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Institutional barriers to sustainability : a case study of transportation planning in Vancouver, British… Curry, John Allan 1995

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INSTITUTIONAL BARRIERS TO SUSTAINABILITYA Case Study of Transportation Planning inVancouver, British ColumbiabyJOHN ALLAN CURRYB.Sc., McGill University, 1974M.A., University of Waterloo, 1979A THESIS SUBMITFED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHYinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES(School of Community and Regional Planning)We accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAJune 1995° John Allan Curry, 1995In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.Department of School of Community & Regional PlanningThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate June 30, 1995DE-6 (2188)ABSTRACTSignificant changes must occur in human interaction with the natural environmentif the world is to move towards a state of sustainability. While the need for such changeis widely recognized, planning in many sectors continues to lead to development that isunsustainable. Urban transportation planning is one such sector.Little attention has been given by sustainability-oriented researchers to the problemof resistance to change. Conversely, little attention has been given by organizationalchange theorists to local government planning organizations’ indifference to thesustainability imperative. As a consequence, while a great deal of research has examinedthe need to control the automobile in urban areas, little has been written about why suchcontrol still does not happen -- even when policies call for it.Vancouver, British Columbia is recognized for its progressive attempts to movetowards sustainability. This progressive situation creates an environment in which barriersimpeding change towards sustainabiity can be studied. While Vancouver’s municipal andregional policies explicitly call for a reversal in priorities which have traditionallyfavoured automobiles over transit, bicycles and pedestrians, operational decisions stillfavour the automobile. Most significantly, roads continue to be widened and newexpressways are built to accommodate more automobile traffic.A qualitative case study approach was used to inquire into transportation planningin Vancouver. An analysis of documents and of interviews with key informants suggests11that a system of institutional barriers exists which has structural, cultural, and humanresource dimensions. Unsustainability is a function of organizational inertia which is notonly supported by, but also takes advantage of and fosters, the wider politicalindividualistic culture.Specifically, there are several reasons for the disjunction between Vancouver’stransportation policies and the decisions which are being made in transportationinfrastructure development: an institutional structure which separates land-use andtransportation planning, impedes comprehensive decision-making, and lacks mechanismsto publicize and assess cumulative environmental impacts; the existence of anorganizational culture which seems to condone the use of subversive tactics to promote aninformal transportation plan which perpetuates traditional, automobile-oriented values,beliefs and assumptions; and the lack of conceptual knowledge and skills necessary fororganizational change to occur.The practical implications of these findings are that, in cases like Vancouver’s,sustainability can be fostered by three categories of mutually reinforcing actions:education, structural change, and planning practice. The actions in each category canbuild momentum towards second-order change using a social learning process to overcomesocietal values, beliefs and assumptions which promote an automobile-dominatedtransportation system.111TABLE OF CONTENTSAbstract iiTable of Contents ivList of Tables viiList of Figures ixAcknowledgement xCHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCTION1.1 Overview 11.2 Purpose of Research 21.3 Dissertation Outline 6CHAPTER TWO. THE SUSTAINABILITY CHALLENGE2.1 Introduction 92.2 Sustainability Placed on the Agenda 92.3 The Role of the Automobile in Post-IndustrialSociety 212.4 Concepts of Sustainable Development 372.5 Theories of Organizational Change 402.6 Planning Theory 672.7 Change Processes Towards Sustainability 74CHAPTER THREE. RESEARCH DESIGN3.1 Introduction 863.2 Development of Conceptual Framework 873.3 Research Focus (Site, Substantive Issue,and Time Frame) 893.4 Research Question and Subsidiary Questions 903.5 Rationale for Selection of Research Methodology 913.6 Data Collection Methodological Design 933.7 Data Analysis Methodological Design 1023.8 Validity and Reliability 103ivCHAPTER FOUR. CHARACTERISTICS OF VANCOUVER4.1 Introduction 1054.2 Geography, Economy and Population 1054.3 Ecological Degradation and EnvironmentalAttitudes 1084.4 Organization of the Transportation System 1124.5 Financial Investment in the RegionalTransportation System 117CHAPTER FIVE. CASE STUDY FINDINGS5.1 Introduction 1255.2 In-Depth Interviews with Key Informants 1265.3 Illustrative Cases 2055.4 Summary 237CHAPTER SIX. BARRIERS TO CHANGE6.1 Introduction 2396.2 Barriers at the Input Stage 2406.3 Barriers at the Planning System Stage 2466.4 Barriers at the Output Stage 2606.5 Summary 262CHAPTER SEVEN. CASE STUDY IMPLICATIONS7.1 Introduction 2647.2 Implications for Action 2647.3 Implications for Organizational Change Theory 2727.4 Implications for Future Research 2757.5 Concluding Comments 2827.6 Limitations of the Case Study 286BIBLIOGRAPHY 290vAPPENDICES 311A. Characteristics of the Industrial DevelopmentParadigm and the New Ecological Paradigm 320B. Concepts of Community Sustainability 314C. Summary of Principles of CommunitySustainability 332D. Ecologically Sustainable Urban Transportation Systems 334E. Strengths and Weaknesses of In-Depth Interviewing 343F. Initial Letter of Contact 344G. Interview Protocol 345H. Coding Manuals A and B 347I. Forces Promoting the Shift from Automobiles toOther Modes of Transportation 350J. Correspondence Pertaining to the Freedomof Information and Protection of Privacy Act 368K. Hermeneutic Dialectic Research Process 381viLIST OF TABLESTable 2.1 World Population 13Table 2.2 Regional and World Grain Production 14Table 2.3 The Deteriorating Financial Position ofDeveloping Countries 16Table 2.4 Key Indicators of Ecosphere Degradation 18Table 2.5 Urban Passenger Transport by Mode in SelectedCountries 25Table 2.6 Urban Densities and Commuting Choices in SelectedCities 26Table 2.7 Energy Intensity of Urban Transport Modes,United States 27Table 2.8 Pollution Emitted from Typical Work Commutes,United States 28Table 2.9 Examples of Automobile Management Measures andthe Results 34Table 2.10 Examples of Alternatives to the Automobile 35Table 2.11 A Possible Map of the Sustainability Transition 80Table 3.1 Methods to Improve Validity and Reliability 104Table 4.1 Population Trends in the Vancouver CensusMetropolitan Area 107Table 4.2 Commuting Modes and Length of Commute forSelected Canadian Cities 109Table 4.3 Attitudes of Greater Vancouver Residents TowardsSelected Environmental and Transportation Issues 110Table 4.4 Capital Expenditure for TransportationInfrastructure, Greater Vancouver 118Table 4.5 Maintenance and Operations Expenditure forTransportation Infrastructure, Greater Vancouver 119Table 4.6 Transportation Revenues and Expenditures inGreater Vancouver for Roads 121Table 4.7 Transportation Revenues and Expenditures inGreater Vancouver for BC Transit 123viiTable 5.1 Characteristics of Interview Participants 129Table 5.2 Forces Hindering Change - First Order 139Table 5.3 Forces Hindering Change - Second Order 171Table 5.4 Allocation of Expenditures for Automobile andOther Transportation Modes - Operating Budget 209Table 5.5 Allocation of Expenditures for Automobile andOther Transportation Modes - Capital Expenditures 211Table 5.6 Allocation of Proposed Expenditures for Automobileand Other Transportation Modes - Capital Plan 212Table 6.1 Barriers Identified in City of VancouverPlanning Process 240Table 6.2 Tactics Used to Impede Change within the Cityof Vancouver Transportation Planning System 253Table 7.1 Suggestions for Future Research 276viiiLIST OF FIGURESFigure 2.1 System Change Cycle 53Figure 2.2 Cultural Change Cycle 54Figure 2.3 The Coping Cycle During Change!Transformation 57Figure 2.4 Anthropocentric Human-NaturalEnvironment Relationship 74Figure 2.5 Biocentric Human-Natural EnvironmentRelationship 75Figure 2.6 Change Process from an Anthropocentricto a Biocentric Worldview 76Figure 3.1 Theoretical Planning Change Process Model 88Figure 3.2 Data Collection Process 94Figure 4.1 Administrative Boundaries in theVancouver Region 106Figure 4.2 Planning Structure and AgencyRelationships 113Figure 4.3 Lower Mainland Regional Districts 116Figure 5.1 Illustrative Segment of Map YB 58, Primaryand Secondary Arterials and ProposedConnectors, City of Vancouver 225Figure 5.2 Illustrative Segment of Map L. 415,Building Line Map, City of Vancouver 227Figure 5.3 Proposed Option for Burrard Bridge -Hornby Connector, City of Vancouver 231ixACKNOWLEDGEMENTThe following people were very supportive during the time this dissertation wasbeing prepared. My advisor, Professor Peter Boothroyd, provided excellent guidancethroughout the process and particularly during the conceptualization stage of thedissertation. My committee members, Tom Hutton, Penny Gurstein, and Mark Roseland,contributed excellent feedback during the development of the prospectus and during thefinal revision stages of writing. Garry Gram gave thoughful input into the methodschapter.My wife Gail provided immense personal support and assisted in the final edit of thisdocument. Our children, Rosalynd, Deborah, and Sean, were very understanding of theirfather’s need for quiet time during the past four years of university life. A special thankyou is extended to Heather Ross whose editing assistance during fmal draft preparationhelped improve clarity.Staff at the UBC Centre for Human Settlements provided a friendly and supportiveenvironment in which to research and write this dissertation. I would like to thankElizabeth Zook, June Kawaguchi, Karen Zeller, Karen MacLeod, Jeanne Elworthy,Sandra Balla, and Jennifer Kho for their assistance.Finally, I would like to thank a great number of students at the School ofCommunity and Regional Planning, University of British Columbia for their thoughts andinsights about better ways to carry out the practice of community planning. PriscillaBoucher and Mozaffar Sarrafi were instrumental in acting as sounding boards duringcrucial stages of the research.xCHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION“If you look at the current growth patterns, what we’re seeing is becoming amore and more auto-dependent region and that’s totally contrary to our statedgoals which [are] to preserve our green space, to improve our air quality, toutilize transit more as a tool and to become more transit-dependent. Certainlythe way we’re going right now is just the opposite of that. With the dependence on the automobile there comes more demand for bigger roads, morefreeways, bridges .. .“(15-100-11O)Case Study Participant, 19941.1 - OverviewIndustrialism and the accompanying process of change have caused two criticalproblems: the explosion of human population in poor nations and the high level ofconsumption of resources by rich nations. The systemic worldwide environmental degradationwhich both problems are contributing to has been documented since Rachel Carson’s call foraction in 1962 (Carson 1962). Over this same time period, there have been numerousforecasts of impending environmental collapse.’ Yet, judging from the action taken, the vastmajority of humans, including our influential leaders, still pay only cursory attention to thisinformation and continue to promote unsustainable practices.The majority of humans appear to be ignoring the vital signs of impending destructionof the natural life support systems upon which we depend for survival. This may be due tothe unprecedented growth in economic prosperity in the developed world (particularly during1 See, for example, Barney 1980, Boolcchin 1980, Club of Rome 1972, DagHammarskjold Foundation 1975, Daly 1973, Daly & Cobb 1989, International Union forConservation of Nature and Natural Resources 1984, Meadows et a!. 1992, Ward &Dubos 1972, World Bank 1992, World Commission on Environment and Development,1987.1the past half century) brought about by technological innovation and capital investment.2Residents of the wealthy nations simpiy do not want to change their lifestyle.1.2 - Purpose of ResearchThe purpose of this research is to contribute to knowledge which examines why,despite signs of severe ecological degradation, humankind is not talcing strong actionstowards sustainability.There is a large body of research which documents ecological degradation and whichdescribes both the concepts of sustainability and elements of a sustainable society. Inaddition, a great deal of research has examined the change process and barriers to thatprocess within organizations and institutions.3 When this study was initiated, the researchercould not fmd any studies which examined barriers to change impeding a movement towardssustainability. It was felt that such a study would assist in understanding the process ofmoving from the current resource consumptive woridview to a sustainable woridview.2 For example, Canada has experienced substantial economic growth in this century --particularly in the three decades which followed the beginning of the Second World War.The percent economic growth experienced during the decades spanning 1920-1990 are asfollows: 1920-30 -- 12 percent, 1930-40 -- 10 percent, 1940-50 -- 34 percent, 1950-60 -- 43percent, 1960-70 -- 37 percent, 1970-80 -- 9 percent, and 1980-90 -- 2 percent (Canada.1993b. Canadian Economic Observer). Since 1970, economic growth has sloweddramatically. This may mean that the upper limits of natural resource exploitation have beenreached.A much smaller body of research examines change processes and barriers to changeat a community level. Refer, for example, to Kettner et al. 1985 and Netting et al. 1993.2To focus the research effort, it was decided to study the case of transportation planningin Vancouver. Of the various components of community planning, transportation planningwas selected because, in terms of potential change towards sustainability, transportation isarguably the most significant unsustainable component of our present cities.In their study of the carrying capacity of communities, Wackernagel et al. (1993)divided the consumption of resources into five categories: food, housing, transportation,consumer goods, and embodied resources in services received. Although food consumptionwas the largest component of a community’s ecological footprint, these researchersconcluded that transportation is the one component where the greatest gains (measured in netresource consumption reduction) towards sustainability can be achieved. Other studies havestressed the importance of transportation as the major sustainability issue.4 The least efficientmode of transportation, but the greatest consumer of resources, was identified as the automobile (refer to Chapter Two, Section 2.3).Moving towards an urban transportation system which is less dominated by theautomobile is perceived as one method to assist human settlements to shift from ananthropocentic form of development (human-centred) to a biocentric form of development(nature-centred). For the purposes of this dissertation, biocentricism can be defined asdevelopment (excluding significant future growth) which focuses on the maintenance andSee, for example, Association of County Councils 1991, Engwicht 1993, Goodlandet al. 1993, Lowe 1992, Renner 1989, Transportation and Environmental Studies 1991,United Nations Environment Programme 1992.3rehabilitation of natural systems and the extension of our moral obligation for the pursuit ofequity from humans to all species.There is a substantial amount of literature on methods to reduce reliance on theautomobile with minimal personal costs and great social benefits,5but, in order to implementthese methods, commitment is needed. For those wishing to contribute to such change, it isimportant to discover the reasons why there is not yet a strong movement towards moresustainable modes of people transportation in North American urban regions. The Vancouverarea was selected because the City and region of Vancouver have made clear statementsregarding its desire to move towards a more sustainable transportation system. For example,at a meeting on April 4, 1991, City Council passed a motion endorsing the regional CreatingOur Future program. Contained within the program report is Action 16 which cells ondecision-makers to “Reverse transportation priorities so decisions are made to favour walking,cycling, public transit, goods movement and then the automobile” (City of Vancouver 1991,32). 6Despite these municipal and regional directives, increasing automobile traffic and highpollution readings indicate that the city and the region are moving away from this goal of aRefer to Chapter Two, Section 2.3.4 and see, for example, Duany 1991, Kitchen1993, Lowe 1992 1991 1990, United Nations Environment Programme 1992.6 For other municipal and regional commitments to move towards transportationsustainability, see also Clouds of Change: Final Report of the City of Vancouver Task Forceon Atmospheric Change (City of Vancouver 1990), Creating Our Future (Greater VancouverRegional District 1990), Liveable Region Strategy (GVRD 1993b), CityPlan documents ofthe current official community planning process in Vancouver, and the minutes of VancouverCity Council which appear in the bibliography.4decreased emphasis on the automobile in the region’s transportation system (GreaterVancouver Regional District [GVRD] 1994b). Furthermore, current planning is directed toaccommodate ever more automobile traffic. This is true for both official explicit plans, suchas the Long-Range Transportation Plan for Greater Vancouver (Greater Vancouver RegionalDistrict & Province of British Columbia 1993a), which project a significant increase in bothautomobile use and air pollution by the year 2021, and unpublished plans which suggestpotential sites for street widening and new overpasses.This research inquiry investigates why Vancouver’s transportation planners continueto develop more automobile infrastructure (thus encouraging greater automobile dependency)when the stated planning goals call for the preservation of green space, the improvement ofair quality, and the expansion of the public transit system. Institutions seem collectively tostate that they have goals of transportation sustainability, but, in practice, they seem to pursueother goals.7 There appear to be institutional barriers8which impede effective planning fortransportation sustainability. This study will try to determine what these barriers are.A potential solution advocated to overcome the negative impacts of the automobileis the utilization of alternative fuels. These fuels are perceived to contribute significantlyless air pollution. For example, electric cars are championed as non-polluting. Unfortunately,the efficiency of converting fossil or nuclear fuel to electrical energy (in North America,only a small portion of electrical energy is derived from hydro-electric sources) is less thanten percent. Vast amounts of heat energy and other pollutants are created at thermal powergenerating plants. Hydro electric power depends on the destruction of river ecosystems.Chapter Two examines other forms of automobile pollution (for example, noise, congestion,vibration) which degrade the quality of urban life.8 For the purposes of this study, institutions can be defined as public structures andprocedures relevant to transportation planning.5The general research is based on the following primary research question:“What barriers within Vancouver’s planning systems impede change towardsa significantly less automobile-dependent transportation system?”To ascertain what these barriers might be, in-depth, semi-structured interviews wereconducted with key informants involved in Vancouver’s transportation planning system.Evolving from these interviews were a number of issues which required further investigation.A number of illustrative case studies of transportation planning in Vancouver (embedded inthe general Vancouver case) were therefore undertaken to check the validity of theinterviewees’ claims and to further explore the nature of institutional barriers.Although the focus of this research inquiry is on the City of Vancouver, the impactsof transportation planning by the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) and theprovincial government on Vancouver are also considered because transportation planning isa multi-level, multi-jurisdictional process.1.3 - Dissertation OutlineThis dissertation is divided into six chapters.Chapter One has introduced the research topic, purpose, approach, and methodology.Chapter Two summarizes the argument for why residents of the rich nations of theworld should be concerned with global ecological degradation and examines the role of theautomobile in the rich nations. Theories and models of community planning, communitydevelopment, sustainable development, and organizational/community change andtransformation processes are reviewed. Finally, a possible transformation process towardssustainability is discussed.6Chapter Three presents the concepts used to frame the research, the rationale for usinga case study methodology, and the data collection and analysis methods.Chapter Four describes the City of Vancouver and its surrounding region, the attitudesof the local citizenry towards the natural environment, how the system for the movement ofpeople is organized, and the level of financial investment in different components ofVancouver’ s transportation system.Chapter Five presents findings from the interviews with key informants and theillustrative cases. Interviewees’ understandings of the barriers which are hindering changetowards sustainability are analyzed. Three illustrative cases, a study examining Vancouver’scapital and operating budgets, a study of a perceived informal transportation plan, and a studyof the Lion’ s Gate Bridge public participation process, are presented to illuminate howunsustainability continues. In addition a number of embedded cases, which reinforce theillustrative cases, appear as footnotes within this section.Chapter Six relates study findings, from the interviews with key informants and theillustrative cases, to the theoretical planning process model discussed in Chapter Three andprovides a succinct overview of the barriers to change which were identified through theempirical research.Chapter Seven discusses the following implications of the case study: implications fororganizational change theory, implications for action, and implications for future research.Appendices A to K provide detailed information which supports the discussion in themain body of the text.78CHAPTER TWO - THE SUSTAINABILITY CHALLENGE2.1 - IntroductionThis review of literature concentrates on four areas which need to be understood in orderto study the transportation planning process. First, concepts of sustainability are examined todevelop a better understanding of this worldview and to provide context for the focus on theautomobile. Second, the impact of the automobile on the liveability of urban regions isexamined. Third, organizational/community change and transformation literature is reviewedin order to develop an understanding of institutional and community change processes. It isassumed that an understanding of change processes is necessary in order to achieve any sort ofchange within an organization and/or community. Fourth, a conceptualization of the processtowards, and the elements of, a sustainable transportation system is presented.2.2 - Sustainability Put on the AgendaIn 1987, the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) stated thatto achieve global equity in living standards, a five to ten fold increase in economic output musttake place over the next 50 years (WCED 1987, 213). Unfortunately, humankind is alreadyappropriating approximately forty percent of the net energy 1 available from the natural processof photosynthesis (Vitousek et a!. 1986, 372). With an expected doubling of the worldVitousek et al. (1986, 368) use the term “Net Primary Production” (net energy) todescribe the amount of energy left after subtracting the respiration of primary producers (mostlyplants) from the total amount of energy (mostly solar) that is fixed biologically. The authorsconclude that developing biological realities will force decision-makers to face the “limits togrowth” debate.9population over the next 60 years, an equitable distribution of resources at First World levels,or the maintenance of present levels ofmaterial consumption, will be difficult to maintain.Not only is humankind living offthe planet’s energy “income” (plant photosynthesis fromsolar radiation), but we are also consuming the planet’s “capital” (the stored energy of fossilfuels) (Rees 1992a, 14). This “capital” took millions of years to accumulate, but in less than acentury fossil fuel consumption has allowed the population to increase to a level of over fivebillion people.Humankind is not “walking softly” on this planet. Goodland and Daly (1992, 37) notethat the traditional view of environmental limitations to growth which focused on “source limits”(depletion of resources such as fossil fuels and other minerals), is now being replaced by a newview of limitations to growth based on “sink constraints” (accumulation of ozone gases, globalwarming and local/regional air and water pollution). Using a simple input-output model,humankind has transformed the shape of the world’s natural capital from fossil fuels into peopleand pollution.Why have these problems arisen, and what amount of disruption to the orderlyfunctioning of the ecosphere must be overcome to return nature to an optimum functioning lifesupport system? The next section will examine a number of elements which address thesequestions.2.2.1 - Unidimensional Definition ofDevelopmentA review of the evolution of economic development theory is important to understandthe present “state of the world.” The modern paradigm of global economic development madeits first appearance in the late 1 940s. This economic development paradigm operates under the10assumption that resources and human ingenuity are boundless. Consequently, infinite growth isseen as possible.Friedmann and Weaver (1979, 108) traced the globalization of this modem paradigm ofeconomic development to the “Expert Report,” Measures for the Economic Development ofUnderdeveloped Nations prepared for the United Nations in 1951. Prior to this period, onlysegments of Europe and North America pursued economic goals based on the economic growthparadigm. The experts envisioned “the emergence of a universal, cosmopolitan civilization inwhich autonomous individuals would freely enter into contractual relationships with one anotheron the basis of enlightened self-interest” (United Nations 1951). Factors during this periodwhich reinforced this new paradigm included the beginning of decolonization, the developmentof a science of economics based on western concepts and theory, the invention of nationalincome accounts, and the appearance of a western educated elite in countries worldwide.Friedmann and Weaver identified the following characteristics of society which emergedfrom the global economic development paradigm:* Economics is seen as the only significant value in national development.* Development has a unidimensional form defined by the market value ofproduction.* Economic order focuses on the efficient allocation of resources.Source: Friedmann & Weaver 1979, 108Equity is virtually ignored. Development initiatives focus on growth, efficiency in resourceallocation, rapid capital accumulation, and technological change. The United Nations reportconcluded that:rapid economic progress is impossible without painful readjustments.Ancient philosophies have to be scrapped; old social institutions have to11disintegrate; bonds of caste, creed, and race have to be burst; and large numbersofpersons who cannot keep up with progress have to have their expectations ofa comfortable life frustrated.”This economic worldview marked the beginning of a global economy and was also the beginningof cultural disharmony for many of the so-called underdeveloped countries.Effects of the new economic order include the rapid expansion of cash crop agriculturalpractices to supply rich nations with specialized foodstuffs; rural to urban migration spurred onby landowners who desire land for cash cropping; and burgeoning urban populations fueled, inpart, by economic uncertainty2.Population growth and resource consumption by rich nationsmay be considered the most significant factors threatening the continuation of the world as weknow it today.2.2.2 - Population GrowthThe world’s population is expected to increase from a present level of 5.3 billion to aprojected level often to eleven billion around the year 2050 (United Nations 1991). Table 2.1summarizes the absolute growth in population between the year 1950 and 1990 with projectionsto the year 2025 (United Nations 1991, 5). World population is increasing at a rate of 93 millionpeople per year. This rate will continue to increase before it peaks at a high of 98 million peopleper year between 1995 and 2000.Table 2.2 summarizes world per capita production and consumption of grain on aregional and worldwide basis. The table also presents trends in productive capacities. Per capita2 Refer to the “The Coming Anarchy” for a very sobering analysis of the destruction oftraditional values, beliefs and assumptions of African cultures and the evolution of a new formof tribalism based on survival (Kaplan 1994, 44).12production and consumption of grain can be used to analyze long term environmentalsustainability.3 In the rich regions of the world, grain is either consumed directly or is fed tolivestock and consumed indirectly as meat. In the remainder of the world, grain is mainlyconsumed directly for food. Humans cannot survive if per capita annual grain consumptiondrops below 180 kilograms (about 1 pound per person per day) for an extended period of time.TABLE 2.1World Population (billions)Year Population1950 2.5199O 5.32000 6.32025 8.5Source: United Nations. 1991. World Population Prospects 1990.The application ofnew agricultural technologies (based mainly on the utilizationof fossil fuels in various forms) resulted in the “Green Revolution” (a rapid expansion in theproduction of foodstuffs around the world). These trends in rapid growth of per capita foodproduction began in the sixties, lasting for a short period of time in Africa (until 1967) and upAnalyzing annual per capita grain production rather than total grain production is importantas it takes population increases into consideration. Total annual grain production may beincreasing, but, if at the same time, population is also increasing, the actual food available to eachhuman may be static or even declining. Increased food production leads to the degradation ofagricultural lands and, when more lands are brought into production, reduces the biodiversity ofa region. After a certain critical threshold level, the resulting stress on the natural environmentleads to ecological collapse.13to 1984 in Western Europe and Asia.TABLE 2.2Regional and World Grain Production per Person,Peak Year and 1990Region Peak Peak 1990 Change sinceProduct. Product. Product. peak year(Year) (kg) (kg) (percent)Africa 1967 169 121 -28E.Europe&USSR 1978 826 763 -8Latin America 1981 250 210 -16North America 1981 1,509 1,324 -12Western Europe 1984 538 496 -8Asia 1984 227 217 -4World 1984 343 329 -4Source: Worldwatch Institute. 1991. State of the World 1991.According to the State of the World 1991 report (Woridwatch Institute 1991), in allregions of the world, per capita grain production has peaked and a steady decline is now takingplace. Further expansion of the agricultural land base and yield increases are being suppresseddue to the cost of fossil fuel and environmental degradation. The repercussion of countriesfalling below the threshold of survival (180 kilograms of grain consumed per person per year),as Africa has, is described by Kaplan (1994, 44) who predicts anarchy and new tribalism in thepoorest countries of the world. The number and size of degraded areas will continue to expandas population growth places added demands on finite natural resources. Numerous authors14(Brown, Flavin & Wolf 1988, Kaplan 1994, Rahman 1991, Rees 1992b, Westlake 1990) suggestthat other regions, including Asia and Latin America, will fall below the threshold of survivalduring the next twenty years and that regional environmental collapse will ensue. Other authors(Berreby 1990, Skinner 1988) see continuing population expansion as the main factor which willfuel the continued expansion of growth economics.2.2.3 - Resource ConsumptionBased on western consumption patterns, a child born into the first world will, within theirlifetime, consume approximately 75 times the resources of a child born into the third world(based on current consumption).4A resident of the rich nations “uses 15 times as much paper,10 times as much steel and twelve times as much fuel as a Third World resident” (Durning 1991,15). As the United Nations Development Programme notes, “the richest twenty percent of theworld’s people are at least 150 times richer than the poorest twenty percent” (1992, 3). This ratiohas doubled over the past thirty years (during a time when the people of the rich nations of theworld espoused an attitude of sharing). Resource consumption in the third world centres onobtaining materials to ensure basic human survival. Resource consumption in the first world isdriven by attempts to satisfy social, psychological and spiritual needs through materialpossessions.5Consumption rates based on World Bank statistics for Gross National Product per capita.Low, middle, and high income economies were examined (World Bank 1993, 238).This overconsumption is driven by a number of factors, including advertising, which fuelsdesire rather than addressing needs; the loss of traditional values such as patience, honesty andintegrity, which have been replaced by desire for material wealth; the substitution of shoppingfor more satisfying and diversified cultural activities; government subsidization of selected sectorsof the economy, such as the beef, tobacco, and private automobile industries; and the expansion15Even with this massive quality of life imbalance, there is an enormous net transfer ofwealth from the poor nations to the rich nations (totalling fifty-two billion dollars in 1989)(World Bank 1989, 8).6 Table 2.3 documents the deteriorating monetary situation in recent yearsfor the poor countries of the world.TABLE 2.3The Deteriorating Financial Position of Developing Countries1980-89 (U.S. $ Billions)1980 1981 1982 1984 1986 1988 1989*Total debt stocks (yr. end) 572 753 819 855 1047 1156 1165Total debt Flows1. Disbursements 112 124 108 97 103 108 1112. Principal repayments 46 49 46 50 76 88 863. Net Flows (1-2=3) 66 75 62 47 27 20 264. Interest payments 47 68 65 69 65 72 775. Net Transfers (1-2-4=5) +19 +6 -2 -22 -38 -52 -52* ProjectedSource: MacNeill, Winsemius, and Yakushiji. 1991. Beyond Interdependence: The Meshing ofthe World’s Economy and the Earth’s Ecology.Twenty percent of the world’s population (approximately one billion) live in unprecedented wealth while at least twenty percent live in poverty. The ecosphere is finite and, in orderto maintain the natural life support system on which humankind depends, other plant and animalof the commercial market into households, changing their function from productive units toconsumptive units. Communities no longer function as social units and places of permanence, butrather as units of commercial enterprise.6 The net transfer of wealth is calculated by subtracting the interest and principle paymentson the foreign debt (owed by the poor nations to the rich nations of the world) from foreign aidpayments received from the rich nations.16species must have available a portion of the energy from photosynthesis7.Thus, expandingpopulation increases aggregate resource consumption which leads to environmental degradation.2.2.4 - Environmental DegradationBug-eyed bunnies are symbolic of one of a number of serious ecosphere modificationproblems facing humankind today: the hole in the ozone lying over Antarctica (Larmer 1991,43). The United States National Aeronautics and Space Administration has recently discoveredthat the ozone hole over the south pole has expanded faster than originally predicted (to a sizewhich is, today, two times the size of Canada). Carcinogenic radiation levels increase to morethan ten times normal levels during the fall season. Humans, who have experienced skinirritations and swollen, clouded-over eyes, have been encouraged to wear hats, sunglasses andsunscreen. Humans can adapt more readily than blind salmon, myopic rabbits and blind sheep(blinded by cataracts). One of the many challenges of science is to find methods whereby theflora and fauna can adapt to the new realities of an human-altered environment.Other vital signs of growing ecological damage are documented in the work of Brown,Flavin & Wolf (1988, 76), Rees (1991, 8) and the Woridwatch Institute. Key indicators of thecontinuing degradation of the ecosphere are summarized in Table 2.4.It is interesting to note that at the present time approximately four percent of the earth’s landarea is set aside for non-consumptive purposes in parks and nature reserves. This statement is notentirely true as resource extraction is still allowed in some park systems. The United Nationswould like to increase this to a level of 12 percent. This is creating a furore, as the businesscommunity, unions and special interest groups in resource communities view a tripling of theland base removed from exploitive production as a catastrophe for business. Yet, even at a levelof 12 percent, humankind is still appropriating 88 percent of the earth’s surface for humanpurposes. A more appropriate level of approximately 50 percent has been proposed by theWildlands Project (Noss 1992, 10).17TABLE 2.4Key Indicators of Ecosphere Degradation1) Forest Loss. World forests are shrinking at an estimated rate of 17 million hectaresper year (Woridwatch Institute 1992, 3) - a land mass which is equivalent to threetimes the area ofNova Scotia. Some countries, such as Ethiopia, have lost nearly alltheir forest cover.2) Soil Degradation. Approximately 6 million hectares of land per year (an areaequivalent to the size of Sri Lanka) are degraded so critically that their productivecapacity is lost (Worldwatch Institute 1991, 8). Soil oxidation and erosion totals 26billion tons per year in excess of natural ecological formation processes (Rees 1991,462).3) Climate Change. World temperatures may increase by an estimated 1.5 to 4.5degrees C. by the year 2040 (Rees 1991, 462). This temperature change will result inincreased volumes ofwater and will melt polar ice caps, with a consequent rise in sealevels from 1.2 to 2.2 meters by the year 2100 (Rees 1991, 463).4) Water. Groundwater tables are falling in many parts ofAfrica, Asia and NorthAmerica as withdrawal rates exceed aquifer recharge rates. Over 1.2 billion people inthe poor nations do not have access to safe and reliable water (Postel 1992). Thousands of lakes in the industrial north are biologically dead and thousands more are inthe process of dying (Brown, Flavin & Wolf 1988, 76).2.2.5 - Concluding CommentsAs we move towards the second millennium, humanicind is beginning to realize that wehave degraded the natural global ecosystem which sustains life. The present debate focuses onthe degree of degradation which has occurred and the amount of further degradation the world?secosystems can sustain. Supporters of the dominant Industrial Development Paradigm (i.e.Growth Economics, refer to Appendix A) criticize people and ideas which examine alternativedevelopment paradigms. They view pollution and environmental degradation as a management18problem which can be resolved within the existing parameters of growth economics, and theyclaim that continued growth will eventually create equity for all nations -- rich and poor alike.Proponents ofchange away from “business as usual,” support their views by citing globaltrends of environmental degradation and inequalities in the distribution ofwealth between richand poor nations of the world. They recognize that the pursuit of economic growth has resultedin poor countries striving for the same prosperity (or appearance ofprosperity) found in the richnations.Trends in population growth and resource consumption indicate that the rich nationsmust, ifwe are to survive, significantly reduce our standards of consumption. Environmentalistsare calling for radical social change through the reorientation of basic social values and rapidmovement towards a sustainable lifestyle. They feel ten, possibly twenty, years are left in.whichto redefme how humankind interacts with its life support systems (the ecosphere).Humankind has three development paths to choose from: continued domination of theecosphere, attempting to use science and technological innovation to resolve environmentalproblems; evolving fundamental changes in values, beliefs and attitudes which recognize thathumankind is one of many species which must share the life support systems of the planet; orsome sort of compromise between these two development paradigms.In the coming decades the issue of continued economic growth versus ecologicalpreservation/balance will be the focus of a great deal of intellectual discourse. This is not a newdebate8;it is simply discourse which has been put to one side over the past one hundred yearsFor example, Ebenezer Howard in his book “Garden Cities of Tomorrow” (1902, 43),introduces a thesis for new ways of constructing and operating communities. The book includes19while humankind consumed the shadow carrying capacities9of frontier lands and the storedbenefits ofphotosynthesis.’°For humankind to move towards a development pattern which incorporates long-termsurvivability, a new development paradigm must evolve which recognizes limitations on boththe growth of human activities and the accompanying impacts on the natural environment. Astate of ecological balance must be re-established between humankind and nature. Discussionsurrounding this new development paradigm falls within the area of study referred to as“sustainable development.” Numerous authors (Daly & Cobb 1989, Rees 1992a, UnitedNations 1992) have called for a change towards a sustainable society. The components andcharacteristics which would comprise an ecological woridview have been identified (refer toappendix A). What is lacking is a desire by society to move towards this new ecologicalworldview.The United Nations (1992) has documented this resistance to change. They concludethat, in the twenty years since the creation ofthe United Nations Environment Programme, worlda section discussing the growth versus sustainability debate that dominates discussions ofdevelopment theory today.The concept of carrying capacity can be defined as “an ecosystem’s capability to continuesupporting life for an indefinite period. If this carrying capacity is exceeded, the quality of lifewill decline. If a carrying capacity surplus (a shadow carrying capacity) is encountered, rapidpopulation growth and/or quality of life improvements will take place” (Catton and Dunlap1980, 43). Australia, North and South America and most of Africa and Asia represented carryingcapacity surplus regions during the colonial era.10 Fossil fuels really represent the accumulated or stored benefits of millions of years of thephotosynthesis process.11 Recently many authors have modified the term from “sustainable development” to“sustainability” to disassociate from authors advocating “sustainable growth.”20governments have taken superficial steps (for example, setting up environmental ministries andsigning international agreements) which have not led to concrete commitments to action.Overall, environmental conditions have deteriorated (dramatically in some regions ofthe world).The concept of “overshoot”’2 now looms as a realistic future for humankind.2.3 - The Role of the Automobile in Post-industrial SocietyA community’s shift from an automobile-centred transportation system to a transportationsystem which is not centred around the automobile represents a movement from anthropocentricism to soft biocentricism. This section will review the impact of the automobile on urbanregions and will present a number of innovative solutions which demonstrate successful urbantransportation systems which are not dominated by the automobile.“Knights in chromium armour. We never admitted it, but that’s how my friendsand I saw ourselves in the fifties as we roamed midwestern highways on manya balmy evening. In muscular, deep-throated steeds we sped from town to town,the wind hunicaning in through open windows and corn rows whipping by likepicket fences” (Grove 1983, 2).This analogy to medieval knights describes our love affair with the automobile. In littleover a century the transportation ofmost people in the rich nations of the world has moved fromfoot and animal mobility to propulsion provided through the internal combustion engine. Theautomobile has offered people unsurpassed mobility and individual freedom at a cost which,12 The concept of “overshoot” denotes a condition where a system degrades dependentresources to a point whereby recovery of the resources and the system is impossible. Foradditional information see the book review of “Beyond the Limits,” 1992, by Donella Meadows,Dennis Meadows and Jorgen Randers, Post Mills, Vermont: Chelsea Green Publishers, whichappears in the Rocky Mountain Institute Newsletter, Vol.8 No.3, Fall/Winter 1992, p.8.21until recently, has represented a minor portion ofpersonal disposable income (Ward 1990, 169).In the United States, one job in six depends on the manufacturing, maintaining, operating ordisposing of the automobile (Engwicht 1993, 5).Our dependence on the automobile has reached a level of addiction, as the recent LosAngeles earthquake illustrated. Ridership on certain routes of the Los Angeles Metrolink transitsystem increased twenty-fold immediately following the earthquake due to the collapse ofheavily-used elevated freeways. But once the initial shock was over, alternate routes werediscovered, and commuters turned their backs on transit to resume driving their automobiles --in spite of having to endure two hour one-way trips. While urban planners mourn the loss of agolden opportunity to move toward a rail transit system as the dominant mode of urban transportation, city decision-makers prepare to invest approximately $800 million in reconstructingeleven freeways (Reed 1994, A-14).Even at a time when the automobile continues to dominate our lives, greater numbers ofpeople are recognizing that this vision ofmobility and freedom, coupled with a sense of speedand power, is illusionary. The automobile is being associated with the degradation of social andenvironmental quality within and beyond community boundaries. Ward labels automobiles asanti-social objects which turn drivers “into enemies of society” (1990, 169).Cities have been reconstructed to accommodate peak rush hours (Duany 1991). In theprocess, the freedom of the non-auto-using public -- the poor, the elderly and the young -- hasbeen severely restricted. A quote from a Los Angeles planning report illustrates the subservientposition humans hold to the automobile: “The pedestrian remains the largest single obstacle tofree traffic movement” (Engwicht 1993, 41).22The automobile has claimed more lives through accidents in this century than all warsduring the same time period (Ward 1990, 169). It has degraded the lives of humans and otherspecies through air, water, and sound pollution; urban congestion; and resource depletion (forthe construction, maintenance, and disposal of the automobile and its various accessories)(Renner 1989, 97).The next five subsections will explore two important questions: “What is the impact ofcontinued reliance on the automobile as the dominant form of urban transportation,” and “Howcan this reliance on the automobile be overcome?” The first subsection will review therelationship between transportation and land use. Recent worldwide trends in the use of theautomobile, and the automobile’s impact on urban landscapes and human lifestyles will bepresented. Automobile-derived pollution, and land consumption patterns will be examined.New ideas and innovations in the management of automobiles, and alternatives to the automobilewill be discussed. Finally, plans for ecologically sustainable urban transportation will be presented, and a process to move towards transportation sustainability will be introduced.2.3.1 - Relationship Between Land Use and TransportationThe right to travel, as embodied in the concept of the “right-of-way,” has been a longestablished tradition (TEST 1991, 15). In Great Britain, the right-of-way was an extension ofthe commons and provided a corridor of mobility to move sheep and other livestock. Today,rights-of-way are more commonly used for the movement of motorized vehicles within andbetween urban regions.In modern society, the relationship between land use and transportation continues to exist23and substantially shapes our urban landscape. Hart (1992, 483) claims that the last four decadesof urban development have been dominated by the desire to accommodate the automobile. Thisprocess of accommodating one dominant form of transportation has resulted in various humanactivities becoming “more widely spread, with greater distances separating homes, jobs, andservices” (Hall 1993, 9). Because this urban spread further perpetuates the growth in automobileusage, a continuing demand for the supply of additional infrastructure to support the automobileis insured.In recent years, the intractable problem of the automobile infrastructure supply-demanddilemma has been revealed. The supply of automobile infrastructure increases the demand forthis infrastructure to a point of congestion (Association of County Councils 1991, 19).Additional supply of infrastructure to relieve congestion tends to create more demand and, inturn, more congestion. This drama of constructing new supply (infrastructure), only to beoverwhelmed by new demand (more automobiles) has been played out in cities around the world.In the process, vast amounts of resources have been invested in a vain effort to overcome thedilemma.2.3.2 - Trends in Automobile UsageThe world’s passenger car fleet is increasing at a faster rate than population growth, withthe number of vehicles projected to surpass one billion by 2030 (United Nations EnvironmentProgramme 1992, 410). The annual global growth rate is estimated at ten million cars and fivemillion buses and trucks. Approximately eighty percent of vehicles are located in the richnations of the world. Automobile density has reached a level of 1.8, 2.2 and 2.8 persons per24vehicle in the United States, Canada and Western Europe respectively. Market saturation isslowing down the increase in vehicle ownership in the rich nations. This will result in themajority of future growth taking place in the poorer nations.In comparing the types of urban transportation used in North America and Europe,European countries display a healthier modal split between cars, public transit, bicycles, walking,and motorcycles. In Canada and the United States, there is a heavy reliance on the automobile(refer to Table 2.5). Table 2.6 illustrates the relationship between urban densities andcommuting choices for a number of industrialized cities.TABLE 2.5Urban Passenger Transport by Mode in SelectedCountries - circa 1980(Percentage of Total Trips)Country Car Transit Bicycle Walking MotorcycleUnited States 82 3 1 11 1Canada 74 15 ( —--.--- 1 1 ---—- )West Germany 48 11 10 30 1Great Britain 45 19 4 29 2Netherlands 45 25 9 19 1Austria 39 13 8 31 4Sweden 36 11 10 39 2Source: United Nations Environment Programme. 1993.As a result of a heavy reliance on the automobile, a significant percentage of urban spaceis appropriated for automobile infrastructure, including roads, freeways, parking, and service25stations. Los Angeles is the world leader in urban land appropriated for automobile use.Seventy percent of its land area is used for automobile-related purposes (Engwicht 1993, 5).Table 2.6 denotes Vancouver holding a lead position in the consumption of land and the heavyreliance on the automobile for urban transportation.TABLE 2.6Urban Densities and Commuting Choices, Selected Cities, 1980.City Land Use Private Public Walking &Intensity Car Transport Cycling(pop+jobs (% of Workers Using)/ha)Phoenix 13 93 3 3Vancouver 15 83 9 8Washington 21 81 14 5Sydney 25 65 30 5Toronto 59 63 31 6Amsterdam 74 58 14 28Stockholm 85 34 46 20Munich 91 38 42 20Vienna 111 40 45 15Tokyo 171 16 59 25Hong Kong 403 3 62 35Note: This table defines land use intensity as population and jobs per hectare. This conceptacknowledges the multifunctionality of urban space.Source: Newman and Kenworthy. 1989. Cities and Automobile Dependence: An InternationalSourcebook and City of Vancouver Planning Department. 1995. Vancouver Land Use andCommuting Choices.26In limited numbers, automobiles offer unsurpassed freedom, but as numbers increasecongestion dramatically reduces automobile efficiency and degrades the liveability of the urbanenvironment. Degradation takes place in two forms: environmental and social.Within the environmental realm, a large amount of research documents the ill affects ofthe automobile on human health and the natural environment. There is a direct link betweenenergy use and various forms of pollution. The first step in understanding this link comesthrough examining energy use by urban transportation mode (Lowe 1990, 13). Table 2.7 illustrates this relationship.TABLE 2.7Energy Intensity of Urban Transport Modes, United StatesMode Number of Passengers per Energy IntensityVehicle (Btu per passenger-km)Intercity Rail Car 80 442Intercity Bus 40 477LightRail Car 55 639City Bus 45 691Rapid Rail Car 60 752CarPool 4 1144Automobile 1 4576Source: Lowe. 1990. Alternatives to the Automobile: Transport for Livable Cities.A city bus containing forty-five passengers is 6.6 times more energy efficient than anautomobile containing a single occupant. Extrapolating this ratio relationship, one can concludethat a city bus requires less than seven passengers, at any time, to match the energy consumptionlevels of an automobile.27Table 2.8 (Lowe 1990, 14) offers information which links pollution levels to differentmodes of transportation used for commuting to work. The table clearly documents the highlevels of pollution emitted by the automobile. According to Lowe’s calculation, a singleoccupant car produces eleven times the hydrocarbons, five times the carbon monoxide, and athird more nitrogen oxides per passenger kilometer than a transit bus.TABLE 2.8Pollution Emitted from Typical Work Commutes, United States(grams per 100 passenger-kilometres)Mode Hydrocarbons Carbon Monoxide Nitrogen OxidesRapid Rail 0.2 1 30Light Rail 0.2 2 43Transit Bus 12 189 95Van Pool 22 150 24CarPool 43 311 43Single Occupant 130 934 128AutoSource: Lowe. 1990. Alternatives to the Automobile: Transport for Livable Cities.Although energy efficiencies and reduction of pollution using non-automobile modes oftransportation have been clearly documented, the popularity of automobile transportationcontinues to grow. Between 1973 and 1988, countries of the European Economic Communityhave made some progress towards energy conservation in non-automobile sectors, with a slightincrease in overall energy consumption of 3.5 percent. However, the road transport sector(automobile and truck) increased its level of total energy consumption by 49.1 percent during28this time period. Focusing on oil use only, oil consumption for all other non-automobile sectorsactually declined by ten percent from 1973 to 1988, while the transportation sector (all modes)increased its use of oil by 28.6 percent. The transportation sector now consumes over one halfthe oil used in the European Economic Community (Wbitelegg 1991, 90).2.3.3 - Transportation and Urban LiveabilityAccording to Quidort (1991, 101), continued high levels of oil consumption and theaccompanying high levels of pollution, coupled with congestion, stress, damage to culturalheritage, and safety problems, are slowly eroding the liveability of our urban regions. Theseproblems have evolved incrementally since the Second World War, as urban planners(predominantly in North America, and with a lag, in other regions of the world) have perfectedthe art of automobile-focused urban and regional planning. As Lowe (1992, 120) relates,“Among industrial regions, North America and Australia have the weakestplanning traditions. Governments on these continents have done relatively littleto guide development beyond separating industrial areas from those zoned forcommerce and housing.”Calthorpe (1991, 84) and Duany (1991) severely chastise North American planners forallowing the automobile to become the defining technology of the built environment.13 According to Duany, American cities have been highly planned for the past twenty years, but the13 The planning profession cannot be held solely responsible. The passing of urban trolleysystems was due to more than consumer preference. A United States federal court, in 1949, founda number of corporations and corporate officials guilty of a conspiracy which involved purchasingurban trolley companies and ultimately closing them down. Corporations included GeneralMotors, Mack Trucks, Firestone, and Standard Oil of California. Ultimately Americans had littlechoice but to purchase automobiles (Hanson 1986, 395).29suburbanization process has taken the four elements of community (places to live, work, shopand gather), isolated them in distinct packages (residential suburbs, business parks, shoppingmalls, and recreational complexes), and used the automobile to connect them (highway, arterial,collector and local Street system). The automobile has also encouraged the “segregation of ourculture: old from young, home from job and store, rich from poor and owner from renter”(Calthorpe 1991, 84).Sections of our cities constructed prior to this “Age of Segregation Urbanism” sufferedthe same fate as peripheral suburban zones. The traditional, predominately gridiron, segmentsof our cities have been remodelled for the automobile. At one time, urban streets performed twofunctions: allowing both human movement and human exchange. Appleyard (1981) documentedthe inverse relationship between movement and exchange functions. As speed and volumeincrease, and automobiles appropriate increasing space (referred to as the Zone-of-Influence),the human exchange function begins to decline. Interaction between friends and acquaintancesacross streets and even on the same side of streets declines. Families with children move away,and new families do not move in. Alienation increases to a point where heavily travelled streetsbecome hostile environments for humans and become the domain of the automobile.Goodland et al. (1993, 9) claim that congestion in Los Angeles has reached a level wherecommuters spend more time in their cars than any other single activity except office work. Areport published by the London-based Transportation and Environmental Studies group (TEST)concludes that the parking spatial demand per car in London is three times the space demand forthe average home. Worldwide, cars command twenty percent of urban space. This demand for30space increases to 50% for the average US city and 67% for Los Angeles.14Increasing numbers ofvehicles in urban areas also lead to safety problems, disruptionsto community life, and deteriorating health. Goodland, Guitink and Phillips (1993, 2) note that“the impact of today’s annual output of 48 million cars vastly exceeds the impact of the [annual]human population growth of 90 million.” They claim that one automobile consumes many timesmore energy and other natural resources, and creates greater pollution (including disposal)problems than the average human.An exhaustive study, entitled Wrong Side of the Tracks: Impacts of Road and RailTransport on the Environment (Transportation & Environmental Studies 1991) was undertakenin England and examined the social, environmental, and economic impacts of continuedautomobile infrastructure expansion. The study arrived at the following conclusions:SafezvVehicle traffic may be relatively safe for their occupants, but they are relativelyunsafe for other road users -- particularly pedestrians and cyclists. As a result, over aquarter of a million people worldwide die each year from vehicle accidents and anestimated twenty to forty million receive personal injuries. The risk of death for cyclistsin a collision with an automobile is at least three times greater than for pedestrians orautomobile occupants.‘ In Section 2.3.2, Engwicht (1993) provided a figure of 70% ofLos Angeles’ area used forthe automobile, while Goodland et al. (1993) use a figure of 67%. The discrepancy between figuresrelates to different definitions of land used for the automobile.31Community DisruptionThe introduction or expansion of road infrastructure into a community can inhibitthe movement of people and contribute to social alienation. The most affected are theyoung and elderly. Approximately one half of school children living in Outer London arenow driven to school due to increasing traffic danger. Also because of this danger, theelderly must be accompanied by someone in their travels. The situation becomes selfperpetuating: more school children and elderly being driven results in more trafficdanger, resulting in even more children and elderly being driven. The only people whocannot join this self perpetuating cycle are the poor: those people who cannot afford avehicle.The other major disruption to community life is the involuntary curtailment ofstreet life as the automobile becomes the dominant element of the streetscape. As streetlife declines, people’s lives are increasingly conducted within their homes and theirautomobiles (which ultimately becomes an extension of the home).HealthThe automobile contributes to a number of forms of physical and mental illness.Lack of exercise related to car use impacts on human physical health. Noise contributesto the deterioration ofmental health. In urban regions, noise nuisance from road trafficis most often the dominant form of noise pollution. Between seven and 31 percent ofresidents living in OECD countries are exposed to road traffic noise which exceed 65 dB.Noise exceeding these levels, and continuous low-level noise leads to hearing damage,auditory fatigue, and a range of physiological reactions including stress and changes in32blood pressure.Although proponents of the automobile still call for the expansion of infrastructure torelieve congestion, a growing segment of society is calling for processes which will reduce theimpact of the automobile on the urban landscape.2.3.4 - Improved Automobile ManagementSome cities around the world are beginning to introduce demandmanagement techniquesto reduce the negative impact of the automobile in urban regions. Table 2.9 provides a summaryof some of these management techniques.Possibly the greatest gains in automobile management would be in redesigning the carto take the ecological realities of the 1 990s, and beyond, into consideration. This process hasstarted; there are innovative experiments underway which will radically reshape the image of theautomobile. Concepts include light electric vehicles and new hybrids which combine the bestfeatures of electric and internal combustion engine technology (Flavin 1993, 27).The Rocky Mountain Institute (1993, 7) has conceived of a hypothetical four passengercar which combines existing technology into a “Supercar,” with fuel efficiency levels of 150miles per gallon (US City/Hwy). The car is based on the Ultralite auto prototype developed byGeneral Motors. Advances beyond the Ultralite prototype include using carbon-fiber and othercomposite materials to reduce body weight to approximately 1300 pounds (a typical 1990 U.S.production car weighs 3180 pounds), using aerodynamic design techniques not only on the topbut also on the bottom of the vehicle, and incorporating a hybrid-electric-battery drive systemwhich would require only a 10 to 20 horsepower internal combustion engine (current engines33must be in the range of 100-200 horsepower to provide the same performance).TABLE 2.9Examples ofAutomobile Management Measures and the ResultsMeasures Taken City ResultsEncouragement of vehicle Los Up to 95% of emissions reduction.fleet renewal. AngelesGasoline recovery devices Los Reduction of emissions equivalent to 19%in service stations. Angeles of total HCs emitted in California in 1980.Inspection and maintenance New Reduction of 39% in NO and 34% in COprograms for cars. York emissions between 1980 and 1987.Parking permits, access Singa- The share of private cars in total vehiclepermits and taxes on vehi- pore traffic at peak hours in the town centredes. decreased from 50-60% to 23%. Commuting journeys towards the town centrehave shifted from cars to buses from a56%/33% share to 46%/46%. Accidents inthe town centre have fallen by 25%.Road pricing (tolls) for Hong Bottle-necks have diminished by 14, 16,urban motorways Kong and 17 percent representing time gains of(three projects). 98,000, 113,000 and 124,000 hoursrespectively.Traffic restrictions to given GOte- Victims of accidents decreased by 40- -districts in central areas. borg 45%. Net noise reductions of about 4-dB(A) for 1/3 of ithabitants. 7% increasein the average length ofjoumeys outsidethe areas compensated in part by the increased average speed within the areas.Source: United Nations Environment Programme. 1992. The World Environment 1972-1992:Two Decades of Challenge. pp.441.Technological and urban design innovations will not resolve the ultimate problem whichmakes cities unliveable: the sheer volume of vehicles which leads to traffic congestion and the34use of a significant proportion of urban land for vehicle-related purposes.2.3.5 - Alternatives to the AutoTable 2.10 summarizes a number of initiatives which are both replacing urbanautomobile usage (or insuring usage does not increase) and improving urban liveability.TABLE 2.10Examples of Alternatives to the AutomobileMeasures Taken TownJResultsGeneralized improve- Munich A 30% increase in public transport users. Thement of public trans- ratio of public transportationlcars has changedport towards an inte- from 37/63 distribution to 46/54 between 1970grated public trans- and 1980.port system.Simplified and inte- London A 16% increase in public transport users. Carsgrated transit fares arriving at central London in peak hours have(‘travel card’). diminished by 10-15% with similar improvements in air quality.Simplified and inte- Paris A 1/3 increase in public transport users and 2-grated transit fares 3% reduction in car utilization during the whole(‘travel card’) day.Source: United Nations Environment Programme. 1992. The World Environment 1972-1992:Two Decades of Challenge. pp.441.Communities of particular note, due to the integrated nature of their transportationplanning and implementation strategies are Curitiba, Brazil and Freiburg, Germany. Curitiba,a city of 1.6 million people, has received international acclaim for its urban transportationsystem. A master plan for the city (completed in 1965) defmed linear growth corridors with35limits on the outward expansion of the central area. According to Rabinovitch (1993, 18), thekey to Curitiba’s success is the thoughtful integration of land use and transport policies. Highdensity new development and redevelopment projects are encouraged along public transportcorridors. A mix of homes, jobs, services, and recreation are promoted in close proximity toeach other. Transit infrastructure is designed so that, as ridership increases, express bus reservelanes can be converted to light rail and ultimately to high-capacity rapid rail systems.The Curitiba Integrated Transport Network has grown from 25,000 passengers per dayin 1974 to the current level of 1.3 million passengers per day. This innovative direct route bussystem costs approximately $200,000 (US) per kilometre to construct compared with $20 millionper kilometre for a light rail system, and $90-100 million per kilometre for an underground metrosystem. The system moves passengers faster, and for less money, than any other system inBrazil. An estimated twenty-five percent city-wide fuel saving has been attributed to the transitsystem.Innovation and creativity are cornerstones to the planning and management of Curitiba.Boarding tubes (mini bus stations) speed up the loading and unloading of passengers. The Cityhas also developed an extensive cycleway system which links parks and protected river valleyareas. Open leisure space per inhabitant has increased from 0.5 square meters in 1970 to thecurrent level of 50 square meters. Pedestrians are given priority in the downtown core.Curitib&s ecologically sensitive transportation system has spurred an environmentalconsciousness in the city. Similar initiatives can be replicated elsewhere.The City ofFreiburg (population 180,000) serves as an administrative centre to the BlackForest region of southwest Germany. Here, city officials have used three techniques to control36the use of the automobile: severely restrict use; provide affordable, convenient alternatives; andrigorously encourage compact land use to permit the viable use of transit, bicycling and walking(Pucher & Clorer 1992, 386). Freiburg’s initiatives are very similar to the activities undertakenin Curitiba. Pucher and Clorer note that the important ingredient for change was communityelected officials who realized that sooner or later a decision had to be made on “how many carswould be permitted in their cities.”2.3.6 - Concluding CommentsAutomobiles, and their infrastructure, are having detrimental effects on communitiesincluding problems of land consumption, pollution, safety, health and social alienation. But theexperiences of communities such as Curitiba and Freiburg demonstrate that it is possible todesign transportation systems to become more sustainable.2.4 - Concepts of Sustainable DevelopmentThe search for a set of values, beliefs and attitudes, different from industrialism, to shapehuman development has been underway for many decades. In 1987, the Brundtland Commissionbrought a fringe debate, surrounding alternative development ideologies, to public attentionthrough the publishing of Our Common Future. The publication of this report resulted in thepopularization of the term Sustainable Development, which the Commission defined as“development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of futuregenerations to meet their own needs” (WCED 1987, 43).A action-deflecting debate surrounds the appropriate meaning of sustainable develop-37ment. Some advocate sustainable growth, which is simply an adaptation of neo-classicaleconomics to include environmental protection, while others insist that humankind must developnew ways of interacting with nature because they believe that the natural carrying capacity ofthe planet earth has been surpassed (Pimentel 1994, 37).Within the context of this dissertation, the term growth is not considered to besynonymous with the term development. Growth implies the continuing expansion andconsumption ofmaterial goods on a per capita, as well as an aggregate, level and the conversionof renewable and non-renewable resources from a natural state to a state which can be used byhumans. Development implies a per capita decline in material consumption accompanied byan increased focus on knowledge, spirituality and relationships. A number of conceptualframeworks will be reviewed to develop a sense of the parameters of this elusive concept ofsustainable development.Robinson et al. (1990, 41) identif’ two factors which comprise the foundations ofsustainability: the natural environment and the socio-political system. The natural environmentmust be maintained in order to provide for the needs of present and future generations. In orderto maintain the natural environment, human enterprise must coalesce around a set of values andprinciples which encompasses concepts of sustainability, and the political system must supportthese values and principles. Sustainable development requires a state of ecological balancebetween humankind and nature and a process to move towards and maintain this balance.Rees (1989, 3) defines sustainable development as “positive socioeconomic change thatdoes not undermine the ecological and social systems upon which communities and society aredependent. Its successful implementation requires integrated policy, planning, and social38learning processes; its political viability depends on the full support of the people it affectsthrough their governments, their social institutions, and their private activities.” The followingpoints are appended to this definition.Sustainable development1) is oriented towards achieving ecological, social, and economic objectives;2) may impose ecological limits to material consumption, while fostering qualitativedevelopment at the community and individual levels;3) requires government intervention, but also the leadership and cooperation of theprivate sector;4) demands policy integration and coordination at all spatial scales and amongrelevant political jurisdictions; and5) depends on education, planning, and political processes that are informed, open,and fair.Non-depletion of the stock of environmental capital is becoming a central element ofmodels of sustainability. Ekins (1992, 412) has developed a set of conditions which he claimswill lead to sustainability:1) Destabilization of global environment features such as climate patterns or theozone layer must be prevented.2) Important ecosystems and ecological features must be absolutely protected tomaintain biological diversity.3) Renewable resources must be renewed through the maintenance of soil fertility,hydrobiological cycles and necessary vegetative cover. Sustainable harvestingmust be rigorously enforced.4) Depletion ofnon-renewable resources should proceed on the basis ofmaintaininga minimum life-expectancy of the resource, at which level consumption wouldhave to be matched by new discoveries of the resources. Use of non-renewableresources must be minimized through the development of durable products andby practising the “four Rs” (repair, reconditioning, re-use and recycling).Furthermore, all depletion of these resources should involve contribution to acapital fund to help finance research for alternatives and the eventual transitionto renewable substitutes.5) Emissions into air, soil and water must not exceed the capability of the earth toabsorb, neutralize and recycle them, nor must emissions lead to life-damagingconcentrations of toxins.396) Risks of life-damaging events from human activity must be kept at very lowlevels. Technologies, such as nuclear power, which threaten long-lastingecosystem damage at whatever level of risk, should be forgone.Source: Ekins 1992, 412.In the urban realm, the concept of sustainability is often in contradiction to prevailingdevelopment patterns which emphasize separation of land uses and transportation dominated bythe automobile. These planning practices are now increasingly considered to be a wasteful useof land and other resources. A sustainable urban community, as defined by Rees and Roseland(1991), emphasizes efficient use of urban space, a reduction in the consumption ofmaterial andenergy resources, community liveability, and the organization of administrative and planningprocesses which can deal sensitively and comprehensively with socio-economic and ecologicalcomplexities. Achieving this vision ofa sustainable community would involve a massive changein the way we live in and plan our communities. This type of change cannot occur without anin-depth understanding of the change process and particularly how change is brought about andhow it is impeded.2.5 - Theories of Organizational ChangeOrganizational literature helps us develop an understanding of how organizationsconstruct themselves, how they function, and why some organizations change and adapt whileothers decline and disappear. The purpose of examining organizational literature was to developinsights into how institutional planning systems function and how they have adapted to orresisted change. Other theoretical perspectives, such as cultural and political theories, were notused in framing this analysis of barriers because the focus of the research is on planning40institutions and their reasons for not pursuing (or indeed, their reasons for blocking)sustainability.In modern societies, communities can be viewed as encompassing a number oforganizations. Public organizations have taken over many community functions which, at onetime, were performed by community volunteers. As Amitai Etzioni explained in his definitivebook Modern Organizations,“Ours is an organizational society. We are born in organizations, educated byorganizations, and most of us spend much of our lives working for organizations.We spend much ofour leisure time paying, playing and praying in organizations”(Etzioni 1964, 1).In modern First World societies, to understand communities one must also understandorganizations.The business world has undergone dramatic change over the past decade as processes ofcentralization and globalization have redefined the principles governing the economic marketplace. Once pillars of business expertise, companies such as IBM, General Motors and NorthernTelCom have been shaken into the realization that the traditional way of doing business throughincremental change is insufficient in today’s marketplace. The explosion of the Space ShuttleChallenger in January 1986 helped galvanize the public’s attention on the incompetence of agingorganizational structures (McCurdy 1989, 301). Moore and Gergen (1988) forecast a five totwenty-five year period during which aging organizations will undergo transformational changeprocesses which will result in either business failure or significant modification to organizationalphilosophy.412.5.1 - Organizational LiteratureThe field of organizational behaviour is immense. Processes of change are mostextensively researched in the fields of business administration, education and the medicalsciences. On March 12, 1994, the University of British Columbia Library system contained4664 items listed under the subject heading “organization.” On the same date, the computerizedindex Uncover, which contains 12,000 journal titles, included 10,331 articles under the subjectheading of “organization” and 594 articles under the subject heading of “organizationaldevelopment.” Titles such as Teaching the Elephant to Dance: Empowering Change in YourOrganization (Belasco 1990), Managing the Unknowable: Strategic Boundaries Between Orderand Chaos in Organizations (Stacey 1992), The Postmodern Organization: Mastering the Art ofIrreversible Change (Bergquist 1993), and Breakpoints (Strabel 1992) define a cluster ofliterature which ranges from in-depth inquiry to cookbook how-to discourse.The following section summarizes the historical development of the field oforganizational behaviour. Major sources used to form this discussion include Planning in thePublic Domain: From Knowledge to Action (Friedmann 1987), Philosophic and PragmaticInfluences on the Practice of Organization Development. 1950-2000 (Sanzgiri & Gottlieb 1992),Encyclopedia of Organizational Change Methods (Huczynski 1987), Managing OrganizationalBehavior (Schermerhorn et al. 1991), Social Work Macro Practice (Netting et al. 1993), andInitiating Change in Organizations and Communities (Kettner 1985).2.5.2 - Historical Overview of Organizational Behaviour LiteratureOrganizations can be defined as “collectivities of individuals gathered together to serve42a particular purpose” (Netting et al. 1993, 122). Generally, groups of people working togetherto accomplish a specific task have been found to be more productive than the same number ofpeople working individually. Organizational structures evolved as society became morecomplex, requiring the resolution ofmore complicated problems.The evolution of the field of organization behaviour resulted from humankind’s desireto fmd more effective and efficient ways of accomplishing work and of providing for people’sneeds and wants. The literature on organization behaviour can be traced back to the work ofmacrosociologist Max Weber who, in the early part of the twentieth century, studied socialrationality and institutional planning. Weber’s descriptive bureaucracy model introduced theconcepts ofhierarchical structure within a closed system in which power and responsibility werecontrolled and concentrated. The concept of rational/legal authority was formalized in anorganization structure which encouraged the specialization of knowledge, definitive rules ofconduct, and the separation ofwork and social activities (Weber 1924). The strong focus on theaccomplishment of tasks and the pursuit of economic efficiency resulted in bureaucraticorganizations playing a major role in the advancement of the industrial revolution.Frederick Taylor (1911), an American engineer, industrialist and educator further refmedthe bureaucratic model by focusing on management techniques which would increaseproductivity. Taylor introduced the concept of scientific analysis to the workplace andstimulated the field of “Universalistic Management.” The result of this scientific emphasis wasmanagement techniques which instituted concepts of stability, predictability, and maximizationof individual productivity into the workplace.Traditionally, the evolution of new theories and models of organization have been due43to weakness of the dominant paradigm of organization. The universalistic management modelstended to treat workers as machines; the workplace becoming a highly efficient, butdehumanizing environment. In reaction to the shortcomings of the universalistic managementmodels, a new group of theories, called Human Relations, came into prominence. This new wayof thinking about organizations received legitimacy from the now famous HawthorneExperiments (Schermerhorn et al. 1991, 554), conducted by the Harvard Graduate School ofBusiness between 1927 and 1932.The Hawthorne experiments involved modifying the work environment and observingchanges in worker productivity. As Friedmann (1987, 204) notes with apparent irony, “Harvardscientists made the epochal discovery that workers are human beings who respond favourablywhen they are treated with consideration and respect.” The researchers concluded that workorganizations were, in fact, social systems and that productivity could be increased by modifyingsocial factors. New concepts were introduced into the field including benefits derived fromleadership, cooperation, teamwork and management concern for the welfare ofworkers.Theories continued to focus on methods (in this case social rewards) to increase workerproductivity. Critics of these administrative models viewed them as manipulative, paternalistic,and a continuation ofthe hierarchical relationship oftop-down decision-making and concentratedpower. The organization continued to be viewed as a closed system.Within the context of understanding organizational change and transformation, thesetheories contribute an important insight. Even in top-down hierarchical organizations, workerscontinue to hold a “core of free choice” (Friedmann 1987, 204) over how they undertake theirwork. In other words, workers can undermine or facilitate change. Therefore, creating change44in organizations using rules and formal organizational structures based on the bureaucraticuniversalistic management models may not be as effective as approaching workers as socialbeings who can think for themselves. This concept will be discussed in more detail in Section2.5.7.In 1960, Douglas McGregor (1960,47) introduced the idea that organizational membersnot only are social beings but are also self-actualizing beings. Drawing on Maslow’s hierarchyof needs (Maslow 1970, 97), McGregor advanced Theory X and Theory Y to contrast twodistinct methods ofmanagement. Theory X assumes that organizational members (a) have aninherent dislike for work, (b) must be coerced to maintain desired levels of productivity, (c)prefer to be told what to do, and (d) could be motivated significantly by monetary rewards. Upuntil the time of McGregor’s research, much of the theory and practice in organizationalbehaviour relied on these basic assumptions.Theory Y substantially differs from theory X through the recognition that humankind’shigher-order needs should be incorporated into the management of organizations. Theory Yassumes that organizational members (a) perceive work as a natural self-fulfilling activity, (b)do not require coercion for work to be accomplished, (c) can more readily focus on theaccomplishment of organizational goals if their personal needs are being addressed in theprocess, and (d) work better in an environment which allows for the expression of individualcreativity and imagination.Theory XlTheory Y’s contribution to organizational behaviour theory centres around therecognition that creativity and imagination exist at all levels of organizations. Thus decisionmaking power, rather than being concentrated at the top, can be dissipated throughout the45structure of organizations. These theories introduced basic concepts which acknowledged thatthe self-image of the individual has a great impact on how that individual functions in anorganization. If basic and higher-order needs are not met, individual workers (and groups ofworkers) can undermine the efforts of an organization to adapt to its changing externalenvironment. Subsequent theories and models expanded the understanding of organizationalbehaviour, but resulted in a theory base which focused on methods and techniques to maintainsystems and markets. The dynamic nature of organizations and the external environment andmarkets served by organizations were not recognized.2.5.3 - Historical Overview of Theories of Organizational Change andTransformationPeter Drucker made the first important contribution to organizational change andtransformation literature in 1954 when he introduced the concept of “Management byObjectives” (MBO). This management method adjusts organizational resources to achievedefined objectives. The shortcoming of Drucker’s MBO theory was its focus on particularorganizational components. Small-scale tactical interventions could result in significant,unanticipated, negative impacts on other organizational components and ultimately on theorganization’s overall performance.Philip Selznick’s research on the operational dynamics ofthe Tennessee Valley Authorityresulted in the concept of “institutionalization” (1957, 16). Selznick observed that withoutappropriate internal direction and external feedback, organizations can take on a “life of theirown,” performing to meet the needs and desires of the employees rather than of the market orconstituents the organization was set up to serve.46Selznick’s concept of institutionalization (also referred to as goal displacement andcooptation) dispelled the belief that organizations are rational systems. Through the resultingdiscourse, organizations came to be seen as natural systems which encompass the characteristicsof biological organisms -- most notably the obsession for survival. Amitai Etzioni (1964, 7)added the concept of “stated goals” versus “real goals” to assist in the prediction oforganizational behaviour in organizations under stress or undergoing change. Stated goals arethe rational strategies for the achievement of task goals, while real goals are perceived asstrategies which will insure individual survival within the organization. When both types ofgoals cannot be served at the same time, the real goals (e.g. survival) most often defineindividual and organizational behaviour.Herbert Simon’s (1957) decision-making theory suggested that the key to understandingorganizations could lie in understanding constraints to decision-making. March and Simon(1958) defined this process as “bounded rationality” and described three clusters of constraints:(a) habits, abilities, and other personal characteristics that individuals bring withthem into the decision-making process and that influence their actions in certainways irrespective of the circumstances surrounding a specific decision;(b) “motivations, values, and loyalties.., whereby an individual’s strong identificationwith a certain group whose values diverge from organizational values might limitthe individual’s rational behavior” (Mouzelis 1967, 124); and(c) the inability of the decision-maker to know either all the variables that mightinfluence the decision or all the possible consequences.As decisions are bounded by the aforementioned constraint clusters, March and Simonpostulated that decision-making was a process of risk management or risk reduction. Without“perfect” knowledge, the decision-maker relies on a labyrinth of formal informational inputs and47informal social inputs to arrive at a decision.Etzioni, March, Selznick, Simon and others exploded the rational model myth oforganizations. Certainly, within the context of organizational change and transformation, theimportance of past experience, present social networks and allegiances, and the nature andquality of information significantly influence the outcome of decision-making processes. Howto influence these factors became an important consideration in directing organizational changeand transformation.While March, Simon and others developed theories and models of decision-makingwithin organizations, Katz and Kahn (1966, 314) examined how organizations interact with theirexternal environment. This research represents another watershed in understandingorganizations. Up to this point, theories and models developed to modify the behaviour oforganizations focused on changing resource allocations within organizations. Spurred on byGeneral Systems Theory,15 Katz and Kahn postulated that organizations operate as opensystems,’6constantly responding to inputs from the surrounding environment and impacting thesurrounding environment through outputs from the organizational system. Another importantcharacteristic of the open-system model is the feedback ioop whereby organizations utilizeexperience to learn how to adapt and change.The importance of systems theory to understanding organizational change and15 General Systems Theory (GSY), was developed by the Austrian biologist, Ludwig vonBertalanffy (1968), who introduced the concepts of closed and open systems which were quicklyabsorbed by organizational behaviour theorists.16 Please refer to Netting et al. (1993, 140) for examples of open system models.48transformation lies in the concept of organizations interacting with a larger environment. Thisapparent interaction between organizations and communities suggests that organizations play animportant role in shaping the dynamic evolution of communities and that organizations must beunderstood to understand this evolution.2.5.4 - Contemporary Theories and Models of Organizational Change andTransformationContemporary theories and models of organizational behaviour focus on understandinghow organizations must change and adapt to the new realities ofmarkets and constituents. Thesetheories came into prominence in the 1980s, as the economies ofNorth America and WesternEurope began experiencing the negative impacts of global economic competition. A 1993Gallup poll, which surveyed the attitudes of 400 executives selected from Fortune 1000companies (Yellin 1993), concluded that many of the leaders ofAmerican business are “changeincompetent.” The poli noted that 56 percent of the executives surveyed had no formal planninggroup to assess the impact of change in their organization. When asked why organizations resistchange, 82 percent of the executives replied that management had to protect the status quo, 79percent noted that they didn’t like to lose control, and 77 percent reported that they simply didn’tknow what to do about change. As many early organization theorists had discovered, socialfactors play a dominant role in how organizations function.In his model of organizational “political power,” Pfeffer (1981, 3) acknowledged theimportant impact that individual interests play in shaping organizations. These individualinterests have a profound influence on shaping power structures in organizations and ultimately49on how resources are allocated within organizations. Pfeffer concluded that rationality plays arelatively minor role in the functioning of organizations; organizational leaders are moreconcerned with control and maintenance of the status quo, and this is achieved through themaintenance of social networks of power.Numerous researchers of “organization culture” (Argyris 1991 1992 1993b, Argyris &Schon 1974, Barczak et al. 1987, Camall 1989 1990, Schein 1985) have expanded Pfeffer’smodel of the “political economy.” Schein (1985, 9) defines culture as:“a pattern of basic assumptions -- invented, discovered, or developed by a givengroup as it learns to cope with its problems of external adaptation and internalintegration -- that has worked well enough to be considered valid and therefore,to be taught to new members as the correct way to perceive, think, and feel inrelation to those problems.”According to Schein, the culture of an organization is very visible (Schein 1985, 24);observers can quickly sense the norms of operation and the level of production which management expects of the staff. An organizational culture creates an atmosphere of security andcontinuity; employees feel comfortable and confident within a social system which supports theiractions. As long as they conform to the norms of the organizational culture, their peers willcontinue to include them within this social structure. The positive aspects of organizationalculture have a tendency to insulate employees from constant changes in the externalenvironment.An organization’s culture is determined by the behaviour of its social system which isshaped by a unique combination of components, including climate, communication network,status/role structure, management pattern, decision-making methods, and types of individuals(Dyer & Dyer 1986, 14). The culture encompasses the belief system which defines the50appropriate behaviour of individuals and the collective of individuals which makes up theorganization.The following elements define the culture within an organization: artifacts, perspectives,values and assumptions (Dyer & Dyer, 16). Artifacts can be categorized into physical (office,logo, etc.), behavioral (rituals, ceremonies) and verbal (expression, stories, myths). Artifacts arethe perceptible expressions of the shared perspectives, values and assumptions of anorganizations belief system. Perspectives are shared ideas and rules which defme appropriateaction. Appropriate action is most often encouraged through a reward system. Rokeach (1979,2) defmes values as core conceptions of the desirable used as evaluative criteria for the selectionof action or desirable ends. Statements of management philosophy normally articulate anorganization’s values. Finally, basic assumptions are assumed beliefs which are considered asgiven and are rarely, if ever, questioned. Included in the organizational culture is what Jesaitisand Day (1992 63) term the individual’s self concept (the central beliefs and feelings theindividual has about her or himself).According to Goodstein and Burke (1991, 7), organizational change or transformationliterature is concerned with survival, not the socially wrenching process of outright destructionnor the building of new organizations utilizing new human and other resource combinations.This dissertation assumes that it is most socially and economically productive to change therelationships of existing organizational resources, simplify resources, or incrementally add newresources rather than discard and start anew. The significance of this assumption will becomemore evident when discussing change and transformation at a community level. Althoughcommunities may become bankrupt, it is very difficult to destroy them.51Carnall (1989, 128) describes change as encompassing the creation of a new synthesisofpeople, resources, ideas, opportunities and demands. The catalyst to change is most often inthe form of either an outside stimulus or a leader who initiates and guides a change process of“creative destruction” (Schumpeter [1943] 1987, 132). Schumpeter was the first author todiscuss entrepreneurial activities as necessary components of change (or what will be referredto in this discussion as transformation or regeneration). Although he is most identified with theeconomic aspects of the “entrepreneur,” Schumpeter was concerned with the creative process ofdeveloping new combinations of resources which would throw aside the “status quo’ and allowfor social innovation, change and evolution. To achieve change or organizational transformation,a significant portion of the change strategy must address both the potential motivations of theindividual and the culture of the organization. To achieve change, the facilitator, or changeagent, must also be aware of the type or level of change required by the organization.2.5.5 - Levels of Organizational ChangeMany authors (Dyer & Dyer 1986, Fletcher 1990, Levy & Merry 1986, Tushman et al.1988) advocate a two-level change model. Figures 2.1 and 2.2 delineate system change andcultural change processes (also described, in the literature as first- and second-order change processes). System improvement, or first-order change is problem-oriented, focusing onincremental improvements in the output of organizations. Diagnostic processes are used todetermine what is wrong with sub-systems, and then these problems are corrected. Leadershipis not perceived to be a barrier to implementing the change event and therefore the process ofchange is easily controlled.52FIGURE 2.1System Change CycleProblemEvaluation Data Gatheringf JrAction Taking Data Analysis/Action PlanningSource: Dyer and Dyer. 1986.Cultural change (also referred to as second-order or transformational change) is a farmore wrenching experience. Levy and Merry (1986, 5) describe this level of change as a“multidimensional, multi-level, qualitative, discontinuous, radical organizational changeinvolving a paradigmatic shift.” Values, beliefs and assumptions are questioned. Culturalchange concentrates on diagnostic processes which examine dysfunctional effects of coreassumptions. Often, because leaders camiot adapt to new internal or external environmentalfactors, change in how leaders lead is a critical component of the cultural change process. Thequestioning of all components of the organization (including leadership) results in a changeprocess which is largely uncontrollable. Reality is redefined.As noted earlier in this chapter, a Gallup poll (Yellin 1993) concluded that the vastmajority of executives do not want to lose control of their organizations. They therefore denyreality and attempt to fmd magic answers to their organization’s problems by taking action at the53FIGURE 2.2Cultural Change.Cycle1. Crisis - Leader’s 2. Breakdown of SymbolsAssumption s Questioned’’’+ Beliefs and Structuref6. New Leadership establishes 3. New Leadership -New Culture - Symbols, etc. New Assumptions15. Crisis solved - New 4. Conflict between OldLeadership becomes and New CulturesNew Culture EliteSource: Dyer and Dyer. 1986.system level rather than at the cultural level. The dynamics of this problem is discussed inmore detail in Section 2.5.7 where Chris Argyris’ research into why smart people (in this caseexecutives and consultants) find it difficult to learn is examined. As an introduction to thissubject, denial will be explored as one of the stages in the change process.2.5.6 - Stages in the Organizational Change ProcessA number of models, describing the different stages of change which individuals andorganizations proceed through, have been developed by Buckley and Perkins (1984), Carnall(1989 1990), Ley and Merry (1986), Moore and Gergen (1988) Nord and Tucker (1987). Themost elementary model, put forward by Levy and Merry (1986, 273), identifies four distinct54change stages: 1) Crisis, 2) Transformation, 3) Transition, and 4) Stabilization and Development.Moore and Gergen (1988, 376) provide very similar stages, but attach different names to eachstage: 1) Shock, 2) Defensive Retreat, 3) Acknowledgement, and 4) Adaptation and Change.Nord and Tucker (1987, 9), who describe change within the context of an innovation process,list stages of 1) Diagnosis, 2) Design, 3) Implementation, and 4) Stabilization.The most complex model in the literature is presented by Buckley and Perkins (1984, 48).Their organizational transformation model is reproduced below:1. Unconsciousness Stage: Organization transition begins gradually,with a period of organization unconsciousness that builds areadiness for change.2. Awakening Stage: Tile developing awareness and surfacingsymptoms form a message to all involved of needed change.3. Reordering Stage: Reordering is a probing process integrating thenew catalyst with the existing situation and beginning tochallenge underlying assumptions of the past.4. Translation Stage: Translation is the process of integratinginformation, metaphorical images and personal visions of theunconsciousness, awakening and reordering stages.5. Commitment Stage: Commitment is when the organization takesresponsibility for implementation of the new vision.6. Embodiment Stage: In embodiment, leadership and employeeswork together to bring the transformed vision into day-to-dayoperations.7. Integration Stage: As the embodiment of the desired changebecomes widespread, the organization reaches a stage of integration.Camall’s model of organization transformation (1989, 133; 1990, 138) is the mostcomprehensive, within the context of this discussion, as it acknowledges the negative individual55motivational aspects of change and makes positive suggestions for overcoming these barriers.17Camall assumes that the individual affected by the proposed change “must be the prime moverif change is to be assimilated and if adaptation is to occur” (1990, 138). Change creates stressand apprehension. Transformation creates higher levels of stress and leads to the loss of self-esteem for all members of the organization. Carnall, in Figure 2.3, demonstrates the relationshipbetween stages of the transformation process and performance levels which are affected by theloss or the regaining of self-esteem. He has termed this relationship the “Coping Cycle.”The coping cycle acknowledges that people respond differently under conditions of rapidchange. Performance will be affected in three ways (Carnall 1990, 40):1. When new systems, processes and methods must be learned, performance cantemporarily decline (the learning curve effect);2. Individuals must adapt the new systems, processes and methods to function in anappropriate manner (the process effect). Although planned to operate effectively,in reality new systems do not work perfectly the first time around;3. During change, some people are motivated or challenged while others canbecome completely overwhelmed and demoralized (the self-esteem effect). Inmany cases, the accumulated knowledge of individuals, represented by artifacts,perspectives, values, and assumptions, become suspect or are outrightly rejected.The feeling of comfort with familiar norms and mores is replaced by the fear ofthe unknown. Reality is redefmed, sometimes many times, and individuals losetheir context with reality. All people possess a certain level or threshold ofcomfort when dealing with uncertainty which, if surpassed, results in completeperformance collapse.As Figure 2.3 illustrates, performance and self-esteem are closely linked. According to17 Cohn Carnall has studied organization change in a large number of public institutions andprivate sectors organizations. Sectors of the economy examined include manufacturing, banking,health care and education (Carnall 1989, 127).56Camall, the most important factor in re-building performance is the restoration of individual andorganizational self-esteem.FIGURE 2.3The Coping Cycle During Change/TransformationStage I Stage 2 Stage 3 Stage 4 Stage 6Denial Defence Discarding Adaptation InternalizationPerformanceSelf-esteemSource: Camall. 1990.Levels of self-esteem, and therefore performance, fluctuates as one progresses throughthe various stages of the change process. Within an organization, individuals may be at differentstages at any particular time. Some may be moving forward, some may be moving backwards,and some may be remaining static. Again, change facilitators must recognize the uniqueness ofeach change process and the uniqueness of each individual within the change process. Camallsubdivides the transformation process into five distinct stages: Denial, Defence, Discarding,Adaptation and Internalization.Stage One - Denial - Individuals focus on what is working rather than what is not.‘Time57Responses to suggested change may include “Don’t change a winning team” or “We tried thatbefore but it did not work” (Camall 1990, 141). Tradition and ritual are elevated in importance.There may be a strong association with old ways -- even with activities people disliked in thepast. The attitude of “We have always done it this way; Why change?” is very strong. Paralysismay set in during major change with the suppression or denial of new ideas and concepts. Self-esteem may increase during this stage due to increased group cohesion and camaraderie.Performance may also increase as individuals, to insure organizational continuity, attempt todemonstrate that the old ways are still effective.Stage Two - Defence - This is a time when attempts to undermine the change processtake place. These attempts of subversion may focus on the new ideas, on the person (people)who are facilitating the change process, or both. Feelings of depression and frustration (loss ofself-esteem) develop in individuals who have difficulty dealing with change. Group support maydisappear as individuals are lost in an internal process of attempting to find or rediscover theirself-image. Individuals focus on self and therefore organizational performance plummets.Stage Three - Discarding - Individuals commence the process of change, finallyrecognizing the futility of holding on to the past. As Camall (1989, 143) notes, why and howthis transition occurs is not understood. Discarding involves a perception of acceptance of theinevitability and necessity of change. Discarding requires time, and change facilitators mustrecognize the need for an atmosphere which allows for experimentation and risk-taking.Through experimentation and risk-taking, individuals can reconstruct a new self-image, thusstimulating optimistic feelings towards self and the organization.Stage Four - Adaptation - this stage encompasses a process of mutual adaptation.58Individuals begin to adapt to the new systems, procedures and structures and, in doing so,identif’ and rectif’ problems in the functioning and operation of these new components of theworkplace. Performance and self-esteem increase as individuals redevelop their self-image.Stage Five - Internalization - Individuals have reconstructed themselves as valuableresources, have improved the functioning of various components of the new organization andhave redefined their social relationship with other people within and outside the organization.People have redefined reality and have defined their self-image within that new reality. The neworganization becomes the norm; people feel secure within this normalcy, and self-esteem andperformance return to previous levels or may increase.Managing changes in self-esteem and performance are only two of a number of factorswhich are perceived as important to consider during change/transformation processes.Additional factors will be expanded upon in the next section.2.5.7 - Factors Encountered during Organizational TransformationBoth supportive and hindering factors to change emerge during a transformation process.To ignore any one of these factors is to place the transformation process injeopardy. Resistanceto change centres on fear of the unknown; helping people to overcome this fear is probably themost important step in reducing barriers to change and facilitating the process towards afavourable outcome (Fletcher 1990, 100).Goldstein (1989, 34) defines resistance to change as “the equilibrium-seeking mechanismof homeostasis.” Within an organizational context, stress is created as a result of the lack of aperceived or defined future. The first response, for many individuals, is to resist or construct bar-59riers. Goldstein (1989, 35) identifies five definitive characteristics of organizational resistance:1. It is systemic -- blocking change by way of homeostatic mechanisms;2. It has to do with survival when the change introduced is perceived as threatening thefundamental identity assumptions of the work group;3. It has the appearance ofwilful opposition because it sees survival as being the primaryissue;4. It will increase in strength ifmet with offensive action; and5. It strives to maintain equilibrium in terms of its identity, assumptions, behaviours andenvironment.This section examines a number of barriers to organizational transformation and presentssuggestions, identified in the literature, to overcome these barriers.Desire to Maintain the Status QuoA great assortment of actions come into play during the denial and defense stages oforganizational change. Dyer & Dyer (1986, 20) describe the desire to maintain the values,beliefs, and assumptions of the organization. According to Goldstein (1989, 35), individualsreact by attempting to maintain organizational equilibrium in terms of identity, assumptions,behaviour, and environment. McCurdy (1989, 307) notes this action comes into play as a naturalforce in aging organizations. Essentially as Kirkpatrick (1993, 31), Mink (1992, 30),Schermerhorn et al. (1991, 500) and others report, the need for change is neither felt nor perceived.During the defense stage of change, a process of subversion may take place when people,particularly those in preferred positions, feel that change may result in more harm than good(Kirkpatrick 1993, 31). Change may require too much effort, may come at a bad time, or may60result in more responsibility. Key formal and informal leaders in an organization may attemptto subvert the change process by providing contrasting information (Schermerhorn et al. 1991,500) or by providing mis-information (Forester 1989, 36). Mis-information can be counteredwith information which clarifies the uncertainties of the situation and which is honest aboutcomponents of change which cannot be explained or clarified (Carnall 1989, 136).Organizational members should also be provided with a mechanism which provides a continualflow of information. An excellent discussion of methods to overcome misinformation ispresented in Planning in the Face of Power (Forester 1989, 33-47).Leadership and UncertaintyFrom early childhood, humans are taught to be in control, particularly in situations whichmay be threatening or embarrassing. Skilled leaders spend a great deal of time, througheducation and practice, acquiring the problem-solving skills which secure organizationalcontinuity within their particular profession. Argyris (1991, 100) terms the skills of problem-solving “single loop learning,” or learning which modifies basic routine behaviour. Leadershipis awarded to individuals who have demonstrated an ability to respond to change in a controllingmanner which ensures organizational continuity (survival).Ironically, successful problem-solvers often cannot cope with “double-loop learning”which Argyris (l993a, 5) defines as learning which corrects errors by questioning the values,beliefs and assumptions of an organization. In double loop learning, the very norms ofstructured problem-solving are questioned. Successful problem-solvers, with a lack ofexperience in failure, become defensive, ignoring criticism and blaming other people fororganizational problems. As Argyris contends, leaders’ “ability to learn shuts down precisely61at the moment when they need it the most” (1991, 100).Leaders, and the organizations they lead, enter a state which Schermerhorn et al. (1991,500) call the “fear of the unknown.” There is a desire to survive and to maintain control. Toomany changes occur at once and individuals are incapable of tolerating a high level of ambiguity.Bosses who used to know the answers don’t any more. The organization enters a state ofdysfunctionality. Schermerhom et al. note that, for profit-driven organizations, this will lead tobankruptcy if it is allowed to continue. For non-profit organizations or government institutionsthis state ofdysfunctionality may continue for some time if the illusion ofmeeting institutionalmandates can be maintained.Overcoming these barriers to change is difficult, as leaders must acknowledge that theskills which they have most prized and which are most prized by their peers, must be discarded.In order to meet the challenge of double loop learning, Argyris (1991, 100) recommends a newway of thinking called “reasoning productively.” Constant questioning of organizational values,beliefs and assumptions is a basic component of double loop learning. The constant testing ofinferences and critically questioning conclusions should become standard components ofdecision-making.Leadership and VisionLewis Carroll’s famous quote “If you don’t know where you are going, any road will leadyou there,” can be applied to the change process. The unknown, with its accompanying elementsof uncertainty and unfamiliarity, will close down people’s ability to adapt and evolve towardsa new organizational state. People can be reactive and allow change to take them and theirorganization where someone else may want it to go, or they can be proactive and attempt to62shape the future.The process of visioning (Barczak et al. 1987, 26) can assist organizations in reducingthe ambiguity brought about by change. Visions of changed goals and visions of thetransformation process (Moore & Gergen 1988, 380) experienced in moving towards thechanged state can provide a level of concreteness or comfort to people. Tolerance for ambiguity,and acceptance of adaptation, should be instilled as elements of the transformation process,because the end state of change may not evolve as originally anticipated.LearningAs previously discussed, change involves discarding a significant portion of accumulatedknowledge, learning new knowledge, and often learning new ways of learning (Argyris 1990,136). Mink (1992, 34) notes that learning has traditionally involved training which centres onhighly-structured, standardized, and repetitive processes to develop skills in problem-solving.Skills ofjudging, focusing, and rejecting are valued (Carnall 1989, 38-39).Carnall (1989, 129) suggests that learning in support of organizational change willrequire the exploration of deeply held values, beliefs, and assumptions. Furthermore, he addsthat this type of learning will involve conflict. Drucker (1985, 260) feels that organizations areevolving to a state of continuous learning, where habits of flexibility will become normal andaccepted skills. Skills which explore contradictions and dilemmas, generate rather than judgeideas, creatively scan rather than focus thought, and incorporate rather than reject constructivecriticism will be valued.Planning, Decision-making and CommunicationFormal planning to assess the impact of organizational change receives low priority for63the majority of large organizations (Yellin 1993). When planning does take place, it tends to beundertaken by top management (experts) in a mechanistic manner. Since only top managementparticipates in the process, only one perspective to problem identification and resolution isentertained. Difficulty is encountered in isolating the problem (Carnall 1990, 38) as the problem,in many instances, lies within the group doing the planning. Once a solution has been identified,difficulty is again encountered in implementation. People affected by the change were notinvolved in the problem-solving process (therefore the wrong problem may have been identified)and may not be consulted or personally informed about the proposed change to the organization(Kirkpatrick 1993, 31). This unidirectional process of planning results in the repression offeelings, ideas and potential solutions.Opening up the process of planning and decision-making can result in multichannel(upward, downward, lateral) communication (Mink 1992, 35). Encouragement to expressfeelings and ideas, without the fear of reprisal, can result in a process of organizational self-examination; value, belief and assumption shifts; and organizational reconstruction. Moore &Gergen (1988, 380) suggest that more flexible and responsive communication channels can resultin the early identification of difficulties in the transformation process. Corrective actions canbe undertaken to assist in guiding the change process to a positive conclusion.Power and PoliticsAn important component of the culture of an organization is its political structure and thepower that this structure wields. Formal leaders normally espouse processes of change, whileinformal leaders can derail a change process if their power is not recognized and adjusted for(Schein 1985, 37). Schein maintains that, within a political arena, “the effective change agent64needs a power-oriented approach to achieve organizational change objectives” (1985, 37).Important factors in understanding power are centrality/dispersal and individual/collective gains.Power bases are continually developed and redeveloped. Power can be acquired throughexpertise, information, political access, staff support, tradition, or through a combination of thesefactors. Power, and the direction ofpower through politics, should not be perceived as negativeelements which should be suppressed or avoided. They are an integral part of any organization.The Role ofthe IndividualIgnoring individuals may be one of the most formidable mistakes in attempting toimplement change (Carnall 1989, 128). Individuals fear losing their jobs, status, contacts orfavourable working conditions (Kirkpatrick 1993, 31). People fear failure, do not understandthe benefits of change, or don’t trust the change initiator (Mink 1992, 30). According to Mooreand Gergen (1988, 375), the major reason for resistance to change is the lack of a culture whichencourages risk-taking.Schermerhorn et al. (1991, 500) suggest an “environment of security” must be builtbefore individuals can buy into the change process. Camall (1990, 119) stresses the importantrole rebuilding self-esteem plays in moving the change process forward. Support must beprovided to allow individuals to deal with problems -- sometimes in a confrontational manner.Resistance, confrontation and conflict must be recognized as integral components of the changeprocess and, rather than being suppressed, they should be used in a positive manner.Creating this climate of respect for individuals can be undertaken through the use ofempathy and through the development of an environment which encourages risk-taking andexperimentation. The testing of new realities will help shape a new vision of the organization65and will demonstrate where individuals fit into that vision.ResourcesFinally, Schermerhorn et al. (1991, 500) identify the lack of resource control as a keyimpediment to organizational change. Mink (1992, 35) identifies rewards such as salary,benefits, budgets, and symbols as potential resources. Carnall (1989, 132) identifies additionalresources, including political resources; control of information, agendas or access to key people;skill resources such as negotiation, influencing, mobilizing support, mobilizing bias; and the useof emotion, ceremony, ritual and professional “mystery.” Methods of demystifying or wrestlingthese resources from established power structures must be accomplished for change to take place.SummaryHumans seek to be in control at all times. We feel good when we can produceconsequences that are intended. We dislike being out of control. According to Orstein andEhrlich (1989, 74), in early childhood, we develop mental programs which allow us to be incontrol and to avoid embarrassment or threats. Planning for the future is one technique whichallows us to guide change. Planning involves thinking through how change and adaptations willaffect a situation and then responding to these potential changes in a manner which will resultin positive and beneficial change.Important elements of organizational change which may apply to community institutionshave been reviewed in this section. The next section will examine theories of change and transformation within community planning and development literature.662.6 - Planning TheoryThe history of modem planning18 has been shaped by a belief that enormous societalproblems can be solved through the application of foresight and coordination within the publicrealm. Planners can be perceived as future-oriented facilitators who have skills in rationalanalysis and problem-solving. A major focus is on ensuring the rationality of decisions.Friedmann (1987, 98) observed that “Human beings strive for formal rationality’9 in theiractions, but the more they try, the more they run headlong into trouble: society is not a logicalstructure designed by engineers, but rather consists of both logical and illogical elements andrelations.”Friedmann (1987) organizes planning theory into four traditions which describe twocenturies of evolutionary planning thought. He classified the first two traditions, Social Reformand Policy Analysis, as processes of planning which maintain the status quo, while the last two,Social Learning and Social Mobilization, are classified as processes of plarming which allow forsocietal change and transformation.2.6.1 - Traditions of Planning - Status QuoThe Social Reform planning tradition focuses on the concept of institutional socialguidance. Friedmann (1987, 33) describes social guidance as a concept which is concerned with18 A brief history of modern planning is summarized in Dear (1986, 377) and Hodge (1991, 2-133). During its early stages of development, Canadian planning was strongly influenced by thetraditions of British planning. The history of modern British town planning is summarized inGoodchild (1990, 126).19 Formal rationality describes a process of logical thinking and decision-making based on one’supbringing and experience (ie. personal attitudes, concepts and ideas). Therefore, formalrationality may vary significantly from one individual to another.67system maintenance through established state2°institutions. State institutions include organizations directly controlled by the state, such as bureaucracies, and organizations indirectlycontrolled by the state, such as the corporate economy.Social guidance implies a top-down form ofmanagement and control of public affairs.Social Reform promotes the concept of professionalism in planning; the planner is seen as aspecialist who utilizes the scientific paradigm to arrive at knowledge-based recommendationswhich address opportunities or problems facing society. The complex knowledge-based scienceof planning results in the citizen being disassociated from the planning process.This paternal form of societal control ensures political stability through the concentrationof knowledge within a professional elite. It presupposes that change or social transformation,when required, is incremental and is brought about by working within the established institutional structure of the state.Policy Analysis is the second tradition of planning which reinforces the power of thestatus quo. Policy Analysis focuses on rationalizing the decision-making process. An earlyproponent of this tradition of planning, Herbert Simon, centred his research on utilizing theobjectivity of science to improve the decision-making process of large organizations. He viewedPolicy Analysis as the “Science of Design” (Simon [1969] 1981). His methodology “stressedsynoptic analysis and decision-making as the means of identifring the best possible course ofaction” (Friedmann 1987, 78).20 The state is ultimately controlled by the elite of any society. This elite is comprised ofprivate- and public-sector leaders who provide societal direction which will insure thecontinuation of the “status quo.” This concept is applicable to both communist and market socialpolitical systems.68According to the Policy Analysis tradition, the complexity of society could and shouldbe reordered into simplistic models. Society becomes a machine which can be taken apart,analyzed, engineered, and then reassembled as a more efficient machine. A central theme ofPolicy Analysis is that the unencumbered market should be allowed to allocate resources to theirhighest and best use. Decisions which result in economic growth and societal equilibrium aresought. Abstract components of decision-making, including political processes andenvironmental considerations, are either ignored or acknowledged in a quantitative manner.Social Reform and Policy Analysis are the dominant traditions which guide planningpractice and modern development theory. Both traditions serve neo-classical economics andestablished power structures. Planners within the tradition of Social Reform function as advisorsto the power elite and strive to optimize the allocation of resources within the constraintsimposed by the powers of the state. Policy analysts function as specialists in the structuring ofdecision-making for the powerful. Both traditions provide tools to arrive at the “best choice.”Unfortunately the question of what is “best” is narrowly defined within the parameters of neoclassical growth economics.There are many critics of the above two planning traditions. Birkeland (1991, 82) notesthat planning, while originally trying to address distributional issues, has become an integralelement of the economic resource allocation process that is destroying humankind and the planet.The patriarchal relationships (domination ofman over woman, man over nature, and the strongover the weak) established within industrialism are retarding change towards a more equitabledevelopment paradigm. Dear (1986, 379) describes post-modern planning practice as a“ritualized choreography of routines,” concentrating onjustif’ing the actions of the state and of69the property development industry. Dear asserts that most post-modem planning activities havelost the long heritage of utopian visions and the ideological commitments of the 1 960s and1970s.Duany (1991) chastises community planners, stating: “It is an extraordinary arroganceof the current planning profession to fix zoning forever.” Jane Jacobs, who is less polite,comments that “our planning departments seem to be brain-dead in the sense that we cannotdepend on them in any way, shape or form for providing intellectual leadership in addressingurgent problems involving the physical future of the city” (Barber 1993, A-3). Jacobs commendscitizen activists for championing innovative solutions to urban problems, in spite of the inertia,red tape and barriers put up by city planners and other bureaucrats. As agents of the state, a greatdeal ofprofessional planning activity involves maintaining the status quo through the creationand administration of official community plans and zoning and subdivision by-laws, all ofwhichinhibit change.2.6.2 - Traditions of Planning - Change and TransformationSocial Learning is an ongoing process that “begins and ends with action” (Friedmann1987, 181). Knowledge obtained from experience defines future action which results inadditional knowledge. Initiated and led by established institutions, Social Learning is a bottomup approach to planning which is based on a knowledge of reality and practice. Social Learningshould take place within small task-oriented groups or temporary social systems which learnfrom their actions and the actions of others around them. Groups may be assisted by change70agents21 who stimulate, guide, and facilitate the process of learning.The process of Social Learning encompasses interpersonal skills such as listening, trust,empathy, and the ability to suspend hierarchical relationships. Personal growth and discoveryare major goals in the social learning process. Social learners may use either single-looplearning, which involves changing strategy, or double-loop learning, which involves modifyingimages of reality through changes in values, beliefs and assumptions. Changes can take placeat an individual, group, organizational, community or societal level. The double-loop processof learning results in significant change because it ultimately restructures reality.Friedmann (1987, 181) defines Social Learning as “a complex, time-dependent processthat involves, in addition to the action itself (which breaks into the stream of ongoing events tochange reality), political strategy and tactics (which tell us how to overcome resistance), theoriesof reality (which tell us what the world is like), and the values that inspire and direct the action.”Social Learning recognizes change as a basic component of human existence and advocates aproactive approach to guide change processes to positive ends.The first three traditions of planning, Social Reform, Policy Analysis and SocialLearning, advocate managed change from within institutionalized power structures. SocialMobilization advocates politics of confrontation. The origins of Social Mobilization as aplanning tradition can be traced to the negativism of the “Industrial Revolution” and thepositivism of the “Enlightenment.” Advocates of Social Mobilization believe the immediate21 A change agent is anyone (planner, community development worker, citizen activist,teacher, etc.) who encourages, guides and assists in the process of changing reality. Using formalknowledge, they enter into a transactive relationship with their client (group, community, etc.)which results in mutual learning (Friedmann 1987, 185).71negative aspects of industrial capitalism (the social and economic degradation of human beings)far outweigh the benefits.Utopianism, social anarchism, and historical materialism constitute the three majormovements of the social mobilization tradition. Experiments in utopianism have providedexamples of new types of community-based social and economic systems operating in isolationfrom the state. The utopian movement is primarily concerned with “the perfectibility of life onearth” (Friedmann, 1987, 229). Utopians believe that changing the environment in which peoplelive results in behaviour change. Utopian thought has given us the passion of Fourier and thesocial harmony of Owen.Experiments in social anarchism have shown us the power of forming large federationsof cooperative and mutually supportive groups, and have demonstrated the effectiveness ofmassaction against hierarchical organizations. A central theme of social anarchism is the“denunciation of all forms of authority, especially the state’s” (Friedmann, 1987, 236). Conceptsof universal spontaneity, public consciousness, and social self-management are advocated forthe maintenance of civil order.Marxist historical materialism, which culminates in a “science of social revolution,” hashelped us understand the historical evolution of class structure and the use ofpolitics to suppressclass struggle. It has demonstrated the significant role class consciousness plays in mobilizingrevolutionary practice.Social mobilization has contributed a rich quality of thought to planning theory throughthe development of alternatives to the status quo. The last of Friedmann’s planning traditionshas played an important role in questioning “what is,” and thus creating the intellectual space to72think of “what can be.”2.6.3 - SummaryOver the past century, and particularly since the second world war, planning, within thetraditions of Social Reform and Policy Analysis, has been used by the state as a tool of control.As the principal forms of planning within industrialism, these two traditions of planning havepromoted economic growth. The result has been unprecedented rates of material progress andwealth accumulation.The state has permitted controlled experimentation within the tradition of SocialLearning. This experimentation has principally taken place within segments of society (ruralregions and urban ghettos in developed countries) which have been marginalized by economicprogress. Friedmann (1987, 185) suggests that “double-loop” social learning processes canpotentially create profound changes in the imaging of reality, values and beliefs. Milbrath (1989,85) views Social Learning as a way of “learning our way out” of the present environmental crisis.Advocates of Social Mobilization have recognized how industrialism has controlledchange in society. Operating outside the influence of the state, this planning tradition hasdeveloped new paradigms of development. Utopianism, social anarchism and historicalmaterialism have attempted to redefine reality through behavioral and/or structural change.Social Learning and Social Mobilization offer exemplary examples ofpassive and activeconfrontational processes. Knowledge of Friedmann’s four planning traditions, combined withan understanding of how industrialism maintains itself, can allow planners to discover ways tocreate and implement processes which can lead humankind towards new, sustainabledevelopment paradigms.732.7 - Change Processes Towards SustainabilityOver the greater part of history humankind has been dominated by nature. As societyevolved, this relationship was reversed through the harnessing of steam power and use of vastreserves of non-renewable energy resources. Figure 2.4 illustrates our present linear relationshipwith the environment. By drawing resources from the natural environment and disposing wastesback into it, humankind dominates the environment. The circle denoting the economy is largerthan the circle for the environment, illustrating our belief that the economy holds moreimportance than the environment for the continuance of human society.FIGURE 2.4Anthropocentric Human-Natural Environment RelationshipWasteResourcesSource: Wackemagel. 1993.As we redefine our lifestyles to reflect our dependence on the natural environment, ourassociation with nature might be represented by Figure 2.5. This new relationship acknowledgesthe encompassing importance of nature. It recognizes that the community is a subset of nature,while the economy is a subset ofboth nature and community. In this representation, the role of74the economy is to serve both the community and the natural environment.Source: Sadler and Jacob. 1990.Figure 2.6 represents a model of a change process which has been envisioned to movehumankind from an antbropocentric woridview (where development is focused on economicactivity and a dependence on growth) to a biocentric woridview (where development is focusedon ecological sustainability and social equity). The left-hand side of the model represents thedominant industrial paradigm (anthropocentricism) ofdevelopment. The width of the concentricrings or bands of social, economic and ecological value sets represent the magnitudes ofimportance held by society towards these values. On the right-hand side of the model, the newecological paradigm of development (biocentricism) is represented. The width of the bands haveFIGURE 2.5Biocentric Human-Natural Environment RelationshipNature NatureNature Nature75changed to a more equitable representation of social, economic and ecological values. Theprincipal set of values in this new development paradigm is ecological in nature. This acknowledges the need for sustainability to be dominant in our development models and activities. Theoverall magnitude of the circles are reduced to represent the reduced impact of humans on thenatural world.FIGURE 2.6Change Process from an Anthropocentric to a Biocentric WoridviewDominant Industrial Paradigm(Anthropocentricism)New Ecological Paradigm(Biocentricism)The area between the two development paradigms is defined as the zone of change andtransformation. Lines cross within this zone denoting an environment of turbulence anduncertainty in which change and transformation occurs. Within the Zone of Turbulence,incremental processes of social learning and social mobilization occur. This inter-paradigm zonecorresponds to the denial and defense stages of Carnall’s (1990, 138) coping cycle (see Section762.5.6) model; individuals, organizations, and communities either find ways to adapt to the newrealities of community sustainability or they find ways to resist change in an attempt to maintainthe familiarity of the status quo.A small number of researchers have begun to examine this Zone of Turbulence whichencompasses the transformation process from anthropocentricism to biocentricism. Carley andChristie (1993, 147-201) call for innovative management processes to assist in this movementtowards sustainability. They describe increasing environmental degradation and a rise in publicawareness as a progression in problem complexity to a level they term “meta-problems.” Thesemeta-problems are so complex, and their component elements are so dispersed throughoutsociety, that they cannot be addressed by traditional government institutional structures andprocesses (Stewart 1991, 171).Politicians and the general public may understand that automobiles are a major cause ofenvironmental degradation (the substantive issue), but rarely do they understand the complexnature of government institutions and private sector organizations which plan and maintain theautomobile system. Nor do politicians and the public understand the complex proceduresrequired to create change (process issue) within this bureaucratized automobile system. Yet asCarley and Christie argue (1993, 161), institutional transformation and accompanying decisionmaking processes are basic prerequisites for the movement towards sustainability.Self (1986, 329) describe these meta-problems, or breakdowns in institutional problemsolving as the “limits of governance.” Two factors, one encompassing the external environmentwithin which government institutions function and the other internal to the structure ofgovernment, create this “limits to governance.” The former limiting factor relates to the dynamic77nature ofmodem society. Carley and Christie note (1993, 149) that, with the rapidity of changeand the evolution towards a global economic market structure, a climate of endemic uncertaintyand turbulence pervades society. The second limiting factor relates to the compartmentalization,both in their structure and in their policies and regulations, of government institutions.The rapidity of change calls for new organizational structures to deal with the metaproblems of environmental degradation, while the compartmentalization of governmentinstitutions and the accompanying resistance to change call for the evolution of structures,policies and regulations to address these meta-problems. Carley and Christie would like to seethe unification of inter-agency and inter-governmental policies and the forging of more tenableenvironmental management systems. The establishment of new environmental managementsystems, however, are being impeded because of “fear of internal conflict, or because politicalresources are fragmented or ideological divisions are intense [within government institutions]”(Carley & Christie 1993, 149).As Carley and Christie note, “governments regularly pursue contradictory policies andpoliticians lack the will or a motivation strong enough to force them to undertake the difficultmediation among conflicting economic, social, and environmental goals that divergesubstantially from the status quo” (1993, 149). Traditional “command and control” (C&C)management techniques lack the responsiveness, creativity and initiative to deal with the metaproblems of environmental degradation, and they are not able to foresee and to prevent currentlyevolving meta-problems. Traditional C&C management systems are well adapted to dealingwith planned or first-order change and cause-and-effect problem-solving. Unfortunately, whenconfronted with unplanned change and second-order change processes, which redefine78community values or present decision-makers with multiple sets of competing values, traditionalmanagement systems cannot cope. Institutional barriers rapidly evolve to maintain familiarity(refer to Section 2.5.6 - Stages in the Organizational Change Process), and elements of denialand defense are developed to maintain the status quo.Lee (1993, 5) describes a need for both a scientific compass, or substantive knowledge,to chart the way and a gyroscope to maintain political stability as we develop new managementskills which can assist in the transformational process towards sustainability. Lee feels that, overthe past decade, the compilation of substantive knowledge defining a sustainable future hassurpassed the formation of political processes and the development of new management skillsto overcome complex barriers to change.Pearce et al. (1993, 186) outline a transformational process (refer to Table 2.11) towardssustainability which recognizes the initial reluctance of developed nations to move away fromtheir present consuming lifestyles. This transformational model implicitly incorporates the“limits of governance” discussed by Self and the need for new management systems discussedby both Carley and Christie, and Lee. The model recognises humankind’s reluctance to changeby incorporating incremental change steps during the transformational process. This model,which represents one of an infinite number of processes or scenarios which could be followedby society in the movement towards sustainability, is presented for illustrative and discussionpurposes.During the early change stage (ultra-weak sustainability), organizations outwardlyacknowledge the need to integrate policy, but they do little to accommodate this integrationprocess within and between organizations. Minor tinkering with the economy to improve79economic efficiency is viewed as the optimum method to move towards sustainability. Only asmall segment of society is aware of the substantive changes needed to achieve sustainability.The rest of society has only a vague conception ofhow sustainability would impact on its currentlifestyle. Discussion groups are set up within organizations to explore the impact thatsustainability may have on the future internal sustainability of the organization. Experimentationin inter-organization consultation takes place.TABLE 2.11A Possible Map of the Sustainability TransitionPolicy J Economy Society DiscourseStage One Lip service to Minor tinkering Dim awareness Corporist disUltra-Weak policy integra- with economic and little media cussion groups;Sustainability tion instruments coverage consultationexercisesStage Two Formal policy Substantial re- Wider public Round tables;Weak Sust- integration and structuring of education for stakeholderainability deliverable microeconomic future visions groups; par-targets incentives liamentary surveillanceStage Three Binding policy Full economic Curriculum CommunityStrong Sus- integration and valuation; green integration; involvement;tainability strong in- accounts at local initiatives twinning ofternational business and as part of corn- initiatives in theagreements national level; munity growth developed andgreen taxes; off- developingsets worldSource: Pearce, David, et al. 1993. Blueprint 3: Measuring Sustainable Development. EarthscanPublications: London.During stage two (weak sustainability), formal policy integration takes place andachievement targets are defined. The economy undergoes significant restructuring through theuse of microeconomic incentives. At a societal level, future visions of sustainability are80examined through a social learning process. Discussion is stimulated and maintained throughthe use of stakeholder groups in “Round Table” processes. Parliamentary surveillance isemployed to insure progress towards sustainability rather than reversion to traditional societalnorms.Pearce et al. expect the first two stages to span up to twenty years; the final stage maytake much longer to accomplish. During this final, or strong sustainability stage, national policyintegration will be accompanied by strong international agreements. Economic externalities willbe eliminated, and full economic valuation will become the norm. Green accounts, green taxesand offsets will be established at both the enterprise and the community, regional, provincial, andnational levels. The organization of natural and social sciences into compartmentalizeddisciplines will be replaced by curriculum integration within educational institutions. Thesubstantive and process knowledge to bring about sustainability will be developed to asophisticated level allowing implementation of initiatives which contribute to sustainablecommunity development. Participatory processes will allow inclusive discourse at a communitylevel and between communities in the rich and poor nations of the world (Refer to Appendix Dfor a possible process to move towards a sustainable urban transportation system).Carley and Christie discuss skills needed to facilitate this transformation process towardssustainability. These skills, holistic thinking, risk taking, action learning, integrating, actionteaming, and networking, coalesce around the two limiting factors of governance discussedearlier: the first encompasses the dynamic nature of society which brings about turbulence anduncertainty, and the second encompasses the compartmentalization of agencies which isolatepolicies and decision-making.81Environmental problems must be confronted, addressed and resolved in a turbulentatmosphere which is characterized by the following elements: uncertainty; conflicting and illdefmed needs, preferences, and values; blurry consequences ofpotential actions; and uncertaintyin resource availability. According to Stewart (1991, 171), problems within such a turbulentatmosphere must be addressed using holistic thinking and risk-taking skills. Argyris and Schon(1974) see the need for a process of learning (theory-in-action or action learning) in whichknowledge is continually tested and reconstructed.Action learning, which is based on self and organizational development encompassingcultural change, is a process which accepts possible alterations to deeply held beliefs andentrenched patterns of organizational behaviour. Carley and Christie feel that “organizations[confronted with meta environmental problems] that do not engage in cultural change. whichgives rise to innovation remain immured in what have been called ‘culturally programmed strategies.’ These [strategies] emphasize continuity, consistency, and stability in order to maintainthe status quo” (1993, 177).Evaluative processes, designed to constantly question culturally programmed strategieswhich perpetuate unsustainability, are needed. Elder (1992, 127) suggests that the role ofEnvironmental Impact Assessment (EIA) can be expanded to address social and economicsustainability issues. Environmental Impact Assessment is “a systematic process that examinesthe environmental consequences of development actions, in advance” (Glasson et al. 1994, 3).It is a tool or technique which is used in the decision-making process to assist in defining tradeoffs associated with a proposed development action.The present dominant use of EIA has a number of flaws which must be overcome if it82is to be used in assessing sustainability issues and actions. According to Elder (1992, 130), theseflaws include “the scope of the process (it often applies only to projects, not policies, programs,new products, or technologies), the fact that it applies to new, not existing activities, a lack ofopportunities for public involvement, inadequate post-project analysis, and a lack of objectivityin using technical information.” Gardner et al. (1988, 42) support Elder’s observations notingthat to support sustainability, ELA must move from a reactive mode (pre-project evaluation) toa proactive or anticipatory mode (carrying capacity assessment) which evaluates new andongoing activities and processes.Within the institutional realm, Elder (1991, 843) suggests that ETA should become partof the planning and approval processwithin international, national, provincial and local levelsof government. “Any policies, plans, legislative and expenditure proposals, programs, projectsand operational procedures with the potential to cause a net negative impact on the biogeophysical environment, or on human health or well-being, would be included [in ongoingEIAs]” (Elder 1992, 139).To realize this new role for ETA, new norms of operation should be introduced intotraditional government management and decision-making processes. Gardner et al. (1988) andElder (1992 & 1991) suggest a number of new operational norms. The first would involveplacing responsibility for sustainable environmental impact assessment (through legislation) onall government decision-makers. This would move sustainability concerns from environmental-oriented government institutions to all government sectors and all levels of decision-making(Elder 1991, 842). The second would involve opening up, to public scrutiny, the traditionallysecretive process ofpolicy development (Elder 1992, 139).83The third new norm of operation would have ongoing ETA processes consider thecumulative effects of human activity on the natural environment. Many severe environmentaldegradation processes, such as forest loss, soil degradation, climate change, water degradation(refer to Table 2.4, Key Indicators of Ecosphere Degradation), and urban growth andinfrastructure expansion (refer to Chapter Two, Section 2.3.4) result from many smallincremental actions which, in totality, contribute to severe ecological deterioration.Gardner et al. (1988, 9) describe this new norm of operation as “CumulativeEnvironmental Assessment” (CEA). They believe that “CEA should take ETA beyond theproject level to program and policy level concerns, broaden its spatial and temporal scope, andbe more comprehensive and interdisciplinary, as well as better integrated with impact monitoringand management systems” (Gardner et al. 1988, 9). According to Elder, CEA would ensure that“if plans and policies are assessed, a series of projects should no longer be able to accomplishpiecemeal an overall plan which escaped assessment.” (1992, 139).ETA and CEA are two of a number of tools which are needed in the movement towardssustainability. Pearce et al. (1993, 193) discuss the need for new skills in integrativemanagement. Integrative approaches, such as consensus decision-making, and decision-makinginvolving top-down and bottom-up inclusionary processes, in which policy and other guidingelements of organizational culture become complementary rather than contradictory, should beencouraged.The complexity of environmental problems may require the formation of temporaryorganizations and action teams to work with established bureaucracies. Unencumbered by anestablished organizational culture, these action teams could focus solely on environmental84problems. They could draw resources from existing agencies when needed, learn by confrontingwhat would normally be considered unresolvable problems or dilemmas, and grow into moresophisticated tasks. When they were not needed, team members could return to their lineagencies, but they would remain as key links into these agencies if new human or informationalresources were required by the environmental action team.Key links into established organizations can evolve into multi-agency networks or action-centred networks. Carley & Christie (1993, 177) observe that these networks can be structuredto encourage learning, adaptation and change within and between organizations. The networksallow employees the psychological space to indulge in the creative and innovative processes oflearning to learn.2.7.1 - Concluding CommentsComplexity, change, and turbulence are common characteristics of modem society.Environmental issues are meta-problems which encompass the characteristics of uncertainty,conflicting values of a multitude of stakeholders, and obscure outcomes for actions taken. AsCarley and Christie note, it is “common for governments to excuse inactivity on a meta-problemby arguing that not enough is known about it, or because it spans functional departments andpolitical jurisdictions” (1993, 164). This inactivity cannot continue. The reshaping of the naturalworld is degrading the functioning of that world in ways unanticipated by society. Barriersperpetuating inactivity must be identified and overcome to propel society towards sustainabiity.The next chapter presents a research methodology which is designed to identify barriers tochange and to examine a number of institutional barriers in-depth.85CHAPTER THREE - RESEARCH DESIGN3.1 - IntroductionResearchers, and increasingly political representatives, government officials and thepublic, discuss the need for a movement towards a state of sustainability (refer to ChapterTwo, Section 2.4 and 2.7; Daly & Cobb 1989; Rees 1992a; United Nations 1992). Somepolitical commitment to sustainability exists, yet actions to create change do not seem to betaking place. Instead, current actions seem to be moving society towards a greater state ofunsustainability (refer to Chapter Two, Section 2.4 and Chapter Four, Sections 4.3 & 4.5).Few studies have examined why sustainability solutions are not being implemented by society.Those studies that do exist (British Columbia Round Table 1994, Carley & Christie 1993, andPearce et al. 1994) tend to examine implementation problems at an international, national orprovincial level. Studies which examine attempts to implement concepts of sustainability ata local level are not apparent in the literature.’This chapter begins with the development of a conceptual model of the planningprocess at a local level. This model helped to develop the researcher’s understanding of localplanning processes and why these processes might not be assisting the movement towardssustainability. Due to the complexity of communities, it was necessary, at this point, to focusthe research on one community and one substantive issue. The rationale for choosing a siteand substantive issue are described. The foregoing conceptualization process assisted in the1 Local-level studies of this type were not discovered in the literature search carried outfor this research program. A recent Master’s thesis (Moore 1994), completed during the finalstages of writing this dissertation, is an exception. The thesis examined barriers impeding theimplementation of recommendations supporting a movement towards sustainability containedin the report Clouds of Change (City of Vancouver 1990).86definition of a research question and subsidiary questions. These questions defined whatmethodological approach to use.3.2 - Development of Conceptual FrameworkA framework was developed to conceptualize the planning process which takes placeat a local government level. This conceptual framework assisted in defining what questionsto ask, what data to analyze, and how to organize the study findings.The planning process can be most simply conceptualized as a system with inputs andoutputs. The theoretical planning process model, which appears in Figure 3.1 was developedby the researcher drawing on ideas from organizational and community change literature.2As Figure 3.1 shows, the outputs from the system (budgets, formal plans, informal plans,position papers, processes, and procedures) can be conceptualized as dependent variableswhose form, and implementation depend upon a planning system which is comprised of a setof independent variables (structures, corporate culture, skills, etc.). These planning systemcomponents can also be considered a set of dependent variables whose structure and functionshould theoretically depend upon inputs to the system (independent variables such as citizenpressures, political directives, and external consultants reports).The Input Stage takes place predominantly within the political realm where publicdebate and political decision-making result in inputs to the planning system.2 See, for example, Argyris 1982; Argyris and Schon 1974; Barczak et al 1987; Buckleyand Perkins 1984; Carnall 1989; Dyer and Dyer 1986; Fletcher 1990; Goodstein and WarnerBurke 1991; Huczynski 1987; Jantsch 1980; Kettner, Daley, and Weaver Nichols 1985; Mink1992; Moore and Gergen 1988; Netting, Kettner and McMurty 1993; Nord and Tucker 1987;Schein 1985; and Tushman, Newman, and Nadler 1988.87FIGURE 3.1Theoretical Planning Process ModelPolitical DirectivesCitizen PressuresIntemalAdministrativeReportsExternal ConsultantReports4 Formal Plans (stated”\strategies)Informal Plans (realstrategies)Position Papers (statements of change or inertia)Budgets (power implementation strategies)ProcessesOnce within the planning system, public involvement is limited to public participationexercises which are initiated by the planning system itself. There is limited opportunity forthe public to scrutinize the actions of local government bureaucracy. Components of theplanning system include formal and informal planning procedures, formal and informalelements of the corporate culture, resources (monetary and human), structural linkages withinthe organization or with other agencies and organizations, staff skills, and professionalcultures. These components of the planning system influence both the actions and the outputsof the theoretical planning process.Finally, the final stage encompasses the outputs of the planning system. This stageincludes formal plans which represent stated strategies (espoused theories); informal planswhich represent the real strategies (theories-in-use), position papers which may call for changeor inertia; and processes, budgets and procedures which represent the power implementation( PLANNING[PUT STAGEJ YSTEM STAG!J (UTPUT STAGE]C ResourcesStructuresSkillsCorporate CultureProfessional Culture88strategies of any organization. Plans are tools which define what changes should take place,but processes, budgets, and procedures are the tools used for implementation.After an examination of the case study site and the substantive issues selected for thisresearch, the linkage between the variables which make up the various stages of the planningprocess and the research questions will be discussed.3.3 - Research Focus (Site, Substantive Issue, and Time Frame)Two forms of purposeful sampling techniques, convenience and critical case, wereused to select the City of Vancouver as the research inquiry site (Patton 1990, 169-181). Thecity was identified as a critical case sample because, in adopting the report entitled Cloudsof Change: Final Report of the City of Vancouver Task Force on Atmospheric Change, in1990, Vancouver has been perceived as a city which is moving towards sustainability. Background activities in the area of sustainability planning were also underway a number of yearsprior to adopting this report.Because transportation plays an important role in the sustainability or unsustainabilityof a community (refer to Chapter One, Section 1.2), the particular issue of sustainability tobe studied in this dissertation is the institutional nature of transportation infrastructureplanning and implementation.The interesting component of automobile infrastructure planning is that, during aperiod of time when citizens are calling for a shift in modal split away from automobiles,municipal institutions, such as Vancouver’s, seem instead to be perpetuating the use of theautomobile through their planning and construction activities.Even though the Vancouver culture may be more auto-centred (refer to Chapter Four,89Table 4.2), Vancouver’s transportation planning institutions may reasonably be considered tobe representative of North American cities. As a number of sources point out (Engwicht1993, Lowe 1990, Transportation and Environmental Studies 1991, United Nations 1993), aresistance to change in the structure and process of transportation planning is being experienced in all communities in the developed nations.The time period of this case study begins with the approval of Clouds of Changereport on October 16, 1990 and ends on April 15, 1995.3.4 - Research Question and Subsidiary-QuestionsThe general research question isWhat barriers within Vancouver’s planning system impede change towards asignificantly less automobile-dependent transportation system?It must be stressed that while there are important barriers to change towardssustainability within the input stage of the planning process (for example, people’s continueddesire to drive automobiles), this research focuses on determining what barriers exist at theplanning system stage.Subsidiary research questions which this case study attempts to answer areSubsidiary Question OneWhat does sustainability mean to people involved in transportation planning for theCity of Vancouver?Subsidiary Question TwoWhat factors, within the city’s planning system, are creating barriers which impedethe shift towards a sustainable transportation system in the City of Vancouver?Subsidiary Question ThreeWhat opportunities exist for overcoming these barriers?90Subsidiary Question FourWhat is the planner’s role in overcoming these barriers?The first subsidiary question was developed to determine the level of understandingof the concept of sustainability among persons involved in the planning of Vancouver’stransportation system. It was felt that a lack of understanding of sustainability would, initself, be a barrier to change.The purpose of this research is not only to identify barriers but to find methods toovercome these barriers. Questions two and three addressed these issues.Because this is a community planning dissertation, the final question was developedto assist in identifying how planners can become more involved in the movement towardssustainability.The general research question and subsidiary research questions led to the developmentof interview questions (Yin 1989, 13-26) (presented later in this chapter).33.5 - Rationale for Selection of Research MethodologyThe research questions dictated the type of research methodology to be used.Qualitative research methodology was selected as this form of inquiry “is generally used toAn additional subsidiary research question was developed during the conceptualizationof this research inquiry which asked “What factors within the city’s planning system, areassisting in the shift towards a sustainable transportation system in the City of Vancouver?”A question addressing this subsidiary research question was asked in the interview protocol(refer to Section 3.6.2), and data was compiled and analyzed. As these findings did notdirectly address the primary research question and were not discussed in the concludingchapter, the researcher decided to remove the findings to Appendix I. The “positive factors”will be the focus of a separate research paper.91shed light on a phenomena not understood” (Grams 1995, 4). In this case, the phenomenawhich is not understood is why, despite policies and plans which state goals of sustainability,humankind is not taking strong actions towards these goals.Patton (1990, 169) states that “qualitative inquiry typically focuses in-depth onrelatively small samples, even single cases (n=1), selected purposeflully.” Numerous authors(Guba & Lincoln 1989, Marshall & Rossman 1989, Patton 1990, Robson & Foster 1989, Yin1989) write that this form of sampling, referred to as purposeful sampling, has become anacceptable technique and forms one of the foundational concepts in qualitative research.4An exploratory single case study design was used to inquire into the planning processfor the provision of street and road transportation infrastructure in the City of Vancouver.5Yin (1989, 17 & 23) defines case studies as empirical inquiries which “answer how and whyforms of research questions; focus on contemporary events; investigate a contemporaryphenomenon within its real-life context when the boundaries between phenomenon andcontext are not clearly evident and where multiple sources of evidence are used.”‘ In comparison, quantitative inquiry studies either a representative portion of a samplepopulation or an entire sample population with the ultimate purpose of generalizing researchresults to a larger population. Each inquiry methodology relies on very distinct logic in theconceptualization and implementation of the inquiry.All inquiry paradigms have strengths and weaknesses. Lincoln & Guba (1985) providea sound description of naturalistic inquiry while Babbie (1992) describes inquiry using thelogical-positivistic approach. A debate surrounding which inquiry approach is superior hasnow moved to a discussion of which method is most appropriate within the context of aparticular research question (Miles & Huberman 1984, 20). Some research questions may bemore appropriately addressed using either qualitative or quantitative methods while otherquestions may draw from both inquiry paradigms. The important consideration in thisdiscussion is that the research question defines the methodology; the methodology should notdefine or shape the research question.92The decision to use a case study inquiry method was influenced by a number ofconsiderations. As Yin (1989, 12) notes, the case study method is ideally suited for studyingthe complexity of organizational phenomena generally. Specifically, in studying a planningprocess, there is a need to understand, in an holistic manner, characteristics of real-life events(such as organizational and community change processes). Within the qualitative case studyapproach, quantitative methods (document content analysis, and financial analysis techniques)were used to examine case study results in more detail.The unit of analysis6 for this research inquiry is the institutional system for planningthe delivery of transportation infrastructure in the City of Vancouver.Major scholarly influences during conceptualization, came from the followingpublications: Qualitative Evaluation and Research Methods (Patton 1990), qualitative DataAnalysis: A Sourcebook ofNew Methods (Miles & Huberman 1984), and Fourth GenerationEvaluation (Guba & Lincoln l989).3.6 - Data Collection Methodological DesignMovement towards sustainability is a complex and difficult process of changingfundamental values, beliefs and assumptions. In order to understand this fundamental change6 According to Yin (1989, 31), the unit of analysis defines “what the case is.”Research methodologists who address conceptualization in a very effective mannerinclude Earl Babbie (1992, 86-164), Lincoln & Guba (1985, 221-49), Marshall & Rossman(1989, 9-120), Miles and Huberman (1984, 28-33), Patton (1990, 7-199), and Robert Yin(1989, 13-60). Earl Babbie examines quantitative research in the social sciences; Lincoln &Guba, Marshall & Rossman, Miles & Huberman and Patton concentrate on qualitativeresearch; and Yin focuses on case study methodology.93process, it is necessary to examine people’s perceptions, feelings and knowledge in real lifesituations.8 For this study of Vancouver’s transportation planning system, the principalsources of evidence were document content review, semi-structured interviews, and unstructured interviews.Data collection took place in three stages (as indicated in Figure 3.2).FIGURE 3.2Data Collection ProcessSTAGE ONE STAGE TWO STAGE THREEOverview ‘“•‘“* lnterview’”* Investigation 1lpta Collection & Review Data Collection & Analysis Data Collection & Analys)“dary Dat”Cdary Data 1 Embedded CasePreliminary ReviewLReview_JStudy DocumentPatton (1990, 24) explains that the purpose of qualitative research methodology isto equip the researcher with tools which “provide a framework within which people canrespond in a way that represents accurately and thoroughly their points of view about theworld.”Primary Datalndepth Semi-StructuredInterviewsPrimary DataPreliminaryUnstructuredInterviewsPrimary DataIndepthUnstructuredInterviews94During the initial stage of data collection, an overview of available information wasundertaken. Data collection at this stage had two purposes. The first purpose was to compilesecondary data for analysis. To this end, budgetary information (changes in resourcesallocated to the automobile and to other modes of people transportation) and planning processinformation (methods of municipal government planning) were compiled. The second purposeof this information overview was to identify documents that could be sources of informationfor further detailed study. Question themes and specific questions were developed from thisinformation and were used to develop an interview protocol (Patton 1990, 283).The second stage of data collection involved detailed, in-depth, semi-structuredinterviews (Marshall & Rossman 1989, 82 & 94) with key infonnants (persons knowledgeableabout Vancouver’s transportation planning system) to determine their understanding of whatare the variables and relationships in, and the political environment of, the system ofinstitutional barriers to sustainabiity. The interviews were structured to facilitate intervieweesproviding a complete map of the system of barriers. These interviews also led to the identification of illustrative cases (discussed in Section 3.6.3) of unsustainable transportationplanning.The third stage of data collection encompassed detailed investigation of the illustrativecases. Secondary data collection was undertaken using document content review. In addition,primary data collection occurred in the form of in-depth unstructured interviews (Patton 1990,281).3.6.1 - Document ReviewEach data collection activity was a purposeful attempt to discover methods used to95resist change towards sustainability. Information obtained during the second and third stagesof data collection are discussed in Chapter Five (Case Study Findings).3.6.2 - Semi-Structured InterviewsIn-depth, semi-structured interviews were used to collect primary data from key peopleinvolved in Vancouver’s transportation planning process. The interview design allowed foropen-ended answers. Probes were used to stimulate discussion only when required (seeAppendix G for an examples of probes used). The formal portion of each interview lastedfrom one to two hours and was audio-taped. Most participants continued the discussion afterthe formal (tape recorded) portion of the interview ended. Field notes were compiled duringthese discussions. This informal discussion lasted from ten minutes to two-and-one-halfhours.The interviews were structured around the following questions:Question OneThe term “sustainable development” is being used more frequently to describe a newway of planning and developing our communities. From your perspective, what doesthis term mean?Question TwoBased on the present planning system, what will the transportation system for themovement of people in the City of Vancouver look like in the next 25 years?Question ThreeWhat do you think of these trends? (If required, Probe - Do you think this shouldhappen?)Question FourWhat forces are in place which are promoting the shift from automobiles to othermodes of people transportation? (Probe for examples)Question FiveWhat forces are in place which are hindering the shift from automobiles to othermodes of people transportation? (Probe for examples)96Question SixWhy are these hindering forces in place which are slowing the shift from automobileto other modes of people transportation?Question SevenHow can these hindering forces be overcome?Question EightWhat is the planner’s role in overcoming these hindering forces?Question NineIn citizen surveys, Vancouver residents call for a cleaner environment and moretransit, but they still desire high levels of mobility. Eighty percent of air-bornpollution is caused by the automobile. Do people see this connection betweenincreasing auto usage and increasing pollution levels?Question TenHow can we overcome this dilemma between the desire for a cleaner environment andthe desire to drive automobiles?Interview Question One solicited responses which addressed the first subsidiaryresearch question. Interview Questions Two and Three acted as bridging questions betweenthe first and second subsidiary research questions. The questions provided the respondentswith an opportunity to think about the future structure of the transportation system and aboutthe elements of the process which are necessary for change in accordance with their goals forfuture transportation delivery in Vancouver.Interview Questions Five, Six, and Seven solicited responses which addressed the thirdsubsidiary research question. Finally, interview Question Eight solicited responses whichaddressed the fourth subsidiary research question.The information obtained from interview questions four, nine and ten was not analyzedin this study because it was decided that the questions, and the interview responses, did notprovide relevant information to answer the research questions.97The dominant feature of each interview session was the recording of the perceptions,feelings, and knowledge of participants (Patton 1990, 10) involved in planning transportationpolicies and policy implementation. Appendices F and G contain the Letter of Initial Contactused during the introductory portion of the interviews and a complete Interview Protocol.The in-depth interviews, using the key informants data collection technique (alsocalled, by some, elite interviewing) (Marshall & Rossman 1989, 94), were particularly suitedto the collection of primary data for this research program. People are elevated to the levelof elite within organizations and communities primarily through becoming influential andwell-informed. Elites usually rise to their position of prominence through a knowledge of anorganization’s or a community’s policies, past history, and future plans.9Maximum variation sampling (Patton 1990, 169) was used to ensure that the greatestnumber of perspectives would be represented in the study.1° Individuals involved intransportation planning and implementation included municipal politicians, communityactivists, and provincial, regional and municipal government officials.According to Marshall and Rossman (1989, 94-95), “Elites respond well to inquiriesrelated to broad areas of content and to a high proportion of intellectually provocative, open-ended questions that allow them the freedom to use their knowledge and imagination,” and“Elites often contribute insight and meaning to the interview process because they areintelligent and quick-thinking people, at home in the realm of ideas, policies and generalizations.”10 Patton notes that the strength of qualitative research “lies in selecting informationrich cases for study in depth. Information-rich cases are those from which one can learn agreat deal about issues of central importance to the purpose of the research” (1990, 169).Rather than random sampling, the researcher purposefully seeks out events, activities,processes, and people who can provide information-rich descriptions which answer, or at leastassist in expanding the understanding of, the questions under study.98The selection of municipal politicians was limited to those who have taken politicalpositions calling for a reduction in the reliance on automobile usage in the City ofVancouver.Community activists were represented by individuals who were confronting, or had experiencein confronting, the process of transportation planning in the city.At the provincial level, officials were identified from the planning and policy anns ofthe Ministry of Transportation and Highways -- currently, segments of this ministry are underthe new Ministry of Employment and Investment -- and BC Transit. At the regional level,officials were selected from the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD). Finally, atthe municipal level, officials from the Planning and the Engineering Departments and officialsinvolved in attempting to implement components of the Clouds of Change report wereidentified. The following selection criteria were used to identify research participants:1) Knowledge of, and involvement in, the planning and/or implementation of transportation infrastructure for the movement of people in the City of Vancouver.2) Either extensive experience or relatively recent experience in the activity mentionedin 1) above. The desire to interview relative newcomers, as well as experiencedpeople, was based on the presumption that these individuals would not be tainted bythe idea that certain things could not be achieved or changed. They were individualswho may not have been indoctrinated into all the values, beliefs, norms, andassumptions of the transportation planning process and/or of their prospective organizations”.‘ The importance of this dimension of participant selection was highlighted when theresearcher met one participant (with many years of municipal experience) at the elevatorimmediately after the interview. The person asked me about my thoughts and initialimpressions of the interviews. I commented on particular information which was notdiscussed during the formal (tape-recorded) portion of the interview, but was openly discussedonce the tape-recorder was turned off. Eleven of the eighteen individuals intervieweddiscussed the poor working relationship between the City of Vancouver engineering andplanning departments. This person commented that this was such an accepted part of the cityculture that they didn’t even think to include it as a hindering factor.99The characteristics of interview participants are described in more detail in ChapterFive, Section 5.2.A significant observation during the selection procedure was the openness of personnelfrom most government agencies, and from local politicians and community activists, towardsbeing interviewed. In many cases, the researcher was referred up the organizational ladderto more senior people who would be most qualified to answer the questions. This was not thecase with the City of Vancouver Engineering Department. Phone calls to key departmentalstaff were returned by subordinates. The researcher was screened out from interviewing thekey decision-makers in the department and interviewed middle, rather than senior, managers.Therefore, the interview participants are not representative of all components of decision-makers involved in planning and implementing the transportation system in Vancouver.In qualitative research the major criterion for the determination of sample size is theneed to avoid redundancy.’2 A state of redundancy was reached after 18 interviews with sixcommunity activists and politicians and twelve provincial, regional, and municipal governmentofficials. At that point 492 pages of interview transcripts had been compiled.3.6.3 - Illustrative CasesMany examples of resistance to change towards a transportation system which supports12 Lincoln and Guba (1985, 202) explain that qualitative inquiry is “based oninformational, not statistical, considerations. Its purpose is to maximize information, notfacilitate generalization. Its procedures are strikingly different, too, and depend on the particular ebb and flow of information as the study is carried out rather than a priori considerations. Finally, the criterion invoked to determine when to stop sampling is informationalredundancy, not a statistical confidence level.”100concepts of sustainability were identified during the interviews. Three of these, the city’sinvestment patterns in alternative (non-automobile) modes of transportation, an informaltransportation plan for the city, and the planning process encompassing the redevelopment ofthe Lion’s Gate Bridge crossing were considered as rich areas for further exploration. Theseillustrative cases were examined more closely to identify mechanisms and techniques used toimpede change towards sustainabiity.For these illustrative cases, the units of analysis were the process of decision-makingby the City of Vancouver Engineering Department in the areas of municipal capital andoperational investments (refer to Chapter Five, Section 5.3.1 -- Transportation InvestmentPriorities), the process to widen selected city streets into an urban arterial highway system(refer to Chapter Five, Section 5.3.2 -- Informal Transportation Plan), and the process tosolicit public input for the expansion of a major segment of this urban arterial highway system(refer to Chapter Five, Section 5.3.3 -- Lion’s Gate Bridge).The operating (1986, 1992, 1993) and capital (1986 to 1993) budgets and the 1994-96capital plan were reviewed to determine how Vancouver’s new transportation priorities werebeing implemented. Kenneth Bayne, Comptroller for the City of Vancouver provided thefollowing information for this segment of the research: Statement of Revenues, Expenditures,and Encumbrances for the years 1993, 1992, and 1986; Basic and Supplementary CapitalBudgets for each year beginning in 1986 and ending in 1993; and the Capital Plan: 1994 to1996 (June 1993).A number of participants expressed frustration over the existence of an informaltransportation plan which they said the city’s Engineering Department was apparently using101to create an interconnected urban freeway system on the streets of Vancouver. Documentcontent analysis and unstructured telephone and face-to-face interviews were used todetermine whether this pian actually exists and continues to be used. Provincial legislation(the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act) (Ministry of GovernmentServices 1 994a) was also used to obtain information which the City of Vancouver Engineering Department would not otherwise release to the researcher.The desire by the provincial Ministry of Transportation and Highways and the cityEngineering Department to redevelop the First Narrows highway crossing (Lion’s GateBridge) was a concern with a number of interview participants who suspected that theMinistry and the city were controlling public debate. Document content analysis and unstructured telephone interviews were used to identify and analyze this planning process.3.7 - Data Analysis Methodological DesignMethods used to analyze the raw data obtained from the semi-structured interviewsreplicated the following process: organization, data reduction (coding and development ofpreliminary categories),’3description (formulation of final categories and themes), interpretation, reporting of findings, and extrapolation of findings to other sites and situations (Patton1990, 371-459). A computer program, Textbase Alpha (Tesch 1989), was used toelectronically code and display data.Care was exercised during the analysis phase not to attach frequencies to research data‘ Interview results were first inductively categorized. Further categorization andinterpretation drew on concepts from system-oriented organizational change literature and aspecially created system-based model of planning process (refer to Figure 3.1).102(unless this information helped to clarify research findings). This exploratory researchfocused on individual responses rather than attempting to elevate the importance of one ideaabove another through the use of frequencies (Lincoln & Guba 1985, 202).The analysis of budgets and the capital plan encompassed the selective reorganizationof past expenditures and future allocations within categories which reflect both investmentsin the automobile transportation system and investments in alternative transportation systems(bicycle, pedestrian, and transit).The exploration of the City ofVancouver’s informal transportation plan and the Lion’sGate Bridge planning process involved the selection and analysis of information which wouldclearly describe the investigative process.3.8 - Validity and ReliabilityAll research designs contain methodological strengths and weaknesses. Qualitativemethodology weaknesses were reduced during the conceptualization, data collection andanalysis, and writing components of the research inquiry through an appropriate selection ofmethodological options. Table 3.1, adapted from Yin (1989, 41), summarizes methods usedto improve validity and reliability. External validity is currently being tested through thereplication of this study in Prince George, British Columbia.In case study inquiry, the researcher becomes the data collection instrument.14 Forthis study, the researcher’s interviewing skills (from his Masters program and practical14 According to Patton (1990, 11), the validity and reliability of the research inquiryis dependent upon the methodological skill, sensitivity, and integrity of the researcher.103community planning experience) were augmented by reviewing the following books on thesubject: The Research Interview (Brenner, Brown & Canter 1985), qualitative Evaluation andResearch Methods (Patton 1990), and Basic Interviewing Skills (Gorden 1992). The validityand reliability of interview results were enhanced by pretesting the interview protocol.TABLE 3.1Methods to Improve Validity and ReliabilityTests Case Study Tactic Phase of Research inwhich Tactic OccursConstruct Validity Logical thinking in conceptualization ConceptualizationMultiple sources of evidenceChain of evidence (audit trail) Data CollectionData CollectionInternal Validity Pattern matching Data analysisExplanation building Data analysisExternal Validity Replication ConceptualizationReliability Case study protocol Data collectionCase study database Data collectionResearcher biases and methodological errors were reduced by using multiple sourcesof evidence (Yin 1989, 95), including documents from various sources, unstructuredinterviews during stage one and stage three of data collection, and semi-structured interviewsduring the second stage of data collection. A case study database was maintained to insurethe existence of an audit trail.104CHAPTER FOUR - CASE STUDY CHARACTERISTICS4.1 IntroductionThe particular characteristics of the Vancouver case are described to provide the readerwith a context with which to determine the applicability of the research conclusions to othercities. The following case study characteristics are described in this chapter: geography,economy and population; ecological degradation and environmental attitudes; organization ofthe transportation system for the movement of people; and fmancial investments in the regionaltransportation system.4.2 Geography, Economy and PopulationThe Vancouver CMA (Census Metropolitan Area) is the principal service centre (referto Figure 4.1) for the province of British Columbia and the primary port of trade for westernCanada. Forestry, tourism, and mining are the major economic activities of the province. Portfacilities handle container cargo, grain, potash, sulphur, asbestos, metals and other materials.The city is also a centre for health care, education, business and consulting services, retail trade,and wholesale distribution. The majority of provincially-based organizations locate their headoffices in the city.A fundamental change is taking place in the structure of Vancouver’s economy. AsHutton notes (1994, 1), the economy is experiencing tertiarisation or service-led economicrestructuring. Primary and secondary occupations are declining in importance and serviceoriented employment, particularly in the professional and knowledge-based sectors, is rapidly105increasing in importance. The city has not experienced the negative socio-economicrepercussions ofdeindustrialization which has plagued other urban regions in North America andEurope.FIGURE 4.1Administrative Boundaries in the Vancouver RegionSI___________________tea B_ _ _Aora’West North VarLvervet DistnctArea c VancouACquitlamElectoral Bumaby PortCMA Area A CoquitlamVancouver Pitt MapleGVRD Meadows Ridge— municipalities New_____WestminsterArea Band distnElectoralN_LangleySource: Wynn & Oke. 1992.In the past decade, increasing trade and cultural ties with Pacific Rim nations haveresulted in strong population and economic growth and a significant expansion ofthe urban built106environment. Table 4.1 summarizes information describing population growth for the period1961 to 1991 for the City of Vancouver and the Census Metropolitan Area. A populationforecast to the year 2021 is also provided.Table 4.1Population Trends in the Vancouver Census Metropolitan Area1961 to 1991 with Forecast to 2021(in 000s)Year City of Vancouver Region City ofVancouver___________________(CMA) as a % of RegionForecast 2021 567.4 2,905.5 19.531991 459.3 1,715.3 26.781986 434.8 1,380.7 31.491981 418.0 1,268.2 37.691976 413.7 1,166.3 35.471971 429.8 1,082.2 39.721966 413.4 932.7 44.321961 387.8 824.1 47.06Source: Adapted from GVRD. 1993a. Greater Vancouver Key Facts and GVRD. 1992.Vancouver Metropolitan Region Options for Growth 1991 to 2021.The City ofVancouver has increased in population from a level of 387,800 residents in1961 to a level of 459,300 residents in 1991. Forecasts compiled by the Development ServicesDepartment of the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) suggest a population level of567,400 persons by the year 2021. These actual and anticipated new 179,600 residents ofVancouver (from 1961 to 2021) represent an increase in population of 46.3% over the 60 yearperiod or an increase of less than 1% (0.84%) per year.107The Census Metropolitan Area grew from a level of 824,100 persons in 1961 to a levelof 1,715,300 persons in 1991. Forecasts to the year 2021 are that the population will continueto expand to a level of 2,905,500. Over the 60 year period, from 1961 to 2021, the populationis forecasted to have increased by over two million residents. This level of growth representsan increase in population of 253% (1961 to 2021) or growth of over 4.2% per year during thetime period. From 1991 to the year 2021, the CMA population is projected to increase byapproximately 70% for the period, or 2.3% per year.Unless there is a change in the modal split, a City of Vancouver report claims that anincrease in river crossings from 47 bridge-lanes to more than 80 bridge-lanes will be requiredby the year 2021 (City of Vancouver 1994b, 3) to accommodate the projected increase inpopulation.4.3 Ecological Degradation and Environmental AttitudesAccompanying the recent economic restructuring and rapid population growth ofVancouver are problems of ecological degradation. Approximately 80 percent of air pollutionin the greater Vancouver region comes from the automobile (City of Vancouver 1990, 17).Therefore, to improve air quality, technological solutions must be found to reduce automobilederived air pollution, or social solutions must be found to reduce the volume of automobilesusing the transportation system. Although air pollution may be resolved through technologicalinnovation, the problems of noise and congestion may only be resolved through the reductionof the volume of automobiles using the transportation system.Table 4.2 displays information on the use of different modes of urban transportation in108selected cities across Canada. In addition, commuting times are provided. The use of theautomobile ranges from a low of 60% of commuter trips in Ottawa-Hull, to a high of 73% ofcommuter trips registered in Winnipeg. Vancouverites use the auto for 72% of their commutertrips.’ Internationally, Table 2.6 in Chapter Two, Section 2.3.1 shows private car use lowest inTokyo and Hong Kong with 16% and 3%, respectively, of urban trips taking place in theautomobile. The highest use ofautomobiles in urban transportation is in Phoenix, Arizona wherethe car is used for 93% of all urban movements.Table 4.2Commuting Modes and Length of Commutefor Selected Canadian Cities - 1992City Car Only (%) Public Transit, all Average Dailyor Part Way (%) Commute(Minutes)Montreal 63 18 54Ottawa-Hull 60 16 51Toronto 61 20 59Winnipeg 73 15 51Calgary 72 12 45Vancouver 72 12 60Source: Adapted from Beauchesne 1994, A-i and Statistics Canada. 1994.The use ofpublic transit in Vancouver is the lowest (12%) of that in the Canadian citiesillustrated in Table 4.2 and well below cities such as Stockholm (46%), Vienna (45%), Tokyo‘ Within this dissertation document, data on transportation modal splits are explicitly eitherfor the City ofVancouver or for the region ofVancouver. This is due to the use of difference modalsplit definitions, different time periods, and different data collection techniques.109(59%), and Hong Kong (62%). Vancouver also registers the longest average daily commute timeof 60 minutes when compared to other Canadian cities.Vancouver’s transportation system, although not as inferior as those of some cities in theUnited States, compares very poorly to those of cities in Europe and Asia. Part of this inferioritymay be explained by the attitudes of Vancouver residents towards the natural environment andthe use of their automobiles. Although Vancouver residents value clean air, they are reluctantto give up their unregulated use of the automobile. Table 4.3 summarizes attitudinal informationcompiled from questions contained in the Greater Vancouver Urban Futures Opinion Survey1990 (Hardwick et al. 1990).Table 4.3Attitudes of Greater Vancouver Residents Towards SelectedEnvironmental and Transportation IssuesSummary of Question Content % Category of Respondent stating* Concern by residents related to air pollution 82.9 Very or Criticallyfrom autos. Important* Pollution from autos should be reduced by 33.7 Agree or Strongly Agreeincreasing fees, tolls or taxes.* Rush hour commuters should pay forusing 26.1 Agree or Stronglyurban facilities (infrastructure) at peak times. AgreeSource: Adapted from Hardwick et al. 1990. Greater Vancouver Urban Futures Opinion Survey1990.Although over 80 percent of the survey respondents felt that air pollution fromautomobiles was a very important or a critically important issue, only one-third (33.7%) agreedor strongly agreed that direct taxation for the use of the automobile should be used to reduce air110pollution. Even fewer people (26.1%) felt that automobile commuters should pay for usingurban facilities (infrastructure) during peak rush hour periods.This contradiction between automobile use and the perceived desire to improveenvironmental quality is replicated in the most recent transportation plan developed by the regionand the province, (A Long-Range Transportation Plan for Greater Vancouver). The authors statethat this long-range transportation plan is “based on the GVR1Ys Creating Our Future actionplan...” (GVRD & Province of BC 1993a, 1). The authors of Creating Our Future (GVRD 1990,1) describe a visionary goal of planning progress:“Greater Vancouver can become the first urban region in the world to combinein one place the things to which humanity aspires on a global basis: a place wherehuman activities enhance rather than degrade the natural environment, where thequality of the built environment approaches that of the natural setting, where thediversity of origins and religions is a source of social strength rather than strife,where people control the destiny of their community, and where the basics offood, clothing, shelter, security and useful activity are accessible to all.”The authors ofthe Long-Range Transportation Plan for Greater Vancouver (also knownas Transport 2021) (GVRI) & Province of BC 1993a, 43) provide another future picture of theGreater Vancouver region:“Vehicles in the BC Lower Mainland will themselves not achieve the CO2 targetfor all sources combined; their CO2 emissions will likely rise 10% in the 1 990sand climb thereafter: a 15% to 20% increase between 1991 and 2021 is projectedunder this plan, compared with 25% to 30% under trend conditions.”The authors of this last statement acknowledge that the Transport 2021 plan will not yieldthe visionary city of Creating Our Future. Instead, they accept the continued domination of theautomobile in the Vancouver region and that pollution, in the form of CO2 emissions, will besignificantly worse in thirty years time than pollution levels now.1114.4 Organization of the Transportation System for the Movement of PeopleThe Vancouver intra-regional transportation system for the movement of peoplecomprises a freeway and road network; a public transit system, which includes buses, a light railline (SkyTrain), and ferries; pedestrian sidewalks and pathways; and the beginnings of a bicyclenetwork.The current approach to planning and implementing the people mobility system isthrough a complex structure which encompasses the federal, provincial, regional, and municipalgovernments and the private sector. Figure 4.2 illustrates the structure and agency interrelationships of this planning and implementation system.The federal government, through crown corporations and departments, plays a role in thetransportation system, providing funding and policy direction for projects which have nationalsignificance or which impact on the movement ofpeople over water or in the air. In Vancouver,this role encompasses the funding of projects such as the Arthur Lang Bridge, which providesaccess to Vancouver International Airport, and of roads which provide access to and within portfacilities.The provincial government is responsible for the planning, policy development, and costsharing components of the transportation system which may have provincial or regionalsignificance. This is a powerful role due to the taxation and redistribution abilities of theprovince. The provincial government is heavily involved in the region’s transportation system,providing subsidies for roads and subsidies to BC Transit for buses, ferries (SeaBus) and the“advanced light-rail” (SkyTrain) public transit system.112Figure 4.2Planning Structure and Agency Relationships• • Transportation PlanFederal and Provincial * Other ProvincialPrograms & PlansGovernments * Federal Programs& Plans‘IRegional ‘ Creating Our Future &Regional Strategic PlanGovernments * GVRD Function Plans.* GVRD Corporate PLans-Otticial Community Plans• • ‘Zoning & DevelopmentMunicipal Control• Capital & Operating BudgetsGovernments • Economic Development. Programs and PlansI.Private * Private investmentj * Interest Group ActionL Sector * Individual ActionsSource: GVRD. 1991. The Regional Role in Transportation and Land Use Planning in theLower Mainland.The next level ofgovernment, the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) providesplanning services to the region through the Creating Our Future planning process and throughregional strategic plans, function plans, and corporate plans. A Long-Range Transportation Plan113for Greater Vancouver (GVRD & Province ofBC 1993a) is an example of a regional strategicplan.At the lowest level of government, the municipalities shape the transportation systemthrough the use ofofficial community plans, zoning and development control regulations, capitaland operating budgets, and economic development programs.The private sector is involved in transportation planning creating a demand forinfrastructure through monetary investments in land development project.The pressures of community and special interest groups and the actions of individualsalso shape the transportation system in the Vancouver region.Historically, responsibility for transportation planning has shifted among the variouslevels of government in British Columbia. Transportation planning at a regional level beganover forty years ago with the establishment of the Lower Mainland Planning Board. In the latesixties, the region was subdivided into four regional districts, but in 1983 the province withdrewthe formal planning mandate from regional responsibility.Since 1983, the GVRD and the municipalities within its boundaries have attempted toplan and implement a transportation system using a consensus-based model of decision-making.During this time period, the provincial government has made major transportation infrastructureinvestments outside of this consensus-based decision-making model. For example, SkyTrainwas constructed as a showcase of transportation technology for Expo 86; the province soughtminimal regional or municipal input before beginning construction on this project.In the City ofVancouver, the major transportation planning function is contained withinthe Engineering Department. The Planning Department gives minor input into the process. Both114departmental directors report directly to the City Manager’s Office. In August 1993 theEngineering Department had a staff of 1663 employees (the city maintains a large constructionworkforce and ancillary support services), while the Planning Department had a staff of 140employees (City of Vancouver 1993e). In August 1993, the City of Vancouver hadapproximately 7,200 full-time staffmembers.The Engineering Department is responsible for planning, designing, constructing, andmanaging the city’s transportation system (City ofVancouver 1993e, 5). This system includesstreets and lanes, curb-side parking, sidewalks and pathways, street and traffic lights, bridges andstructures (in conjunction with other levels of government), and transit infrastructure (inconjunction with BC Transit).The Planning Department’s minor role in transportation planning is limited to advisingCity Council on community views through the Local Area Planning process and negotiating withthe Engineering Department whenmajor building proposals impact on the existing transportationnetwork.Development in the city is not guided by an official community plan. An attempt wasmade in the 1 920s (Bartholomew 1928) to develop a community plan, but the city did notofficially approve this early plan. Subsequent attempts to implement an Official Vancouver Planhave failed. The city does have a plan for the downtown business district and environs, theCentral Area Plan, which was approved by Vancouver City Council in 1991. An extensiveparticipatory planning process, called CityPlan (City of Vancouver 1 992b), is presentlyunderway in Vancouver. One of the goals of this planning process is to bring the transportationand land-use functions of city planning closer together within an official community plan.115Planning efforts at a regional level also reflect, to some degree, the ideas and aspirationsof residents and officials of the City of Vancouver. In the late 1960s, the original LowerMainland Planning Board was replaced by four regional districts: Greater Vancouver, CentralFraser Valley, Dewdney-Alouette, and Fraser-Cheam (refer to Figure 4.3).Source: GVRD. 1991.FIGURE 4.3Lower Mainland Regional DistrictsA major planning effort in the early 1970s culminated in the Livable Region plan (GVRD1975) which was adopted by area municipalities in 1975. The fundamental goal of this earlyplan was the management of urban growth. The basic principles proposed to achieve growthmanagement included the designation of regional town centres outside of the existing “regionalcore” (downtown Vancouver), the establishment of protected urban fringe greenbelts, the116expansion of the public transit system, and the formalization of a development control systemwhich would implement the growth scheme (Hutton 1994, 20).The Livable Region plan was updated in 1990 with the adoption of Creating Our Future(GVRD 1990). The new plan focused on environmental protection, job creation, and the originalgoal of growth management. New plan principles included 1) maintaining a healthyenvironment, 2) conserving land resources, 3) servicing a changing population, and 4)maintaining the region’s economic health.One of the major impediments to implementing the Livable Region plan (and thesubsequent Creating Our Future plan) was the removal of statutory powers for regional planningin 1983. Since that time, the GVRD has relied on a consensus-based decision-making model forthe implementation of regional planning strategies and the difficulty in securing consensusamong a large and diverse group of municipalities has resulted in minimal achievements inmanaging urban growth. The GVRD (1991), and other organizations and individuals, have questioned the jurisdictional, environmental, social, and economic adequacy of the presentconsensus-based decision-making model. As a result of this poor record in growth management,the government of British Columbia intends to return statutory regional planning powers to theGVRD in 1995 (Hutton 1994,23).4.5 Financial Investments in the Regional Transportation SystemOn a typical day, the people of Greater Vancouver journey 3.5 million times (83% oftotal trips) by private automobile, 0.33 million times (9% of total trips) by public transit, and0.29 million times (8% of total trips) by foot or bicycle (GVRD & Province of BC 1 993a, 5).117Substantial investments have been made in the regional transportation system over the pastdecade. Tables 4.4 and 4.5 summarize financial information which illustrate capital investmentsand maintenance and operations expenditures for the road system and the BC Transit system.Table 4.4Capital Expenditure for Transportation Infrastructure in Greater Vancouver19831992*(in millions of constant 1992 dollars)Year Municipal Provincial Sub-Total BC Transit Transit asRoad Road Mun. & % of RoadProv. Road1992 87.1 133.3 220.40 136.4 61.891991 103.6 123.6 227.20 84.9 37.371990 77.4 92.6 170.00 51.2 30.121989 73.9 45.0 118.90 44.2 37.171988 66.9 66.3 133.20 84.0 63.061987 75.2 119.8 195.00 47.5 24.361986 94.7 124.2 218.90 243.0 111.011985 100.2 160.6 260.80 364.5 139.761984 87.7 91.5 179.20 269.8 150.561983 87.7 40.7 128.40 157.1 122.35Total 854.40 997.60 1,852.00 1,482.60 80.05* Figures for the construction ofmunicipal and provincial roads do not include administrativecosts while transit figures do include these costs.Source: Adapted from GVRD, and Province of British Columbia. 1993b. Historical PublicTransportation Expenditures in the BC Lower Mainland.Tables 4.4 and 4.5 were adapted from the report entitled Historical Public TransportationExpenditures in the BC Lower Mainland (GVRD & Province of BC 1993b). The figures in the118columns titled “Municipal Road” and “Provincial Road” include a portion of the cost of thepublic transit system, as the road system is also used by public transit buses. The figures in thecolumn titled “BC Transit” include a portion of the cost of the road transportation system, as themajor transit capital investments (82% of all transit capital expenditures) were for SkyTrain inthe 1 980s (1984-1986). The dominant purpose of SkyTrain (rather than buses or light rail transitalong existing road right-of-ways) is to create a grade separation between public transit and theautomobile, thus reducing automobile traffic congestion.Table 4.5Maintenance and Operations Expenditure for Transportation Infrastructurein Greater Vancouver,19831992*(in millions of constant 1992 dollars)Year Municipal Provincial Sub-Total BC Transit Transit asRoad Road Mun. & % of RoadProv. Road1992 151.2 28.7 179.90 217.3 120.791991 175.0 25.7 200.70 198.8 99.051990 140.3 27.1 167.40 172.9 103.291989 135.6 25.9 161.50 162.4 100.561988 129.5 23.8 153.30 166.4 108.551987 109.8 21.8 131.60 173.7 131.991986 103.0 19.3 122.30 144.2 117.911985 90.7 18.9 109.60 123.4 112.591984 90.5 19.5 110.00 137.4 124.911983 95.8 19.9 115.70 137.2 118.58Total 1,221.40 230.60 1,452.00 1,633.70 112.51119* Figures for the maintenance and operation ofmunicipal and provincial roads do not includeadministrative costs, while transit figures do include these costs.Source: Adapted from GVRD, and Province of British Columbia. 1993b. Historical PublicTransportation Expenditures in the BC Lower Mainland.The debt financing costs for BC Transit have been removed by the authors of the GVRDreport. Roads are paid for through current municipal and provincial expenditures, therefore noadjustments were required to compensate for debt financing.The tables were developed to provide a picture of the general level of investment in eachmode of transportation. Between the years 1983 and 1992, the municipalities of the GreaterVancouver region and the provincial government made a capital investment of $1.85 billiondollars, and a maintenance and operating expenditure of $1.45 billion in road related infrastructure. During the same time period, the provincial government, through BC Transit, made acapital investment of $1.48 billion and a maintenance and operating expenditure of $1.63 billionin the regional public transit system. Annual levels of capital investments in road and transitinfrastructure fluctuated substantially due to major construction projects.While these investments were taking place, significant changes were underway in howpeople moved about the region. The number of automobile trips increased by 48% (measuredduring the peak morning period) and the number of transit trips increased by 25% from 1985 to1992 (GVRD et al. 1 994b, iv). Single occupant automobile and pedestrian mode sharesincreased while multiple occupant automobile, transit, and bicycle mode shares decreased.Tables 4.6 and 4.7 summarize revenues and expenditures for the road and public transitsystems from 1983 to 1992.120Table 4.6Transportation Revenues and Expenditures In GreaterVancouver for Roads - 1983 to 1992(in millions of constant dollars)Year Revenue Expenditure* Surplus(Deficit)1992 324.5 400.3 -75.801991 316.3 427.9 -111.601990 284.6 337.4 -52.801989 283.3 280.4 2.901988 265.5 286.5 -21.001987 234.6 326.6 -92.001986 255.8 341.2 -85.401985 251.7 370.4 -118.701984 191.8 289.2 -97.401983 220.1 244.1 -24.00Total 2,628.20 3,304.00 -675.80* These figures do not include administrative costs.Source: Adapted from GVRD, and Province of British Columbia. 1993b. Historical PublicTransportation Expenditures in the BC Lower Mainland.Revenues in Table 4.6 came from a number of sources. Road revenues were obtainedfrom vehicle licensing fees and from the fuel tax. Transit revenues are obtained from user fees,the Vancouver Regional Transit System fuel surtax, a non-resident property tax, and the BCHydro levy. Expenditures incorporate both capital investments and operating and maintenanceexpenses.22 Capital costs were included as annual expenses. It was assumed by the researcher that capitalinvestments would continue at a high level for a number of years into the future and then begin121Between 1983 and 1993, the road transportation system achieved a small surplus in onlyone year (1989). The figures presented in Table 4.6 do not illustrate a movement towards selffmancing. Indeed, the opposite is evident in an accumulated deficit of $675 million over the tenyear period. In 1991 and 1992, deficits ran $111.6 million and $75.8 million respectively.Table 4.7 demonstrates that the transit system was also not financially self-supportingover the ten year period; a deficit of $1 .646 billion was accumulated. A significant portion ofthis deficit was accumulated through investments in the mid 1980s.A number of conclusions evolve from this financial information. First, it is difficult toobtain information which defines capital investments and operating expenditures for variousmodes of transportation. When this information is available, its accuracy is questionable. Forexample, the financial figures for the construction and maintenance ofmunicipal and provincialroads excludes administrative costs (operational costs of provincial ministries responsible fortransportation), yet administrative costs for BC Transit are included in the historicaltransportation expenditures. This makes comparative analysis by mode of transportationdifficult; the information presented in the tables of the report Historical Public TransportationExpenditures in the BC Lower Mainland (GVRD & Province ofBC 1993b) are misleading andmisrepresentative of the costs of both roads and the public transit decline as the transportation system became fully developed. As capital investments decline,the transportation infrastructure will continue to age, resulting in increasing maintenance andoperating costs. Declining capital investment will therefore be balanced by increasing maintenanceand operating costs.122Table 4.7Transportation Revenues and Expenditures In GreaterVancouver for BC Transit - 1983 to 1992(in millions of constant dollars)Year Revenue Expenditure* Surplus(Deficit)1992 208.1 353.7 -145.601991 197.9 283.7 -85.801990 188.1 224.1 -36.001989 189.1 206.6 -17.501988 172.5 250.4 -77.901987 186.2 221.2 -35.001986 119.9 387.2 -267.301985 84.5 487.9 -403.401984 64.7 407.2 -342.501983 58.4 294.3 -235.90Total 1,469.40 3,116.30 -1,646.90* These figures include administrative costs.Source: Adapted from Greater Vancouver Regional District, and Province of British Columbia.1 993b. Historical Public Transportation Expenditures in the BC Lower Mainland.A major capital cost in the construction of SkyTrain was the creation of grade separationsbetween the road system and the public light-rail transit system. Arguably, the elimination oflevel crossings benefits the road system as much, or more, than it benefits the light-rail transitsystem. Yet, all the costs for grade separation are allocated to the public transit system. With82% of transit capital expenditure invested in the SkyTrain system (over the period 1983 to1992), this represents a massive misrepresentation of public transit costs and a massive subsidy123to the automobile. This inequality is compounded when the public transit system must pay forcapital costs through debt financing, while the road system is funded through current municipaland provincial expenditures.The current transportation system has created procedures which routinely misallocatemassive expenditures to the public transit system when these expenditures should be allocatedto the road system. Once misallocated, the transportation system requires public transit to debtfinance this massive road subsidy, adding substantially to the costs of operating the public transitsystem.124CHAPTER FIVE - CASE STUDY FINDINGS5.1 IntroductionThe purpose of this chapter is to present the case study fmdings. The fmdings aredivided into two major sections. The first section uses qualitative methods to present andanalyze primary data obtained from key informants involved in the transportation planningsystem. During the interviews, recurring comments implied that certain activities orprocesses are present within Vancouver’s transportation planning system which are majorimpediments to change towards community sustainability. These impediments are furtherinvestigated in the second section of this chapter which presents the results of a numberof illustrative cases.The first illustrative case involves a detailed quantitative analysis of the city’soperating and capital budgets. This study was undertaken to determine what the city’stransportation priorities actually are. The second illustrative case utilizes qualitativeinvestigation techniques to explore interview participants’ claims that an informaltransportation plan exists for the city. The final illustrative case study further examinesparticipant comments that government initiatives surrounding new transportation optionsrestrict debate, are manipulative, and lack policy coordination. As noted in the review ofliterature and methodology chapters, budgets, informal plans, and the ability (or inability)to coordinate and integrate policy represents three of a number of resources and techniqueswhich are used either to maintain the status quo or to create change, and they represent thepower plans and processes of an organization (refer to Chapter Two, Section 2.5.7).125Each section of the case study results evolved from a research analysis processbased on the following steps: data organization, reduction, description, and interpretation.The sections are presented in a format which logically results from this research analysisprocess: representative participant comments are presented and then these comments arediscussed and interpreted. Refer to Chapter Three, Section 3.7 for a more detaileddescription of this research analysis process.5.2 In-depth Interviews with Key InformantsTo gain a more comprehensive understanding of the institutional barriers impedingchange towards sustainabiity, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted witheighteen key people involved in planning and implementing the transportation systemresponsible for moving people about the Vancouver region. The interviews took placeover a four-month period beginning in January 1994 and ending in April 1994. Theylasted from one to two hours with informal discussion continuing for anywhere from tenminutes to two and one half hours after the formal (audio-taped) portion of the interviews.This additional discussion demonstrated the high level of interest interviewees held for thetopic.A total of 492 pages of transcripts were compiled from the eighteen interviews.A preliminary coding manual was generated inductively after an initial review of fourtranscripts. The coding manual was subsequently tested and modified twice. The fmalcoding manual (refer to Appendix H) was used to categorize and reduce the raw data to174 pages of coded quotes. Data organization and reduction continued with the126redefmition of categories based on patterns identified in the data. The final organizationof the research data evolved deductively from the review of literature and researchquestions and inductively from raw data. The complexity of institutional barriers isattested to by the 72 pages needed to describe the research findings.A critical consideration in the development of categories was the maintenance ofthe integrity of the raw data. The researcher constantly strove to select quotes whichrepresented the views and ideas of each participant or which provided an overview of thecollective thoughts of a number of participants. A case protocol was maintained, and anaudit trail was constructed, to allow future verification of findings. The numeric codefollowing each quote allows ready access to the raw data.The research results were intended to serve two audiences: 1) researchers interestedin the scholarly exploration of change processes towards sustainability and 2) peopleinvolved in implementing, or attempting to implement, concepts of sustainability at acommunity level. Perceived barriers were generally categorized into those of “first orderchange” and those of “second-order change.”First-order change (also referred to as system change or single-loop learning)normally results in change to organizational strategy. This level of change is problem-oriented and focuses on incremental improvements in the output of organizations.Diagnostic processes are used to determine problems and improve sub-systems.Second-order change (also referred to as cultural change, transformational changeor double-loop learning) is “multidimensional, multi-level, qualitative, discontinuous,radical organizational change involving a paradigmatic shift” (Levy and Merry 1986, 5).127Diagnostic processes focus on dysfunctional effects of core values, beliefs, and assumptions.During the interviews, the importance of the skill of understanding and using first-and second-order change processes became apparent. According to the literature,knowledge of the factors and processes which contribute to second-order change is one ofthe critical elements needed to move towards communities which are sustainable (Dyer &Dyer 1986). Therefore, a search for these factors and processes became a criticalcomponent of the data description and interpretation segments of the research analysis.The comments of interview participants were scanned to determine whether second-orderchange processes were being used in the transportation planning system.The characteristics of the eighteen interview participants are presented in Table5.1.Six community advocates were interviewed: three politicians and three communityactivists. The remaining twelve interviewees were made up of seven City of Vancouveremployees, three Greater Vancouver Regional District employees and two Province ofBritish Columbia employees. The government employees included two communityplanners, three environmental analysts, five transportation planners, and two transportationengineers. The common characteristic of all interview participants was their activeinvolvement in planning Vancouver’s people-moving transportation system.128Table 5.1Characteristics of Interview ParticipantsNUMBER OF INTERVIEWEES 18COMMUNITY SECTOR Community Activist 3Community Politician 3Municipal Employee 7Regional Employee 3Provincial Employee 2GENDER Female 6Male 12OCCUPATION’ Community Planner 2Enviromnental Analyst 3Transportation Planner 5Transportation Engineer 2YEARS IN OCCUPATION 242(Range) (4-20)AVERAGE YEARS IN OCCUPATION 13.4(1) Excludes community activists and politiciansSix participants were female and twelve were male. Collectively, they had 242years of career experience in municipal planning activities which ranged from a low offour years to a high of 20 years. The average length of career experience was 13.4 years.This information is presented to illustrate that each segment (stakeholder) of the transportation planning system is represented and has contributed to the primary data.1295.2.1 - Understanding Sustainable DevelopmentQuestion OneThe term sustainable development is being used more frequently todescribe a new way of planning and developing our communities. Fromyour perspective, what does this term mean?This section reduces approximately 44 pages of interview dialogue into a formatwhich allows for a succinct presentation of raw data. Occasionally, during the interview,probing was required to focus the thoughts of the interviewees on the urban context of thequestion. Responses to this question were subdivided into categories which comprise keyelements of sustainability as identified in the literature.Definitions of Sustainable DevelopmentSeveral respondents dealt directly with the meaning of the term withintransportation planning institutions and the political and cultural systems that providecontext for these institutions. The following quotes ifiustrate the confusion that two of therespondents see surrounding the meaning of sustainable development:“Two perspectives on sustainable development: the real one is ... it’s abuzz word. A lot of the talk I hear about sustainable development is justthat, it’s fme words and, occasionally, fme policy documents written downand sworn on the bible of sustainable development that we are going to actually implement these proceedings. ... In terms of my ideal definition ofsustainable development, I guess I’d have to cast back a bit. I wouldn’t betoo ideal with it, I’d say do less harm, enact policies that move in the rightdirection, not look to solve things overnight.” (18-12-16)“... I’m having trouble with what they’re talking about. How can you havesustainable development and talk about doubling the population ofVancouver in the next 30 years, increasing the number of automobilesthree-fold, and talk about sustainable development. Nobody has given mea dictionary definition of it so I’m having real problems with it. I have no130idea what it means.” (12-11-17)The first participant’s (a transportation planner) reference to sustainabledevelopment as a buzz word suggests that the term is used in the transportation planningsystem but is not used with much thought or conviction. This quote also highlights thedifficulty in implementing the concept. The first participant’s reluctance both to be tooidealistic and to move too fast may reflect conformity to the expectations of his organization and thus conformity to the organizational culture. The individual’s cynicismindicates that idealism is not a value cherished by his organization and that change isunderstood to be a slow, incremental process.The second participant’s comments (a community activist) displayed a lack ofunderstanding of, and confusion about the term. A third respondent (a transportationengineer) viewed sustainable development as a process of cleaning up pollution in a wellthought out, rational, mechanistic manner which manages human emotion.The fourth and fifth quotes are from a local politician who was uncomfortable withthe term sustainable development because of its use by some to justify the concept ofsustainable growth (a belief that further growth is sustainable).“... we have to quantify the cost and benefits of different pollutants andcleaning them up and getting rid of them, and make very intelligent andinformed decisions, realistic decisions as to what can we deal with and inwhat priority order and not get caught up with emotional arguments andthreats from Americans that they’re going to boycott our conventions, andthings like this. We’ve got to deal with the problems in rank order on avery carefully thought out basis.” (08-79-86)“... using the term sustainable development ... it’s politically very palatablebecause it implies ... it implicitly says that further development issustainable and it’s a lot easier to market a concept like that. Marketing the131idea that there are absolute limits is much more difficult. So I tend to reactvery badly to sustainable development.” (17-34-40)“You get a lot of slick people making slick presentations on sustainabledevelopment which really aren’t held up by any basic biology or ecologyor chemistry.” (17-52-54)Throughout the interviews and during the analysis of the field data, it becameincreasingly evident that the term sustainable development is understood in different waysand that various factions are attempting to promote and implement their own interpretations of sustainabiity at a community level. This terminological confusion is thus a keybarrier to implementing sustainability.Consumption -The researcher’s definition of sustainable development, as identified in theliterature (Ekins 1992, Pimentel & Pimentel 1994, Rees 1989, Rees & Roseland 1991),as discussed in Principle Five - Use Limits and Conservation of Resources (refer toAppendices B and C), involves reducing the consumption of renewable and non-renewableresources. Comments by a number of interview participants (community planners) demonstrated their own understanding of the need for a reduction in resource consumptionpatterns, but they were also cognizant of the municipal government’s lack of awarenessof this need.“... I don’t think we’re [City Hall] really looking at the major crux of theenvironmental debate which is consumption.” (09-71-78)“City Hall considers environmental issues to be sustainable ... They talkabout sustainabiity under environment issues. Each report to Council nowis supposed to include an environmental section. What are the environmental implications of any report ... air quality issues, water quality issues,132toxic soils issues, noise issues perhaps. So that’s what we look at generallyright now and we’re not at all into the consumption ... capital consumptionissue.”(19-44-52)The point that the city administration was addressing sustainability under theumbrella of environmental issues was a significant observation. A number of interviewparticipants felt the concept of “clean up at the end of the waste stream” continues to holdthe municipal government’s attention.This can result in an exacerbating state of inaction. Dealing with environmentalissues but stating that these actions will solve issues of long-term sustainability results inan “image of action.” This image of action could be more damaging than inaction if thepublic is lulled into believing that fundamental sustainability problems are being addressedand resolved. The phenomenon of stated action on sustainabiity which, in fact, is inaction(i.e. activity which sets back the process of moving towards sustainability) will be arecurring theme as the results of this case study unfold.Although all interview participants provided some kind of definition of the termsustainable development, many of the definitions did not show a clear idea of what theterm means, and there was by no means any consensus on its definition.5.2.2 - Vision of the Transportation System 25 Years HenceQuestion TwoBased on the present planning system, what will the transportation systemfor the movement of people in the City of Vancouver look like in the next25 years?133This second question in the interview protocol was used as a bridging ortransitional question which allowed participants to transfer their thoughts from sustainabledevelopment to the future of Vancouver’s transportation system.This question, although not a formal research question, provided some interestinginformation into what experts think Vancouver’s future transportation system will looklike. The question also created an opportunity for respondents to begin to consider forceswhich are, or may be hindering a shift away from the automobile to other modes oftransportation.Forty-seven pages of transcribed conversation were generated from this question.Most participants reflected for several moments before beginning their monologue. Verylittle probing was required. When used, probing helped clarify particular conceptsexpressed during discussion.Throughout the initial conceptualization and organization of the research inquiry,the assumption was made that politicians and government employees would be optimisticabout the future development of Vancouver’s transportation system. This assumption wasbased on the perception that the interview participants were part of the power structureguiding the growth and development of the regional transportation system. It wasexpected that these respondents would see assertive steps, such as traffic demandmanagement, improved transit, and cycling and pedestrian systems (all mentionednumerous times in planning documents) as integral components of this future transportation system.An analysis of the data showed this assumption to be false. The future vision of134all politicians and government employees interviewed in the study is represented by thefollowing quotes.“... 20 years from now you? 11 see a lot of development right up the [FraserRiver] valley. Probably employment will follow to the extent thatemployers want to locate near their labour force. So you get a whole kindof suburban type of development. Not unlike American cities ... the waythey developed ...“ (10-50-67)“It’s going to look much the same because of the fact that we’re [GVRDJreally having difficulties implementing new strategies or changing the statusquo ...“ (07-42-46)In the first quote, the respondent (a transportation planner) assumes that suburbansprawl will continue up the Fraser Valley. In the second quote, another transportationplanner observes that those persons who should be most influential in changing thetransportation system are encountering great difficulty in “implementing new strategies orchanging the status quo ...“ An element of defeatism exists within the transportationplanning system as a result of the continuing disjunction between stated transportation andland use principles and the operationalization of these principles.The following quotes summarize the comments of the community activists whowere interviewed:“Absolute congestion. ... moving vehicles from the suburbs into the city,cutting through residential neighbourhoods and probably blocking off thelocal communities ... so we’re probably talking about four lane highways-- two lanes going each way.” (03-41-46)“I find the whole thing extremely frightening -- extremely. They’ve put insix lanes at Pacific Boulevard, and now they’re trying to pedestrianize it.They widen streets, and then they say they’re pedestrianizing them.” (12-59-65)135The comments reflect these respondents’ involvement in neighbourhood activism.Recurring comments about cutting roads through residential neighbourhoods, blocking offlocal communities, and street widening (more direct quotes are used in later sections ofthe case study findings) indicate that the City of Vancouver has an informal transportationplan which envisions four-lane and six-lane arterial highways cris-crossing the city.A final vision of Vancouver’s future transportation system introduces the barrierof inadequate regional governance:“... until that fundamental governance problem is sorted out we’re notgoing to have any better transportation system 20 years from now . ..“(18-92-95)This respondent (a transportation planner) identifies a fundamental governanceproblem as a major impediment retarding the change process towards a non-automobile-dominated transportation system.The question of why most participants are so pessimistic about the futuretransportation system might be answered in a number of ways. One answer may relate tothe confidential nature of the interviews. Argyris (1982, 458) discusses “espousedtheories,” (what people say they do -- a version of success presented by supervisory staffor public relations personnel) and “theories-in-use,” (what really happens). Theconfidential nature of the interviews may have provided officials with an opportunity todiscuss theories-in-use. The credibility of this explanation was reinforced in an informaldiscussion session with one of the government officials after the audio-taped segment ofthe interview. This person mentioned that several employees had lost their jobs afterexpressing personal views contradicting the position of the organization. Concern was136expressed that the content of the interview remain confidential.This episode and the negative views of participants are significant. Theydemonstrate a suppression of values and beliefs within government organizations.Kirkpatrick (1993, 31) discussed how the suppression of feelings and ideas within organizations results in the repression of potential solutions. These elements of organizationaldysfunctionality seem to be present in the government institutions responsible for themanagement and development of Vancouver’s transportation system. Although theindividuals running Vancouver’s transportation system are aware of some methods ofencouraging community sustainability, the existing organizational culture will not allowthese methods to be openly expressed, tested or implemented.5.2.3 - Forces Hindering the Shift from Automobiles to Other Modes of Transportation“People say, ‘Well I’d like to come down to the West End but it’s so hardto find a place to park.’ And then we tell them, ‘Don’t drive, come down,here’s how you can do it.’ And there’s a moment when you can see in theireyes this sudden revelation that you’re actually serious about them notdriving ... At that point it’s where that cultural shock occurs because theyrealize then they’re going to have to consider walking or taking taxis ...“(15-559-573)Case Study Participant, 1994The introductory quote, made by a West End resident, illustrates one of a vastarray of hindering forces (in this case the perception, by many people, that the automobileis the mi form of transportation) which impede the movement away from the automobileto other modes of urban people movement. This section examines what interview partici137pants identified as forces hindering the development of a sustainable transportation systemin Vancouver. The question used in the interview protocol to stimulate discussion was:Question Four“What factors, within the city’s planning and implementation system, areimpeding the shift towards a sustainable transportation system in the Cityof Vancouver?”Interview participants did not encounter difficulty when responding to this question.Responses comprised 228 pages or 46.3 percent of the transcribed interview data. Discussion during this segment of the interviews moved rapidly with only an occasional probeneeded for clarification.Tables 5.2 and 5.3 summarize the forces which interview participants identified ashindering change away from automobiles to other modes of transportation in theVancouver region. This section analyses the important themes which evolve from thislarge array of impeding forces. The participants’ responses were organized into two majorcategories: forces hindering change -- first-order level; and forces hindering change --second-order level.Forces Hindering Change -- First-Order LevelTable 5.2 displays the first-order forces which are hindering change. This categorywas further organized into the following sub-categories: Status of the Automobile, PublicSubsidies, Public Transit Problems, Low Political Support, Inability to Plan, ProfessionalPlanning Mindset, Professional Engineering Mindset, Conflict between Vancouver’sPlanning and Engineering Departments, and Lack of Regional Control.138Table 5.2Forces Hindering Change - First Order1. Status of the Automobile* Commercial interests* System maintenance2. Public Subsidies* Subsidies to the automobile* Penalties on other transportation modes3. Transit Problems* Current Trends* Competition for urban road space* Other problems4. Low Political Support5. Inability to Plan* Complexities of planning* Impressions of planning* Mismatched decision-making* Dilemma of planning work/home relationships6. Professional Planning Mindset* Idealism of planners* Lack of Knowledge7. Professional Engineering Mindset* Education* Technocratic focus* Impressions of objectivity* Defending the automobile* Neighbourhood planning* Implementing the informal plan8. Conflict Between Planning and Engineering Department* Lack of cooperation* Impact on city planning* Impact on neighbourhood planning9. Lack of Regional Control* Defused responsibilities* Disconnected decision-making* Need for a new regional government structure139Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Level) - Status of the AutomobileThis category is organized into the following sub-categories: commercial interestsand system maintenance.Commercial InterestsParticipants suggested that private-sector interests use government systems topromote their interests while at the same time suppressing the interests of other sectors ofsociety. The following quotes by two local politicians represent numerous comments byinterview participants describing the powerful private interests which shape the City ofVancouver and the larger metropolitan region.“... there are private interests that have a lot of power in our society interms of convincing you and I that we should buy a new car or that whenyou are sixteen the most important thing for you to do is to go learn todrive. I mean how does that come about. It’s because we have a very,kind of, automobile driven culture, right? I mean when kids are growingup that’s what they grow up believing -- that those things are important.somehow we have to change that.” (18-293-384)“... there’s the auto industry. There’s the oil and gas industry. There’salso a set of cultural mythology which admittedly isn’t as strong in Canadaas it is in the United States, but it’s still extremely strong.” (07-226-229)Participants talked about the private interests of the auto, oil, and gas industries andthe powerful tools they use to shape consumer demand. The most powerful tool continuesto be advertising. Owning a car -- having the image of power and glory at your fmgertips-- defmes our “auto driven culture.” One of the rites of passage into adulthood continuesto be a driver’s licence. Advertising can prolong the “defense” stage of the change and140transformation process (Carnall 1990, 40).System MaintenanceParticipants discussed how real estate interests insure that the present system ofland development is perpetuated. The following quote (by a local politician) offers insightinto why the real estate industry is so interested in municipal government:“... if you did any study of any urban environment you always have to askyourself, ‘why are developers and real estate interests always so interestedin the municipal arena?’ I mean it’s really the level of government that hasthe least amount of power in a sort of an overall sense. But the reason they ‘re so interested is because we do have the ability to dictate land use ...“(18-429-445)Participants (a local politician, environmental analyst, transportation planner, andcommunity activist) considered the power of the Vancouver land development industry asa major hindering force in the movement towards community sustainability. Accordingto these participants, the industry supports a well-organized and heavily funded car lobbywhose research continues to support the automobile as the dominant transportation modein urban areas. Users of other transportation modes (pedestrians and transit) do not havethis kind of support. When modal-split discussions take place at a community level,alternative transportation lobbies make weak opposition to the car lobby which canquantitatively and passionately support the automobile. The lack of diverse, strongtransportation lobbies results in an urban landscape where the automobile is (as oneparticipant noted) “... taking away comfortable neighbourhoods ... and replacing themwith a streetscape with rapidly moving automobiles .141Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Levefl -- Public SubsidiesVarious methods are used to subsidize the automobile and penalize other forms ofurban transportation. This category examines these hindering forces.Subsidies to the AutomobileRespondents not only said that private sector industries create an urbanenvironment where the automobile dominates, but seven of the fifteen governmentemployees and local politicians (no community activists commented on this point) alsonoted that various public subsidies have been put in place to ensure that other transportation modes cannot compete for urban ridership. A large portion of taxes (refer to Section5.3, Illustrative Cases -- City’s Investment in Alternative Modes of Transportation) areused to maintain, expand and redevelop the road infrastructure used predominately byautomobiles. The following three quotes provide a representative sample of comments(from a transportation planner, an environmental analyst, and a local politician) in thisarea.“... the automobile is being heavily subsidized for every car that’s on theroad. We get cheap gas, cheap auto insurance ... free access to the highways.”(06-245-248)the car seems to get all the support. I’m trying to think of the figuresthat were done for the GVRD. We subsidize the private automobile in theGVRD area, I think about $2,800 [per automobile] a year. And wecertainly don’t subsidize the bus transit system by that much. So there’sthose inequities there that are going to be hard to overcome.” (10-255-261)“Councils continue to approve parking lot expansion which vastly decreasesthe amount of time it takes to get somewhere. If you’re tearing aroundlooking for a parking spot, there are a lot of public transit vehicles thathave a chance to catch up to you. So the continued willingness to expandthe road system and the parking system [means] that cars can be favourably142competitive with public transit.”(07-312-318)One of the above participants (an environmental analyst) pointed out that thevarious levels of government were providing an automobile subsidy of $2,800 per year.The actual figure contained in the GVRD report (Simpson 1993) was $2,600 per year foreach automobile used for urban transportation purposes within the Vancouver metropolitanregion.One of the interesting automobile subsidies is the provision of parking toautomobile users. A downtown parking space costs $12-15,000 to construct (excludingland costs) and an additional $350 to $400 to maintain annually.1 The cost of constructingand maintaining bicycle parking facilities is estimated to be five percent of auto costs.2Under federal and provincial Income Tax Acts, the cost of parking is classified as anexpense of doing business (non-taxable). The same acts classify transit costs as an expenseto the individual which is taxable.Penalties on Other Transportation ModesThe last quote noted that the city continues to provide parking for the automobile‘ Personal conversations with Michel Desroches, Planning Analyst, Central Area ProjectsDivision, City of Vancouver Planning Department and Wayne Mercer, Director of OperationsCity of Vancouver Downtown Parking Corporation. June 6, 1994.2 A standard automobile stall is ten feet by twenty feet. A bicycle occupies an area ofapproximately two feet by five feet or five percent of the area of an auto. Besides size, otherfactors would further reduce the cost of building and maintaining bicycle parking spaces.Construction costs would be reduced due to the weight differences between cars and bicycles. Interms of maintenance, bicycle parking spaces do not require fans to eliminate exhaust fumes andbicycles do not deposit pollutants on building surfaces.143thus insuring that the automobile maintains its competitive position in relation to publictransit. The following quote, made by a local politician, points to another method whichgovernment uses to penalize alternative modes of people-based urban transportation.“... there’s not a desire by the government to levy operating costs from carusers in the same way that they feel very comfortable levying a largeportion of the operating costs of transit from its users.” (07-281-285)Inequalities in levying costs is illustrated in the free auto infrastructure (no tolls:only gasoline taxes invested in the road system) provided to automobile users. In addition,the provincial government continues to maintain cost-shared (provincial-municipal)automobile infrastructure construction programs. No cost-shared programs exist betweenthe provincial and municipal governments for the construction of bicycle infrastructure.Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Level) -- Transit ProblemsAlternative modes of transportation have difficulty adapting to an urban landscapedesigned for the automobile. These difficulties are reflected in the comments ofparticipants when discussing the present use and future prospects for public transit in theCity of Vancouver and region. This category is subdivided into three sub-categories:current trends, competition for urban road space, and other problems.Current TrendsPublic transit in the city and region is provided by BC Transit: a provincial crowncorporation. The corporation is under constant pressure by politicians and the public toexpand its services, although transit riders, as a percentage of total road and transit users,is declining. The following quote by a transportation planner attempts to explain this144pressure which might be expected in a region experiencing increasing levels of roadcongestion.“When the communities are built around the automobile the reality is nomatter what we do, our market share is really very low, and those arethings that are going to take years to change around.” (13-441447)This participant noted that current suburban design practices do not take intoconsideration the economical provision of public transit, yet municipal and provincialpoliticians demand this service for their constituents. Thus, municipalities with higherdensities served by public transit subsidize long distance transit riders and inter-suburbantransit users living in lower-density suburban regions. Another participant claimed thatBC Transit provides service to suburban areas, such as Surrey, Delta, Langley, where themarket share for transit in peak hours is only three to five percent of total commutertraffic.This situation may be politically expedient, but it economically penalizes theoverall delivery of transit, it disadvantages the urban transit user, and it rewards thesuburban dweller.Competition for Urban Road SpaceRespondents painted the following picture. In the past fifty years, streets have beentransformed from people places to automobile places. The concept of the Street hasevolved from a multi-use community environment to a corridor dominated almostexclusively by the automobile. The Street, which was once a place to linger, to talk withneighbours, and to purchase goods and services, has become a thoroughfare forautomobiles to move through as rapidly as possible. Transportation planners and145engineers have allowed the automobile to dominate and to control virtually all availablespace within the streetscape. When confronted by lobby groups demanding some of thestreetscape for other modes of transportation, engineers and planners cannot comprehendthe concept of reducing space for the automobile. The trade-off is not between cars andbuses. A situation has been manufactured3in which the trade-off is between transit andsmall business. The following quotes provided by a local politician and a transportationplanner illustrate this point:“So I don’t see much opportunity to convert general-purpose lanes. I don’tthink there’s much willingness on the part of local governments to convertgeneral-purpose lanes to bus traffic. I think it’s going to ... If you’regoing to get bus lanes, it’s going to come at the expense of parking. Andeven that’s a tough one [be]cause it involves community groups, businessesand things like that. (13-917-934)“Now the problem we run into is just space allocation -- resource allocation. And Marpole HOV lanes are a great example of that. Are you goingto take space away from one mode of transport to give it to another?That’s when your priorities are really clear.” (15-483-490)The second quote refers to a controversy during the interview period (Winter,1994) when the City of Vancouver attempted to remove Street parking in the commercialcore of the Marpole neighbourhood to allow for the installation of high occupancy vehicle(HOV) lanes during rush-hour periods. Rather than proposing the removal of a “generalpurpose lane” (car lane), which would encourage car users to explore other modes oftransportation (other than the single occupant vehicle), the City Engineering DepartmentFor a discussion of how illusions can be manufactured to recreate and redefme reality,see Noam Chomsky. 1992. Manufacturing Consent. Montreal, Quebec: Necessary Illusion.Video-recording.146reframed the situation. The car versus transit tradeoff became a tradeoff between transitand small business . In this particular case, the small-business lobby won.The concepts of reframing and presenting alternatives or scenarios which allow youto achieve your preferred option or goal is a common, but sometimes ingeniouslydisguised, technique used to influence decision-making. The Marpole HOV lanecontroversy may be an example of the application of this technique.The following quotes illustrate difficulties encountered by the public transit systemwhen competing for limited urban road space.“And if the bus that you would take otherwise, in a split choice, is stilltravelling on the same streets as all this congestion, then we’re not muchfurther ahead.” (09-199-203)“So the main thing is, transit can’t compete on time ... often can’t competeon convenience either. [It] can’t compete on cost but that’s relativelyunimportant. Time and convenience and speed -- those are the two factorsthat have to be addressed if transit is going to compete.” (13-320-325)In Vancouver, these respondents (transportation planners) felt the worsening urbanroad congestion will not force people out of their cars and into public transit. The vastmajority of transit (excluding SkyTrain which has its own dedicated ROW) must use thesame roads congested by automobiles.Other ProblemsTwo additional problems associated with the transit system in Vancouver wereidentified. The first problem relates to a union-management conflict at BC Transit whichStreet parking is an important element in the livability of commercial neighbourhoods.It creates a physical barrier between rapidly moving vehicles and pedestrian street life and itprovides a place to load and unload goods.147is impeding changes to the public transit system.“If you try and put, say just a bicycle facility through the Massey Tunnelthat would allow bicycles on buses ... put a bike rack on a bus ... BCTransit started the process and the union jumped up and said “Well, ifyou’re not going to give us more money, forget it” and they walked awayfrom the table.” (04-208-213)“Part of it will be the union. The relations between BC Transit and the busdrivers union is awful. It’s also a model for poor management-labourrelations. And until that changes, any sort of liberalization of transit policyis going to be impossible. Because drivers will expect, or will negotiate onthe basis of ‘we want to be paid more if we are going to do somethingdifferent’ .“(l 3-422-428)This topic was approached very cautiously by the two participants (bothtransportation planners) who discussed poor union-management relations. They felt theconfrontational and adversarial association between many organizations and their employeeunion representatives results in retarding change, or, in this example, not takingappropriate action in the provision of appropriate services.The fmal problem identified by the following quote (provided by a local politician)illustrates a significant trend in city unlivability:“... transit systems aren’t safe for kids. So therefore, as much as we mayregret it, the automobile is connected with security.” (15-239-245)As cars push pedestrians off streetscapes, the safety and livability of the urbanenvironment declines (refer to Chapter Two, Sections 2.3.3 and 2.3.4). This cycle feedson itself. Streets become unsafe, therefore children must be driven to school and children,women and the elderly must be driven to other events contributing further to the autodomination/pedestrian decline of streetscapes. Through creating unsafe environments, theindividual automobile itself becomes the environment of security.148Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Level) -- Low Political SupportAccording to some participants, non-auto modes of transportation are given a lowpriority in funding. The following comments, provided by local politicians, point to anumber of factors which cause these low funding priorities.“We’ve seen two billion dollars borrowed for BC 21. We know that nearlyhalf of that is going to go into the Island Highway. We then throw a sixthof it or a seventh of it to the Lion’s Gate Bridge. Then you have thehighways minister’s own pet project of getting all the roads in the BuckleyValley paved. And you now begin to see that the capital ... I mean underthe Bennett and Van Der Zaim governments there were more capital fundsgoing into improving public transit than we’ve seen under the NewDemocrats.”(07-251-261)“... that woridview [dominant woridview shaping current transportationplanning] comes from personal experience and hence find out who thedecision-makers are and what form of transportation they use and you’llprobably get a pretty good idea of where the resources and priorities are.”(15-143-146)BC 21 is a capital investment program created by the provincial government toinvest in transportation infrastructure. The first quote gives an idea of where most of theprogram’s funds are allocated; very little money is left for capital improvements to publictransit systems. The second quote gives one possible explanation for this situation. Asignificant majority (virtually all) of decision-makers do not use transit nor do they cycle.Therefore, this respondent felt their woridview is from behind the windshield of a car.From this perspective, alternative modes of transportation do not seem viable. Thereforemoney continues to be allocated to the automobile.Compared to other Canadian cities, Vancouverites how have the longest averagedaily commute (60 minutes) (refer to Chapter Four, Section 4.3). One participant felt that149the City of Vancouver needs “to double or triple the number of kilometres of rapid transitin the city” (12-637-641). Although the need exists, this participant felt the political willdoes not exist, and therefore money is not available to carry out public transit infrastructure expansion.Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Level) -- Inability to PlanThe metropolitan region of Vancouver is unique in the structure of its regionalplanning organization and the authority this organization holds in carrying out planningactivities. Respondents’ comments concerning this subject are divided into the followingsub-categories: the complexities of planning, impressions of planning, mismatcheddecision-making, and the dilemma of planning work/home relationships.Complexities of PlanningChapter Four reviewed the organizational structure of community planning andtransportation planning in the Lower Fraser Valley of British Columbia. Although thisresearch inquiry focuses on the City of Vancouver, the regional transportation authority,BC Transit, and the complexities and interconnectiveness of the regional system cannotbe ignored. In the area of transportation planning what happens in the city and the regionimpact greatly on each other. All participants working at the regional and provinciallevels of the transportation planning system discussed the difficulty of working within theexisting structure. Participants expressed the following views pertaining to this topic ofplanning:150‘... in this particular region we don’t have regional planning. The GVRDhas said they want to do regional planning, but there’s no real legal way forthem to achieve that.” (13-127-129)“... an unplanned city is one where you allow private-sector economicforces to take over the development of your community ... and develop thecity as the market will bear.” (03-180-195)“Conceptually the region is proud of its town centre concept and it’s ideaof a regional system where you can sort of live and work where you want,but typically that doesn’t happen.” (17-286-296)According to a transportation planner, when the provincial government removedplanning responsibilities from the Greater Vancouver Regional District in the early 1980s,the greater community’s ability to undertake comprehensive planning was crippled. Thesecond participant (a environmental analyst) felt this devolution of planning responsibilityhas resulted in an “unplanned city” where private-sector market forces dictate land usedevelopment. The third participant (another transportation planner) used one of thecornerstones of the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) planning philosophy,the “Town Centre Concept,” (GVRD 1975) as an example of an espoused theory whichin reality doesn’t work.Impressions of PlanningParticipants made the following comments about research conducted by the GVRD:“... GVRD put these wonderful coffee table documents out ... but they’rejust saying grand things that we can’t do.” (06-117-122)“... the illusion of change can be harmful. It makes people relax and thinkthat yeah maybe the politicians and the bureaucrats do have things in handand I needn’t worry, and I needn’t get involved.” (04-651-654)Sometimes I wonder if these reports are just diversionary tactics.left-turn bays are going in, streets are being widened, boulevards are being151removed, trees are disappearing on those boulevards ... business as usuaL”(16-183-188)The first two quotes, both made by government transportation planners, convey 1)frustration with not being able to implement report recommendations and 2) concern withthe impression the reports are making on citizens. The second government employee wasworried about citizens being lulled into a state of non-participation or inaction. Thus, theillusion of planning could be more harmful than no planning. The fmal quote (from acommunity activist) implies that planning can be used as a subversionary tactic; expansionof the automobile transportation system proceeds as usual while decision-makers talk aboutplanning for a diverse-mode transportation system (refer to Chapter Five, Section 5.3 fora discussion of this tactic).Mismatched Decision-makingTwo quotes illustrate the problem of mismatched and uncoordinated decision-making:“The people who are making the decisions about land use have beenmaking the decisions to develop areas that really cannot support publictransit. And yet, at the same time, because they’re not paying for publictransit directly, they’re demanding public transit services. So it’s a systemthat just does not support a long future. It’ll have to change if we’re goingto get out of the cycle that we’re in now.” (13-131-140)“The fact that transit is actually operated by a provincial crown corporation, is delivered by the province ... most of the money is coming fromthe province, not from multiple govermnents. You don’t have a linkageand yet land-use decisions are being made by local governments farremoved from the transit planning decisions.” (13-152-157)These quotes (by a provincial transportation planner) address the issue of one levelof government being responsible for land-use decisions and another level of government152being responsible for major automobile and transit transportation decisions. SkyTramprovides an excellent example of the provincial government, in their hasty preparation forExpo 86, unilaterally deciding on the type and location of what has become an extremelyexpensive light rail transit system. This provincial decision-making, in situations wherea regionally constituted organization with legal responsibility for planning andimplementation should have authority, continues to cripple transportation planning in thecity and in the region. The lack of regional authority in decision-making will be discussedin a later category under the title “Lack of Regional Control.”Dilemma of Planning Work/Home RelationshipsIn the City of Vancouver, urban planning practices continue to encourage longdistance commuting:“[The] City of Vancouver has been ... creating 3 to 4 times as many jobsas they have residents ... And only just recently have they been looking atbringing more housing on in the city core. But it’s not the kind of housingwhere people are going to be working downtown. It’s not the clerks andthe secretaries and office administrators and middle managers that are ableto buy the condos and the high-end housing that’s going on in Vancouver.People who are doing those kinds of jobs are living in Burnaby or Surreyor increasingly further out the valley.” (17-255-268)“... the region [GVRD] is proposing that the city continue to accept morejobs than housing units which means ... the only thing that can mean to meis continued long-distance commuting.” (01-43-46)The city has recently changed its policies and is now encouraging more housing inthe downtown core. But, as the first quote (provided by a transportation planner) conveys,the type of housing is for a select group of high-income workers. This situation, coupledwith the desire expressed by GVRD for the city to accept more jobs than housing units153continues to encourage long-distance commuting and erodes the mythical (as oneparticipant implied) regional “Town Centre Concept.”In the metropolitan region, all respondents said suburban sprawl is a problemwhich continues to plague progress towards utilizing other modes of transportation.Theseparation of land uses and the high reliance on automobiles for mobility have beendiscussed in previous sub-categories.This sub-category introduces a new concern about suburban to suburbancommuting -- a form of commuting which has replaced traditional suburb to downtowncommuting as the dominant form of rush hour mobility. With the evolution of industrialmalls and business parks, an increasing segment of employment opportunities are now insuburban locations. Houses and places of employment are increasingly dispersed in lowdensity landscapes which cannot be serviced economically by public transit. With theincrease in two-income households, a respondent who had experienced the situation saidthat the problem of dispersed place of work is compounded (08-399-409). Employmentspecialization may result in one spouse working in a suburban location far removed fromthe other spouse’s place of work.Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Level) -- Professional Planning MindsetParticipants perceived the planning profession as a contributing factor to theproblems of continued unsustainability in Vancouver’s urban transportation system. Theseperceptions were based on the feeling that planners are not equipped with the skills orknowledge to facilitate a process towards a sustainable transportation system.154Idealism of PlannersTwo participants (both transportation planners) felt the planning profession andplanning education were not preparing planners for the reality of practice, nor were theyproducing professionals who could assist in the transformational process towardssustainability... lot of people come out of planning school with very high ideals. Well,at least they go in with very high ideals . . .1 don’t know how they come out.But the people who come out ... a lot of them think they are going tochange the world and set it on fire and they’re going to implementsustainable development .. .“(04-769-776)“... planners are co-opted as soon as they leave school. And if they’re not,they’re not hired for very long.” (13-701-702)One interview respondent felt planners lacked an understanding of the practicalaspects of practising day-to-day planning. According to one transportation planner,planners become “co-opted” by the dominant growth paradigm or they are dismissed ormarginalized or leave the planning profession altogether.Lack ofKnowledgeParticipants expressed reservations about the planners’ apparent lack of publictransit planning knowledge:“And I think there’s a real lack of understanding in terms of how the urbanform affects transit -- that transit passengers are pedestrians before they geton the bus, and theyTre pedestrians after they get off the bus.” (13-582-589)One participant (a transportation planner) observed that official community planscontain “motherhood statements” when referring to public transit, but a deeperunderstanding of “how the urban form affects transit” is not evident in the practice of most155planning professionals. In addition, during the development review process, meaningfuldialogue between transit planners and the land-use planners does not take place.Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Level) -- Professional Engineering MindsetWithin the segment of the interview which explored hindering forces, the attitudesof interview participants towards transportation engineers generated the most livelyresponses. Eleven of the eighteen interviewees discussed the engineering mindset. Twopoliticians, two transportation planners, and one environmental analyst did not commenton this hindering force. Five of the seven who did not comment were professionalengineers. Excerpts from this segment of the interview are divided into the following subcategories: education, technocratic focus, impressions of objectivity, defending theautomobile, neighbourhood planning and implementing the informal plan.EducationThe following quotes describe engineers both from an engineer’s and a non-engineer’s perspective.“My educational background is in engineering -- very much a problemsolving sort of thing. Prepare a technical report and the job is done.From the public’s perspective it’s certainly difficult from my background.About five years ago ... we established a political committee to overseeour role. And the first thing they wanted was ... information communications kinds of services. We couldn’t provide it for them. I mean I did not,even after working for 25 years, have the first clue about how to getinvolved there.” (03-351-375)the guys that I meet, that have been out of school for a few years andwho are now working as transportation planners or transportation engineerswith the city or with the Ministry of Transport or something, or BCTransit, they seem to have this concept of ... or all they were really edu156cated towards is how to accommodate the automobile or how to add lanecapacity, how wide a lane is supposed to be ... Instead of thinking wellthere will actually be less traffic and less congestion if we maybe don’twiden this street. Instead of that type of thinking they’re still back in thatold line of thinking; they’re accommodating supply not demand.” (06-488-499)As the first participant (a environmental analyst) relayed, engineers are educatedin problem-solving skills. Skills of communication (dealing with the public in an opencommunicative manner) are foreign to many engineers. Trained as experts, theyexperience difficulty in having their conclusions questioned within a political environment.The second quote (from a transportation planner) made by a participant who works closelywith engineers on a day-to-day basis, highlights how some participants thought engineersperceived themselves. Through their education and through their practical experience, thesecond participant noted that engineers perceive their prime purpose as accommodating theautomobile. They are not trained to question or to look for alternatives to an automobile-based transportation system, and they do not view these activities as part of theirresponsibilities.Technocratic FocusPart of this apparent desire to accommodate the automobile comes from theengineering profession’s traditional stance of power within the municipality and its strongprofessional culture:“North American cities are designed by engineers and they’re real powerstructures in the engineering department. Livability truly is a secondaryissue. Whatever is left over after the engineers have gone through with itit’s handed over to planning [the planning agency] to fix or to dosomething with. But it’s simply moving cars and it seems to be the numberone priority in any city.” (16-210-215)157“I’d love to sit down and try and understand the Engineering Department one day.Part of it I think is ... I’ve often found that they’re structured somewhat in a military fashion. In Engineering you pretty well have to go through the chain ofcommand. And I think that may be part of it. The corporate culture in Engineering, I think, used to be quite uh ... they kept everything pretty close to the vest asfar as information. They didn’t share a lot of information with people. That Ithink is changing. There’s a new [Vancouver] City Engineer as of a couple ofyears ago, and I think that certainly he’s more into looking at things morecorporately, like across the city and working with other departments. It’s funny[be]cause I get the same ... feedback from my counterparts in Calgary, inEdmonton, in Toronto. That they have that same brick wall that they run intosometimes . “ (10-352-37 1)The first quote (from a community activist) describes the power of engineers withinengineering departments. Pfeffer (refer to Chapter Two, Section 2.5.4 and Pfeffer 1981,3) discusses how organizational leaders can be concerned with control and maintenanceof the status quo. Institutional power politics, used effectively, can severely reduce anorganization’s ability to adapt to internal and external environmental conditions. Yellin(refer to Chapter Two, Section 2.5.4) suggests that many organizations and their leadersare “Change Incompetent.” The comments of this community activist suggest that the Cityof Vancouver continues to promote the automobile (maintenance of the status quo) whileignoring livability issues.The second interview response (provided by an environmental analyst) containssome interesting observations. Although the respondent states that the elitist attitudes ofthe Vancouver Engineering Department seems to be changing, the department, andapparently engineering departments in other cities across Canada, continues to be“structured somewhat in a military fashion.” This implies a reliance on the outmodedmethods of “Universalistic Management” (Taylor 1911). This form of management relies158on scientific techniques which focus on concepts of stability, predictability, andmaximization of individual productivity in the workplace. This participant also pointedto the existence of a “corporate culture in Engineering.” As Schein notes (refer to ChapterTwo, Section 2.5.4 and Schein 1985, 24), the existence of a corporate culture can insulateemployees from constant changes in the external environment.Impressions of ObjectivityOne component of corporate culture which helps mould employees into a stronglyknit group is the presence of a “professional mystique.” Professional organizations usethis technique to separate and elevate their members to the position of experts. Expertsare perceived to be objective, but, as one respondent (a community activist) says, this isnot always the case: -“One of the things about engineers is because they use numbers andnumbers are unbiased, there’s truth in numbers and so I like to use theirnumbers against them because they really cheat with numbers. They havetold us for years that there are 60 to 70,000 trips per day in the West End.Well, we know that only about 5,000 West Enders per day use their cars,so that must mean we’re all going around in mad, mad circles.” (16-220-226)This community activist felt that engineers used mathematical and statisticalmethods to justify their own goals rather than providing balanced assessments. Thisproblem is discussed in more detail in the following section.Defending the AutomobileInterview participants were highly critical of the position engineers maintain indealing with the automobile in the City of Vancouver.159‘.. they’re [engineers] mandated in some ways to change the transportationsystem, yet they seem defenders of the status quo, which I fmd quiteinteresting. You mention something that’s good for bikes and their [engineers] first reaction is ‘what is the negative impact on cars?” (12-243-259)This participant (a community planner) felt that municipal engineers, although hiredto serve people, see their role as serving automobiles. Change in the transportation systemis being initiated by lobby groups which are promoting alternative forms of people-basedtransportation such as bicycles. But, as this respondent described, engineers react to thesesuggestions by looking for possible negative impacts on cars. This strong assumption ofthe engineering department, that space cannot be taken away from existing general-purposeautomobile traffic, represents one of the major impediments to moving towards a moresustainable people transportation system in Vancouver.Neighbourhood PlanningThe conflict between the Engineering Department and residents of Vancouverseems to be acute in the area of neighbourhood planning. According to all communityactivists, the Engineering Department was either not able or not willing to respond toresident concerns.The words of one community activist demonstrate how the technique ofincrementalism is used to slowly modifr streetscapes to serve the needs of automobilesrather than the needs of neighbourhoods. The process of increasing capacity is anaccepted, unquestioned assumption of transportation engineering. The process ofdecreasing capacity is a foreign, unthinkable concept:usually it’s the Engineering Department infringing on pieces of ourneighbourhood without us knowing. It starts slowly ... they take off160parking on some of our residential streets, which means that increases thetraffic flow and traffic volume. Next thing you know, we’ve got themwidening the Street to increase the traffic flow, and gradually, theliveability of our neighbourhood becomes decreased . .“ (02-100-1 10)Another quote conveys the activist’s frustration with the Engineering Department’snarrow perception of community planning. The focus of these plans seems to be on theneeds of the automobile rather than on the needs of neighbourhood struggle, and that’s all I can call it, with the Engineering Department was that, first thing when I asked ... said to the EngineeringDepartment that we, for our neighbourhood, wanted a community plan onhow traffic would operate within our neighbourhood, they said well wehave a community plan. So I asked them to have a look ... I asked to havea look at that plan. Well I found out they were talking about two streets,and I said my idea of a community plan is not two streets. My neighbourhood is more than two streets.” (02-131-140)The final two quotes describe subversive techniques used by engineers tocircumvent neighbourhood plans.“... the Engineering Department worked with that piece of the community,they agreed on certain things, and we were at a meeting subsequently aboutsix months later or a year later because what they were doing was going intotal violation of what was actually agreed on . ..“(02-183-187)then they go on and do what they wanted to do in the first place, whichis get traffic from point A to point B as quickly and as efficiently aspossible in their terms which does not pay any attention to the neighbourhood they go through.” (02-201-205)These quotes imply that plans are developed, approved by City Council, and thenignored by the Engineering Department. One participant reported on the formation of aneighbourhood watch committee whose purpose was to guard against engineers increasingcapacity on the arterial and local streets running through their neighbourhood.Implementing the Informal Plan161Participants felt that the absence of an official community plan continues to havegrave consequences on the livability of the city. The absence of an official communityplan and a formal transportation plan was discussed in Chapter Four, Section 4.4.Increasing traffic capacity has its roots in what participants (two community activists)referred to as the “old highway program” or the “bigger plan.”“They [the Engineering Department] wanted that Street and they workedvery conscientiously over the years in setting up a system through this city.There’s a old highways program, freeway or whatever you want to call it,going back to the 1950s, and everything that’s changed is just another littlepiece. Nothing is ever changed. We live in a city that says we don’tendorse freeways, but that’s really what we’re building.” (1 6-247-252)“I don’t want to be Machiavellian about it or anything, but I think that they[city engineering department] have a bigger plan . . .“(02-129-130)Theoretical concepts developed by Selznick and Argyris help explain the reasonwhy this informal transportation plan exists in Vancouver. Selznick (refer to ChapterTwo, Section 2.5.3 and Selznick 1957, 16) advanced the concept of “institutionalization”whereby, in the absence of appropriate internal direction and external feedback, organizations take on a “life of their own.” In this case the Engineering Department seems to beperforming to meet the needs and desires of the employees of the department rather thanthe residents of the City of Vancouver.Argyris (1982, 458) discussed “espoused theories,” which are what people say theydo, and “theories-in-use,” which are what really happens in an organization. A numberof interviewees (01, 08, 13, 14) working at a local level discussed a council policy whichgives higher priority to non-auto modes of transportation in investment decisions (espousedtheory). Other interviewees (02, 04, 12, 16) described the existence of an “informal162plan,” which provided the framework for the continued expansion of a highway system inthe city (theory-rn-use).After the taped portion of the interview, one respondent (01) indicated that,although the Engineering Department does not acknowledge its existence, an informaltransportation plan is on computer at the City Engineering Department and is used to makeday-to-day decisions supporting the expansion of the automobile dominated transportationsystem.The significance of informal plans was discussed in Chapter Three, Section 3.2.The existence of a publicly approved official transportation plan (as a component of acomprehensive official community plan) for the city would require each transportationdecision to conform to the goals and policies of the official plan. In the absence of anofficial plan, staff can pursue their own goals. How this happens is discussed in moredetail in Section 5.3 (Illustrative Cases - Transportation Investment Priorities).Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Level) -- Conflict Between Planning andEngineering DepartmentThe City of Vancouver’s separation of community planning and communityengineering activities into autonomous departments has resulted in a high level of conflictbetween these departments. This category examines the impact that this lack ofcooperation is having on city and neighbourhood planning.Lack of CooperationAccording to two participants (a community planner and a transportation planner),a high level of professional and institutional animosity exists between the Planning163Department and the Engineering Department within the City of Vancouver’s municipaladministration:“It’s sort of common knowledge that there’s not very much respect betweenthe Planning Department and the Transportation [Engineering] Department.” (04-378-391)“In City Hall there’s been a split, for better or for worse, between theEngineering Department which takes care of all streets [and the PlanningDepartment]. Anything that’s a public right-of-way ... entrusted to theEngineering Department. And what the Planning Department really doesis deal with private development. In some ways planning regulates whathappens on land between the right-of-ways.” (12-715-722)These comments create an image of two institutional organizations in continuousconflict while they attempt to serve the public through the provision of planning anddevelopment services. As the second quote describes, each agency has defined their“turf”: the Engineering Department plans public ROWs and the Planning Departmentregulates development on private lands. The impact of this dichotomy on the city is adisjointed urban planning process. As the community planner stated, “at City Hall,planners have very little to do with transportation.” (12-325-327)After one session, the researcher met the interview participant on the elevator.This person’s involvement in city planning and development spanned almost twenty years.The person asked if the researcher had made any meaningful preliminary observationsrelated to the research. The researcher stated a number of observations including theconflict between the Planning and Engineering Departments. This person was somewhattaken aback, saying “you know, that’s such a part of City Hall that no one thinks aboutit anymore.” The person who did not mention the conflict during the taped interview,164went on to describe time and effort wasted trying to work in this antagonistic environment.This is a significant observation. The antagonistic relationship between thePlanning Department and the Engineering Department has grown from an organizationalproblem to a basic assumption of the organizational culture of Vancouver’s municipalbureaucracy -- something which has become part of “doing business at City Hall.”Participants identified this conflict as one of the significant hindering forces affecting thedelivery of government services and affecting change towards a sustainable people-basedtransportation system.Impact on City PlanningParticipants felt the process of community planning in Vancouver has suffered dueto the antagonistic relationship between the Planning Department and the EngineeringDepartment:“... the confluence of land use and transportation, which is so obvious, it’salmost a truism, is lost in that kind of bureaucratic environment.” (04-378-391)“Another part is they’re not forced together by planning, I mean by thebroader vision of the city. There is no Vancouver City Plan. If there werea Vancouver City Plan, then they might be forced to get together. Youmight be able to say to them, you must consider the transportation and landuse aspects together on any proposals. You must have, for anydevelopment permit a transportation perspective. You must have, for anyroad infrastructure, a planning perspective.” (13-424-432)Although the relationship between land use and transportation is a fundamentalprinciple of urban planning, the second participant (a transportation planner) felt “thebroader vision of the city” was not being addressed due to bureaucratic turf wars. Thesecond quote also identifies the need for a community plan which could be used to force165the Planning Department and the Engineering Department together in a consultative landdevelopment and approval process. The current CityPlan process, the latest in a numberof unratified efforts since 1928, is attempting to reduce the barriers between the twoagencies.Impact on Neighbourhood PlanningBureaucratic conflict not only affects planning at a municipal level, it also impactson neighbourhood planning activities:“... when we did our neighbourhood plan, we actually went to City Counciland asked that the Planning Department and the Engineering Departmentwould work with us. And we franidy saw a really major conflict betweenthe Planning Department and the Engineering Department because, as Isaid, the Engineering Department doesn’t plan.” (02-405-412)“... we insist that in our community we will have absolutely no dealings -with an engineer without a planner present. And what planning [PlanningDepartment] ends up doing for us is just being a mediator. They just don’thave the power that engineering does .. . “(16-293-296)The first quote, illustrates the recurring engineering/planning conflict from theperspective of a neighbourhood activist. The participant felt that, from a neighbourhoodplanning viewpoint, “the Engineering Department doesn’t plan.” The neighbourhoodgroup with which the resident worked experienced numerous confrontational problemswith the Engineering Department before calling in a planner to fulfil a mediation role.The planner’s activities only increased the animosity between the two agencies, but at leastthe needs of the community were addressed.The experience of this neighbourhood group raises the question of how often theneeds of the community are forgotten as a result of interdepartmental conflicts. One166community activist observed that the Engineering Department is more powerful than thePlanning Department and that the former department has “convinced people that they’re[engineers are] very objective” while “planners are called subjective” (16-301-302).Forces Hindering Change (First-Order Level) -- Lack of Regional ControlThe present maintenance, operation and expansion of the people-based transportation system in Vancouver and the region is undertaken by a unique association of agencies(refer to Chapter Four, Section 4.4). According to interview participants, two elementsof this regional government structure are retarding a movement towards a sustainablepeople-based transportation system: defused responsibilities and disconnected decision-making. To overcome these problems, participants called for a new regional governmentstructure.Defused ResponsibilitiesThe following quotes describe a regional government structure which is in a stateof dysfunctionality brought about by incremental anaemia.“Identifying what needs to be done is not the issue in my mind. ... Peopleknow what they want and even individual municipal councillors and mayorsknow what they want. The stumbling block, if you will, is really how dowe get it. What structures are in place? Are the existing structuresadequate to take us along that path to where we do realize the vision thatwe have, and I think that’s where we’re having a lot of trouble and we’rereally grappling with some of these issues.” (18-196-209)we’ve set up structures in the province that basically make it impossiblefor any level of government to take the whole responsibility for a particularproblem. Everybody’s got a piece of every problem and as a result there’sno accountability for it. And in the end people get together and say, ‘Wellwe had this great idea we want light rapid transit out to Coquitlam,’ the167province wanted commuter rail so what did we get? It’s provincial money,it’s a provincial decision, you’ll get commuter rail. When the moresensible answer is probably a SkyTrain extension or an LRT extension ora bus way [lane] even.” (17-439-449)“The big problem is a jurisdictional one. Parking rates are largelycontrolled by municipalities who feel the wrath of the downtown businessmen as soon as you jack up parking rates, and it’s much easier to point tothe province and say well you put tolls on the bridges and annoy a millionpeople instead of annoying 700,000 commuters. It’s a responsibility matrixthat always focuses on having someone else take the heat for the decisionthat’s going to cause people to shift their habits.” (17-214-222)The first quote (by a local politician) indicates that the vision to restructure theregional transportation system is present, but structures and mechanisms to support theprocess of implementation are not in place. As the second participant (a transportationplanner) pointed out, the existing institutional structures “make it impossible for any levelof government to take the whole responsibility for a particular problem.” This participantfelt that far too many funding responsibilities, for clearly regional issues, are controlledby the provincial government.The final quote (by the same transportation planner) provides an example of howdefused responsibilities can lead to municipalities shifting responsibility to the provincialgovernment when confronted with an unpopular issue. Constant shirking of responsibilitycan lead either to inaction or to the use of inappropriate mechanisms to resolve problems.Disconnected Decision-makingDefused responsibilities, when dealing with transportation issues, lead todisconnected decision-making. The following quote summarizes one transportationplanner’s views on the disconnected nature of land-use planning and transportation168planning in the region:“The real difficulty in my view is that the people who are making the landuse decisions are not the people that are responsible for the transportationsystem, by and large. Municipalities are responsible for basic access tobusiness and to individual residences but moving them around thecommunity is something that they don’t accept responsibility for. And itmakes it very convenient from a political perspective because municipalitiesdo their planning. It may be unfriendly to transit, it may be designed toencourage people to move on to a provincial roadway or to a public transitsystem in order to move around. Then when that system gets congested orbreaks down, it’s finger pointing time.” (17-54-66)The conflict, at a municipal level, between the Planning and Engineeringdepartments, is compounded at a regional level. Municipalities are not required toconsider the impact that their local land-use decisions have on the region. Because of thisdisconnected decision-making process, the provincial government must continually respondto the traffic congestion created by municipalities.The following quote describes the political environment within which transportationplanning must operate.“And provincial governments being the more senior level tend to fall intothat trap really easily. They accept that somebody has to do the planning,or somebody has to resolve the issue, because it’s been unable to beresolved up until now. So they jump in with both feet. You typically geta ‘we’ and ‘they’ kind of attitude at that point and then there’s huge effortsspent on trying to coordinate or manage or facilitate the work of all of theseagencies. BC is a jurisdiction that I find quite amazing because theprovince is so willing to jump into local issues. I’m not quite sure what thereason is although I suspect a lot of it has to do with the number ofex-municipal politicians that are in the provincial government.” (17-66-79)The fragmentation of the decision-making process creates a situation of cooperativecollapse. One participant (a transportation planner) observed that monumental efforts are169invested in attempting to coordinate the efforts of numerous transportation agencies, andeven greater efforts are expended to solicit cooperation for c.h decision. Anotherparticipant observed that the provincial government is always ready to step in and disruptthis already complex decision-making process.Needfor a New Regional Government StructureAll the participants working at a regional or provincial level and the localpoliticians recognized that a change in regional government structure is needed:“... my feeling is that although we’ve come some distance in terms of thisvoluntary program for strategic planning, I am a skeptic here. I reallyquestion whether or not it is actually going to work. My feeling is thatinevitably we’re going to need some kind of elected regional governmentthat really will be mandated to deal with a regional objective in terms ofland use, environment, growth management and so on.” (18-180-187)The essence of the participant’s (a local politician) comments relate to a desire bythe people within the planning system to develop a people-based transportation system.For this change to come about, a restructuring of the entire regional transportationplanning system (and the larger urban and regional planning system) is required. Thequote also reflects the need to move from a voluntary and cooperative system of regionalplanning to an elected body with mandated authority and definitive responsibilities.Forces Hindering Change - Second OrderThis section explores forces hindering change towards transportation sustainabilitywhich are perceived by the researcher to be operating at a second-order level (systemredefinition through changes in basic values, beliefs and assumptions). Participants had170difficulty identifying second-order forces which hinder change. The second order forceswhich hinder change that participants discussed during the interviews (summarized inTable 5.3), have been organized into the following sub-categories: values, beliefs, andassumptions; change incompetence; fear of the unknown; status quo maintenance; need forcontrol; and bureaucratization.Table 5.3Forces Hindering Change - Second Order Level1. Values, Beliefs, and Assumptions* Power of Values, Beliefs, and Assumptions* Societal Values, Beliefs, and Assumptions* Belief in the Freedom of Movement* Assumptions and Beliefs Regarding the Environment2. Change Incompetence* Change - Individual Level* Change - Institutional Level3. Status Quo Maintenance* Frontier Mythology* Growth Mythology* Power of Advertising* Successful Lifestyle Images4. Fear of the Unknown* Fear of Change* Risk-Taking* Car Equated with Control5. Bureaucracy* Embedded Beliefs* Processes of Subversion171Forces Hindering Change (Second-Order Levefl -- Values, Beliefs, and AssumptionsValues, beliefs and assumptions provide a foundation for an organizational orcommunity culture (refer to Chapter Two, Section 2.5.4). An organizational orcommunity culture provides people with an atmosphere of security and comfort, createsa sense of continuity, and helps insulate people from constant change. Therefore, anorganizational or community culture, in fulfilling its role in system maintenance, cancontribute to system destruction by not allowing adaptation to take place. This sectionexplores the power of values, beliefs and assumptions and how society and the environment are affected by them. The belief in the freedom of mobility receives close scrutinydue to the impact of this belief on land and transportation planning.Power of Values, Beliefs, and AssumptionsAs the following quotes (provided by a local politician) demonstrate, values, beliefsand assumptions (VBAs) can become powerful tools in the maintenance of culturallycreated systems:“I think there’s something about the nature of organizations ... Same canhappen with families, as one gets into routines and norms that at timesvanish or they don’t become recognizable anymore. So people are unawareof what we’re doing. So those underlying and now invisible assumptionsof norms and practices need to come up and out to sort of, ‘Oh, wait aminute. This is ... Well, we’ve always done it that way.” (19-292-298)“... university ... students are taught how to do things and they’re fedcertain kinds of information, but they’re not asked to explore their ownvalues, their own issues, their own ... I mean questioning is not somethingthat one is supposed to do even.” (19-422-428)The first quote describes the influential role which VBAs play in hindering changetowards transportation sustainability in Vancouver. Norms have been established and172routines have been developed which few people involved in planning and implementingVancouver’s transportation system question.VBAs need to be constantly challenged, but, as this local politician notedquestioning is not something that one is supposed to do ...“ Jantsch (1980) advocatedplanning at a value level which would involve examining how values, beliefs andassumptions impede the evolutionary growth of humankind. The second quote implies thatthis type of discourse should be expanded within the post-secondary educational system.Societal Values, Beliefs, and AssumptionsParticipants suggested that there are societal VBAs which can impede change:“[A] lot of it is history. It’s the evolution of the way the communities havecome up, [and] the way our political system has come up, the evolution ofexpectations of individuals as they’ve grown up.” (17-455-459)[It’s] associated with culture and choice ... It’s [single family dwelling]an extremely beautiful piece of technology that gives you all of these wonderful things. Works great for the individual. And our society, particularly western values, emphasizes the virtues of individualism.” (15-436-446)VBAs are embedded in each individual and, as the first participant quote (providedby a transportation planner) noted, in our political system; they have defined how ourcommunities have grown and evolved over time. One of the most significant assumptionsin North American society is that families reach economic and social success only after thepurchase of a single family dwelling. The second participant (a local politician) referredto the single family dwelling as “... an extremely beautiful piece of technology.” Duany(1991) describes the single family dwelling as the “MacMansion”: the perfectly conceived,most marketable commodity experienced in our urban regions since the evolution of173human settlements.Belief in the Freedom ofMovementAssociated with the single family dwelling (SFD) has been the important role theautomobile has played in allowing human activities to spread across the countryside in adispersed, low-density manner. This spread or dispersion has been encouraged by, aninterview participant (a local politician) noted, a fundamental belief that personal mobilityis a basic right:“In 1976, 1977 when we proposed the mini-park and diverter scheme toblock our streets. It was heresy, it was a communist plot. Freedom ofmovement ... You know, your car was equated with democracy.