanding monarch to the manuscript which has come to bear his name ends at this point. Expectations that the manuscript is the king's are excited chiefly because of typical associations made about documents based on the names by which they are commonly known. For poetic materials of the early Tudor era, the process can function in several ways. Scholarly rigour in our time dictates that we refer to works by their repository location and shelf number,12 but nomenclature of materials such as this typically moves beyond the shelf number, especially with " See Chappell's "Account" (371). This may be based on the evidence of the first leaf of the ms, on which is written, in a sixteenth-century hand, "henricus dei gr[aci]a Rex Anglie" (l1). 1 2 The subject of this work, for example, is BL Additional MS 31,922. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 8 resources that have a certain prominence and, thus, a familiarity in the circles of readers and scholars who address the material. Naming, however, is not a simple and straightforward matter; quite often, it is the opposite, a process that takes on a life of its own. For example, one might look to Oxford Bodleian Library Arch. G. f. 12[1] (Pollard/STC 13860), the printed miscellany by which early Elizabethan audiences and those that followed chiefly grew to know the works of Wyatt, Surrey, Nicholas Grimald, and others, that was initially known by its title, one which catalogued, generically, its contents: Songes and Sonettes. Reprinted at least nine times within the thirty years following its first printing, its contents eventually came to be referred to by some as Wyatt and Surrey, or Surrey and Wyatt.13 The name by which it is currently and popularly known, Tottel's Miscellany, reflects the Victorian supposition of its first printer's editorial influence, that of Richard Tottel;14 this name arose at the same time as a full reprinting of the collection by E. Arber in 1870, and has stayed with us to the present day in small portable volumes such as that printed by Arber and in HE. Rollins' much larger scholarly edition of 1929. While a brief history of Tottel s Miscellany serves well to illustrate how operations of nomenclature can behave, and while there is a similarity between it and H in that each is a 1 3 This, possibly as a derivative form of the title given to the edition published by W. Meares and J. Brown in 1717 which was Poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey... With the Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt, though the first page of the book has Songes and Sonettes printed at its head. Wyatt and Surrey, however, is a title chiefly used now only by a few, and then chiefly in reference to abridged versions of the full collection from which much of the work by others was removed. 1 4 Tottel's editorial influence today, however, is thought to be much less than originally speculated, as Rollins (xx) and others have noted. Instead, manuscript evidence found in the works of Wyatt suggest that it may have been Nicholas Grimald, who is the only other named author in Tottel's Miscellany, who had the chief editorial influence. Siemens, Henry WI MS 9 miscellany of sorts, H is a document of a very different type. For our purposes, the most important differentiating factors to note are that H had a very different intended audience and a very different public prominence from the date of its composition. The contents of the manuscript suggest that it was intended to function as a songbook for members of the court that surrounded Henry VIII. Tottel was intended to be read, or to be read from, whereas H was intended for performance, either public or private. Tottel had a widespread public circulation, upon which Wyatt and Surrey's canonical status was initially established and, for centuries thereafter, re-confirmed. The lyrics contained in the Henry VIII MS did have a widespread circulation of sorts, but not in print; rather, it was a circulation in what we might refer to as a hybrid between manuscript culture and oral culture.15 Tottel, as a collection, was relatively well-known, having been in and out of print well into Victorian times and beyond, but the Henry VIII MS, once it left court circles for Kent (ca. 1520-30), was seemingly unknown until its description by Chappell (1867)16 and its acquisition shortly thereafter by the British Museum (1882); until Chappell's 1 5 Individual works from it are found, among other places, in [1] commonplace books, such as those of Richard Hill (OxHilt) and Elias Ashmole and William Lily (OxAsh), [2] personally- or group-composed anthologies, such as LR58 and several associated with Wyatt and his circle (the Egerton MS [LEge], the Devonshire MS [LDev], and the Blage MS [DBla]), [3] printed or written in the margins of printed books such as Caxton's translation of Jacobus de Voragine's Legenda aurea (PBLe, Pollard/STC 24875), the book commonly known as The Gude andGodlie Ballatis (see James [A.F. Mitchell, ed.]; Pollard/STC 2996.5), and that known as Thynne's Chaucer (Pollard/STC 5068), and [4] lastly, but not to be seen as the least, manuscripts akin to the Henry VIII MS, such as the Fayrfax MS (LFay) and the Ritson MS (LRit). Works from H, furthermore, are noted to have circulated as part of the standard repertoire of contemporary court figures, balladeers as far north as Scotland and on the continent, and in sermons preached by the Royal Almoner to Henry himself and, after his death, to his son Edward VI by Hugh Latimer; Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-15r; 121) provides the best example of such circulation. 1 6 It was unknown to Chappell, as Stevens notes (M&P 387), when he compiled his Popular Music of the Olden Time (1853-9). Please refer to the section on provenance in the Siemens, Henry VIII MS 10 work, its contents had not been subject to dissemination by print technology, and even then it would not be until John Stevens' work in the middle of our century (in MCH8 and M&P) that the contents of the manuscript would appear printed in their entirety without the inaccuracy, considerable at times, of several editions in the late nineteenth century.17 With the public discovery of the manuscript in Victorian times began the process of its naming, a process which appears to have several accepted precedents. As noted, the collection of Wyatt, Surrey, and Grimald's verse evolved from that describing its contents generically (Songes and Sonettes), to that describing its contents by author (Wyatt and Surrey), to that of its then-supposed editor (Tottel's Miscellany). The collection of Chaucer's works printed in 1532 (Thynne's Chaucer) was given the name of its editor, Thynne. Some manuscripts chiefly associated with Wyatt—the Egerton (LEge) and Blage (DBla) manuscripts, for example—are named after their collector in the former case, and, in the latter, one of their compilers. Those manuscripts closely akin to H—the Fayrfax (LFay) and Ritson (LRU) songbooks—are given the names of their commissioner and documented contemporary owner (and later collector) respectively. In short, patterns of naming become quickly apparent and, among common patterns of naming, the aberration of that in the case of H becomes quickly obvious. It is this aberration, however, that draws our attention to some of the specific problems with the Henry VIII MS as a textual document; perhaps, most important, it suggests the value of the manuscript from a literary and historical perspective. Textual Introduction (92). 1 7 Even so, the English lyrics gathered in H have not appeared in a full edition aimed at a literary audience. Stevens MCH8 provides the lyrics with their settings; in Stevens M&P, they are provided as one of several appendices, transcribed and, to some degree, collated and annotated. Siemens, Henry mi MS 11 In comparing H to Tottel, one might say that H simply lacked a printer or supposed-editor upon which to ascribe a name, and so that of its chief contributor, Henry VIII himself, was chosen; but such a statement is clearly an oversimplification. It is precisely for the reason that so little is known about the manuscript that its name is an aberration. Though suspected to have been commissioned by Sir Henry Guildford, comptroller of the king's household and onetime organiser of revels, the evidence which supports this assertion is largely circumstantial.18 Its contemporary owner, beyond the possibility that it was also Guildford, is also unknown. Moreover, while the works in the manuscript had a considerable currency contemporary to Henry's reign, until Chappell's accounts of it (specifically his 1867 treatment) the manuscript itself was excluded from the public familiarity afforded those manuscripts, such as the Egerton (LEge) and Devonshire (LDev) MSS, that contained the works of the better-known early Tudor literary figures; hence, there was no opportunity for a tradition of nomenclature to arise. In this way, the Henry VIII MS entered the world of mid- to late-Victorian readership and scholarship as somewhat of an anomaly: a collection of lyrics set to music by figures contemporary to Henry VJJJ with, most notably, the only large extant example of the king's own work. In the king's work—as noted by Chappell, Brooks, Flugel, and others, as well as a small circle of readers which appears to have included James Joyce (see p. 54)—lay its appeal. It was not until John Stevens' transcription of the lyrics (in M&P) that the common name of the manuscript made its way properly into printed discourse, but it is clear from its introduction by Stevens' that by the beginning of the 1960s its name—the Henry VIII MS, or Henry VHl's MS—already had considerable currency. ' 8 Please refer to the section on provenance in the Textual Introduction (92). Siemens, Henry WI MS 12 The name of the Henry VIII MS, thus, says much more about our contemporary acceptance of the document than do the names ascribed to those associated with Wyatt, or Tottel, or Thynne, for it draws immediately to our attention the focal point of the document itself more than other names might. It has an importance in contemporary critical exchange precisely because of its chief author; therein, the name draws attention to the chief curiosity of the manuscript—which itself depicts a monarch participating in an activity thought traditionally to be the domain of a monarch's courtiers—for it forces us to re-examine aspects of the king's relationship with his court, and the relationship of the lyric and the implied and explicit discourses of power and politics the genre often contains within the early Tudor court. i. Interpretative Provinces and Sites of Authorisation: The Critic, the Author, and the Process of Attribution in the Henry VIII MS [The pre-Elizabethan lyric is] amphibious—living half in words and half in music. (J.M. Gibbon, Melody and the Lyric viii) Most, perhaps all, the lyric poetry of that age is to be regarded as words for music . . . [; it was] nearly always written to be sung. (C.S. Lewis, English Literature in the Sixteenth Century 222) If courtiers wrote, in any sense, for music, they are more likely to have written poems to popular tunes than for complicated settings in parts.... The king was, we must allow, an exception. (John Stevens, Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court 111) It is with some regret that, necessary as it may be, the bulk of this chapter represents a diversion from the main topic of my work as a whole, and yet the issue of authorship, itself a concept which has become increasingly more difficult in recent times, is particularly problematic when referring to the materials addressed by this thesis. As such, it is one which requires direct address if any argument about the authorship of works in H can be rightfully advanced. The need for such a diversion was recently reinforced when deliberation with two literary scholars who specialise in the poetry of the early Renaissance concluded, in the first instance, with the helpful suggestion that if one wished to discuss the lyrics of//—a compilation most accurately described as an early Tudor songbook—then one must speak not with a literary scholar but, rather, a musicologist; in the second instance, it was urged that Henry VIII, the best represented figure in this manuscript, could not possibly have written anything literary, though poorly-wrought musical compositions were not out of the question. Such hesitations in opinions about the literary nature of the Henry VIII MS in general and, more specifically, about the lyrics that are Siemens, Henry VIII MS 13 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 14 within attributed to Henry VIII are quite popularly held.19 Though one might expect to find these opinions communicated orally (a medium of expression in which one often feels more free to participate in conjecture and unqualified assertion than that of print), those encountering the body of scholarly work surrounding the lyrics in H and related materials would also note a similar critical hesitation on issues of the scholarly province to which its works should most properly belong, and also on the degree to which legitimate authorship can be assigned to any of these works—even to those of the king—simply because of the type of works they are. These two issues do not on the surface appear to be directly associated in any way except, perhaps, by the proximity in which one might encounter them; nonetheless, when further examined it becomes clear that the set of ideas, commonly-held in literary circles, that would lead to the relegation of materials in an early Tudor songbook such as the Henry VIII MS to the realm of the musicologist also leads, in practice at least, to the premature denial of authorship of its textual contents by literary scholars. Close scrutiny, moreover, also reveals that musicological arguments surrounding issues of the literary text (such as attribution of authorship) in the songbooks typically defer critical expertise to the very same literary circle that would place such concerns within the domain of the musicologist. Thus, any examination carried out on the materials of the early Tudor songbooks touching on the issue of authorship-—a concept that, in this genre and age, is based on notions central both to literary and musical production—must be approached as a site of some controversy: one where interpretative provinces have traditionally overlapped and, in addition, have deferred critical expertise to one another. 1 9 Such a doubt is reflected also in opinions such as that captured by Richard Greene, who notes that "it has been doubted that Henry VIII actually wrote and composed the songs headed with his name in [the Henry VIII MS]" (Early English Carols 444). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 15 In urging that, on issues concerning the literary editor of the songbook lyric, musicological theory allows for the songbook texts to receive editorial treatment akin to that of poetic works extant in non-musical form,20 the argument of this chapter ultimately works towards an understanding of the processes which governed the production of the early Tudor lyric—one which, in turn, allows for literary authorship to be established (and denied) for those figures who are represented in the manuscript,21 Henry VIII being chief among them. Song or Verse? Interpretative Provinces and the 'Authors' of the Henry VHI MS The engagement of the early Tudor lyrics by the literary scholar Julia Boffey, in her Manuscripts of English Courtly Love Lyrics in the Later Middle Ages, may be taken as exemplary of well-informed contemporary critical opinion on issues surrounding these works' authorship. Regarding the texts of the Henry VIII MS, she states that they "were undoubtedly designed to serve as songs rather than poems" (IT7) and, further, that the manuscript's "main interest surely still lies in its music-and-words rather than in its words alone" (117). Following her rubric, however—which states that, regarding her inclusive listing of English courtly love lyrics, authors' names will be supplied when known (142)—no indications of authorship are provided for those pieces listed by her from H, even though there are strong suggestions of attribution present in the manuscript.22 No explicit explanation is offered regarding the differing 2 0 And, following, for the employment of literary methodologies governing both internal and external evidence to suggest authorship in some lyrics of the Henry VIII MS. 2 1 This, even if only in the sense of social authorship. 2 2 These will be discussed in the section of this chapter entitled "Authorial Evidence in 'H" (33). Boffey follows a pattern akin to Ringler, who treats the lyrics from H in a similar manner. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 16 treatment expected for this type of text; however, given Boffey's statement of what is noteworthy about the manuscript, her omission of attribution appears the result of the view that the texts were songs, "music-and-words" as is noted, which themselves warrant a treatment different from those appearing as "words" alone. At the same time as these lyrics are deferred to the realm of the song, arguments pertaining to authorship are, in practice, deferred to the realm of the musicologist, whose work is best exemplified in the early Tudor period by John Stevens23 In discussing the nature of the early Tudor lyric in his Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court (M&P), Stevens draws a distinction similar to that of Boffey between the lyric as "words" and as "words-for-music."24 He does so, however, toward another end, differentiating the two not so much to urge that the song-texts of this period demand an attention other than that given to lyrics which appear without music but, rather, in order to reinforce the dissociation of the two acts involved in the production of courtly lyrics in the early sixteenth century. The two acts of which he speaks are those pertaining to the literary (writing) and the musical (composition). Stevens' model of lyrical production, one with such dissociation and one to which I shall shortly return, is also one which is dissonant with that typically held by literary critics. 2 3 Though his M&P was written several decades ago now, the work that Stevens began has remained largely unpursued. 2 4 See, especially, chapters in "Part One. Music and Poetry": 1 "The Problem—Assumptions and Distinctions," 6 "Music and the Early Tudor Lyric, T. Song-books and Musical Settings," and 7 "Music and the Early Tudor Lyric, II: The Literary Lyric and its Tunes." Stevens' work, outlined in these chapters, will be treated below. Siemens, Henry mi MS 17 Generalisations of a literary nature regarding the union of music and poetry in the early Renaissance as a whole tend to note, more so, the close allegiance of the two arts. The view of C.S. Lewis, which has influenced generations of literary scholars, is still dominant. "Most, perhaps all the lyric poetry of that age is to be regarded as words for music," he writes, noting further that the poems of the early sixteenth century were "nearly always written to be sung" (222) and were intended for performance, typically, in a coterie of mixed gender. In that context, often the example of Thomas Wyatt's work is raised and, therein, most notably the situation implied by a lyric such as "My Lute Awake" in which the poet, singing to his instrument of accompaniment (an act which is typically held to be bound, inseparably, with the lyric's ( conception and performance), turns to address, briefly, the female recipient of his verses in a direct fashion.25 In addition to understanding English Renaissance conceptions of the lyric in relation to its musicality,26 a tradition upon which Lewis draws, and noting the musical situation implied by a lyrical work such as Wyatt's, the literary reader also notes that many short poetic texts of the early Renaissance appear in both forms: purely non-musical works and as pieces set to music. Combined, such evidence suggests, as Ostriker has put forward, that the "commonplace, loose 2 5 See, for example, Lewis (223 ff), Pattison (33 ff), and Hollander (128 ff), among others. 2 6 For contemporary illustration see, for example, The Arte of English Poesie, in which Puttenham notes the commonplace association of music and poetry, that "Poesie is a skill to speake & write harmonically, and verses or rime be a kind of Musicall vtterance, by reason of a certaine congruitie in sounds pleasing the eare" (64-5). Sidney, in his Defense of Poesie, also notes the musical relation: "Of other sorts of Poetrie, almost haue we none, but that Lyricall kind of Songs and Sonets; which Lord, if he gaue vs so good mindes, how well it might be employed . . . in singing the praises of the immortall bewtie" (12v-3r); he also notes the association of the lyric with music in his discussion of the "Lacedemonians" (F lr-v). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 18 identification of lyric poetry and 'song' . . . was literal fact for sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, when 'music and sweet poetry' agreed in practice as well as theory" (91), and that there was an element of the lyric mode which crossed, or disregarded, the boundaries between song and verse.27 To speak of this close relationship with such universality, as Lewis and others do, one must also acknowledge that one does so with an underlying assertion, that one is able to make such universal statements for the period which begins with John Skelton and ends just before the work of Philip Sidney. On a purely literary level, one would today scarcely be able to construct an adequate generalisation to house both Skeltonic and Sidneyan approaches to the short poem, in spite of their both being forms of courtly verse Such statements are rightly to be resisted. Truly, it can appear to the literary reader that, for Henricians and Elizabethans alike, the lyric "was defined as much in verbal as in musical terms, and the literary definitions had an independent life, no matter how close the practical association with music became," as Dunn notes (109); however, commonplace ideas of the identification of music and the lyric—like early Renaissance patterns of definition which, in some cases, urge use of the word song as a referent to either musical or non-musical texts28—need not imply a full and total union, at least not for verses set between the time of Skelton and Sidney. Moreover, as we must resist commonplace (and chiefly 2 7 Such an element drew contemporary comment akin to that found in the dedicatory epistle to the verse miscellany The Paradise of Daynty Devises (1576), wherein the reader is advised to find music for the textual pieces it contains, for accompanying music "wyll yeelde a farre greater delight, being as they [the texts] are so aptly made to be set to any song in .5. partes, or song to instrument" (hi*). See also Pattison (33). 2 8 Dunn continues, "Even the word 'song' itself was used in poetic and musical senses interchangeably" (109). Siemens, Henry Wll MS 19 literary) notions of this relationship so, too, must we resist such generalisations regarding the lyric when we scratinize its musical associations, especially when considering questions of literary authorship. This is so because literary and critical comment relating the author with his lyric tends to centre on the lyric's performative aspect29—as is seen, for example, in the situation of Wyatt's poem and the criticism which has grown around it—and, furthermore, because the nature of the lyric's affiliation with music was non-homogeneous and evolving, specifically in the pre-Elizabethan court circles in which Skelton, Henry VIII, and Wyatt were poetic participants.30 What emerges from critical evaluations of the lyric in the Renaissance, then, is the ideal relationship of music and the lyric, one in which words and music are found unified to some degree, a poetical-musical consonance where music was intended to be more than simple accompaniment, and where lyrical texts were set with a consideration of their meaning as well as to the end of uluminating that meaning, and performed as such. However, this relationship, often referred to as a Humanist-influenced relation of words and music, is something that only followed the Humanist movement of the early Tudor period and, more precisely, the Reformation it helped spawn.31 2 9 Puttenham provides a notable exception, however, in The Arte of English Poesie, where he defines the lyricist by the act of writing. "Other who more delighted to write songs and ballads of pleasure, to be song with the voice, and to the harpe, lute, or citeron & such other musical, instruments, they were called melodious Poets (melici) or by a more common name Lirique Poets" (25). 3 0 As Stevens notes, a prolific source of error exists because generalisations about the lyric and its relation to music are given for a vast period—typically from Henry VII to James I—whereas the early Tudor period is quite distinct in this regard (M&P 30). 3 1 Musicians in the early Tudor court were "indifferent to the relationship between words and music, except in one or two limited instances, [and] literary theorists in the medieval tradition were no better" (Stevens M&P 66), even though "it became clear to the humanists that a close Siemens, Henry WI MS 20 What is central, then, to an understanding of the lyric in the pre-Reformation, early Tudor court is that words and music were not combined with such an agreement in mind, regardless of their unity in performance and the nature of their union after the Reformation. At this particular time, before the influence of Humanist theories of their union, "words and music were 'applied' together. . . rather than to each othef^ (Stevens M&P 110), something which often is left unaccounted in a literary comprehension of the matter. This understanding, suggested to musicologists by the aesthetic relation of words and the accompanying music, is furthered by taking into account what is key to understanding the idea of textual authorship therein: that is, the musicological understanding of the practical association of words with their accompanying music at the level of their production in court institutions during the first few decades of the Tudor era. Skelton and Wyatt: The Court Professional and the Coterie Poet / Troubadour The work of John Skelton, the early Henrician age's most prominent court-sponsored poet,32 provides one entry into the production of musical lyrics in the early Tudor court Skelton's lyrics relationship between music and poetry was of the essence of antique theory" (69); but humanism, Stevens continues, "did not affect the arts in England until Elizabeth's reign. Before that the humanistic ideal can hardly have been a positive stimulus to the practice of music and poetry as a single art, either in the early Tudor court, or, if not in court, anywhere else" (70). However, there are in the songs of this period, Stevens admits, "hints that the words are beginning to matter to the detail of the music" (101); that is, the meaning and tenor of the words became an interest of composers, not that the two acts were united. 3 2 On this statement, one might argue that Stephen Hawes, groomsman and Orator Regius to Henry VIII in the few years after Henry VH's death, was more prominent. His career, however, lacked the span of Skelton's (whose court associations began, loose as they may have been at first, ca. 1486 and lasted well beyond Hawes' death ca. 1511), and his associations with the musical lyric remain slight, save for a payment received for the writing of one 'ballet' in 1506 (see Green, Poets andPrincepleasers 127). Siemens, Henry HI! MS 2] owe much to extant forms that were employed for non-musical poems and songs alike, to the extent that even what is considered unique to him, that is "Skeltonic verse," betrays a certain debt to the short line favoured in many texts found set to music in the early Tudor songbooks,33 even to some degree in tone.34 His work also shows considerable knowledge of the specialised musical terminology of the day and close contact with contemporary musical personages, even to the extent of a conflict (given voice in a poetical work) with a court musician.35 We must also remember that Skelton, as Orator Regius, was likely attached to Henry VHI's musical entourage, the Chapel Royal, which included William Cornish and others who are represented in the Henry VIII MS,36 as such, it is not surprising to find his poem "Mannerly Margery, milk and ale" among 3 3 This form, evident in one lyric by Charles D'Orleans ("When that ye goo"; Arn, Fortunes Stabilnes 307), can be seen in the Ritson MS* "Alone, alone" (LRU 133M35«), "In wylderness" (141r; also BL Egerton MS 3,002 [2*]), "Hay how the mavys on a brere" (146v-148r; present in all but the first two lines), the FayrfaxMS' "Demyd wrongfully" (LFay 9"), "Love fayne wold I" ( lr) , "Svmwhat musyng" (33v-35f; # 120M22r [253]; and others), "Madame defrayne" (35v-380, "This endurs nyght" (50v-53r; burden begins "A my dere a my dere son"; also BL MS Harley 2,380 [70"]), "Wofulfy araid" (63v-67; also 73v-77; burden only; attributed by Dyce [i. 141-3] to Skelton, but the earliest text predates him [see Robbins Index & Suppl. 497]), "Margaret Meke" (89v-93r; attributed by Henderson to Skelton [37 n], though with little evidence), and in the Henry VIII MS" "Aboffe all thynge" (//24v; 218), "My loue sche morneth for me" (H 30v-31r; 176; all but the burdenV'Hey nony nony nony nony no" (H 36r; 281; all but the burden),"Withowt dyscord" (# 68v-9r; 160), and "MAdame damours" (H 73v-74r; 291); it is also found in the latter six lines of each stanza in Henry VTJJ's "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-15r; 121), which is of the form of the French parody noel. 3 4 See, for example, LFay's "Madame defrayne" (35v-380 and, a slight derivative of 'strict' skeltonic metre, "Yowre counturfetyng" (22v-24r). 3 5 See his poem "Agaynste a Comely Coystrowne" and Carpenter's chapter "Skelton and Music" (John Skelton 41-7). 3 6 Skelton likely travelled as part of that group in 1513 to the continent on Henry's military campaign against the French (see Nelson, 125-7 ff). Siemens, Henry MS 22 those in the Fayrfax MS set by Cornish (LFay 96v-99r),37 that other lyrics set to music by the circle of composers in the early Tudor court have been speculated to be the work of Skelton as well,38 nor that Skelton appears to have had further close association as poet with other works of Cornish.39 There is, thus, strong evidence of Skelton's work with the lyric in its musical manifestations, and yet there is no evidence of him applying his skills as a composer-author, one who might deal both with the text and the music of his works; rather, he is chiefly involved as a provider of texts which are, then, set by others in the Chapel, chiefly Cornish. Such a separateness of roles is one on which Skelton commented, in a sideways manner, while he was still likely Prince Henry's tutor. In the collection Agaynste a Comely Coystrowne, he addresses a musician, the one to whom he gives a flyting in the poem of the same name, in a Latin verse which follows it, "Contra Alium"; in this, he defines his role as poet in relation to that of the musician he slights. Preponenda meis non sunt tua plectra camenis, Nec quantum nostra fistula clara tua est: Sepe licet lyricos modularis arundine psalmos, Et tremulos calamis concinis ipse modos; 3 7 See Skelton's Garlande of Laurel (in Complete Works, 11. 1198), and Kinsman and Yonge (C37). A passage in the Garlande (11. 1198-1211) suggests that there were other lyrics of the same nature to the same recipient (Kinsman and Yonge LI02), though they are not extant. ™ "Margaret meke" has been suggested by Henderson (Complete Works of John Skelton 37n) to be by Skelton, likely on the basis of its skeltonic form (Stevens 376-7); Dyce attributed "Wofully araid" (see p. 21 n. in this edition) to Skelton, as well as "Hoyda, hoyda, joly rutterkin" (Dyce i.249), verses sung by Courtly Abusion in Magnificence (757); "Petyously constraynd am F, mLR58 (19v; Stevens 451 #266), which appears also in Henderson (19). "Hoyda joly rutterkyn hoyda" (101v-104r) appears in the Fayrfax MS (LFay), and is through-set, like "Mannerly Margery Mylk and Ale" by Cornish; Stevens (M&P 380) argues against this. See also Carpenter's "Skelton and Music." 3 9 See Carpenter's "Skelton's hand in William Cornish's Musical Parable." Siemens, Henry mi MS 23 Quamvis mille tuus digitus dat carmine plausus, Nam tua quam tua vox est mage docta manus; Quamvis cuncta facis tumida sub mente superbus, Gratior est Phebo fistula nostra tamen. Ergo tuum studeas animo deponere fastum, Et violare sacrum desine, stulte, vurum.40 The poet, he makes clear, provides songs, an act which he distinguishes from the lyricist's, which . is to play tunes. Skelton's relationship with the court composers, thus close as it was, is not one in which, at the level of production, there is overlap between his text and the music that accompanies it. Even so, this does not deny Lewis' view that the lyric poetry of the time was "nearly always written to be sung" (222), nor that it was chiefly intended for performance. The example of Skelton, rather, asserts it. What Skelton's case does refute, however, is the idea that the poet, in the court circles which spawned activities akin to that represented in H, usually set those verses himself;*' thus, in Skelton one finds a model of production by which lyrical verses were united with music that is 4 0 "The pluckings of your strings are not to be preferred to my Muses, / nor is your pipe as famous as mine. / Even though you often play lyrical psalms on your pipes / and yourself compose quivering tunes for your pipes; / Even though your finger gives many thousands of strokes in accompanying a song, / (For your hand is better instructed than your voice), / Even though you do everything in a spirit of swollen pride, / Our pipe is more dear to Phoebus than yours. / Therefore, make an effort to put off your show of superiority / And cease, oh fool, from profaning a holy man." I wish to thank Mark Vessey for his assistance with this passage. 4 1 In a larger survey of extant evidence which does not include Skelton to any notable degree, Stevens concludes that "One thing at least becomes clear from the wide variety of musical styles and poetical styles chosen for setting—the almost complete independence and absolute technical assurance of the early Tudor song-composers. . . . The songs are often far, far removed from the fountainhead of'literary' composition" (M&P 107-8). Moreover, ". . . to judge from the verses which have survived, the poet, and doubtless the musician also, did his best to make an excellent contribution in his own art, without too much regard for his companion craftsman," and "the chief collaboration between the two arts was a matter of professional duty: poets and musicians worked together in the service of the court of a noble household" (M&P 110). Siemens, Henry WI MS 24 alternative to that generally held in literary circles—one much closer to the realities of lyrical production among court professionals in the time before Wyatt. The model of lyrical production exemplified by Skelton's work, however, reflects only one aspect of the early Tudor lyric tradition, the tradition of the court circles which spawned the early Tudor songbooks, the Henry VIII MS among them. In that milieu, that of the professional, composers would look to extant or newly-created texts, by poets such as Skelton, and would set them as part-songs. Another courtly milieu to consider, however, is that perhaps best referred to as the coterie. Though each milieu is reflected in the lyrics of the early Tudor court, and though there was interplay between the two, significant differences exist among them. The tradition of the court professional, relying directly on the king's patronage, was sanctioned; participants were chiefly professionals in the court's employ for that purpose, and performance, as with most associated with the fountainhead of power, was quite public. Performance and participation in the coterie tradition was more private; it was unsanctioned, in some cases subversive,42 and remained more so primarily in the realm of the non-professional or the gifted amateur. While figures such as Skelton, Hawes, Cornish, Fayrfax and others are associated with the court tradition, the coterie tradition was typically the domain of figures later than those found in the Henry VIII MS, such as Henry Howard (Earl of Surrey), his father Thomas Howard, Anne Boleyn, and the figure that is most popularly associated in literary circles with the musical lyric in 4 2 See, for example, Southall's discussion of the poetic exchanges in the Devonshire MS (LDev), as well as Greenblatt's argument for Wyatt's subversiveness (in Renaissance Self-Fashioning). Siemens, Henry WII MS 25 this age,43 Thomas Wyatt. Some traditionally held notions of Wyatt's involvement with the musical-poetical lyric have already been discussed, but to them must be added those of Bruce Pattison. Surveying the relation between music and poetry in the early Tudor age, Pattison has noted that "Wyatt speaks of his lyrics as songs . . . . And it was no conventional phrase, for he delighted in playing the lute and probably sang his poems over to himself as he composed them" (33); further, he comments on the perception that Wyatt participated in the same way as Skelton with the courtly circle, having his texts "set by court composers" (33). In light of evidence, manuscript and otherwise, which has become available since the work of Pattison and others who have fashioned a literary view of this musical aspect of Wyatt, this latter assertion requires considerable modification, and the former some further exploration. Wyatt entered the main threads of the fabric which made up early Tudor courtly life as a participant in the lists of the same tournament of 1524 in which the king would begin consideration of his retirement from this one aspect of it.44 As a poet he was surely influenced by the previous generation of writers identified with Skelton, but his involvement with court poetry was unlike that of his immediate and obvious predecessor; he was not a professional poet, but rather a professional in the service of the court for other reasons.45 His poetic and prosaic 4 3 The relationship of these and other contemporary authors to music (and later settings of their works) is less well documented; but for Surrey's works, see Mumford ("Musical Settings to the Poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey") and Stevens (M&P 439 #120, 449 #238, 458 #354). 4 4 In the lists existing from the "Castle of Loyalty" tournament and siege of 29 December 1524 through 8 February 1525, one finds Wyatt's name for the first time, and Henry's (in this capacity) for the last; see Streitberger (Court Revels 115-7, 271, 344 n. 73) and Hall (688-9). 4 5 He was Clerk of the King's Jewels (1524), esquire of the royal body (1525), ambassador/diplomat (1526-forward), High Marshall of Calais (1528-30), and so forth. Siemens, Henry WI MS 26 abilities, though undoubtedly seen to be at the forefront of his offerings, served as part of the larger personal discourse which was then expected in a courtier to the king. It should be noted, moreover, that Wyatt had close association with the circles handling courtly entertainments beginning in the mid-1520s, including Henry Guildford, William Cornish (who set "A robyn gentyl robyn" [H 53v-54r; 205]), and Richard Gibson.46 Wyatt's best works, it has been commonly noted by Lewis and others, are his native songs, those which reflect the poetical-musical tradition of his time, some of which are found set to music, including "Hevyn and erth and all that here me plain," "Blame not my lute," "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r; 205), "I find no peace," and "What vaileth truth," and others.47 Taken as a whole, these works serve to demonstrate, as E.M.W. Tiltyard has stated, the "lyric spontaneity" and the "connection of words and tune" of a court culture which embraced each 4 6 At the height of Wyatt's involvement, he was jointly responsible with Guildford for building the banqueting house (the Long House at Greenwich) for the Anglo-French treaty celebration of 7 May 1527 (PRO E 36/227 [lr-361; L&P Henry VIII IV[ii] #3104); as well, Wyatt, Guildford, and Gibson each presented accounts for the four masques and a Latin play (Cardinalis Pacificus) at the celebrations surrounding the installation of Henry VTII and Francis I into the Order of St. Michael and the Order of the Garter on 10 November 1527 (BL Egerton MS 2,605 [1 GAY]; PRO SP 1/45 [33v-40n; L&P Henry VIII IV[ii] #3564). 4 7 See Stevens (M&P 135 ff), Mumford's "Musical Settings to the Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt" and "Sir Thomas Wyatt's Songs," Ward's "Lute Music of MS. Royal Appendix 58," and below. Wyatt's adoption of many Italianate sources for his texts also betrays a similar musical debt. See Mumford's "The Canzone in Sixteenth Century English Verse," in which she discusses metres relating to the song and Wyatt's understanding of the canzone form's relation to music; also, see her "Sir Thomas Wyatt's Verse and Italian Musical Sources," which outlines his use of Serafino, Petrarch, and others, many sources of which are extant in musical form. Perhaps it is based on these borrowings that De Marchi comments that Wyatt was more a collector of poetry for music that a poet. Siemens, Henry WIIMS 27 harmoniously,48 as well as the skill of a poet who was adept with verse and musical song. Although poetically capable and associated with the court (and, thus, its composers), extant evidence suggests that Wyatt was working in a manner different from that of Skelton and the professional court composers. The setting which exists for "Blame not my lute," for example, is an adaptation of a common flexible pattern, predating the poem, for the singing and playing of various types of poetry.49 One might look to "A robyn gentyl robyn"—found, set, in H (53Mr; 205) and, later, as text alone, in Wyatt's Devonshire (LDev 22v, 241) and Egerton manuscripts (LEge 37)—as evidence of Wyatt's work with court composers, as its presence in H (ca. 1522) is roughly contemporary to that of Wyatt's entry into court life. Yet Wyatt's own claim to authorship in this instance may be, as is typically held, more that of one who later augmented or revised an extant lyric for a particular purpose or effect than one who, in fact, originated it.50 Other settings which may be related to lyrics in the Wyatt canon are present in the Henry VIII MS, but the nature of their precise relationship is unclear, though their composition by others has been established.51 In light of texts and settings which predate Wyatt's handling of them, Wyatt seems a poet very 4 8 Tillyard ("Introduction"); in addition to Lewis, who is noted earlier, see Stevens (M&P 27-8), and also Courthope, Berdan (344-5), and Chambers ("Sir Thomas Wyatt" xx). 4 9 See Long, Mumford's "Musical Settings to the Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt" and, especially, Gombosi. 5 0 Wyatt's translation and similar use of Italianate sources is noted above; for a similar adaptation, extant in text-only witnesses, see Greene's "Wyatt's 'I am as I am' in Carol-Form." 5 ' The exact affinity of other settings to several of Wyatt's lyrics, such as those found in the Henry VIII MS which relate to "I find no peace" and "What vaileth truth," cannot be precisely determined. See Mumford's "Sir Thomas Wyatt's Songs" and Maynard. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 28 much aware of contemporary lyrical tastes at courts both at home and abroad—as would be expected of one in his situation—who adapts elements of those tastes to his own and probably also those of a more intimate group. Wyatt, of course, provided texts as well, but integrated those texts with existing tunes. Perhaps, in accordance with literary currents of thought, he composed and presented his verse with the assistance of his instrument, and perhaps (in accordance with musicological thought) he did not.52 Nonetheless, his method of literary composition was markedly different from Skelton's, and his association with those who created the settings for which he wrote, much more distant. In the circle of court professionals, poets provided texts and composers looked to those texts for the purpose of setting; extant evidence suggests, contrary to this model, that Wyatt looked to pre-existing settings and musical songs and provided texts for-—or adapted extant texts to—them. A Critical Approach to Textual Authorship in the Early Tudor Songbooks Exemplification of the musical-poetical interaction of Wyatt and Skelton leads to a more qualified assertion than that typically held in literary circles about the Renaissance lyric as a whole; such a view has been recently offered by Dunn, who notes in speaking generally of the 5 2 As Stevens notes, however, "outside the texts of his lyrics, there is no evidence whatsoever that he had musical ability, as singer, lutenist, or composer" (M&P 133), though the education provided the son of someone of his father's status would likely have offered him some training in this regard. Even so, Stevens argues that while there are references to music in Wyatt's work, specifically the accompaniment of the lute, Wyatt "never talks about it in the way of a man who really understands and cares for it. In this, he stands in marked contrast to Skelton, who shows himself remarkably well acquainted with musical terms and musical practice" (Stevens M & P 134). Renaissance lyric that Siemens, Henry VIII MS 29 sixteenth- and seventeenth-century sources of lyric poetry bear witness to . . parallel lives, showing how frequently lyrics crossed, and recrossed, the boundaries between poem and song. Composers frequently drew their texts from contemporary poetical miscellanies, or from poetry in manuscript.... In other instances the process was reversed, and words were fitted to an existing piece of music in order to convert it to a song. . . . In a procedurally similar, though far less artful kind of songmaking, poems were set and sung to popular tunes. Secular lyrics of both courtly and popular origin were performed this way. (109) As such interrelations relate to lyrical production in the early Tudor court, Skelton and Wyatt serve to illustrate prominent models of authorship. Each demonstrates the affinity of the lyric at this time with music, and each illuminates the varying ways in which words and music were applied together; at the same time, each also illuminates the relative separation which governed the acts of poetical authorship and musical composition. While Skelton was a court professional with considerable knowledge of and close affiliation with his musical counterparts, we can argue only for his textual authorship; it is to Cornish and others that musical composition can be properly ascribed. And though Wyatt's lyrical works suggest acquaintance with the musical milieu surrounding the lyric, the settings to his works cannot be ascribed to him; in such instances, he is the adapter of those settings and their texts.53 Moreover, Skelton's procedure suggests the milieu out of which much of the contents of H came, 5 3 Literary authorship is a problematic issue with Wyatt's canon, as the most recent editor of Wyatt (and others) have noted (see Wyatt, ed. Rebholz, 9 ff). On this model, Stevens notes. ". . . although it may sometimes be difficult to sort out the popular from the courtly, and the names of tunes from literary cliches, one thing at least is clear, dozens of popular songs were known within the court circles and formed a staple of both literary and musical composition. As a result, the connection between words and tune was ever present in people's minds; 'metrical' words were still naturally connected with melody. The wide currency of popular song in courtly circles meant that a natural, unsophisticated relationship between words and melody was never lost sight of. ... these popular tunes were the music, if any, which the 'courtly makers' had in mind when they were writing their balets" (M&P 54). Siemens, Henry WI MS 30 and Wyatt's that of the tradition which came out of that spawned by some of the works represented in H, particularly that which may have been given prominence by Henry's own apparent role as troubadour. While both music and text may have been received in a unified form by an early Renaissance audience and, while joined in this manner served, as Boffey has noted of those works contained in the Henry VIII MS, "as songs rather than poems" (117), the song had reached performance by varied means and typically by the separate acts of textual and musical composition The separateness of the roles associated with the musical lyric—an argument centred in a musicological understanding of, as Stevens has said, the lyric as "words" and as "words-for-music"—thus urges that, like the setting of each piece, the text is to be treated as a separate artifact; though united with music in setting and performance, it is dissociated from its music by processes of creation. This has several implications, the most problematic of which is that, because procedures of attribution in the early Tudor songbooks (if such notation is even present) chiefly favour the musical composer, authorship of verbal texts can be quite difficult to ascertain. Moreover, as with most arguments towards textual authorship, conclusions must rest on a combination of internal evidence and that existing externally to the text(s) in question, but in the case of the lyrics for this period external evidence pertinent to authorship (and composition) is slight—a reflection of the scant body of evidence extant for the study of the early Tudor lyric itself —and, at times, not of much use in attributing the texts of lyrics. For the most part, external witnesses prior to or circa the date of the Henry VIII MS work only towards estabusWng a particular lyric's existence prior to the collection of this manuscript. Such is the case with "Alone I leffe alone" (H 22r; 230), set by Cooper, which is mentioned in CGon (41; fifteenth century) as Siemens, Henry WI MS 31 the air for "Wan ic wente byyonde the see" (see Greene #418); so, too, is this the case with the burden of "QUid petis o fily" (H 112v-l 16r; 249), set by Pygott, which is present in CPet (front cover; fourteenth Or fifteenth century) and mentioned by Skelton (Phyllyp Sparawe 1. 1091). In witnesses contemporary to H, typically—but by no means exclusively—one can determine mainly currency; such is the case with "O my hart and o my hart" (H 22v-23r; 133), composed and written by Henry VIII, which appears without attribution in PBLe (gg4v; printed 1493, with its marginal poems hand-copied ca. 1500-1525), as well as the several lyrics found in both H and LR58 (begun 1507, most copied ca. 1515-40), among them Cornish's compositions "A the syghes that cum fro my hart" (H 32v-33r; 185; LR58 3*) and "Blow tin horrnie hunter" (H 39M01; 188; LR58 7*), and others; so, too, is the case with his setting for "My loue sche morneth for me" (H 30v-3 l r ; 176), which appears in the roughly contemporary C7>; (45*). Slight as the evidence may seem to one wishing to establish external evidence in support of literary authorship, if we are willing to treat the issue of attribution in the less-exacting sense of social authorship, evidence of such contemporary currency is essential It depicts the passage of a lyric which, as it is found from work to work, also signifies its prominence in numerous social contexts. Of interest in this regard is the lyric "A robyn gentyl robyn," set by Cornish in H (53*-54r; 205) and later found adapted without music in Wyatt's Devonshire and Egerton manuscripts (LDev [22v; 24M,54 LEge [37*]), whose text is likely that of a popular contemporary song which was suitable both for setting in the professional court circle and that of the more intimate group surrounding Wyatt. Also of interest is the couplet round "Deme the best of euery dowt / tyll the 5 4 Its first instance in the Devonshire MS (LDev) reflects no significant alteration from that version present in the Henry VIII MS. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 32 trowth be tryed owt" (H 79v; 246), set by Lloyd, which appeared as text (alone inscribed on a bronze jug) as early as Richard II's reign (see Evans 90) and, closer to the sixteenth century, once each in OxHill (200") and OxRawl86 (3 V) and, in LI587, where it is written more than a dozen times, presumably as an exercise in penmanship. Considering the handling given to these extant textual pieces—by Wyatt, by anonymous authors, by those employing the pieces as copying exercises, and, most important, by the composers who set the texts to music—arguments of social authorship clearly have considerable relevance.55 The inclusion of such well-handled texts reflects the important function ofH, and that of its commissioner and scribes responsible for its exact contents, as a documentary gathering of lyrics popular in court circles and, clearly, in circles beyond those of the court. The processes of transmission which are demonstrated by these lyrics—adaptation and re-adaptation, whether by scribes, artisans, composers, or poets—are exemplary of the milieu out of which such works emerged in the early Renaissance. The Henry VIII MS also allows arguments of authorship more precise than that of social authorship, in some cases. But this, too, has its difficulties, the greatest of those being that in H scribes have chosen the composer over the author when attributing pieces in the manuscript. "Svwwhat musyng," for example, appears in H (120v-122r; 253) and also in the early sixteenth century CFitz, Wells, and NYDrex fragments, as well as in the LFay manuscript connected with 5 5 In the literary sense, theories of social authorship—inherent in translation, scribal practices, and adaptation, among others—are discussed by Minnis (Medieval Theory of Authorship). Such theories can be extended to the music that accompanies many of the lyrics when like practices are employed; clearly, composers had an impact on the currency and transmission of the early Tudor lyric which extended beyond the music they provided for the texts. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 33 Prince Arthur's court. In H, it is unattributed, but in the fragments and in LFay it is noted to be by Fayrfax in the manner of most attributions in the manuscript; the words, however, are those of Anthony Woodville, Lord Rivers, written during his imprisonment in Pontefract prior to his execution in 1483.56 Evidenced further by attribution in the aforementioned examples of "A robyn gentyl robyn" (Cornish), "Deme the best of euery dowt" (Lloyd), and others, the scribes of H would choose the composers of the lyrics over their authors—possibly even when the author of a piece could reasonably have been known.57 Such a process of attribution may reflect the fact that songbooks were created chiefly for their musical value; their production occurred, therefore, within circles that promoted the music over the text. Authorial Evidence in the Henry VIII MS, and the Ascription of Works to Henry VIII Typical patterns of ascription in H, however, do give way consistently for the work of one figure: that of Henry VIII. When the composers' names are given at all, attribution appears following the music and verse of each piece;58 in the case of pieces attributed to Henry VIII,59 56 Stevens M&P (362); see also Berdan (Early Tudor Poetry 150) and Arber (Dunbar Anthology 180). 5 7 The same principles of attribution present in H are reflected in LFay as well; proof for this supposition can be more clearly given, however, when dealing with the lyrics in LFay for which Skelton is author but attribution given by the scribe (likely Fayrfax himself) to Cornish. 5 8 See, for example, Cooper's "Alone I leffe alone" (HIT, 230). 5 9 The English works attributed to him in this manner include "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14M5r; 121), "Alas what shall I do for love" (H 20v-21r; 131), "O my hart ando my hart" (H 22v-23r; 133), "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" (H 28v-29r; 135), "Alac alac what shall I do" (H 35v; 139), "Grene growith the holy" (H 37-38'; 141), "Whoso that wyll all featto optayne" (H 391; 145), "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48v-49r; 148), "Wherto shuld I expresse" (H 51v-52r; 151), "Thow that men do call it dotage" (H 55v-56r; 154), "Departure is my Siemens, Henry W1I MS 34 though, attribution to "The Kynge H. VIII." (as on 14*) is given centred at the top of the leaf on which each piece begins. Such a pattern of ascription draws attention to itself, and sets Henry's works apart from that of others collected in the manuscript. It is not ascription alone that separates Henry's works from the others. As a group of compositions, they reflect a musical ability of lesser stature than the court composers represented in the manuscript; musically speaking, as Fallows comments, most of them are "shallow efforts" ("Henry VIII as Composer" 27). Speaking with reference to the text alone, many of the lyrics ascribed to Henry share common views on specific subjects60 and, notably, a similar tone. Chiefly, Henry's lyrics are pieces in which the speaker has a greater individuality than that typically expected in works of this time, and certainly greater than that in any works in the manuscript outside those ascribed to him. In a manuscript which contains many works (by composers other than Henry) that served impersonal functions—such as that of state occasions, entertainments, and jousts—Henry's works are more personal. The speaker, the lover, addresses his lady directly in "Alas what shall I do for love" (H 20v-21r; 131) and "Withowt dyscord" (H 6V-691; 160) including, in "Grene growith the holy" (H 3T-38r; 141) and "Wherto shuld I expresse" (H 51v-52r; 151), the reply of the lady. In such works, there is frequent use of the first person. While this method of direct address is common in lyrics in which the speaker adopts a role (the lover, the chef payne" (60v; 157), "Withowt dyscord" (H 68v-69r; 160), "Whoso that wyll for grace sew" (H 84v-85r; 168), and "Lusti yough shuld vs ensue" (H 94v-97r; 170). The contents of this list differs with the transcription of the manuscript given by Stevens, who mistakenly attributes "The thowghtes within my brest" (H 29v-30r; 224; M&P 392) to Henry, though the scribal attribution is to "T. Ffardyng" (300-6 0 Subjects, themes, and images in Henry's lyrics are discussed below, in the chapter Henry VIII as Writer and Lyricist, especially in the section "Youth and Age, Lover and Disdainer" (65). Siemens, Henry MilMS 35 forester, and others are common in works of this period), what is uncommon is another role of the speaker, unique to Henry's lyrics, that of the individual who makes proclamations about the rights of courtly love. In lyrics such as "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" (H 28v-29r; 135), "Whoso that wyll all featto optayne" (H 39*; 145), "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48v-49r; 148), "Thow that men do call it dotage" (H 55v-56r; 154), "Whoso that wyll for grace sew" (H 84v-85r; 168), and "Lusti yough shuld vs ensue" (H 94v-97; 170) the speaker presents himself as one of the nobility61 and employs a self-justifying tone in proclaiming chivalric doctrine,62 in a manner for which there is no English precedent. Such a precedent, however, was set by Margaret of Austria, ruler of the Burgundian "court of love" with which Henry had much contact,63 whose motto is reflected in the line "gruche who lust but none denye" ("Pastyme with good companye" [H 14v-6 1 See "Whoso that wyll all featt&s optayne" (H 39r; 145), where disdain is characterised as thwarting "all gentyl mynd" (1. 4), including the speaker; in "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48M91; 148), the speaker identifies himself with "Nobyll men" (1. 3); in "Thow that men do call it dotage" (H 55v-56r; 154), the speaker separates himself from rustics who cannot identify with the virtues of courtly love in stating that "who loue dysdaynyth ys all of the village" (1. 14); in "Whoso that wyll for grace sew" (H 84v-85r; 168), the speaker places himself among those who have proficiency in the art of love: "many oone sayth that loue ys yll / but those be may which can no skyll" (11. 5-6). 6 2 For this assessment of Henry's lyrics, see Stevens M&P (415); Stevens notes that "Let not vs that yongmen be" (H 87-88'; 300), unattributed in H, is of the same unique manner as those of this nature attributed to Henry. 6 3 The manner of proclamation, tone, and subject matter is similar to the lyrical works ascribed to Margaret of Austria, Regent of the Netherlands (see the second chapter of Ives' Anne Boleyri). Links, cultural and otherwise, with the Burgundian court were strong (see Kipling's Triumph of Honour) and this court was seen by Henry to represent the epitome of chivalric behaviour; Henry's father had courted Margaret after the death of his wife, Elizabeth, and Henry himself had been considered for marriage to Margaret herself, as well as her younger sister Eleanor (see Fraser, The Six Wives of Henry VIII 39 ff). Siemens, Henry WI MS 36 15r; 121] 1. S).64 Internal evidence such as this, however, is only tangentially suggestive, unless one considers the courtly context in which these lyrics were presented. Henry was given to public performance of song, alone and with courtiers such as Peter Carew and with members of his Chapel. This public aspect of his works fostered a strong contemporary identification of Henry with his widely-disseminated lyric, "Pastyme with good companye," also known as early as 1509 as "The Kynges Ballade." The anonymous drama Youth (ca. 1514) employs Henry's lyrics, specifically those which present his persona of the youthful lover (given exemplification in Other courtly entertainments as well), and identify Henry with the interlude's protagonist.65 Such an identification of Henry with the singular, noble, and self-consciously youthful speaker of his lyrics testifies to his authorship and composition of those pieces attributed to him in the manuscript, and the element of proclamation they contain is less awkward when (as with the works of Margaret of Austria) one considers that they are the product of a monarch. Moreover, the concluding lines of "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48v-49r; 148)66 put forward an ambiguous riddle to which a fitting answer is "Henry VIII." The riddle itself evokes a court of love in which (as in others of Henry's works) the suitor sues for grace from the reigning regent; while Henry is not Venus, nor the object of the lover's pursuit, the court of love in which Henry, the performer, plays the part of 6 4 Wyatt employed this line in "If yt ware not" (ca. 1530) to make reference to the situation existing between the king and Anne Boleyn; see the note to line 3 in this edition, and further discussion on p. 59 of this thesis 6 5 See Lancashire (Two Tudor Interludes 54) and the notes to "Pastyme with good companye" in this edition (121 ff). 6 6 "To louers I put now suer this cace: / which of ther loues doth gett them grace" (11. 11-12). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 37 one who issues edicts of chivalric doctrine recalls immediately the head of the actual court.67 Figure 2: Henry VTJI reading in his chamber. (From the Henry VIII Psalter) The music which accompanies Henry's lyrics, like that of Wyatt's, does bear witness to processes of adaptation on the part of Henry (see Fallows "Henry VIII as Composer")—suggesting also his participation in the milieu of the lyric as something of a 6 7 Consider, also, the situation of "Though sum saith that yough rulyth me" (H 71v-73r; 164) which is attributed to Henry on the basis of its employment of his motto "god and my ryght" (1. 3) and line 19, which reads "Thus sayth the king the v'm.th harry." That these words were those of the king would be made unmistakable. Siemens, Henry WI MS 38 troubadour—but Henry's texts do not appear to be part of the tradition of adaptation and re-adaptation out of which many of the lyrics in H have come. They appear, rather, to have a history akin to those occasional pieces represented in the manuscript;68 that is, as with the lyrics that reflect events specific to the court, they have their first appearance in this manuscript and, in all but exceptional cases, they have little currency beyond it. One exception to this rule is the widely disseminated "Pastyme with good companye," which appeared first in LRit (ca. 1510), and verses of which had resonance in courtly circles for the next several decades;69 such resonance, however, clearly identifies Henry as the lyric's author. For Henry Vffl, such evidence suggests that claims of authorship are not unfounded. Henry did, as we know, have literary and musical pretensions70; and because his is the work of a king, it is not surprising to find corroborative evidence of his authorship. In the case of materials which fall outside ascription to Henry, however, precise claims to authorship are quite difficult to establish. With the exception of Cornish (and Wyatt and Woodville, perhaps) those English court figures whose work is presented in the manuscript functioned as composers alone. Perhaps because of his position (as head of the Chapel, and Master of Revels at times), we know that Cornish had literary leanings, though his work tends to be more musical than literary. Moreover, there is no evidence to support his authorship in H as there is of Henry; there is only the 6 8 Most notable among these are "Aboffe all thynge" (H 24v; 218), "Adew adew le company" (H 74v-75r; 294), "ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart" (H 100M02r; 305), and "Pray we to god that all may gyde" (H 103r; 307). 6 9 See the notes to "Pastyme with good companye" in this edition (121). 7 0 See my chapter Henry VIII as Writer and Lyricist (41); see also Figures 2 (3 7) and 3 (39). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 39 conjecture about his close association with the Chapel Royal, the Children of the Chapel Royal, and the entertainments at which they performed for which we have lyrics that Cornish set.71 Figure 3: Henry VIII playing a harp, with fool Will Summers nearby. (From the Henry VIII Psalter.) In such a manner, then—by adopting the musicological understanding of the separation of music and words in the early Tudor era into the literary view of works in songbooks such as H—can the process of authorship for the lyrics in H be carried out, at least to some degree. Scribal ascription, centred chiefly on the composer, may act as an indicator of authorship in its social sense and, also, as a guide to the same in its more traditional view. Claims for authorship 7 1 Such is the case with "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r; 199), associated with the Schatew Vert court pageant-disguising held 5 March 1522; see the General Commentary to the lyric in this edition. Siemens, Henry WI MS 40 for the lyrical texts of works such as H must also be able to withstand the scrutiny typically applied to literary texts which are non-musical in nature. The lyrics which are the work of Henry VIII, given their unusual scribal ascription in H and related internal evidence, are indeed able to survive such scrutiny of their authorship. For those that fall outside of this group—those works ascribed to the composers Cornish, Fayrfax, and others, or left unattributed in H—we should still consider the composer in close relation to the idea of author, but only in a limited sense for, by building upon extant textual works in a genre which saw some considerable association of music with words, the composers have participated in the process of social authorship. ii. Henry VTH as Writer and Lyricist As George Puttenham tells us in his Arte of English Poesie,72 Henry VIII was a man drawn to poetic expression, even spontaneous. Intended in part to illustrate the principle of decorum in poetic ornament, Puttenham recounts an interaction between Sir Andrew Flamock, standard-bearer to the king, and the king himself as they were on a barge passing from Westminster to Greenwich to visit "a fayre Lady whom the king loued and was lodged in the tower of the Parke." The story continues: the king comming within sight of the tower, and being disposed to be merry, said, Flamock let vs rime, as well as I can said Flamock if it please your grace. The king began thus: Within this towre, There lieth a flower, That hath my hart Flamock for aunswer. Within this hower, she will, &c.13 with the rest in so vncleanly termes, as might not now become me by the rule of Decorum to vtter writing to so great a Maiestie, but the king tooke them in so euill part, as he bid Flamock. . . that he should no more be so neere vnto him. While revealing something of the characters both of Henry, who casts the foul poet aside, and Flamock, whose poetic indecency results in an increased distance from the monarch, Puttenham's 7 2 The story recounted is quoted from the first edition (London: Richard Field, 1589; 224-5). In the copy belonging to Ben Jonson (BL G. 11548; repr. Scolar P, 1968), this exchange is marked. 7 3 The full exchange, a variant of which is documented more completely in Samuel Rowley's drama When you see me, You know me. Or the famous Chronicle Historie of king Henry the eight (1605), may be as follows: "In yonder Tower, theres a flower, that hath my hart" with a response of "Within this houre, she pist full sower, & let a fart" (1. 3055); the response, in Rowley's text, is spoken by the king's fool, Will Sommers. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 41 Siemens, Henry WI MS 42 story draws attention to something well-known in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, but less well-known today: that is, Henry's literary pursuits, and particularly his love of lyrics as a writer, a composer, and a performer. Henry as Author: Models and Texts To one approaching the early Renaissance by way of the literary canon alone, it might seem out of place to consider Henry VHI as an author, or even to consider that a monarch such as Henry chose to occupy himself with writing. Yet it is not in the least odd that Henry wrote. Tutors such as the humanist literati John Skelton, who would later become Henry's Orator Regius, and likely Bernard Andre, the continentally-trained Latin secretary and historiographer to Henry VII who acted also as Prince Arthur's tutor, would have instilled in Henry a respect for literature. Even without the respect for literary arts that such an education would foster, a young Prince Henry could hardly have been unaware of the value of writing, be it of a literary or a more humanistic nature. This was, after all, an age just beginning to fashion notions of "the literate courtier" that crystallize in some leading figures of Henry VIlTs later court, among them Henry himself, Francis Bryan, Thomas Wyatt, as well as Thomas and Henry Howard (Earl of Surrey).74 If we are to believe Erasmus, Henry began his literary patronage as an eight year old in the 7 4 While the works of Francis Bryan (Henry's "Vicar of Hell") are all but lost, there is considerable evidence suggesting that he was a well known poet in his time (see Starkey, "The Court: Castiglione's Ideal and Tudor Reality"). Wyatt and Surrey are well known, but Surrey's father Thomas Howard is less so; much of his verse appears in the Devonshire MS (LDev) associated with Wyatt, Anne Boleyn, and the wife of Henry VIII's bastard son by Elizabeth Blount, Henry Fitzroy (see Southall's "The Devonshire Manuscript" and others, as listed on p. 59 [n] in this thesis). Siemens, Henry WI MS 43 summer of 149975 and, therefore, was already at this time aware of the role of the writer in the early Tudor court, and also the reputation of the continental humanist who reports Henry's earliest beneficence. At this time he may also have been aware of the nobility preceding him that had a penchant for the literary. To name an exemplary few,76 Richard I is known to have lived in the courts of Provence during the last years of his father's reign and practiced their poetic arts, doing so as part of the polite behavior in that court (Walpole 2);77 Edward II wrote a lamentation in verse;78 to Henry V is attributed a composition as well, preserved in the Old Hall MS,19 and to Henry VI "Kingdomes are bote cares," a proverbial poem on the nature of worldly vanity.80 Closer to Henry's immediate experience—and bearing in mind that his father, though a reasonable patron, did not himself devote time to such matters—his own mother, Elizabeth of York, is generally acknowledged as the author of the love lyric "My heart is set upon a lusty 7 5 For an excellent summary of this exchange, in a context which accentuates Henry's literary aspirations, see Herman ("Henry VIII of England" 172-3). 7 6 See also Boffey (83-5) for further examples of figures that would have been known to Henry VIII. 7 7 Notable also is the implication of the epitaph that Richard II had commissioned for himself ca. 1395, which compares him to "Omerus" (Homer), among others (Mathew, Court of Richard1122). 7 8 "Lamentatio gloriosi Regis Edwardi de Karnarvan, quam edidit tempore suae incarcerationis" (Walpole 4; Tanner 253). 7 9 It appears in BL Additional MS 57,950, formerly the St. Edmund's College Library's Old Hall MS. See Hughes and Bent. 8 0 See Harrington (2.247); this attribution may be suspect. Siemens, Henry WI MS 44 pin"81 and to whom is also ascribed a lament82 Henry's grandmother, Margaret of Beaufort, who was placed in charge of young Prince Henry's education and thus became Skelton's employer, herself translated part of the Imitatio Christi.*3 Margaret of Austria, with whom Henry's father had considered marriage (ca. 1505 and later), wrote many lyrics as well.84 Moreover, Henry's first wife, Katherine of Aragon, appears also to have participated in courtly poetic exchanges.85 Truly, Henry had many good models of literary virtues, which he would also ensure for his own offspring, who would in turn participate in literary activities of their own. Most notable of writers among Henry's children are Edward VI—to whom is attributed a poem in Foxe's Actes and Monuments, a chronicle, and a comedy, now lost, entitled Tfie Whore of Babylon86—and 8 1 From Oxford, Bodleian RawlinsonMS C.86 (155M56r). A transcription of this text appears at the end of this chapter. See also Boffey (83-4). 8 2 Noted in Boffey (84); Robbins Suppl. 4263.3. 83 See The Earliest English Translation ... of De imitatione Christi (Ingram 259-83) and Janel Mueller's "Devotion as Difference: Intertextuality in Queen Katherine Parr's Prayers or Meditations (1545)." 8 4 See DeBoom (123 ff), Ives (26 ff.), and Picker for discussion and examples of Margaret's lyrics. For details of Henry's marriage plans for Margaret, see Delongh (106, 119-20) and Fraser (39 ff). It is also notable that a lyric shared in the songbooks of both Henry's and Margaret's courts, "Alles regret uuidez dema presence" (H 5v-6r; 347), is by another royal author, Duke Jean II of Bourbon (lyric set by Hayne van Ghizeghem). 8 5 The poetic voice of "Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211), a lyric seemingly intended to be sung by a woman in praise of her lover?s performance at a running of the ring, appears to be that of Katherine of Aragon; the matter of the poem, as well as marginal notations in.//, suggest that the male lover, the "lord," is Henry. 8 6 The chronicle (BL Cotton MS Nero C x) appears in editions by W.K. Jordan and John G. Nichols. This work, which is akin to a political diary, was begun roughly at the time of his coronation at twelve years of age, ended when he was barely fifteen, and covers the years from his birth to a time just prior to his death; the final entry is November 28, 1552. Within his edition, Jordan has praised Edward for his "literary style of some distinction and polish" (xvi). Regarding the poem, it is found in the 1596 edition (f. 1936); while Walpole (63), Warton (3.195), and Siemens, Henry Mil MS 45 Elizabeth I, whose lyrics number enough to make up a slim volume and whose other works, including translations of a humanist nature,87 are enough to attest to an astute literary and humanistic sensibility, as well as to warrant praise for such efforts by Puttenham.88 In such a context, Henry's literary efforts seem far less anomalous. In fact, considering Henry's own aversion to writing—an act, as he stated to Wolsey, that he found somewhat "tedius and paynefuH"89—Henry's literary output appears quite outstanding for one in his position, and Tanner (255) understand the poem to be attributed to Edward by Foxe, it may be the work of Sir Anthony St. Leger to whom, according to Foxe, the poem was given. Lastly, of the comedy, Walpole (noting Henry Holland's Heroologia Anglica [27]) mentions "a most elegant comedy, the title of which was, 'The Whore of Babylon'" (16-17). 8 7 The poems have been gathered by Leicester Bradner; see also Black's "A Lost Poem by Queen Elizabeth I," Phillips' "Elizabeth I as a Latin Poet," and May and Prescott's "The French Verses of Elizabeth I." Her translations include The Glass of the Sinful Soul (A godly medytacyon of the christen sowle [trans, of Marguerite de Navarre's Miroir in 1544, ptd. 1548]) and, later, those of Petrarch's Triumph of Eternity (see Hughey's Arundel-Harrington MS), and Boethius's Consolation (1593), Plutarch's On Curiosity (1598), and Horace's Art of Poetry (1598) that are gathered in Pemberton's edition of Queen Elizabeth's Englishings, and others (see Elizabeth, Glass 335-6); see also Bradner's "The Xenophon Translation Attributed to Elizabeth I," Mueller's "Textualism, Contextualism, and the Writings of Queen Elizabeth I," Balestrieri's "Prison/Anti-Prison: The Writings of Elizabeth I and Marguerite de Navarre," Teague's "Elizabeth I: Queen of England," BrennanVTwo Private Prayers by Queen Elizabeth I," and Prescott's "The Pearl of the Valois and Elizabeth I: Marguerite de Navarre's Miroir and Tudor England." 8 8 Puttenham notes in his Arte of English Poesie as follows: "But last in recitall and first in degree is the Queene our soueraigne Lady, whose learned, delicate, noble Muse, easily surmounteth all the rest that haue writtew before her time or since, for sence, sweetnesse and subtillitie, be it in Ode, Elegie, Epigram, or any other kinde of poeme Heroick or Lyricke, wherein it shall please her Maiestie to employ her penne, euen as by as much oddes as her owne excellent estate and degree exceedeth all the rest of her most humble vassals." Letter ca. 1520 (BL Additional MS 1,938 44 .^ Siemens, Henry WI MS 46 would be surpassed only by James VI of Scotland (James I of England),90 who himself might have looked to Henry's exemplary participation in literary culture. While Henry did not write a notable work of literary criticism as James did, to Henry's chief credit as author is his tract written in answer to Martin Luther's On the Babylonian Captivity (1520), the Assertio Septem Sacramentorum Aduersus M. Lutherum (1521); this would earn him the papal title "Defender of the Faith," conferred on him by Leo X. Other activities of note include Henry's participation in the revision of the Bishop's Book (The Institution of a Christen Man [1537]), wherein he wrote the preface to what would then become known as the King s Book (A Necessary Doctrine and Erudicion for any Chrysten Man [ 1543]). He supervised the production of the Church of England's Book of Hours (The Primer. . . Set Foorth by the Kynges Maiestie and his Clergie to be Taught Learned, and Read [1545]) and wrote a foreword to it; he composed a number of love letters documenting aspects of his early relationship with Anne Boleyn,91 he conceived of and wrote the challenge for the tournament of 1511 to celebrate the birth of a male heir,92 and is 9 0 Gabriel Harvey, in his Pierces Supererogation or A New Prqyse of the Old Asse (1593), would praise James for his poetic efforts (102), specifically his Lepanto, as being "fitt for a Dauids harpe" (102). For an introduction to James' work, see Akrigg's "The Literary Achievement of King James I"; see also Doelman's'The Accession of King James I and English Religious Poetry," Sharpe's "Private Conscience and Public Duty in the Writings of James VI and I," Wormald's "James VI and I, Basilikon Doron and The Trew Law of Free Monarchies: The Scottish Context and the English Translation," McClure's "'0 Phoenix Escossois': James VI as Poet," and Goldberg's "The Poet's Authority. Spenser, Jonson, and James VI and I." 9 1 These were first treated as a group by their early editor, Thomas Hearne. On their literary merit, see Stemmler's "The Songs and Love-Letters of Henry VIII: On the Flexibility of Literary Genres." See also Byrne's collection of the letters. 9 2 This tournament is discussed earlier (2). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 47 known to have written considerable marginalia in his own books93 He was also an avid composer; he set at least two masses (Hall 515), wrote the music for a masque, and composed the devotional motet "Quam pulchra es" and an anthem still used occasionally in services today, "O Lord, The Maker of All Things" (from the Book of Hours).9* He is also reported to have authored a tragedy dealing with the fall of Anne Boleyn,95 a book justifying his divorce from Katherine of Aragon (perhaps A Glasse of the Truthe [1530] or Henricus Octavus [1529F),96 several shorter poems (known by their incipits, "The eagles force subdues each bird that flyes" and "Blush not fayer nimphe"), and what has been described as a "book of sonnets" 9 3 Henry's habits of annotating while reading are discussed by T.A. Birrell (7-12), and also documented by Hathaway. 9 4 While his compositions have been evaluated, at times, as amateur, they were in his own time treated as something quite other, and were held in some esteem—something attested to by Erasmus' awareness even of Henry's religious compositions; see Warton's History of English Poetry (3.342-3), who cites Hawkins' Hist. Mus. (2.533). Regarding the masque, see Chappell (Popular Music 1.53). "Quam pulchra es" is a later sacred composition, found in Baldwin's MS (BL Royal MS 24.d.2 166*). "O Lord, The Maker of All Things," from Henry's Primer, is traditionally ascribed to him but, today, is generally attributed to William Mundy; an earlier version, found in the WanleyMS (Oxford, Bodleian Mus. Sch. e 420-2), is conceivably by Henry (see Morris 240; Chappell Popular Music 1.53; Walker, A History 45, 63). 9 5 See Walker (Plays of Persuasion 21), Greenblatt (280 n. 44), and Scarisbrick (350), who briefly discuss this tragedy. Henry had shown the tragedy to the Bishop of Carlisle (Cal. Spanish V (ii): 127). 9 6 Henry was occupied with the authorship of at least one book in 1528. He wrote, in that year, to Anne Boleyn of "my book" which "makes substantially for my matter, in writing whereof I have spent above four hours this day" (Byrne [ed] 82); in June of that year, Brian Tuke notes a visit from Henry "for the most part going and coming turns in for devising with me upon his book and other things current" (L&P Henry VIII IV #4409). A Glasse of the Truthe (Oxford Bodleian Tanner 182[2]) was printed by the King's printer, Thomas Berthelet. Henricus Octavus (Cambridge Trinity MS B. 15.19) was one of several books used by Wolsey and Campeggio at the second trial regarding the King's divorce (May-June 1529). Its authorship involved John Stokesly, Edward Foxe, Nicholas de Burgo and, likely, the king himself (Murphy, "The First Divorce" 148); for a detailed discussion of this work, see Surtz and Murphy (viii-xix). Siemens, Henry Wll MS 48 While perhaps the least of his literary efforts, it is on his poetic Lyrical Attributions, Dubious and Otherwise: A "book of sonnets " and Two Poems The book of sonnets—first mentioned as such in 1824 by Warton in his History of English Poetry (3.342) and echoed later by others—is what is now known as the Henry VIII MS, it came into the possession of the British Museum, via the firm of Quaritch, from the collection of Lord Eglinton (through his son-in-law, Sir Charles M. Lamb), in whose possession both Warton and Brooks place it. Though it contains works by members of Henry's court in addition to his own, it is the single largest gathering of Henry's lyrical works—fifteen consisting of more than an incipit, with an overall total of thirty-three ascriptions—and contains the only extant poetic works which can be reasonably attributed to Henry.99 commemorating his loves, works that I will focus.98 9 7 See Brooks (222). 9 8 to these, one might add that "Greensleeves" has been popularly ascribed to Henry, but there appears to be no basis for this ascription. 9 9 See my chapter Interpretive Provinces and Sites of Authorisation, especially the section entitled "Authorial Evidence in the Henry VIII MS" (33). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 49 Figure 4: "Blush not fayer nimphe" attrib. to Henry VIII. (From a prayer book belonging to Katherine Parr, at Sudeley Castle. Enlarged approx. 200% in this reproduction.) Siemens, Henry VIIIMS 50 Before discussing Henry's lyrics of the Henry VIII MS, the other two poems ascribed to Henry should be discussed, for each can be effectively removed from Henry's poetic canon on the grounds that both lack evidence of his authorship. "Blush not fayer nimphe" (see Figure 4 [49]), the first of these two, is not listed in any catalogue of Renaissance verse in print or manuscript form, and has no resonance in any later literature. It appears solely in a book of prayers100 owned by the Queen Katherine Parr101 on the recto of a page used in book-binding (just before the title page); the collection is found at Sudeley Castle, Gloucestershire.102 Its transcription follows; the 1 0 0 The collection was first noted by Charlton, in "Devotional Tracts Belonging to Queen Katherine Parr," who briefly describes its contents; there are six tracts, ranging in date of printing from 1534 (items 1, 3, and 4) to 1541 (item 6). This volume, in Charlton's possession at the time of his writing (1850), ultimately passed to H. Dent Brocklehurst, an early owner and restorer of Sudeley Castle. I am grateful to Lady Ashcombe for permission to work with the book, and to Brigadier LeBlanc-Smith and others for the kindness shown me during my visit in July 1996. Charlton's note was in response to that by J.L.W., entitled "MS. Book of Prayers Belonging to Queen Katherine Parr," Notes and Queries [set. 1] 2 (1850): 167. J.L. W. refers to the incomplete manuscript copy, now in Kendall Town Hall, of Parr's Prayers and Meditations (printed in London by T. Berthelet in 1545) noted and discussed in The Gentleman's Magazine 60.2 (1790): 617, 703, 799, 1100, and reprinted in sections (618, 700-2, 785-7; also 986-8); for recent work on Parr—an author and patron in her own right—see Janel Mueller's "Devotion as Difference: Intertextuality in Queen Katherine Parr's Prayers and Meditations (1545)," and her "A Tudor Queen Finds Voice: Katherine Parr's Lamentation of a Sinner," as well as John King's "Patronage and Piety: The Influence of Catherine Parr." A work which came to press too late for consideration in this thesis is the third volume of the Early Modern Englishwoman series, which contains the writings of Katherine Parr, edited by Janel Mueller. 1 0 1 At the bottom of the first item's title page ("A sermon of saint chrysostome") is written "Kateryn the Quene KP" in what has been identified as Parr's hand; on the facing sheet are verses from the psalms, in her hand as well. See Nicholas Hurt and Julian Comrie's Sudeley Castle and Gardens (9) for a photograph of these pages. '°2 See Adam Pollock's Sudeley Castle, wherein is described, in the fifth room of the Sudeley Castle exhibit, a "religious book written by Katherine Parr, one with an inscription by Henry VIII" (27). Siemens, Henry HI! MS 51 penultimate line is incomplete because of the illegibility of several words:103 Respect blush not fayer nimphe / thei nee of nobell blod / I fain avouch it. & of maners good / spottles in lyf of mynd sencere / & sound: / in whoam a world of vertes / doth abowend: & sith besyd it ye / lysens giu w/f/ihall / 5 set doughts asyed and to som / sporting fall./ therfoor suspisyon I do / banysh thee / & caste th[o/u]s th[y] nimphe / dost terifye yo wilbe clear of euery suspysion The poem was transcribed—save for the penultimate line—and the script identified as Henry's own by Charlton in 1850; this transcription and attribution would be repeated just after the turn of the century by Lady Mary Trefusis, in her collection of Songs, Ballads arid Instrumental Pieces Composed by King Henry VIII (xviii). As a poem, it appears that it may be quite personally and, perhaps, situationally bound. It is scrawled in an area of a book typically reserved for indications of ownership, dedications, and other personal writings, and the book's last owner was the wife of the alleged author—a bibliophile, patron, and writer herself. Considering the approximate date of the volume's binding (after 1541), the nature of the work in which it appears, its title ("Respect"), the poet's encouragement of the lady to "set doughts asyed," and its double proclamation of her now being free from his suspicion, one might suppose that it reflects events of 1545 when Katharine was the object of a movement led by Archbishop Cranmer against her for her religious beliefs. A book of sermons with such an ascription would be a fitting present to begin Henry's own process of 1031 wish to thank Peter Meredith (Leeds) and Patricia Basing (BL) for their assistance with several readings in the poem. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 52 atonement with his wife after this movement, which was in the end put down.104 Such a poetic situation for the poem is dependent upon its being written in Henry's own hand, for there are no other indications of his authorship in the work; however, while in a secretarial script which can be roughly placed ca. 1540-70, the hand is quite different from what is extant of Henry's, and likely belongs to another person in Katherine Parr's circle of the 1540s.105 Without confirmation of Henry's hand in the only known witness of the poem, its attribution to Henry has very little supporting evidence, though the circumstances are suggestive and plausible. Attribution to Henry of the second of these two poems, "The eagles force subdues each bird that flyes," is by John Harrington, in a letter dated 1609 and addressed to King James I's eldest son Prince Henry. Harrington discusses and reprints . . . a special verse of King Henry the Eight, when he conceived love for Anna Bulleign. And hereof I entertain no doubt of the Author, for, if I had no better reason than the rhyme, it were sufficient to think that no other than suche a King coud write suche a sonnet; but of this my father oft gave me good assurance, who was in his houshold. This sonnet was sunge to the Lady Ann at his commaundment, and here followeth: THE eagle's force subdues eache byrd that flyes; What metal can resyst the flaminge fyre? Dothe not the sunne dazle the cleareste eyes, And melt the ice, and make the froste retyre? The hardest stones are peircede thro wyth tools; The wysest are, with Princes, made but fools. (Harrington 2.248) These lines, which appear set to music in William Byrd's Psalmes, Songs, and Sonnets (1611; 1 0 4 For details of this movement against Katherine, see McConica's English Humanists and Reformation Politics (215); also, Antonia Fraser's The Six Wives of Henry VIII (386-90). , o s I am grateful to Joanne Woolway (Oriel College, Oxford), William Hodges (Bodleian Library), and Patricia Basing and W.H. Kelliher (BL) for their assistance in looking over the hand in this poem. Siemens, Henry WI MS 53 g!^ 106 a pp e a r a i s o j n A Mirror for Magistrates (1563) as lines 85-91 of Thomas Churchyard's "Shore's Wife."107 In Churchyard's work, this verse is spoken by Shore's wife, concubine to Edward IV, who has been spoiled by Richard III and forced to do penance; the lines appear as part of a moral exemplum, and seem quite unlike that which might result from the budding love of a monarch and a noblewoman—though their situation in such a place by Harrington is not unusual, and fits a pattern of association for that group of poems associated with Henry VIII which lasts to this day. Henry's Lyrics, Their Contexts, and the Realms of Their Interpretation While spurious, these two poems ascribed to Henry present valuable minor studies in themselves, for they serve to illustrate the parameters of interpretation typically and traditionally allowed Henry's poetic efforts: that is, the process of their attribution helps exemplify one vein of critical engagement given Henry's works since the time of their authorship. Notably, the idea of a "poetic situation" is suggested by each. In the case of "Respect," its location in the book of sermons suggests that it—a statement of affirmation—along with the book, perhaps, may serve as an apology; even if not exactly this, we can at least acknowledge that such a poetic expression is something given by one familiar to another, with a specific intent in mind. To Harrington's attribution of "The eagle's force," the aspect of poetic situation is also integral. He suggests a performance of Henry's lyric to Anne Boleyn, intended to woo, on the evidence of his father's 1(16 Discussed by Warton (History of English Poetry 3.342-3). 1 0 7 See EH. Fellowes' English Madrigal Verse, 1588-1632 (685) and Lily B. Campbell's edition of A Mirror for Magistrates (376). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 54 word, who may have witnessed such events and also was able to testify to Henry's lyrical abilities. Such poetic situations are suggested in engagements of Henry's actual poetic work as well. In a nineteenth century description of the Henry VIII MS given by William Chappell, the lyrics written by Henry are critically approached as uncomplex love songs and statements of personal character and, within his article discussing the lyrics, Chappell notes that, though Henry "was professing love for the Queen [Katherine of Aragon]... in his songs," he promises future, not present, self-denial of the pleasures of his age and status (Account 376). In the eighth chapter of Philip Lindsay's novel Here Comes the King, the author associates Henry's proclamation of unwavering devotion found in the second stanza of his "Grene growith the holy" (H 37v-38r; 141) with Henry's relationship with his fifth wife, Katherine Howard— "As the holy grouth grene. / and neuer chaungyth hew. / So I am euer hath bene. / vnto my lady trew" (11. 5-8). James Joyce, in a letter to his Nora (ca. July 1904),108 places what he states to be a lyric by Henry into a romantic context at the same time as he comments on Henry's character. Joyce states: I found myself sighing deeply tonight as I walked along and I thought of an old song written three hundred years ago by the English King Henry VTTT—a brutal and lustful king. The song is so sweet and fresh and seems to have come from such a simple grieving heart that I send it to you, hoping it may please you. It is strange from what muddy pools the angels call forth a spirit of beauty. The words express very delicately and musically the vague and tired loneliness which I feel. (Joyce 23-4) The lyric to which he refers, "A the syghes that cum fro my hart" (H 32v-33r; 185) was, in fact, set by William Cornish, leader of Henry's Chapel Royal, and not Henry;109 nonetheless, Joyce's 1 0 8 I wish to thank Andrew Busza for bringing this letter to my attention. 1 0 9 The presentation, with vague attribution, of verses in some nineteenth century reprintings of works from the Henry VIII MS may have been responsible for this confusion. It is also possible that Joyce confused this lyric with another in H, "The thowghtes w/tfrin my brest" (H 29v-30*; 224), which shares a second line, "They greue me passyng sore," and rhyme in the Siemens, Henry WI MS 55 empathy with the mood of the lyric is interesting, and the personal situation into which Joyce brought it reflects that in which Henry's lyrics are often seen. Nowhere are the situational parameters of Henry's lyrics better demonstrated than in the first critical engagement of Henry's lyrics in a purely literary context, that of Sarah Brooks' "Some Predecessors of Spenser." Referring to the verses of Wyatt's "Forget not yet the tried intent" as it relates to Wyatt's relationship with Anne Boleyn, Brooks comments on "Old bluff Hal's wooing verses" and, following a passing reference to and quotation of "The eagle's force," she continues: "But that the King spread his claws with some pretension to literary neatness is evident from his book of sonnets . . . commemorating the loves of this royal butcher" (222). The harsh, stereotypical view of Henry as a royal butcher aside, Brooks' views of 1889 share much with popular sentiments held to this day. The lyrics, such sentiments contend, are to be viewed with intimate and, perhaps, romantic overtones. The recent entry on Henry in the Dictionary of Literary Biography urges, similarly, consideration of the personal elements of Henry's works through the context of their intended delivery. These were performances along the lines of what C.S. Lewis suggested for early Tudor lyrics as a whole (mainly some of Wyatt's verses), in a coterie "with many ladies present" (Herman 222); to this model of poetic interchange, we might add the expansion offered by Spearing that it is the personal blush of recognition that becomes the centre of the literary experience. With some difference, though of the same kind, are views expressed in a 1996 public television documentary on the reign of Henry VIII in which Rosalind Miles, speaking of Catherine of Aragon, commented that Henry would fourth, "euer more." This lyric, while attributed by Stevens to Henry (M&P 392), and echoed in Henry's entry in the Dictionary of Literary Biography (132: 177), is attributed in the manuscript to "T. Ffardyng" (3(f). Siemens, Henry mi MS 56 "write little poems to her" and, talking of Henry's legendary love for the ladies, Margaret George commented that "he was always writing sonnets to his lady loves, and music for them."110 Contrary to this tradition, however, it is important to note that Henry's lyrics do not specifically commemorate his loves—and certainly not his later ones. If it were the case that they did, we could truly engage the lyrics in the manner suggested by the more popular perceptions of Henry and his poetic works. In this imaginative critical lens, then, we might have Henry giving voice to his undying love for Anne Boleyn, wooing her during the time in which his councillors were working through the details of his divorce with Katharine of Aragon; we, as contemporary audience, would have the dark pleasure, perhaps, of hearing (and knowing) the irony in such words as "Now vnto my lady / promyse to her I make. / Ffrome all other only / to her. I me betake" ("Grene growith the holy" [H 37v-38r; 141] 11. 13-16). Then, perhaps, we might view him doing the same with his next wife, while orchestrating the trial of Anne Boleyn and the arrest of Wyatt, and so on. But such interpretations, in the case of these lyrics, are invalid because the lyrics belong to a situation quite different from that suggested by traditional assumptions. Several misunderstandings inform what may be called the "traditional" view of Henry's lyrics, and these are not so much misconceptions as they are transpositions of assumptions which hold up well with poetry of a kind other than Henry's. Before embarking upon a discussion of the proper context for the interpretation of Henry's lyrics, however, the issue of their date should be reviewed, for their temporal placement can clear up some misunderstandings. 1 , 0 See "Henry VIII." Miles, author of I Elizabeth: The Word of a Queen, makes her statement 20 minutes into the videotape and George, author of The Autobiography of Henry Mil, at 21 minutes. Siemens, Henry WIIMS 57 As discussed of the manuscript as a whole,111 the date of Henry's lyrical works can be set with some accuracy to be quite early in his reign. While the compilation and binding of H itself took place after mid-1522, its contents of Henry's own work are more suggestive of the first few years of his reign. Some lyrics, such as "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14M 5r; 121), date from the first two years of his reign—a time during which, as Hall says of the court's progress to Windsor in the second year of his reign, Henry was "exercisying hym self daily in shotyng, singing, dauwsyng, wrastelyng, casting of the barre, plaiyng at the recorder, flute, virginals, and in setting of songes, [and] makyng of balettes" (515); "Pastyme with good companye" itself appears twice in LRU (dated 1510), where it is given the title "The Kynges Ballade" (141*). The majority of the lyrics appear to have been completed prior to 1514, such that the character Youth, in the interlude of the same name (dated ca. 1513-4), is able to echo several lines and sentiments.112 During these early years, the young monarch, skillful himself with many instruments,113 often played and sang in public.114 His enthusiasm for courtly and popular song,115 and the populace's general knowledge of his love for song itself, would last throughout the time of his rule and 1 , 1 See the discussion on dating in the Textual Introduction (88). 1 1 2 See Lancashire {Two Tudor Interludes 106,1.70; 18 ff.) for these echoes. Lyrics by others point equally to a date prior to 1514, especially those which focus on the celebrations surrounding the birth of a son, who would not survive his first few months, in 1511 ("Aboffe all thynge" [H 24v; 218] and "Adew adew le company" [H 74v-75r; 294]) and refer to the 1513 war with the French in the future tense ("ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart" [H 100v-102r; 305] and "Pray we to god that all may gyde" [H 103r; 307]). 1 1 3 See Scarisbrick (15-6) and Cal. Venice (II: 242). 1 1 4 Documented CSP Venice (I: 69; II: 328), among others. 1 1 5 In addition to the courtly songs of his chapel, he also frequently enjoyed singing "fremen songs" with Peter Carew (T. Phillips 113). Siemens, Henry VIII MS'58 beyond into the early seventeenth century, as evidenced by Thomas Ravenscroft's 1609 publication of a book of freemen's (also called three-men's) songs, the subtitle of which, Kfing] Hfenry 'sj Mirth, is an explicit reference to Henry's pleasure in them 1 1 6 Though the lyrics and Henry's reputation as lyricist would last for some time, the early date of these lyrics dispels notions of their being love poems referring to specific romantic situations in his later life. So, too, should the condition of their production and performance dispel, in a large part, the urge to consider his lyrics as "little poems" written to Katherine of Aragon, "sonnets to his lady loves" or anything resembling a commemoration of Henry's amours. Issues of the production and the performance of the lyrics in the Henry VIII MS are closely related, as John Stevens demonstrated some years ago.117 The lyrics of the manuscript are secular and public in nature, documenting one aspect of an active and youthful court's sense of contemporary politics and culture. Henry's lyrics, chiefly in the courtly love tradition, draw freely on its models and motifs, and take their place in the public sphere of activities surrounding the king. But we tend to discount their place in the public life of the early Tudor court and, instead, relegate the lyrics to the more private domain in which we critically view Thomas Wyatt. A much more prominent poet today than Henry, Wyatt would inherit and expertly interpret aspects of this tradition several decades later, but Wyatt's engagement of it comes from a very different perspective than Henry's. Chiefly working in the milieu of the coterie—the same literary coterie in which those related to the Devonshire MS (LDev) operated, among them " 6 The title of this work is Deuteromelia, none of the songs gathered by Ravenscroft are of Henry's composition " 7 See his Music and Poetry. Siemens, Henry mi MS 59. Thomas Howard (Surrey's father), Anne Boleyn, Mary Shelton, Mary (Howard) Fitzroy, and Henry's illegitimate son, Henry Fitzroy118—Wyatt's verse reflects the personality of the early Tudor lyric accentuated by Lewis and Spearing, and also Wyatt's own position in society. Wyatt's lyrics, therefore, are inherently more personal in nature, with anticipated audiences and performance situations as intimate as the circle in which he wrote. His love lyrics—those both espousing and despising love—can rightly be interpreted within the context suggested by the coterie. "My Lute Awake," present in both the Devonshire (LDev) and Egerton (LEge) manuscripts, is often taken to be exemplary of this tradition when one considers the performance element. The situation constructed by the poem is of a lyricist, his lute, and his former lover (often construed, rightly or wrongly, to be Anne Boleyn); he sings alternately to his lute, and to his lover, about his relationship with her. Worth consideration also is the nature of the references employed in Wyatt's verses. His lyric "If yt ware not"119 illustrates the degree of topicality one can expect of a work in the milieu in which Wyatt lived. This poem appears only in the Devonshire MS (LDev) and is especially notable because of its echoing of the third line from Henry's lyric "Pastyme with good 1 1 8 For discussion of Wyatt and the courtly love tradition, see Patricia Thomson's Sir Thomas Wyatt and His Background ("Courtly Love" 10-45). As well, and for discussion of the coterie element of the Devonshire MS (LDev), see Paul G. Remley's "Mary Shelton and Her Tudor Literary Milieu," Raymond Southall's "The Devonshire Manuscript Collection of Early Tudor Poetry, 1532-41," Elizabeth Heale's "Women and the Courtly Love Lyric," Helen Baron's "Mary (Howard) Fitzroy's Hand in the Devonshire Manuscript," and Julia Boffey's "Women Authors and Women's Literacy in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century England"; discounting Wyatt and Anne Boleyn's presence in the manuscript is E.W. Ives' Anne Boleyn ("Passion and Courtly Love" 77-110). 119 Devonshire MS (LDev 78*); see also Greene's Early English Carols (# 467, pp. 314-5 and 452). Siemens, Henry WII MS 60 companye" (H 14M5r; 121)—"gruche who lust but none denye"—a defiant statement which has been paraphrased as "let grudge whosoever will, none shall refuse (it to me)" (Stevens M&P 345). This line has its root in the Burgundian court of love presided over by Margaret of Austria, Regent of the Netherlands, who employed the motto "Groigne qui groigne et vive Burgoigne "1 2° Anne Boleyn, prior to 21 December 1530, had adopted a motto which echoed Henry's line and that of the Burgundian court. Embroidered on her servants' liveries, this motto was "Ainsi sera, groigne qui groigne,"121 which approximates, in English, "What will be, will be, grumble who may."122 The first line of the burden to Wyatt's lyric is "Grudge on who liste, this ys my lott," and the matter of the lyric itself—a woman's address to a male lover in reference to her marriage to another man—provides a plausible gloss on the situation existing at this time between himself, Boleyn, and Henry VIII.123 Following the established tradition of interpretation for Henry's lyrics, one critic has noted that "the King's poem contains a veiled reference to the relationship between Anne and the King in the latter months of 1530" and that "Pastyme" was "surely meant as a reassuring reply to Anne that the King was determined to marry her" (Jungman 398, 399); however, such a relationship 1 2 0 See Ives' Anne Boleyn (22 ff.), Jungman (398 n. 1), and Friedmann's Anne Boleyn (1.128, n.3). The King's ties to the Burgundian court are well known, as are the strong Burgundian influences on the early Tudor lyric and other courtly arts. 1 2 1 See R.L. Greene's "A Carol of Anne Boleyn By Wyatt" (438), Jungman (398 n.l), and Bruce's Anne Boleyn (168-72). 1 2 2 The translation is given by Bruce (168). 1 2 3 See Greene ("Carol" 438-9). Siemens, Henry VIIIMS 61 cannot exist, because of the evidence dating each text,124 for "Pastyme" belongs to ca. 1510, twenty years before Boleyn's use of the allusive motto. A more plausible series of events is that Boleyn's motto, intended to echo Henry's very popular lyric125 and also the defiant spirit of the Burgundian motto (which itself urges reminiscence of a shared past held by Henry and Anne in the Burgundian court),126 was adopted by Wyatt. By echoing elements of both Anne's and Henry's statements, he is able to situate his work in terms suitable for his coterie—in this case, that of the Devonshire MS (LDev) alone—and to document explicitly and privately his own sorry place in this confusing love triangle. Such a technique, common to Wyatt, appears not to have been employed by Henry, in large part because for a monarch the idea of poetic milieu, by necessity of social position, would be much different. While the courtier Wyatt in a work whose topical reference would be known to the few of his poetic coterie could employ Henry's line to such an end, Henry's own 1 2 4 While Boleyn's motto, Wyatt's burden, and the line in Henry's lyric do share a similar resonance, this relationship is one which because of the textual circumstances of Henry's lyric, cannot exist. "Pastyme with good companye" first appears in the Ritson MS (LRit 136^137, 141M42r; see 121 ff), itself dated ca. 1510; Boleyn's adoption of the motto is in 1530; and Wyatt's presumably is approximately this date, as argued by Greene ("Carol"). 1 2 5 Though it was composed ca. 1510, the King's Ballad had a popularity which extended up to and beyond 1530. Please refer to the notes to the lyric in this edition (121). 1 2 6 Anne Boleyn's adoption of a motto close to that of Burgundy is a defiant gesture, making explicit her unwavering certainty that she would be Henry's queen, and also in support of the sentiments expressed by Henry's lyric as well as those upheld by the Burgundian court which Henry so admired and sought to emulate, and in which the two shared a common ground. Boleyn, as is known, spent the summer of 1513 as a maid of honour at Margaret's court. The summe of 1513 saw visits from and revels involving Henry's continental entourage, which included the Chapel Royal, for the war against the French. Boleyn may have come across the motto first while gaining a courtly education under Margaret's guidance. By the summer of 1513, Henry would have been familiar with the motto for quite some time, and was, it would seem, introduced to it before his composition of "Pastyme with good companye" ca. 1510. Siemens, Henry nil MS 62 employment of the line twenty years or so earlier is much less topical, like much of his verse, betraying in this instance what would have been a very publicly-known admiration of (and acknowledged cultural debt to) the court from which the motto originated. In his lyrics, Wyatt might have performed for his lover and for his coterie, but Henry performed, with accompaniment of at least two other singers (as evinced by the settings in H), for the whole court—a point which must be kept in mind, even though his lyrical works in the Henry VIII MS may suggest at times an intimacy of sorts, such as in "Grene growith the holy" (H 3T-3Sr; 141) and "Wherto shuld I expresse" (H 5 lv-52r; 151). Henry's poetic performances were, thus, public, whether given to groups which included ambassadorial retinues127 or the comparatively intimate group of Henry's personal entourage. Even when performing later in life with his courtier Peter Carew for the pleasure of Katherine Parr and her ward, Princess Elizabeth, that audience would include the court and entourage of each.128 Best shown by the appearance of "Pastyme with good companye" in the early Tudor song books more often than any other lyric,129 its mention first in the list of shepherd's songs in The Complaynt of Scotlande,ii0 and its appearance later in a popular 1 2 7 See reports of Henry's abilities by ambassadorial crews, among them a report of 3 May 1515 to the Signory of Venice in which it is noted that Henry "played about every instrument, sang and composed fairly" (CSP Venice 2.242 #614). One may also look to the continental distribution of the poem; refer to the textual notes accompanying "Pastyme with good companye." 1 2 8 For Henry's enjoyment of singing with Carew, see T. Phillips (113); for a brief mention of the situation of their performance of the lyric "As I walked through the glades and wode so wylde" before Katherine and Elizabeth, see Tapp (v). 1 2 9 It appears twice in the Ritson MS (LRU) and once in H. n o It is noted as "pastance [with] gude companye" (Murray 64, and lxxxiii n. 49). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 63 moralized version,131 it is from their presentation and circulation in such a public arena that sentiments from Henry's lyrics are able to become identifiable targets for anti-court satire,132 to become incorporated into court-centred didactic works, such as Thomas Elyot's Governour,133 and sermons of the day,134 as well as to become part of the historiographical record of the early court, along with the pageants, tournaments, and revels noted by Edward Hall in his chronicle.135 Such a public audience, seen most clearly in the occasional pieces of the Henry VIII MS commemorating events such as the birth of a son in 1511 and the war with France in 1513, must also be seen as the context for even the most seemingly private of Henry's lyrics. The manuscript, we must remember, bears none of the signs of its operation in the coterie fashion of Wyatt's Devonshire MS (LDev). It is a fine vellum manuscript, professionally copied, illuminated, and bound, and too large in size to be grouped with such manuscripts of authorial personality, as we expect of a figure such as Wyatt. The manuscript also reveals no personal connection to the king himself; rather, connection appears to be to the king's friend and comptroller Sir Henry Guildford, 1 3 1 See the Maitland Quarto MS(3V; 63). 1 3 2 Such as that noted, earlier, in the example of the Interlude of Youth. 1 3 3 Passages of Elyot's Boke Named the Govemour echo the ideas expressed in two lines of the poem—"For my pastaunce / Hunte, syng and daunce" (5-6)—referring to the value of hunting (I: Ch. 18), singing (I: Ch. 7), and dancing (I: Chs. 19-25). 1 3 4 While preaching in the King's halL as reported from Pace to Wolsey, the royal almoner incorporated "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14M5r; 121) as well as "I loue vnloued suche is myn adue/rture" (H 122M24r; 328) into his sermon (L&PHenry VIII, III (i): 447); later, in his "Second Sermon before Edward VI," Latimer referred to the same lines upon which Elyot elaborates (Latimer 79). 1 3 5 Specifically, see Hall (515 ff), wherein Henry's early interest in music and lyrics is recounted. Siemens, Henry 1111 MS 64 who played a large part as participant in and organiser of many of the public spectacles and revels of the early Tudor court.136 Textually, and in terms of the poetic situation constructed by my example, Wyatt offers a sole voice as part of a larger poetic (and personal) exchange, In the Henry VIII MS, Henry's lyrics are presented in a different manner. While surely intended for performance, as a whole they do not support an intimate situation similar to Wyatt's—even those lyrics which may upon reading suggest tete-a-tete exposition. What is amplified by the textual evidence is the non-intimate situation in which the lyrics were performed. With little variation, Henry's lyrics were intended for performance as the type of song that he enjoyed singing, freemen's or three-men's songs. In the Henry VIII MS, both lyrics and musical settings are for three and four voices; while this reflects the fact that the manuscript is musical as much as poetic, it is notable that most of Henry's lyrics are captured in H solely, a document that presents them in a form which suggests a public nature.137 While an examination of the details of H assists in revealing a general strategy of interpretation which challenges that traditionally held about Henry's lyrics, such a critical strategy arises also from the general situation of the lyrics, as with others written by those of stature 1 3 6 Especially important here is the absence of an inventory number in the manuscript, which would be expected if it were a part of the royal collection; nor are its binding decorations reflective of patterns seen in the royal library. See the discussion of provenance in the Textual Introduction (92). 1 3 7 "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-15r; 121), for example, appears in all its textual witnesses (H, LRitfJJ, and LRit[2J) in three voices. Possible exceptions include "O my hart and o my hart" (H 22v-23r; 133), which is presented in three voices in H but only preserved as a single voice in its transcription on the final page of a 1493 edition of Jacobus de Voragine's Legenda Aurea (PBLe gg4v), and "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48v-49r; 148) for which, though the text appears only once in H, music is provided for three voices. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 65 similar to Henry's. What makes it believable that Henry wrote lyrics at all suggests that such writing would be more public and generic than private and occasional. What I am speaking of here is the literary and, as we are referring to lyrics, the related musical traditions of the early Tudor court. Such traditions tend to be performance oriented, and royal performances (recitations, singing, instrumentation, and so on) are well documented particularly in the first two decades of the sixteenth century with respect to the heir to Henry VIFs throne, and after 1509, to the new king himself. Lyrics such as those written by Henry—and songs such as those performed, as we know from the reports of foreign ambassadors—are quite usual in this context. If we look at the lyric written by Henry's mother, those written in the Burgundian court by Margaret of Austria, and those written in the French court by the young Francis I, writing for such occasions was simply what one did. Youth and Age, Lover and Disdainer: Poetic Discourses and Royal Power in Henry's Lyrics The element of public spectacle intended in the lyrics is especially evident when they are considered in the context of the life of Henry's early court, for many of the activities of the early Tudor court appear to have been fashioned around a "personal discourse" of Henry—as Youth and the (courtly) Lover—poetic personae which are seen quite clearly in the lyrics of the Henry VIII MS. Appropriate to the mood of the court at the date of the manuscript, Henry's lyrics reflect a predominantly lively and happy court; they avoid devotional subjects and focus primarily on topics of love and youth.138 1 3 8 The comparatively large number of his compositions in the manuscript reflects his early exuberance for song. Henry himself was skillful with many instruments (Scarisbrick 15-6, and CSP Venice II: 242), and often played and sang in public (CSP Venice I: 669 and II: 328). Siemens, Henry WI MS 66 In the environment of a court that found him young, and literary works which suggested the lusty age of Henry when a prince and young monarch139 (see Figure 8 [120]), Henry in his lyrics appears to have fashioned himself as the youth and lover others perceived him to be. It is not surprising to find that love is a predominant topic of the songs, for love is the main theme of many lyrics of this sort, a theme also closely associated with the age of Youth. That love is the focus of a king's work is notable, and in the lyrics it appears to reflect Henry's keen interest in the chivalric tradition during the first few years of his reign. "[F]eates of armes [done] for the loue of Ladies" (Hall 511, 512), in which the King himself was a chief participant, marked his early court. He surrounded himself with tapestries depicting romance scenes (see Figure 5 [67]) and portraying Cupid and Venus. He jousted in honour of the Queen, calling himself "Cure Loial" (Hall 517 and L&P Henry VIII I. 220), Sir Loyal Heart. As noted earlier, he appeared in a pageant celebrating the 1511 birth of a son again as "Cuer Loyall," alongside "Amoure Loyall" and others, with all participants including himself dressed in garb "embroudered full of H. & K. of golde" (Hall 519). Furthermore, in later events, he jousted on a horse whose decorations included "a harte of a manne wounded"—upon which was written "mon nauera" which Hall interprets as meaning "ell mon ceur a nauera, she hath wounded my harte" (Hall 630)—and played the role of 1 3 9 For Henry's characterisation in the interlude Youth, see Lancashire (Two Tudor Interludes 54) and the notes to "Pastyme with good companye" in this edition (121 ff.). The hero of Hawes' Example of Vertue (ca. 1503-4), whose name is "Youth," may have been intended to represent the young prince Henry As Edward Hall, the chronicler, reports, he appeared in a disguising dealing with the subject "that the flower of youth could not be oppressed" (597), and a masque in which personifications of Youth and Love were active participants (615). Later entertainments that deal with the loss of youth also show the King's identification with that age. He appeared as one of ten lords dressed in gowns of "the auncient fashion enbrodered with reasons of golde that sayd, adieu Iunesse, farewell youth" (Hall 615) and, with Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, in disguise at a tournament as "twoo ancient knightes" whom "youth had left" (Hall 689). "Ardent Desire" in a masque (Hall 631). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 67 Such events clearly portray the court's and, most of all, Figure 5: "Romance Subject" from Henry VHI's Holy Day Room, Hampton Court. (From Marillier). Henry's own active interest in pursuing courtly love in all the glamour and spectacle of the day. In such a context, Henry's lyrics can be seen to reflect the spirit of the court as a whole, and are part of the expression of a discourse represented in the manuscript but exemplified far beyond it. While the discourse was something that Henry fashioned—in lyrical, dramatic, and other venues—and therefore may be seen to be personal, it is less personal when one considers that Henry's construction was shared openly and freely, played over several genres and media, with many different courtiers and visitors to court, and thus on a very public stage. It is not something to which should be seen to contain a great degree of individual exposition; that is, it is verse of a Siemens, Henry Mil MS 68 kind that is not intended to be deeply, personally revealing, though it may well be generally revealing. To a significant degree, Henry's works fit very well within the panorama of courtly love poetry of the time. What is unique to his verse, however, is that which is unique to him, when considered in the context of other practitioners of similar verse. By this I refer to his gender, his age, and his social position. But it may be useful first to look at another monarchical figure and how similar lyrics are adapted to suit that figure's gender, age, and social position. The person I have in mind is one to whom Henry's own poetry owes a great debt. Margaret of Austria, regent of the Netherlands. Roughly a decade older than Henry, her lyrics in the courtly love tradition reflect aspects of her person. Their authorial voice is clearly female, representing more one who is "served" in the game of courtly love than one who "serves."140 Margaret's lyrics carry a tone of authority, in the sense of power connected with a regent, and also they are prescriptive, for they seem to advise the young ladies sent to her court for grooming, like Anne Boleyn in 1513, on what courtly love is, how one should behave when involved in the game of courtly love, and how men can be deceitful in that game. Moreover, in pointing out the potential pitfalls of the game of courtly love for the young female lover, Margaret's lyrics construct just as much the figure of the untrue male lover as they do the ideal female lover. Well-versed in the cultural tradition of the Burgundians, Henry had reflected before 1510 the motto of Margaret in his "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-l 5r; 121).141 In his French 1 4 0 In this vein, we might also consider the one lyric in the Henry IUI MS along these lines as well, intended to be presented by Katherine of Aragon, "WhiHes lyue or breth is in my brest"(#54v-55r;211). 1 4 ' This is discussed, above, in relation its echo in Wyatt's "If yt ware not" (59). Siemens, Henry Ml] MS 69 campaign of 1513, accompanied by his Chapel Royal, Henry and his courtiers would participate in games of courtly love with Margaret's court.142 Moreover, his own lyrical presence in his writings seems to draw heavily on that adopted by Margaret as well, reflecting the view of the young male lover in much the same manner as she represents that of the female. The authorial voices in Henry's lyrics—the personae of the active youth and the ideal lover—represent different aspects of the one who serves in the game of courtly love and delights in such service. The voice of youth is that of Henry's actual age; the voice of the ideal male lover, closely related to that of youth, is the part Henry shapes for himself in the game of courtly love (in a fashion akin to that of Margaret); both, as mentioned earlier, are images he sought to cultivate in his early court in venues beyond that of the lyric. While Henry's lyrics do not describe the figure of the untrue male lover as Margaret's, Henry's lyrics do add something more to the youth and ideal male lover: the figure of the aged "disdainer," to whom the apparently virtuous pursuits of youth must be justified and who hinders pursuits engaged in by true lovers.143 Such personae and figures, as they emerge from Henry's lyrics, are quite suggestive. By adopting his personae of youth and the lover, Henry as author positions himself in a traditional poetic debate (that of youth and age) which he places within the context of a contemporary 1 4 2 Here, the two courts met in Margaret's "famous centre of courtly love" (Gunn, Charles Brandon 29) for several days of celebration, including of the games, singing, and all night dancing. Of interest also is the nature of the games; Henry, for example, promised a 10,000 crown dowry to a Flemish lady-in-waiting who caught his eye, while Charles Brandon and Margaret of Austria participated in a stylised marriage proposal, which Henry interpreted to her as an actual proposal of marriage. For a description of the festivities and events, refer to CSP Milan (654, 656, 657), Strelka (48, 56-7), Ives (25-6), L&P Henry P_7/(I[ii] #s 2255, 2262, 2281, 2355, 2375, 2380, 2391), Gunn (Charles Brandon 29ff), and Chronicle of Calais (71-4). 1 4 3 "Disdainers" are also a common feature of the literature associated with tournaments of the day; see, for example, the anonymous Jousts ofMay and the Jousts of June. Siemens, Henry MUMS 70 discourse of courtly love, one well-accepted in his own court and beyond. Attention to Henry's poetic positioning, moreover, is the key to understanding the slim element of personal revelation that can now be retrieved from the lyrics. The lyrics themselves appear unnatural in the context of today's conceptions of early Tudor courtly poetic production, models of which have been presented most recently and most popularly by those subscribing to historicist and materialist theoretical positions, for Henry's lyrics do not on the surface appear to be the product of one seeking patronage nor court favor (a seemingly pointless task for a king to occupy himself with), nor are they the product of a disaffected courtier: that is, they are the product of neither a prince-pleaser nor a subversive. When read in the context of the personae and figures adopted and engaged by Henry, however, as a group they take shape as part of an act of poetic self-justification, an address of the young lover that Henry really was at the time, to the aged disdainers opposing his actions of whom there were many in Henry's early court according to extant documents.144 In the relationship of youth and age, it is youth who is subservient; in the relationship of the lover and the disdainer who thwarts the efforts of the lover, it is the lover who is subservient. As Henry adopts these poetic personae, he also allows himself a voice capable of subversion, a voice in an artificial though well-accepted discourse through which aspects of reality 1 4 4 Consider the concern expressed for the king at what was his first joust (12 January 1510; see Hall 513) at which, in equal disguise with William Compton, one of the two was quite seriously injured and "likely to dye"; with concern that this might be the king, Henry revealed himself publically, uninjured; Anglo {Tournament Roll 5) provides a summary of reservations against the king's participation in such events. See also the event recounted by Hall (511) and the Great Chronicle of London (Thomas and Thornley, eds., 342 ff), in which Henry was approached by the queen and her ladies, in the midst of a pageant with a forester theme, to intercede. According to Hall, Henry felt some "grudge and displeasure" between the party of the queen and those performing in the pageant (recounted also in Anglo [Tournament Roll 48-9]). Siemens, Henry WI MS 71 can be discussed. While engaging topics of love and youthful pursuits, then, he also addresses elements of the world around him in keeping with the accepted method of poetic representation practiced by Royal Orators Skelton and Hawes but more expertly exemplified in the later work of Wyatt. Though working in an accepted manner, Henry individualizes his lyrics and his poetic voice (of the relatively powerless youth and lover) by drawing upon his position as king in his poetic proclamations. Such is the case in "Though sum saith that yough rulyth me" (H 71v-73r; 164) in which the burden to the lyric, intended to be repeated after the recitation of each stanza, echoes the royal motto "Dieu et mon droit" ("god and my ryght" 1. 3) and, in the penultimate line, identifies the speaker: "Thus sayth the king the .viii.tfi harry" (1. 19). There is as well the riddle near the end of "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (#48v-49r; 148; 11. 11-14) which, in noting in the context of courtly love the power held by the person who is capable of begetting grace, gestures also towards the world of the political court where grace is given chiefly by the king.145 That Henry's lyrics were explicitly the words of the king is a point that Henry's public audience obviously could not have missed. Such identification, as Peter Herman has commented, suggests that Henry's lyrics are an exemplary site at which poetry and politics converge ("Henry VHT' 222), especially when one considers the implications of regal participation in the activity of poetry, an activity held typically to be reserved for courtiers alone. In Henry's engagement in the debates between the figures of youth and age, and the lover and disdainer, he brings a political weight not typically available to the youth nor the lover butonly to the king, one who is truly in command of all subjects, including the disdainers. 1 4 5 Please refer to its discussion eslewhere in this dissertation (33, 148). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 72 Henry VIII's Place in Literary History What emerges from this reading of Henry's lyrics is that the king, though working in a public sphere and in a genre noted for its impersonality, displays elements of individuality, though not the same as popular culture and common scholarship have readily urged. In his attempts as a poet to address aspects of courtly reality through the fiction of courtly love and as a lyricist to work with texts and their settings in the fashion of the troubadour, Henry embraces long-standing traditions while he champions them in his own court; at the same time he also anticipates poetic models that would later be more popularly exemplified in the works of Wyatt and Surrey. Without this precise context in mind, it has been noted that Henry was "the presiding genius of early Tudor literature" (Herman, "Henry VIII" 185) but chiefly as a patron. This much is true, but what is often overlooked is his role as a literary figure of the day, something which is demonstrated best in his lyrics. As an active participant in the poetic exchanges that characterise C.S. Lewis' apparent "drab age," Henry challenged the traditional boundaries of his chosen poetic genre; he personalised the English courtly love lyric, and added to it as none had before a dimension of power to the powerless poetic personae he employed in his work. Henry's work, thus, represents a bridge — and subtly marks a turning point — when one considers certain aspects of the development of the English lyric; reflecting the tradition available to Henry, his canon is at the same time suggestive of elements of the coterie tradition in which the early Tudor lyric would see its most fruitful exemplification. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 73 Appendix: "Myne hart is set vpponn a lusty pynne" Myne hart is set vpporv? a lusty pynne I praye to venus of good continuaunce For I reioyse the case that I am in Deiyuerd from sorow annexed to plesaunce Of all comfort havyng habundaunce This ioy and 11 trust shal neuer twynne Myne hart is set vppon a lusty pynne 7 I pray to venus of good continuaunce Sith she hath set me in the wey of ease Myne hertly seruyse with myne attendaunce So to contynue that euer I may please Thus voydyng from all pensful disease Now stand I hole fer from all grevaunce I pray to venus of good continuaunce 14 For I reioyse the case that I am in My gladnesse is such that greuyth me no payne And so to serue neuyr shal I blyne And thogh I wolde I may not me refrayne Myne herte and I so set is oraynn We shal neuer slake but euer new begynw For I reioyse the case thatl am in 21 Delyuerd from sorow annexed to plesaunce That all my ioy I set as aught of ryght To please as after my symple suffisaunce To me the goodlyest most beauteaus in sight A verry lanterne to ye al other lyght Most to my comfort euer her remembraunce Delyuerd from sorow annexed to plesaunce 28 Of all comfort havyng habundaunce As whanw that I thynke the goodlyhed Of the most femyne and meke in countenaunce Verray myrrour and ster of womanhed Whos ryght good fame so large a brod doth spred Ful glad to me to haue congnossaunce Of all comfort havyng habundaunce 35 Thys ioy and 11 trust shall neuer twynw So that I am so ferfurth in the trace My ioyes benn dovbil wher other be but thynw For I am stabely set in suche a place Wher beaute oresith and euer welleth grace Whiche is fill famous ana* borne of nobil kyn;7 Thys ioy and 11 trust shall neuer twynw Finis quod Quene Elyzabeth Siemens, Henry VIII MS 74 42 From Oxford, Bodleian RawlinsonMS C.86 (OxRawl86 155^1560-Textual Introduction Generally secular in tone, the English lyrics contained in the Henry VIII MS chiefly reflect a lively and light court atmosphere, something which is captured at times in the scribal handling of materials (see Figure 6 [75]),146 and a court culture whose influence echoed from the public sphere associated with Henry VIII and his entourage into the more private court circles of Wyatt'47 and others further removed from the centre of court activity.148 Figure 6: H (18"); In addition to containing four English incipits (gathered in Appendix I, p. 335 ff.), seventeen foreign lyrics and incipits (gathered in Appendix II, p. 340 ff), and thirty-five instrumental pieces,149 the Henry VIII MS contains fifty-three lyrics in English of more than one line. This latter group includes: 1. Pastyme with good companye [Henry VIII], 14v-15r 2. Alas what shall I do for love [Henry VIII], 20v-21r 3. Alone I leffe alone [Cooper], 22r 4. 0 my hart and o my hart [Henry VIII], 22v-23r 5. Adew adew my hartis lust [Cornish], 23v-24r 6. Aboffe all thynge [Farthing], 24v 1 4 6 Figure 6 is the block capital from the second voice of Henry's "HElas madam eel que iemetant"(i/18v-19r;343). 1 4 7 See, for example, those echoes of H (and later witnesses to texts contained in H) associated with the lyrics of those manuscripts closely associated with Wyatt's work (LEge) and, also, the Shelton circle (LDev). 1 4 8 The best example of such dissemination is that of Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" (//14v-15r; 121). 1 4 9 Instrumental pieces and those lyrics in languages other than English are not the focus of this edition. The best treatment to date of these is found in Stevens M&P and Stevens MCH8. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 75 Siemens, Henry WI MS 76 I. Downbery down [Daggere], 25r 8. In may that lusty sesoun [Farthing], 26r 9. Whoso that wyll hym selff applye [Rysby], 27v-28r 10. The tyme of youthe is to be spent [Henry VIII], 28v-29r II. The thowghtes within my brest [Farthing], 29v-30r 12. My loue schemorneth for me [Cornish], 30v-31r 13. A the syghes that cum fro my hart [Cornish], 32v-33r 14. With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne [Farthing], 33v-34r 15. Iff I had wytt for to endyght [Unattributed], 34v-3 5r 16. Alac alac what shall I do [Henry VIII], 35v 17. Hey nony nony nony nony no jTJnattributed], 36r 18. Grene growith the holy [Henry VIII], 37v-38r 19. Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne [Henry VIII], 39* 20. Blow thi horwne hunter [Cornish], 39v-40r 21 Adew corage adew [Cornish], 42v 22. Trolly lolly loly lo [Cornish], 43v-44r 23. I love trewly withowt feynyng [Farthing], 44v-45r 24. Yow and I and amyas [Cornish], 45v-46r 25. If love now reynyd as it hath bene [Henry VIII], 48v-49r 26. Wherto shuld I expresse [Henry VIII], 51v-52r 27. A robyn gentyl robyn [ComishAVyatt], 53v-54r 28. Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest [Cornish], 54v-55r 29: Thow that men do call it dotage [Henry VIII], 55v-56r 30. Departure is my chef payne [Henry VIII], 60v 31. I haue bene a foster [Cooper], 65v-66r 32. Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart [Cooper], 66v-68r 33. Withowt dyscord [Henry VIII], 68v-69r 34. I am a joly foster [Unattributed], 69v-71r 35. Though sum saith that yough rulyth me [Henry VIII, attributed], 71v-73r 36. MAdame damours [Unattributed], 73v-74r 37. Adew adew le company [Unattributed], 74v-75r 38. Deme the best of euery dowt [Lloyd], 79v 39. Hey troly loly loly [Unattributed], 80" 40. Whoso that wyll for grace sew [Henry VIII], 84v-85r 41. Let not vs that yongmen be [Unattributed, possibly Henry VIII], 87-88' 42. Lusti yough shuld vs ensue [Henry VHI], 94v-97 43. ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart [Unattributed], 100M02r 44. Pray we to god that all may gyde [Unattributed], 103r 45. And I war a maydyn [Unattributed], 106M07 46. Why shall not I [Unattributed], 10r-108r 47. What remedy what remedy [Unattributed], 108M 10r 48. Wher be ye [Unattributed], 110V-112r 49. QUid petis o fily [Pygott], 112M16r 50. My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble [Unattributed], 116v-120r Siemens, Henry Wl MS 77 51. Sv/mvhat musyng [FayrfaxAVoodville], 120M22r 52. I loue vnloued suche is myn adue/rture [Unattributed], 122v-124r 53. Hey troly loly lo [Unattributed], 124v-128r The details of each lyric, its presentation (including number of voices and other concerns), witnesses, ascription, and so forth, are discussed in the individual textual notes which accompany each edited lyric. Authors and Composers In keeping with the large number of works found in the Henry VIII MS, there are a number of composers (and authors) represented therein. Not all are native to England,150 and not all are known for their participation in the production of the early English lyric,151 but several are both. A generation of court composers working with the lyric that had not seen representation in the earlier Fayrfax MS (LFay, ca. 1500) have single examples of their work represented in H, excepting, of course, for this manuscript's namesake, Fayrfax152 himself, whose "Sv/wwhat 1 5 0 The work of composers foreign to England include A. Agricola, L. Compere, H. Isaac, J. Obrecht, H. van Ghizeghem, Ockeghem, J. Prioris, F. di Giovanni, Barbireau, Buisnos, A. Fevin, Le Heurteur, Moulu, Sermisy, and others; for more detailed information, see BL. Add. (7-9), Hamm (64-6; esp. the list of critical works provided on 65), Stevens M&P (386 ff. and elsewhere), and Stevens MCH8, among others. While works which fall outside of the tradition of the English lyric are not within the scope of this thesis, those foreign works which have a lyrical presence are gathered in Appendix 2. Of foreign composers, those most strongly represented are working in the Franco-Flemish tradition (Agricola through Prioris, as listed above), and there is a strong overlap between the contents of the Henry VIII MS and Margaret of Austria's Chanson Albums (Brussels Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique 11,239 and 228). 1 5 1 Among these are Dunstable (ca. 1390 - 1453), the very influential English composer of the early fifteenth century (see 36") and John Kempe, lay singer at Westminister Abbey and teacher of its choristers ca. 1501 -9 (New Oxford History of Music 347; also E. Pine, 28), whose "Hey nowe nowe" is represented in H(2\v, see 336). 1 5 2 Fayrfax was a member of Chapel Royal from 1497 to his death in 1521. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 78 musyng" is present (H 120v-122r; 253). Among this group are Richard Pygott ("QUid petis o fily" [H 112v-l 16r; 249]), an occasional member of the Chapel Royal who rose from being a boy singer in Wolsey's chapel to the position of master of that chapel;153 John Lloyd ("Deme the best of euery dowt" [H 79v; 246]), a priest in the Chapel Royal ca. 1505 and, by 1510, a gentleman of the Chapel;154 Henry Rysby ("Whoso that wyll hym selff applye" [H 27-28'; 244]), a clerk at Eton ca. 1506-8;155 and William Daggere, who is represented by his work "Downbery down" (H 25r; 242). The largest group of lyrics in H is provided by the king himself, who is the best represented contributor with fifteen lyrics of more than one line, followed by that of William Cornish (nine), Thomas Farthyng (five), and Robert Cooper (three).156 Of Henry, much is already known—his role as lyricist and author are discussed in the chapter Henry VIII as Writer and Lyricist (41 ff.)—but other figures which have a large place in H are less well known. Cooper (ca. 1474 - ca. 1535-40), who is noted as Doctor in //, 1 5 7 received the title of doctor from Cambridge in 1507. With Farthing, he was a clerk at King's College, Cambridge (1493-5) and may have associations there with Cornish as well.158 After his ordination in 1498, Cooper 1 5 3 See Flood (34 ff). 1 5 4 He is recorded at the funeral of Prince Henry in 1511 as "Mr. John Lloid" with the other composers / gentlemen of the Chapel; see PRO LC Vol. 550 (170*) and Grove (11: 99). 1 5 5 See the New Oxford History of Music (347). 1 5 6 While each provides settings with their lyrics, and most are responsible for settings without accompanying text, it is their texts that are the chief focus of this work. 1 5 7 His surname is prefixed by "D." (66r, and elsewhere). 1 5 8 Their works appear together in an inventory of pricksong books belonging to King's in 1529; see Harrison (iv). Siemens, Henry HUMS 79 was appointed rector of the chapel of Snodhill, Herefordshire (1498-1514) and of Lydiard Tregoz, Gloucestershire (1499-1513).159 While his extant works are few, they demonstrate a close allegiance with the life of the court and familiarity with the works of the king. Cooper's "I haue bene a foster" (H 65v-66r; 232) suggests acquaintance with materials found in the Ritson MS (LRit), for it strongly echoes (textually and musically) the burden of the unattributed lyric "y haue ben a foster long and meney day" in that manuscript (53*); the matter of his own forester lyric receives answer in H in the unattributed "I am a joly foster" (H 69v-71r; 287). Moreover, the setting he provides to "In youth and age" (Twenty Songes, #2) accompanies a text that echoes some concerns expressed in Henry's own lyrics; as well, Cooper may have also participated in the production of Rastell' s interlude of the Four Elements (ca. 1517) by providing "Tyme to pas with goodly sport," a lyric that borrows its tune from Henry's "Adew madam et ma mastress" (H \T-18r, 342).160 Farthing (d. 1520), whose ties with Cooper and Cornish may have begun through his association with King's College, has an earlier association with King's than either of the other two, having begun there as a chorister (1477-83) and later becoming clerk (1493-9). From 1500 onward, he was associated with the household of Margaret Beaufort, Henry VIII's grandmother. Responsible for the education of Henry as a child, Margaret had brought John Skelton into her 1 5 9 As well, the Archbishop of Canterbury granted Cooper in 1516 two benefices, that of East Horsley, Surrey and Latchington, Essex; he served as rector of Snargate, Kent from 1526 until his death ca. 1535-40. See Grove (5:14). 1 6 0 See Grove (5:14-15) and Stevens (M&P 258, 430 #6, 456 #326). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 80 employ ca. 1494.161 Farthing's "Aboffe all thynge" (H 24v; 218) is related to the celebrations in 1511 surrounding the birth of a male child to Henry and Katherine, and his first recorded presence as a member of the Chapel Royal is at that child's funeral several weeks later.162 Composers, musicians, and singing-men all, and for the most part associated with Henry's personal chapel, Cooper, FartWng and the others participated in the cultural life of the court as the professionals they were, chiefly through performance and composition. Taken together, this group's involvement with the lyric of the day may be seen to be musical only; in the absence of evidence to the contrary, it must be assumed that they participated in lyrical production according to the patterns of the day, which suggest a separation for the most part of the tasks of verse and musical composition.163 There are, however, two exceptions, and these are the prominent figures of Cornish and Henry VIII. Of Henry, there is a considerable amount to say in this regard; for such a discussion, refer to the section "Authorial Evidence in the Henry VIII MS, and the 1 6 1 1494 marks the beginnings of a large output of didactic works and translations by Skelton (covered in an article in progress by the author). A payment was given to "my lady the kinges moder poete" on 3-4 December 1497; refer to PRO E/101/414-16 and H. Edwards (Skelton 288); Henry VII gave Skelton a payment after attending Skelton's mass (see PRO E/101/412-16 [November 11-16, 1498]; Nelson 71); as schoolmaster, Skelton received two payments in 1502 (PROE/l 01/415-3; H. Edwards, Skelton 288-9). For a discussion of Skelton as Prince Henry's chaplain in 1500, see Kinney (34). It may have been Fisher, Bishop of Rochester and chaplain and confessor to Margaret, who brought Skelton to her attention (H. Edwards, Skelton 56). 162 PRO LC Vol. 550 (170*), In the same year, Henry also granted Farthing two manors in Northamptonshire for his service to Margaret Beaufort, as well as an annuity; see Grove (6:410) and the New Oxford History of Music (346-7). 1 6 3 Cooper, for example, would provide the music for "Petyously constraynd am I" (LR58 19*) a text provided, likely, by Skelton; see Stevens (M&P 451, #261), the Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (1.410), and Henderson's edition of Skelton's works (19). For the details of such production, please refer to the chapter entitled Interpretative Provinces and Sites of A uthorisation (13 ff.). Siemens, Henry MUMS81 Ascription of Works to Henry VIII" (33 ff). Of Cornish (ca. 1474-1523), there is also a considerable amount to say, for his career sees him as poet, dramatist, revels organiser, participant, and deviser, composer, and performer. The most prominent member of a musical family with an often overlapping history that included the composer John (fl ca. 1500) and the musician Wdliam (d. 1502),164 Cornish made his earliest court appearance ca. 1493-4, when he offered a prophecy to the court and participated, in the role of St. George, in Twelfth Night revels.165 He became a member of the Henry VII's Chapel Royal in 1494166 and by ca. 1495, and certainly no later than ca. 1502, he was setting to music texts written by Skelton.167 By 1504, he is known to have authored a poetic work for which he would become known, like Skelton, as a satirical poet; Stow, in his Annates, mentions him as such (488) 1 6 4 John, who has a piece in the Ritson MS (LRU, see Stevens M&P 338), may have been the father of Cornish, as some extant records suggest; alternatively, William may be the father of Cornish, as attribution of several works in the Fayrfax MS (LFay 64v, and others) to a William Cornish "iun" suggest. Grove (4.795-6) provides a good summary of the lives of the three, though that provided by Streitberger (Court Revels 50-3) is to be preferred for its detail and its weighing of the extant evidence. Details presented are, in part, drawn from these sources; see also the New Oxford History of Music (345) and Vine (19-20). 1 6 5 He received payment for an unspecified service as "a Willmo Cornysshe de Rege," (PRO E403/2558 [41*]). See Streitberger (Court Revels 51). 1 6 6 An entry of 6 January 1494 refers to him as "oon of the kyngys Chappell" (London, Guildhall Library MS 3,313 [23(f\). 1 6 7 See, for example, "Manerly Margery Mylk and Ale," dated ca. 1495 (Kinsman and Yonge 11, C37) and present in the Fayrfax MS (LFay) of several years later, set by Cornish (96v-99^ "Woffully araid" (Skelton, Garlande of Laurel 11. 1418-9; Kinsman and Yonge 32-3, LI 18; attributed to Skelton by Dyce (see p. 21 n. in this edition), is also found in the Fayrfax MS (LFay) set once Cornish (6y-6T) and once by Browne (73V-77I). Others of Skelton's works (certainly works in the Skeltonic tradition) are present in the Fayrfax MS (LFay), see Stevens (M&P 351 ff., notes). Siemens, Henry VIII'MS82 for his rhymes that address Richard Empson, which include that found in his "A Treatis bitwene Trowthe and enformacon" (1504) and his later "A Balade of Empson" (ca. 1510).168 Cornish also devised pageants and disguisings for the celebrations surrounding the marriage of Prince Arthur and Katherine of Aragon (1501),169 provided the setting for a carol during the Christmas season of 1502,170 and by 1509 was Master of the Children for Henry VHI's Chapel Royal. From the middle of the first decade of the sixteenth century he was the major driving force behind the players of the Chapel Royal, acting in many of their productions, and by 1514-16 he was devising revels at court in association with Henry Guildford.171 Of those many entertainments with which he was associated, it is thought that he provided the song "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r; 199) to accompany the Schatew Vert pageant of 5 March 1522 which, along with Henry Guildford and Richard Gibson, he likely helped organise;172 he did author an interlude, played on Twelfth Night 1516, called Troylus and Pandor,173 as well as the political play of 15 June 1522 which was intended to convey to Charles V the path of the negotiations for an alliance against the , 6 X "A Treatis bitwene Trowtheand enformacon" (BL HarleianMS 43 [88 r-9n, BL Royal MS 18D.ii [163r-164r]) was written during Cornish's imprisonment in 1504. His "A Balade of Empson" (London, Guildhall Library 3313 [320v-323v]), which begins "O myshchevous M, Fyrst syllable of thy name," is found in the Great Chronicle of London, see Thomas and Thornley, eds. For a discussion of each, and their relation to Empson, see Anglo's "William Cornish in a Play, Pageants, Prison, and Politics." 1 6 9 Cornish was paid £20 "for his iij pagenttes" (PRO ElOl/415/3 [72*]). 170 PROEW2]0(80). 1 7 1 SeeStreitberger(Cowr//?ev<?/5 53, 94-5) and Grove (4:795). 1 7 2 See Streitberger (Court Revels 112-4), Anglo ("Evolution of the Early Tudor Disguising" 34), L&P Henry VIII (III[ii] 1558-9), PRO SP 1 /29 (228v-37r), and Hall (637). 1 7 3 This is no longer extant; see Stevens (M&P 251; 263 n.65, 67), Anglo's "William Cornish in a Play, Pageants, Prison, and Politics," PRO E 36/229 (72^820, and Hall (583). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 83 French into which he and Henry VIII would enter.174 Description The manuscript itself is vellum (12 by 8.25 inches, 309 by 211 millimetres), with some paper additions as the result of its rebinding in 1950. H was obtained by the British Museum in its original bindings; these are wood, covered with leather with a design characterised by roses, fleur-de-lis, and tooling; the covers measure 13 by 8.5 inches, and were once held together by two clasps, now missing. The effect of the cover design is a double-ruled and centred square, in which a series of diamonds are created by diagonal tooling; each of the full diamonds in the centre of the cover contains a fleur-de-lis, while the remaining divisions contain roses. The tools used on the binding have been identified as belonging to a binder operating in London ca. 1520-3.175 As it currently exists, it is bound in modern covers of maroon leather on boards and consists of the following: 1. One paper page (modern addition). 2. Two vellum sheets, chiefly blank save for the latter, which has written in the bottom right corner of the recto of it "Purchd. of B Quaritch, / 22 April 1882." These are original and, while unnumbered, match in composition and wear those numbered ff. 1 7 4 See Streitberger {Court Revels 115), Anglo ("William Cornish" 357-60), L&P Henry F7//(III[ii] #2305), Cal. Spanish (II #437), Hall (641), and PRO SP1/24 (23 l v , 234r-6r); for Cornish's entertainment for Charles V on 5 June, see Strietberger (Court Revels 114), Hall (637), PRO SP1/24 (230V-3V). 1 7 5 Identified and classified by Oldham, there are eight roses (Bindings #1034; Shrewsbury #75, A.viii.l0[2]), and four fleurs-de-lis (Bindings #1055; Shrewsbury #74, A.viii. 10[1]). Please see also the evidence that the bindings lend to the dating of the manuscript, below. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 84 129 and 130, listed below as 5(iv). 3. One paper page (modern addition, containing a list of printed texts and notices of this manuscript). 4. One paper page, an addition containing the remains of two paper bookplates, (i) of "Thomas Fuller. M:D," with "Stephen Fuller of / Hart Street, Bloomsbury / 1762" written in ink above the arms of Thomas Fuller, and (ii) of "The Right Honourable I Archibald Earl ofEglinton" 5. One hundred and thirty vellum sheets comprising the original manuscript. These are comprised of sixteen gatherings generally of 8 leaves each, though the first gathering is of ten; i'° lacks the tenth leaf (a stub remains), and xvi8 lacks the first leaf (for which a stub remains as well). The front fly leaf and the end-pages (ff. 129-30) are additional to these gatherings.176 The physical contents of the manuscript are as below: (i) l r-2 r: blank, except for some extra-scribal markings (noted below). (ii) 2v-3r: a numbered (arabic) index of works in the manuscript, listing only pieces having original ink numbering in the manuscript itself, and inaccurate after number 49. (iii) 3M28r: 109 pieces, of which 74 are lyrics set to music (with at least a title or incipit provided; see p. 75, above, for a listing of English lyrics of more than one line, and the appendices for other lyrical pieces) and 35 are settings with no words; these run continuously, except for blank faces left on 43r, 97* (which is blank, but ruled for music), and 102v; there are I wish to thank Patricia Basing (BL) for confirming the quiring of H for me. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 85 occasional extra-scribal markings (noted below), (iv) 128M30V: blank, save for some extra-scribal markings (rioted below), and a pencilled account of the manuscript (dated 1882) on 129v; ff. 129 and 130 match in composition and wear the first two vellum sheets in the manuscript (noted above) 6. One paper page (modern addition) containing the manuscript's record of treatment. Foliations 1 through 130 are numbered in pencil in the top exterior corner of the recto face, with an older pagination of 1 (T) through 251 (1281) in the top exterior corner on both recto and verso; this pagination is erroneous and is largely erased or crossed out. As well, there is an original ink numbering, roman numerals i-lxxii, of works in the manuscript, typically appearing in the top centre of the recto of the sheet after which a work begins (this, typically on the verso); these almost exclusively enumerate those works with fully-completed lyrics, matching those listed in the index on 2v-3r. The manuscript shows evidence of five scribal hands, none identifiable,177 employed in its copying, in a complex deployment:178 A (2V, 3r [final line], 3v-14r, 18r, 21v-25v, 26v-89v, 90M24*), B (14v-ir, W-2Y), C (26r, U9v-12(f [correcting and augmenting A], 124M28«), D (9(f), and E 179 j n e differentiation of A and B relies chiefly on the evidence of the texts of the lyrics alone, 1 7 7 I should note explicitly that none appear to be Henry VIU's own. 1 7 8 This is a more complex deployment than has been previously suggested. Greene identifies three hands in five groups of foliations (Early English Carols 333) while Stevens, building on Greene's work, differs only in noting the inclusion of a fourth on 90r (M&P 386). 1 7 9 E may also be the hand which has made two corrections to 2V. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 86 for their musical notation is nearly identical; this suggests the possibility that textual entry and musical notation were separated as scribal activities. The contents of the manuscript are listed by A (2V, 3r [final line, "I love vnlovid"]) and E (30, urging the possibility that the penultimate lyric "I loue vnloued suche is myn adue/rture" (H 122v-124r; 328) was added slightly later than others listed in the contents; this, coupled with the prominence of A's hand throughout, suggests A's role in the production of the manuscript as more than a copyist. The final lyric,"Hey troly loly lo" (H 124v-128r; 330; copied by C), does not appear in the list of contents and is, as with "I loue vnloued suche is myn aduewture," likely also a slightly later addition; this, and further consideration of C's corrections and additions to both the lyrics and the music first written by A on ff. 119v-120r,1S0 suggests C's involvement in the later history of the manuscript's compilation in an editorial capacity in addition to his scribal function. Scribe D's work, which consists of a music-only piece on 90*, may be a later addition as well, for it employs an ink similar to that used for the additions and corrections by C. Extra-scribal markings occur infrequently, though not altogether uncommonly, and are chiefly gathered on the sheets which surround the manuscript proper, as follows: (i) l r . near the centre on the top is written, in a sixteenth-century hand, "henricus dei gr[aci]a RexAnglie." (ii) 2r: what appears possibly to be a large capital "R" with an extended flourish, in the top centre of the sheet. (iii) 3V: (a) in the top left corner, the name of "Stephen Fuller" in ink; (b) as well, in pencil, the 1 8 0 These corrections and additions are also in an ink used for lyrics by C alone (on 124v-128r as well), and by D for the musical piece on 90* Siemens, Henry Mil MS 87 incipit for the piece which begins on this page is given as "[Bjenedictus". (iv) 55r: (a) in the top right corner is written "henr" in ink and in a sixteenth century hand; (b) the same, "henr," in the same ink and hand, next to the sixth line of text; and (c) on the same line as the attribution of the piece, in a different hand and in fainter ink than the other markings on this page, "William Cornysh" is written in a sixteenth century hand and rubbed out partially. (v) 125M27: several markings, approximately "t," (a) occurring one third the way down the left margin of 125v, (b) half way down the right margin of 126r, and (c) one third the way down the left margin of 126v. Other markings occur (d) two thirds of the way down the left margin of 126v, and (e), on 127r, at the top of the left margin and half way down the leaf in the same margin. (vi) 129v: (a) some pen practice, written sideways, downwards on the page from the top right corner, "th f i g y th th"; in a different hand, centred near the top of the page, "Ser John Leed in the porishe of benynden / Vynsent Wydderden ys an onest man so sayeth / Nycolas Bonden cuius est contrariu/w verum est." (vii) 13(7: in several different hands, (a) near the top right are two smudged pieces of writing, one, running as the pen practice on the previous sheet, and illegible artd, the other, " . . . Wydderden"; below this, (b) reads "Vynsent Wydderden ys a [ ]nee[ ]"; below this, (c), written as a above, reads "Dauye Jonys ys a [ ]nee[ ]"; to the right of a, (d) reads "John . . ." as well as other smudged words, including what appears to be "7homas"; below this, (e) Siemens, Henry Mil MS 88 reads "Syr John Lede181 in pa/ishe of Benenden / Leed in parishe Thomas" and directly above this last word "Benynden"; below this, (f) reads "Dauey Jonys in the poryshe of Benynden / ys an onest man so sayeth . . ."; lastly, (g) on the lower right section of the page, running horizontally, "Jane Reve of the paryshe of Mownfeld".182 The manuscript is chiefly in black ink, though slight variations in inking occur throughout, most notably on 90* (hand D, slightly darker), and 119v-120r (in hand C, as on 124v-128r, though A and C are both present on these sheets) and 124v-128r (hand C, slightly darker). Other colours—red, blue, and gold (gilding)—are employed for initials. Typically, initials are block style, stretching the height of both the musical staff and the space left for the text below. There are exceptions and, at times, blank spaces have been left in the manuscript for such initials and remain unfilled. The Date of the Manuscript As one of only three remaining early Tudor songbooks, the Henry VIII MS is also surely the latest.183 The Ritson MS (LRU), containing a version of Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" 1 8 1 This may, possibly, be read as "Berde," as have Chappell (Account 385), Greene (Early English Carols 334), and Stevens (M&P 386); though the only possible trace of this is what looks to be an abbreviated form of this surname. It is also likely that the smudged letter which follow d, "John," on this page could at one time have recognisably read "Berde " 1 8 2 At the time of my examination, the smudging was such that I have here relied on the remarks of the British Museum's original cataloguer. (Mountfield is in county Sussex.) 1 8 3 Previous discussions of the manuscript's dating occur in Stevens (MCH8 xvii; M&P 4) and Chappell ("Unpublished Collection" 383-4). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 89 (H 14v-l 5r; 121) with the heading of "The Kynges Ballade" (141*), is dated ca. 1510;184 the Fayrfax MS (LFay) in which "Svwwhat musyng" (H 120M22r, LFay 33v-35r; 253) is found, itself associated with Prince Arthur's court shortly before his marriage to Katherine of Aragon, is dated ca. 1500-1 1 8 5 The best date which can be accurately assigned the Henry VIII MS is ca. 1522, though the majority of its contents are clearly earlier. Some have placed the lyrics from the manuscript as late as the 1530s. Jungman, for example, has linked Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" to the state of affairs that existed between the King, Anne Boleyn, and Thomas Wyatt in 1530, and a version of "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r; 205), attributed to Wyatt in the later Devonshire (LDev) and Egerton (LEge) MSS, is set by Cornish in H. Such a late date, however, runs contrary to the evidence provided by the manuscript itself.186 The latest date for manuscript composition may be set to that of its binding, ca. 1520-3 in London. This is established by tracing the implements used in creating the design on the manuscript's leather cover. There are eight roses (Oldham, Bindings #1034; Shrewsbury #75, A.viii.l0[2]), and four fleurs-de-lis (Oldham, Bindings #1055; Shrewsbury #74, Aviii.lO[l]); the 1 8 4 Stevens (M&P 338). 1 8 5 Stevens (M&P 351). 1 8 6 The first textual witness of "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14M5r; 121) the Ritson MS (LRU), suggests it existence some two decades earlier than Wyatt's treatment of it; see Siemens ("Thomas Wyatt, Anne Boleyn, and Henry VIII's Lyric"). "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r; 205) as it appears in LDev and LEge may possibly be more a transcription on the part of Wyatt (LDev 22*) and adaptation (LDev 24r; LEge 37*) of what appears in H than an actual reflection of Wyatt's input in H; see the textual notes to the lyric in this edition, Mumford ("Musical Settings to the Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt"), and Stevens (M&P 1 \\,MCH8 xvii-xviii). Siemens, Henry IIII MS 90 tools that created these designs were used in London by a binding shop identified (but not named) by Oldham. The same fleur-de-lis and roses as those used on H are employed in a similar pattern on Lambeth 94.B.3 (Lyons, 1523) which, in turn, shares a roll design (Oldham, Bindings #878, RCa[l]) with Lambeth 18.D.12 (Basle, 1520)w The same fleur-de-lis is also found on BL Additional MS 34,807;188 as well, as noted by Oldham, the rose is used in conjunction with roll #892 (Bindings RPa[l]; London 1523).189 While helping to establish an approximate end-date, information associated with the binding of H does not assist greatly with its precise dating, for it is possible that the tools employed in the design on the bindings of H were in use several years before or after the binding and decoration of H.190 Moreover, manuscript evidence suggests the likelihood that H saw circulation and use prior to its binding; as one might expect, H shows evidence of trimming after materials were copied into it but, more unusually, trimming appears to have occurred after some marginalia indicative of its use had been entered.191 Circulation in such a state may help explain the presence in H of the 187 Lambeth 18.D.12 contains Archbishop Cranmer's name and arms. 188 BL Additional MS 34,807 is a gathering of theological tracts and others relating chiefly to English church history of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century, which was owned by Robert Johnson (d. 1559; an acquaintance of Cranmer's [see DA® 30.26]; see also Catalogue 1894-1899 93-5). 1 8 9 I wish to thank Phillipa Marks (British Library) for her assistance in examining the markings on H, and for her allowing me to see partial notes from Oldham's files. 1 9 0 Given standard patterns of wear for such tools, it is conceivable that binding may have occurred several years prior to ca. 1520-3, or several years afterwards. 1 9 1 See, for example, see "Hey troly loly lo" (# 124v-128r; 330)—likely a later addition to H, in the hand of C—specifically 126v on which, two thirds the way down the page in the left margin, the furthest-most-left letter of its marginalia has been severed by trimming. There are also several reader's marks in the same ink indicative of use. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 91 name of John Lede—a man associated with the Church of St. George in Benenden, Kent, ca. 1518192 and afterward—on 13(7, the contents of which appear unaffected by trimming and the location and wear of which suggest its place as the original end sheet.193 Whether bound in leather or with vellum end sheets, H appears to have been in circulation some time after ca. 1518. Evidence provided by the lyrics themselves is further suggestive, both urging an earlier date than that of binding to be considered for the majority of the lyrics contained in H, but also establishing a date before which the manuscript could not have been copied in full. While some of the English lyrics, such as "Svwwhat musyng" (H 120M22r; 253), hail from before 1500, and several of the instrumental compositions of Henry VIII can be placed quite shortly after the turn of the century,194 references in several lyrics by Henry and other authors point to events early in, and throughout, the first decade of Henry's reign.195 The festivities that celebrated the birth of a prince on New Year's Day 1511 are reflected in "Adew adew le company" (H 74v-75r; 294). The songs "ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart" (H 100v-102r; 305) and "Pray we to god that all may gyde" (H 103r; 307) encourage assistance to the King against the French with reference to Henry's 1513 invasion of France. Moreover, aspects of 1 9 2 Noted as "Syr John Lede in pa/ishe of Benenden" (DO1). Lede's will, registered 30 November 1518, bequeaths an undisclosed amount "to the bying of a mas boke to serue in the churche of Benynden . . ." and requests burial in the churchyard of St. George (Wills and Administrations ... Canterbury PRC 17: roll 14: f. 2391). Lede's name also appears once on 129v. 1 9 3 Other names associated with that of Lede are untraceable. 1 9 4 See Fallows ("Henry VIII as Composer"). 1 9 5 Moreover, scribal references to Robert Cooper identify him as "D.", Doctor (66r, and elsewhere), a degree he received from Cambridge in 1507. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 92 Henry's lyrics are echoed in the Interlude of Youth, itself dated between August 1513 and May 1514.196 The last occasions to which lyrics in H can be matched, however, suggest a date for the ultimate compilation of H no earlier than mid-1522. Cornish's "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45*-46r; 199) appears, by its allegorised characters and their described interaction, to be directly associated with the Schatew Vert court pageant-disguising held 5 March 1522; lines in "What remedy what remedy" (H 108M KJ; 315) also reflect the devices employed by Anthony Browne and Henry VIII, and Browne's motto as well, at the tournament of 2 March 1522 associated with the Schatew Vert pageant. Moreover, but more speculatively, Flood (64-5) assigns Cooper's "I haue bene a foster" (H 65v-66r; 232) to the play presented by Cornish at Windsor, 15 June 1522; the unattributed "I am a joly foster" (H 69v-71r; 287) is a clear and immediate answer to Cooper's lyric, thus suggesting the possibility of a similar association as, perhaps, with Cornish's "Blow thi horwne hunter" (//39v-40r; 188).197 , The Provenance of the Manuscript The early history of the Henry VIII MS itself is difficult to establish, but a reasonable (if conjectural) provenance can be suggested for it, prior to its possession in the eighteenth century by Thomas Fuller, M.D. As William Chappell first put forward, it is most likely that the 1 9 6 See Lancashire (ed.) for the interlude's references to Henry's own lyrics (54-4, and 91 n. 217); for the dating of Youth, see also Lancashire (18). 1 9 7 For documentation to these arguments, please refer to the General Commentary associated with the individual lyrics. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 93 manuscript was removed from the courtly circles in which it originated to Benenden in Kent,198 as is documented by the extra-scribal markings on 129M30r. The manuscript, as Chappell also advanced, may have made its way to Kent on one of the frequent royal visits to the seat of the Guildford family, the manor of Helmsted in Benenden; while Chappell mistakenly asserts that the manuscript was the property of Henry VTII,199 the basic tenets of his argument are sound and, in acknowledgment of the issue of ownership posed by Chappell, John Stevens has pointed to the possibility that the manuscript was commissioned by Henry Guildford, comptroller to Henry VTH's household (see Figure 7 [94]; M&P 386). Such suggestions are well made, for there is much to confirm Guildford's strong presence in the activities represented by the manuscript, and to allow for its passage from immediate court circles to his family's seat (held by his brother, Edward, also a friend to the king) in Benenden. As materials for a history of Henry Guildford suitable to our purposes are unavailable in a collected form, and some are in manuscript alone, they are rehearsed here. By Henry VTTs accession, the Guildford family had been settled in Kent and Sussex for some eight generations and, for several generations before Henry Guildford's service to the king, they had served as comptrollers to royal households.200 Henry was the third son to Sir Richard Guildford (ca. 1455-1506), a man who rose under Henry VII to become master of the ordnance, armory, and horse, as 19X 199 200 See "Unpublished Collection" (385-6), as well as Stevens (M&P 386). "Unpublished Collection" (371). See DNB (viii 770 ff). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 94 Figure 7: Portrait of Henry Guildford (by Holbein). well as comptroller of the household.201 In his several roles, Richard had much to do with courtly 2 0 1 See DNB (viii: 772), Cal. Patent Rolls (21 Henry VII, 1:30), and Rolls of Pari (vi.461). Henry's grandfather, Sir John Guildford, was comptroller of the household to Edward IV. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 95 entertainments, including the jousts for which he was granted the royal manor at Kennington by Henry.VTI;202 here, in 1501, Guildford hosted the newly-arrived Katherine of Aragon,203 whose welcoming pageant (the "Receyt") he was instrumental in arranging as well.204 Richard appears to have had quite a large library, and was himself commemorated in a work dealing with the trip that led to his death (1506), the Pylgrymage of Sir Richarde Guylforde.205 It was by Richard's second wife, Jane,206 that Henry was born in 1489. Jane was at one time a member of Princess Mary's household and, between 1497 and 1505, was in attendance on the young Prince Henry (b. 1491) as nurse;207 as well, one of Richard's functions, on occasion, was to 2 0 2 He was also granted annual amounts for maintenance thereof, primarily because of its being used as the scene for many jousts and related events. See Hooker (7-8); for the jousts, see BL Egerton 2358 (42v-44v; accounts for 1501-2) and PRO E.404/82 (bdle. 1). 203 BL MS Cotton Claudius CHI (38*). 2 0 4 See Kipling (Receyt of Lady Katherine). Arrangements of such a kind he had made since the coronations of Henry VII and, later, his consort Elizabeth; there is a grant to Guildford of 100 marks on 23 October 1485 for jousts in association with Henry's coronation (PRO E.404/79, bdle. 1, #90; PRO E.407/6/137; see also Hooker [81 ff.]). 2 0 5 Printed in London by Pynson in 1511, and re-edited for the Camden Society in 1851. While anonymous, it may well have been written by Thomas Larke, chaplain to Guildford and, in Henry VIIFs reign, prebend to the collegiate church in Westminster. 2 0 6 Nee Vaux, and sometimes referred to as Joan. 2 0 7 For Jane's relation to Mary's household, see Gunn (Charles Brandon 33). Richard was granted the bailivry of Winchelsea ca. 1497 as a reward for Jane's care of Prince Henry. Heron, the royal treasurer, notes in August 1497 that "the yerely ferm of the baylywick of Winchelsy which my lord of York norysh & hir husbond have taken to ferme pay at Michell" (PRO E.101/44/16); this is reiterated again on 1 October 1499 (BL Additional MS 21,480 ("Memorand"), and in accounts of 1503 and 1505 as well (PRO E.36/123 f. 66r [4 June 1503]; E.101/413/2 pt.3 ff. 57, 205r [1 April 1505]; BL Additional MS 21,480 f. 1950. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 96 take charge of the royal children.208 By the time of the 1509 accession, Henry Guildford was already a member of Henry VIU's personal household, having been so while the new King was still a prince; being contemporaries and, at some times, under the same charge of Jane, we might say that they grew up together. Guildford was the only member of this household, after the accession, to enter the circle of Henry's good friends, which itself included Charles Brandon, Edward Howard, Thomas Knyvet, and Guildford's eldest brother, Edward.209 During the early years of Henry's reign, Henry Guildford was often the Master of Revels for court entertainments, appearing in them with a frequency surpassed by few others; Guildford also signed the articles of challenge on the second day of the tournament celebrating the birth of Henry's son in 1511.210 Knighted 30 March 1512, Guildford saw frequent advancement by Henry,211 commanding a force of his own in the 1513 invasion of France, and being honored with the office of the royal standard-bearer; he is also documented as participating in the festivities of that year at the court of Margaret of Austria, 2 0 8 See, for example, a letter from Guildford to Reginald Bray (undated, but prior to 1503), in which Guildford states that "ye wer yesterday gone or y cowde speke with yow for the kynge comanedde me to wayte on the prynses tyll ye wer gonne" (qtd. in Hooker, 124 n.53). 2 0 9 See Gunn {Charles Brandon 7); along with Charles Brandon, Guildford was a frequent recipient of gifts of clothing from the king (L&P Henry VIII I[i] 888, 1144; BL Additional Charters 7925; BL Egerton 3025 f. 26*). 2 1 0 During these years, Guildford is the figure most often recorded masquing with the king; only Edward Nevill and the Earl of Essex had a greater frequency of appearance (Gunn, Charles Brandon 7-8). 2 , 1 With Charles Brandon, later Duke of Suffolk, he led a ship and squadron in the naval war with France preceding the land campaign of 1513 (L&P Henry VIII I[i].1661[4], ii.3608; Hall 534), and after the deaths of Edward Howard and Knyvet assumed some of their offices. Siemens, Henry MUMS 97 Regent of the Netherlands.212 In later years, he would receive letters from Erasmus in praise of the English court (1519), would attend the Field of the Cloth of Gold (1520), and accompany Wolsey to the conferences in Calais in 1521; he would also remain a loyal and faithful friend and servant to the king, but would decline in courtly favor over the matter of the king's divorce ca. 1531, an event that would lead to his retiring from court that year to Benenden, where he died the following year. While not in possession of the family seat—this was held by his brother, Edward, as with much of the family inheritance213—Guildford had enjoyed a level of exposure to the king enjoyed by very few others. Edward, several years senior to his youngest brother and the young king (and, hence, not so close a member of prince Henry's household), would succeed his father in the Sargent of Armature under Henry VII and VIII,214 but would not rise as high, nor have a presence so close to the king for as long as his youngest brother. In addition to Guildford's participation in the revels, entertainments, and jousts during the 2 1 2 For a brief discussion of these festivities, see p. 69 (n). 2 , 3 Richard's will favoured his half brothers, Edward and George; Edward would inherit the bulk of the estate, George a small homestead, and Henry was to be slimly provided for (£5 annually, until the passing of his mother); the will is abstracted by Hooker (24 ff). 2 1 4 The first of these is the jousts at Richmond in March of 1506 (see PRO E.36/214 f. 49*). As Hooker notes, the office of the armoury "appears to have been designed to fulfill certain personal wishes of the monarch" (85); as master, Richard and, later, Edward Guildford "was responsible for the smooth functioning of those frequent spectacles and ceremonies" (85); its association was quite clearly with the household (88). As sargent of the armoury, Richard Guildford presided over the the ceremonies associated with the christening of Prince Arthur (1487; BL MS Cotton Julius B.XII f. 22*) and, as comptroller of the royal household, those in relation to the creation of Prince Henry as Duke of York (1494; BL MS Cotton Julius B.XII f. 910, and was present at both the funerals of Henry VII's third son, Edmund (PRO L.C.2/1 f. 4*), and wife Elizabeth (PRO L.C.2/1 f. 64*). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 98 early years of Henry's reign, his role as master of revels, and so forth, it is the level of close familiarity that Guildford had with the king, from the time of the first years of both their lives to the end of Guildford's, that remains the best argument for his participation in the production of the Henry VIII MS. At every identifiable event represented in the manuscript—the 1511 festivities surrounding the birth of a son, the 1513 war with France and, likely, the entertainments of the same year with the court of Margaret of Austria,215 and events of 1522 as well—and those that are more generic; the works of H, for example, that suggest their part among the pageants, interludes, and other entertainments and court pastimes—one finds or can presume the participation of Guildford, because of his formal courtly role and his association with the king. Unlike the roles of other figures who are associated and identified with the court activities represented in H, that of Guildford can, in addition to explaining H's remove to Benenden, also help explain the presence in H of many of the poorer and more amateurish musical settings of Henry's foreign lyrics. As described by Fallows in his "Henry VIII as Composer," pieces such as "Gentyl prince de renom" (H 47v-48r; 356) and "HElas madam eel que ie me tant" (H W-W, 343) demonstrate the mediating influence and interaction of a tutor (30-1), and were likely completed in the few years just after 1500 (35). Guildford, as we know, was a member of prince Henry's household at this time and, while several members of Henry's Chapel Royal ca. 1510-15 2 , 5 One argument for this, though not pursued in this work, is the high proportion of foreign works appearing in the Henry VIII MS which have their witness in in Margaret of Austria's personal chanson albums of roughly the same time (Brussels Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique 11239 & 228). In this group are works by the composers Agricola, Compere, Isaac, Obrecht, van Ghizeghem, and Prioris; please refer to Appendices I and II. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 9? may have been involved with Henry's tutelage,216 the Henry VIII MS is not a document akin to what was produced in such circles.217 H, rather, appears very much a document of the highest courtly circles, intended for a noble amateur (as its decoration and size suggests) closely connected with Henry's own childhood and - youth, his courtly entertainments and dalliances, and the happenstances of court in a way that is suggestive, chiefly, of the role of Henry Guildford as its commissioner and earliest owner. One might also note that the circumstances of William Cornish warrant his consideration as the commissioner and, perhaps, owner of H as well. He is the second most represented composer in the manuscript, was almost as active as Guildford in the aspects of courtly life represented by the contents of H (including their joint involvement in the events which mark, temporally, the latest entries into H), and who retired to Hylden, Kent218 just before his death in 1523. But, again, the nature of H suggests that its commissioner and owner would be of the gentry. The passage of//from this point forward to its possession by Thomas Fuller (1654-1734) of 2 , 6 As may have those musicians associated with Henry's household when prince, though they do not have a strong presence in either H or Henry's household and Chapel Royal when king. These include Steven Delalaund, Pety John, and Hakenet Delmers (PRO LC Vol. 550, 74r; recording their presence at the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1503/4), only one of which, Delalaund, appears to have moved into Henry's household when king (PRO LC Vol. 550 fol. 124v; recording the 1509 death of Henry VII). 2 ' 7 For example, LR58, a document of smaller proportions and much less ornamentation, is the type of manuscript produced by such circles. 2 1 8 It should be noted that two composers represented in H, Cooper and Cornish, had ties to Kent, though not to Benenden in particular. Cooper was rector of Snargate in Kent from 1526 to his death (Grove 5:14); Cornish, master of the Chapel Royal and unarguably its most active member in court entertainments, was granted the manor of Hylden in Kent in 1523, though only months prior to his death (Grove 4:795). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 100 Seven Oaks, Kent, is quite unclear,219 but details from that point forward can be recounted with a much greater degree of certainty.220 From Thomas Fuller it passed ca. 1762 to Stephen Fuller of Hart Street, Bloomsbury.221 It next was possessed by Archibald Montgomery, the 11th Earl of Eglinton (1726-96).222 By the marriage of Montgomery's daughter and heiress, Mary, it was transferred to Sir Charles Montolieu Lamb (d. 1860) of Beauport Park, Sussex. Through the firm of Quaritch223 it was sold by the daughter of Mary Montgomery and Lamb to the British Museum, 22 April 1882. Language H is a court-based song book—a musical miscellany capturing the diverse tastes of the early Tudor court under Henry VIII—and, as such, reflects the work of a number of authors and composers, as well as that of the scribes who produced the document, presumably in London where it was compiled ca. 1522 and bound shortly thereafter. The dialectic forms of English 2 1 9 For Fuller's possession, refer to the bookplate noted in the Description, above (4[i]). While it is unclear how the manuscript passed from the hands of its commissioner and earliest owner into those of Fuller, this passage may be connected with the great fire of 1672 at the Church of St. George in Benenden which completely destroyed the church and, presumably, forced the movement of some of its holdings; for the details of this fire, see Haslewood (xxi, 167-75). 2 2 0 These are well-documented in Chappell ("Unpublished Collection" 386), Stevens (M&P 386-7), Hamm (65), and British Library (Catalogue of Additions... 1822-1887 9). 2 2 1 "Stephen Fuller of / Hart Street, Bloomsbury / 1762" is written above the bookplate of Thomas Fuller, and in the top left corner of 3V one finds the name of "Stephen Fuller" in ink; while no relation has been able to be established, presumably there is some. 2 2 2 See his bookplate, described above (4[ii]). 2 2 3 See Description, above (item 2). Siemens, Henry WIl MS 101 found in this miscellaneous collection, as one might expect in a document of this nature produced in London at this time and intended for courtly cirlces, are not such that any one regional influence is betrayed, save that of the dialectic melting-pot that London had become by this time.224 The Principles of this Edition The text of this edition is based directly upon that found in the Henry VIII MS and textual witnesses contemporary to H. Witnesses are noted with each individual lyric; no editions later than the Renaissance period have been collated, though these are catalogued in the notes accompanying the lyrics, as are references to the individual lyrics in standard indexes. Each lyric is presented in two forms: old spelling and modernised. In the old spelling version, scribal spellings are maintained throughout and the original pointing unaltered. Though contractions are expanded and archaic letters replaced by their modern equivalents (both of these are indicated by italics), original word forms and word divisions are retained in all but extreme and awkward cases. Pointing and abbreviations (even those that are expanded) are collated as accidentals, and pointing marked by the caret in subscript, as follows: ^ . While modernised texts cannot hope to capture the range and accuracy of expression found in the original, they are here presented in a form keeping with accepted scholarly methods and standards for work of the period. Spelling, punctuation, capitalization and the like are silently 2 2 4 It should be noted that lack of homogeneity in dialect is is very much unlike that found in the RitsonMS (LRii) which, though similiar to H in that it is a miscellaneous collection, diverges from H in that its comparatively-homogeneous dialectic forms (in addition to other internal evidence) betray its place as a regionally-produced document (likely at a Franciscan monastery in Devonshire) designed for lay services (at Exeter Cathedral, it has been conjectured). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 102 brought into accord with contemporary usage; words that do not have a contemporary equivalent, or whose contemporary form would detract from the sense, metre, or rhyme of the text, are presented in their original form and glossed in the commentary. Glosses themselves are intended to provide lexical definitions where necessary but, also, to demonstrate the resonance of passages and ideas in the literature of the time. While seemingly cumbersome in their inclusion of full incipit, foliation and pagination information, references to the lyrics of H in this dissertation are carried out in this manner so as to be distinct from their numbering assigned by Stevens (M&P). In addition to these principles, the nature of the Henry Mil MS dictates that several further editorial conventions be adopted. The manuscript, as can be seen in the several facsimiles included with this edition (refer to the List of Figures [xv]), is a musical document exemplifying the early Tudor lyric's performative nature by presenting the text and music together; as it is the intention of this edition to treat only the texts of lyrics in H, the words alone are here provided.225 Because most works are intended to be sung by several voices, H itself can yield up to four readings for each line, as is the case with many of the lyrics' textual witnesses. As the first voice, typically, is the only one which can be guaranteed to record a lyric in its entirety, it is this reading which has been adopted as copy text for each lyric; aside from assisting in the emendation of the copy text—in only the most obvious situations of scribal misreading or error (and then indicated in the collation notes)—other voices are treated as textual witnesses to the copy text and collated in full. 2 2 5 Text and music can be found together in John Stevens' musical edition, Music at the Court of Henry MIL Siemens, Henry Mil MS 103 As is often the case, when several voices of a single lyric must be collated, each individual voice is noted numerically in superscript following the manuscript's sigla; for example, H2 indicates the second voice of a lyric which occurs in the Henry VIII MS. In cases where a witness appears twice within a manuscript, occurrences will be separated by numerical means; for example, LRit(l) refers to the first occurrence of a lyric in the LRU manuscript, while LRit(2) refers to the second. The reader of the lyrics of H contained herein will note that the principles of presentation employed in this edition attempt to combine the best elements of the tradition of what is often referred to as documentary editing, specifically its adherence to the preservation of textual integrity at all levels and its consideration of details both large and small alike (such as pointing), with that of critical editing, specifically its featuring of a critically-edited presentation text and detailed standardised apparatus, and with those practices acceptable to and expected by those working with texts from this period; the latter consideration, that of acceptable and expected contemporary practices, in certain circumstance can appear to supplant the principles of the documentary and critical traditions.226 Of the several such instances in this edition, the most noticeable is that of the ordering of lyrics, which does not follow the documentary tradition in that it alters the arrangement of the lyrics as they are presented in H, and modifies the model of the critical tradition (itself author-focused) in that composers—in the absence of explicit evidence of textual authorship—are granted some privileges of authorship, in the social sense of that concept, 2 2 6 It should be noted, however, that in certain situations (specifically those dealing with issues surrounding the integrity of the text) the traditions of critical editing and documentary editing see considerable difference as well. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 104 such that the works of H are here presented grouped by author/composer, when known.227 However, in recognition of the value of preserving the order of presentation in works of a miscellaneous nature, and recognising also alternative (and valuable) presentations of the lyrics, several alternate presentations of the materials contained in H are facilitated by a series of index pages which precede the lyrics in this edition; these can be used to assist the reader interested in encountering the lyrics in the order of the manuscript (113), by occasion or theme (with brief comments; 115), or alphabetically by incipit (118). Notes, References, and Brief Comments on Textual Witnesses and Related Manuscripts22* CFitz Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 1,005 A single sheet with two fragments of lyrics and music, from the early sixteenth century. The fragments of Wells, CFitz, and NYDrex are interrelated; see Fallows ("Drexel Fragments" 5-6, 15-16). Formerly known as Fitzwilliam Museum 784. Witness: "Svwwhat musyng" (253): H w (120V-122I), LFay'23 (33v-350, Wells1'23 (lr-2r; 11. 28-40 Wells1,11. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz ( l r ; 11. 1-9 and 22-3), NYDrex (V;\\. 1-19). References: xv, 32, 254, 255, 272. 2 2 7 A discussion of concepts of authorship and their application to the materials presented in H is found in my section "A Critical Approach to Textual Authorship in the Early Tudor Songbooks" (28). 2 2 8 This information has been gathered from personal notes, Beal, W.H. Black (A Descriptive, Analytical, and Critical Catalogue), Bodleian Library (Bodleian MS Catalogues, English Poetry and Music), British Library (Catalogue of Additions to the MSS in the British Museum, 1882-1887), Boffey, Hamm, A H . Hughes (Catalogue of the MS Music in the British Museum), M.R. James (A Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS in the Library of Peterhouse), Macray, Madan, Minors, Pollard/STC, Ringler MS, Ringler Print, Smith, and other sources. For other abbreviations used in this edition, see the Table of Abbreviations (xi). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 105 CGon Cambridge, Gonville & Caius College MS 383/603 A fifteenth century student's commonplace book, with notes in Latin, French, and English. Witness: None; Cooper's "Alone I leffe alone" (H XT; 230) listed as as the name of the air for "Wan ic wente byyonde the see" CGon (41). References: 30, 105,231. > CPet Cambridge, PeterhouseMS 195 A collection, chiefly in Latin, of matter by Roger Bacon, Aristotle, Richard of Killington, written fourteenth and fifteenth century hands. Verse, on occasion. Witness: "QUid petis o fily" (249): Hu-3'4 (112v-l 16r; 11. 1-9 and 14-19 H3; 11. 1 -9 H% CPet {inside front cover; 11. 1 -3). References: 31,250. CTri Cambridge, Trinity College MS 0.2.53 A miscellany of verse and prose in Latin and English, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. All English verse dates from the early sixteenth century. Formerly known as Trinity College MS #1157. Witness: "My loue sche morneth for me" (176): H' (30v-31r; 11. 1-6 H23), C7>/(45v; 11. 1-3). References. 31, 178. DBla Dublin, Trinity College MS 160 A composite volume, the first two parts of which contain a lament of the virgin and Peter Idley's Instructions, both from the fifteenth century. Fols. 57-186 contain the BlageMS, averse miscellany with poetry chiefly by or associated with Wyatt, compiled by John Mantell from ca. 1534-41 and George Blage ca. 1545-48. Witness: None; with relation to Henry's "Alac alac what shall I do" (H 35v; 139), the incipit "Alasse a lasse what shall I doo" is listed as part of the contents of DBla (59). References: 9, 10, 105, 139, 143, 306. EPan Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, Panmure MS 9,450 Commonplace book of Robert Edward (1616-96) and, prior to that, his father, Alexander of Dundee. The volume consists mainly of songs, psalms, notes, and separate instrumental and poetic items. Formerly known as Panmure MS 11. Witness: None; the music of Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14v-15r; 121), without lyrics, appears in EPan (late sixteenth century) under the heading "Passe tyme withe good companie" (10 .^ References: 105, 122. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 106 H London, BL Additional MS 31,922 See the Textual Introduction (75). LI587 London, BL HarleianMS 1587 A grammar book with exercises in penmanship, dating from the fifteenth century to ca. 1550. Witness. "Deme the best of Query dowt" (246): H''23 (79v), LI58712 (2/4 16, 2\T), OxRawl86 (31), OxHill (200*). References: 32, 109, 246. L18752 London, BL Additional MS 18,752 Latin and English prose and verse from the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries; English verse transcribed from several sources in the 1530s by several hands; many later additions. Witness: None; related handling of "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (H 34*-35r; 274, (L18752 58*). References: 106, 275. LDev London, BL AdditionalMS 17',492 The Devonshire MS, a verse miscellany containing works by Wyatt and his circle, members of Henry VIII's court, and associated with Henry Fitzroy (Henry VTH's illegitimate son), Mary Shelton, Thomas Howard (Duke of Norfolk), Anne Boleyn, and others; it was transcribed in several hands between 1532 and ca. 1539 (with one addition ca. 1562) and includes extracts of Middle English verse, Chaucer among them. Witness: "A robyn gentyl robyn" (205): H'23 (53*-54r, 11. 1-3 H23), LDev(l) (22v; 11. 1 -7), LDev(2) (24^ ), LEge (37*). "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (274): H'-2'3 (34*-35r; 11. 1-5H23),LR58(5*),LDev(58*). References: 9, 11, 24, 27, 31, 42, 58, 59, 61, 63, 75, 89, 106, 107, 126, 146, 158,206,208,226,275,277,329. LEge London, BL Egerton MS 2711 The Egerton MS, a collection of English poetry by Wyatt (some in his hand, before his death in 1542) and contemporaries, pre-1588, with ascriptions by Nicholas Grimald ca. 1549, and later Elizabethan additions. Witness: "A robyn gentyl robyn" (205): H'23 (53*-54r; 11. 1-3 H2'3), LDev(l) (22v; 11. 1 -7), LDev(2) (241), LEge (37*). References: 9, 10, 11, 27, 31, 59, 75, 89, 206, 208, 277. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 107 LFay London, BL Additional MS'5,465 The Fayrfax MS, compiled 1501-4 by Robert Fayrfax in one hand, possibly that of Fayrfax, likely in London or Windsor. As noted by Bowers, "the book was compiled for use if not within Henry Vll's own court itself, then within a closely kindred establishment for which the court of Prince Arthur at Ludlow seems a very likely candidate ("Early Tudor Courtly Song" 195). English lyrics—carols and songs, religious and secular—and musical settings by members of Henry VTI's court, and seemingly intended for use therein. In the possession of Charles Fairfax (exact relation to R. Fayrfax unknown) until after 1618. Witness: "Svwwhat musyng" (253): H'-2J (120v-1220, LFay12'3 (33v-35*), Wells'13 (lr-2r, 11. 28-40 Wells', 11. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz ( l r ; 11. 1-9 and 22-3),NYDrex(Y;\\. 1-19). References: xv, 9, 10, 21, 22, 32, 33, 77, 81, 89, 219, 231, 240, 254, 255, 264, 295, 324, 326, 328, 329. LR58 London, BL Royal Appendix 58 Collection of liturgical, religious, and secular pieces with musical settings by composers of Henry VIII's court; transcription begun after 1507, continued ca. 1520, completed after 1547, with most ca. 1515-40. Apparently a commonplace book in which several professional musicians associated with the court entered popular or useful pieces. Possibly owned later by Henry Fitzalan, 12th Earl of Arundel (as with H). Witness: "A the syghes that cum fro my hart" (185): H' (32v-33r; 11. 1 -4 H23), LR58 (30- "Blow thihornnehunter" (188): H'23 (39v-40r; 11.1 -6H 2 3), LR58 (T; 11.1 -6). "Downbery down" (242): H' (250, LR58 (4*). "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (274): H'Xi (34v-35r, 11. 1-5 H 2 \ LR58 (5*), LDev (58*). References: 9, 22, 31, 80, 99, 122, 185, 189, 242, 275, 354. LRU London, BL Additional MS 5,665 The Ritson MS, transcribed with (possibly) the involvement of Thomas Packe shortly before 1511 in one main hand and several others, likely at a Franciscan monastery in Devonshire but designed for lay services, possibly at Exeter Cathedral. Pieces ranging 1470-1510. Latin and English sacred music, French and English secular lyrics with settings, chiefly by members of Henry VII and Henry VDTs court. Witness: "Pastyme with good companye" (121): HU3 (14M5r; 11. 1-10 H23), LRit(l)'-23 (136M37; 11. 1-10), LRit(2)'-2'3 (141M420 References: 9, 10, 21, 57, 61, 62, 64, 79, 81, 88, 89, 101, 103, 122, 233, 234, 289. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 108 London, BL Egerton MS3,537 The Thoresby Park Papers, volume 21, a memorandum book of William Rayne compiled 1522-1578. The poems, copied among memoranda and exercises, are ca. 1553-4. Witness: "And I war a maydyn" (310): H'-2-3-4-5 (106M07; 11. 1-4 Hl34S), Lino (59r; 11. 1-4). References: 310. London, BL Cotton MS Vespasian A.xii "Joannis Rossi Warwicensis historia, a Bruto ad tempora Henrici VII; viz. ad nativitatem Principis Arthuri, filii primogeniti Regis illius, anno 1486," Witness: Robbins (Index & Suppl. 3193.5) notes that a witness to "Sv/wwhat musyng" (H 120v-122r; 253) appears in LVes (170*), but this editor has been unable to locate that witness as per Robbins' directions. References: 108,254. NYDrex New York Public Library, DrexelMS 4,185 Part-books of seventeenth century songs, the bindings of which contain fragments of texts and settings copied ca. 1525 - 1550. The fragments of Wells, CFitz, and NYDrex are interrelated; see Fallows ("Drexel Fragments" 5-6, 15-16). Witness: "Svwwhat musyng" (253): H'23 (120M22*), LFay'23 (33v-35*), Wells'23 (Y-T, 11. 28-40 Wells1,11. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz (V, 11. 1-9 and 22-3),AT7>ex(lr;ll. 1-19). References: xv, 32, 254, 255, 273. OxAsh Oxford, Bodleian MS Ashmole 176 The third part of a composite volume from the papers of Elias Ashmole and William Lily. A collection of poems, most composed in the 1520s, were copied ca. 1525-50. Witness: "Adew adew my hartis lust" (174): H'-23 (23v-24r), OxAsh (100^. References: 9, 174. OxEP Oxford, Bodleian MS English Poetry E l Carols and songs, religious and other, in English, macaronic English and Latin, and Latin alone, copied ca. 1525-50 (Boffey) or 1460-80 (Madan 29734). Possibly collected for use by a professional minstrel. Witness: None; "And I war a maydyn" (H 106v-107; 310): "Swet lesu is cum to vs / this good tym of crystmas" (OxEP 45v-47; Greene #93) is stated to be "A song in the tune of / And y were a mayden." References: 108, 142, 143, 243, 311. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 109 OxHill Oxford, Balliol College MS 3 54 Commonplace book of Richard Hill, a grocer in London, containing English and Latin prose, verse, historical and familial materials. Fols. 7-178* were copied between 1503-4, the remainder between then and 1536. Authors copied include Lydgate, Chaucer, Gower, and Dunbar; many traditional and anonymous lyrical works, such as "The Nutbrown Maid." Witness: "Deme the best of euery dowt" (246): H'-2'3 (79*), LI587'2 (2/4 16, 2120, OxRawl86 (31), OxHill (200*). References: 9, 32, 136, 142, 172, 190, 246. OxRawl86 Oxford, Bodleian Rawlinson C.86 A collection of English and Latin prose and verse, including The Northern Passion (a translation of the introduction to Higden's Polychronicori) and Middle English verse (Lydgate, Chaucer, and others) on morals subjects and others transcribed in the late fifteenth century. Verse, unconnected with that of the rest of the manuscript, is entered on fol. 31 in an early sixteenth century hand. Item 30 (fol. 155*-l560, is a poem with incipit "Myne hert is set uppon a lusty pynne," attributable to Henry VII's wife; refer to the appendix to Henry VIII as Writer and Lyricist. Witness: "Deme the best of euery dowt" (246): H1'2'3 (79*), LI587''2 (214 16, 2120, OxRawl86 (31), OxHill (200*). References: 32, 74, 136, 172, 246. PBLe Legenda aurea. Jacobus de Voragine, translated and printed in 1493, likely by Caxton. [Huntington Printed Book 69798; Pollard/STC 24875]. On fol. gg4*, there are extracts of poems copied ca. 1500-1525. Witness: "O my hart ando my hart" (133): H'23 (22*-230, PBLe (gg4*). References: 9, 31, 64, 133. Wells Wells Cathedral Library, Music MSS: Fayrfax Fragment An end paper in a law book, discovered ca. 1880. The fragments of Wells, CFitz, and NYDrex are interrelated; see Fallows ("Drexel Fragments" 5-6, 15-16); Witness: "Svmwhat musyng" (253): H'23 (120M220, LFay1'2'3 (33v-35r), Wells'2'3 (lr-2r, 11. 28-40 Wells', 11. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz(Y; 11. 1-9 and 22-3), NYDrex (Y;u. 1-19). References: xv, 32, 254, 255, 268. For other abbreviations used in this edition, see the Table of Abbreviations (xi). The Lyrics Alternate Presentations As with many composite works of a miscellaneous nature, the lyrics of H do not adhere to any overall organisational pattern. In this handling of them, they are grouped by author (see "English Lyrics by Composer/Author," below on p. Il l) ; however, in recognition that H is a miscellany of sorts, several alternate presentations are provided on the pages that follow: in the order of the manuscript (113), by occasion or theme (with brief comments; 115), and alphabetically by incipit (118). Siemens, Henry VIII MS HO Siemens, Henry MUMS 111 English Lyrics by Composer/Author Henry VIII Pastyme with good companye (The Kynges Ballade) (14v-l 5*) 121 Alas what shall I do for love (20^ -2 l r) 131 0 my hart and o my hart (22v-23r) 133 The tyme of youthe is to be spent (28v-29r) 135 Alac alac what shall I do (35v) 139 Grene growith the holy (37-380 141 Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne (3 9") 145 If love now reynyd as it hath bene (48v-49*) 148 Wherto shuld I expresse (51 "-520 151 Thow that men do call it dotage . ! (55v-560 154 Departure is my chef payne (60*) 157 Withowt dyscord (68v-69r) 160 Though sum saith that yough rulyth me . . . (71v-73r) 164 Whoso that wyll for grace sew (84v-85r) 168 Lusti yough shuld vs ensue (94v-97r) 170 William Cornish Adew adew my hartis lust (23v-24r) 174 My loue sche morneth for me (30v-31 *) 176 A the syghes that cum fro my hart (32v-330 185 Blow thi hormie hunter • (39v-40r) 188 Adew corage adew (42*) 195 Trolly lolly loly lo (43M40 197 Yow and I and amyas (45v-46r) 199 A robyn gentyl robyn [Wyatt] (53v-540 205 Whiltes lyue or breth is in my brest (54v-55r) 211 Tliomas Farthing Aboffe all thynge (24*) 218 In may that lusty sesouw . . . (260 222 The thowghtes within my brest (29v-30r) 224 With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne (33v-34r) 226 1 love trewly withowt feynyng (44M51) 228 Robert Cooper Alone I leffe alone (22r) 230 I haue bene a foster (65v-66r) 232 Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart (66v-68r) 239 William Daggere Downbery down (250 242 Siemens, Henry MI MS 112 Henry Rysby Whoso that wyll hym selffapplye (27-280 244 John Lloyd Deme the best of euery dowt (79*) 246 William Pygott QUid petis o fily (112M160 249 Robert Fayrfax / Anthony Woodville Sv/wwhat musyng (12OM220 253 Unattributed Iff I had wytt for to endyght (34v-350 274 Hey nony nony nony nony no (360 281 I am a joly foster (69v-710 287 MAdame damours (73v-740 291 Adew adew le company (74v-750 294 Hey troly loly loly (800 298 Let not vs that yongmen be (Possibly Henry VM) . (87-880 300 ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart... : (100M020 305 Pray we to god that all may gyde (1030 307 And I war a maydyn (106M07) 310 Why shall not I (107-1080 312 What remedy what remedy (108v-1100 315 Wherbeye (110M120 319 My thought oppressed my mynd m trouble (116M200 323 I loue vnloued suche is myn adue/rture . (122v-1240 328 Hey troly loly lo •• (124M280 330 Siemens, Henry WI MS 113 English Lyrics in the Order of the Manuscript Pastyme with good companye (The Kynges Ballade) [Henry VIII] (14v-150 121 Alas what shall I do for love [Henry VIII] (20v-21r) 131 Alone I leffe alone [Cooper] (22r) 230 0 my hart and o my hart [Henry VIII] (22*-230 133 Adew adew my hartis lust [Cornish] (23v-24r) 174 Aboffe all thynge [Farthing] (24*) 218 Downbery down [Daggere] (250 242 In may that lusty sesouw [Farthing] (26*) 222 Whoso that wyll hym selff applye [Rysby] (27v-28r) 244 The tyme of youthe is to be spent [Henry VIII] (28*-290 135 The thowghtes within my brest [Farthing] •. . (29v-3(f) 224 My loue sche morneth for me [Cornish] . ; (30v-31r) 176 A the syghes that cum fro my hart [Cornish] (32v-33r) 185 With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne [Farthing] (33v-34r) 226 Iff I had wytt for to endyght [Unattributed] (34v-35r) 274 Alac alac what shall I do [Henry VIII] (35*) 139 Hey nony nony nony nony no [Unattributed] (360 281 Grene growith the holy [Henry VIII] (37*-38r) 141 Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne [Henry VIII] (39r) 145 Blow thi hor/me hunter [Cornish] (39MO0 188 Adew corage adew [Cornish] (42*) 195 Trolly lolly loly lo [Cornish] (43*-44r) 197 1 love trewly withowt feynyng [Farthing] (44*-45r) 228 Yow and I and amyas [Cornish] . . (45M61) 199 If love now reynyd as it hath bene [Henry VIII] (48M90 148 Wherto shuld I expresse [Henry VIII] (51*-52r) 151 A robyn gentyl robyn [CornishAVyatt] (53*-54r) 205 Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest [Comish] (54v-55r) 211 Thow that men do call it dotage [Henry VIII] (55*-560 154 Departure is my chef payne [Henry VIII] (60*) 157 I haue bene a foster [Cooper] (65*-66T) 232 Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart [Cooper] (66*-68r) 239 Withowt dyscord [Henry VIII] . . (68*-690 160 I am a joly foster [Unattributed] (69*-71I) 287 Though sum saith that yough rulyth me [Henry VIII, attributed] . . (71*-73r) 164 MAdame damours [Unattributed] (73*-74I) 291 Adew adew le company [Unattributed] . (74*-750 294 Deme the best of euery dowt [Lloyd] (79*) 246 Hey troly loly loly [Unattributed] (800 298 Whoso that wyll for grace sew [Henry VIII] (84*-850 168 Let not vs that yongmen be [Unattributed, possibly Henry Mil] (87*-880 300 Lusti yough shuld vs ensue [Henry VIII] (94*-97) 170 Siemens, Henry Mil MS 114 ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart [Unattributed] (100v-102r) 305 Pray we to god that all may gyde [Unattributed] (1030 307 And I war a maydyn [Unattributed] (106M07) 310 Why shall not I [Unattributed] '. . (107-1080 312 What remedy what remedy [Unattributed] (108M100 315 Wher be ye [Unattributed] (110V-1120 319 QUid petis o fily [Pygott] (112v-l 160 249 My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble [Unattributed] (116V-1200 323 Svwwhat musyng [FayrfaxAVoodville] (120M220 253 I loue vnloued suche is myn aduenture [Unattributed] (122M240 328 Hey troly loly lo [Unattributed] (124v-128r) 330 Siemens, Henry WI MS 115 English Lyrics by Occasion/Theme Lyrics of Courtly /Chivalric Doctrine (Pastime, Love, &c.) Pastyme with good companye (The Kynges Ballade) [Henry VIII] (defence thereof) The tyme of youthe is to be spent [Henry VIII] (pastimes, chivalric feats) Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne [Henry VIII] (love, chivalric feats) If love now reynyd as it hath bene [Henry VIII] (love's pursuit, frustrated by envy) Thow that men do call it dotage [Henry VIII] (love's reception, bad lovers criticised) Though sum saith that yough rulyth me [Henry VIII] (support of youthful ways) Whoso that wyll for grace sew [Henry VIII] (truth in love, love as a gift of God) Lusti yough shuld vs ensue [Henry VIII] (virtues of youthful pastimes; allegiance) Let not vs that yongmen be [Unattributed / Henry Mil?] (defence of youth's love). . . Love Lyrics (Various Topics) Alas what shall I do for love [Henry VIII] (keeping love, now that it is found) . . . (20^210 131 O my hart and o my hart [Henry VIII] (departure) (22v-230 133 Alac alac what shall I do [Henry VIII] (concern with constancy) (35*) 139 Grene growith the holy [Henry VIII] (departure, constancy in love) (37v-38r) 141 Wherto shuld I expresse [Henry VIII] (lover's departure, lady's assurance) (51v-52r) 151 Departure is my chef payne [Henry VIII] (departure, return). (60*) 157 Withowt dyscord [Henry VIII] (love's pain, a prayer for sure love) '. . . . (68*-691) 160 Adew adew my hartis lust [Cornish] (departure or exile) (23*-24r) 174 My loue sche morneth for me [Cornish] (devotion, tale of constancy) (SOMIO 176 A the syghes that cum fro my hart [Cornish] (departure, love's joys) (32*-33r) 185 (14M50 121 (28*-290 135 . . . (39r) 145 (48M9*) 148 (55*-56r) 154 (71*-730 164 (84*-85r) 168 (94V-9T) no (87*-88r) 300 Siemens, Henry MUMS 116 Adew corage adew [Cornish] (departure from love's "corage") (42*) 195 Trolly lolly loly lo [Cornish] (pursuit of love, mirth; maying?) (43v-44r) 197 A robyn gentyl robyn [CornishAVyatt] (debate on constancy of female love) . (53v-54r) 205 The thowghtes withm my brest [Farthing] (departure; service) (29v-300 224 With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne [Farthing] (departure; pain of leave) (33v-34r) 226 I love trewly withowt feynyng [Farthing] (constancy) (44V-45I) 228 Alone I leffe alone [Cooper] (absence, solitude; possibly religious) (22*) 230 Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart [Cooper] (departure, constancy; answer) (66v-68r) 239 Downbery down [Daggere] (exile from lover; disdain) (25r) 242 Iff I had wytt for to endyght [Unattributed] (praise of lover; constancy) (34v-35r) 274 Hey nony nony nony nony no [Unattributed] (a lover's complaint and consolation) (36^ 281 MAdame damours [Unattributed] (praise, loyalty; of K. of Aragon?) (73v-74r) 291 Hey troly loly loly [Unattributed] (love, affirmation and constancy) (80^ 298 And I war a maydyn [Unattributed] (progress in love; female speaker) (106v-1071) 310 Why shall not I [Unattributed] (consideration of truth in love) (lOT-lOS1) 312 Wher be ye [Unattributed] (no comfort in the absence of lover) (110V-112*) 319 I loue vnloued suche is myn adue/rture [Unattributed] (unrequited love). . . (122v-124r) 328 Hey troly loly lo [Unattributed] (attempted seduction, rejection) (124^1280 330 Occasional Lyrics, and those with Topical Reference Blow thi horrnie hunter [Cornish] (forester song; narrative; 1522?) (39v-40r) 188 Yow and I and amyas [Cornish] (allegory; Schatew Vert pageant-disguising, 1522) (45v-46r) 199 Siemens, Henry MUMS 117 Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest [Cornish] (K. of Aragon, speaker; of Henry) (54v-55r) 211 Aboffe all thynge [Farthing] (royal birth, likely that of 1511) (24*) 218 I haue bene a foster [Cooper] (forester song, retiring; 1522?) {W-btf) 232 Whoso that wyll hym selff applye [Rysby] (tournament invitation; pre-1515?] (27v-28r) 244 I am ajoly foster [Unattributed] (forester song, embracing; 1522?) : . (69v-71t) 287 Adew adew le company [Unattributed] (departure of company; 1511) (74v-75r) 294 ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart [Unattributed] (1513 invasion of France) (100v-102r) 305 Pray we to god that all may gyde [Unattributed] (1513 invasion of France) (103^ 307 What remedy what remedy [Unattributed] (no remedy for love; 1522?) (108v-110r) 315 Lyrics on Topics Other than those Above In may that lusty sesourc [Farthing] (praise of May; birds in song) (261) 222 Deme the best of euery dowt [Lloyd] (moralising couplet) . . (79*) 246 QUid petis o fily [Pygott] . (religious; meditation on the Virgin and Christ child) . (112V-116r) 249 Svmwhat musyng [Fayrfax/Woodville] (meditation on fortune and the world) (120*-1221) 253 My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble [Unattributed] (complaint; loss of hope) (116M20*) 323 Siemens, Henry Mil MS 118 English Lyrics, Alphabetically by Incipit A robyn gentyl robyn [CornishAVyatt] . (53v-54r) 205 A the syghes that cum fro my hart [Cornish] . (32v-33r) 185 Aboffe all thynge [Farthing] (24") 218 Adew adew le company [Unattributed] (74V-75I) 294 Adew adew my hartis lust [Cornish] (23*-240 174 Adew corage adew [Cornish] (42*) 195 Alac alac what shall I do [Henry VIII] . . .. . (35*) 139 Alas what shall I do for love [Henry VIII] (20v-21r) 131 Alone I leffe alone [Cooper] (22r) 230 And I war a maydyn [Unattributed] (106v-107r) 310 Blow thi homne hunter [Cornish] (39v-4f/) 188 Deme the best of euery dowt [Lloyd] (79*) 246 Departure is my chef payne [Henry VIII] . . . (60*) 157 Downberydown [Daggere] (257 242 ENglond be glad pluk vp thy lusty hart [Unattributed] . . . . (100*-102r) 305 Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart [Cooper] (66*-68r) 239 Grene growith the holy [Henry VIII] (37*-38r) 141 Hey nony nony nony nony no [Unattributed] (360 281 Hey troly loly lo [Unattributed] (124*-128r) 330 Hey troly loly loly [Unattributed] . . . . (800 298 I am a joly foster [Unattributed] (69*-710 287 I haue bene a foster [Cooper] . (65*-660 232 I loue vnloued suche is myn aduemure [Unattributed] (122*-1240 328 I love trewly withowt feynyng [Farthing] (44*-450 228 If love now reynyd as it hath bene [Henry VIII] (48*-49r) 148 IffI had wytt for to endyght [Unattributed] . (34*-350 274 In may that lusty sesouw [Farthing] (260 222 Let not vs that yongmen be [Unattributed, possibly Henry VIII] : . . (87*-880 300 Lusti yough shuld vs ensue [Henry VIII] (94*-97) 170 MAdamedamours[Unattributed] (73*-740 291 My loue sche morneth for me [Cornish] (30*-310 176 My thought oppressed my mynd iw trouble [Unattributed] . (116*-1200 323 O my hart and o my hart [Henry VIII] (22*-230 133 Pastyme with good companye (The Kynges Ballade) [Henry VIII] (14*-150 ]21 Pray we to god that all may gyde [Unattributed] (1030 3 0 7 QUid petis o fily [Pygott] . (112*-1160 249 Sv/wwhat musyng [FayrfaxAVoodville] (120*-1220 253 The thowghtes within my brest [Farthing] (29*-300 224 The tyme of youthe is to be spent [Henry VIII] . . (28*-290 135 Though sum saith that yough rulyth me [Henry VIII] ^ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (7T-730 164 Thow that men do call it dotage [Henry VIII] . (55*-560 154 Trolly lolly loly lo [Cornish] •. . (43v-440 197 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 119 What remedy what remedy [Unattributed] .. (108M100 315 Wher be ye [Unattributed] (11 Ov-112r) 319 Wherto shuld I expresse [Henry VIII] (51v-52r) 151 Whilks lyue or breth is in my brest [Cornish] (54v-55r) 211 Whoso that wyll for grace sew [Henry VIII] (84v-850 168 Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne [Henry VIII] (390 1 4 5 Whoso that wyll hym selff applye [Rysby] (27-280 244 Why shall not I [Unattributed] (107-1080 312 Withowt dyscord [Henry VIII] . .'. (68v-690 160 With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne [Farthing] (33v-340 226 Yow and I and amyas [Cornish] (45M6*) 199 Siemens, Henry VIIIMS 120 Figure 8: Henry VIII as a young monarch, ca. 1520. (Artist unknown; from the National Gallery, London). Pastyme with good companye (The Kynges Ballade) Henry VIII Pastyme with good companye I loue and schall vntyll I dye gruche who lust but none denye so god be plesyd thus leue wyll I for my pasta/?ce huwt syng and daunce my hart is sett all goodly sport for my comfort who schall me let youthe must haue sum daliance off good or yll sum pastance. Company me thynkes then best all thoughts and fansys to deiest. for ydillnes is cheff mastres of vices all then who can say. but myrth and play is best of all. Company with honeste is vertu vices to file. Company is good and ill Siemens, Henry VIII MS 121 5 10 15 Siemens, Henry MUMS 122 but euery man hath hys fire wyll. the best ensew 25 the worst esshew my mynde shalbe. vertu to vse vice to refuce thus shall I vse me. 30 Textual Apparatus Description: In H, the first stanza of the lyric appears in three voices, each set to music; the remaining text is presented following the third voice; headed "The Kynge H. VIII." "Pastyme" appears in two versions in LRit, a choir book containing a mixture of secular and religious lyrics dated ca. 1510; that it is, in the second version, given the title "The Kynges Ballade" (141*) implies that it was not copied prior to Henry's ascension in 1509. LR58 (ca. 1507-1547), a commonplace book of composers from Henry VTH's court which gathers liturgical, religious, and secular pieces with their musical settings, contains the incipit "pastyme" in the margin next to its music (551). The music of this piece, without lyrics, appears in EPan (late sixteenth century) under the heading "Passe tyme withe good companie" (10*) Melchiore de Barberiis' tenth lutebook (Venice, 1549) contains a version headed "Pas de mi bon compagni" (Brown 113-4). A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 9 [129]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 2737.5, Ringler M5TM1312, andCrw/»P70. Reprinted in Black 57-8, Briggs Collection 6, Chambers Lyrics 212-3, Chambers Verse 36-7, Chappell Account 372-3, Chappell Music 1.42-5, Chappell Popular 1.56, Fliigel Anglia 230, Fliigel Neuengl. 146, Furnivall cxlix, Hebel 8, Hebel and Hudson 8, Jones 47, MacNamara, Rimbault 37, Stafford Antiqua 1.44, Stevens M&P 344, Stevens MCH8 10-11, and Trejusis 1-2. Texts CoUated: HUJ (14M5r, U. 1-10H2-3), LRit(l)1-2-3 (136M37,11. 1-10), LRit(2)'2-3 (141v-142r) Emendations of the Copy Text (II1): 4 leue] loueH', leueH23, lyf LRit(l)'3, lyueLRit(2)', lyfeLRit(2)23 15 for] ffor H'-2J, LRit(l)1 -2J, For LRit(2)'-2'3 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 123 Collation (Substantive Variants): 2 vntyU]tylZ7w, vnto/J&/(7/,^^ \]\doH3 3 substitute for my pastaunce LRit(l)2 who lust] so wylle LRit(l)'-3, so woll LRit(2)\ so wyll LRit(2)2, who wyll LRit(2)3 4 substitute honte syng and daunce LRit(l)2 thus] so LRit(l)1-3, this LRit(2)', th\%LRit(2)23 leueJZ/^.loueZ/' 5 substitute my hert ys set LRit(l)2 pasta/ice J dystaunce. LRit(2)', dystauwce. LRit(2)2, dystauwce LRit(2)3 6 substitute yn sport LRit(l)2 7 substitute to my comfort LRit(l)2 8 substitute who shall me lett LRit(l)2 substitute yn sport LRit(l)1 9 substitute Gruch so woll but noon deny LRit(l)2 for] to LRit(l)1-3, LRit(2)'-2-3 10 substitute so god be plesyd so lyf woll 1. LRit(l)2 11 must] wollLRit(2)', wyllLRit(2)2J sum] nedesLRit(2)'23 14 fansys] fantyses LRit(2)', fantases LRit(2)2, fantasyes LRit(2)3 19 substitute passe the day. LRit(2)1,2, passe the day. LRit(2)3 22 vertu] vertu and LRit(2)1,3, vertu and LRit(2)2 vices] vyceLRit(2)'-2-3 23 owtfillj or. yll. LRit(2)u-3, or. ylle LRit(2)3 30 thus] Y . LZto(2/,1, /Jto(2/, 1. 7J&7(2/ 1] om/7 ZJ&/f2/ me.] me vse. ZJ«/(2/ Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 Pastyme] PastimeZ72J, PassetymeLRit(l)', Paste tymeLRit(l)23, Passe tyme LRit(2)u, Passe, tyme LRit(2)2 withj with. LRit(I)2 good J good. LRit(2)2 companye J company. H3, company. LRit(l)1,2-3, cumpanye. LRit(2)', cumpany. LRit(2)2, cumpa nye. LRit(2)3 2 schall] shall LRit(l,2)'23 vntyU] vn tyl ZJ&/(2/ dye J dye. LRit(2)2-3 3 gruche] Gruch LRit(l)3, grugg LRit(2)12, Grugge LRit(2)3 none] noon LRit(l)'3, LRit(2)U3 denyeJ deny. ZZ&/(7/, LRit(2)'-23, de ny. ZJtof// 4 plesyd J plecyd. LRit(l)'3, LRit(2)'-2, plecyd. 7Jto(2/ leue] Z/Z J, lyf LRit(l)1-3, lyueLRit(2)', lyfeLRit(2)23 wyll] woll LRit(l)1-3, LRit(2)', w\\\LRit(2)2 \^]\.LRit(l)u,LRit(2)'23 5 pastawce] pastance Z/2 3, pastaunce LRit(l)', past taunce LRit(l)3 6 hunt] honte LRit(I)'-3, huwte LRit(2)', hunt LRit(2)3 syng J syng. LRit(l)3, LRit(2)'2, syng. dauwce.] daunce. Z/V, LRiifcf, Daunce. LRit(l)13, LRit(2)' 7 my J my. LRit(2)3 hart is] hert ys LRit(l)23, LRit(2)123 8 goodly] good ly 7JW(7/, godely229 LRit(2)u sport J sport. LRit(2)12 Note: It is possible, though unlikely, that this is a substantive variant, cf. 0£D godely goodly (a3), godly (a 1). Siemens, Henry MUMS 124 9 my J my. LRit(l)1 comfort] cumfort LRit(2)12S 10 schall] shall LRit(l)1-3, LRit(2)'2'3 let J let. H2, lett. H3, LRit(2)2-3, lett, LRit(l)1-3, LRit(2)' 11 youthe] yowth LRit(2)', youth LRit(2)2-3 daliancej daly aunce, LRit(2)', dalyaunce. LRit(2)2, dalyaunce. LRit(2)3 12 off] OfLRit(2)2-3 sum] someLRit(2)3 pastance] pastaunce,LRit(2)13, p asset auwce. LRit(2)2 13 Company j company. LRit(2)', Cumpany. LRit(2)2, Cumpany, LRit(2)3 thynkes]thynckthL/fr^ then] \hwLRit(2)2,hylLRit(2)3 best J best. LRit(2)3 14 thoughts] thoftes LRit(2)'2-3 and] and LRit(2)' deiest] dygest. LRit(2)u, dygest, LRit(2)3 15 for] ffor H123, LRit(l)123, For LRit(2)'-2-3 ydillnesJ Idelnes. LRit(2)', yddnes.LRit(2)2,lde\nes^LRit(2)3 16 is] ys LRit(2)123 mastres] mastresLRit(2)'-2J 17 vices,] vices. LRit(2)' 18 thenfthanZ/tt/,2/ can] caw LRit(2)3 say.], say LRit(2)2 20 isJysZJtof?/ 21 Company] Cumpany LRit(2)u-3. honeste,] honeste. LRit(2)'-2 22 \s]ysLRit(2)u-3 ffle] fle LRit(2)', flee. ~LRit(2)2,flee^LRit(2)3 23 Company J Cumpany. LRit(2)'-2, Cumpany, LRit(2)3 is] ys LRit(2)U3 good]'gode LRit(2)'23 24 man]maw/Jto(2/ fre wyll] fre wylle. LM7(2/, frewylle.. Lrt;7f2/ 25 ensew J Insew. LRit(2)', ywsew. LRit(2)2, ynsew LRit(2)3 26 esshew] eschew LRit(2)113 27 mynde] mynd LRit(2)u, mywd LK/7(2/ shalbe] shall be. LRit(2)\ shalbe, 28 vertu]v<?rtu LRit(2)2 vse,] vse. LRit(2)' 29 vice] \yce LRit(2)UJ Tefu<x]reffaseLRit(2)\renxseLRit(2)2-3 30 vse J vse. Z,#/7(2/ Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric of courtly and youthful doctrine, urging the merits of particular pastimes chiefly because they combat idleness. This is the best known and most widely circulated of Henry VTJJ's lyrics; "His fine ballad, 'Pastance with good company,' rank's] among the better known" (William H. Dixon, History of Two Queens, II.XTI.iii.298). As noted in a letter from Pace to Wolsey (L&P Henry VIII HJ [i]. 447, #1188), the royal almoner incorporated this lyric and "I loue vnloued suche is myn aduewture" (H 122M24r; 328) into his sermon while preaching in the King's hall in March of 1521. In the Complaint of Scotland, it is mentioned as the first of the shepherd's songs (Murray 64; lxxxii #49). The tune is very much like that of his "Though sum saith that yough rulyth me" (HIV-Siemens, Henry MUMS 125 73r; 164). A related lyric, the continental "De mon triste desplaisir" (Ward 123) composed by Richafort ca. 1520 (Fallows, "Henry" 29), may have a parodic relation to this (Block 2.301-5). A moralized version exists in the Maitland Quarto MS (31r; 63). Mentioned in this edition: xv, 9, 21, 33, 35, 36, 38, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 75, 88, 89, 105, 107, 129, 136, 166, 245, 321, 329. Notes and Glosses: 1 ff. Pastyme Cf. the words of the Pardoner in Heywood's Foure PP. "So helpe me god it lyketh nat me / Where company is met and well agreed / Good pastyme doth ryght well in dede / But who can syt in dalyaunce / Men syt in suche a variaunce / As we were set or ye came in / Whiche stryfe thys man dyd fyrst begynne / Allegynge that suche men as vse / For loue of god nat and refuse" (U. 324 ff). For negative connotations of the concept of "pastyme," see Heywood's Johan Johan: "Many an honest wyfe goth thyther also / For to make some pastyme and sporte / But than my wyfe so ofte doth thyther resorte / That I fere she wyll make me weare a fether" (11. 92-5). Cf. also the words ascribed to Henry, at his death, by Cavendish (Metrical Visions): "Who had more pastyme? who had more dalyaunce? / Who had more ayd? who had more allyaunce? / Who had more howsis of pleasure and disport? / Who had suche places as I for my comfort?" (11. 1303-6). 1-2 companye... dye Cf. the proverbial "Qwylrys a man haves owth Cumpany wil with him go til he be broght to noght" (Brunner, Salomon sat and sayde, 291.5-6) 1 good companye Cf. the proverbial "Gud cumpany gud men makis" (Girvan, Counsail and Teiching at the Vys Man Gaifhis Sone, 66.5-6). 3 gruche... denye This line has been paraphrased as "let grudge whosoever will, none shall refuse (it to me)" (Stevens M&P 345). Margaret of Austria, Regent of the Netherlands, employed a similar motto, "Groigne qui groigne et vive Burgoigne" (Ives 22 ff), as did Anne Boleyn ("Ainsi sera, groigne qui groigne"); a lyric attributed to Wyatt, "If yt ware not," has as the first line of its burden "Grudge on who liste, this ys my lott" (ca. 1530); see Greene ("Carol" 438), Jungman (398), and Siemens ("Thomas Wyatt, Anne Boleyn, and Henry VTII's Lyric"). 4 god be plesyd Cf. the proverbial "Hoe so lustythe god to plese, let hys neyghbore lyve in ese" (inscription; see Archaeologia 50 [1887]: 149); "Please god and love hym and doubte ye nothynge" (Bradshaw, Life of St. Werburge of Chester, 95.2589-90). 5 pastance Pastime (OED n I). 6 hunt syng and daunce Elyot's Governour (1531) contains chapter divisions adopting these categories, hunting (I: Ch. 18), singing (I: Ch. 7), and dancing (I: Chs. 19-25); in his Second Sermon before Edward VI, Latimer elaborates on this line and urges that these are improper as pastimes for a Siemens, Henry VIII MS 126 King except when they are used "for recreation, when he is weary of weighty affairs, that he may return to them the more lusty" (79); Hall reports the King's engagement in similar activities while on his progress to Windsor in 1510: Henry was "exercisyng hym self daily in shotyng, singing, dauftsyng, wrastelyng, casting of the barre . . . " (515); a French Papal diplomat stated of Henry in his early reign that he was a "youngling, car[ing] for nothing but girls and hunting, and wast[ing] his father's patrimony'' (L&P Henry VIII, II [i]: 292). Cf, also, the unattributed "Wher be ye" (H110M 12r; 319; 11. 22-3). 8-9 sport... comfort See Hall's description of Henry VTH's coronation, in which a oyer comments on the earthly duty of taking care of one's body as well as one's soul: "I perceiue that thei take a greate care, for the profite of their purses, with pleasure of huntyng and haukyng, besides other their pastymes, after they come to the best of their promotion, with small kepyng of hospitalitie" (510); "Clerkis sayis it is richt profhabill Amangis ernist to ming ane merie sport, To light the spreit, and gar the time be schort" (Henryson, Poems and Fables, 3.19-21); cf. also Barclay's Myrrour of GoodManers ("Temperance"): "Of fresshe lusty iuuent yf thou be in the floure / Than get the to sportys as is to the semynge / Thy strenth to exercyce in pastyme of labour / But vse must thou mesure and order in all thynge / With tyme and company as semyth best syttynge / Obserue these circustancys and ganynge is lawdable / Or els it is foly and thynge vytuperable" (11. 2534-40). 10 let Hinder, prevent, stand in the way (OED v2,1); a common Tudor defiance; in the interlude Youth (ca. 1513-4), the character of Youth states "I will not let for thee" (Lancashire, Two Tudor Interludes 106,1.70; 91, n.217); see also LDev (28*): "Who shall let me then off ryght / onto myself hym to retane." [god]... let "That god wyl ayde no man can lette" (Berners, Boke of Duke Huon of Burdeux, 480.24-6). 11 youthe See the character of Youth, who is intended to represent Henry VIII (Lancashire, Two Tudor Interludes 54); also see note to 1.10, above. daliance sport, play with a companion, especially (and possibly one of the senses intended here) amorous toying, flirtation; also, talk of a light and familiar kind (OED 1, 2); "At festes, reuels, and at daunces, That ben occasions of dalliance" (Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, Physician's Tale, 1.66); "thai schall ete and drinke and hafe dalyaunce with wymmen" (Mandeville, Buke of John Maundeuill, xxvi.124); for futher possible negative connotations of pastime and dalliance, cf. also the words of Cupidity and Concupiscence to Mary, in her fall, in Wager' The Life and Repentaunce of Marie Magdalene. "Cupiditi /1 will see that you shall haue good in abundance, / To maintaine you in all pleasure and daliance. / Concupiscece. / And new kyndes of pastyme I will inuent, / With the which ' I trust ye shal be content" (11. 745-51). daliance... pastance Similar rhyme yoking in "To have in remembryng Her goodly dalyance. And her Siemens, Henry VIII MS 127 goodly pastance" (Skelton, Philip Sparowe, 1.1095). 12 goodoryll See 1.23, below. 14 fansys Products of creative imagination or fancy, inclinations or desires with possible amorous overtones (OED sb8; MED n.3b, 4b, 5). deiest disperse, trow down, cast, degrade (MED "dejecten" v). 15-17 ydillnes ...all Proverbial (see Whiting 16, cl500); "Ydleness . . . is maystresse of many evylles" (Caxton, The ryal hook or hook for a kyng, R4r-v); "Idilnes . . . in youthe is moder of aU vice" (FliigeL Die Proverbes von Lekenfieldund Wresil, Anglia 14 [1891-2]: 482); "Ydilnes . . . is the yate of all vices and namely of camel vices" (Vaissier, A devout treatyse called the Tree and xii. frutes of the holy goost, 147.14-5); Roman de la Rose (forthcoming), see also notes to lines 22, 26 and 28, below. Contrast the sentiment in Barclay's Myrrour of Good Maners. "Some pastyme of body is worse than ydelnes / As tables contynuall the cardes and the dyse" (11. 964-5). Cf. also the justification of jousting given in the petition to jousts presented to Henry VHI for the tournaments of 23 & 27 May and 1 & 3 June 1510, in which the proposed purpose of the jousts is to eschew "Idleness the ground of all vice" (BL MS Harleian 69, 3r ff). 19 myrth [Of aids to health] ". . . refreshe the mynde wythe myrthe, exercyse the body with labour" (Whittinton, Vulgaria, 43.11-3). 22 ..ffle Cf. "Idilnes giffis nourysingis to vicis. Tharefor, quha-sa wil be Vertuise suld Idilnes fle, As sais 'the romance of the rose'" (Metcalfe, Legends of the Saints in the Scottish Dialect, 1.1.1 -5). 23 good and ill Cf. "Fore be thar cumpany men may knaw To gud or ill quhethir at thai draw" (Girvan, Counsail and Teiching at the VysMan Gaif his Sone, 66.9-12); see also 1.12, above. 24 fre wyll Note the character of Free Will in the anonymous interlude Hickscorner (Lancashire, Two Tudor Interludes). 26 esshew Cf. "The rninistre and the norice unto vices, Which that men clepe in English ydelnesse, That porter of the gate is of delices To eschue" (Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, Second Nun's Prologue, 1.1-3);"... in eschewyng of ydleness moder of all vices" (Caxton, Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, 1.4.3-4); "For senec seith that 'the wise man that dredeth harmes, eschueth harmes, ne he falleth into perils that perils eschueth'" (Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, Tale ofMelibee, 11.1320-1). See also notes to 11.15-17, above. 28 vertu Cf. "Moodir off vices, callid idilnesse, Which off custum ech vertu set aside In ech acourt wher she is maistresse" (Lydgate, Fall of Princes 1:263-4.2249-51). Modernised Text: Pastime with good company, I love and shall until I die. Grudge who likes, but none deny, So God be pleased, thus live will I. For my pastance: Hunt, sing, and dance. My heart is set! All goodly sport For my comfort. Who shall me let? Youth must have some dalliance, Of good or ill some pastance. Company I think then best— All thoughts and fantasies to digest For idleness Is chief mistress Of vices all. Then who can say But mirth and play Is best of all? Company with honesty Is virtue—vices to flee. Company is good and ill, But every man has his free will. The best ensue. The worst eschew. My mind shall be. Virtue to use. Vice to refuse. Thus shall I use me! Siemens, Henry VIII MS 128 5 10 15 20 25 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 129 Figure 9: Detail of Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14M5r; 121). jprr»IT^***T/^'"4 * v iaEl Siemens. Henry MUMS 130 Siemens, Henry MUMS 131 Alas what shall I do for love Henry VTII Alas what shall I do for love for love alasse what shall I do Syth now so kynd I do yow fynde to kepe yow me vnto 5 Alasse Textual Apparatus: Description: This lyric appears solely in H, where it is given four voices, each complete; headed "The Kyng H.viij." Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 159.5, Boffey, Ringler MS TM110, Crum A884; reprinted in Chappell Account 374, Fliigel Anglia 231, Fliigel Neuengl. 133, Trefusis 7-8, Padelford 78, Stevens M&P 390, and Stevens MCH8 16. Texts Collated: HUiA (20v-21r) Emendations of the Copy Text (//')'• 2 alasse] a lasse H', alasse H23, alas H4 5 vnto]vnto//U J U Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collations (Accidental Variants): 1 Alas] Alasse H24 2 alasse] a lasse H', alas H4 3 kyndjkynde//' 4 yow] you H4 Siemens, Henry MUMS 132 Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric about keeping a lover, once she is discovered, with play on the two separate syllables of "alas" ("a" and "lass"). Stevens notes that the words of further strophic verses may be missing (M&P 390). Mentioned in this edition: 33, 34. Notes and Glosses: 3 syth Since. Modernised Text: Alas, what shall I do for love? For love, alas, what shall I do? Since now so kind I do you find To kepe you me unto. 5 Alas! Siemens, Henry MUMS 133 O my hart and o my hart Henry VTJJ O my hart and o my hart my hart it is so sore sens I must nedys from my loue depart and know no cause wherefore. Textual Apparatus: Description: H presents the lyric in three voices, each in full and with text-height block capitals at the outset; extra rules are given on both the verso and recto sheets The heading reads "The Kyng H. viii." Appears copied once, in an early sixteenth century hand, on the final page (gg4%) of Caxton's edition of Jacobus de Voragine's Legenda Aurea (PBLe; trans, and pr. 1493; Huntington Printed Book 69798; Pollard/STC 24875). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 2531.5, Boffey, RinglerMS TM1218, and Crum 0715; reprinted in Chappell Account 374, Fliigel Anglia 232, Trefusis 9, Stevens M&P 390, and Stevens MCH8 17. Texts Collated: JJ1-2-3 (22v-23r), PBLe (gg4v) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 3 depart] de part H1, depart H2-3, depart PBLe Collation (Substantive Variants): 2 it] that PBU 3 sens] sytt PBLe I] that I PBLe nedys] omit PBLe Collations (Accidental Variants): 1 and] andh2 2 is]ysPBLe 3 nedys] ned H2-3 from] frome PBLe depart] de part H', depart PBLe 4 and] and PBLe know] knowe PBLe wherefore] where ffore^  PBLe Siemens, Henry VIII MS 134 Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric of departure; the lover regretfully leaves his lady, not fully understanding the reasons for his leaving Mentioned in this edition: 31, 33, 64,109. Notes and Glosses: None. Modernised Text: Oh, my heart and, oh, my heart, My heart it is so sore, Since I must from my love depart, And know no cause wherefore. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 135 The tyme of youthe is to be spent Henry VIII The tyme of youthe is to be spent but vice in it shuld be forfent Pastymes ther be I nought trewlye. Whych one may use. and uice denye. And they be plesant to god and man. 5 Those shuld we couit wyn who can. As featys of armys. and suche other. Wherby actyuenesse oon may vtter. Comparysons in them may lawfully be sett. For therby corage is suerly owt fet. 10 Vertue it is. then youth for to spend. In goode dysporttys whych it dothe fend. Textual Apparatus: Description: Appears in H in three voices, complete for 11. 1-2 save the second voice, which is missing the phrase and music for "be for fent" in the second repetition of 1. 2 (lower 28"), though there is a vacant rule on the following page (upper 29") which could accommodate it; there is a blank rule also left above voice 2. The remainder of the lyric is provided after the third voice. Headed "The Kynge H. viij." Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3487.5 and Ringler MS TM1602. Reprinted in Briggs #1, Trefusis 10-1, Fliigel Anglia 233, Fliigel Neuengl. 147, Stevens M&P 392, and Stevens MCH8 22. Texts Collated: HUJ (28v-29r, H23 11. 1-3) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 2 forfent] for fent H1,2,3 forfent.] for fent but vice in shuld be for fent. H1, ~ in it shuld H2,~ in i t - fent H3 10 For]Ffor/y; fet] ffet. H'~ 11 forjffor//' Siemens, Henry bill MS 136 Collation (Substantive Variants): 1 is] is for H3 2 fent] fent but vice in shuld be for fent. H1, ~ in it shuld H2, ~ in it ~ fenr H3 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 youthe] youth//2'3 Commentary: General Commentary: A proclamation of the proper activities of youth, in which the author urges that courtly pastimes such as jousting ('featyes of armys') provide virtuous activity to keep vice at bay. Contains many echoes to sentiments expressed in "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14V-15r; 121). Sometimes entitled "Goode dysporttys" (Robbins Suppl.). Mentioned in this edition: 33, 35, 146,155,156,172,196,245,308,311,333. Notes and Glosses: 1 spent Used to its fullest; "Exhausted of the active or effective power or principle" (OED ppla 4. a); cf., in Youth, the statement of Youth in response to Pride's advice "It is time enough to be good / when that ye be old" (11. 645-6): "I will make merry while I may" (1. 648; Lancashire, Two Tudor Interludes). Regarding the nature of the activities expressed in this lyric, and their place in the domain of youth, cf. similar sentiments expressed in the anonymous Jousts of May: "Therfore good is to haue parfyght knowlage / For all men that haue youth or metely age / How with the spere theyr enemyes to outrage / At euery nede" (161-4); see also the note to 11. 7-10, below. 1-2 youthe... vice Cf. sentiments of "I rede that he that useth hym not to vertue(s) in his yonge age he shall not conne withstande vyces in his old age" (Horstmann, Yorkshire Writers: Richard Rolle... and his Followers 2.83[32-4]) and the moral saying "he that in yowth no yertu will vse / In Age all honor shall hym Refuce" (OxHill 200v [p. 217]; variant in OxRawl86 31"); see also Henry's "Lusti yough shuld vs ensue" (H 94v-97; 170) and gloss; contrast "Youthe in his flowres may lyue at liberte / In age it is convenient to grow to gravite" (Flugel, "Die Proverbes von Lekenfield und WresU" 483). 2 forfent Forfended, forbidden (OED ppl. a. of "forfend" v. 2, "to avert, to keep away or off, prevent"). 3 nought Note, perceive, notice; also, possibly, to sing of (AffiD "noten" v.3 a). I nought Possibly a scribal substitution for "inough," enough. 5 And they be If they be. 6 couit Desire (OED v. 1), or to have an inclination or drawing (OED "covet" v. 4c). wyn who can May he win who can. Siemens, Henry MUMS 137 7-10 As featys of armys . . . corage is suerly owt fet Cf. the defence of jousting provided in the anonymous Jousts of May. "Syth it was to no mannes preiudyse / To passe the tyme this merciall excercyse / Was commendable. / Specyally for folkes honourable / And for other gentylmen therto able. / And for defence of realmes profytable / Is the vsage" (11. 154-160); as well, in the Jousts of June. "For as moche as yonge folke can not deuyse, / To passe tyme in more noble excersyse / Than in the auncyent knyghtes practyse / Of dayes olde" (11. 1-4). 8 vtter To vanquish, conquer, or overcome (OED "utter" v2. 1), as if by being active one many conquer vice; also, used in conjunction with horses at tournaments as they leave the lists or course (OED v l . 4). 9 Comparysons Comparisons, similarities or differences discovered by comparison (MED n. 3a, 3b). sett Prescribed, ordained, established, esp. in connection with a law or declaration (OED "set" v l . V.50). 10 corage Spirit, vitality, vigor, lustiness, and so forth, relating to the heart as a centre of feeling, though, and mind. It is used in two different, though related, senses in the lyrics of H; one—relating to confidence, boldness, bravery, and valour (OED n. 3d, 4)—is the dominent sense here and in the unattributed "Pray we to god that all may gyde" (H 103r; 307; 1. 3); another—relating to sexual vigour and inclination, the desire to love, the amorous spirit (OED n. 3e)—is found in Henry's "Thow that men do call it dotage" (H 55v-56r; 154; 11. 2, 13), Cornish's "Adew corage adew" (H 42v; 195; 11. 1,3), and the unattributed "And I war a maydyn" (H 106v-107r; 310; 1. 8) and "Hey troly loly lo" (H 124M28r; 330; 1. 18). For a likely instance of the relation of the two, via the practices of courtly love, see "Thow that men do call it dotage" (H 55v-56r; 154; 1 13). awtffet Fetched out of it, gained (OED "fet" v. obs.). 12 dysporttys Disports, relaxations, recreations, merriment, (OED "disport" n., 1,2,&3). Modernised Text: The time of youth is to be spent, But vice in it should be forfent. Pastimes there be I note truly Which one may use and vice deny. And they be pleasant to God and man: 5 Those should we covet when we can. As feats of arms, and such other Whereby activeness one may utter. Comparisons in them may lawfully be set, For, thereby, courage is surely out fet. 10 Vertue it is, then, youth for to spend In good disports which it does fend Siemens, Henry VIII MS 138 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 139 Alac alac what shall I do. Henry VIII Alac alac what shall I do. for care is cast in to my hart. And trew loue lokked therto. Textual Apparatus: Description: H presents three voices, complete and presented on the verso only; headed "The Kyng .H.viij." Ringler MS suggests that the text is probably incomplete (SI), and the peculiar layout in H suggests that this song and that which follows it, "Hey nony nony nony nony no" (H 36r; 281), are quite closely related (see Stevens MCH8, #30, note). "Hey nony nony nony nony no" is unattributed, and the original numbering of it in the ms ("xxvij") and corresponds with the heading "28. Alac alac what shall I do" in the table of contents (2*). Also, the text on 36r lacks any sort of block intial capital which is used to offset voices and lyrics from one another; moreover, the matter of each song is complementary.230 The incipit "Alasse a lasse what shall I doo" is listed as part of the contents ofDBla (59*), which contains many songs of a similar nature, including a great many pieces by Wyatt; Henry's piece does not survive in the manuscript outside of this incipit, however. Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 135.5, Boffey, Ringler MS TM88, Crum A843. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 236, Stevens M&P 396, Stevens MCH8 26, and Trefusis 72. Texts CoUated: H'-23 (35*) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 2 for]ffor//U J 3 lokked] lokked #2 i, lakked//' therto] ther toA Hu, the to. H3 Collation (Substantive Variants): 3 lokked] lokked lakked//' 2 3 0 Perhaps, for example, the complaint of the maid in "Hey nony nony nony nony no" is Alac, alac," for "Hey nony nony" would be much less appropriate. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 140 Collation (Accidental Variants): 3 therto.] ther to, H'2, the to. H3 Commentary: General Commentary: Three lines of, likely, a longer love song, perhaps that of "Hey nony nony nony nony no" (H 36*; 281). "Alac alac" presents the lament of a devout lover unsure of his lady, as does "Hey nony," where this concern sees a much fuller development and, ultimately, a positive conclusion. Mentioned in this edition: 33, 105, 283. Notes and Glosses: None. Modernised Text: Alac! Alac! What shall I do? For care is cast in to my heart, And true love locked thereto. Grene growith the holy Henry VIII Siemens, Henry MUMS 141 Grene growith the holy so doth the Iue. thow wyntes blastys blow neuer so hye grene growth the holy. As the holy grouth grene. 5 and neuer chaungyth hew. So I am euer hath bene. vnto my lady trew. A the holy grouth grene: with Iue all alone. 10 When flowerys. can not be sene: and grene wode leuys be gone. Now vnto my lady promyse to her I make. Frome all other only 15 to her. I me betake Adew myne owne lady. Adew my specyall. Who hath my hart trewly be suere and euer shall. 20 Textual Apparatus: Description: Appears in H in three voices, with voices 2 and 3 given for 11. 1-4 alone; Siemens, Henry VIII MS 142 headed "The.Kyng H.viij." Music is provided for the burden only; the lyrics may have been sung to a well-known tune (Stevens M&P 127-8, 399), as with "Hey nony nony nony nony no" (H 36*; 281), "Blow thi horwne hunter" (H 39M0r; 188), "WWIles Iyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211), and "Yow and I and amyas"(//45v-46r; 199). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index and Suppl. 409.5, Boffey, Ringler MS TM210, and Crum G580. Reprinted in Chappell Account 374-5, Chambers Lyrics 54, Chambers Verse 34-5, Davies 290-1, Dearwerl30, Fliigel Anglia 237-8, Fliigel Neuengl. 135, Greene 304, Padelford 11, Stevens M&P 398-9, StevensMCH8 28, and Trefusis 13. Texts Collated: HUJ (37-38', 11. 1-4 H2-3) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 1 Grene] GReneH'23 8 vnto] vnto//' 13 vnto] vnto//' 15 Frome] Ffrome H' 16 betake.] be take. H1 Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 growith] growth H2, grouth H3 2 the] theh23 Iue] Iuye. H2 3 wyntes] wynters H2,3 blastys] blasts H2 hye J hye. H2 4 growth] grouth//'5 Commentary: General Commentary: Traditionally associated together with the winter season, specifically Christmas, holly and ivy are, as here, also associated with the male and female, respectively; together, they are often seen in strife over issues such as mastery.231 Additionally, holly also contains associations with foresters (fosters) 2 3 1 See Greene (Early Engish Carols xcviii-ciu, #136 ff). For example, "Nay, Iuy, nay" (BL HarleianMS 5,396 [275*]; rptd. Greene, Early English Carols 93-4, #136) the burden of which reads "Nay, Iuy, nay, hyt shal not be, iwys; / Let holy hafe the maystry, as the maner ys" (11. 1-2); as well, OxEP contains a lyric of the same ilk, in which "Holvyr and Heyvy mad a gret party, / Ho xuld haue the maystre / In londes qwer thei goo" (30 "v, 11. 1-3). See also OxHill (2511), wherein the same burden as that given above is employed in a dancing song for men and women (Bontoux 164-5). Siemens, Henry MUMS 143 and hunters,232 as well as with Christ,233 and Ivy with the Virgin.234 In this love lyric, Henry draws on some aspects of the traditional holly and ivy carol, but focuses on the amity of the two, their inseparability in adverse circumstances (11. 9-12), and holly's invariability (11. 5-8); herein, the lover, on impending departure, assures his lady of his constancy in love. Mentioned in Philip Lindsay's Here Comes the King (chap. 8); see W.H.J. "Henry VIII: Verses." Mentioned in this edition: 33, 34, 54, 56, 62, 152, 189, 200, 212, 214, 283. Notes and Glosses: 1 holy See the General Commentary, above; proverbial, with reference to constancy: "Qui nunquam fabricat mendacia / Bot quhen the holyne growis green" (Dunbar, "I, maister Andro Kennedy" 11. 63-4). 2 Iue See the General Commentary, above; proverbial and, as with "holy," used with reference to constancy: "Ivy ys grene and wyl be grene / Qwere so euer a grow in stok or ston" {Cambridge, St. John's College MS S. 54 [12r, 11. 7-8]; rptd. Greene, Early English Carols 95, #139). 9 A Ever; 16 betake Entrust, commit, give in charge (OED v. 1 b); also used in the sense of departure (OED v. 2) which follows in 1. 17. 1 9 - 2 0 liath my hart. . . and euer shall Cf. Cornish's "Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211): "He hath my hart and euer shall" (1. 37); Wyatt's "Ffortune what ayleth the": "She hath my hart and euer shall" (1. 25; from DBla); and Henry Bold's "I love my Love, she not me": "she hath my heart, / And shall have evermore" (11. 3-4). 2 3 2 "Holy hat berys as rede as any rose, / The foster, the hunters kepe hem fro the doo[s]" (BL Harleian MS 5,396 [275vll. 15-7]; rptd. Greene, Early English Carols 93-4, #136). 2 3 3 See "Her cowmys Holly" (OxEP 53v, rptd. Greene, Early English Carols 94, #137), which reads "Her co/nmys Holly, that is so gent; / To please all men is his intent. / Alle/w/a" (11. 3-5). This association is due in part to holly's vine-like nature; Christ claims "I am the true vine" (John 15.1-5). Lancashire (Two Tudor Interludes [Youth] 105 n.45) notes that the character of Youth, intended to characterise Henry VIII (54-5), associates himself with Christ through the vine (105 1.45). 2 3 4 A carol in OxEP draws associations between the Virgin and Ivy through its employment of the Song of Songs (54r; rptd. Greene, Early English Carols 95, #138; see also Greene 400 n. 262). Cambridge, St. John's College MS S. 54 (121) contains a meditation on the letters of the word "ivy," the second letter of which is presented thus: "I lykyn to a wurthy wyffe; / Moder sche ys and a madyn trewe; / Non but on I that euer bare lyffe" (11. 16-8; rptd. Greene, Early English Carols 95, #139); on lines 23 ff, the Virgin is represented encouraging the speaker to meditate on the letters of that make up the word. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 144 Modernised Text: Green grows the holly. So does the ivy. Though winter's blasts blow never so high, Green grows the holly. As the holly grows green 5 And never changes hue, So I am—ever have been— unto my lady true. Ever the holly grows green With ivy all alone, 10 When flowers can not be seen And greenwood leaves be gone. Now unto my lady Promise to her I make: From all other, only 15 to her, I me betake. Adieu, my own lady. Adieu, my special Who hath my heart truly, Be sure, and ever shall. 20 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 145 Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne Henry VTU Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne. In loue he must be w/f/rowt dysdayne. For loue enforcyth all nobyle kynd. And dysdayne dyscorages all gentyl mynd. Wher for to loue and be not loued. 5 Is wors then deth. let it be proved. loue encoragith. and makyth on bold. Dysdayne abattyth. and makith hym colde. loue ys gevyn. to god and man. to woman also. I thynk the same. 10 But dysdayne ys vice, and shuld be refused. Yet neuer the lesse it ys to moch used, grett pyte it ware, loue for to compell. with dysdayne. bothe falce and subtell. Textual Apparatus: Description: Though music in H is given for three voices, only the third voice is given text (the incipit), and the remainder of the lyrics appear underlaid; the heading reads "The Kynge H.viij." Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index andSuppl. 4143.3, Boffey, and RinglerMS TM1976. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 236, Fliigel Neuengl. 137, Stevens M&P 399, Stevens MCH8 60, and Trefusis 15. Texts Collated: H' (390 Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 1 Whoso] Who so H' 3 For]Ffor#; Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Siemens, Henry MUMS 146 Collation (Accidental Variants): None. Commentary: General Commentary: A proclamation on the value of loving as an act. In addition to enforcing one's noble demeanor and making one bold, it is something which allows one to obtain "all feats" (these, presumably akin to the feats of arms expressed in "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" [H 28v-29r; 135]); additionally, the force of love is contrasted throughout to that of disdain. Mentioned in this edition. 5, 33, 35,149,156, 172,243,301. Notes and Glosses: 1 Who so... optayne Whosoever will show himself fully valorous (Stevens M&P 400). feattes "Featys of armys" (see Henry's "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" [//28v-29r; 135] 1. 7). 2 dysdayne Cf. its place further in this poem (11. 4, 8, 11, 14) and in Henry's "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48v-49r; 148; 1. 5 [editorial emendation]), his "Thow that men do call it dotage" (H 55v-56r; 154; 1. 14), his "Whoso that wyll for grace sew" (H 84v-85r; 168; 1. 8), and his "Lusti yough shuld vs ensue" (H 94v-97; 170; 11. 10, 14; also 1. 6); also Daggere's "Downbery down" (H 25r; 242; 1. 6) and the anonymous (though in the spirit of Henry's lyrics) "Let not vs that yongmen be" (H 87-88'; 300; 1. 3); cf. also the similar personification in "As power and wytt wyll me Assyst" (in LDev, later attributed to Wyatt): "yf dysdayn do shew hys face" (1. 19). In the context of such "feattes" as are put forward by the lyric, cf. also the sentiment which concludes the Jousts of June, that with "false tonges . . . Some of enuy dysdeynously wolde say" (U. 261-4) ill of the good reasons for which the jousts were undertaken; see also the note to Henry' s "Withowt dyscord" (HW-691; 160; 1. 24). 3 enforcyth all nobyle kynd Strengthens all those of a noble nature, as well as all those natures (i.e. people) that are noble, kynd Birth, origin, descent (OED n 1.1 .a), but esp. "The character or quality derived from birth or native constitution" (OED n. 13a); "My kinde is to desire the honoure of the field" (Surrey's "On a Lady refusing to dance" 1. 51; in Tottell's Miscellany[Songes and Sonnettes\CcAt), 4 gentyl... Of birth, blood, family (OED a 2.a); also courteous, polite (OED a 3.c). 6 proved Proven, tried, tested (OED ppla 1); also demonstrated, shown to be true (OED ppla 2). 7 on One. 8 abattyth Abates, hinders, &c. 13 compell Constrain (OED via) . Modernised Text: Who so that will all feats obtain In love he must be without disdain. For love enforces all noble kind, And disdain discourages all gentle mind. Wherefore, to love and be not loved Is worse than death? Let it be proved! Love encourages, and makes one bold; Disdain abates and makes him cold. Love is given to God and man; To woman also, I think the same. But disdain is vice, and should be refused, Yet never the less it is too much used. Great pity it were, love for to compel With disdain, both false and subtle. Siemens, Henry MUMS 147 5 10 Siemens, Henry mi MS 148 If love now reynyd as it hath bene Henry VIII If loue now reynyd as it hath bene: And war rewardit as it hath sene: Nobyll men then wold suer enserch: All ways wher by thay myght it rech: Butt enuy reynyth with such dysdayne: 5 And causith louers owt wardly to refrayne: Which putt them to more and more: In wardly most greuous and sore: The faut in whome I can not sett: But let them tell which loue doth gett: 10 To louers I put now suer this cace: Which of ther loues doth gett them grace: And vnto them which doth it know: Better than do I. I thynk it so. Textual Apparatus: Description: The text is not underlaid, as in the typical fashion, and appears at the end of of the music, in three voices; a longer version of the music alone is repeated on ff. 52v-53r. The heading reads "The Kynge .H.viij.", as it does in its muscial reproduction slightly further on in the manuscript (52v-53t)-Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 1420.5, Boffey, RinglerMS TM729, and Crum 1879. Reprinted in Chappell Account 377, Fliigel Anglia 240-1, Stevens M&P 403, Stevens MCH8 35, and Trefusis 17. Texts Collated: H' (48v-49*) Siemens. Henry VIIIMS 149 Emendations of the Copy Text (HJ): 5 dysdayne:] enuy: H' [emendation from Chappell Account 377; adopted Stevens M&P 403 and elsewhere] 13 vnto]vnto//7 Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collation (Accidental Variants): None. Commentary: General Commentary: Akin to other proclamations of love's doctrine, this lyric idealises a past where love did govern the actions of noble men and contrasts it with the present, wherein forces of envy hinder the pursuits of true lovers. The lyric ends in a riddle with, perhaps, courtly application: which of a lover's loves grants them grace? Those who are envious and frustrate the desires of the lover, clearly, have no chance at grace (the reward of lover), but those who do love, and who focus on the right object of their love, do find love's reward. Mentioned in this edition: 5, 33, 35, 36, 64, 71, 146, 156, 162, 169, 172, 180, 301. Notes and Glosses: 2 And war rewardit as it hath sene And were rewarded it had been since (OED "sene" adv 2); alternatively, and were rewarded as it it is evident (OED "sene" a) it should be. 3 enserch Search it out. 5 enuy... dysdayne While "dysdayne" is a historical editorial emendation—given to correct the seeming scribal error of repeating the word "enuy" twice in the line, but keeping with the intended rhyme of the lyric (see Emendations of the Copy Text, above)—the two are frequently used together in the sense as they appear here; cf, for example, the anonymous Jousts of June, where "Some of enuy dysdeynously wolde" speak ill of the jousts (1. 264). dysdayne Cf. Henry's "Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne" (H 39*; 145; 11. 2, 4, 8, 11, 14) and elsewhere; see the note to line 2 of the aforementioned lyric. 9 faut Fault, deficiency, lack; a defect, imperfection, blameable quality or feature in moral character, expressing a milder censure than "vice" (OED n 3a). 12 which of ther loues doth gett them grace One answer to this riddle, if we acknowledge the very real world of the court in the courtly love tradition, is "the king." grace Cf. similar actions associated with grace (suing, purchasing, &c.) in the context of love in Henry's "Thow that men do call it dotage" (H 55v-56r; 154; 1. 17), his "Whoso that wyll for grace sew" (H 84v-85r; 168; 1. 1), his "Wrthowt dyscord" (#68v-69r; 160; 11. 19-20), his Siemens, Henry VIII MS 150 "Lusti yough shuld vs ensue" (H 94v-97; 170; in which "dysdaynars . . . sew to get them grace" (Tl. 14-15]), and the unattributed "Hey nony nony nony nony no" (H 36r; 281; 1. 24). 14 / thynk it so I.e. "I am conscious of speaking to experts" (Stevens M&P 403). Modernised Text: If love now reigned as it has been And were rewarded as it has seen, Noble men then would surely ensearch All ways whereby they might it reach. But envy reigns with such disdain 5 And causes lovers outwardly to refrain, Which puts them to more and more, Inwardly, most grievous and sore: The fault in whom I cannot set, But let them tell who love does get. 10 To lovers I put now sure this case: Which of their loves does get them grace? And unto them which doth it know Better than do I, I think it so. Wherto shuld I expresse Henry VTJJ Wherto shuld I expresse my inward heuynes no myrth can make me fayn tyl that we mete Agayne Do way dere hart not so let no thought yow dysmaye Thow ye now parte me fro: we shall mete when we may. when I remembyr me: of yor most gentyll mynde. It may in no wyse agre: that I shuld be vnkynde. The daise delect ale: the violett wan and bio. Ye ar not varyable: I loue you and no mo. I make you fast and sure: it ys to me gret payne. Thus longe to endure: tyll that we mete agayne. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 151 5 10 15 Siemens, Henry HUMS 152 Textual Apparatus: Description: In three voices, with the text of the first two couplets underlaid and the remaining text appearing at the end of of the music. The heading reads "The Kynge .H.viij." Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 4070.5, Boffey, Ringler MS TM\93\, Crum W1781. Reprinted in Chambers Lyrics 55, Chambers Verse 35, Chappell Music 45-6, Fliigel Anglia 241, Fliigel Neuengl. 135, Stevens M&P 404, Stevens MCH8 50-1, and Trejusis 20. Texts Collated: H,M (SVST, 11. 1-4 H23) Emendations of the Copy Text (Hl): 1 Wherto] Wher toH' 2 3 12 vnkyndej vn kynde. H'23 Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collation (Accidental Variants): 2 heuynes] heuywas//2, hevynes//3 4 that] thatH2 Agayne] agayne//3 Commentary: General Commentary: A song of departure, with two speakers. The first stanza laments the lover's leaving; his lady answers in what follows, soothing him, assuring him of her devotion, and of the pain she will share with him until they reunite. Mentioned in this edition: 33, 34, 62. Notes and Glosses: 3 fayn Glad, rejoiced, well-pleased (OED a A. 1). 13 delectale Delectable. 14 wan and bio Pale (pale [OED a 4e]) and blue (blackish blue, livid, leaden-coloured [OED a]; perhaps associated with the pale complexion of the steretypical lover, suffering in the throes of love's pain; cf, also, the words of Magnificence in Skelton's drama of the same name, who comments with the realisation of his fall that "For worldy shame I wax both wan and bio" (1.2055). 15 not varyable See Henry's "Grene growith the holy" (H 37-38'; 141; 11. 5-8) for a similar application of natural attributes to the qualities of the lover. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 153 Modernised Text: Whereto should I express My inward heaviness? No mirth can make me fain, Till that we meet again. Do way, dear heart, not so. 5 Let no thought you dismay. Though you now part me from, We shall meet when we may. When I remember me Of your most gentle mind, 10 It may in no wise agree That I should be unkind. The daisy delectable, The violet waning and blue, You are not variable — 15 I love you and no more. I make you fast and sure; It is to me great pain Thus long to endure Till that we meet again. 20 Siemens, Henry V7IIMS154 Thow that men do call it dotage Henry VUJ Thow that men do call it dotage, who louyth not wantith corage. And who so euer may loue gete. Frome veni/5 sure he must it fett. Or elles from her which is her hayre. 5 And she to hym most seme most fayre. Wyth ee and mynd doth both agre. There is no bote, ther must it be. The ee doth loke and represent. But mynd afformyth with full consent. 10 Thus am I fyxed with owt gruge, Myne ey with hart doth me so luge. loue maynteynyth all noble courage. who loue dysdaynyth ys all of the village. Soch louers though thay take payne. 15 It were pete thay shuld optayne. For often tymes wher they do sewe. Thay hynder louers that wolde be trew. For who so louith shuld loue butt oone. Chau/tge who so wyll I wyll be none. 20 Textual Apparatus: Description: In three voices, with the text of the first couplet underlaid and the remaining text appearing after the music. The heading reads "The Kyng .H.viij." Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3706.7, Boffey, and Ringler MS TM1708. Reprinted in Chappell Account 377, Fliigel Anglia 246-7, Fliigel Neuengl. 137, Greene 297, Stevens M&P 411-2, Stevens MCH8 xviii, 52, and Trefusis 28-31. Siemens, Henry MUMS 155 Texts Collated: H123 (55v-56r, 11. 1-2 H23) Emendations of the Copy Text (H'): 2 not] no tf', not 7/^ 4 Frame] Ffrometf'^ fett.] flfett. H'23 5 from]fxrom///ZJ 7 agre.]agre.//Wi 16 For]Ffor// / ; u 19 For]Ffor/r ; z i Collation (Substantive Variants): 2 not] no H', not / / " Collation (Accidental Variants): 2 louyth] louith/r2 6 Note: the "o" in first occurrence of "most" is a touched up "u" Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric urging constancy in love, but at the same time denigrating those who do not love (and those who hinder the activities of the lover) as being cowardly and unsophisticated. At the same time, the text puts forward a neo-platonic theory of love's reception by the lover akin to that outlined by Bembo in the fourth book of the Courtier (par. 52, p. 337); love is received from Venus, or the woman who is heir to Venus, and the object of love is perceived to be fair by the lover both visually and mentally/emotionally—first appreciated by the eye, and then by the mind and heart. Underlying these concerns is that of the author with unsophisticated lovers (those, presumedly, who do not love properly) who hinder the activities of true lovers. Mentioned in this edition. 33, 35, 137, 146, 149, 285,289,301. Notes and Glosses: 2 corage Sexual vigour and inclination, the desire to love, the amorous spirit; see Henry's "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" (H 28v-29r; 135; 1. 10, note), and 1. 10, below. 4 venus Note also the words ascribed to Henry, at his death, by Cavendish (Metrical Visions): "Whan Venus veneryall of me had domynacion, / And blynd Cupido my purpose did avaunce, / Than willfull lust thoroughe indiscression, / Was chosyn juge to hold my balaunce" (11. 1245-8). fett Fetch, gain (OED "fet" v. obs.). 5 hqyre Heir. 7 Wyth Read "when." ee Eye. 8 bote Remedy, help. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 156 10 afformyth Affirms, confirms. 13 courage Perhaps a combination of the two senses of the word "corage" (as outlined in the note to Henry's "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" [H 28v-291; 135; 1. 10]); the "corage" of bravery, as noted in other lyrics in H, is facilitated by the type of love that Henry here urges, as evidenced by discussions in Castiglione's Courtier (as noted in the General Commentary to this lyric). 14 dysdaynyth Cf. Henry's "Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne" (H 391; 145; 11. 2, 4, 8, 11, 14) and elsewhere; see the note to line 2 of the aforementioned lyric of the village Uncourtly, perhaps bucolic; cf. Youth's sentiments "Were thou born in Trumpington / And brought up in Hogs Norton?" (Lancashire, Two Tudor Interludes [Youth] 141 11. 603-4). who... village Cf. "loue enforcyth all nobyle kynd. / And dysdayne dyscorage? all gentyl mynd" (Henry's "Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne" [H 39*; 145; 17 sewe Make suit; legal (courtly allusion); see also the comment to Henry's "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (// 48v-49r; 148; 1. 12). Modernised Text: 11. 3-4]). Though that men do call it dotage, Who loves not wants courage. And whosoever may love get From Venus surely he must it fetch, Or else from her which is her heir. And she to him must seem most fair. When eye and mind do both agree There is no help!—there must it be! The eye does look and represent, But mind affirms with full consent. Thus am I fixed without grudge: My eye with heart does me so judge. Love maintains all noble courage; Who love disdains is all of the village. Such lovers, though they take pain, It were pity they should obtain. For often times where they do sue They hinder lovers that would be true. For who so loves should love but one. Change who so will, I will be none. 20 10 15 5 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 157 Departure is my chef payne Henry VTJI Departure is my chef payne I trust ryght wel of retorn agane Textual Apparatus: Description: Built, musically, above a bass part of "Departure," this three part round is headed by the attribution "The Kyng H viij." A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 10 [159]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 676.5, Boffey, and Ringler MS TM349. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 243, Fliigel Neuengl. 136, Stevens M&P 408, Stevens MCH8 44, and Trefusis 23-4. Texts Collated: H'23 (6CT) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): None. Collation (Substantive Variants): 2 agane] agayne De parture H3 Collation (Accidental Variants):. 1 Departure] de parture N3 2 retorn] retorne H2,3 agane] agaynctf" Commentary: General Commentary: Robbins, perhaps tongue-in-cheek, notes that this is "a late love song"; as the bass part suggests, this song of departure, the lyrics of which are in keeping with contemporary proverbial expression, and may be intended as a musical representation of the words "retorn agane" {Stevens M&P 408). Proverbial sayings suggest that Henry's is a variation upon a common theme. Mentioned in this edition: xv, 34, T 59. Notes and Glosses: 1-2 Cf. "Parting is a privye payne, But old friends cannot be called againe!" (Eger and Grime, ed. Caldwell, 11. 1341-2); "Departyt yaim with mekill payn, / And went till Ingland name again" (Barbour, Barbour's Bruce 7.633-4); the sections of Barclay's Eclogues wherein the miseries of courtiers are Siemens, Henry VIIIMS 158 recounted (1. 468), and wherein Condon takes leave of Cornix: "Adewe swete Comix, departing is a payne, / But mirth reneweth when louers mete againe" (U. 823-4); Campion's "Your faire lookes enflame my desire": "Will you now so timely depart, / And not returne againe? / Your sight lends such life to my hart / That to depart is paine" (11. 17-20); Wyatt's "Absens absenting causithe me to complaine": "And departing most pryvie increasithe my paine" (1. 3; LDev 81*); and "Your departure ladie breedes a prime paine" (1. 651) from the anonymous Mucedorus; see also Tilley (P82). Modernised Text: Departure is my chief pain. I trust right well to return again. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 159 Figure 10: Henry's "Departure is my chef payne" (60v; 157). » tf tf -3--*- i a--v-i=5t -*i 1— Withowt dyscord Henry V m Withowt dyscord and bothe acorde now let us be bothe hartes alone to set in one best semyth me. for when one sole ys in the dole of louys payne. then helpe must haue hym selfe to saue and loue to optayne. wherfornowwe that louers be. let vs now pray. Onys loue sure, for to procure. w/7/iowt denay. wher loue so sewith. ther no hart rewith. but condyscend. Yf contrarye. what remedy. god yt amen. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 160 5 10 15 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 161 Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza, lines 1-12, is through-set, while the remaining text appears following the third voice. The heading reads "The Kynge. H. viij." Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 4213.5, Boffey, and Ringler MS TM2014. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 237, Fliigel Neuengl. 136-7, Padelford 76, Stevens M&P 410, Stevens MCH8 50, and Trefusis 26-7. Texts Collated: H1Xi (68v-69r, 11. 1-12 H23) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 1 Withowt] With owt H1Z3 13 wherfor] wher for H' 16 forjffor//' 21 but]bu#' Collation (Substantive Variants): 10 must] toH2 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 dyscord] discorde H2, dyscorde H3 2 and] and H2,3 acorde] a corde H2 3 us] vsH2-3 5 in] inH3 7 when] when H2 8 ys] \sH2 the] theH2-3 12 and] andH2 Commentary: General Commentary: An exposition concerning the unity of the lovers, from the "dole / of louys payne" commonly associated with the pangs of the courtly love tradition ("dyscord"), to the unity of the hearts and souls of the lovers ("acorde"). Addressed to lovers, the lyric concludes with a prayer for "sure love" where the lover sues. Mentioned in this edition: 21, 34, 146, 149, 166, 173, 179, 317. Notes and Glosses: 7 sole Soul, perhaps, but also in the sense of being alone or solitary (OED a 2a) and separated from another (OED a 2b). 10 helpe must haue Help he must have. 16 Onys Once (i.e. on some occasion). 18 denay Denial, refusal (OED "deny" n.l). Siemens, Henry Mil MS 162 19 sewith Make suit; legal (courtly allusion); see also the comment to Henry's "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48M9r; 148; 1. 12). 20 rewith Sorrows, distresses, grieves (OED v. 1 3); also, feels remorse (OED v. 1 9). 21 condyscend Condescend. 23 what remedy Cf. Cornish's "My loue sche morneth for me" (H 30v-3 l r ; 176; 1. 26) and the anonymous "What remedy what remedy" (H 108M10*; 315); see also Ravenscroft's "Hey downe downe": "what remedy though alas for loue I die with woe" (Pammelia 13). 24 amen Amend, but also in the sense of "answer our prayer"; cf.., in this context of prayer, Henry's "Though sum saith that yough rulyth me" (H 71v-73r; 164; 1. 18) and his "Lusti yough shuld vs ensue" (H 94v-97r; 170; 1. 27) ; with special reference to these two lyrics, cf. also the sentiments expressed towards 'disdainers' in the concluding lines of the Jousts of May. "Some reprehende / Suche as entende / To condescende / To chyualry // God them amende / And grace them sende / Not to offende / More tyll they deye" (11. 180-7). Modernised Text: Without discord And both accord, Now let us be. Both hearts alone To set in one, best seems me. For when one soul Is in the dole Of love's pain, Then help must have Himself to save And love to obtain. 10 5 Where for now we That lovers be, Let us now pray: Once love sure For to procure Without denial. Where love so sues There no heart rues, But condescend. If contrary, 20 15 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 163 What remedy? God it amend. Siemens, Henry MUMS 164 5 I pray you all that aged be. How well dyd ye yor yough carry. I thynk sum wars of ych degre. Ther in a wager, lay dar I. though sum sayth. that yough rulyth me 10 Pastymes of yough sum tyme among none can sey but necessary. I hurt no man I do no wrong I loue trew wher I dyd mary thow sum sayth. that yough rulyth me 15 Then sone dyscusse that hens we must Pray we to god and seynt mary. That all amend and here an end. Thus sayth the king the .viii./n hariy. though sum sayth that yough rulyth me. 20 Though sum saith that yough rulyth me [Henry VTJI] Though sum saith that yough rulyth me I trust in age to tarry god and my ryght and my dewtye frome them shall I neuer vary thow sum say that yough rulyth me. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 165 Textual Apparatus: Description: An unusual form, classified by Greene as a carol, in three voices with variation in the music. The first and second lines of stanza three are missing in the third voice, though the erroneous beginning of the third stanza is marked with a block capital. No scribal attribution is given for this piece; the editor's attribution to Henry VJJJ is given, typically, on the evidence of line 19 ("Thus sayth the king the \n\.th harry"), the allusion to the royal motto "Dieu et mon droit" ("god and my ryght," 1.3), and following tradition (see reprintings, below). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3706.5, Ringler MS TM1707, and Crum 72407. Reprinted in Chappell Account 377, Fliigel Anglia 246-7, Fliigel Neuengl. 137, Greene 297, Stevens M&P 411-2, Stevens MCH8 41, and Trefusis 28-31. Texts Collated: Hi2J (71v-73r, 11. 1-5 and 11-15 H2, U. 1-5 and 13-15 H3) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 9 a wager] awager. H' 11 among] a mong H', a monge H2 13 no man] noman H1,3, no man H2 no wrong] nowrong H', no wrong H2, no wronge H3 14 wher] whenH', wherH'3 Collation (Substantive Variants): 2 to tarry,] for to tarry, H2, for to tarry. H3 4 shall Tjo/w///2 11,12 omitH3 14 wher] when//7, wherH'3 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 Though] Thowgh//2 sum] sumh23 saith] say H2, saythH3 that] that H23 yough] youth//2 2 in] in// 2 3 god and] god andH2-3 ryght and\ ryght and H2 dewtye] dewte H23 4 them] them//2 vary] vary//2 5 thow] thowgh H3 sum] sum H2,3 say] sayth H3 11 among] a mong H', a monge H2 12 sey] say//2 necessary] necessary,//2 13 no man] nomanH'3, no manH2 no wrong] nowrongH1, no wrongH2, no wronge//3 14 loue,] loue. H3 trew] trewly H3 mary,] mary. H3 15 sayth. that ~ me] saith; that ~ me H2, sayth_ that - me H3 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 166 Commentary: General Commentary: A statement of personal doctrine, in the first person, by the king, who reinforces his position by repeating in the burden his motto: "god and my ryght." In dealing with issues typical of the debate between youth and age (evident in other of Henry's works),235 this lyric urges that, though youth may rule the speaker, the speaker does not hurt anyone and is not in the wrong; his youth does not keep him from performing those duties that are expected of him, nor from his allegiance to his wife. The lyric ends with a prayer that those who have forgotten the time of youth—those who have perhaps been more excessive in their own youths than the speaker—will bring this matter to an end, and their actions amended. The tune is very much like that of Henry's "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14M5r; 121). Mentioned in this edition: 37, 71, 124, 162, 180, 245, 301. Notes and Glosses: 1-2 Though... tarry Cf. the proverb "Youthe in his flowres may lyue at liberte / In age it is convenient to grow to gravite" (Fliigel, "Die Proverbes von Lekenfield und Wresil" 483); cf. also the words of Mary in Wager's interlude The Life and Repentaunce of Marie Magdalene. "I may vse daliance and pastyme a while, / But the courage of youth will soone be in exile" (11.702-3). 3 god and my ryght Henry's royal motto was "Dieu et mon droit"; on 22 June 1520, at the Field of Cloth of Gold, Henry jousted with the motto, in French (Hall 618). 8 wars Worse. 11 Pastymes... among "to be sometimes engaged in pastimes of youth" (Stevens M&P 412) 16 dyscusse Drive away, dispel, disperse, scatter (OEDv l.a). hens Hence. 18 amend For similar use in the context of prayer, see the note to Henry's "Withowt dyscord" (H 68v-69r; 160; 1. 24). Modernised Text: Though some say that youth rules me, I trust in age to tarry. God and my right, and my duty, From them shall I never vary, Though some say that youth rules me. 5 2 3 5 See "Youth and Age, Lover and Disdainer: Poetic Discourses and Royal Power in Henry's Lyrics," above. I pray you all that aged be How well did you your youth carry? I think some worse of each degree. Therein a wager lay dare I, Though some say that youth rules me. Pastimes of youth some time among None can say but necessary. I hurt no man, I do no wrong, I love true where I did marry, Though some say that youth rules me. Then soon discuss that hence we must Pray we to God and Saint Mary That all amend, and here an end. Thus says the King, the eighth Harry, Though some say that youth rules me. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 167 10 15 Siemens, Henry MUMS 168 Whoso that wyll for grace sew Henry VTJI Whoso that wyll for grace sew. hys entent must nedys be trew. and loue her in hart and dede els it war pyte that he shuld spede many oone sayth that loue ys yll 5 but those be thay which can no skytl. Or els because thay may not opteyne. They wold that other shuld yt dysdayne. But loue ys a thyng geuyn by god. In that ther for can be nonw odde. 10 But perfite in dede and betwene two. wher for then shuld we yt excho. Textual Apparatus: Description: Strophic setting; the heading reads "The Kynge. H. viij." Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 4143.5, Boffey, and Ringler MS TM1977. Reprinted in Fliigel AnglialAS, Stevens M&P 414, Stevens MCH8 60, and Trefusis 32-3. Texts CoUated: / / u ' 3 (84v-85r, 11. 1-6H2S) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): I Whoso] Who so HUJ 6 because] be cause H12J I I betwene] be twene H' Collation (Substantive Variants): 6 those] thes H2 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 grace] geeH2, grace//3 sew.] sew.//3 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 169 2 4 5 6 hys] is// 5 nedys] nodes H3 war] wer//3 pyte] pytie//7, oone] one//2 i but] butt//3 thayJtheyZr5 trew.] trewA//2 petye//3 spedej sped. //vsped, / / 3 Commentary: General Commentary: As others of Henry's lyrics, this is an expression of chivalric doctrine, propounding the quality of truthful intent in love and the value of love itself as a thing given by God, but also presenting an argument of justification against those who "can no skyll" (1. 6) and, therefore, "yt dysdayne" (1. 8). Mentioned in this edition: 34, 35, 146, 149, 169. Notes and Glosses: I grace sew Make suit; legal (courtly allusion); see also the comment to Henry's "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48v-49r; 148; 1. 12). 4 spede Succeed, meet with good fortune, attain one's purpose or desire (OED "speed" vl.l.a). 6 can Know or have learned, have practical knowledge of (OED v. 1 B.I. 1 b). 8 dysdayne Cf. Henry's "Whoso that wyll for grace sew" (H 84v-85r; 168; 11. 2, 4, 8, 11, 14) and elsewhere; see the note to line 2 of the aforementioned lyric. II perfite Perfect, in the state of complete excellence, free from any flaw or imperfection of quality, faultless (OED a B.I.4.a); also, marked by moral perfection (OED a B.I.4c). 12 excho Eschew, abstain carefully from, avoid, shun (OED v. 1 1 c) Modernised Text: Who so that will for grace sue, His intent must needs be true, And love her in heart and deed, Else it were pity that he should speed. Many one says that love is ill, But those be they which know no skill. 5 Or else, because they may not obtain, They would that others should it disdain. But love is a thing given by God: In that, therefore, can be none odd, 10 But perfect in deed, and between two. Wherefore, then, should we it eschew? Lusti yough shuld vs ensue Henry VTJJ Lusti yough shuld vs ensue hys mery hart shall sure all rew for what so euer they do hym tell it ys not for hym we know yt well. For they wold haue hym hys libertye refrayne. And all mery company for to dysdayne. But I wyll not do what so ewer thay say. But follow hys mynd in all that we may. How shuld yough hym selfe best vse but all dysdaynores for to refuse yough has as chef assurans honest myrth with vertws pastance. For in them consisteth gret honor. Though that dysdaynars wold therin put error. For they do sew to get them grace. All only reches to purchase. With goode order cou«cell and equite. goode lord grauwt vs or mancyon to be. for withowt ther goode gydau/ice yough shuld fall in grett myschau/jce For yough ys frayle and prompt to doo. As well vices as vertuus to ensew. Siemens, Henry VU1MS170 5 10 15 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 171 Wherfor be thes he must be gydyd. And vertuus pastaunce must theryn be usyd. Now vnto god thys prayer we make. 25 That this rude play may well be take. And that we may ower fauttes amend. An blysse opteyne at ower last end. Amen. Textual Apparatus: Description: Combined strophic and through-setting; some music is missing, and some rules are left blank. The heading reads "The Kynge. H. viij." Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 2025.5 and Ringler MS TM964. Reprinted in Chappell Account 376, Fliigel Anglia 249-50, Stevens M&P 416-7, Stevens MCH8 70-1, and Trefitsis 34-5. Texts Collated: (94v-97, 11. 1-4 H23,H. \1-20H2-34) Emendations of the Copy Text (H'): 5 For]Ffor//' 7 do] so//' 11 has as] as as//' 13 For]Ffor//' 15 ForJFfor//' 19 w//nowt] with owt H'-4 20 myschauwce J mys chaunce. //', myschaunce. H2, mys chauwce. H34 21 For] Ffor//' 23 Wherfor] Wherfor//' 24 be usyd] beusyd. / / ' 25 vnto]vnto//' 27 amend] a mend // ' Collation (Substantive Variants): 20 shuld] shuU//3 in] in to gret H34 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 Lusti] Lusty H2,3 ensue] ensew H3 2 rewj rew. H3 3 they] thayH23 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 172 4 ys] isH3 not J not. H3 yi]\\H3 17 With] WthH3\ 18 lord] lorde H4 grau/rt] grant H3'4 mancyon] man-cyon H3,4 19 goode] good H4 20 grett] gtetH23-4 myschaunce J mys chaunce^  H', myschaunce. H2, mys chaunce. H34 Commentary: General Commentary: The speaker of the poem affirms his intention—using the plural first person pronoun, at times—to follow the ways of "Lusti yough" (1. 1), those same ways which are at odds with the wishes of youth's "dysdaynares" (1. 10; most often referred to as "they"); the speaker asserts the virtuous aspects of youthful pastimes, and their provision of "goode gydaunce" (1 19) necessary in youth. Mentioned in this edition: 34, 35, 136, 146, 150, 162, 245, 301. Notes and Glosses: 1 ensue Imitate the example of. 2 rew Affect with regret (for some act), make (one) wish one had acted otherwise, or affect with pity or compassion (OED v. 1 2,4). 6 dysdayne Cf. Henry's "Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne" (H 39r; 145; 11. 2, 4, 8, 11, 14) and elsewhere; see the note to line 2 of the aforementioned lyric. 8 But... may Cf, in Youth, the statement of Youth in response to Pride's advice "It is time enough to be good / when that ye be old" (11. 645-6): "I will make merry while I may" (1. 648; Lancashire, Two Tudor Interludes). 9-10 How... vse / but all dysdaynares for to refuse Cf. the moral saying "he that in yowth no vertu will vse / In Age all honor shall hym Refuce" (OxHill 200v [p 217]; variant in OxRawl86 3 t h e full saying in OxHill is as follows: "kepe well .x. & Flee From sevyn. / sspende well v. & Cum to hevyn / he that in yowth no vertu will vse / In Age all honor shall hym Refuce / Serve god truly & the world besily // Ete thy mete meryly / and euer leve in Rest // Thank god highly thowgh he visit the porely. // he may amend it lyghtly wham hym lyke the best." 11 vertus pastance Likely the pastimes noted in Henry's "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" (H 28v-29r; 135), the "As featys of armys" (1 7) and other "goode dysporttys" (1. 12); see also 1 24. 13 them Honest mirth, &c. 15 sew... grace See the comment in Henry's "If love now reynyd as it hath bene"(//48v-49r; 148; 1. 12). 21 yough ys frayle Though not exactly the sense here, cf. the verses recollected by Mary in Wager's interlude The Life and Repentaunce of Marie Magdalene: "The pleasure of youth is a thyng right frayle, / And is yearely Siemens, Henry VIII MS 173 lesse, so that at length it doth faile" (11. 711-2). 24 vertuus pastaunce See 1. 11, above. 27 amend For similar use in the context of prayer, see the note to Henry's "Withowt dyscord" (H6V-691; 160; 1. 24). 28 An And. Modernised Text: Lusty Youth should us ensue! His merry heart shall sure all rue. For whatsoever they do him tell It is not for him, we know it well. For they would have him his liberty refrain, 5 And all merry company for to disdain. But I will not do whatsoever they say, But follow his mind in all that we may. How should youth himself best use But all disdainers for to refuse? 10 Youth has as chief assurance Honest mirth with virtue's pastance. For in them consists great honour, Though that disdainers would therein put error. For they do sue to get them grace— 15 All only riches to purchase. With good order, counsel, and equity, Good Lord grant us our mansion to be. For without their good guidance Youth should fall in great mischance. 20 For Youth is frail and prompt to do As well vices as virtues to ensue. Where fore by these he must be guided, And virtues pastance must therein be used. Now unto God this prayer we make, 25 That this rude play may well betake And that we may our faults amend And bliss obtain at our last end. Amen. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 174 Adew adew my hartis lust Cornish Adew adew my hartis lust Adew my Ioy and my solace, wyth dowbyl sorow complayn I must vntyl I dye alas alas. Textual Apparatus: Description: Through-set in three voices, with blank rules on both faces. Ascription reads "Cornysch" (24 .^ Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl 120.5, Boffey, Ringler MS TM64, and Crum A665. Reprinted in Seaton 405, Fliigel Anglia 232, Stevens M&P 14, 390, and Stevens, MCH8 17. Texts Collated: H U i (23v-240, OxAsh (10O0 Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 1 Adew adew] A dew a dew H1,2, Adew A dew H3, Adewe adewe OxAsh 3 dowbyl] dow byl H'3, doubyl H2, double OxAsh 4 vntyl] vn tyl H'2,3, vntyll OxAsh alas alas] a las alas. H', alas a las. H2, alas alas. H3, alas alas, OxAsh Collation (Substantive Variants): 3 must,] may.//2 Collations (Accidental Variants): 1 Adew adew] A dew a dew HL2, Adew A dew H3, Adewe adewe OxAsh hartis] hartes OxAsh lust,] lust. H2,3, lust. OxAsh 2 Adew] AdewH 2 3, adewe OxAsh loy] loeH3, ioye OxAsh and] and OxAsh solace.] solas. H3, solas, OxAsh 3 wyth] with H3, solas OxAsh dowbyl] dow byl H13, doubyl H2, double OxAsh sorow] sorowes OxAsh complayn] complayw H3, complayne OxAsh 4 vntyl] vntyl H1,2,3, vntyll OxAsh alas alas.] a las alas. H', alas a las. H2, alas alas OxAsh Siemens. Henry MUMS 175 Commentary: General Commentary: A song of departure, seemingly a permanent leave-taking or exile ("vntyl I dye" [1. 4]; see Robbins Suppl), of a lover from his beloved. Mentioned in this edition: 108, 339. Notes and Glosses: 2 Adew... solace Cf. "Now fayre wele my Joye my comfort and solace" Oxford Bodleian MS 120 (95rv) Modernised Text: Adieu, adieu, my heart's lust. Adieu, my joy and my solace. With double sorrow, complain I must, Until I die. Alas, alas. My loue sche morneth for me. Cornish My loue she morneth for me for me. my loue sche morneth for me. Alas pour hart sen we depart morne ye no more for me for me. In louys daunce syth that oure chaunce of absence nedes must be. My loue I say your loue do way. and morne no more for me. It is boote to me hart roote but. anguysch and pete. Wherfore swete hart your mynde revert and morne no more for me. O her kyndnesse. O her gentylnes. what sayd sche then to me. The gode aboue her schuld not moue but styll to mome for me. Siemens, Henry MUMS 176 5 10 15 Alas thought I what remedy. venws to blame ar ye. Now of sum grace let se purchase to helpe my loue and me. Her for to say I tooke this way I dyspraysed her beawte. Yet for all that. stynt wold sche not. so trew of loue was sche. At last sche wept. I to her lept. and sett her on my knee. The terys ran down. halff in a swone it rewyd my hart to se. When I sawe this. I dyd her kysse therwyth reuyued sche And her smalle wast fill fast vnlast and sayd sche morned for me Siemens, Henry MUMS 177 25 30 35 40 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 178 Then as I ought. I me bethought. 50 and prayd her to be ble To take comfort. of my report. and morne no more for me. I schall not fayll. 55 but suere retaylle from all other that be. in well and wo my hart to go with her that morneth for me. 60 Thus here an ende. goode lord deffend all louers that trew be And in especyall from iebardyse all. 65 my love that mornyth for me. Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza is through-set in three voices (the third voice is not clearly offset), with the remaining text underlaid. Ascription reads "Cornysh" (3 V). A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 11 [183]) Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 2261.4, Boffey, and Ringler MS TM1057. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 233-5, Fliigel Neuengl. 133-4, Padelford 80-3, Stevens M&P 393-4, and Stevens MCH8 23. Texts Collated: H1 (30v-3 l r , 11. 1-6 H23), CTri (45v, 11. 1-3) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): Siemens, Henry VIII MS 179 2 for me for me.] for me. H', ffor me, CTri 45 therwyth] ther wyth H' 50 bethought] be thought. H1 Collation (Substantive Variants): 2 for me for me] for me. H1, ffor me, CTri 3 my] for me my CTri morneth] morys CTri for me.] for me for me. H3 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 My] my H3 she] sche H2,3 morneth] morns CTri 3 sche] she CTri me] me, H3, CTri 4 Alas] alas//5 5 depart] deport H2 6 for me for me] for me. H3 Commentary: General Commentary: A song, in defense of all true lovers (11. 62-6) upon whom separation is forced (1. 9), also relaying the tale of two lovers in such a situation. The lover, who urges that his beloved forget him, acquiesces to the strength of her devotion and acknowledges his own unwavering devotion. Moralized versions appear in Twenty Songs (#14) and The Gude andGodlie Ballatis (ed A. F. Mitchell 140); also related to this lyric are "Wep no more For me swet hart" (BL HarleianMS 1,317 94v; mentioned on the gloss to 1. 6, below) and, as noted by Stevens (M&P 394), PRO Exchequer Miscellanea 163/22/2/57. Mentioned in this edition: xv, 21, 31, 105, 162, 183, 317. Notes and Glosses: I morneth Feels sorrow, grieves, laments, pines, has a painful longing; perhaps also utters lamentations (OED v. 1 1.1 x, d, 1.1.3) 5 sen Since, depart Separate. 6 more for me Cf. "Wep no more For me swet hart" (BL Harleian MS 1,317 94*) which ends, also, "that yo shod morne For me" (1 5). 7 louys daunce The act of the game of love, perhaps with more sexual overtones. II do way Leave off, let alone, cease (OED "do" v 53). 13 boote Good, profitable (OED n. 1 I). 14 me My. 17 revert Recover consciousness, return to itself; also, turn away, so as to leave or desert one (OED v 1.1 a, 1.5) 23 her schuld not move Should not move her. 26 what remedy Cf. Henry's "Withowt dyscord" (H 6V-691, 160; 1. 23) and the unattributed "What remedy what remedy" (H 108M101; 315). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 180 28-9 grace... purchase Cf. this with other related acts associated with grace, as per the comment to Henry's "If love now reynyd as it hath bene" (H 48v-49r; 148; 1. 12). 29 . . . purchase I.e. let us see some aid from you (StevensM&P 394). 31 say Assay, try, prove, test the fitness of (OED v.2 1). 35 stynt Cease, stop (OED "stint" v I). 42 rewyd Affected with regret, made (one) wish one had acted otherwise, or affected with pity or compassion (OED v. 1 2,4). 47 vnlast Freed or relieved, by undoing a lace or laces (OED "unlace" v 2). 51 hie Happy. 53 my report Knowledge or report of me. 56 retaylle Refrain. 58 well Weal, wealth. 61-2 here an ende... deffend Cf. Henry's "Though sum saith that yough rulyth me"(//71v-73r; 164; 1. 18). 65 iebarayse Jeopardies. Modernised Text: My love, she mourns for me, for me. My love, she mourns for me. Alas, poor heart, Since we depart, Mourn you no more for me, for me. 5 In love's dance, Since that our chance Of absence needs must be, My love, I say, 10 Your love do way, And mourn no more for me. It is boot To my heart's root, But anguish and pity. 15 Wherefore, sweet heart, Your mind revert, And mourn no more for me. Oh, her kindness! Oh, her gentleness! What said she then to me? 20 The God above Her should not move But still to mourn for me. Alas, thought I, What remedy? Venus to blame are you. Now of some grace Let see purchase, To help my love and me. Her for to assay I took this way: I dispraised her beauty. Yet for all that Stop would she not, So true of love was she. At last she wept. I to her leapt And set her on my knee. The tears ran down Half in a swoon; It rewed my heart to see. When I saw this I did her kiss. Therewith revived she, And her small waist Full fast unlaced And said she mourned for me Then, as I ought, I me bethought, And prayed her to be blee. To take comfort Of my report, And mourn no more for me. I shall not fail, But sure retail From all other that be. In wealth and woe, My heart to go Siemens, Henry MUMS 181 25 30 35 40 45 50 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 182 With her that mourns for me. 60 Thus, here an end. Good Lord defend All lovers that true be. And in special, From jeopardies all 65 My love that mourns for me. Figure 11: "My loue sche morneth for me" (H 30v-3 l r ; 176). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 183 5*.*-« 3£ 12119 ^ Ctnu ffytnmntt$-jb*mc. ntpfoiu ftp t u t t n o i n r no i t ioar^?. •i | m r t u i n i r 8 A i> H i ^ J f 6 L\ I 0 "1—.. Q — - U — — _ — — U ttioitir^/v:nir. -cl fo$ pour tjai'rjni lyekjjt inouic i 0 ^ ^c i io mtwrjiu tur jiu utc 'mjt-font fdjamomtit) fit nir f> 3; /tp itir up; four frfjc Minjut^^jinc^iiir.flffltf'iinii-ijwt Siemens. Henry VIII MS 184 f t t t t tc hyavt mtene pe uo tnapt fy Sj 1 frueii*P^ourfour to brop.aad tsugme no u u p r m e •Jl/ir floote tomr fja^ tr itoofr fmf. anjprjfjr^  imd ptr^ :l&0rfjou^n tofjAt raitfOji. um t^o fifeittf ar^ >r~ jPofr of fum ojtirr frf /r p witjaj* to fyetjttuy* (butout me^ •£)cr raj tu fey \ toofie tfyis ihRj> \i)j[jfjiJ&pfib fjar.Be&mt?-yctfvi flCTrfjHt.jtyur uwfo frQr nor. p trruv of four amff jffjf. -tit fajr j t § e l a q j t l tofjrr-fiyr.rt/rtt-^Ofi M{M ^(je irrytf ran tourn. firt^F HI fl Jroonr it nX^yqgfykit to fr. iUii) ficrfniafrf ivafi.fuCfnjT>u&/Mja/>&ffymmiidijhmc. 7$rf\m AS'jbnjrtM be tfionjgrflf.awbfHajrt f)a< to 6eBtc .'-fco ta&r cofbttofiup irpoit-.w* momc no nunc fin mc. j |^a(Tuotf^ifr.6iit- fiicc irta^fty jnmi rtfrotfjrr rfjarbr. miHrnratiu tuo my Ijarr n>jro ijTjei'^flrm^urt^^rnr. ^ f j U 0 f ] n Tffti ni&.jpotr Tosi Irflfrtid afT fiwi$Tf|«r trmi * r sUib in tfynpaff from irO'RrD/ifrfl/Ti/r^faiirpnwtptt) fount Siemens, Henry MUMS 185 A the syghes that cum fro my hart Cornish A the syghs that cum fro my hart. They greue me passyng sore. Sen ye must nedes from me depart. fare well my Ioy for euer more Oft to me her godely swet face 5 was wont to cast an eye. And now absence to be in place alas for wo I dye I dye. I was wont her to behold. and take in armys twayne 10 And now with syghs manyfold. far well my Ioe and welcom payne And thynk I se her yet. as wol to god I cowld Ther myght no Ioys compare with it 15 vnto my hart, as now she shuld Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza is through-set in three voices, with the remaining text underlaid. Ascription reads "W. Cornysshe" (330-Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 14.5, Boffey, Ringler MS TM86, and Crum A817. Reprinted in Briggs Collection xvii, 10, Chappell Music 1.35-6, Fliigel Anglia 258, 235, Fliigel Neuengl. 134, Padelford 79, Stafford Antiqua 1.27, Stevens MCH8 5, and Stevens M&P 395 Texts Collated: H! (32v-33r, 11. 1-4 Hl3\ LR58 (3r) Siemens, Henry VIII MS 186 Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 4 fare] &aieH12-3, Fare LR58 6 eye] nye.//', eye,//tatf 9 behold.] be hold H', be holde, LR58 Collation (Substantive Variants): 3 Sen] Sens//23, SythLR58 ye]lLR58 nedes from me] fro my loueLR58 5 her godely swet] wyth hur goodly LR58 6 was] She was LR58 7 be] meLR58 10 take] takyn LR58 13 And] A me LR58 thynk I] thynke that ILR58 14 wol] wolde LR58 I cowld] that I myght LR58 16 as now she shuld] to make hyt lyght LR58 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 syghs] syghes LR58 that] that LR58 cum] come LR58 hart] hert, LR58 2 They] ThayH3 sore] sore,LR58 3 depart] depart. H\ de part, LR58 4 fare] ffare//A2J, FareLR58 Ioy] IoeH3, IoyeLR58 for] fore LR58 euer more] euer more. H2, euermore, LR58 6 eye.] nye. H', eye, LR58 8 alas] Alas LR58 wo] woo LR58 dye.] dye, LR58 9 wont] wonte LR58 her] hur LR58 behold] be hold. H', be holde, LR58 11 with] wythLR58 syghs] syghesLR58 manyfold] manyfolde,LR58 12 far] faxeLR58 Ioe] Ioye LR58 welcom] welcome LR58 13 thynk] thynke LR58 her] hur LR58 yet.] yete, LR58 14 god] gode LR58 15 Ther] There LR58 Ioys] Ioyes LR58 co/wpare] comparLR58 with] wyth LR58 it] hit LR58 16 hart.] hart, Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric of departure which recollects the joys of love once had. In a letter to his Nora of July 1904, Joyce discusses the sentiment of the song and its tune, attributing it, erroneously, to Henry VIII (Joyce 23-4).236 The text of the first stanza echoes that of Farthing's "The thowghtes w/Y/rin my brest" (H 29v-2 3 6 For discussion of this, see the section "Henry's Lyrics, Their Contexts, and the Realms of Their Interpretation" (54). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 187 3(f; 224). Mentioned in this edition: 31, 54, 107, 224, 225. Notes and Glosses: 2 They greue me passyng sore Cf. repetition in 1. 2 of Farthing's "The thowghtes within my brest" (H 29v-30r; 224), as well as sore's rhyme, "euer more" (1. 4). 3 Sen Since. 7 in place In the place (of "her godely swet face" [1. 5]) 12 Ioe Joy. Modernised Text: Ah, the sighs that come from my heart, They grieve me passing sore. Since you must needs from me depart: Farewell, my joy, for ever more. Oft to me her goodly sweet face Was wont to cast an eye, And now absence to be in place: Alas, for woe, I die, I die. 5 I was wont her to behold, And take in arms twain, And now with sighs many-fold: Farewell, my joy, and welcome pain. 10 And think I see her yet, As would to God I could, There might no joys compare with it Unto my heart, as now she should. 15 Blow thi hor/ine hunter Cornish Blow thi horwne hunter and blow thi home on hye ther ys a do In yonder wode in faith she woll not dy now blow thi horwne hunter and blow thi horwne Ioly hunter Sore this dere strykyn ys. and yet she bledes no whytt. she lay so fayre. I cowde nott mys. lord I was glad of it. As I stod vnder a bank: the dere shoffe on the mede. I stroke her so that downe she sanke. but yet she was not dede. There she gothe se ye nott. how she gothe ouer the playne. And yf ye lust to have ashott. I warrant her barrayne. He to go and I to go: Bu/ he ran fast afore. I bad hym short and strik the do: for I myght short no mere. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 188 5 10 15 Siemens, Henry MUMS 189 To the couert bothe thay went. for I fownd wher she lay. An arrow in her hanch she hent. 25 for faynte she myght nott bray. I was wery of the game. I went to tavern to drynk. now the construccyon of the same: what do yow meane or thynk. 30 Here I leue and mak an end. now of this hunters lore. I thynk his bow. ys well vnbent: hys bolt may fie no more. Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza is through-set for three voices, with the remaining text underlaid. Ascription reads "W. Cornysh" (400. Music is provided for the burden only; the lyrics may have been sung to a well-known tune (Stevens M&P 127-8, 399), as with "Grene growith the holy" (H 3T-3S1; 141), "Hey nony nony nony nony no" (H 36r; 281), "Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211), and "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r; 199). A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 12 [193]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3199.8, Ringler MS TM1455, and Crum B463. Reprinted in Chappell Music 1.39-40, Fliigel Anglia 262, 238-9, Fliigel Neuengl. 152, Stafford Antiqua 1.31, StevensM&P 400-1, and Stevens MCH8 29. Texts Collated: H'23 (39v-40r, 11.1-6 H2-3), LR58 (7\ U. 1-6) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 11 a bank:] abank. H' 33 vnbent:] vn bent: H' Siemens, Henry VIII MS 190 Collation (Substantive Variants): 3 substitute in yonder wode there lyeth a doo LR58 5 now] wow H3, and LR58 hunter] omitH2-3 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 Blow] B\owLR58 thi] thy LR58 horrnie] home LR58 hunter] hunter LR58 2 and] and LR58 thi] thy H2, LR58 home] horrmtH23 on] one LR58 hyej hy. H2 3 ys] is// 2 4 faith] fayth LR58 woll] wyll H2-3 dyj dy. H2, dye. /Jtf # 5 thi] thy LR58 horwne] home LR58 hunter] hunter LR58 6 and] now// 2 3 /to] thy LR58 hormie] home LR58 hunter.] hunter. H2, hunter. H3, hunter. L/tfS Commentary: General Commentary: Explicitly exploiting and drawing attention to the double-entendre of the forester songs as a whole (see 11. 29-30)—something which sees more subtle but more popular exemplification in Wyatt's "Whoso list to hunt," its Petrarchan source, and its contemporary metaphoric analogues—this lyric deals with love's pursuit. An unusual element is the role of the speaker/guide which, though seemingly traditional, borders on pandering.237 Akin to Cornish's "Yow and I and amyas" (//45v-46r; 199), this lyric tells a story, perhaps in summation of one of the many entertainments of the day which drew on the forester theme; for such a possible venue, Cornish's play of 15 June 1522, see the General Commentary to Cooper's "I haue bene a foster" (// 65v-66r; 232), as well as the unattributed "I am a joly foster" (H 69v-71r; 287). Mentioned in this edition: xv, 31, 92, 107, 142, 193, 200, 212, 234, 283, 289. Notes and Glosses: 3 do Doe, a deer, a female deer. 8 nowhytt Not at all. 12 shqffe Shoved, pushed her way forward, mede Meadow. 18 barrayne Barren, not bearing, not pregnant at the usual season (OED 2 3 7 This seems an unusual element, but this nature of the forester figure is echoed elsewhere; cf. the situation of "As I walked by a forest side" (Dyboski, Songs.Carols #87; also in OxHill), wherein the speaker is urged into the metaphoric hunt, which is then led for him. Cf. also a note to "I louers had, had words been true" (#39 in the anonymous Riddles of Heraclitus and Democritus) wherein, out of obvious context, is stated "Venison hath many louers. The hunters reioice when the dogs kill it, and commonly the foster or keeper is the chiefe murderer. The graue is made of pasticrust: and for sheere loue we take out the corse and eate it." Siemens, Henry VIII MS 191 "barren" a 2.a); i.e. good eating (StevensM&P 401). 21 I myght short no mere Cf. similar sentiments in Cooper's "I haue bene a foster" (H 65v-66r; 232), in H. 23 couert Cover, that which serves for concealment, protection, or shelter (OED n 2.a). 26 faynte Faintness. 29 construccyon The construing, explaining, or interpreting of a text or statement (OED "construction" 7, 8); cf, also, the similar strategy in urging an interpretation other than a literal one employed by Skelton in his Bowge of Courte, "constrewe ye what is the resydewe" (1. 539). 30 meane Imagine, have in mind. Modernised Text: Blow thy horn, hunter, And blow thy hom on high! There is a doe in yonder wood; In faith, she will not die. Now blow thy horn, hunter, 5 And blow thy horn, jolly hunter! Sore this deer stricken is, And yet she bleed no wit. She lay so fair I could not miss. Lord, I was glad of it. 10 As I stood under a bank, The deer shoved on the meadow. I struck her so that down she sank, But yet she was not dead. There she goes! See you not 15 How she goes over the plain? And if you like to have a shot, I warrant her barren. He to go, and! to go, But he ran fast before. 20 I bad him shoot and strike the doe, For I might shoot no more. To the cover both they went, For I found where she lay. An arrow in her haunch she had. For fainting she might not bray. Siemens, Henry MUMS 192 25 I was weary of the game. I went to tavern to drink. Now the construction of the same— What do you mean or think? 30 Here I leave and make an end, Now, of this hunter's lore. I think his bow is well unbent: His bolt may fly no more. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 193 Figure 12: "Blow thi horwne hunter" (H 39v-4(f; 188). toxvy §ojnefym1rjtfiCatB Manic tmflpr ttycvptito 1 ^ 1 « A o > 1 <j i i 11 f]T 1 J - A . =4 ^ a t o m ptniSiwott in frntty )TJr fi&pfT not7 bp. note Kforo p fjottir now fifoJtf j> Ijmnf tofoljunf Vi IE Siemens, Henry VIII MS 194 ±±4 n i bo I a • 1 i / i . -1 > i A 3 E 4tlpb:vnln:aBmiii f$c tar (Tjoflr OH t^rmrtr. _. $ &' • ; I Jfoiftr fo tfj*r tOTWjf fit pmftc Bti tpd f$ciwaitwt{ktt. ^tt.fffejptfyt fey? nott;. Qowp\cgttfit onattje pfhytt?. %ctogo % tojgor fatijc im fyr affoc-i(5ao_gjn» fljorf mb /Tnfi rfjr torfm x'nppirfymno m#r.r ^ 0 tfjr n m a t &otfjct{j(y>iwmt;. ft* \ fbimb Wfytrftitap v : h i anon? IN qtr$um fit fyflit.fiu fcyxxXt fycittyjtffnotflhRy. fjttffd-ivwv off tf)rjpro& j.;.ttrnf? fo faiunr . uomrtjrronpi'Hn^anofttj( frnictiViXyatiDyoxxmcmtyrfyn*-ftn? |j fait anD mafi RII mb. not* of fjrnittr'tyt~ ityynR fjifBaw.y.f.iwcir-M fm&fy&MtiMyftcnQ mope. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 195 Adew corage adew Cornish Adew corage adew hope and trust I fyndeyou not trew adew corage adew adew. Textual Apparatus: Description: Through-set for three voices; the following leaf (43 7 is left blank, suggesting, perhaps, that additional verses were intended to be underlaid. Ascription reads "W. Cornyshe" (427 Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 120.6, Boffey, Ringler MS TM65. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 239, Stevens M&P 401, and Stevens MCH8 32. Texts Collated: Hus (42v) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 1 Adew] A dew H12,3 3 corage adew] corage a dew H', corage adew H2,3 Collation (Substantive Variants): 3 adew adew] adew adew adew. H3 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 adew.] adew. H2,3 2 fynde] fynd//w not] noH3 3 corage adew] corage a dew H', corage adew H2,3 Commentary: General Commentary: A complaint, though seemingly not of departure in the way typically presented by the lyrics of H, here, the speaker bids departure to his "corage" (11. 1, 3), finding key elements of love (as per 1. 2) to be false. Mentioned in this edition: 137. Notes and Glosses: 1 corage Sexual vigour and inclination, the desire to love, the amorous spirit; Siemens, Henry VIII MS 196 see Henry's "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" (H 28v-29r; 135; 1. 10, note). 2 hope and trust A common pairing; one such instance, of interest, is found in Hawes' Pastime of Pleasure, where Venus urges the distraught Amour "lyue in hope and trust / For at the last you shall attayne your lust" (11. 3928-9). Modernised Text: Adieu, courage, adieu. Hope and trust, I find you not true. Adieu, courage, adieu, adieu. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 197 Trolly lolly loly lo Cornish Trolly lolly loly lo syng troly loly lo my loue is to the grene wode gone now after wyll I go. syng trolly loly lo lo ly lo. 5 Textual Apparatus: Description: Through-set for three voices. Ascription reads "Will/am Cornyshe" (44*). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3800.5, Ringler MS TM1774. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 239, Stevens M&P 401, and Stevens MCH8 32. Texts Collated: H1ZS (43v-44r) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 4 after] ter H' Collation (Substantive Variants): 1 lolly loly] lolly 5 syng] hey//3 loly lo] loly lo loly H2, lolly lo trolly H3 lo] loly lo. H2 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 lolly] loly// 2 3 2 troly] trolly // 2, trolli//3 3 wode] wod// 2 3 4 after] ter//' 5 syngjsyn//2 loly] lolly//3 lo ly] lolyH23 Commentary: General Commentary: A short lyric of amorous play and pursuit, employing the popular mirthful refrain "Hey trolly lolly"; possibly, it is a song associated with the May Games (Stevens M&P 401). Similar lines are mentioned in Miles Coverdale's "Address unto the Christian reader" prefixed to his Goastly Psalmes and Spiritual Songes (1538); he urges that people would be "better occupied" with devotional Siemens, Henry VW MS 198 songs "than with Hey, nonny, nonny—Hey, trolly, lolly, and such like fantasies" (Chappell Popular Music 1.54). Cf. "Hey troly loly loly" (H %V; 298) and "Hey troly loly lo" (H124M28'; 330); among the marginalia on BL HarleianMS 1,317 is a fragment of a song, "loley to syng and sey as here" (94"). Cf. also Langland's Piers Plowman: "songen arte ale, / And holpen him to herien wip 'Hey! trolly-lolly! "'(7.108-9); the anonymous Hickscorner in which the character Free Will urges his group to sing Hey trolly loUy!" (1. 691); Skelton's satire of a musician at court, "Agaynste A comely coystrowne": "Lo, Jak wold be a jentylman! Wyth, Hey, troly, loly, lo, whip here, Jak" (U. 14-5); Folly's discourse in Skelton's Magnyfycence: "He dawnsys so longe, hey, troly loly, / That euery man lawghyth at his foly" (1250-1); and others.238 The Complaint of Scotland lists a song entitled "Troloo lolee, lemmen dou" (lxxxiii, #64; p. 64). Mentioned in this edition: 201, 284, 299, 333. Notes and Glosses: 1 Trolly lolly See General Commentary, above. Modernised Text: Trolly, lolly, lolly, lo! Sing trolly, lolly, lo! My love is to the green wood gone; Now after will I go. Sing trolly, lolly, 10, lolly, lo! 2 3 8 As well, Ravenscroft's "The hunt is vp" (Briefe Discourse #1)—"Hey tro li lo, tro lo li lo" (1. 8; see also 11. 14 & 22)—and the related "Awake, awake" (Briefe Discourse #3): "Hey troly lolly ly lo ly ly lo, / Hey troly ly hey" (11. 7-8); his "Willy prethe goe to bed" (Deuteromelia): "With a hey trolly loly. . ." (11. 5-6, refrain for each stanza); the final line of his "Hey hoe what shall I say" (Pammelia #99)—"hey trolly trolly lolly, come againe ho, hey"—and his "Sing we now merily" (Pammelia #100): "hey hoe trolly lolly loe, trolly lolly lo"; and many others. Siemens, Henry VW MS 199 Yow and I and amyas Cornish Yow and I and amyas Amyas and yow and I to the grene wode must we go Alas yow and I my lyff and amyas The knyght knokett at the castell gate. 5 The lady mmielyd who was therat. To call the porter he wold not blyn. The lady said he shuld not com In. The portres was a lady bryght. Strangenes that lady hyght. 10 She asked hym what was his name. He said desyre yor man madame. She said desyre what do ye here. He said Madame as yor pr/soner He was cownselled to breffe a byll. 15 And shew my lady hys oune wyll. Kyndnes said she wold yt bere. and Pyte said she wold be ther. Thus how thay dyd we can nott say. we left them ther and went ower way. 20 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 200 Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza, the burden, is through-set for three voices, with the remaining text underlaid. Ascription reads "Cornysh" (460- Music is provided for the burden only; the lyric may have been sung to a well-known tune (Stevens M&P 127-8, 399), as with "Grene growith the holy" (H 37-38'; 141), "Hey nony nony nony nony no" (H 36r; 281), "Blow thi horwne hunter" (H 39v-40r; 188), and "Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211). A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 13 [203]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3405.5 and Ringler MS TM1545. Reprinted in Chambers Lyrics 56, Chambers Verse 3 7, Chappell Account 381-2, Fliigel Anglia 239-40, Fliigel Neuengl. 135, Greene 312, Stevens M&P 402, and Stevens MCH833. Texts Collated: HUJ (45v-46r, U. 1-4 H2-3) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 4 amyas.] amy as. H'3, amy as. H2 6 therat] ther at. H' Collation (Substantive Variants): 3 we]l// 2 Collation (Accidental Variants): 2 and] andH3 3 wode] wod// 2 3 4 lyff] luff//2, leffH3 amyas.] amy as. Hu, amy as. H2 Commentary: General Commentary: This lyric appears, by its allegorised characters and their interaction, to be directly associated with the Schatew Vert court pageant-disguising held 5 March 1522,139 which itself is suggestive of a situation in the Roman de la Rose in which the fortress containing the rose is under seige by the god of love and his followers (1 3267 ff; see Streitberger [Court Revels] 113); for 2 3 9 These entertainments featured performances by Cornish's Children of the Chapel Royal; see Strietberger (Court Revels 112-4), L&PHenryVIII(m[\i] 1558-9), PRO SP1/29 (228v-37), and Hall (631-2). This lyric, and the fact that Cornish would also author the political play in June of this year for Charles V, is suggestive of Cornish's larger involvement in these entertainments; see L&P Henry VIII (IH[ii] #2305), PRO SP1/24 (230V-3V). See also the commentary to Cooper's "I haue bene a foster" (H 65v-66r; 232). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 201 a lyric possibly associated with the thematically-related tournament of 2 March 1522, see the General Commentary to the unattributed "What remedy what remedy" (H 108M101; 315). It may also be connected with the tradition of the May Games, as with Cornish's "Trolly lolly loly lo" (H 43v-44r; 197). Mentioned in this edition: xv, 39, 82, 92, 142, 189, 190, 203, 212, 234, 283, 289, 317. Notes and Glosses: 1 Amyas A name, perhaps, with topical significance; there were several persons in royal employ by this name, including foresters (see Chambers Lyrics 337). 7 blyn Cease, leave off, desist, stop (OED "blin" v 1). 10 hyght Was called, was named (OED "night" v. 1II.5). 15 breffe a byll Indite a petition. 17 Kyndnes Kind feeling; a feeling of tenderness or fondness; affection, love (perhaps with sexual overtones); also, good will, favour, friendship (OED "kindness" 5). Modernised Text: You and I and Amyas, Amyas and you and I, To the green wood must we go. Alas! You and I, my love, and Amyas. The knight knocked at the castle gate. 5 The lady marvelled who was thereat. To call the porter he would not stop. The lady said, he should not come in. The portress was a lady bright. Strangeness that lady hight. 10 She asked him what was his name. He said, Desire, your man, madame. She said, Desire, what do you here? He said, Madame, as your prisoner. He was counselled to brief a bill, 15 And show my lady his own will. Kindness said she would it bear, And Pity said she would be there Siemens, Henry VW MS 202 Thus how they did we cannot say— We left them there and went our way. 20 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 203 Figure 13: "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45M6'; 199). d a o ^ 3tS 1«01B ant) l =^5 ts~± 0 nm in^f rtii^l njiirj AO Siemens, Henry HUMS 204 *6 TO ifa jSWhf Isob itm/T l&e£0 1 f«* • x,out ima7 uiu ic/f mib Butt) i)p/kib tcfjpcpo man uiaounr. - ' f^" bpntm&ftobflc mvft pt fictr. jf*f. ;M jprtfaio JTjrmqft 8rfl§a\4 vtfirp.. i&ljne§ow t§avtybwc am not?\ky. .y pz \ Siemens, Henry HUMS 205 A robyn gentyl robyn Cornish / Wyatt A robyn gentyl robyn tel me how thy le/wman doth and thow shal know of myne my lady is vnkynde I wis alac why is she so 5 she louyth another better than me and yet she will say no I can not thynk such doubylnes for I fynd women trew In faith my lady lovith me well 10 she will change for no new Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza, the burden, is through-set for three voices; the second voice for the first stanza runs directly from the first voice, with no large initial or division of any kind. As well, the second stanza runs in the same manner from the third voice of the first; the second and third stanzas appear in only one voice. Ascription reads "Cornysh" (54). Likely based on a popular song, perhaps a tune well known in the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries (Stevens M&P 111, 405). Wyatt's poem is conjectured to be a later handling of this lyric song (see Stevens M&P 111 and 405, Ringler MS TM84 and TM 85, Robbins Index & Suppl. 13.8, as well as other Wyatt scholarship); discussed, with a facsimile, in Mumford's "Musical Settings to the Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt." Should the date of H be post-1522, however, it is not improbable that Wyatt, then at court and participating in court festivities, could have written the text set by Cornish. The lyric also appears as one of the songs in Shakespeare's Twelfth Night, 4.2.72-9 (Folio 11. 2057-2064), interspersed as dialogue between Feste and Malvolio. Feste's recanting of the lyric is as follows, separated from Malvoio's interjections: Hey Robin, iolly Robin, tell me how thy Lady / does. My Lady is vnkind, perdie. Alas why is she so? Siemens, Henry VIII MS 206 She loues another. See also Gooch and Thatcher's Shakespeare Music Catalogue numbers 16,697, 16,965, 17,217, and 17,679-17,686. A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 14 [209]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 13.8, Boffey, and Ringler MS TMS4. Reprinted in Foxwell 1.106, Padelford 10, Tillyard90, Fliigel Anglia 272, 241-2, Fliigel Neuengl. 23, Reese 770, Stevens M&P 111, 405, and Stevens MCH8 38-9; see also the citation to Gooch and Thatcher, above. Texts Collated: H'M (53v-54r, 11. 1-3 H2-3), LDev(l) (22v, 11. 1-7), LDev(2) (241), LEge (37) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 9 women] wo men H', women LDev(2), LEge Collation (Substantive Variants): 1 A] Hey LDev(I), LDev(2) gentyl] Ioly LDev(2), I Ioly LEge 2 tel me how] substitute gentyl H2 le/wman] Xady LDev(l), LDev(2) 4 I wis] perdye LDev(l), perdy LDev(2), perde LEge 5 alac] a lias LDev(l), alas LDev(2) 6 me] \LDev(l),LDev(2) 8 can not thynk] fynd no LDev(2), fynde no LEge The heading Response appears above this stanza in LEge 9 for I] I LEge 10 In faith] omit LDev(2), LEge well] dowtles LDev(2), LEge 11 she] and LDev(2), LEge 11 ff. BothLDe\(2) and LEge contain additional verses, with 11. 12-15 having correspondence, they are as follows: Those art happy yfytt doth last bot I say as I fynd that wommens lou ys but ablast and tornyth as the wynd Yf that be trew yett as thou sayst that wommen turn their hart then spek better of them thou mayst Iy hop to hau thy partt LDev(2) le plaintif Thou art happy while that doeth last but I say as I fynde Siemens, Henry PHI MS 207 that womens love is but a blast and tornith like the wynde Response Suche folke shall take no harme by love that can abide their torn but I alas can no way prove in love but lake and morn leplaintif But if thou will avoyde thy harme leme this lessen of me at other fieres thy self to warme and let them warme with the LEge Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 robyn] Robin LDev(l) gentyl] gentil H23, gentyll LDev(I) 2 tel] tell LDev(I), LDev(2), LEge how] howe LDev(l) lemman] leman LEge doth] dothe LDev(J), dose LDev(2), doeth LEge 3 thow] thou LDev(l), LEge, thow LDev(2) shal] shalt H3, LDev(2), shake LDev(I), shall LEge know] knowe LDev(l), LEge myne] myn LDev(l),LDev(2),LEge 4 lady] ladye LDev(l) is] ys LDev(2) vnkynde] Vnkynd LDev(2), unkynd LEge 5 alac] alack LEge why] whi LEge so] soo LDev(J), LDev(2) 6 louyth] loves LDev(l), LDev(2), loveth LEge another] an othr LEge better] beter LDev(l), better LEge than] then LDev(l), LDev(2), LEge 7 yet] yett LDev(2) will] wyll LDev(I), LDev(2), LEge say] saye LDev(l) no] noo LDev(2) 8 such] shech LDev(2) doubylnes] doblenes LDev(2), doublenes LEge 9 fynd] fynde LEge women] wo men H' trew] true LEge 10 lovith] lovyth LDev(2), loveth LEge 11 will] wyll LDev(2) change] chang LDev(2), chaunge LEge new] newe LEge Siemens, Henry VIII MS 208 Commentary: General Commentary: A stylised debate on the constancy of female love, with the praise of women's constancy in love being that of the robin (11. 8-11); for a similar situation, see Thomas Feylde's Cotrauerse Bytwene a Louer andalaye. Alterations to this debate, and the sentiments presented within, are found in Wyatt's later handlings of the lyric (as noted above in the section dealing with Substantive Variants). Mentioned in this edition: xv, 26, 27, 31, 33, 89, 106, 209,277. Notes and Glosses: 2 lemman Paramour, lover, loved one of the opposite sex (MED 1). 4 vnkynde Not treating him with kindness; alternatively, not keeping with the law of "kind," or nature. For a telling view of the applications of this word, roughly contemporary to the lyrics of H, see its use in 1. 20 of Wyatt's "They flee from me" (LDev 69v-70v; LEge 26"; Tottel s Miscellany E41) as handled by Tottel, who alters the more ambigous and potentially ironic "kindly" to read "vnkyndly". wis know, think. 11 she will change for no new Cf. "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (H 34v-35r; 274; 1.11). Modernised Text: Ah, robin, gentle robin, Tell me how your lady does, And you shall know of mine. My lady is unkind, I think. Alac! Why is she so? 5 She loves another better than me, And yet she will say no. I cannot think such doubleness, For I find women true. In faith, my lady loves me well; 10 She will change for no new. k Siemens, Henry VIII MS 209 Figure 14: "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r; 205). M . . 1 J JUt-zotyxx $vntptzoBpn txtmt |oti^untmn wi——'< 1 z1 — i — r — f — t 1 f» / » • • ? • • fi rtfApn jputyf ~&P trm&n beta] atib 'tfjolfc f$nt -Unci* of* utjrat fiuau bot^ aiib t(Jou> A a ^ T finolf of mj/nr I O N 1 I Siemens, Henry VIII MS 210 -l-U i |il U | J lU fit tmxvti iV*&ify*i 'ottJ5 ;tifet nip' a& j&/1Jf luff dl- . l" ' -8 4--" i ' ^ . '•• ' ' rmi iurt tfym£ ^uc(i baufyJWs o^r V! 4—e 1»|U cijnti^f /asnOiirt* 'tl<toJ>pn Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest Cornish Whilks lyue or breth is in my brest my souerayne lord I shall loue best my souerayne lorde I shal loue best my souerayne lord I shall loue best. My souerayne lorde for my poure sake: yj. coursys at the ryng dyd make. Of which iiij. tymes he dyd it take: wherfor my hart I hym beqwest. And of all other for to loue best: my souerayne lord. My souerayne lorde of pusant pure: as the chefteyne of a waryowere. With spere and swerd at the barryoure: as hardy with the hardyest. He prouith hym selfe that I sey best: my souerayne lorde. My souerayne lorde in euery thyng: aboue all other as a kyng. In that he doth no co/nparyng: but of a trewth he worthyest is. to haue the prayse of all the best: my souerayne lorde. My souerayne lorde when that I mete: Siemens, Henry VH1MS211 5 10 15 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 212 his cherfull contenawce doth replete. My hart with Ioe that I behete: 25 next god but he and euer prest. W/f/j hart and body to loue best: my souerayne lorde. So many vertuse geuyn of grace: ther is none one lyue that hace. 30 Beholde his fauor and his face: his personage most godlyest. A vengeauce on them that loueth nott best: my souerayne lorde. The souerayne lorde that is of all: 35 my souerayne lorde saue pr/ncipall. He hath my hart and euer shall: of god I ask for hym request. Off all gode fortues to send hym best: my souerayne lorde. 40 Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza, the burden, is through-set for three voices, with the remaining text underlaid. Ascription reads "W. cornyshe." (551) Music is provided for the burden only; the lyrics may have been sung to a well-known tune (Stevens M&P 127-8, 399), as with "Grene growith the holy" (H 37v-38r; 141), "Hey nony nony nony nony no" (H 36r; 281), "Blow thi horwne hunter" (H 39v-40"; 188) and "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r; 199). Extra-scribal markings to this piece, on 55r, identify the subject of the poem as Henry and the composer of the verses as Cornish; these include the following, (a) in the top right corner is written "henr" in ink and in a sixteeth century hand; (b) the same, "henr," in the same ink and hand, next to the sixth line of text; and (c) on the same line as the attribution of the piece, in a different hand and ink faint ink than the other Siemens, Henry PHI MS 213 markings on this page, "William Cornysh" is written in a sixteenth century hand and rubbed out partially. A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 15 [216]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 2271.2, Boffey, Ringler MS TM1070, and Crum W1850. Reprinted in Chappell Account 378-9, FlugelAnglia 242, Padelford 90, Stevens M&P 405-6, and Stevens MCH8 40. Texts Collated: HUi (54v-55r, 11. 1-4 H2-3) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 8 wherfor] wher for H' 18 aboue] a boue H' 25 behete:] be hete: H' 31 Beholde] Be holde H' Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 lyue] lyffe//" 2 lord] lorde//' 4 best.] best.//2 Commentary: General Commentary: A song of praise, intended to be sung by a lady about her lover. Marginalia (as noted above) and internal evidence ("souerayne lord" [1. 2 ff], "kyng" [1. 18]) indicate that the subject is Henry VIII; the speaker, praising Henry's chivalric skills, countenance, and other graces and pledging allegiance and undying love in a lyric intended for such a public forum, can only be Katherine of Aragon.240 Possibly a lyric intended for performance at a tournament (Stevens M&P 406) or, more likely, for a ceremonial "running of the ring" performed by Henry as part of a larger group of entertainments. While chiefly treated more as a practice exercise than, say, a tournament, running the ring was on occasion provided as an entertainment, such as on 17 March 1510, where it was performed , for the visiting Spanish diplomatic corps (Hall 514; PRO E36/217 13-4, 25-6); here, the king made twelve courses, took the ring five times and also "atteyned" it another three times (this lyric has him doing half that, making 6 courses and taking 2 4 0 See Chappell Account (379-9), where it is noted that this lyric is "addressed to the King by some lady for whose sake, she tells us, the King had tilted at the ring", and he suggests that, though it is set by Cornish, "we may infer that it was given to him by a lady to set to music. A Lady's production it must be" Siemens, Henry Mil MS 214 it four times [11. 6-7]). Mentioned in this edition: xv, 5, 44, 68, 142, 143, 189, 200,216,225,283. Notes and Glosses: 6 coursys at the ryng An act, generally in practice for a joust, wherein a jouster would run as if against an opponent in an attempt to place the tip of his lance such that he would "take" with it a ring hanging from a post; see also General Commentary, above. 11 pusantpure Power that is pure. 14 hardy Bold, courageous, daring, sey See. 19 doth no comparyng Has no comparison. 25 Ioe Joy. behete Am promised, vowed (OED "benight" v B.I.I). 26 prest Ready in mind, disposition, or will (OED a 2); cf. "The thowghtes w/7Mn my brest" (//29v-3(y; 224; 1. 3). 30 one lyue Alive. 35 The souerayne lorde that is of all A reference to God. 36 principall The first or highest in rank or importance, that is at the head of all the rest, of the greatest account or value, the foremost (OED a l l a). 37 hath my hart and euer shall Cf. Henry's "Grene growith the holy" (H 3T-38r; 141; 11. 19-20); also see note. 39 fortues Fortunes. Modernised Text: While life or breath is in my breast, My sovereign lord I shall love best. My sovereign lord I shall love best. My sovereign lord I shall love best. My sovereign lord, for my poor sake, 5 Six courses at the ring did make, Of which four times he did it take; Wherefore my heart I him bequest, And of all other for to love best, My sovereign lord. 10 My sovereign lord, of power pure As the chieftain among warriors, With spear and sword at the barrier, As hardy with the hardiest, He proves himself that I see best, 15 My sovereign lord. My sovereign lord in everything, Above all other as a king, In that he does no comparing. But of a truth he worthiest is To have the praise of all the best, My sovereign lord. My sovereign lord, when that I meet His cheerful countenance, does replete My heart with joy that I be pledged, Next God, but he and ever pressed With heart and body to love best, My sovereign lord. So many virtues given of grace, There is no one alive that has — Behold his favour and his face, His personage most goodliest. A vengeance on them that loveth not best My sovereign lord. The sovereign Lord that is of all My sovereign lord save principal. He has my heart and ever shall. Of God I ask for him request Of all good fortunes to send him best, My sovereign lord. Siemens, Henry nil MS 215 20 25 30 35 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 216 Figure 15: "Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211). i t / r » r » t i ^ i b ^ e fofr j)/§af four Bj^|$^(«*fe Siemens, Henry VIII MS 217 p r"7 I f fr a3^fou^efi^ fxrirrn?BO^ 4biD o/f a/f otjjit? $i fini t Ytfizmp \ty^ " ? I 2W fotmjmr fafi? m mp tfymrffa. Baue &KottJtv W a fymglt jiitijalf JjrtoH)no npMjm$-& ftur of ft trra*tf t]t^^ptfif{$./ to flanr tfjr fttap/r- of ftfT t0r Beftfcixp frniajmr fo^ te-^  ;tw (Satf &tit5 0ofrp to fmie rrtii foiinpnt fgfrv^  fmtynic fcpte f tfofaffrmpfoxiaync fa f^r/>iitpnnparr.. Siemens, Henry PHI MS 218 Aboffe all thynge Farthing Aboffe all thynge now lete vs synge both day and nyght Adew mornyng a bud is spryngynge 5 of the red rose and the whyght now let us synge. Adew mornyng. Adew mornyng adew now let vs syng 10 a bud is spryngynge off the red rose and the whyght. Aboffe. Textual Apparatus: Description: A round, transcribed exactly here: Attributed to "ffaredynge." (24v). A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 16 [221]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 112.5 and Ringler MS TM50. Reprinted in Chappell Account 382, Fliigel Anglia 232, Stevens M&P 391, and Stevens MCH8 18. Texts Collated: / / ' (24v) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 4 Adew] A dew H1 8 Adew] A dew H' 9 Adew] Adew//' Siemens, Henry VIII MS 219 Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collations (Accidental Variants): None. Commentary: General Commentary: A round, in commemoration of a royal birth, likely that of Henry's first male child and potential monarchical heir, born 1 January 1511, as is the unattributed "Adew adew le company" (H 74v-75r; 294). As with Skelton's "A lawde and prayse" (1509), wherein he notes with reference to the newly-crowned Henry VJJI that "The Rose both white and Rede / In one rose now dothe grow" (11. 1-2), here allusion is made to the strength of the Tudor dynasty as a union of the Yorkists and Lancastrians, represented by their badges of the white rose and red rose, respectively; see also "I loue I loue and whom loue ye" (LFay 40v-46r), a lyric seemingly in celebration Prince Arthur's birth, wherin Arthur is given the name of "rose" (1. 23) and he, along with his parents, are referred to as "rosys thre" (1. 40). In LFay, see also "Lett serch your myndis" (1 l r ; 1. 6), which contains reference likely to Arthur using the same image, and the unattributed "This day day dawes" (108v-1121) in which Elizabeth of York is likely meant in an allusion to a queen gathering a "lyly whighte rose" (1. 5). Arthur would not live to see the crown, but his younger brother would; Henry VIII, as the son of Henry Tudor (Lancaster) and Elizabeth (York), was the first of the Tudor monarchs to embody the union of the two factions, and in this lyric the imagery of their traditional badges is transferred to Henry and Katherine's son, the new heir. Mentioned in this edition: xv, 5, 21, 38, 57, 80, 221, 294, 295. Notes and Glosses: 4 mornyng Mourning. 5 a bud is spryngynge Cf. the similar image of "Lett serch your myndis" (LFay W): "By droppys of grace that on them down doth rayn / Through whose swete showris now sprang ther is ayen / a rose most riall" (11. 4-6). 6 the red rose and the whyght Lancastrian and Yorkist badges, respectively as noted in the General Commentary, above. Modernised Text: Above all things Now let us sing Both day and night. Adieu mourning! A bud is springing 5 Off the Red rose and the White. Now let us sing. Adieu mourning! Adieu mourning! Adieu! Now let us sing A bud is springing Off the Red rose and the White. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 220 10 Above. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 221 Figure 16: "Aboffe all thynge" (#24v; 218) Gofjr afT rfinn'DT nolu frtr Uf fnnrjr Botf] bap fluO itnfffjf :! trtu moiirr/ng- a miD i5 _1 '. „ I A_ • - A • T 1 ^ ^ 1 \ H 1 ° ' V (jnpuj^ 'nigr of rijr rri). rofr anu tfji* U<fjjirrtjr noto frf tit? fpugv. :i hlv nioinimg". iYli> mouumg- a My I 3£ rfDjiurp' Siemens, Henry VIII MS 222 In may that lusty sesou/i Farthing In may that lusty sesouw To geder the flours downn by the medows grene The byrdys sang onw euery syde so meryly it ioyed my hart 5 they toyned so clene the nyghtyngale sang on hie ioyfully so merely among the thornys kene Textual Apparatus: Description: A round, transcribed exactly here. Attributed to "T. ffaredyng" (261). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 1504.5 and Ringler MS TM776. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 232, Briggs 6-7, Stevens M&P 391, and Stevens MCH8 19. Texts Collated: H' (26r) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): None. Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collations (Accidental Variants): None. Commentary: General Commentary: A song in celebration of spring, perhaps associated with the tradition of courtly maying. Mentioned in this edition: No. Siemens. Henry VIII MS 223 Notes and Glosses: 1 lusty Young, vibrant, full of healthy vigour (OED a 5). 2 geder Gather. 6 toyned Sang, issued forth in musical tones (OED "tone" v 1, 2). 7 nyghtyngale Cf. Liberty's love lyric in Skelton's Magnificence, which ends "So merely syngeth the nyghtyngale!" (1. 2078); also Lydgate's Reson and Sensuallyte, in which the character Gladness, who associates with Venus and Cupid, says "as any nyghtyngale / She sange that Ioye was to here, / That the lusty nootys clere / Of Sirenes in the see / Ne wer nat lyke, in no degre, / To the soote, sugryd song / Whiche they songen euer a mong / Of Ioye, myrthe, and lustyhede" (5254-61); Lydgate's "A Sayenge of the Nyghtyngale," wherein the call of the bird is interpreted first, to be associated with earthly love—"And in hir ledne, Venus to take vengeaunce / On false lovers whiche that bien vntriewe, / Ay ful of chaunge and of variaunce, / And can in oorie to have no plesaunce" (Minor Poems 2.11. 16-9)—and, later, when she is "Vpon a thorn" (1. 356 ff), the call also hearkens spiritual rejuvination. 8 thornyssee Lydgate's use of the association, "A Sayenge of the Nyghtyngale," of the nightingale and the thorn, note to 1. 7, above; the association is proverbial (Whiting NI 12). Modernised Text: In May, that lusty season, To gather the flowers down By the meadows green, The birds sang on every side. So merrily it joyed my heart, 5 They tuned so clean. The nightengale sang on high, Joyfully, so merrily, Among the thorns, keen. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 224 The thowghtes wiV/rin my brest Farthing The thowght&s within my brest. They greue me passyng sore That I can not be prest to serue you euer more. Textual Apparatus: Description: Through-set for three voices; Stevens suggests that there might be verses missing (M&P 392). While this has been mistakenly attributed in the past to Henry VIII, the scribal ascription clearly reads "T. Ffardyng" (300. Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3486.5, Boffey, and Ringler MS TM1599. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 233, Stevens M&P 392, and Stevens MCH8 22. Texts Collated: hu"i(29v-30r) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 1 within] with inH' 2 3 4 serue] sex ti1 Collation (Substantive Variants): 4 serue] sex H1 Collation (Accidental Variants): 2 sore,] sore. H3 3 can not] cannot H3 prest] prest H3 Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric of departure, with emphasis on the lover's regret at not being able to offer service to his beloved any longer. The text of the first stanza echoes another lyric of departure—that of Cornish's "A the syghes that cum fro my hart" (H 32v-33r; 185) in H—though Cornish's lyric is of a different emphasis. Mentioned in this edition: 34, 54, 186, 187, 214. Notes and Glosses: 2 They greue me passyng sore Cf. repetition in Cornish's "A the syghes that Siemens, Henry VVI MS 225 cum fro my hart" (H 32v-33r; 185), as well as sore's rhyme, "euer more" (1. 4). 3 prest Ready in mind, disposition, or will (OED a 2); cf. "Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211; 1. 26). Modernised Text: The thoughts within my breast, They grieve me passing sore, That I can not be pressed To serve you ever more. Siemens, Henry VIIIMS 226 With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne Farthing With sorowfull syghs and greuos payne. Thus euer to endure. Alas pour hart tyl that we mete agayne. Ioy shall I neuer ye may be sure. Textual Apparatus: Description: Through-set for three voices; ascription reads "T. Ffardynge" (340. Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 4201.3, Boffey, Ringler MS TM2009. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 235, Stevens M&P 395, and Stevens MCH8 25. Texts Collated: H'2-3 (33v-340 Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 3 agayne] agayne. H'3, agayn. H2 Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 and] and H2 3 2 euer] euerH3 endure] endurre.H3 3 tyl] tyll H2 agayne.] a gayne. H1,3, a gayn. H2 4 sure] surre. H3 Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric of departure, with emphasis on return, but also the pain that will accompany the lover in absence. Cf. "Wyth sorowful syghes and woundes smart" (LDev 26v; attributed to Thomas Howard). Mentioned in this edition: No. Notes and Glosses: None. Modernised Text: With sorrowful sighs and grievous pain, Thus ever to endure. Alas, poor heart, 'till that we meet again, Joy shall I never, you may be sure. Siemens, Henry VW MS 228 I love trewly wfrAowt feynyng Farthing I loue trewly withowt feynyng. my loue she is so trew to me. To loue her sure, whill I am leuyng my hart -with her euer shall be. Textual Apparatus: Description: Through-set for three voices; ascription reads "T. Ffardynge" (45*). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 1328.8, Boffey, Ringler MS TM665. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 239, Stevens M&P 402, and Stevens MCH8 424. Texts Collated: H1 Z J (44v-45r) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 1 withowt] with owt H'23 Collation (Substantive Variants): 2 so trew] trew H2 3 loue] hsaieH2 4 euer shall] shall euer H3 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 feynyng] fenyng. H2 3 sure] sure.//2 whill] whines//2 3 leuyng] leuyng.//23 Commentary: General Commentary: A song of constancy in love. Mentioned in this edition: No. Notes and Glosses: 3 leuyng Living. Modernised Text: I love truly, without feigning; My love, she is so true to me To love her sure, while I am living, My heart with her ever shall be. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 230 Alone I lefife alone Cooper Alone I leffe alone and sore I sygh for one Textual Apparatus: Description: A round, set for three voices, with little formal distinction (neither spacing, line breaks, nor illuminated block capitals) separating one from the other; ascription reads "Doctor Cooper" (2T). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 266.5, Boffey, and /?/>«j/erMSTM138.; reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 231, Briggs Collection 3-4, Stevens M&P 390, and Stevens MCH8 17. Texts Collated: H123 (220 Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 1 alone] a lone H'-2, alone H3 2 for] ffor//', for#Z J Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collations (Accidental Variants): 1 Alone] a lone H2-3 leffe] \effH2, le ue H3 alone] a lone H'2 2 sygh] syghe//2 for] ffor//' Commentary: General Commentary: A song bemoaning solitude, with an ambiguous play in the second line referring either to the speaker's self-pity (the "one" being the speaker) or to the speaker's longing for for the company of a specific other; its adaptation in Thynne's Chaucer and Kele's Christmas carolles newely inprynted, noted below, suggests that the latter of these two possibilities is more probable. A popular lyric in its time, it has both secular and religious associations. It is noted in "I have non English convenient and digne," attributed to John Lydgate (Minor Poems 281; A Balade in commedation in Thynne's Chaucer 374-375): "That for you singe, so as I may, for mone / For your departing; alone I live, alone" (11. 104-5). The two lines are used as a burden for a lyric appearing in PRO Exchequer Miscellanea Siemens, Henry VVIMS231 163/23/1/1,241 and it is listed as the name of the air for "Wan ic wente byyonde the see" CGon (41).242 A later carol on the Virgin and the Son—"Alone, alone, alone, alone / Sore I sygh, and all for one" (Kele's Christmas carolles newefy inprynted 17)—adapts these lines to its burden and takes the matter of the lyric from "Alone, alone, alone, alone, / Here 1 sytt alone, alas, alone" (LFay 48v-50r)243 Mentioned in this edition: 30, 33, 105. Notes and Glosses: 1 leffe Live. Modernised Text: Alone, I live, alone, And sorely I sigh for one. 2 4 1 See Greene ([2nd ed ] 247), Robbins Index & Suppl. (#2293.5), and Saltmarsh (14 [fees:], 21 [trans.]). 2 4 2 See also Greene (#418). 2 4 3 See Greene (#164) and Robbins Index & Suppl. (#377.5). Siemens, Henry PHI MS 232 I haue bene a foster Cooper I haue bene a foster long and many a day foster wyl I be no more no lenger shote I may yet haue I bene a foster 5 Hange I wyl my nobyl bow vpon the grene wod bough For I can nott shote in playne nor yett in rough yet haue I bene a foster 10 Euery bowe for me ys to bygge myne arow ny worne ys. The glew ys slypt frome the nyk when I shuld shoote I myse yet haue. / bene a foster 15 Lady veni/s hath co/wmau/idyd me owt of her courte to go. Ryght playnly she shewith me that beawtye ys my foo. yet haue. I. bene a foster 20 My berd ys so hard god wote when I shulde maydyns kysse Siemens, Henry VW MS 233 Thay stand abak and make it strange. lo age ys cause of this, yet haue / bene a foster 25 Now will I take to me my cedes for and my santes booke. And pray I wyll for them that may for I may nowght but loke. yet hawe / bene a foster 30 Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza, the burden, is through-set for three voices; the remaining text is underlaid. The ascription reads "D. Cooper." (660- The initial text and melody imitates that of "y haue ben afoster long and meney day" (LRit 53v; Robbins Index & Suppl. 1303.3, Ringler MS TM643), but Cooper's lyric deviates from that in LRit and is extended; see the General Commentary, below. A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 17 [237]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 1303.5, Ringler MS TM518, and Crum 1193. Reprinted in Chappell Music 1.50, Fliigel Anglia 244, Greene 313-4, Stevens M&P 408-9, and Stevens MCH8 48. Texts Collated: HU3 (65v-66r, 11. 1-5 H2-3) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 1 a foster] afoster H1, a foster H2, a foster H3 29 I] ms omits Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 a foster] afoster H', a foster H2, a foster H3 2 and] aH2, mdH3 3 foster] ffoster//2 wyl] wilH23 4 lenger] lengerH2 5 foster.] foster. H3 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 234 Commentary: General Commentary: As with other forester songs in H, this lyric explicitly exploits and draws attention to the double-entendre of the forester songs as a whole, and especially evident here in the shift in the fourth and fifth stanzas (11. 16-25) to a direct address of the courtly love topos. Flood (64-5) assigns this lyric to the play presented by Cornish at Windsor, 15 June 1522, in which a keeper, three foresters, and four hunters took part, as well as Cornish's Children of the Chapel Royal.244 See also the General Commentary and notes to Cornish's "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r; 199) and "Blow thi horwne hunter" (H 39v-40r; 188), as well as that of the unattributed "I am a joly foster" (H 69v-71r; 287), which appears to be in answer to this lyric. Also, as noted above, Cooper's text and melody imitate that of the unattributed "y haue ben afoster long and meney day" in LRU (53*), and shares many of the same sentiments, though not the explicit double-meaning of the forester lyrics; this text follows: y haue ben afoster long and meney day, my lockes ben ho re, foster woll y be no more y shall hong vp my home by the greene wode spray my lookes ben hore, Foster will y be no mor All the whiles that y may bowe bend shall y wedde no wyffe, my bowe bend shall y wedde now wiffe, wiffe I shall bygges me a boure arte the wodes ende ther to lede my lyffe art the wodes end, ther to lede my lyfe Mentioned in this edition, xv, 79, 92, 190, 191, 200, 237, 289. Notes and Glosses: 1 foster Forester. 4 no lenger shote I may Cf. the sentiment of Cornish's "Blow thi horwne hunter" (//39v-40r; 188; 1. 22). 8 in playne On open ground, in the meadow, &c. (OED "plain" n. 1 1 .a). 9 in rough On rough or broken ground (OED n. 1 2.a, b). 2 4 4 See L&P Henry VIII (lll[ii] #2305), PRO SP1/24 (23 l vff), Hall (641), and CSP Spanish (II #437). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 235 13 glewys slypt frome the nyk Arrows were sometimes spliced with heavier wood and the "nock" to counterbalance the weight of the metal head; if the glue failed, the arrow would become unserviceable (noted by Greene [451]). 23 make it strange Estrange or remove themselves (OED "strange" 5). 26 bedes Beads. 27 for and And moreover (OED conj. 5). santes booke Book of saints' lives. Modernised Text: I have been a forester, Long and many a day. Forester will I be no more; No longer shoot I may. Yet have I been a forester. 5 Hang I will my noble bow Upon the green wood bough, For I can not shoot in plain Nor yet in rough. Yet have I been a forester. 10 Every bow for me is too big. Mine arrow nigh worn is. The glue is slipped from the nick When I should shoot, I miss. Yet have I been a forester. Lady Venus had commanded me Out of her court to go. Right plainly, she showed me That beauty is my foe. Yet have I been a forester. 20 15 My beard is so hard, God knows, When I should maidens kiss They stand aback and make it strange; Lo, age is cause of this. Yet have I bene a forester. 25 Now will I take to me my beads And my saints' book, And pray I will for them that may, For I may nought but look. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 236 Yet have I been a forester. 30 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 237 Figure 17: "I haue bene a foster" (H 65v-66r; 232). x - fo^ f If no most no fain? /Vjofr-jf niay Jinfyane iSeue lifbflttL f Q A w i o IJauf fteuseiftfttz loiiffi* niaiijr abap ^ytf$lBtr *3£ ~J i)Vno mo;* nolcg' f&OtCI mapyctfyauc f i W l / V * ^ : X)RM Bene afifftz Hongfatib many ^ ^»m> fb/t* n?i£ 7 Hi' J.O moic no Ihijfljirk! ? may vet ijaiic ~) lirm' i l Siemens, Henry 1>1II MS 238 1)6310* ^ \ept\\y iidiipf bolt* uvmi^jpn*iu»air tb % g 9 ' .P _ o^t'f can ufltfc flfof* H I ^fauiii' not^ttf m siiijsg-?^ ^ * m t * ' fab/> (U<i09«tf) rommib,pb uic cwfr of 0*r'nmitfr to jgpo r f ^ ^ U I C ^ 6 fipjflf,pfnptip flje ffjnviti) meffjfittituafyv pvmp$r tQp tini) psfo §«rogob wait tu§m ffl)ufomapil}mfftpf[r-j^ j ^%fcp fraud a0a£ atio mafie ftrfliuje. fo agtj># anifetftfyw ^  \ flow imfffte&t to mc iuj> Bcti fbA atibufjkutiBtHiRi. -\ litibpiop yfiBpiTfbxtfjmi p map fipni&p uoWjrftintfCaRc^y^fe Siemens, Henry VIII MS 239 Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart Cooper Fare well my Ioy and my swete hart fare well myne owne hart rote, frome yow a whyle must I depart ther ys none other bote ther ys none other bote. 5 Thowgh you depart now thus me fro and leue me all alone, my hart ys yours where euer that I go for yow do I mone. for you do I mone. 10 for you do I mone. Textual Apparatus: Description: Through-set for three voices; ascribed to "D. Cooper." (67*).245 Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 765.5, Boffey, and Ringler MS TM403. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 244, Fliigel Neuengl. 136, Stevens M&P 409, and Stevens MCH8 48-9. Texts Collated: Hus (66v-680 Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 7 all alone.] alone. H', all alone. H2, all alone. H3 10 for] fro H' 2 4 5 Editor's Note: This ascription is unreadable in the microform copy of H to which I now have access; attribution is given as per visual confirmation with H (as per my notes) and in accordance with Stevens M&P (401). Siemens, Henry VIII MS 240 Collation (Substantive Variants): 1 hart] harte harte H2 3 must 1] 1 must H2 4 none other] no nother H2S 5 none other] no nother H23 7 all alone] alone. H', all alone.H2, all alone. H3 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 Fare] Fayre//2 well] wel// 2 , 5 swete] swet//5 2 well] wel// 2 , 5 myne] mynH2 owne] own//2 3 yow] youH23 depart] depart//5 4 ys] i s / / 2 5 5 ys] is// 5 bote] bote.//" 6 Thowgh] Though//25 you] ye//2 7 and] andH3 8 yours] yorsH23 where] wher//2'5 that]thatH3 9 yow] >»0wZ/2 ,5 mone.] mone. H2,3 10 for] fro H' mone.] mone. H23 Commentary: General Commentary: This lyric presents an exchange between two lovers, at their leave-taking. The second stanza is a response, affirming constancy, to the first's statement of departure Mentioned in this edition: No. Notes and Glosses: 2 heart rote Sweetheart, beloved one (OED "heart-root" 2); cf. usage also in Skelton's "Woffully araid" (1. 19; in LFay 63V-6T) and his Why Come ye not to Court (1. 664). 4 none other bote No other repair, remedy, or relief, [it is] no use (OED "boot nl 1.3, II.5). Modernised Text: Farewell, my joy, and my sweetheart. Farewell, my own heart-root. From you a while must I depart. There is no other boot. There is no other boot. 5 Though you depart now thus me from, And leave me all alone, My heart is yours where ever that I go. Siemens, Henry HUMS 241 For you do I moan. For you do I moan. 10 For you do I moan. Downbery down Daggere Siemens, Henry VIII MS 242 Downbery down now am I exild my lady fro and no cause geuyn ther to wherfor to her. I me complayn hey now 5 trustyng that dysdayn sone shal be slayne and never more to remayne. Downbery. Textual Apparatus: Description: A round, transcribed exactly here. Attributed to "Wyll/om Daggere." (250 Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 688.8, Boffey, Ringler MS TM367, and Crum D451 Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 260, 232, Stevens MCH8 18, and Stevens M&P 391. Texts Collated: H' (25r), LR58 (4V) Emendations of the Copy Text (//*): 2 exild] ex ild H', exyeld LR58 7 shal be] shalbetf', shalbeL/tfS Collation (Substantive Variants): 1 down] down down down hay down LR58 5 now] now hey now hey now LR58 6 that dysdayn] this day LR58 7 sone] sum LR58 8 never more] neuer LR58 9 substitute hey now downbery down. LR58 Collations (Accidental Variants): 1 Downbery] Down bery LR58 2 exild] ex ild H', exyeld LR58 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 243 3 and] andLR58 geuyn] ytvyn LR58 ther] ther LR58 4 wherfor] wherfor LR58 her] hyr. LR58 complayn] complayne LR58 6 trustyng] trystywg LR58 7 shal be] shalbe H1 slayne] sl&yn LR58 8 and] and LR58 never] neuer LR58 remayne. ] remayn. LR58 Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric of a lover's exile from his lady, with no known reason (11. 3-4). The "dysdayn" (1. 6) mentioned shares a similar quality to that of the nearly-allegorised entity of disdain noted in Henry's own lyrics, that of a force which keeps true lovers apart. Mentioned in this edition: 78, 107, 146, 336, 337. Notes and Glosses: 5 hey now A common refrain; see Farthing's "Hey now now" (H25x, 337) and Kempe's "Hey nowe nowe" (H 21v; 336) both present in H as incipits; "hey now now now" is the burden to "Swet \es\x is cum to vs / this good tyro of crystmas" (OxEP 45v-47v; Greene #93), which is stated to be "A song in the tune of / And y were a mayden" ("And I war a maydyn" is in H [106v-107; 310]); see also Skelton's "Agaynste a Comely Coystrowne": "Rumbyll downe, tumbyll downe, hey go, now, now" (1. 30). Also an exclamation, as in "hey now I howte" (Castle of Perseverance 61). 6 dysdayn Cf. Henry's "Whoso that wyll all feattes optayne" (H 39r; 145; 11. 2, 4, 8, 11, 14) and elsewhere; see the note to line 2 of the aforementioned lyric. Modernised Text: Downberry, down! Now am I exiled my lady from, And no cause given thereto. Wherefore to her I me complain. Hey, now! 5 Trusting that disdain Soon shall be slain, And never more to remain. Downberry! 0 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 244 Whoso that wyll hym selff applye Rysby Whoso that wyll hym selff applye. To passe the tyme of youth loly Auaunce hym to the companye. Of lusty bloddys and cheualry offlustybloddysandcheualry. 5 Textual Apparatus: Description: Through-set for four voices; ascribed to "Rysbye" (28r). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 4143.8 and Ringler MS TM1978. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 233, Stevens M&P 392, and Stevens MCH8 2\. Texts Collated: H'23-4 (2T-2V) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 1 Whoso] Who so H U X 4 Collation (Substantive Variants): 5 omit H4 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 wyll] wyl// J selff] self//'' applye.] apply. H4 2 the] theH4 of] off H2'3 loly J loly. H2X4 3 Auauwce] AuaunceH2,3,4 the] theH2,3 companye] company. H24, company. H3 4 Of] OSH34 bloddys] blodd//^ and] and H2-3-4 cheualry J cheuallry. H2-3, cheulry. H4 5 off] ofH23~ bloddys] blodd//ZJ and] andH23 cheualry] cheuallry. H2 Siemens, Henry VIIIMS 245 Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric of invitation to a tournament, perhaps a tournament song in itself. The "lusty" (1. 4) spirit of the song, and its explicit mention of "youth" (1. 2), echo many of Henry's own lyrics of the first few years of his reign. Mentioned in this edition: 5, 78. Notes and Glosses: 2 youth See Henry's songs on youth, "Pastyme with good companye" (H 14V-15r; 121), "The tyme of youthe is to be spent" (H 28v-29r; 135), "Though sum saith that yough rulyth me" (H 71v-73r; 164), and "Lusti yough shuld vs ensue" (//94v-97; 170). 4 lusty bloddys Those with lusty (young, energetic) blood, gallants, cheualry Chivalry. Modernised Text: Whoso that will himself apply To pass the time of youth jolly, Advance him to the company Of lusty bloods and chivalry, Of lusty bloods and chivalry. Siemens, Henry HI I MS 246 Deme the best of euery dowt Lloyd Deme the best of euery dowt tyll the trowth be tryed owt Textual Apparatus: Description: A round, in three voices; attributed to "J. ffluyd" (79*). In L1587 it is copied twelve times in full, and several more times in part, as pen practice, containing the variant first line "Deme the best in every dowte;" in OxHill the English lines are followed by the Latin "In dubijs serui melius cape pessima sperne." A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 18 [248]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 675.5 and Ringler MS TM344 & TM343 (see also Ringler MS TM&S). Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 247, Dyboski ex. 131, Stevens M&P 413, and Stevens MCH8 51. Texts Collated: H U J (79*), L158712 (2/4 16, 2120, OxRawl86 (31), OxHill (200*) Emendations of the Copy Text 2 tryed] try H', tryed H23, OxRawl86, tried L1587'-2, OxHill Collation (Substantive Variants): 1 the best of euery] no thyng that is iw OxHill Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 Deme] Deame OxRawl86 the] the L158712 of] in LJ5871, OxRawl86 euery] euery L1587'-2 dowt] dowte//2, U587u,doute OxRawl86 2 tyll] T\\\ LI587', OxHill, T\\\eL15872, ly\OxRawl86 the] theH2, OxRawl86, OxHill trowth] trwth H2, trouth L1587'2 trouthe OxRawl86 tryed] try H', tryed H23, OxRawl86, tried L1587'-2, OxHill owt ] owt. H3, owte LI587'-2, oute OxRawl86, out OxHill Commentary: General Commentary: A moralising, proverbial expression. This couplet is also found on a bronze jug of Richard II's reign (Evans, English Art 90); for a popular variant, see also John Heywood's Ballads and Songs (264,1. 24) and his Dialogue: "Tyme tryeth trouth in every doubt And deme the best, till time hath tryde the trouth out" (76,11. 217-8); see also Whiting (T326). Mentioned in this edition: xv, 31, 33, 78, 106, 109, 248. Notes and Glosses: 2 tryed Be first tried. Modernised Text: Deem the best of every doubt Until the truth is tried out. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 248 Figure 18: "Deme the best of euery dowt" (H 79v; 246). t p f T t § f t r o r a t § he 3=H PC o f e i i j ; torpte owf \tmey8tft of "lloi4loij Oil i t _ Siemens, Henry 1111MS 249 QUid petis o fily Pygott QUid petis ofily mater dulassima baba. 0 pater ofili michi plausus oscula da da. The moder full manerly and mekly as a mayd 5 lokyng on her lyttill son so laughywg in lap layde so pretyly so pertly so passyngly well apayd ful softly and full soberly vnto her swet son she said q/d petys. 1 mene this by mary or makers moder of myght 10 full louely lookyng on or lord the lanterne of lyght thus sayng to or sauior this saw I In my syght this reson that I rede you now I rede it full ryght. Q/d petes musyng on her maners so ny mard was my mayne 15 saue it plesyd me so passyngly that past was my payn. yet softly to her swete sonw me thought I hard sayn now gracius god and goode swete babe yet ons this game agayne. Q/d petes Textual Apparatus: Description: Both the Latin burden, the first stanza, and the English verses are through-set for four voices; the remaining text is underlaid. Ascribed to "pygott" (1161). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3438 3 and Ringler MS TM1570 Reprinted in Chappell Account 384, Fliigel Anglia 252-3, Siemens, Henry VIII MS 250 FliigelNeuengl. 121, Rickert 63-4, StevensM&P 421, and StevensMCH8 82-5. Texts Collated: H1-2-3-4 (112M 16r, U. 1-9 and 14-19 H3, 11. 1-9 H4), CPet (inside front cover, 11. 1-3)246 Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 1 QUid] QUit/rVQUidff**' 3 O pater] quid petis H', Opater H234, O pater CPet 5 The ~ mayd] added H24 6 lokying ~ son] added H2,3,4 14 petes] petes / Q/d petys ofili / Q/d petys ofily /r7, petes ofili. H2 Collation (Substantive Variants): 1 substitute o mater o fili pets CPet ofily] ofili q/d petes ofili H24 2 mater] me CPet 3 O pater] quid petis Hl ofili] ofili o pater ofili H2, ofili opater ofili H4 4 da da] dada da da. H4 5 The ~ mayd] omitH'3 6 lokying ~ son] omit H1,4 layde] layd so faughyng in lap laid H2, ~in~H3 7 apayd] apayd so passywgly well a payd. H2, a payd so pa passyngly well apayd. H4, apayed so pretyly so pertly ~ apayd. H3 8 ful ~ soberly] omit H3 said] said she H3, saide vn to her son sa H2 9 petys] petes, ofily. H4 12 thus sayng to] sayng/r2 14 petes] petes / Q/d petys ofili / Q/d petys ofily H1, petes ofili. H2 17 sayn] her sayn H2, her sayne H3 19 petes] petis ofili. / Q/d petes ofili H2 Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 QUid] Q\li\H' petis] petys H2-3, petes H4 ofily] ofili H2A 2 mater] mater h2 3 4 dulassima] dulassimaH3,4, dultissimeCPet baba] ba ba. H23, baba. CPet 3 Opater] Opater )/ 2 3 O pater CPet ofili] o fili CPet 4 michi] mi H2,3,4, CPet plausus] plausus CPet oscula] oscila CPet da da] dada. H4, da da. CPet 5 and] andH4 mekly] mekelyH4 6 lyttill] litell//3 laughywg] laughyng H23, laugh-yng H4 in lap] inlap//3 layde.] layd. H23, layd. 7 pertly] pertly // 2 ' J 4 passyngly] passingly H2, passyng-ly H4 apayd] 2 4 6 After the initial three lines, first line is partially repeated in a different hand; this partial line has not been collated. Siemens, Henry WII MS 251 apayed H3, a payd H4 8 ful softly] full softly//2, full softyH* and] andH4 soberly] so berlyH2 vnto] vnto//3 said.] saide. H2, said. H4 9 petys.] petes.//2,3'4 10 or] oure//2 makers] makerys//2 moder] modyr/f2 11 on] onnH2 12 or] oure//2 sauior] sauyor//2 13 //MS] this//2 rede] red//2 yew] you//2 15 maners] maners//23 mard] marde//3 16 saue] saf//3 plesyd] plesyt//3 past] passyd//2 payn.] payne.//2,3 17 softly] soft-ly//3 swete] swet//3 sonw] son//2,3 sayn] sayne//3 18 grac/ws] gracius//2,3 and] andH3 swete] swet//2 this] thisH3 19 petes] petis//2 Commentary: General Commentary: The sole vernacular religious song in H, this lyric is a moralisation of the Virgin playing with the Son as a child. The alliteration in the verse suggests an earlier style than the other lyrics in H, and certainly a style prior to its setting here by Pygott. The first few lines are present in Skelton's Phyllyp Sparowe: "Quid petis filio, mater dulcissima? Ba ba!" (1. 1091). Mentioned in this edition: 31, 78, 105. Notes and Glosses: 1-4 Gloss: "What are you seeking, O Son? Sweetest mother, kiss, kiss. O Father, O Son. Give me kisses of liking" (from Stevens M&P 421); spoken by the Virgin. 7 pertly Openly, without concealment, smartly, sharply (OED adv. 1, 3). apayd satisfied, contented, pleased (OED v 1). 13 reson Statement, narrative, or speech (OED n.l 3a). 15 mard Marred, mayne Physical strength, force, or power (OED I. la). 18 ons Once. Modernised Text: Quid petis, o fili? Mater dulcissima ba ba. O pater, o fili? Michi plausus oscula da da! The mother, full mannerly and meekly as a maid, 5 Looking on her little son, so laughing, in lap laid, So prettily, so pertly, so passingly well apayed, Siemens, Henry HUMS252 Full softly and full soberly, unto her sweet son she said: Quid petis. I mean by this Mary, our Maker's Mother of might, 10 Full lovely looking on our Lord, the lantern of light, Thus saying to our Saviour This saw I in my sight; This reason that I read you now, I read it full right: Quid petis Musing on her manners, so nigh marred was my mane, 15 Save it pleased me so passingly that passed was my pain. Yet softly to her sweet son me thought I heard saying: Now, gracious God and good sweet babe, yet once this game again. Quid petis. Svmwhat musyng [Fayrfax / Woodville] Svmwhat musyng and more moraywg in remembrywg the unstedfastnes this world beyng of such walyng me co/rtraryng what may I gesse I fere doutles remedyles is now to cese my wofull chance for vnkyndnes withowtyn les and no redresse me doth avance with dysplesance to my greuance and no surawce of remedy lo in this trance now in substance such is my chance willyng to dye. Siemens, Henry Ml MS 253 5 10 15 f f ' 1 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 254 Me thynk trewly 25 bowndon am I and that gretly tobecowtent seyng playnly fortune doth wry 30 all contrary from myn entent my lyf was lent to an entent it is nye spent 35 welcu/w fortune yet I ne went thus to be shent but she is ment such ys her went 40 Textual Apparatus i Description: Through-set in three voices. While not attributed in H, LFay and Wells ascribe it to Fayrfax; the text of the lyric has been ascribed to Anthony Woodville, Lord Rivers (see the General Commentary, below). In H and LFay, the virelay appears complete, set for three voices with a text of eight line stanzas that are complete only when all voices are taken into account. The fragments of Wells, CFitz, and NYDrex compose the better part of another witness; the exact details of this grouping, and a dispelling of concerns regarding other lost witness fragments of this lyric, are noted by Fallows ("Drexel Fragments" 5-6, 15-16). Robbins , (Index & Suppl. 3193.5) notes that a witness appears in LVes (170*), but this editor has been unable to locate that witness as per Robbins' directions. A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 19 [260]); witnesses to this text follow Figure 19. I Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3193.5 and I Ringler MS TMU52. Reprinted in Arber 180, Chronicles 209, Fliigel Anglia I Siemens, Henry VWMS 255 254-5, Hearne 214, Percy 2.46, Ritson 149, Stafford Collection #9, Stevens M&P 361-2 and 423-4, StevensMCH8 90-4, and Turner 3.465. Texts Collated: Z/ 7* 3 (120M221), Z Z V Z 3 (33v-35«), Wells1-2-3 (lr-2r, 11. 28-40 JfW/s7,11. 9-40 Wells2), CFitz (T, U. 1-9, 22-3), NYDrex ( l r , 11. 1-19) Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 2 mornyng] omit H1, moryng H2,3, morenyng LFay2,3, mornyng CFitz, mourayng Wells3 4 the unstedfastnes] thunstedfastnes Z / u , thuunstedfastnes H2, the vnstedfastness LFay1-2-3, the vnstedfast nes CFitz, the vnste. .. Wells3, the vnstedfastnes NYDrex 7 me controryng] omit H', me contraryng H2 9 1 fere doutles] omit Hl, 1 fere doutles H2 10 remedyles] omitH', remedylesZ/2 11 is now to cese] omit H', is now to cese H2 12 my wofull chance] omit H', my wofiill chance H2 14 w/fnowtyn les] with ow tyn les H', withowtyn les H2, with outenless LFay1-3, with owtyn leyss Wells2, with owytyn lese NYDrex 16 avance J a vance. H1, auance. H2, a vaunce. LFay1-3, a vance. NYDrex 21 trance] tonce Hu, trance Z/3, trance LFay1-2-3, Wells3 22 in substance] insubstance H', in swbstance H2-3, In SMbstaunce LFay1, Inswbstaunce LFay2, In substaunce LFay2, in substance Wells2,3 26 bowndon am 1] om/Y //', bowndon amltf 27 and that gretly] omit H', and that gretly H2 29 seyng playnly] omit H', seyng planly H2 playnly] planly H23, playnly LFay2-3, Wells2 32 from] fro H1, from H2-3, for LFay1-2-3, to ^//s 7 2 , from to Wells3 33 my lyf was lent] omit H', my lyf was lent H2 37 yet] ye H13, yet Z/2, LFay1-3, yit Wells1-2 39 but she is ment] o/wf Z/;, but she is ment H2 Collation (Substantive Variants): 1 omit H3, LI ay2, Wells3 2 omit H', LFay1, NYDrex 5 omit Wells3 6 omit H3, Lb ay2, Wells3 7 omit H', LFay1, NYDrex 9 omit H^LFay1, NYDrex 10 omit H', LFay1, Wells3, NYDrex Tl omit H', LFay1, NYDrex is now] now LFay2 12 omit H', LFay1, NYDrex 13 omit H3, Wells2-3 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 256 \4 omit H3, Lbay2, Wells3 15 omitH3, Lbay2, Wells3 16 omit H3, Lbay2, Wells3 17 omit Wells2 18 omit Wells3 my] me NYDrex greuance] grete grevance Lbay2, gret grevance LFay3 20 omit Wells2 21 lo in] in Wells3 23 such ~ chance] such chance. H2 chance] daunce LFay123, d. . . Wells2 26 omit H', LFay1 am 1] were 1 LFay3 27 omit H', LFay1 that gretly] gretely LFay3, grettly Wells3 28 omit H3, LFay2, Wells3 29 omit H1, LFay1, Wells1 seyng] sayng LFay23 30 fortune] for time LFay2 31 omit Wells'-2 32 from] fro H', from H23, for LFay1-1'3, to Wfe/fc", from to HW/sr* 33 om/f H', LFay1, Wells1 $4 omit H3, LFay2, Wells3 an] one Wells1,2 36 welcum fortune] welcum fortune welcum fortune H2, well cum fortune well cum fortune Lbay1, well on forton well cum fortune Wells1, well cum forton well com forton Wells2 37 omit H3, LFay2, Wells3 yet] ye Hu, yet H2, LFay13, yit Wells'-2 38 omit H3, LFay, Wells3 shent] spent LFay13 39 omit H', LFay', Wells' is] it LFay23, Wells2-3 40 went.] wone. LFay12,3, wone. Wells1-2, mone. W?//.^  Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 Svmwhat] Sum what H2, Sum what LFay1-3, Sumwhat CFitz, NYDrex musyng] musing H2 2 and] And H3, Lbay2, Wells3, and CFitz more] mor H3 momyng] omit H', morywg H23, morenyng LFay2,3, mornyng CFitz, mourayng Wells3 3 in] in H3, In LFay1,2,3 remembryng] remembryng LFay12, Wells3, remembryng Lbay3 4 the unstedfastnes] thunstedfastnes H1,3, thuuwstedfastnes H2, the vnstedfastness LFay1,23, the vnstedfast nes CFitz, the vnste. .. Wells3, the vnstedfastnes NYDrex 5 this] this Lbay1-2-3 world] worlde Lbay1,2,3 beyng] beyng H23, Lbay1,2,3, CFitz 6 of] off H2 walyng.] waylyng. H2, welyng. LFay13, walyn. CFitz 7 co/rtraryng] co/rtraring H3, contraryyng LFay2, cowtryyng LFay3, contrary yng CFitz, cowteroyng Wells3 8 gesse] gess LFay1-2,3, gese CFitz, Wells3 9 fere] feyr CFitz doutles] doutless Lbay2,3, dowteles CFitz Siemens, Henry VW MS 257 10 remedyles] re mediles H3, remedylessLbay2-3, remediies Wells2 11 is] ys H3 cese] cess LFay2,3, sease Wells23 12 wofull] woful H3, Lb ay2, woofull Wells2-3 chance] chaunce Lb ay2, Wells2-3, chaune LFay3 13 vnkyndnes] unkidnes H2, vnkyndness LFay1-2-3, vn kyndnes NYDrex 14 withowtyn les] -with ow tyn les H1, withowtyn les H2, with outenless LFay1,3, •with owtyn leyss Wells2, with owytyn lese NYDrex 15 and] and H2, Wells2 redresse] redre H2, redress Lbay1-3, Wells2, NYDrex 16 avance J a vance. H1, auance. H2, a vaunce. Lbay1-3, a vance. NYDrex 17 dysplesance] disple sance//2, displesance H3, displesaunce Lbay12-3, dysplesaunce Wells3, dysplesans NYDrex 18 greuance] gre uance H2, gre vance H3, grevance LFay1-2-3, greuans Wells2, gre uans NYDrex 19 and] and bJ2, Lbay1 surance] surance H2, Wells3, suraunce Lbay1-2 3 20 this] this Wells2 trance] trance Wells2 21 in] In Lbay1-2-3 this] this H2, this Lbay2-3 trance] tonce H'2, trance H3, trance LFay123, Wells3 22 in substance] insubstance H1, in swbstawce H23, In substaunce LFay1, Inswbstaunce Lbay2, In substaunce Li-ay2, in substance Wells23 23 chance.] chance. // 2, chance. // J, chaunce. CHfc 24 willyng] wyllyng H23, CFitz,V . . HW/s-3 * dye] dye. // 2, LFay1-2-3, Wells2, dy.// J 25 Me] me LFay2, Wells3 thynk] thynk /73, thynkyth LFay1-2-3, thynke UW/y3 trewly] trewly H3, truly LFay1-2-3, treuly We/Tr3 26 bowndon] bondow Z/3, bounden Lbay2, bounded Lbay3, bowndyn Wells2,3 am]\n\H3 21 and] and LFay3 that] that H3 gretly] grtly H3, gretely Zi^ orK3, greytly IfW/^, grettly W^/'s3 28 content] content //% Lbay13 29 seyng] se yng Wells23 playnly] planly H23, playnly Lbay2-3, Wells2 30 fortune] Fortune Lbay1, fortune Wells' wry] wrye H2 31 contrary] contrary H2, contrary H3, Lbay1-2-3, cowtrarye Wells3 32 myn] my H2, myn Wells1 entent.] entent. H2 33 lyf] lyffLbay2, liff Lbay3, lyffe Wells23 34 entent] in. . . Wells' 35 nye]ny/yZJ, Lbay1-2-3, Wells3 36 welcum] well cum Lbay1-2, Wells1,2, well cum Lbay3, wellcom Wells3 fortune] forton Wells23 40 ys] is LFay123, Wells1-2 went.] wont. H23 Commentary: General Commentary: Certainly more in keeping with the general tone of the lyrics in Siemens, Henry VIII MS 258 LFay, this remains one of the few moralising or meditative works in H. Attributed to Anthony Woodville, Lord Rivers, who wrote the words while imprisoned in Pontefract, prior to his beheading in 1483,247 the lyric suitably meditates upon the fickleness of fortune and the unsteadfastness of this world. A moralized version exists in the The Gude and Godlie Ballatis, though it was condemned and excised from the 1586 ed. (see James [Mitchell, ed.]); see also BL Additional MS 18,752 (281). A lyric with similar tone is the unattributed "My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble" (H 116"-120*; 323). Mentioned in this edition: xv, 21, 32, 78, 89, 91, 104, 107, 108, 109, 260, 264, 268, 272, 273, 326; Notes and Glosses: 6 walyng Wailing. 11 cese Cease. 12 my wofull chance Cf. the unattributed "My thought oppressed my mynd in trouble" (H 116v-120r; 323; 1. 22). 14 withowtyn les Without release. 21 trance State of extreme apprehension or dread, but also a stunned or dazed state (OEDnA 1, 3a). 22 in substance In reality, in essence. 30 wry Swerve, turn (OED v.2 2). 36 welcum fortune See the title to this lyric's moralised version, listed in the General Commentary. 37 went Thought, supposed (OED "wend" v.2). 38 shent Ruined, brought to destruction; also, put to shame (OED v. 1 1, 3). 39 she is ment She had it in mind the whole time (Stevens M&P 94). 40 went Path, way, course of action or plan (OED 1,3). Modernised Text: Somewhat musing, and more mourning, in remembering the unsteadfastness. This world being 5 of such wailing, me contrarying, what may I guess? I fear, doubtless, remediless, 10 2 4 7 See Stevens M&P (362), Berdan's Early Tudor Poetry (150), and Arber's Dunbar Anthology (180). is now to cease my woeful chance, for unkindness, without no less and no redress, does me advance. With displeasure to my grievance, and no assurance of remedy, lo, in this trance now in substance such is my chance willing to die. I think truly bound am I, and that greatly, to be content seeing plainly fortune does wry all contrary from my intent. My life was lent to an intent. It is nigh spent. Welcome, fortune. Yet I do not want thus to be shent, but she is meant. Such is her intent. Siemens, Henry VW MS 259 15 20 25 30 . 35 Siemens, Henry VIIIMS 260 Figure 19: "Svmwhat musyng" (H 120M22r; 253). "Wujat muj^mr mtrtnffrVgr t i jn^Ajbiff -jr7ftd&£tyjr , 0 M a * IS tii Itfy= Mztincfli me borfrti j IllSiitc .1* hiifpltfttniX ti ai;'i 1 ''.iftfiffirwt imip infii{^R«tjiiiJi*uiH rjifliirr mttmxtc. to by? c 1 3 1 itf 1 tis J ^QiT lufjAT mii|'ijr i mo:/ injur mtriitf bVp£ rt)iiii/K*bfH/^/lf^ 1 3tL 1 f 0 i \ . 1 •"J-fat boiftlfp mm^/ifr-*? i * mm- To n*/Y ui|i fb'O/iiff chillier Siemens, Henry VIII MS 261 i in Jffl-ftvxtc.. . - t o . j t tc "nancy * tijJ/ittmu* * f | . temfb? to uxytiitt MflipTjVfrfinrc/iin?rijrtucr 1 b j i ^ « t t - - r e b)»c nir rorcrKut Ui lUr i m u t i n y / ? ?/r:f iNcnrtKV t^f .....k.ii.v ..... ..... .... .,._,0,..V: :Tw.,-v..-^ ~ mobiles y$lu'iu id rcjnii)rlKo/ii''Wjfli/a' \Hbtfyti'lkn: ti?iin» at* i v •••»'"•«./••- -> t'rturv nub mwiicrirc r.v fljib ; n i / ; j ; « r c of* .>i":?u'tyi JJI rt\)i2i;Aur\'nOWTittftiir- r.irt\ ii- my Wiilr-uccta tfr Siemens, Henry HUMS 262 is*1 — 'V ; imStcvtent fbitwxt S t 1tot$nr%> a(t canp ho myn eirti'itt mm •• td an cmntf: in* iipr $ifiit lvfTrii fovtimt A. '•ii,,. 111111 j i 3 robfrniitfrrt-1 /rjiffjrplttitfo /wtimv dorh luc^c alTronritn porn un* cmvnr • Siemens, Henry VIII MS 263 111 ~i—i—v—a~ fort fl]e ie m e i n f adf" p C ; t)tz I t -oa t -is: v 4 , y i / T T T T J I I I P l f c r j > rffl rvuttp farm, orfoit T % u « « 0,.'' —rm -tr-^ mptjif^a^tau it \s\ip fpctit-t-4-fhzhwt Mr- 1 h— — r> 1 • . .— [_J Figure 19 a: "Svmwhat musyng" witness, LFay (33^ -350 Siemens, Henry VW MS 264 "^wcfe t<r^f *>fftirfilvc\vTikc V*bar marljf*|V ^rVnrrm-* i *, 1 * *•< • , • • • 4 4 v.'.Vi. • 11 i i i . * * * i Siemens, Henry WI MS 265 i t m i mev<. i i i 4 . ' ' 1 1 * " Siemens, Henry HUMS 266 m: v 1 1 1 4 -4-rr r t tw 4v J1 E5a Siemens, Henrv VIII MS 267 J . U l J l J l J i l l l J J i r r ' l M l - -(rff W lent +r An cirKrrr tf ny (,p Siemens, Henry VWMS 268 Figure 19 b: "Svmwhat musyng" witness, Wells (1 r-2r) Siemens, Henry Mil MS 269 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 270 Siemens, Henry Mil MS 271 Siemens, Henry WI MS 272 Figure 19 c: "Svmwhat musyng" witness, CFitz (l1) Siemens, Henry VIII WIS 273 Figure 19 d: "Svmwhat musyng" witness, NYDrex (I*) Iff I had wytt for to endyght Unattributed Iff I had wytt for to endyght. of my lady both fayre and fre of her godnes than wold I wryght shall no maw know her name for me shall no maw know her name for me. I loue her well with hart and mynd. she ys right trew I do it se My hart to haue she doth me bynd. shall no mane know her name for me She doth not wauer as the wynde. nor for no new me chauwg doth she. But all way trew I do her fynd. shall no maw know her name for me. Yf I to her than war vnkynd. pytte it war that I shuld se. for she to me ys all way kynd. shall no maw know her name for me. lernyng it war for women all. vnto ther louers trew for to be. Promyse I mak that know non shall. whill I leue. her name for me. My hart she hath and euer shall Siemens, Henry VIII MS 2 74 5 10 15 f s- Siemens, Henry VIIIMS 275 to deth departed we be Happe what wyll happ fall what shall, shall no man know her name for me. 25 Textual Apparatus: Description: The first stanza is through-set in three voices; the remaining text is underlaid. Unattributed in H, though inZ,18752 (58*), a related handling (not collated here), the initials "J I" appear underneath. A facsimile is provided in this edition (see Figure 20 [279]). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 1414.8, Boffey, Ringler MS TM721, and Crum 1822. Reprinted in Chambers Lyrics 57, Chambers Verse 41-2, Fliigel Anglia 235, 260, FliigelNeuengl. 134, 138, Padelford 78, Reed 350-1, Stevens M&P 396, and Stevens MCH8 26. j Texts Collated: H1" (34v-35r, 11. 1 -5 H23), (5*), LDev (58*) j Emendations of the Copy Text (H1): 14 vnkynd.j vn kynd. H1, vnkende. LR58 16 for] ffor H', For LR58 19 vnto] vn to H', vnto LR58 Collation (Substantive Variants): 5 omit LDev 11 doth] woll LDev 12 all way trew] trew and faythfull LDev 14-21 omit LDev substitute sore y am that y ne may / to tell yon her fydelyte / that all men myght good of her saye / shall no man kno her nam for me LDev 15 se] the.LR58 17 know her name for me.] know hur name for me. LR58 18 women] young men LR58 j 20 mak] made LR58 non] noman LR58 21 whill] vthyWyt LR58 I] \hz\lLR58 i 23 to deth] tyll by dethe LR58, that by dethe LDev \ 24 substitute bade and goodes y gyue her all LDev wyll] shall LR58 fall what shall,] wylbe fall LR58 I 25 know her name for me. ] know hur name for me. LR58, know her nam for me. I LDev I Collation (Accidental Variants): 1 I Siemens, Henry VW MS 276 1 Iff] If// 2 i, yf LDev wytt] wyt H2, LDev, wit H3 for] foreLR58 endyght] endith. H2, endyte. LR58, LDev 2 of] 0&LR58 fayre] fare H3, fayr LDev and] and H2, LDev frej fre. H2-3, free^LR58 3 of] off L/t5# godnes] godens Z/2, godnese LR58, goodnys LDev than] then LR58, LDev wold] wolde LR58, wolld LDev wryght.] wryght. / / Z i , wrete. L/tf<S, wret. LDev 4 no man] no man H2,3, LDev, noman LR58 her] hur LR58 name] nam LDev me J me. H23, me. L/tf* 5 noman] no man Z/2, LDev, noman LR58 her] hurL/t5# me] me, LR58 6 loue] loveLR58 with] wyth L/US, w/f« LDev mynd] mynde. L#5S, mynd. LDev 7 right] ryght L/?5S, LDev trew] true LR58 I] y LDev do] dooL/US, dow LDev it] hyt LR58, hit LDev se.] see. LR58, se. LDev 8 doth] dothe LR58 bynd] bynde. LR58, bynd. LDev 9 no mane] noman L/?5#, no man LDev her] hur L/?5# name] nam LDev me] me.LR5£, LDev 10 doth] dothe L/?5# wauer] wauer LR58, waver LDev wynde] wynde. L/?5S, wynd. LDev 11 chaung] chaungeLR58,LDev doth] dotheLR58 she] she.LR58, LDev 12 all wayj| all waves LR58 trew] true LR58 I] y LDev do] aooL/?5S, dow LDev fynd] fynde.L/?5<S, fynd.LDev 13 shall] sha LR58 no.] no. LR58 man] man L/?5c* her] hur L/?5S name] nam LDev me.] me. LR58, LDev 14 Yf] Iff L/WS her] hure LR58than] then L/?5£ war] wereLR58 vnkynd] vn kynd. vnkende. LK5S 15 pytte] oety LR58 it] hyt LR58 war] wereLR58 shuld] sholde L/?5<S 16 for] ffor//'-2J, For L/taS all way] all waysLR58 kynd.] kende. L/Wtf 17 no man] noman LR58 18 lernyng] LornyngLR58 it] hytLR58 war] wereLR58 all] all.L/?5£ 19 vnto] vnto//7 ther] thereLR58 louers] louers L/W# be] be. LR58 20 Promyse] promyse LR58 shall.] shall. LR58 21 leue] leve.L/?5« her] hurLR58 me] me^LR58 . 22 hath] hathe L/?5#, LDev and] and LR58, LDev euer] ever LDev 1 . . 23 departed] departydL/?5£, deparartydLDev be] bee.LL15<S,be.LDev 24 Happe] hapL/WS happ] hape LR58 \ 25 no man] noman LR58 5 • • • I Commentary: I Siemens, Henry VIII MS 277 General Commentary: This lyric presents a celebration of a lover's lady. With echoes in Cornish/Wyatt's "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r; 205) and other lyrics of this tradition, the lover expresses his love and devotion, and praises her beauty and constancy to him. See also "If I had space now for to write" (PRO State Paper Office 1/246 28"), which shares the same rhyme yoking ("write" [1. 1] and "endite" [1. 3]). Mentioned in this edition: xv, 106, 107, 208, 279. Notes and Glosses: 1-3 endyght... godnes Cf. Christopher Goodwyn's Dolorous Louer: "Of all her goodnes what sholde I more endyght" (1. 218). I endyght Put into words, compose, give a literary or rhetorical form to, express or describe in a literary composition (OED "indite" v 3). 10 She doth not wauer as the wynde Cf. lines 14-15 in Wyatt's later handling of "A robyn gentyl robyn," "that wommens lou ys but ablast / and tornyth as the wynd" (LDev[2] 24r; also LEge 37*). II for no new me chaung doth she Cf. Cornish/Wyatt's "A robyn gentyl robyn" (//53v-54r; 205; 1. 11). 12 trew I do her fynd Cf. Cornish/Wyatt's "A robyn gentyl robyn" (H 53v-54r; 205; 1. 9). 18 lernyng it war for women all "it would be, if known, a lesson to all women" (Stevens M&P 396). 23 departed Separated. 24 Happe what wyll happ In reference to the changes of fortune the future may bring; cf. "Spite of thy hap, hap hath wel happed" (11 7, 14, 21) in Wyatt's "In faith I not well what to say" (LEge 19*). Modernised Text: If I had wit for to indite Of my lady, both fair and free, Of her goodnes then would I write. Shall no man know her name for me, Shall no man know her name for me. 5 I love her well, with heart and mind. She is right true, I do it see. My heart to have, she does me bind. Shall no man know her name for me. She does not waver as the wind, 10 Nor for no new me change, does she. But always true I do her find. Shall no man know her name for me. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 278 If I to her then were unkind, Pity it were that I should see, 15 For she to me is always kind. Shall no man know her name for me. Learning it were for women all Unto their lovers true for to be; Promise I make that know none shall. 20 While I leave her name for me. My heart she hath and ever shall. 'Till death departed we be. Happen what will happen, fall what shall, Shall no man know her name for me. 25 Siemens. Henry VIII MS 279 Figure 20: "Iff I had wytt for to endyght" (H 34v-35r; 274). "7-r jiHflf J1 ttptfr tn cribp$t. of nxp toby Sct§ fhftesab jre of fjerjudTtf* $an teofiJ | Wiyafit jTJafF no rail £001* • 3 ft 0 0 ft 1 ft 0 j ) i \—hxM A ; _ — T §ev umnefyme p)afXtwtn& finite ptrjnantffy mc~ w ; 4r •, .jfct. Of jjpDfrnff r^aii 100ft | Wtpifit. jljaif no man §tu>)& ^ft4 nam* jfa mc. ($afT tio man ftnotv 0er tuutir mr. Siemens, Henry Mil MS 280 *4i A 1 i A U 1 i T E r v -1 Ji ^ J a . A 0 A f L ^ 3 r t . 0 i r r n fir. of t)tcgrimte tijantsoftl ymtpgft.fyfi 3L 1 o .d <) :fi=B: nftmrfi t t tn^' | four ijer tsrff.tw'ttj ^ait *tmjmfl.$ep*iyj$t t ins itfc. jp> fjarfto $aue $f tot^ Byua. pjaflf tin ttiaae final* 0<riiaiiu?(ijiaif. ^t)r totfj Tuitfteaii a^tfjf tF^mY.ru)i ftp tie net© med^aijrT'totf)^. djntaff twajj titi» jift> IJcr jfpn*. J^ aiTno n ia §nol* ^ truameimttie. ff | to^fr rfjan tearun gpnJ>f jipttr u?ar t$a*f| j f ^ / r f^iu f§e to mc fi$ oft way fyub. fyaftnom&.fots, fkrnjtrig it war fox wouim aff. to rijrr foWtetp fwtoSc. Jpmpfc fmai t^at &1101F non\^ atT*wt)itX i^c.^ navic\vxutc. &pjjatt fit ijaty.anb ru$aff too^ fcpm-teo tsr tie-*§a#jt tp^attspii flajpfiffw 0flt ftjaCf tu) ma. uf-.r Siemens, Henry HUMS 281 Hey nony nony nony nony no Unattributed Hey nony nony nony nony no hey nony nony nony nony no. Hey nony nony nony no. hey nony nony nony nony no Hey nony nony noy no. hey nony nony no. This other day. I hard a may. 5 ryght peteusly complayne. She sayd all way. w/7/iowt denay. her hart was full of payne. She said alas. 10 w/Ynowt trespas. her dere hart was untrew. In euery place. I wot he hace Forsake me for a new. 15 Seth he untrew. hath chosen a new and thynkes with her to rest: And will not rew. and I so trew: , 2 0 wherfore my hart will brest And now I may. In no maner away. optayne that I do sew. So euer and ay with owt denay. myne owne swet hart adew Adew derlyng. Adew swettyng. * Adew all my welfare. Adew all thyng. to god perteynyng: cryst kepe yow forme care. Adew full swete. Adew ryght mete to be a ladys pere. with terys wete. And yes replete. she said adew my dere. Adew fare well. Adew labell. Adew bothe frend and foo. I can nott tell. wher I shall dwell. my hart it grevyth me so. She had nott said. but at abrayde. her dere hart was full nere. Siemens, Henry VIII MS 282 25 30 35 40 Siemens, Henry VIII MS 283 And saide goode mayde. be not dysmayd. 50 my love my derlywg dere. In armys he hent. that lady gent. In uoydyng care and mone. They day thay spent. 55 to ther in tent. In wyldernes alone. Textual Apparatus: Description: The burden is through-set in three voices, with the remaining text underlaid; it is unattributed. For its relationship with Henry VTH's "Alac alac what shall I do" (H 35v; 139), see the notes to that lyric. Music is provided for the burden only; the lyrics may have been sung to a well-known tune (Stevens AMP 127-8, 399), as with "Grene growith the holy" (H 37-38'; 141), "Blow thi hornne hunter" (H 39v-4(y; 188), "Whilles lyue or breth is in my brest" (H 54v-55r; 211), and "Yow and I and amyas" (H 45v-46r; 199). Indexing and Notable Reprintings: Indexed in Robbins Index & Suppl. 3635.5 and Ringler MS TM1666. Reprinted in Fliigel Anglia 236-7, Fliigel Neuengl. 135, Chambers Lyrics 59-61, Padelford xxxix, Stevens M&P 397-8, and Stevens MCH8 21. Texts Collated: H' (36*) Emendations of the Copy Text (//'): 8 w/tfiowt] with owt H1 denay] de nay H' 10 She] Sshe H' 11 w//«owt] with owt H1 12 untrew] un trew. H' 15 Forsake] Ffor sake H1 11 adew.] adew. H' 29 Adew] A dew H1 57 alone] a lone. H1 Siemens, Henry VW MS 284 Collation (Substantive Variants): None. Collation (Accidental Variants): None. Commentary: General Commentary: A lyric in which the speaker overhears a complaint of a maiden worried about the constancy of her male lover; it conclud