Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Policy intervention in the street foods trade and its effects on health and livelihood: a case study… Yeung, Donna S. 1997

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_1997-0610.pdf [ 10.88MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0088116.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0088116-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0088116-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0088116-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0088116-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0088116-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0088116-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0088116-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0088116.ris

Full Text

Policy Intervention in the Street Foods Trade and Its Effects on Health and Livelihood: A Case Study of Quezon City (Metro Manila, Philippines) by Donna S. Yeung B .A., UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1994 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of The Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in The Faculty of Graduate Studies School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1997 © Donna S. Yeung, 1997 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. 1 The University of British ColumWa Vancouver, Canada n/ifh< Date DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT Many urban centres in the developing world are experiencing significant growing pains in both their physical and social attributes. In Southeast Asia , the rapid pace of urbanisation is indicated by many factors, some of which include: population growth, increased demands for employment, and increased demands for physical and social infrastructure. However, it is often the case that this growth is coincided by a lack of financial capability as well as a lack of institutional readiness to meet the demands of a growing urban population. In order to ease the transition process, growth management policies at both the national and local levels w i l l need to be developed and implemented. This thesis addresses the above problematique by asking the question: A t what point and through what processes can a local government policy be used as an effective intervention in managing its urban growth? Here we examine three themes: (1) the creation of institutional linkages between local government units and community organisations to develop and deliver services in support of street food vending activities; (2) the impact on health and livelihood by the introduction of a municipal ordinance that regulates street food vending activities and; (3) the implications which street foods activities have for the planning process in a municipality. A case study into the process of developing a municipal ordinance on street foods activities was used to examine these themes. Through the use of questionnaires and interviews, some answers to our question were revealed. The principal findings relevant to the policy question that emerged are the following: (1) urban planning interventions of a regulatory nature are insufficient means of dealing with street foods issues; (2) the participation of interested community groups in the development of such policies is very important for their effective implementation and; (3) education and awareness of certain issues pertinent to the policy question at hand must take place both within government agencies and within the public community in order to instil wilful support for the provisions of the policy. Important lessons that spoke to the health and livelihood impacts of street foods activities are the following: (1) street vended foods are an important link in the urban food delivery system and as such, some regulation of their nutritional content and safe preparation is an effective intervention in managing the health of the urban population at large but is especially important to the urban poor; (2) street food vending activities are important means of income generation for many of the urban pobr - especially women - and as such recognition of these activities is an effective means of addressing the employment issue and finally; (3) street food vendors have intimate knowledge and understanding of their business needs and therefore should be consulted by government officials in the process of developing a street foods policy. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii LIST OF TABLES vi LIST OF FIGURES vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS viii DEDICATION ix C H A P T E R O N E : I N T R O D U C T I O N 1. 1.1 Background 1 1.2 Problem Statement and Research Goals 5 1.3 Methodology and Organization 7 1.4 Parameters of the Study 12 C H A P T E R T W O : S T R E E T F O O D S IN D E V E L O P M E N T A N D U R B A N M A N A G E M E N T 14 2.1 Introduction 14 2.2 Urbanization in Southeast Asia 14 2.3 Employment in the Informal Sector 20 2.4 Spatial Impact of Informal Sector Activities 26 2.5 Street Food Vending 30 What is Street Foods and Why Study It? 31 Street Vending and Women as Economic Producers 35 C H A P T E R T H R E E : S T R E E T F O O D S IN M E T R O M A N I L A 42 3.1 Introduction 42 3.2 Metropolitan Manila 42 Impact of Informal Sector Activities 45 3.3 Characteristics of Street Foods in Metro Manila 50 Health and Food Safety 53 3.4 Existing Regulations That Affect Street Food Vending 55 3.5 The Development of a Street Foods Policy: The Case of Quezon City 59 3.5.1 Project Goals and Description 63 Local Context 63 Key Control Mechanisms of SFV 64 Goals of the Food and Nutrition Research Institute... 68 Tools Used in Project Development 68 iii 3.5.2 Participants in the Project 69 Municipal Street Foods Task Force 69 Vendors.. 70 Community Groups 71 3.6 Project Development: Process and Progress 71 Technical Assistance Capacity 72 Consensus Building 73 Key Provisions of Municipal Ordinance 75 CHAPTER FOUR: SURVEY FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS 78 4.1 Introduction 78 4.2 Vendors and Their Businesses 79 4.2.1 Socio-Economic Profile of Vendors 79 Women Vendors 80 Employment 82 Labour Migration 83 Administrative and Legal Recognition of Vendors 84 4.2.2 Financial Characteristics of Vending Enterprises 87 Social Relations in Economic Activity 91 Family and Household Economics 92 4.3 Street Foods as a Link in the Urban Food Distribution System 94 4.4 Urban Management and Development Planning 98 Food Safety and Health 98 Water and Sanitation 101 Mobility, Circulation and Distribution 103 4.5 Community Integration 106 Institutional Linkages 108 iv CHAPTER FIVE: RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUDING REMARKS 113 5.1 Introduction 113 5.2 Recommendations for Case Study (Quezon City) 116 5.3 Metro Manila. 119 5.4 Micro-policy Approaches 119 5.5 Macro-policy Approaches 123 5.6 Future Research Directions 127 5.7 Concluding Remarks 129 BIBLIOGRAPHY 131 APPENDIX I Vendor Survey Response Key 136 APPENDIX II Consumer Interview Response Key 151 APPENDIX III Municipal Street Foods Task Force 152 APPENDIX IV Scenes of Street Foods Vending Activities 153 V List o f Tables Table 1 Urbanization Levels in the Philippines and Selected Asian Countries 18 Table 2 Distribution of Employment in Metro Manila (1980-1992) 48 Table 3 Distribution of Informal / Home-based Workers (1993).. 49 Table 4 Permits and Licensing Across Municipalities in Metro Manila... 57 Table 5 Distribution of Quezon City Vendors by Age and by Sex 80 Table 6 Comparison of Distribution of Vendors by Sex 81 Table 7 Distribution of Vendors by Mobility 81 Table 8 Category of Vendors by Ownership/Participation 83 Table 9 Operating Permits 84 Table 10 Methods of Obtaining Official Operating Permit 86 Table 11 Vendors by Source of Capital 89 Table 12 Distribution of Vendors by Daily Capital Expenditure 90 Table 13 Distribution of Vendors by Average Daily Profits and by Sex... 91 Table 14 Distribution of Vendors in Unpaid Family Assistance 92 Table 15 Relationship of Family Members in Street Vending Activities... 93 Table 16 Proportions of Street Food Vending Income 93 Table 17 Consumers' Reasons for Street Food Purchases 95 Table 18 Consumer Spending 97 Table 19 Vendor Responses to Distribution of Clientele 97 Table 20 Distribution of Vendors by Water Source 102 Table 21 Infrastructure and Service Utilities 103 Table 22 Distribution of Vendors by Size of Vending Kiosk 104 Table 23 Vendors' Classification of Clientele 105 v i List of Figures Figure 1 Concept Causal Model of Street Foods Vending 9 Figure 2 Points of Intervention in Street Foods Vending Activities 10 Figure 3 Common Model of Street Foods Concentrations & Spatial Orientation 29 Figure 4 Map of Metro Manila 43 Figure 5 Site Plan of Case Study: Quezon City Hall Complex 67 Figure 6 Sample Street Foods 99 Figure 7 Methods of Water Storage 101 Figure 8 Street Vending Near a Pedestrian Overpass 106 Figure 9 Recommended Site Plan Changes 118 vii ACKNOWLEDGMENT Many people have helped me throughout the research and writing of this thesis. By sharing their time, resources and generous advice, these people have taught me a great deal over the past two years. I would like to gratefully acknowledge the help of: Aprodicio A. Laquian, Terry G. McGee, Michael Leaf and the Food Management Staff at the Food and Nutrition Research Institute. I also am thankful to the many cooks along the streets of Quezon City who fed me well and my adopted Filipino family who sheltered me well throughout my stay in the Philippines. Finally, I am very thankful to Kay Kay and Brett, my cheering squad. viii D E D I C A T I O N J would like to dedicate this thesis to my parents ix Chapter One INTRODUCTION " ...so-called informal sector activities such as street vending provide livelihood to the [largest] number ofpeople in the absence of which worse conditions of poverty would be widespread. " — (Notes from Proceedings of SEWA1 Conference 1995: The Bellagio International Declaration of Street Vendors - unpublished) " The World Health Organization (WHO) has long recognized the need to regulate street-vended food in the interest ofpublic health and safety. However, WHO has also recognized that street-vended food in many countries play an important role in the food supply system, offering conveniently available food at affordable prices. Thus care should be taken in the regulation of such foods so that their availability and accessibility are not diminished" — (International Life Sciences Institute, 1993:7) 1.1 Background Street foods vending activities can be seen throughout Philippine urban centres. Defined by the FAO (1986) as selling "ready-to-eat foods and beverages prepared and/or sold by vendors especially in streets and other similar public places", street foods vending is both a means of livelihood for the vendors as well as a source of usually inexpensive food for the urban masses, especially important to the urban poor. In many developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America the street food trade is also part of the social culture in the city. The need for self-employment due to the lack of other job opportunities, the need to augment family income and the increasing cost of meals in formal food service facilities are all factors that result in a greater demand for access to street foods. Commuters who are forced to spend more time on the road in traffic or who 1 SEWA is the Self-Employed Women's Association. Formed in Ahmedabad, India, this organization is both an advocate for and a forum through which (mostly) women can receive financial and development 1 are awaiting rides are also increasing in number and their presence on the streets creates opportunities for vendors to make a l iving. Three categories of street foods commonly delineated are: complete meals; "nourriture-rapide" such as satays and shrimp cakes, snacks like beverages, and sweets. Vendors can sell food from any one or more categories (Verot, 1991). Barth (1983) uses the following characteristics to compose an operational definition o f street foods and the trade: The street food trade involves a variety of arrangements, including; Sites that are traditional eating establishments serving cooked portions of meals from display counters and/or containers; Refreshment parlours which are establishments selling drinks with snacks which do not constitute a meal; Vendors with permanent or semi-permanent structures (that is they pack up their goods and make-shift stalls at the end of the day) usually selling already-cut fruits, fried snacks, packaged food items, and the like; Mobi le food vendors who carry with them their food commodities for sale and walk along streets, into offices and buildings, and; Invisible food vendors including the entrepreneurs who prepare the foods in bulk or packed in individual containers but contract intermediary vendors who then sell the items on the streets. In general, street food vending (SFV) can be portrayed as a development or planning issue in which policy makers, development workers and planners are engaged in an ongoing debate: (a) In socio-economic terms, S F V can be described as a sub-sector of the informal economy wherein the street vendors help the urban poor while they earn a l iving for themselves, (b) In political or policy terms, S F V is a phenomenon that challenges authorities to address problems of traffic management, sanitation and public health. There is a demand placed on policy makers to regulate the street food trade for the support for l ivel ihood activities. These activities cover a wide range of so-called " informal sector" activities such as home-based sewing, waste recycl ing and street vending. 2 sake of urban management and public safety. On the part of the poor, it is imperative that vendors be allowed to continue operating. "To condemn these enterprises on the basis of the disadvantages they pose may be tantamount to ignoring the unemployment situation and consequently aggravating the state of poverty in the country." (de Guzman, 1987:117). The relatively high rate of return and low capital investment requirements of SFV are strong incentives for entry into the business. The dependence of many households in depressed urban areas on street food vending as the sole source of income (as well as a source of food for daily sustenance) further contributes to its growth as an economic activity. However, the occasional incidences of cholera or hepatitis outbreaks that are traceable to street foods have prompted municipal health offices to recommend more stringent regulatory measures on vending. Thus, health is another significant concern for authorities and the general public. Finally, it can be said that the traffic congestion in Metro Manila is exacerbated by the encroachment of vending operations onto public thoroughfares and by the crowds who gather around to stop for their treats. Currently a number of municipalities in Metro Manila have embarked on varying approaches to solve the perceived "problems" of street food vending. Among those municipalities is Quezon City. 3 Motivations for the Study This paper aims to investigate how to bring together some seemingly contradictory elements of street food vending. That is, how do interested parties such as development workers and vendors gain support for an informal means of income generation while satisfying some legitimately perceived needs to regulate certain aspects of that activity. Such a dilemma appeals to the author as a student from a planning discipline who wants to practice in the field of development work. It is a project that addresses basic needs issues such as food and nutrition as well as social development issues of poverty alleviation and capacity building for the urban poor. In order to bring all these interests to the table, elements of consensus and institution building must be attempted. In all respects, these are areas of knowledge and important sets of skills for a planner to develop. These concerns also have a place in a more general discourse on economic development and urban management. Therefore, not only does this study offer an opportunity to study and practice the processes of needs assessment and consensus building used in the planning field but there is also an opportunity to contribute to an emerging interest in urban food distribution systems. As Drakakis-Smith (1991) explains: "Food is the most basic of the needs of the urban poor in developing countries, and yet relatively little is known about the food supply systems through which such needs are met...The urban food supply system is a complex network of production, distribution and consumption linkages... Given the high cost of food retailed through the conventional sector, the poor have sought alternative sources. The most obvious is through the operations of the petty-commodity trade or informal sector... It would appear that, in general, many authorities still hold repressive attitudes towards the informal or subsistence sectors, largely because their activities spoil the image of the modernizing, Westernized city that the planners wish to convey to the outside world. 4 Clearly, however, these sectors are performing a useful function, but the ways in which and the extent to which their activities benefit the poor is still largely undocumented". --- (The Geographical Journal Vol. 157, No. 1, 1991: 51) The street foods vending project of the Food and Nutrition Research Institute (FNRI) was an opportunity for the author to do just that; gain a better understanding of part of the urban food delivery system and to document that experience through some lenses used in the field of development planning. A case study situated in Metro Manila provided the opportunity to learn these lessons. The food delivery system in Metro Manila is very similar to that of other rapidly urbanizing and developing centres in Southeast Asia: A system of food retail / department stores has taken root in the city but open market vendors still supply a significant portion of food stuff to the urban population. A very lively market and street vending culture still exists throughout the municipalities. Most households in Metro Manila still either buy all or some of their food from such vendors. 1.2 Problem Statement and Research Goals Problem Statement In the urban centres of many developing countries the street food trade offers sustenance to the eating public and is an important if not vital source of income for the vendors. Where development or urban management agendas continue to follow a creed 5 of rational growth, informal activities such as street foods vending will surely suffer increasing regulation. The threat of strict rules seems imminent but the timing and the extent of its implementation remains unclear. This uncertainty results in the vendors' inability to accurately predict their income prospects, and therefore possibly making difficult work of household financial planning. This could be detrimental to the economic health of the 30% of Filipino families whose informal activities bring in less than the Pesos 5,000 ($200 US) monthly poverty line (Philippine Statistical Yearbook, 1994; ILO, 1995). At what point, through what process and in what form can development or management policy be turned into opportunities that further the well-being of informal enterprises? At what point and in what form do such policies become constraints? The development of a municipal ordinance to regulate street foods vending in Quezon City, Metro Manila has been used to study some of those questions. Research Goals The main research goal of this study was to understand the role of street food vending in planning a city like Metro Manila. To achieve this, the study sought to 1) follow the process of how a regulatory document( municipal ordinance ) concerned with street foods is formulated through a consultative process, 2) develop a socio-economic profile of street food vendors and their businesses, 3) investigate whether or not that policy truly and directly speaks to the needs of the vendors and their customers, and 4) draw lessons from the point of view of project or program design in action research. 6 1.3 Methodology and Organization This case study was chosen because it offered the researcher opportunities to do several things. First, a study into street food vending activities was a means by which some lessons in urban management can be learned. Specifically, this study was used by the researcher to identify some of elements in SFV activities which can also be extrapolated into other contexts of planning; For example, it was a lesson in learning certain aspects of the need for the provision of basic urban facilities and services. It was also a lesson in studying the various necessary processes of developing a regulatory document that is meant to protect the general public. By participating in the process of ratifying a draft municipal ordinance on street food vending, the researcher developed a greater appreciation for the difference between the establishment of a policy versus the planning of programs that will implement or deliver the services needed to bring about compliance to that policy. The field research into street foods activities provided lessons that could be used in the planning field but a general understanding of the vending activities themselves was an important area of knowledge to have developed. An affiliation with the Food and Nutrition Research Institute and its Food Management Section (FNRI-FMS) was established. This affiliation helped the researcher gain entry into the community of food vendors of interest to the case study. Affiliation 7 with the FNRI also gave the researcher access to unpublished documents and field studies on street foods that had been conducted earlier. Since the FNRI was in the beginning stages of expanding a previously piloted street foods project, this author participated in some of the FNRI's activities as an associate researcher. The project and the theoretic lessons of this case study were oriented by certain assumptions about the causes and impacts of street foods activities on the urban management agenda. These relationships are illustrated in Figures 1 and 2. 8 Figure 1. Concept Causal Model of Street Food Vending Activities l X P I . T S I N I ' M KXCING IFAt IORS IN l»KO< 1 V s I.MPAf IS • Support for IS Activities • Accessibility and o Acceptance of SFV \v.nlability of Street Activities bv Authorities 1 ouds • Health Education • Individiul 1 ImiMlhild o C onfidence ol Stiecl lncomc«- .iiul Food Supply bv Expenditure Consumers • Provision of Water • Food and Cultural o Iinpro\ ed Null ilional Supply Preferences 111-1 1 I tJ ' l l o| Stive I Foods 0 Provision of Sanitation • Licensing o Imprmcd Sanitary Services Conditions e Financial Suppoii • Supervision & N'lonilor Impro\cd Employment Credit Programs ofT'ood Supply Safely Opportunities & Nutrition a Training Activities • > Community o. l\lcnsion of Stieet Consultaiion loods as a Community 1 Icalth Intervention • Demand for Street • Needs Assessment of Foods SFV Activities • Education • Political Intervention of b' Municipal Street Foods Various (hncrnmenl (Mllccs 9 Figure 2. Points of Intervention in Street Food Vending Activities Needs Assessment J *v Institutional Response Data Collection from Vendors and Consumers Consultation & Advisory Activities Establishment of Needs of Vendors & Consumers Establishment of Regulatory Measures Case Study Street Foods Policy Development of Criteria for Training & Credit Support Creation of Linkages Among Local Government Offices & Community Organizations Program of Policy Implementation & Services Delivery Expansion to a Regional Program or Replication of Program for Partner Municipalities in Metro Manila 10 Methods of Research and Data Gathering Prior to the field work this author compiled background information on the project used as the case study. A preliminary study of Tagalog was undertaken to better facilitate an understanding of the culture of the Philippines. During the course of the field work several research methods were utilized: Surveys were made of vendors and the clients of the street food trade. Two surveys were conducted. The case study site involved 102 responses from the vendors but because the case study site was located in and around the city hall complex the researcher became concerned over possible skewing effects. Constant interaction with the actual policy makers and enforcement officers may have created conditions and experiences which these vendors did not share with other vendors found along roadways throughout the city. For reference, a second set of surveys was made of vendors throughout the metropolitan area. Across eleven cities and municipalities 100 responses were collected, the distribution of which was proportionate to the distribution of "own-account" workers. (Hawkers and vendors are classified as "own-account" employees in the national census data. Fifty random interviews of street food consumers were taken). The surveys were translated into Tagalog but English versions were also available at the time of the surveys. The surveys were administered in a combination of English and Tagalog by the researcher, staff of the FNRI and other research assistants. Interviews were conducted with members of the municipal Task Force established to advise on the policy formulation process. Various NGO offices were also interviewed by the author. Site visits were made to areas where various interventions in the street food trade were taking place to observe the impact of programs such as technical assistance, vendor training, or micro-credit financing. Visits to these sites enabled the researcher to see pilot projects in action so as to better inform her analysis when addressing the replicability of some "model" street foods projects. Participant Observation. This method was used by the researcher through taking cooking lessons from several vendors, partaking of the street food fare and 11 constant visits to the case study site even when not conducting survey work. With permission, photographs were taken. On several occasions the researcher was invited to join three vendors when they did their morning marketing. Secondary data were collected both prior to departure for the field work and when working on site with various agencies that have conducted research or developed programs in areas related to street foods vending. The data collected from the surveys were analysed using a data base and standard statistical program (MS. Excel). Selected tables and response keys are found in the Appendix. 1.4 Parameters of the Study Limitations Although the qualitative lessons from this study can be used as a generalization of the street food vending phenomenon, several limitations must be acknowledged. First, one needs to account for some inaccuracies in the quantitative data collected due to inaccurate reporting by respondents. Due to the nature of the SFV business, in that it is "illegal" and vendors often feel threatened or marginalized, some vendors may have given either under-estimated or over-estimated financial data that would have been worked into the statistical analysis. By the same token, the use of secondary data that represent a body of work conducted over nearly two decades, may also show some incongruences due to gaps across time and disciplinary biases. For example, Balisacan (1994) showed a strong bias towards econometrics whereas Tinker (1987) put strong emphasis on women in the economy. McGee and Yeung (1977) studied vendors from the lenses of urban geographers. 12 Second, while the researcher made efforts in learning some Tagalog and immersing herself into the local culture, the existence of cultural and language barriers must be acknowledged. Therefore, one might assume that the meaningfulness of certain words or ideas used in interviews or certain actions perceived by the researcher while on site may have escaped translation or comprehension. Nonetheless, it is hoped that the composite image of street food vending that emerges in this study will be useful to those interested in the phenomenon. Organization Chapter One introduced the study. Chapter Two attempts to portray the street food trade in the context of development and urbanization. Chapter Three is divided into two sections, 1) a description of the current state of street food vending and related action oriented research and 2) the case study background in terms of project goals and descriptions. Chapter Four describes the findings and offers an analysis that speaks to the research goals outlined earlier. Finally, Chapter Five offers some recommendations drawn from the lessons learned over the course of the research. 13 Chapter Two STREET FOODS IN DEVELOPMENT AND URBAN MANAGEMENT 2.1 Introduction The immediate goals of this thesis are to, first, study how a policy regulating the street food trade is developed and, second, inquire into its potential impacts for the urban planning process. In a wider context, this study is used to illustrate the dynamic role which the informal sector plays in developing economies and within the process of urbanization. This chapter provides a summary discussion on the urbanisation experience of Southeast Asia, specifically the Philippines where appropriate. This will be followed by an analysis of the relationship between SFV and urban employment and urban space. This chapter will also make reference to the social impacts of this economic activity, notably the role of women as economic producers. 2.2 Urbanization in Southeast Asia The subject of urbanization has for a long time been discussed in terms of its role component in the general concept of "development" theories. Perlman (1993) summarizes urbanization processes as the results of four global transformations. They are; rural to urban; north to south; informal to formal (and vice versa); and cities to mega-cities. This discussion is consistent with development theories as conceptualized in the 14 dichotomies of North versus South; Developed versus Less Developed (or Developing); and Western versus Others. However, this filter of the Western experience is based on a pattern of change and evolution which cannot account for the current dynamics of some developing countries. Specifically, the urbanization process of the growth centres in Southeast Asia is unfolding in ways never before experienced by the "Western" world. Here we speak of the magnitude and density of population, the rapid pace of industrialization and the social preconditions which are unique to the urbanization experience of Southeast Asia. Thus it is important to study those features and make linkages of how they interact within the Asian development experience. The challenge of distributing economic gains across all socio-economic groups down to the poor has confounded development specialists over the past five decades (Hardoy, Cairncross & Satterthwaite, 1990; Cheema & Ward, 1993). Throughout, strategies have been formulated - ranging from the growth maximization philosophy of the 50's and basic needs of the 70's to the structural adjustment paradigm of the 80's. However, poverty is still very much with us today. In the Western experience street markets were major parts of the pre-industrial city but the phenomenon of street vending was replaced by a more rigid and formalized system of retail establishments or set production facilities with highly specialized spatial uses. The current industrialization and urban development process in Metro Manila does not follow that pattern. Rather a concurrent mix of rational development plans are 15 implemented at the same time that ad hoc establishments and systems emerge in and around those formal plans (McGee & Yeung, 1977; Laquian, 1993). Due to the extreme primacy of some urban centres like Metro Manila, Bangkok and Jakarta, one can argue that the urbanization processes of those areas represent the general thrust of development strategies for the country as a whole. If one accepts that assumption, then a specific focus on some aspects of the development process in a given "mega-city" like Metro Manila will inform us of the strategies planners and policy makers will need develop in order to perform adequate urban management functions for the national agenda (National Economic Development Authority, 1996). One must also account for the fact that many facets of the urbanization process are in fact ad hoc and beyond the control of any governing agent. For example, in-migration of rural or hinterland populations is the result of, among other factors, the attraction to the so-called "urban dream", the failure of some agrarian subsistence activities and changing social milieus due to modernization (Interviews with Yu, S. Country Programmer, ILO-Manila). To some extent, these push-pull factors cannot be manipulated by policy. In the decade between 1950 and 1960 the total population of Southeast Asia increased at a rate of 2.4% per year while the urban population increased at 5.7% (Pernia, 1991). In Table 1, Pernia lists urbanization levels of 30.2% in 1960, 31.8% in 1970 and 42.4% in 1990. According to the Philippine Statistical Yearbook, the level of urbanization in 1995 had reached 45.9 %. This experience is set in contrast with some of 16 its Asian neighbours. While the percentages of urban populations in the Philippines (and indeed in the other Asian countries) are not as high as those found in the United States or Europe (which range from about 40% to well over 70%) (Cheema & Ward, 1993), one must keep in mind that in the case of the Philippines, the 48% of urban population are concentrated into only a handful of cities - namely Metro Manila, Cebu City, Iloilo, General Santos City and Davao. 17 Table 1. Level and Pace of Urbanization and Degree of Urban Concentration in Selected Asian Countries, 1960-19902 Country Level of Urbanization Annual Change Urban Population in Central Metropolis 1960 1970 1980 1990 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1960 1980 1990 Bangladesh 5.1 7.6 10.4 13.6 3.9 3.1 2.7 20 30 36 India 18.0 19.8 23.4 28.0 1.0 1.7 1.8 7 6 4 Indonesia 14.6 17.1 22.2 28.8 1.6 2.6 2.6 20 23 17 Philippines 30.3 33.0 37.4 42.4 0.9 1.3 1.3 27 30 32 Thailand 12.5 13.3 17.3 22.6 0.6 2.6 2.7 65 69 57 Malaysia 25.2 27.0 34.2 42.3 0.7 2.4 2.1 19 27 22 Source: Pernia, 1991 (from World Development Report: World Bank. Oxford University Press) 2 According to the National Economic Development Authority, the level of urbanization of the Philippines in 1995 45.9%. 18 In the Philippines the share of agricultural employment dropped from 58% of total national employment in 1965 to 43% in 1990 (Yu, 1994). Within the period 1991 to 1995, it decreased further to approximately 39% (Philippine Statistical Yearbook, 1995) However, the industrial employment statistics did not show a proportionate growth. Instead industrial employment as a percentage of national employment figures remained constant over that same 25 year period between 1965 and 1990 (Yu, 1994). Most of the employment growth can be attributed to growth in the service sector. Including estimates of informal economic activities, service sector contributions to the national economy grew from 26% to 40% between the years 1966 and 1991. This approximately parallels the same time period of the decreases in agrarian employment. Despite its significant presence, much of the informal service sector is generally still perceived as "marginal" (ILO Informal Sector Country Study: Philippines, 1994). When demand for even basic services, land and consumer goods outweigh supply, or when they are priced beyond the reach of lower income groups, it will always be the poor who suffer the negative consequences. In general, urbanization in developing countries is accompanied by many glaring manifestations of poverty (Jagannathan, 1987). Rapid population growth necessitates a complementary increase in the pace and volume of services and goods distribution in the city to meet growing basic needs. The increased demand for infrastructure leads also to growth in demand for space. The growing demand for jobs in urban centres leads to informal coping mechanisms when the 19 absorptive capacity of the formal employment sector is overdrawn. In rapidly urbanizing Metro Manila, the growth of the informal sector is an important phenomenon that has strong implications for the economic and planning agenda. 2.3 Employment in the Informal Sector Employment generation in the Philippines is poor in relation to the standards of the newly industrializing economies and developing countries of Asia. Balisacan (1994) views the lack of employment opportunities in the industrial / productive sector as the core of the poverty problem. He further argues that the informal sector provides a coping mechanism for those who cannot find jobs in the regular sector. Others like Moser (1991 & 1993) argue that many of these so-called "coping" strategies are not so temporary as the word may convey but rather that activities like street vending are sometimes life-long jobs that have a stabilising effect on the urban economy. Much of the literature on informal economies generally expound its arguments around these two foci of thinking. The first is the mainstream debate over the real "economic" dollar value of informal work. The second is the more sociological debate about the causes and effects of the IS on groups of people, notably, the role of women in development. Proponents of these are Berger (1989), Bhatt (1989), Ekins (1986 &1992), Holcombe (1995), McKee (1989), Moser (1988, 1993a &1993b) and Sethuraman (1981), all of whom have developed some critical works on the informal sector. More specific 20 research of the informal sector's implications for urban spatial or geographic management and policy has been led by works by Skinner (1964 & 1965), Guerrero (1975), Yeung (1976 & 1988), McGee, Ward & Drakakis-Smith (1980), Tinker (1987, 1993), McGee (1989) and Nakanishi (1990). Although it is juxtaposed against the formal sector which is characterized as having order, structure and pricing mechanisms arising from institutional factors, the informal sector is not without its own mechanisms of "regular" or "normative" dynamics. Essentially the informal economy is still market-driven. The point of departure is that the market that it serves is, for the most part, composed of the poor to lower middle income classes. Contrary to Moser's arguments, some view increases in the share of IS jobs in total employment could be seen as a deterioration of employment quality since they are viewed as last resort options. For some others, however, participation in IS work is a choice made by the individual who for example prefers to work at home so that one may also perform other functions such as child rearing. Having said that, while there may be some choice and while some families can earn a livelihood with work such as home sewing or food vending, activities in the IS can be generally described as work performed by the economic underclass. According to an ILO Country Report (Philippines, 1995), less than 30% of the informal sector operators earn above Pesos 5,000 (about US$ 192) per month which in the Philippines is the official poverty line. Given 50% of Metro Manila's population in 21 some ways depend on work in the IS, an understanding of how it works as a process is important to policy makers interested in poverty alleviation or socio-economic development. Essentially the informal sector consists of small scale units engaged in the production and distribution of goods and services with the primary objective of generating employment and incomes for their participants notwithstanding the constraints on physical and human capital and know-how (ILO, 1988). The main features of the IS can be identified by one or a combination of the following characteristics: ease of entry into the market, small scale (usually owner operated), low capital investment, low technology or skills required, the use of indigenous or readily available materials and transience or mobility of operations. The economic features of the IS may be one or all of the following: non-taxation, non-registration, or lack of paid benefits to employees who often have no contractual agreement for employment (Yu, 1994). While Peattie feels this petty economic production satisfies consumers' needs on the whole, a UN ILO Report (1988) considers the wares of the informal sector inferior in quality, commensurate with the low price and small volume common to IS operations. This is a situation into which the larger formal sector retailers either cannot or will not enter. 22 Labour, like goods and services in the informal sector, is also highly segmented by different opportunities of access to different jobs available. The distinctions between wage employment and self-employment are often tenuous. The supply of daily wage labour in the urban informal sector usually maintains close links with the social networks and informal groups that exist in the city. This is often a function of personal references and word-of-mouth notification of job opportunities that are available. From the demand side employers face several production risks since labour and skills are not usually standardized. The low-tech nature of most IS activities means there is little skills training involved thus leading to low investment in both time and loyalty by any one labourer to any one particular operation or employer. This is a contributing factor to the itinerant nature of hired labour. This situation commonly describes vending and small scale manufacturing operations. Domestic services tend to display a less itinerant nature. Because bringing a domestic helper into a home involves a certain degree of trust and socialization, there is a greater reliance on personal references, thus automatically reinforcing the social organization of people in this sector of labourers. It is common to see that generations of the same family will retain younger generations of their grandparents' domestic helpers when they set up their own households (Jagannathan, 1987; Hardoy, Cairncross & Satterthwaite, 1990). Other characterizations of the informal sector are that it can be divided into two sub-sectors of 1) intermediate work, where there are small manufacturing units whose 23 products eventually make their way into formal retail or 2) marginal work, which comprises a larger group that caters directly to the service needs of the urban poor as consumers (House, 1984). Is Informal "Out"? As early as 1978 in a chapter titled "An Invitation to the 'Ball': Dress Formal 3 or Informal" , McGee already began to question the usefulness and appropriateness of creating such a wide distinction between the formal and informal activities of the economy. Today, this distinction is increasingly blurred as scholars and practitioners in the development field find the term "informal" acting as a barrier that masks the importance of the range of work which it encompasses and therefore also cuts off formal government support such as the provision of labour laws to its workers. It is hoped, therefore, that the informal versus the formal aspects of the economy will be read with increasing allowance for their symbiotic relationship rather than their dichotomy. "Informal" work opportunities are often thought of as "coping mechanisms" of the urban poor but their existence should not be considered unique only to the urban experience. On the contrary, informal economies can be seen as extensions of regular traditional or "village" economic relationships which once extrapolated into the urban 3 To trace some antecedents to today's interests and debates over basic needs and infrastructure in Asia, see P.J. Rimmer (ed.) F00d, Shelter and Transport in Southeast Asia and the Pacific- 1978. McGee's discussion on the symbiotic relation between the formal and informal sector can be found here. 24 experience are then conceptualized as "coping" mechanisms of the poor. Accepting this argument, one can then logically argue that while the informal sector has spatial implications in the urbanization process (as will be illustrated later) there is also a social component to the IS vis-a-vis the rural to urban transformation. By this, it is meant that what would be considered normal business interactions at the village level (bartering a chicken for the labour of mending a fence, for example) will by the sheer happenstance that this exchange takes place in the city would then be called an informal business exchange. This transformation from the "normal" to the "informal" is a qualitative change that is rendered by a movement across both geographic and social space. Here the move from "village" to "city" is indeed a physical move that has social implications (akin to the dichotomous concept of the fabled "country mouse" and "city mouse" in their respective social persona, meaning that it carries a value judgement of one situation being more preferred than the other). The rural-urban linkage does not end here. There exist important relationships of support and organization which unfold in the urban informal sector but which have origins back in the "village". Jagannathan (1987) says that there is a common strand connecting rural and urban markets in that the social institutions of the former become threads of their economic relations in the latter. When a person packs up for the city in search of employment, it is likely that this person will search out a relative or fellow townsfolk for introduction into the new environment. This may be a temporary tie or it could be that large groups of those same townsfolk may end up living in close 25 proximity to each other for extended periods of time. These ties are important means of finding employment or supporting each other in times of need. Such social relations affect rent seeking-opportunities, cause segmentation and specialization in the market place as familiarity with one trade tends to be handed down across the linkages of the social web. This kind of socio-economic networking in the city can be found in Jakarta and in Manila, among others. Such networks are beneficial to the poor or newly arrived given that the city is a considerably more hostile environment in which to work and live. This is particularly so for the most marginal of the poor whose food supply and shelter are tenuous from day to day. 2.4 Spatial Impacts of Informal Sector Activities In Metro Manila, as in many other urban centres of the developing world, street vending activities have significant spatial impacts. Issues related to traffic and pedestrian congestion abound. In fact, the extra demand conflict over limited space that street vending activities impose is the problem most often identified by planners (McGee & Yeung, 1977) Hawker activities are not spatially differentiated in that they take place throughout the metropolitan area - on streets, sidewalks, pedestrian overpasses, empty lots, on the steps of government buildings, even inside police compounds! 2 6 However, a more detailed look will reveal that these activities do tend to concentrate into clusters in strategic locations. The selling of similar items in a cluster fulfils the classical economic model of the "perfect market" that induces pricing competition and allows patrons access to product knowledge. Thus in this sense the informal sector mimics some of the processes of mainstream economic dynamics. McGee and Yeung (1977) argue that the informal sector hawkers display a high degree of spatial orderliness at both the macro and micro levels. On the whole, hawkers have successfully identified ecological niches within the city in which they can survive. They need to concentrate in agglomerated nodes of high pedestrian and population density, - such as the areas close to public markets, at points of transportation transfer, and near entertainment zones for very sound economic reasons (see Figure 3). In terms of spatial theory, Santos (1979) challenges the dualistic model of the formal-informal sector. Santos argues that the urban economy has two circuits, an "upper circuit" and a "lower circuit" which intersect operationally and spatially throughout the full gradient between the two. Peattie (1980) agrees that the arguments on this topic are not over the portrayal of the economies as dual ones so much as over the nature of the processes through which they interact. The spatial aspects of street trading activities constitute one of the more significant operational factors in the informal economy. Some of these salient features 27 are channels of movement from producer / manufacturer to consumer, processes possibly involving rendering goods for final consumption (i.e. stalls or back areas for packaging, cooking, etc.), forms of transport (i.e. motorized tricycles, jeepneys, car or bus) and storage facilities needed in certain instances of extra inventory (McGee and Yeung, 1977). 28 o o o o [o o o o o o o o o o P U B L I C M A R K E T o o l O o o o o o o o o o o 0 0 01 o 0 1 o 0 o o o | B STREET CONCENTRATIONS o o o o o o °0°0 O Q O O O O O 0 O O O O O "OOV o o o o O ° O p O O O.O OOOOOOOOOOQO O O° ° o o o ° o o o o o ] Shop O Hawker Figure 3. Common Model of Street Vendor Concentrations and Spatial Orientation Source: McGee and Yeung, 1977 29 2.5 Street Foods Vending Street foods vending is a common, even ubiquitous part of the urban streetscape in developing countries. When the first small stream of research into street foods emerged in the mid 1970s their presence on these streets was often identified as a marginal and even negative activity. On the one hand authorities such as planners, policy makers, and city governors see them as woeful reminders of their city's "underdevelopment" and would rid their streets of them as soon as they were "more developed" (McGee & Yeung, 1977; Interview with ILO Office, Manila, 24 April, 1996). On the other hand academic researchers and development agencies conceptualized the phenomenon as the work of the urban underclass whose labour was exploited. Furthermore, the street food trade has long been identified as a cause of urban traffic congestion and pollution, discarded as traditional work, (to some, an antithetical sign of development), and labelled as a health liability to the eating public. While the street food trade does impact traffic flows and at times do cause pollution and health liabilities, their existence is by no means a transitional phase in the development process nor is it a peripheral entity in the urban streetscape. Rather, the street food trade is an integral part of the urban economy that is spatially omnipresent throughout the urban landscape and is a phenomenon that should have a place in the future of urban centres. 30 What is Street Food and Why Study It? Street foods are a very popular and important food supply in developing countries. It is estimated that the necessary daily energy intake of 2,100 to 2,700 calories can be achieved by consuming street foods (FAO/WHO, 1990; FNRI, 1995). That is to say that there is enough of a variety of foods on the streets such that those who depend on street foods can be nourished if they can afford the food. A combination of good sources of protein, carbohydrates and vitamins is available in items such as peanuts, tofu, various meats, rice, bread and fruits (Winarno, 1991). These foods often reflect local traditional methods of preparation increasingly lost by formal eating establishments to the growth of the fast food industry that has infiltrated most major urban centres. The marketing success of street food establishments depends almost exclusively on location and word-of-mouth promotion. A composite of general characteristics of the street food trade can be drawn from the early research of Guerrero (1975) and Tinker (1976 & 1985). They found that women were indeed a significant, majority of informal sector participants, especially in the area of food sales. Perdigon (1984) and Barth (1985) found that although there were incidents of ill-health caused by some foods sold on the public ways, street foods in general were no more dirty or contaminated than most home-31 cooked foods. Nonetheless there have been intermittent incidences of mild cholera, Hepatitis A, and sometimes salmonella outbreaks in research sites such as Minia, Egypt; Iloilo, Philippines; Bogor, Indonesia and Chonburi, Thailand. (FAO, 1979 & 1984; Tinker 1987). These findings were echoed in a body of research compiled by the Food and Nutrition Research Institute of the Philippines in the 1980's. They investigated food handling practices and the nutritional aspects of street foods under a project supported by the FAO (FNRI, 1885 & 1987) and found that there was a need to undertake some kind of intervention where food handling training programs or more stringent monitoring activities were concerned. Given the popularity of street foods, it is important that the phenomenon be understood and appreciated by both the community of development workers and policy makers as well as by academics who make scholarly inquiries into the economic development field. While the early 1960s work of Clifford Geertz did undertake seminal anthropological research into the world of (market) peddlers (1963), interest specifically targeted to the street food trade did not emerge until the mid 1970s. The interest was the result of the culmination of a dearth of new research agendas. The International Labour Organization embarked on studies of the informal or "invisible" economy as a result of its World Employment Program launched in 1969. The Food and Agricultural Organization launched joint programs with the World Health 32 Organization to address health and nutrition concerns in the developing world. Finally, the United Nation's 1975 International Women's Year conference in Mexico City led to the U.N. Decade of Women to investigate the condition of women as participants in development. Academic research received increased institutional support by agencies such as the International Labour Organization and the World Health Organization. Scholarly enthusiasm brought to light exemplary case studies that would popularize important issues and eventually lead to developments of projects in support of activities such as micro-credit lending. Another example would be McGee's early 1970's studies of hawkers and vendors in Asia (particularly those in Hong Kong). Some of these works contributed to increasing academic interest in the "bazaar" economy. Guerrero's study 4 of hawkers and vendors in Manila (IDRC Monograph 1975) contributed to a cross country study sponsored by Canada's International Development Research Centre. This body of work coincided with and corroborated findings from another study (Tinker, 1987) that specifically looked at street food vendors in seven developing countries. Representative of a variety of street food vending, the cross country study compiled by the Equity Policy Centre (EPOC, Washington, D.C., 1987) offers a wide 4 Also see McGee, T.G. and Yeung, Y.M (eds.) Hawkers and Vendors in Southeast Asia, Planning for the Bazaar Economy (IDRC-083e - 1977) 33 range of SFV experiences. Led by Irene Tinker and conducted by various in-country agencies, street food vending activities were surveyed in seven countries. These case studies took place in Minikgang, Bangladesh; Chonburi, Thailand; Ziguinchor, Senegal; Ile-Ife, Nigeria; Minia, Egypt; Iloilo, Philippines; and Bogor, Indonesia. The data challenged certain earlier assumptions about street food vending activities. For example, vendors were commonly assumed to be mainly young migrants waiting for jobs in the formal sector. However, in almost every case except Bogor, between 50% to 60% of the vendors were born in the city while another 25% to 40% were born within the same metropolitan region (Tinker, 1987: 57). Another significant conclusion shared by all the country studies in that project was that not all vendors described themselves as "very poor" or as representing marginal wage earners. Rather, the vendors represented a range of lower income households. In all cases involved in the study the truly mobile vendor was in the minority. Most carts or stalls were moved to the same location each day and removed at night. This helped establish and maintain the regular clientele so essential to the survival of small businesses that often only sold two or three different items. The truly mobile vendor often sold ice cream or drink coolers, satays, or breads from a bicycle or some other kind of wheeled-contraption. Others would carry goods in baskets on their heads or baskets drawn on both ends of a pole slung over the shoulders. These vendors usually maintained a regular circuit around the same neighbourhood. One reason for this could be that there commonly exists unwritten territorial ground rales by which 34 the vendors ply their trade. Some stay in the same area for reasons of "professional courtesy" or for fear of trespassing into someone else's territory, some out of habit, others for safety. These mobile vendors comprised one quarter of the vendors surveyed in the EPOC study. The usual patrons of these vendors were undifferentiated insofar as their age and gender were concerned, speaking to both the popularity and importance of street foods to the general public. Other street vendors, construction workers, and passers-by all patronize street food vendors while school children comprised a significant majority of the clientele. Significant numbers of vendors claimed that their patrons would often buy one or two items to take home for either as their meal or to compliment other foods prepared at home (FAO, 1984; Tinker, 1987). In the non-Asian country case studies, breakfast and snacks seemed to be the meals that were most often sold while in Asian countries, lunch, breakfast and snacks items were the most often sold. Not surprisingly, snack foods were often hand-held foods while more substantive meals were often sold in plastic or paper containers or even in indigenous material like banana leaf wraps. Food bought as meals were often eaten on site. Street Vending and Women as Economic Producers Street foods being one of the most visible parts of the informal economy and women being the traditional household members who are responsible for food preparation and also for earning supposedly "supplemental" income for their families, 35 it became a natural step for the academe to study the role that women played in the food sector of the informal economy (Tinker, 1987; author's notes, interview with ILO office, Manila, 1996). Women and children often are the most disadvantaged groups among the urban poor. Limited access to health, education, employment and credit are only some of the barriers they face (Moser, 1993 and Holcombe, 1995). Improvement of women's participation in any one of these areas will lead to their increased ability to perform in the other areas. For example, the involvement of women in health and food related aspects of community activism will usually encounter less resistance from men and government because it is still widely accepted and expected that these are "women's work" However, such activism has multiplier effects that are manifold; Increased women's activism may lead to increased benefits to their role in the home and in the community but especially in the development of their children, therefore increasing the capacity of the next generation. Since food vending seems like a natural extension of women's food preparation responsibilities in the home, many would assume that this is a key reason as to why such a large proportion of street food vendors are women, ranging from 30% to approximately 76% (Tinker 1987). Even when they do not sell on the street, women tend to be the ones who prepare food that they sell to a middle merchant who ends up selling on the streets. The preparation is usually done in the home where children and other family members can help, therefore easing the need for labour supply. Generally 36 there is no extra overhead incurred for rent. These cost savings help informal sector operations survive as businesses. However, on another economic note, it is more common for women vendors to turn their profits over to meet other family financial needs such as tuition or health care fees rather than for them to re-invest into their business. Therefore these SFV businesses tend to remain on the low-tech end of the productive economy. Some feminists might see these trends of lack of personal or business savings as inimical to women because without such savings, they remain vulnerable to control by their husbands or other heads of their households. However, others might argue that even unpaid economic activity can improve women's bargaining powers within the household because their withdrawal from such activities has obvious negative consequences to the household economy (Miraftab, 1994). The scenario for women changes even more when they take their economic production outside the home and manage their vending activities separately from family finances. There is a noticeable difference in household dynamics. Indeed a common response by men whose wives are vendors who sell outside the home is that they have lost control of their wives! While the EPOC case studies debunked common images and inferences in the informal sector literature that women vendors are generally found among the very marginal of the poor, they nonetheless lent support to assumptions that the majority of women engaged in such activities were likely to earn less than their male counterparts. 37 Their lower income earning potential might be explained by structural constraints such as extra demand on women to split their time between a greater variety of household tasks, and the greater vulnerability of women to harassment and bribery. Further, the findings challenged repeated assumptions about the marginal importance of women's income to their families' survival; "in fact a woman's income is crucial to feed and clothe her children and pay for school fees" (Tinker, 1989: 54). This was true in over 70% of the respondents in the EPOC studies. Of further interest, the EPOC study also found that religion plays a significant role in determining who actually sells in the public space. Between 60% and 99% of the vendors in Muslim countries or regions were men while between 63% and 94% of the vendors in non-Muslim study sites were women (Tinker, 1987:56). This finding highlighted the implications of religion on the social or cultural roles of women. Many of the EPOC findings were echoed in the Quezon City case study conducted by the author; Women were in the majority, representing 85% of the vendors interviewed. For many families, their street food vending activity was a significant if not the total contribution to their household income. However, while credit or financial support is often cited as an important element of their financial survival, the Quezon City case showed that the needs for administrative recognition and basic infrastructure provision were their foremost worries. 38 Government responses to the proliferation of the informal economy range widely in terms of the degree of strict adherence to policy but the sort of "solutions" have been quite limited until the 1990s (ILO Report, 1995). In most cases government agents take action in the form of spatial remedies. Structural actions include licensing and levying operations fines or collecting taxes. Again, the rigorousness of these actions is inconsistent both across countries and even among different municipalities of the same urban region. A reason for this is the factor of corruption whereby non-compliance fines are waived by inspection officers or "quasi-related" public officials in exchange for goods or services rendered or for actual cash (McGee & Yeung, 1977, McKee, 1989; Moser, 1993; ILO Report, 1995; author, field notes, 1996). Equally common is the simple lack of staff to conduct the compliance inspections in the first place. This shortfall of staff is further exacerbated by the huge numbers of hawkers and vendors who proliferate the city. Licensing is a strong but not all-encompassing policy tool that can control spatial use; that is either to encourage or to discourage use of a particular location for vending purposes. This is a key issue to address since authorities (traffic police, planners, city engineers) use the argument that street vendors obstruct traffic and create sanitation liabilities as a reason to disrupt street vending or prohibit it altogether. Taxation and fee levies are highly normalized processes under which local officials act on their mandated responsibility. Yet actions such as these are highly 39 dependent on the political culture of the particular city or municipality in question. These actions are also dependent on the rigorousness of the bookkeeping practices of the vendors. Small vendors themselves often do not separate their daily business costs and revenues from their household consumption needs. Furthermore these IS participants are either unskilled in bookkeeping or are unwilling to do so properly so that their responsibilities of tax contributions can be hidden under the guise of ambiguity and messy bookkeeping (author's field notes, 1996) Common niches into which policy can link with the informal sector can include general responses by means of spatial and administrative approaches as well as marketing and organizational incentives. More specifically these can be co-operative ventures between government and/or non-governmental organizations and the vendors themselves. They might embark on projects such as establishing better transport links, access to credit programs, improving working conditions, and creating skills training programs for workers in the informal sector. On the larger scope of using policy as a means of rendering informal sector activities to be compatible with urban growth management incentives the general practical approach may be to encourage a "diffuse urbanization" (Cheema & Ward, 1993). This would be an extension of the ideas propositioned by McGee (1977, 1989), McGee and Drakakis-Smith (1980), and Tinker (1993) whereby the flexible, adaptive manufacturing enterprises and qualities of the informal sector can be encouraged to 40 locate to small peripheral rural towns and large villages. This is largely a spatial and economic planning remedy which involves industrial subcontracting in rural areas or small districts akin to the desakota phenomenon identified by McGee. In this scenario labourers might secure the benefits of economic growth without relocating to the city. However, in the case of street food vendors whereby the critical mass found in cities provide the client base for their income, another approach to planning policy may be necessary. That is to say rather than merely "diffuse" - meaning expansive -urbanization policies should be diverse - meaning possessing inclusive attributes. These remedies may call on co-operative efforts on behalf of the city to streamline garbage collection and traffic flows to accommodate street vending and on behalf of the vendors to uphold agreed upon guidelines. Land use zoning is another tool which when used properly and with forethought to its actual long term effects can be a powerful planning and management tool. In short, while more general policies as they pertain to economic and urbanization development can in the long term affect the informal sector (either positively or negatively depending on the actual performance of the whole economy and how those goods are distributed), the most effective policies or actions pertaining to the street food trade must be devolved by the local government units most directly related to hawker and vendor activities. 41 Chapter Three STREET FOOD VENDING IN THE PHILIPPINES 3.1 Introduction While the business of street foods existed even as early as the Spanish period in Philippine history, its popularity has increased in recent years. Street food vending through push carts or permanent carinderias (canteen) stalls mushroomed throughout Metro Manila in the early 1970s. This is in keeping with the changes in the lifestyle of the Filipinos where there is increasingly more work away from home and increasing traffic congestion that keep people outside for longer periods of time. As the population of the urban poor grew in the metropolitan area the demand for easy access to cheap food also fueled the emergence of more and more street food vending operations. Street food vending was, by the 1980s, seen as one of the immediate temporary solutions to the problems of poverty, both in terms of food for the poor and in terms of sources of livelihood. Even with increased numbers of fast food retail outlets, street foods are still very popular throughout Metro Manila. 3.2 Metro Manila Metro Manila is located in the central part of Luzon Island, adjacent to the inner harbour of Manila Bay to the west. The metro region consists of seventeen cities and municipalities covering a land area of approximately 640 square kilometres 42 (approximately the size of Singapore). It is bordered in the north by the Pampanga River, in the east by the Bataan Peninsula, in the southwest by Laguna de Bay. The heart of Metro Manila is bisected by the Pasig River, today a heavily polluted waterway along which tens of thousands of shanty dwellers have made a home. The coastline of the 7,017 island archipelago totals 17,460 kilometres. Coastal residents make up over 70% of the Philippine population (Philippine Statistical Yearbook, 1995). A significant portion of these people are found in Metro Manila. Figure 4. Metro Manila As of 1993 the National Capital METRO MANILA population density in Metro Manila to be Region activities in the area contributes over 40% 62 times the national average. Economic to continue well into the next decade related incidences of poverty are expected of GDP. Yet, over 17% of its population live below the poverty threshold while over 35%» of Metro Manilans live in squatter areas. These trends of urban sprawl, economic diversity, population growth and 12,579 persons per square kilometre - about Development Plan estimates (Pernia, 1991; Laquian, 1993; & Yu, 1994). 43 In Metro Manila, squatter shanties sit next to upscale, highly secured subdivisions. The road system is unquestionably oriented towards vehicular movement. Sidewalks are present only in better developed areas. Pedestrians somehow manipulate their way across the unforgiving traffic or use the few pedestrian overpasses which straddle main thoroughfares throughout the metropolitan area. A myriad of vehicles ply these roads. Taxis, buses, jeepneys, motorized tricycles, and private cars jostle for every inch they can gain towards their destinations. Even under these conditions hawkers and vendors ply their trade in and out of traffic and along the sides of roads. A plethora of makeshift and permanent stalls as well as carts line the streets, alley ways, empty lots and parking lots. These kinds of "businesses" exist side by side with bigger establishments of drug store chains, fast food restaurants, mega-shopping malls, schools and other institutional buildings. Land use "zoning" seems to be only a vaguely recognizable concept throughout most of the metropolis. Even in the highly rationalized development of the trendy Makati business and housing district food vendors can be found on sidewalks. Not long after sunset, night-time food vending is in some places more lively than the lunch crowd. Impact of Informal Sector Activities in Metro Manila Informal sector activities in Metro Manila are estimated to account for approximately 50% of all economic activities in the metropolitan area (Department of 44 Labour and Employment, 1992; Yu, 1994). A growing sector of the poor, unemployed and under-employed population plays an active role in perennially confounding development specialists and planners who try to establish a reasonable strategy within which to guide the rapid growth of the metropolitan region. This poverty manifests itself in a variety of ways that range from illegal squatting to widespread peddling of cheap foodstuffs and goods throughout the metropolitan area. Informal coping strategies abound. While the prolific nature of the informal sector does indeed present negative challenges to urban planners and policy makers, here we argue that it nonetheless is an important aspect of urban growth and leaves net benefits for the urban masses as a general consequence. Within the community of developing countries, Metro Manila in the Philippines has had the dubious distinction of being one of the poorest, most polluted and congested cities. It is the quintessential Southeast Asian primate city (Laquian, 1993) and as such exhibits the characteristic high rates of urbanization, population growth, near frantic construction and development as well as increased conflicting demands for its limited urban space and services. Here we are particularly interested in the increased complexities of the economic landscape as one measure of the development process in a primate city in a developing country. In Metro Manila, the informal sector is represented in a wide range of industries ranging from the simple sale of cooked snack foods on the street to shoe and 45 jewellery manufactining. Institutional and technical adaptability displayed by enterprising spirits in the informal sector are signs that there is the potential for diffuse economic growth. This school of thought draws inspiration from the Japanese experience of industrial subcontracting where small units have created numerous employment opportunities in the work force at minimum transaction costs (Watanabe, 1971). The multiplier effects of informal economic activity is what accounts for the IS contributing such a large share of the GNP. On the flip side of multiplier effects are the cost savings and price checking mechanisms that arise out of the informal economy. Street level sale of daily food needs, for example, keep the price of food affordable for the poor. The IS both takes up the off-flow of the formal sector in some instances (as in the case of a vegetable vendor selling inferior stock) or it could be a supplemental mechanism to the formal sector (as in the case of snack vendors who sell to children after school). In the Philippines, many households seem to participate in both (author's field notes, 1996). During the period between 1980 through 1992 while the share of manufacturing sector employment in Metro Manila actually declined by over 5% and the workers in wage and salary category declined by nearly 12%, the own-account workers category, which includes IS workers, more than doubled from 10.6% in 1980 to 22.7% in 1992 (Table 2). 46 Table 2. Distribution of Employment in Metro Manila (1980-1992) (%) (by industry, by occupation, and by class of worker) 1980 1985 1990 1992 Industry Agriculture & Mining 1.6 1.4 1.6 1.4 Manufacturing & 33.5 25.8 27.0 28.1 Construction Wholesale, Retail Trade 14.6 22.7 20.5 28.1 Transportation 10.0 9.6 8.7 8.9 Service Sector 40.3 80.8 42.2 40.3 Occupation Status Professional, Technical & 14.7 13.0 13.6 12.4 Managerial Clerical & Sales 29.4 32.9 30.5 31.4 Service 17.9 19.4 18.4 20.8 Production & Transportation 38.0 36.8 37.5 35.4 Class of Worker Wage & Salary (formal & 86.7 75.1 74.9 74.2 informal) Own-account 10.6 21.5 23.2 22.7 (self-employed) Unpaid Familv Workers 2.7 3.4 2.2 3.1 Source: National Statistics Office, 1994 Even though the majority (average 6 6 . 8 % during the period 1986-1993) of the informal sector nation-wide is found to be involved in some kind of agricultural activity, a survey of household-operated activities found that in Metro Manila the highest proportions of people in this sector were engaged in wholesale and retail trade (60.6%) with manufacturing, agriculture, fishery and forestry accounted for not more than 15%o (Ghatt 1993) Nearly 7 0 % of the informal sector in Metro Manila is involved in selling consumer goods in small convenient stores called sari-sari stores while about 2 5 % are engaged in preparing raw and cooked food (Alonzo and Mangahas, 1990; author's field notes, 1996). Table 3 provides the distribution of * homeworkers by industry and sex and shows that there are significantly more women 47 participants in the urban informal economy. This is a consideration for any future plans for credit or training programs as well as for policies which may impact livelihood activities. Table 3. Distribution of Informal Homebased Workers, 1993 (by industry and by sex) Industry Male Female Country NCR Country NCR Total Homeworkers 1,939,341 104,879 4,408,095 182,512 Food (%) 63.7 39.2 36.3 60.8 Garments (%) 8.4 28.6 91.6 71.4 Footwear (%) 61.7 47.2 38.3 52.8 Handicraft (%) 36.9 61.2 63.1 38.8 Furniture (%) 93.0 77.5 7.0 22.5 Jewellery (%) 62.4 90.7 37.6 9.3 Other Mfg. (%) 53.8 26.2 46.2 73.8 Others (%) 24.5 34.7 75.5 65.3 Type of Homework Sub-contractor 409,317 35,973 494,085 71,591 Sub-contractee 612,815 26,481 1,410,898 46,185 Both 120,680 18,073 78,722 18,019 Outworker 796.529 24.352 2.424.390 46.717 Source: National Statistics Office, 1994 Keeping in mind that the economy is not either only formal or only informal, a range of other activities not recorded in national accounts include industrial home-based work which evolve from a variety of subcontracting linkages. These in effect could be called semi-formal in that while the home-based aspect may not be taxed and recorded, the next step at which it is distributed back into the formal economy for sale in regulated retail or department stores is certainly a formal business exchange. Home-based light industrial manufacturing is an example of how the informal economy has 48 significant spatial effects; While the economic activities of work at home might be undifferentiated from the domestic and social uses of space, there are spatial impacts when the home-based worker needs to consider how to bring goods either to market or to a distributor. In Metro Manila automobile use rose by 170% between 1977-1987 and an additional 150% between 1990 -1992 while road capacity has increased by only 23% between the years 1976-1990 (author's field notes, 1996, interview with National Economic Development Authority). In this case access to transportation routes or modes of transportation take on great significance. 3.3 Common Characteristics of Street Foods in Metro Manila While nearly 30% to 35% of all food expenditure is spent on food consumed outside the home (Perdigon, 1984; FNRI, 1986) there have been few in depth studies into the street food trade in the Philippines. Three helpful works which formed a foundation for this research were: (a) a series of studies on food nutrition and safety conducted by the Food and Nutrition Research Institute (1983-1987), (b) Perdigon's investigations into the business aspects of the SFT (1984), and (c) the study which Barth contributed under the Equity Policy Centre's study of street food marketing in Iloilo (1983). In all three cases some common findings were that food vendors in the Philippines (here studies were from Metro Manila and Iloilo) usually congregate in 49 busy streets and often on corners, near market areas, transportation terminals and street passages. Guerrero (in McGee & Yeung, 1977) also supported these findings. Food vending operations are mostly owner-operated and some households run more than one stall (Barth, 1983; FNRI, 1986). Capital investment for starting the business come either from loans from relatives, friends and/or money lenders, and personal savings. Initial capital investments vary according to the size and location of the stall as well as the type of food sold. They range from as low as P781 ($39.00 US) to as high as P20,000 ($1,000) while daily operating expenses range from P10 ($0.50) to as high as P1,000 ($50.00), the average being P210 ($10.00) (Recto in FNRI, 1986). Daily profits range from as low as P50 ($2.50 US) to as high as P800 ($40.00 US) but average P200 ($10.00 US). The length of operations vary, again depending on the type and location of the business but the average number of hours the businesses stay open is about 12 hours while the extreme in some cases are those that stay open 24 hours a day (Barth, 1983). The most popular foods sold include fried snacks; beverages, soups, ices, native cakes, and barbecued bananas and sweet potatoes. Among the popular viands are adobo (pork or chicken cooked in oil, vinegar, garlic and pepper), afritada (liver with potatoes, carrots, sweet pepper and tomatoes), beef or fish sinigang (boiled beef or fish with souring agent - like tamarind - and leafy vegetables), chop suey, and bijon 50 guisado (rice noodles, shrimp, pork, chicken, cabbage and carrots) (FNRI, 1986, author's field notes, 1996). Although not a study exclusively on food vendors, a 1975 survey of market hawkers and vendors in Manila and Baguio City conducted by Guerrero found the following characteristics among the vendors. They: 1. Came from low-income shanty towns of the metropolis and selling in areas with the busiest commercial activity, where and when pedestrian traffic is heaviest; 2. Were female, 30 years of age or young, has had an elementary or some high school education, and helps augment the family income through her peddling; 3. Peddled for three to six years - sometimes more; 4. Earned a daily wage of five to ten pesos, after putting nine or more hours of work; and 5. Did not remain as vendors for a long time. There is an approximate 80% rate of turn-over within a four year span. A study specifically focused on the street food trade provided an updated set of characteristics. Based on a study of 1,676 carinderias in Metro Manila. Perdigon, (1984) described some representative characteristics of street food vending operations 1. Simple and inexpensive food service establishments serving meals and snacks to low income customers; 2. Usually not found in the 1982 consolidated list of Ministry of Health and Metro Manila Commission; 3. Having stayed for more than four years in their present location; 4. Mostly single proprietorships with capital investments of PI000.00 toPl,500 ($50.00 to $75.00); 5. Reliant on liquid petroleum gas - and kerosene gas as fuel with which to cook the food (and light the stands at night); 6. Usually employs three to four helpers working on a seven day basis; and 51 7. Usually store perishable foods in freezers while left-overs were usually stored in cooler bins in ice. Since the time of those two studies, both the economic and urban landscape of Metro Manila has changed significantly. The current state of SFV is described in the next chapter. Food Health and Safety In two studies - one conducted in the city of Iloilo, the other in San Juan, Metro Manila, Barth (1983) and Recto (1985) presented specific information on the food preparation and handling practices of the vendors. Among the common observations that had implications for ill-health and poor sanitation were the following: 1. Presence of flies, roaches, rats and other vermin; 2. Serving utensil and dishes being washed in a basin of soapy water and then transferred to a sink full of clean water for rinsing, or only one of these steps were observed; 3. Handling of foods with bare hands or unwashed utensils; 4. Blowing of plastic coverings and using these as containers for take-away foods; 5. Poor grooming of food sellers and handlers; 6. Leftovers for the day being stored in refrigerators overnight and either re-cooked or made into different dishes the next morning; 7. After the food is cooked, it is placed in a display cabinet and stands at room temperature until it is sold or it is not even covered; and 8. In many cases, sewage runs close to the eating establishment or there is garbage found in the immediate vacinity. (FNRI, 1986: 25) While those findings are still applicable to some street food operations, a significant decrease in those incidences have been recorded (FNRI, 1994). Some 52 improvements are due to increased general awareness of health and sanitation in the public eye. Nonetheless, further improvements are necessary. Today, the greatest concerns over food health and safety in the Philippines remain food-borne infections, poisoning and poor nutritional value. Bacterial growth due to improper preparation and/or storage as well as the use of chemical dyes or formaldehyde as preservatives are commonly perceived risks associated with street vended foods. While incidences of problems do occur, new findings indicate that some street vended foods on the whole are higher in nutritional value and sometimes at even lower risk for contamination than had been previously thought (ISLI, 1993). Several reasons can account for this. Firstly, street foods tend to require simple methods of preparation and therefore greater nutritional value of the foods has been retained. Secondly, the cost of chemical dyes and preservatives tend to be higher than is affordable to most vendors and therefore their use in street foods is not as prevalent as had previously believed (ISLI, 1993). Finally, vendors, in fact, are intimately familiar with their daily business needs, including their supply and overhead; Therefore, they usually manage to cook just the right amount that they will sell for the day. If there are left-overs, the food is used for their families' consumption. In Metro Manila, storage does not especially appear to be a problem since coolers and ice are readily available at affordable prices. This said, it is of course important to take note of the areas that still do require greater attention. 53 Specific agents that cause illnesses such as cholera, hapatitis A and dysentry have been found in labratory tests of sample foods. These include coliform, staphyloccoci, yeast, molds and E. coli. The FNRI's series of tests found that these bacterial agents are most often found in cooked fish, cassava cakes, buco (young coconut) juice and fishballs. From the perspectives of the vendors who rely on their trade for livelihood, the patrons whose health may be impacted, and the city managers who have the responsibility to establish a sanitary and efficient public environment, the street foods trade is a phenomenon which requires and deserves thoughtful consideration of all representative stakeholders so as to ensure its place in a growing metropolis. 3.4 Existing Policies Regarding SFV in the Philippines Among administrative tools, the one explicit reference to street food vending is contained in a portion of the Code on Sanitation of the Philippines [P.D. 522 & 856, Chapter III, Section 32(e), on ambulant food vendors ]. Its specific wording is that: "These (ambulant) vendors shall sell only bottled food drinks, biscuits and confectioneries and other items which do not present health hazards, and it is prohibited for food vendors to sell food that requires the use of utensils. " Today, however, not only is this decree almost always ignored by vendors but municipal officials also rarely enforce this guideline. Compliance to the provision 54 would require important resources in terms of capital investment, infrastructure and monitoring. It would also greatly limit the variety of foods available on the streets. As this provision is generally targeted at the creation of something like food courts in large urban centres - highly regulated and well planned food "malls" - it is inappropriate for regulating the full range of SFV activities we have described thus far. Furthermore, the above decree is merely a provision within a municipal sanitation code that makes reference to SFV activities as they relate to sanitation. What is needed instead is a provision within an administrative section that treats SFV as an economic enterprise that is a subsector of the service industry that has both economic and social impacts. Finally, this code has not been defined as a legal definition of street food vending enterprises and therefore gives no formal recognition of its activities. Without such recognition, the development of a formal regulatory policy would seem to be a moot point. Vendors and peddlers are prohibited in places where they in fact abound and where the most profitable trade is conducted - in busy streets and sidewalks where conflicting demand for space use is highest. These in turn are often places to where services such as garbage pick up and access to water cannot be easily provided. Inquiries with a few local government offices of Metro Manila showed that references to SFV can also be found in a variety of public documents. Although the administrative body responsible for SFV activities differed from one municipality to another, it seems that the minimum official requirement was that vendors acquire 55 some kind of operating permit. Table 4 shows selected municipalities' use of permits. Despite arrests, confiscation of goods and constant harassment and bribery, many peddlers and hawkers persist and continue to operate without permits. Not only does their persistence speak to the demand and necessity of the street foods trade but should remind city managers that they are indeed around for the long term and therefore should somehow be accommodated in their plans of urban managment. Recent activities in government offices have been brought on by several factors. Both higher level and local government units are reacting to the obvious need for better land use and economic planning due to the rapid pace of urbanization and population growth. In the Philippines the community of both local and international non-governmental organizations is a dynamic force in the development field and some of them have launched support programs for informal and micro-enterprise sector activities as their tool in development. Some examples of this are the Canada Fund administered through the Philippine Canada Co-operative Office and DIWATA, a local NGO that supports women in development projects through micro-enterprise and organizational support. 56 Table 4. Permits, Inspection and Training Given by Metro Manila Municipal and City Officers of Street Food Vendors (selected examples of written procedures from municipal offices) MUNICIPALITY REMARKS INSPECTION & FREOUENCY TRAINING GIVEN & FREOUENCY 1 • Quezon City Permits given to permanent stalls only; vendors must pass requirements i.e. available water. Temporary permits given at Christmas in the spirit of the holiday Inspection every 6 months by health officers. Police inspect on daily basis Training for those with permanent stalls only as need arises 2. Caloocan No existing guideline but permitted for humanitarian reasons Not regular None 3. Mandaluyong Considered illegal Not regular None 4 - Makati Permits issued only to permanent stalls Irregular None 5. San Juan Selling only permitted in sidewalk areas Once per month None 6. Manila Food vending considered illegal if there is no running water supply and city garbage pickup Irregular None 7. Malabon No existing policy which prohibits sale of food on streets due to humanitarian considerations Irregular None Source: FNRI, 1986. * * No changes in written policy have been found in 1996. 57 Micro-credit programs, skills training development projects and self-help associations of informal sector workers have emerged from the work of NGOs and other sectoral or community based organizations. Although some have enjoyed success on the level of sectoral economic support, actual government intervention in the form of policy is minimal. This may be a relief to many vendors since almost all existing policies or guidelines that could potentially affect informal sector work are written as compliance requirements that often have net negative economic impacts on the vendors' operations. Some have proposed that because of their experience and intimate knowledge of local communities, micro-credit support and organization building should remain in the domain of NGOs and especially local community interest groups. However, government policy can be enacted in support of informal sector activity in the areas of licensing, effective land use planning, and sanitation programs. The joint efforts of community organizations and government bodies should be aimed at relieving vendors' fear of eviction from sidewalks and harassment from "rent" collectors (both syndicates and bribe-takers from government agencies). They should also help lobby for the provision of access to water and garbage removal services. The case study of the street food vending policy development project in Quezon City, Metro Manila is an analysis of how some of the above concerns are addressed by various interested stakeholders. 58 3.5 The Development of a Municipal Ordinance on Street Foods Vending: A Case Study of Quezon City The Quezon City Municipal Ordinance on Street Food Vending Operations The recent attempts by Quezon City to develop a municipal ordinance on street foods vending is a response to both concerns for public health and for better urban management. Although city officials have attempted different approaches in mitigating problems of unsanitary conditions and traffic congestion sometimes caused by food vending, the SFV project of the FNRI was the first effort to bring together a comprehensive response by the city and other interested stakeholders. The idea to draw up a municipal ordinance originated from the Food and Nutrition Research Institute's (FNRI) food management staff, led by the deputy director of the institute. This ordinance would make regulatory provisions for vending operations in the areas of permits and licensing, health certifications and taxation. It would also regulate the use of all public space taken up by food vendors, including empty lots and public thoroughfares. Background on the Quezon City Street Food Policy Project The development of the ordinance was as much a response to the need perceived by city officials as it was the result of action-oriented research conducted by the FNRI's food management staff (FMS); The staff possessed experience and a beginning body of research involving the technical aspects of street foods' nutritional 59 content. Their interest into street foods began in the mid-1970s. By the 1990s the FNRI had engaged in several community health and nutrition extension projects. They acted as the technical capacity component to a micro-credit project targeted on street food vending. For example, the Barangay (Community) Integrated Development Approach for Nutrition Improvement (BIDANI) Network, an organization with representation throughout the Philippines, incorporated a child nutrition program as part of their mandate for community development. This program was developed by the FNRI-FMS. Since street foods were found to be significant parts of school children's diets, both BIDANI and the FNRI found that an intervention at the level of the food vendor would be an appropriate start in the improvement of the quality of the children's nutritional intake. The model of training vendors in improving food handling practices and improving their recipes' nutritional content was developed by the FNRI. This health aspect of SFV was approached in parallel with a micro-credit scheme funded by the Netherlands Development Aid Agency, managed by BIDANI. Credit was offered to vendors who participated in the food safety training program. Many of the participating vendors upgraded their equipment and changed some of their recipes as a result of the training program. They financed these upgrades with the low-interest loans made available to them by BIDANI. With the initial success of the BIDANI test site in Los Banos, the FNRI replicated this model in San Juan, Metro Manila. Although both projects showed 60 signs of some initial success, their long-term viability did not seem promising and today their limitations are clear. In the case of Los Banos, Laguna, only nine vendors participated. Therefore while it can be said that the small size of participants made the project manageable with respect to administration, management and funding it was doubtful that the same success can be achieved with a greater number of participant vendors. A core strength of the Los Banos project came from the fact that the community which these vendors served was relatively small, therefore adding to the simple management of the program. The San Juan project supported by a grant from the FAO was successful as an experimental pilot project but few opportunities for replication or expansion exist in the absence of core funding. The San Juan project was a school-based model that targeted the nutrition of children found withing the immediate vicinity of one school. Since San Juan is a much more densely populated urban area and the project participants there did not enjoy the benefits of that same kind of direct community cohesion found in the BIDANI project. In the end, while the San Juan project was found to be successful where street foods for school children was concerned, the project was not able to fully expand into a community health intervention program. Since food nutrition and safety is the main interest of the FNRI, their goal in both projects was to provide vendors with such knowledge and practice. For their next project, the FNRI-FMS wanted to extend their goals to include bringing together a task force that would make street food activities a concern regulated by a municipal 61 ordinance. They felt that this would be necessary i f S F V training were to eventually become a city-wide activity; Without the strength of a government mandate, the F N R I felt that it would be very difficult to mobilize vendors into a training program. They found, however, that it was very difficult to mobilize the vendors without either the incentive of rewards or a disincentive such as a fine for non-participation. In both the B I D A N I and the San Juan pilot projects this was found to be the case. Under the assumption that a formal set of regulatory rules that included certification would force more vendors to undergo training workshops, the F N R I - F M S project leaders engaged the Quezon City health department and city councillors in a dialogue about S F V activities. Ful ly realizing the need for community participation, F N R I ' s deputy director suggested that a task force of interested stakeholders convene to act as advisors to the drafting and ratification of a municipal ordinance to regulate the street food trade, not the least of which is the training and certification of vendors on food nutrition and safety. 62 3.5.1 Project Goals and Description Local Context of the Case Study Site Quezon City is located in northeastern Metro Manila. The case study site was the Quezon City municipal hall complex. The site is a major transport node with high pedestrian foot traffic. It is within walking distance from the Diliman campus of the University of the Philippines. Several high schools and elementary schools are close-by. Adjacent to the site are a park and residential subdivisions housing mid- to high income families. However, within these homes are also domestic workers who earn low wages. Also within the vacinity are squatter households. Finally, within close proximity are a range of formal eating establishments, such as McDonald's and Jollybee that serve fast foods and restaurants that serve more expensive fare such as Japanese food. In total, 102 vendors were engaged for the survey of the area bounded by the major thoroughfares of Kalayaan and East Avenues and Elliptical Road. An upscale residential subdivision is behind the city hall building, as depicted in Figure 5. For a better sense of the density of vendors found in the case study site, this researcher was able to leisurely walk the perimeter of the site within 30 minutes. Indeed vendors can be found on every corner. This site was well-suited as a case study in that it provided a wide range of clientele who represented a variety of economic classes and offered a competitive situation under which the vendors operated. Jeepneys, tricycles, buses and private 63 cars routinely weave in and out of the sidestreets within this complex as well as along the major thoroughfares on the edges of the complex. Pedestrian traffic is high. The city hall complex includes civic administrative buildings, a court house, restaurants, a library, the offices of the Red Cross and a hospital. Furthermore, parts of the walkways in this complex are the site of a farmers market. In looking at the functions served by the offices of this complex it is not difficult to imagine the range and volume of pedestrian traffic. In short, this site offered a rich and active environment in which to study and partake in street foods vending. Key Control Mechanisms of SFV At the time of this research there already existed several key control mechanisms that acted on the vendors in the case study site. ( Similar controls influenced vendors throughout the metropolitan area). Formal regulations controlling vending activities come from various city departments; The health office issues health certificates that indicate that the vendor has met minimal physical standards, these being that the vendor has no known communicable disease such as hapatitis A and tuberculosis; and The city administrator's office issues operating permits to those who apply and meet minimal requirements: those mainly being an indication by the vendor that he or she is a resident of the city and that the vendor annually pays for an operating permit for their permits. The city planning office has designated only two locations around the city hall complex at which vendors can sell food but in fact vendors can be found everywhere. The fact that significant numbers of vendors 64 neither possess such a health certificate nor do they make subequent renewal payments is an indication of a breakdown of these regulatory measures. Unofficial activities also take place and have a controlling effect on the vendors' businesses. Vendors reported having to answer to organized syndicates who controlled various parts of the city hall complex. Under the threat of expulsion from their stall location, these vendors would have to pay "rent" money to various individuals who collected for turf bosses. Aside from monetary bribes, vendors would often have to provide free food. These incidences were especially influential on the economic prospects of vendors who operated without licenses but were also common to those with operating permits. A further complication with which vendors had to deal was the fact that these "rent collectors" were also official workers from various departments within city hall, thus making reports of complaint difficult if not impossible. Many vendors explain that this kind of bribery is so pervasive that they often consider the money paid in bribes and the revenue lost to unpaid food bills as regular cost of running their business. While there are elements of greed in this kind of bribe taking, such activities are also indicative of the effects of a poorly paid public service sector. Unless feasible regulations are established and strong measures are taken to enforce them, formal regulations will continue to be ignored by both vendors and the officials who are designated as the enforcers of these regulations, be they traffic police or health and 65 permit officers. A crucial question here is how can both sides of interest, the vendors' need to make a living and the city's perogative to better manage its public space and protect the health of its citizens, be brought together in a cooperative effort. Goals of the FNRI/QC Street Food Project The goals of this action-oriented project are twofold. First, the primary goal of the FNRI is to improve the health aspects of street food vending in terms of nutrition and food handling practices. Equally important is the primary- goal of city officials to improve the negative operational effects which street (foods) vending activities exact on public space and urban management. Both sides recognized and accepted the need to respect the vendors' dependence on this trade for their livelihood and therefore agreed to approach this project both as a community health project as well as a livelihood support proram. 66 67 The Tools Used to Achieve Project Goals Several methods of intervention were planned for the project: (a) A training program similar to the ones used in the Los Banos and San Juan street foods project would be used to address the health and sanitation issues of street foods vending. Here, an initial set of representative vendors would undergo training and certification and who in turn would train other vendors. Refresher workshops would be used to maintain the program; (b) A street foods policy or public ordinance would be enacted to address the operational aspects of water and sanitation infrastructure, land-use regulations and permits and licensing and; (c) In support of potential increased demands for capital investment, a micro-credit component of the project would be developed and administered through the Foundation arm of the FNRI when and where financial support could be secured. 68 3.5.2 Participants in the Quezon City Street Food Project Staff members of the FNRI helped conduct a joint survey of the vendors who worked in and around the city hall complex. The FNRI-FMS staff included a project supervisor, a statistician and nutritionists who all have been involved in the street foods research and programs of the FNRI, notably the Los Banos and San Juan projects described earlier in this chapter. The metro-wide survey was conducted by the researcher with the assistance of translators from the University of the Philippines. The Municipal Street Foods Vending Task Force This task force comprised members who represented the offices of the mayor and vice-mayor. The engineering department was represented by the chief engineer and a staff member. Similarly, the planning department was represented by the heads of economic development, social development and zoning development sections. Two city councillors who each sat on the Committee on Cultural Affairs and Tourism and the Committee on Health also were consulted. Other offices represented on the Task Force were the city health office, the Clean and Green Task Force, the central police district, the permits and licensing office and finally the Federation of Public Market and Vendors Association. With the exception of one meeting at which most members were in attendance, the FNRI project team and the researcher visited the Task Force members individually or collected written comments from them separately. On several occasions the researcher 69 contacted some of these representatives independently of the FNRI staff so as to fulfil research interests not shared by the FNRI. Vendors Most, if not all the vending operations located within the site responded to the survey. This sample comprised ambulant, semi-permanent and permanent operations selling a wide range of meals, snacks and beverages. These vendors sold to passers-by and to a regular lunch and shack crowd. Many of these vendors also prepared food which they took inside the city hall buildings and court houses to sell to office workers. With the assistance of translators, I also conducted twenty-five random surveys throughout the site to gather information about consumers' habits and preferences. Another twenty-five responses were randomly collected from throughout the metropolitan area. It was important that consumer behaviour be accounted for at least in a cursory manner. Community Groups Finally, I visited with various local and international non-governmental organizations that worked in the area of social development and microenterprise support. In this category I included community based organizations and trade associations. Since the development of the micro-credit component planned by the FNRI depended entirely on 70 the availability of funding, I wanted to ascertain whether or not there existed the capacity and interest within the development community to participate in a project such as this. Equally important, I felt it necessary that the organizational capacity of vendors or related trades people be determined. Even if all the components of the project came together, the successful diffusion of the project across the vendor community could only be administered through some kind of network of like-minded interest groups. 3.6 Project Development: Process and Progress With advice from FNRI staff, a draft ordinance had been tabled by the vice mayor's office in 1995. Similarly preliminary laboratory tests of food samples from the vendors had already been conducted prior to the field study. Over the five months of field work, I administered and analyed surveys as well as conducted interviews with various Street Foods Task Force memeber. A copy of the draft ordinance was forwarded to each of the Task Force members for their comments. Throughout the research period, FNRI staff and I interviewed Task Force members for their insights on SFV businesses in addition to collecting their critiques of the draft ordinance. In having met these Task Force members individually, the researcher believes that the comments she received were more candid than had they been given in an open forum attended by all the members. 71 Differences in professional opinion were evident and proved to be a factor in the project's difficulties. For example, the "New Cops on the Block" project of the police department encompassed within its program a mandate to "vigilantly enforce traffic by-laws" (Manila Inquirer, June 12, 1996). The Clean and Green Task Force representative reminded the project participants that its job was to remove "unsightly obstructions to public ways, beautify streetscapes, and remove all causes of environmental degradation to achieve a clean and modern city" (C&G Task Force Office, May 28, 1996). Simply put, a great barrier to achieving significant gains in ratifying a strong and comprehensive street foods policy exists in the form of conflicting interests by the participants of the project. Technical Assistance Capacity The FNRI Food Management Staff have developed a comprehensive training program for street food vendors. In earlier pilot project workshops, they have used a series of lectures, written exercises and role playing activities to convey their messages about food safety and good nutrition. These materials were funded by a grant from the Food and Agricultural Organization. A limited supply of these materials are still available but if a large scale training program were to be developed in the future, additional funding would be needed to finance the reproduction of these materials. In terms of teaching facilities, the FNRI has space and equipment available for workshop spaces. The training program intends for there to be in-situ training as well. 72 Given that the FNRI staff are well-received by the vendors, the establishment of a good learning environment can be expected. It can safely be said that the ready availability of experience and knowledge as well as technical resources for training are some strengths in this project. Consensus Building One major weakness of the project was that the Task Force was unable to convene as one single working group for the purpose of studying the usefulness of the provisions outlined in the ordinance. Since one of the main goals of the project was to engage in consensus building and really attempt to bring community participation into the policy development process, the absence of such meetings seemed to indicate that either; (a) SFV was not given priority in the various government offices and community groups, (b) the main thrusts of the project had not been communicated to the Task Force members in a manner that would compel action or draw serious attention, or (c) there was simply a lack of interest in the issues involved. This researcher sees all three reasons as having contributed to the problems of the consensus building process. Other reasons included disagreements between the different Task Force members as to how to go about the process of ratifying the draft ordinance in the first place; Some felt that the ordinance should have been tabled by them as a group rather than having been drafted by one office. These particular Task Force members felt that the invitation to them to comment on the draft was but a superficial means of consultation. The self-interest of 73 certain offices represented on the Task Force also seemed to become barriers very early in the project; On the One hand, some felt that their own offices had greater impact on SFV businesses and therefore should be given greater responsibility in building this municipal code. On the other hand, some did not want any responsibility at all! On an even more important note, the Task Force members who represented the loosely organized vendors' association felt that the invitation for them to participate was nothing more than tokenism. They were the last to be informed of the activities of the Task Force. Further, they felt that during the only meeting convened as a group, the Task Force members representing various government offices monopolized the discussions by using technical language and referencing obscure documentation privy only to their own offices. In this light, it can hardly be said that the ratification of the ordinance was an inclusive process. Under these unfavourable conditions a revised and ratified draft ordinance nonetheless emerged. A year later, this document is still awaiting introduction to the city council. Although the project has not been cancelled, FNRI staff have put it aside indefinitely. The city health office has also set aside this project for some future date. Their only official interaction with the vendors now is limited to the issuance of health permits for some of the vendors. City council members and even the vice-mayors' office seems to have also set this project aside indefinitely. Seeing as there is an upcoming civic election, it is unlikely that the project will resume. If it does, the same questions as to who initiates the work and in what ways will they position the SFV issues remain to be seen. 74 Urxfortunately staff funding and mandates of the city offices and FNRI change year to year and therefore unless a combination of funding and interest resurfaces, the success of this project is limited to the research data collected and the ratification of the municipal ordinance. However, these achievements in and of themselves are significant. The data sets collected and the ordinance will be of vital use should the city revisit the street foods vending project. 3 . 7 Key Provisions of the Municipal Ordinance A study of the ordinance will immediately show that it is in fact a very top down approach to managing street food vending activities. This is contrary to the original co-operative and consultative spirit envisioned by some Task Force members and the FNRI. It deals mainly with administrative processes for the issuance of permits and the enforcement of health standards and traffic bylaws that have guidelines that are too complicated and whose standards seem too high. The key provisions in the ordinance pertain to definitions of various SFV activities, the approval of permits and fees, the designation of a street food vending area, and the prescribed standards of constructing such an area and its associated facilities like public toilets and water sources. For example, effective on the official implementation date of the ordinance, no street food trade shall be allowed to operate until the construction and location of a designated food vending area has been duly authorized by the Mayor. Unlike 75 the current situation whereby vendors are able to obtain operating permits independently of the possession of health and sanitation certificates, the ordinance requires that these permits are obtained in due order: no operating papers will be issued without the possession of health papers. The annual renewal of permits is subject to the annual remittance of their associated fees. This would be vastly different fromthe current situation whereby significant numbers of vendors do not pay fees of any kind. Furthermore, these permits and health certificates are issued on a per person basis and not a per business basis, therefore making it difficult for the many businesses that are run by multiple members of the family. There is an emphasis on the designation of a street food vending area around the city hall complex but these provisions seem to be too rigid. For example, vendors' stalls "cannot be within 5 meters of street junctions, near stairways or entrance ways, cannot be on a street that is less than 10 meters wide, and cannot be on driveways and easements that lead into public buildings and places". Indeed these provisions take away the "street" aspect of street vending. Furthermore, on the one hand, some provisions are too specific and rigid and therefore are prohibitive for many vendors; but on the other hand, some provisions are too general and all-encompassing and therefore make vendors vulnerable to the wide and perhaps negative interpretation of the ordinance. The ordinance also calls for the use of proper drainage and solid waste management facilities. Unfortunately, such infrastructure is costly to provide and maintain. Unless the city can provide these services, it is unlikely that the vendors would be able to do so. 7 6 Thus, while the beginning stages of a community consultative process seemed to promise a new approach to planning and public management, the end result seemed to indicate a failure of that process to truly account for the needs of the vendors. And, whether or not the health needs of the public will be protected by such an ordinance is up to the enforcement officers whose adherence to their prescribed roles is crucial to the effectiveness of the ordinance. Since there are other mitigating circumstances that determine how far either side, vendors and law enforcement officers, will follow through on provisions made by the ordinance, it is difficult to assess its actual over a short amount of time; No matter how well planned and despite the good intentions of the ordinance, overall improvements in socio-economic conditions as well as stability in the political culture of the public sector over a reasonable period of time are needed if we are to see the merits of such an ordinance come to fruition. 77 Chapter Four SURVEY FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS 4.1 Introduction Assumptions on the nature of street food vending abound. At one extreme is an image of women working mostly in the margins of economic activity, using their meagre daily earnings to feed their families from day to day. At another extreme are those who only passively notice these activities. Urban planning models have encouraged government officials in developing countries to seek cleaner cities. They have tried to rationalize and clean streets of vendors, or impose unattainable standards on the street foods vendors or their operations (Tinker, 1987). Al l three scenarios represent some aspects of the reality of the street food trade. This chapter investigates these realities, both from the point of view of the vendors and their consumers' needs. Throughout, we will discuss the results of the findings in terms of their implications for the draft ordinance on street foods vending and in terms of how they might better inform the general understanding of the SFV phenomenon. The field work in Metro Manila proved to be a very rewarding experience; a rich and comprehensive data set has been compiled and it is hoped will serve as useful reference. The surveys conducted in the case study catchment area showed a strong similarity in responses with those from the metro-wide survey. There were, of course, a few differences which could be attributable to the unique location of the study site. The survey data and information gathered from interviews, participant observation and site 78 visits enabled the researcher to analyse the impacts of street food vending activities. The successes and shortcomings of the consensus building and draft ordinance processes were also analysed. 4.2 Vendors and Their Businesses Street food vendors represent a wide range of socio-economic experiences. For example, there was a respondent who said that the money she saved over many years of street food vending was enough to help her husband purchase a car that he will operate as a taxi. Another vendor reported that she made only enough to cover the necessities of raising a household of seven children. Yet another vendor revealed that she was a trained nurse who left her field to operate several food stands. She found that by putting increased effort into her vending business she was able to make a more profitable living than by work as a nurse. It can be said that street food vendors enter into the trade for a variety of reasons: Some pursue it out of financial desperation; some others pursue it to exercise their entrepreneurial spirit. 4.2.1 Socio-Economic Profile of Vendors The surveys showed that the vendors have had at least several years' experience as street food sellers. Many were relatively new to the city - approximately four or five years only; They are mostly women (85% of city hall vendors and 71% metro-wide) who are married (68% and 70%) and; all have had several years of formal education. In fact, 79 as a reflection of the Philippine's high literacy rate of nearly 92% (Philippine Statistical Yearbook, 1995), over 44% of the vendors had 7 to 10 years of formal education while another 23% claimed to have had over 11 years of schooling. Table 5. Distribution of City Hall Street Food Vendors by Age Group and by Sex Age Group Male Female Frequency (%) Frequencv (%) < 20 years old — 0.0 5 5.7 21-31 3 20.0 20 23.0 31-40 10 66.7 22 25.3 41-50 2 13.3 24 27.6 51-60 0.0 14 16.1 > 61 — 0.0 2 2.3 TOTAL 15 100.0 87 100.0 Women Vendors The large proportion of women-owned and/or run operations (85%) shown in Table 5 refers to the situation at the case study site. The numbers are similar to the findings in the metro-wide survey where women also represented a majority (71% ) of the vendors. The lower percentage of women represented in the metro-wide study may be explained by the different concentrations of permanent or semi-permanent stall-type carinderias, found at Quezon City Hall. Tables 6 and 7 show that the metro-wide survey found a greater range and a slightly more even distribution of vendor mobility: Where there were more mobile operations (carried baskets or push carts) there also tended to be more men. This is not surprising since mobile operations are often associated with increased physical safety risks as well as risks for harassment by other passers-by. Therefore women either prefer 80 or are encouraged to operate permanent stalls. There tend to be fewer incidences of turnover where permanent stalls are located and therefore the sense of familiarity among the vendors themselves offers the women an added sense of security. Table 6. Comparison of Distribution by Sex Between City Hall (QC.) and Metropolitan Manila (%) Sex Case Study, Q.C. Hall Metropolitan Manila Male 15 29 Female 85 71 Table 7. Distribution of Vending Business by Method of Vending (%) Method of Vending Case Study. Q.C. Hall Metropolitan Manila Mobile 17 18 Push Cart 6 21 Semi-Permanent 5 10 Permanent Stall 68 32 Floor Display 33 10 Combination 3. 9 In a survey conducted in Iloilo, Philippines for the EPOC street foods study, Tinker reports that 63% of the vendors were women and thus the data can be said to be a good general representation of the street food phenomenon. Similar examples of women's participation were found in other countries. A cursory comparison to the same EPOC study conducted in Chonburi, Thailand (78%) and Ziguinchor, Senegal (77%) shows that women are significantly active in SFV. 81 The three country studies which took place in Bangladesh, Egypt and Indonesia revealed an opposite reality in the distribution of vendors by gender. In the cities of Manikganj (1%), Minia (17%) and Bogor (16%) women played a remarkably smaller role as vendors. Here, religion seems to have played a key role. In these predominantly Islamic countries, the life of Muslim women has very little place in public space and therefore it is not surprising that most of the vendors from these study areas were men. Women probably are nonetheless likely to be active in the street food businesses behind the scenes. There, women's contributions would fall more along the lines of cleaning, food preparation or cooking - activities which can be done at home or on the side as assistants who do not interact with the eating public. These studies illustrate the important application of religion as a social and cultural characteristic that might also have implications for economic livelihood. Employment A majority of the city hall vendors (77%) own and operate the business while only 23%» of the vendors are hired only to sell, help prepare or manage a vending business. Table 8 shows similar figures for the metro-wide survey responses. Given this high rate of personal ownership, vendors should see and take a vested interest to participate in some kind of organizational or trade development activity. Such participation might improve their businesses. 82 The concentration of these vendors who are also owners should also make it easier for them to participate in some kind of credit program. The owner-vendors are intimately familiar with both the financial and functional aspects of their business. Warm climate, lack of refrigeration and lack of storage space force most vendors to do their marketing on a daily basis - 87% of city hall vendors and 79% of metro-wide respondents report having to go to market daily. They are, therefore, well aware of the price of ingredients as well as the economic and organizational norms of their local market system, all of which equate to a ready access of information that is vital to the proper management of their businesses. Table 8. Vendor Information: Category of Vendors (%) Category of Vendors Quezon City Metro-Wide Vendor 10 9 Owner-Vendor 41 32 Owner- Vendor-Preparer 36 39 Vendor-Preparer 6 17 Others (cashier, manager) 7 3 Labour Migration A very significant number of the respondents reported that they were new to Quezon City. In fact only 8% of the vendors claimed to have lived in Quezon City for more than five years. However, the common perception that these vendors are new rural migrants does not apply to all of the other 92% of the respondents. Only 28% of the vendors reported that they had recently come from the provinces. The greater majority of the vendors have recently moved to Quezon City from another part of Metro Manila. Those who fit into the traditional image of rural migrants who use vending as a coping 83 strategy report that their income earning opportunities in the city, while not great, still outweighed their chances in the provinces; These migrants are the ones who tend to be vendors of businesses owned by other people since they often lacked capital to start a business of their own. Administrative and Legal Recognition of Vending Operations Whether or not and to what extent permits and licensing should be used as tools for governance is an important issue often at the heart of the street food policy debate. It is not uncommon that even vendors who sell food every day to the staff and officers of the permits and licensing offices form city hall do not even have official permission to operate their businesses. Table 9 shows us that only 60% of the vendors around city hall hold operating permits while only 36% of the vendors found in the metro-wide survey reported having one. Table 9. Vendor Responses to Possession of an Operating Permit (%) Do You Carry an Operating Permit? Ouezon City (102) Metro-Wide Survey (100) Yes 60 36 No 40 64 One reason for this significant difference in compliance rate might be answered by the higher proportion of permanent vending businesses located in and around city hall. "The more permanent the place of sale, the more likely the vendors are to pay rent and to secure various business and/or health permits required" (Tinker, 1987; 67). If a vendor 84 deems a location feasible enough to invest the money into the permanent stall (meaning building materials and/or rent) it is likely that that particular location's potential for financial returns warrant such an investment. Therefore, the payment of permit fees or health certification might be seen as another investment in their business, and not so much as a punitive fee. The permanent nature of their business also subjects vendors to constant interaction with enforcement officials such as health officers or police offices. This kind of familiarity makes it difficult for either side to ignore each other. This seems to be the case for the city hall vendors. Throughout the research period, vendors gave anecdotes that speak to all of the following situations: While some officials do take monetary bribes or favours in kind in exchange for non-compliance fees, many officials do perform their public duty properly. Sometimes out of compassion or understanding for the necessity of the trade, officials will find a middle ground. They will overlook traffic or land use infringements but still insist on the possession of an operating license or vice versa. A very clear and constant remark from vendors was that with increased or over-regulation of the street foods trade, they could also expect increases in opportunities and pressures for bribery. Informal arrangements for rent and protection in lieu of official certification and permission are in many ways equivalent to operating expenses. This becomes problematic when vendors cannot count on these payments as "fixed" expenses since the costs of their tenancy fluctuate at the will of their unofficial landlords. In light of this kind of 85 uncertainly and in the absence of security of tenure, the vendors report that the inability to make accurate financial decisions is often a hurdle to the growth or expansion of their business. Moreover, various attempts to set down and consistently enforce a vending policy by means of licensing are obfuscated by the phenomenon of squatting. Many street vendors who occupy public lands attempt to register or apply for licensing but are refused by officials for fear that in granting them operating permits they are thereby legitimizing the vendors' claim to use that land (Tinker, 1987, Quezon City Permits and Licensing Office, interview, June 10, 1996). Table 10. Method of Obtaining an Official Permit (%) What Do You Have to Do to Get One? Ouezon Citv ( of 61) Metro-Wide (of 36) Pay For It 100 100 Pass Health Certification 60 47 Finally, observations collected during the research period indicates that of those who did hold permits, the method of obtaining one is not the same across the Metropolitan Manila region, nor even within the city hall complex for that matter. While they all had to pay a fee for their operating permit, not all of them underwent health examinations for certification, as indicated by responses in Table 10. Clearly lapses in stringency and failure to execute policy exist within the permits and licenses offices. 86 In the area of-regulation, it can be said that unrealistically high standards will tend to be ignored. However, if simple guidelines for vending operations can be developed and be properly disseminated in a region-wide campaign, city officials might see a modicum of success. This is provided that there is enough political will power and staff resources to first try to fully understand the vendors' operational needs and financial limitations. 4.2.2 Financial Characteristics of Vending Enterprises The financial situation of street food vendors appears to be favourable in comparison to rural workers and other vendors (FAO, 1990). Since food is a basic daily necessity and since so many of the urban poor purchase street food for their sustenance, it is reasonable to expect that street food vendors have higher earning potential than hawkers of infrequently purchased items like minor household durables and plastic ware. The common perception that informal sector workers such as street vendors do not separate household expenses from business expenses is not true of the vendors in the case study. Although they do not always keep separate written accounts of their business figures, they report that they generally keep the management of their business accounts separate. There were of course a few vendors who were very poor; Since their income goes directly to the upkeep of their families' daily survival, they were not able to separate their family and business finances. Even if they do not keep good written records, the vendors tend to have a very clear balance sheet in their head. 87 Obtaining accurate responses from vendors regarding their profits is usually one of the most difficult parts of this kind of research. Inasmuch as the researcher feels intrusive in asking for financial information, the respondents may understandably feel suspicious, indignant, or shy about having to answer the questions. Fear of taxation and a fear of higher bribe fees are reasons why some vendors do not often accurately report their business finances. The figures on profits and expenses shown in this study should therefore be used with allowances for some inaccurate reporting. A common impression of the street food trade is that the rate of return on initial capital investment is relatively high. However, the dilemma for many potential vendors is how to come up with that initial sum. Since the SFT is populated by a range of those in the lower economic brackets, the entry points into the trade vary for each vendor. Some respondents explained that they first entered by selling peanuts with capital which they borrowed from family members or money lenders and expect that they will never be able to grow into anything bigger or branch off to sell something different. Others report that they began by taking over a business already in operation or helped operate the expanded site of a family member or friend. Still others had enough savings to buy the materials to construct a permanent food stall and invest some money into cooking or storage equipment. 88 Table 11. Source of Capital for Vending Business / (%) of Respondents Source of Capital Quezon City Metro-Wide Self 42 29 Creditor 30 40 Others (consignment/co-op) 12 11 Combination 13 18 No Response / Don't Know 3. 2 A general assessment of the financial aspect of the SFT is that the more permanent operations tend to earn a greater level of income than the less permanent ones. They also tend to be more likely to hold operating permits and are better able to support the financial obligations related to its permanence. Since they tend to be economically more robust, these permanent businesses also display greater longevity. Economic volatility is often associated with the more itinerant vendor (Barth, 1983; Perdigon, 1988 &ILO, 1988). Although one would expect that the ambulant peanut hawker or shrimp cake vendor has fewer overhead obligations and therefore potentially could make more money, the findings of this research indicate the contrary. These vendors are often the same vendors who indicated in the survey that they have day to day responsibilities to repay money lenders who charge daily interests that range from 5% to an exorbitant 40 or 50%. In the Philippines, this is known as the "five-six" whereby a loan of five pesos borrowed in the morning is repaid in six pesos by the evening. 89 The respondents in Table 11 who reported that they relied on various methods of borrowed financing, including consignment and credit arrangements, also represent the majority of vendors that are ambulant sellers who offer single items of snacks. They also tend to be the ones who make the smallest profits and who travel the farthest and longest between their home and their vending area. It seems that the forces of extreme poverty and challenging conditions converge upon the already marginalized while only those who could already afford to make money, do so. A comparison of creditor or self-financed capital sources in Table 11 illustrates this point. It shows that more of the operations in Quezon City were self-financed while those of the metro-wide survey report a greater reliance (40%) on loans. Not only are initial capital requirements problematic but in some cases the daily capital costs are also quite substantial when compared to daily profits. Tables 12 and 13 illustrate those findings. While 100.00 pesos in cost is the equivalent of only approximately US $4.00, the amount is significant when factored against a daily gross income that only slightly exceeds US $5.00. Table 12. Distribution of Vendors by Daily Capital Cost and by Sex Capital Cost Ouezon City Metro - Wide Survey Male (of 15) Female (of 85) Male (of 29) Female (of 71) < P 100 1 7 2 9 P 101-300 2 11 6 23 P 301 - 600 6 16 19 30 > 600 6 53 2 9 90 Table 13. Distribution of Vendors by Average Daily Profits and by Sex Amount Ouezon City Metro-Wide Survey Male (of 15) Female (of S5) Male(of29) Female (of 71) <P 100 4 14 7 21 P 100-300 9 41 6 33 P 301-600 1 20 14 13 P 601-800 3 1 3 >800 1 9 1 1 Social Relationships in Economic Activity To balance of the hard work and struggles involved in trying to make a living in street vending, the activities of this trade also show positive and reinforcing relationships among the various actors in this urban food distribution chain. These include kinship ties and professional associations, both of which are relied upon to maintain smooth operations and easy distribution of goods. These relationships are especially important for low credit or consignment arrangements between vendor and supplier. Many respondents to this study spoke of such relationships and their dependence on them for the livelihood of their trade as well as for social ties. The EPOC studies found that across all the country studies, complex relations of credit, trust and loyalty along the street food distribution chain existed. These relationships extended between vendors, their lenders and suppliers, as well as between vendors and their customers (Tinker, 1987). This was certainly the case for vendors both at the city hall and throughout the metropolitan region. Many vendors felt that without the kinds of personal relationship they have nurtured with their suppliers their business 91 would suffer. They also felt that if they did not extend siiki, or credit, to their customers at city hall or to those who frequent the area, they might lose that business to a vendor close by. In the Philippines, the EPOC study found that 71% percent of the vendors extended credit to their customers (Tinker, 1987). The business of customer service becomes an art of building and using personal relationships. Family and Household Economies Family contributions to the street food trade are significant. Of the 102 respondents of the city hall study, 56% said that other family members participated in the business either in cooking, serving, cleaning, marketing or set-up. Of these relatives who helped 57% of them were children, as indicated in Table 15. In many of these situations, the children are not paid because their work is seen as their natural duty or contribution to the household economy. This is another sign that considerable productive economic activity goes unrecorded in national records. Likewise men admitted that while they conduct the sales, the food had been prepared by his wife home. If threatened or somehow severely crippled by high regulatory or policy standards, not only the visible vendors suffers but likely the entire family will feel the effects. Table 14. Distribution of Vendors Who Report Unpaid Family Assistance (%) Response Ouezon Citv Studv Site (102) Metro-Wide Survev (100) Yes 56 36 No 44 64 92 Table 15. Relation of Family Members Who Assist in Street Foods Activities (%) Relation Quezon City Study Site (57) Metro-Wide Survey (36) Children 57 Parents 16 Other Relatives/Spouse 27 33 56 61 Table 16. Proportions of Vendors Whose Only Income is SF-Related and Whose Income is the Only Source of Income for the Household Response Ouezon City Metro-Wide Only SF Activities SF Sales is Only Income for Household Only SF Activities SF Sales is Only . Income for Household Yes 46 43 No 54 57 41 59 51 49 While a significant number (35%) of the vendors said that they owned or worked for more than one street food related operation, many of those same vendors (46%) said that street foods vending was the only kind of work they did and also that their work was the only source of income for the household (43%). This impact can be especially significant when considering that household sizes are rather large. In the city hall case study site, 48% of the vendors reported a household size of four to six members while another 23% reported a size of seven to nine members. Table 16 shows that this kind of concentration of a family's dependence on street food activities is a strong argument for the support of the street food trade through positively reinforcing community or trade development programs 93 4.3 Street Foods as a Link in the Urban Food Distribution System The Populations Crisis Committee (PCC,1990) found in a survey of the world's 100 largest urban areas that food costs exceed 50% of household incomes in 23 cities. It is no surprise that those cities were also concentrated among the poorest in the developing world. The lower the household income, the greater percentage of that income is spent on basic necessities. For example, in Ho Chi Minh over 80% was spent on food while the urban poor in Lima needed to allocate over 70% of their income on food alone (PCC, 1990). The findings of this research reflect some common characteristics that have been found time and again in studies conducted through efforts of the Food and Agricultural Organization and World Health Organization (WHO, 1992) as well by researchers who contributed to the EPOC street foods project (1983-1987). Approximately 52% of the customers surveyed cited the cheap price of street foods as a main reason why they purchase it (Table 17). Some also cited convenience and a general preference for the food as a main reason for buying street food. Since many workplaces are not equipped with refrigeration units or cooking facilities, bringing food to work is often not a feasible option. Most vendors make most of their profits around midday when people all over the city go out for lunch. 94 Customers also remarked that they preferred traditional Filipino foods and since those foods take considerable preparation time, they would rather leave at least one of those meals up to the vendors who often make traditional recipes. Aside from general preference and convenience, many street food customers also felt that they had no choice but to buy from vendors. In Metro Manila, the impact of traffic congestion figures significantly in the reasons why so many of the office workers at city hall - and all over the city for that matter - buy street foods. Traffic jams directly cause the urban masses to leave home very early and arrive home very late in the evening; as early as five o' clock in the morning and as late as eight or nine o' clock at night. This is not even a way of avoiding traffic so much as it is an allowance for the hours they must sit in traffic! Unlike the many city hall vendors who live within one hour's commute of their work, street food customers tend to come from all over the metropolitan region. Therefore having to prepare lunch in the morning would mean waking up even earlier while commuting home for a noon-time meal simply is no longer feasible for many workers. Table 17. Street Food Consumers' Reasons for Purchase of Street Food Main Reasons for Purchase Percent of Consumer Responses Cheap Price 52 Convenience 33 Preference 15 Interestingly, the city hall area customers indicated that they not only regularly purchase their lunch but also their two snacks from vendors as well. In the Philippines, 95 those who can afford to do so take a mid-morning and mid-afternoon merienda (snack). This kind of demand as well as the relative availability of "disposable" income of their office-worker customers might assure the city hall vendors of a dependable and relatively higher level of income than vendors elsewhere. The same might also be said for other vendors who find themselves in the same advantageous situation; That is to say, their businesses are located in and around building complexes populated by workers whose movement and eating habits are consistent throughout the weeks and months and whose monetary resources are relatively flexible. A majority of the customers in the case study site were government office workers who have a steady income at least twice the amount above the poverty line of Pesos 5,000 per month (Quezon City Administration Office Staff records, 1995). Therefore the city hall street food consumer cannot really be said to represent what one would generally describe as "poor". Most of the city hall customers (80%) indicated that the money they spend on street foods is not a significant part of their income. This was a point of departure from the customers randomly found during the metro-wide surveys. Nearly 60% of those people in the metro-wide survey (Table 18) indicated that the food they purchased from vendors was a significant part of their fixed daily food budget. Several of the metro-wide consumer respondents explained that the food they purchased from vendors was the only one or two meals they took each day since they did not have cooking facilities where they lived. 96 Table 18. Consumer Response to Money Spent on Street Foods in Proportion to Available Resources. Response Quezon City Hall (%) Metro-Wide Consumers (%) A Significant Portion of 12 60 Food Allowance Not Significant / Incidental 80 24 Spending No Response 8. 16. Table 19 indicates that 69% of vendors around the city hall cited office workers as customers they served most while the metro-wide survey found that 43% of vendors cited labourers - who tend to earn less than office workers - as their biggest group of customers. Nearly 19% of the vendors claimed that students formed their customer base, while 11% of the vendors felt that their businesses depended on office workers. Approximately 25% of the vendors claimed that their customer base was a combination of all kinds of people mostly buying food to take home for snacks or to compliment other dishes made at home. This seems to indicate that the city hall vendors have a very consistent and homogenous client base while most other vendors rely on a wider spectrum of customers as their base. Table 19. Vendor Response to Description of their Main Clientele Group Customers Quezon City (%) Metro-Wide Responses (%) Students 8 19 Labourers 10 43 Office Workers 69 11 Drivers 15 2 Others ^ 25 Since the metro-wide surveys were taken at random, it captured a baseline of vendors whose locational situations are more variable, representing more sales that 97 actually take place in front of bus stops, on sides of streets and back alley ways - a description that more closely resembles the classic image of street foods vending. The consumers of those vending sites also tend to represent a wider variety of socio-economic classes. Here we are speaking of labourers, other vendors, and students who are en transit from place to place by various modes of transportation. Having said that, it is also important to note that many very low income squatters who live within the vacinity also patronize the city hall vendors as do the thousands of commuters who populate the local transportation hub immediately in front of the city hall. For these reasons, the consumer base at Quezon City Hall, while predominantly represented by office workers, is nonetheless more diverse than one would initially expect. 4.4 Urban Management and Development Planning Food, Food Safety and Health The popularity of street foods in the urban diet of developing countries raises concerns of their nutritional value and safety, particularly in the face of daunting statistics showing that one in five people in the developing world are chronically undernourished (FAO and WHO, 1992) and that the caloric deficit is greatest among the urban poor (Berg, 1987 in Tinker 1993). The young and the elderly are most susceptible to fall victim to illnesses related to poor food quality and unsafe foods. Caloric deficit and 98 general malnutrition often impairs both mental and physical development as well as reduces the strengths of the immune system. The improvement of food nutrition and safety is considered an effective way to address these problems (Tinker, 1993). Figure 6. A Sample Variety of Street Food (Shrimp Cakes, Salted Eggs and Fish) The street food selection in the Philippines is an amazing array of meats, fish, vegetables, rice, noodles, desserts and beverages. There is no doubt that a proper selection of food choices from amongst what is available on the street w i l l satisfy both nutritional and gastronomic needs. Unfortunately, what the consumer often cannot avoid are the bacterial toxins that could lead to problems such as botulism, hepatitis, parasitic infections and cholera. Although outbreaks of these are rarely epidemic, at least several cases every month are reported to the health departments and traced back to foods sold on the street (Interview on June 24, Quezon City Health Office, 1996). 99 Food borne infections and poisoning result from improper food storage, improper cooking methods and chemical contamination in food dyes and preservatives. Some laboratory tests on street foods have isolated some causes of food-related sickness: • Formaldehyde is used as a preservative in fish to bring about firmness even under prolonged exposure in the market places where street food vendors do their shopping; • Cooking does not destroy the formaldehyde and residues are ingested by consumers; • Shrimp paste or "bagoong" is found to have been prepared using amaranth or red dye no. 2, a toxic dye; and • Carmoisine and Ponceau 4R colouring agents, both banned in the US and Canada have been readily found in street foods found in Metro Manila. These two agents are known to cause cancer, allergic reactions, food poisoning and asthma. (FNRI & Industrial Technology and Development Institute - DOST) Dirty dishes and utensils are often washed in contaminated water. Observations have found food displayed on open counter tops taking in dust and pollution from the street, exposed to the elements of heat and humidity. However, information gathered for this research and findings of an FAO report (1988) indicate that until customers demand more sanitary food handling practices and are willing to pay for it, practices such as the above will continue. Water and Sanitation Areas of concern more directly dependent on the intervention of city hall would be those of improving water and garbage removal services. These are two important ways that street food safety can be improved. While only 28% of city hall consumers and 12% metro-wide consumers reported that they were "somewhat" concerned about street 100 food and health issues, over 60% of them wanted the vending sites to be cleaner. A s for the vendors, the number one request they had for any kind of government intervention would be that of the provision of water and garbage removal services. Credit and training did not even show up on their "wish list" of government interventions. Figure 7. Sample Methods of Water Storage Over 66%) of the vendors reported that they required water for the daily operation of their businesses. This water is primarily used this water for cooking, cleaning and for drinking (used in watering down flavoured syrups for beverages sold to the public). Despite the high demand, most vendors must transport their own water to the site, as indicated in Table 20. Since most of them commute on buses and jeepneys, the transportation of water is very difficult. It is no wonder that in most of the vending sites, the small amount of water was availabe was stored in very small pails or gallons. This water is used sparingly throughout the day for drinks while dishwater is used over and over again, often changed only once during the day. The implications for poor health are obvious and the demand for municipal response in this area is imperative. 101 Table 20. Distribution of Vendors by Source of Water (%) Source Quezon City Metro-Wide At Vending Site * 25 11 From Home 29 29 Delivered 4 8 Combination 2 8 Others 10 10 Not Applicable 30 34 * At the case study site, "at vending site" means inside city hall - usually in the washrooms found throughout the building. When asked what they felt were the most pressing needs of their business in terms of some kind of support from the government, vendors responded overwhelmingly with the request for waste management services and water provision. From Table 21 one can see that vendors from both the case study site and the metro wide survey named the same three services as the important ones to their businesses; 1) more water taps 2) more garbage receptacles and, 3) garbage pickup services. The finding that fewer vendors in the metro-wide survey wanted water taps and garbage receptacles might be explained by the fact that there are fewer businesses among them that are permanent operations that sell entire meals served with plates and utensils; These vendors tended to operate mobile operations that offered take-away snack foods which did not require the use of dishes and utensils that needed washing. Food safety is important for all consumers but for those whose dietary sustenance is derived mainly from street foods, the improvement of nutritional content is not only important but necessary. However, whether or not intervention into these areas belong within the realm of policy is contentious. There is no agreement between the vendors and 102 Task Force members. Some felt that improvement of food safety and nutrition can be achieved without a stringent policy. In this regard it was felt that the proposed FNRI training of trainers who will continue to train other vendors is a good entry for intervention. Table 21. Infrastructure or Service Needed by Vendors Kind of Infrastructure Number of Vendors (CO Number of Vendors (MM) More water taps 97 67 More garbage receptacles 83 42 Garbage pick-up 38 41 Mobility, Circulation and Distribution The operational aspects of street foods vending includes the mobility of the operation, the daily routines that revolve around the business, the important spatial linkages which span distribution networks as well as the administrative and managerial components of the business. Permanent and semi-permanent operations are in the clear majority in the Quezon City Hall site while throughout the metropolitan area there is a greater range and a more even distribution of different kinds of carts, stalls, tables and food displays. Generally, the more mobile operations tend to sell ready-to eat snacks and beverages while the permanent operations tend to sell heartier fare that are eaten for meals or as parts of meals. 103 By observation it always seemed to be the case that street food operations that cater to large offices, government buildings, schools and other institutional buildings tend also to be more permanent in nature, larger in size, and serve a more regular clientele. Food stands in the proximity of bus stops and taxi stands, pedestrian overpasses and other thoroughfares as represented by the metro-wide study tend to be more ambulant in nature, smaller in size (Tables 22 and 23) and serve a more itinerant clientele. Here again is a significant finding that might inform policy makers to approach the street food vending issue with greater care so as to account for these differences. Table 22. Distribution by Approximate Size of Vending Stall or Cart (%) Approximate Size Quezon City Metro-Wide Survey < 1 sq. metre * 34 42 1 sq. metre 20 31 2 -3 sq. metres 25 26 4-6 sq. metres 5 1 > 7 sq. metres : 16 zzzz * This also accounts for the small baskets, trays or pails hand carried by ambulante vendors. It might be appropriate to draft different regulatory guidelines to address the different ways which food is sold. That is to say policy or regulatory guidelines should be specific to each major category of street food vending, ie. those stalls centred around buildings should be treated differently from those that congregate along traffic thoroughfares or those that are located within or near market areas. 104 Table 23. Vendors' Classification of their Main Type of Clientele (%) Customers Quezon City (of 102 Vendors) Metro-Wide (of 100 Vendors) Students 8 19 Labourers 10 43 Office Workers 69 11 Drivers 15 2 Others/Combo ---- 25 Take the proposal to create designated street foods vending compounds as a case in point: If done properly, the designation of a specific area for street food vending around large institutional buildings might be successful and might take place without much of a negative impact on the vendors' earning potential. Since there is a fairly regular clientele who become accustomed to the location of the food and seek it out, there is no danger of a loss of customers. A concentration of such vendors thus enables the provision of services like water taps and garbage pickups to be a more feasible option for planners, engineers, and the financial gurus of city hall alike. Conversely, such an idea is ill-advised in the treatment of the more mobile vendors whose livelihood is dependent on accessing the passer-by. The restriction of their movement will ultimately mean the limitation of their income. 105 Figure 8. A Mobile Vendor Selling Snacks Along a Busy Road Planners should also make allowances for the time of day under which vending is permitted. Many vendors reported that they worked nine to ten hours each day -58% metro-wide and 26% at the city hall complex. Another 12% metro-wide and 15% at city hall reported working eleven to thirteen hours per day. More importantly, these hours were concentrated to either very early in the morning to capture the breakfast and lunch crowds or stay open until very late into the night to capture the lunch and late night crowds. Given that street food vending takes place throughout the day and night, this operational aspect of the trade should be accommodated in the set of regulatory guidelines. 4.5 Community Integration and Organization Although there are many development N G O s in the Philippines, the groups in Metro Mani la concerned with livelihood projects for hawkers and vendors are very small in number. I was able to identify eleven associations of market vendors. O f these eleven, 106 only two included ready-to-eat food vendors in their membership, the balance of which were mainly hawkers of groceries, produce and other small household consumer goods. Such a low level of representation of street food vendors in these groups can mean several things. It is possible that desire, need and/or motivation for organization is lacking. The findings of this research indicate that unless there is a stringent policy that is heavily enforced and such a policy adversely affect the financial viability of the vending operations, there is no need to organize. Nearly 70% of the vendors responded that they were indifferent or did not want to join any kind of trade association. Reasons for this included fear of membership fees, causing trouble, and no perceived benefits. Of those who would join, they cited the benefits of protection from bribery and the availability of financial support as reasons for joining. From the onset the street food project of the FNRI and the Task Force was meant to be a project of innovation at the level of local government units, specifically the municipalities. The project was greatly dependent on the successful development of an administrative or managerial body that could organize and act as the representative voice for the vendors. The success of the project also depended in part on the adoption of a comprehensive and enforceable street food trade policy. However, while the rationale is accepted by most as valid, and while small success stories such as the BIDANI project in Los Banos trigger theoretical enthusiasm, institutionalization of the community 107 extension model, ie. its transformation into a public policy, seems very difficult to achieve. The model on which the San Juan and Los Banos pilot projects have been based is not adequate as a model for policy making. The BIDANI project in Los Banos took place over a small local area in a relatively rural setting. Quezon City is one of the most developed urban areas of Metro Manila with the city hall area being one of the busiest points of exchange for people and goods movement. In San Juan the project enjoyed the personal support of the mayor who compelled other local officials to give the project complete attention. In Quezon City, the policy development process did not enjoy the same kind of attention. Further, in both San Juan and Los Banos, the pilot projects took place within relatively small catchment areas that were easy to monitor and physically easy to control. To some extent, if strong institutional linkages emerged from within the vendor population in the city hall project, similar measures of success might be achieved. Yet again, the application of it would be greatly limited to a small physical, easily monitored space. 108 Institutionalization At its inception, the FNRI-SFV project was intended to both bring about policy change and engage in action-oriented research. In the end this two-pronged approached proved to be far too ambitious. Leaders in the project wanted to be instrumental in doing the work of planners and city officials. At the same time they wanted to function in manners similar to a non-governmental organization; They tried to raise international funding and act as a peoples' organization to help with poverty alleviation by offering technical assistance in training and micro-credit assistance to the vendors who participated in the training. Clearly the project was far too ambitious in light of the limitations of funding and staff resources. There are very important distinctions between the development of a policy versus the delivery of a program. An attempt to do both simultaneously proved to be impossible. Until a clear set of policy guidelines have been established and avenues of financial support to implement them have been secured, the development and delivery of a project that tries to meet those policy goals seems premature and in the case of this case study, that proved to be so. If there had been greater institutional support from the city and had there been a stronger representation of street food vendors perhaps the outcome would have enjoyed more success. The Food and Nutrition Research Institute is charged by the Secretary of Science and Technology with the task of increasing the nutritional health of the Filipino people as 109 one of its mandates. From an organisational point of view the FNRI involvement was most beneficial in their capacity to offer technical assistance. This cannot be questioned. However, the FNRI also acted as the instigator and convenor of the municipal street foods Task Force. From the management point of view, another agent with more leverage in policy development and enforcement should have been charged with the role as convenor of the Task Force. Reasons for this conclusion are varied. First, while the FNRI did have the interest of public health in mind, they were not perceived by other Task Force members as having a legitimate role in bringing about policy. In the Philippine setting where political power still descends from the top and bureaucracy rules, only active insistence from the city council or specific mandates stemming from a higher government body would have compelled the Task Force members to act responsively. While the FNRI was important as a participant, they were not the most appropriate agents of policy change. Their goal was mainly to train vendors in improving their food handling practices as well as to provide recipes for food with higher nutritional content. They did not have an umbrella strategic plan which incorporated the goals of the other agencies represented on the Task Force. More significantly, they did not have a plan which articulated those goals in the context of the agencies' mandates in such a way as to compel the Task Force members to pro-actively participate. The use of such a guiding structure would have benefited the project, especially in the crucial goal-setting stage. 110 Second, although the FNRI convened the Task Force, the members met only once as a complete group while the rest of the consensus building process took place by means of the FNRI team visiting with the various agencies on separate occasions. Even then the meetings were sporadic and piecemeal. By the end of the five months, the FNRI remained as the only agency from the Task Force to have signed a memorandum of agreement with Quezon City to advise and help develop a comprehensive policy on street foods vending. One significant aspect of the project proposed by the FNRI and which initially drew the researcher's interest was the micro-credit management training component. The Foundation arm of the FNRI was intended to act a manager of the credit program a large infusion of grant money for the project was available. However, unless that was imminently forthcoming, the Foundation had no long term commitment to bring in such a grant. In the end this component of the project was in all intents and purposes abandoned. In the long term view, this was perhaps a good development. It is the strong belief of this researcher that the FNRI neither has the inclination nor the experience and operational linkages to properly manage a credit program. Having said the above it must also be said that the FNRI indeed tried to follow through on a well-intended project. Unfortunately, the project had been ill-conceived from the outset. Working in the absence of a clearly formulated strategic plan that enjoyed the support of all its interested stakeholders, the FNRI proved to be the clear 111 leader in the project even when their leadership was not always strong. Unfortunately structural inadequacies such as a lack of funding and long term commitment reduced the effectiveness of the FNRI's contributions. It must also be acknowledged that FNRI did attempt to undertake the first steps in a consensus building process that is vital in what amounts to a community extension project. In the exaggerated time line of the development field where most things demand extra time, the accomplishments of the FNRI were indeed remarkable. The most significant of these is the data they have collected on the vendors' food handling and hygiene practices. In conjunction with the health aspects of street foods, the parallel socio-economic data and attitudinal information collected by this researcher formed a base-line on the street food vending situation from the perspective of the vendors' livelihood. This base-line can be used for reference in future developments of other research projects or for future policy strategies. Although the attempt at bringing together a community group that would advocate for the vendors was unsuccessful, contacts within the community have been made and awareness among the community has grown. This is an important step in the further development of street food vending activities. 112 Chapter Five Recommendations and Concluding Remarks 5.1 Introduction The debate on regulation of street food activities remains unchanged: how do policy makers and other interested parties increase their recognition of the SFV trade and improve health and safety measures without the use of stringent, unattainable standards of compliance requirements? In other words, how does one control the quality of the urban food supply and distribution without negatively affecting the suppliers' economic viability? Certainly there is not one magic solution. Both macro- and micro level approaches must be investigated. When speaking of the informal economy, thus automatically drawing a common image of irregularity and lack of government control, one must still consider how the informal activities of street vendors interact with formal institutions. The need for policy or at least some measure of formal acknowledgment of the informal sector should be established as a component of a larger urban management policy statement. Activities of the informal sector are facts of the urban landscape and the management authorities that render guidelines to account for them - be they related to spatial impacts or social and economic development - may see that their management goals can be reached with greater success. Since there is such a large portion of the urban population involved in this sector, urban growth management plans that ignore their presence or seek to snuff out 113 their activities are likely to encounter resistance or inflict even greater social and economic hardship on the urban poor who make up the majority of IS participants. Neither of these scenarios are savoury. So far there have been few creative solutions insofar as policy is concerned Government responses to the proliferation of the informal economy range widely in terms of the degree of strict enforcement to policy. The variety of "solutions" have been quite limited. In most cases government agents take action in the form of locational (spatial) interventions such as relocating SFV to designated vending sites or eliminating them from streets altogether. Structural actions include licensing and levying operations fines or collecting taxes. Again, the rigorousness of these actions is inconsistent both across countries and even among different municipalities of the same urban region. A reason for this is the factor of corruption whereby noncompliance fines are waived by inspection officers or "quasi-related" public officials in exchange for goods or services rendered or for actual cash (McGee & Yeung, 1977, McKee, 1989; Moser, 1993; ILO Report, 1995; author, field notes, 1996). Equally common is the simple lack of staff to conduct the compliance inspections in the first place. This shortfall of staff is further exacerbated by the huge numbers of hawkers and vendors who proliferate the city. The municipal ordinace drafted by the Quezon City Street Foods Task Force was an attempt at using a community participation process to bring about change. The ordinance represents a planning approach but the repercussions of planning intervention 114 may not always produce the desired effects. Take the relocation of vendors into a common area, for example: The designation of a street food vending area is a very expensive approach that does not seem to be responsive to the needs of the people who require ready access to the vendors. This need is currently met by the vendors who set up very close to the sides streets and on public easements. Furthermore, there obviously will not be enough space in the new designated areas to accommodate all the vendors so there needs to be a process of selecting which vendors get to relocate. Immediately, there is the dilemma of how to go about such a process fairly. The selection process may even open other avenues through which further bribery and corruption may develop since there will likely be be a premium for the acquisition of a kiosk space in the designated area. What happens to the vendors who are unable to meet both the formal and informal costs associated with getting into a food court area? In the process of formalizing the informal, there will be the inevitable "creaming off" of vendors whereby only those who can pay will succeed. Those who cannot will either be forced into another means of livelihood or if no other options are available to them, they will likely fall into deeper poverty. Finally, there is of course the possibility that those vendors left out of that food court "loop" will persist with their food vending activities and therefore continue to cause concerns for public health and urban management. 115 Given these considerations, it is clear that the use of the ordinance is like planning or governing by the decree. In the absence of the correlating improvments in socio-economic conditions and political culture, the success of this planning approach will be limited spatially and/or in scope. Having said this, the need for some kind of intervention in the activities of the street food trade is nonetheless real. Therefore, until the general condition of cities and economies such as that of Quezon City improve enough to be receptive and conducive to a more regular and wide-ranging formal approach to planning, the work of the FNRI and the Street Foods Task Force should still be attempted and supported as tools in a developmental process. The work that it took to bring about this ordinance should not be dismissed as a mere exercise but should be perceived as small steps at model building from which lessons can be learned and institutional practices be developed. 5.2 Recommendations for Case Study Site (Quezon City) Vendors can be found in all corners and niches of the city hall complex but concentrations of them already appear in areas that seem appropriate locations for designation as street food vending sites. These are areas outlined in boxes A, B, and C in Figure 9. These areas should be considered for use as designated street food sites if city hall were to pursue some kind of relocation effort. In area A there is abundant empty space that is well-shaded by trees. Likewise, area B is also a relatively empty lot on which many vendors already gather. Both these locations are found next to major road 116 ways and cross-roads and therefore should allow customers easy access to the vending stalls. In these areas toilets and water facilities can be provided. Both these locations should be designated for permanent stalls. Area C should be set aside for use by mobile vendors. This area is a bus and jeepney stop and so should provide easy access to customers. Unlike the permanent stall sites, no water or toilet facilities will be located here since there is less of a need for such amenities by mobile vendors. As for recommendations that can be applicable to the case study site as well as the entire municipality of Quezon City in general, the findings of this research suggest that: • city hall should consider providing water and toilet facilities in the proximity of permanent street food sites; • city hall should provide regular garbage collection services; • community groups and local government offices should join together to organize vendors more formally; • community groups and other agencies such as the FNRI should actively pursue a program of food safety and nutrition training; • a more formal way of collecting fees be established and that the money be used towards the upkeep of vending sites and services; • a very basic set of criterion be established to specify the construction and performance of food stalls and; • a few locations throughout the city be designated street food vending sites as test pilots and that such sites should be separately designated for mobile and permanent vendors. 117 118 5.3. Metro Manila The same recommendations can be extended to apply to all interested municipalities across Metro Manila. If not all municipalities will join in these efforts such as the designation of food vending sites or the provision of basic water and toilet facilities, then at the very least some administrative measures should be made mandatory for all local government units. By this it is meant that each local government should streamline its administrative accounting of street food vendors so that responsibilities such as the issuance of health permits or operating licenses come from the same administrative body. At present a variety of offices ranging from the city engineer to the planning department to the sanitation department hold different jurisdictions that directly affect SFV activities. These jurisdictions should be made consistent to a common group of local government offices. 5.4 Micro-policy Approaches Licensing and Taxation Licensing is a strong but not all-encompassing policy tool that can control spatial use; that is either to encourage or to discourage use of a particular location for vending purposes. This is a key issue to address since authorities (traffic police, planners, city engineers) use the argument that street vendors obstruct traffic and create sanitation liabilities as a reason to disrupt street vending or prohibit it altogether. 119 Licensing can also be used to control the kinds of food vendors could sell within any given location. Taxation and fee levies are highly normalized processes under which local officials act on their mandated responsibility. Yet actions such as these are highly dependent on the political culture of the particular city or municipality in question. These actions are also dependent on the rigorousness of the bookkeeping practices of the vendors. Small vendors themselves often do not separate their daily business costs and revenues from their household consumption needs. Furthermore these IS participants are either unskilled in bookkeeping or are unwilling to do so properly so that their responsibilities for tax contributions can be hidden under the guise of ambiguity and messy bookkeeping. Levying taxes or fees against vending operations may work in instances where there are good systems of checks and balances on behalf of both vendors and the appropriate government agencies. Spatial Remedies The use of locational interventions is as much an aesthetic argument as it is one of logistics and management. Relocating SFV activities to designated sites or forcing them to conform to codes of stall height, size and colour will certainly make the streetscape cleaner and attractive. Conceivably it may become an added element of the urban landscape that would enhance tourist trade, much like the way street hawkers in Hong Kong and food fairs in Jakarta have been parlayed into "tourist attractions" for 120 visitors to see "exotic and exciting street life"! However, Metro Manila is not Hong Kong or Singapore - the inspirations, if not models - for some of the provisions found in the draft municipal ordinance on SFV. The rational arrangement of SFV operations on sidewalks and edges of roadways certainly makes sense from the traffic management point of view. On this point few will argue the need to decrease the negative impacts which SFV activities have on public circulation. However, great care must be taken to balance the needs of the vendors to reach their customers and the needs of the city engineers to manage the circulation of people of goods. Services to Vendors - Organizational Support Common niches into which policy can link with the informal sector can include general responses by means of spatial and administrative approaches as well as marketing and organizational incentives. More specifically these can be co-operative ventures between government and/or non-governmental organizations and the vendors themselves. They might embark on projects such as establishing better transport links, access to credit programs, improving working conditions, and creating skills training programs for workers in the informal sector. Independent organizations for street food vending activities should be encouraged. A major weakness in the case study project was that the commitment to the project was highly dependent on the support of politicians and the limited resources 121 of an agency whose participation was only a small fraction of its responsibilities. This independent association of vendors and consumer advocates will represent the livelihood interests of the vendors and consumer safety. Such an independent body would be able to stay active throughout the changes in government office. It would also be able to dedicate time to raising funds for project development such as training workshops. Most importantly, it can play the role of advocate whose goal is to continuously develop and maintain linkages between vendors, other community groups and government. Training Within Local Community Education and increasing awareness will remain one of the best tools in effecting change. The range of training approaches used by the FNRI are creative ways in which to engage vendor participation to learn actively; Activities such as cooking classes, recipe exchanges and role playing games will flesh out perhaps less engaging lectures on food handling practices. Continued upgrading or refreshing the training experience from time to time is also an important way of promoting knowledge retention. If there are difficulties in securing teaching facilities, training activities can take place in public schools when the classrooms are not used in session. In fact, local public schools usually have a canteen which can be used as demonstration kitchens by 122 the vendors in training. In using these facilities for such activities, the utility and value of public property such as schools is further increased. 5.5 Macro-policy Approaches In the wide scope of using policy as a means of rendering informal sector activities to be compatible with urban growth management mandates, a general practical approach may be to encourage "diffused urbanization" (Cheema & Ward, 1993). This would be an extension of the ideas proposed by McGee (1977, 1989), McGee and Drakakis-Smith (1980), and Tinker (1993) whereby the flexible, adaptive manufacturing enterprises and qualities of the informal sector can be encouraged to locate to small peripheral rural towns and large villages. This is largely a spatial and economic planning remedy which involves industrial subcontracting in rural areas or small districts akin to the desakota phenomenon identified by McGee. In this scenario labourers might secure the benefits of economic growth without relocating to the city. However, in the case of street food vendors whereby the critical mass found in cities provide the client base for their income, another approach to planning policy may be necessary. That is to say rather than merely "diffuse" - meaning expansive -urbanization policies should be diverse - meaning possessing inclusive attributes. These remedies may call on co-operative efforts on behalf of the city to streamline garbage collection and traffic flows to accommodate street vending and on behalf of the vendors to uphold agreed upon guidelines. Land use zoning is another tool which 123 when used properly and with forethought to its actual long term effects can be a powerful planning and management tool. In short, while more general policies as they pertain to economic and urbanization development can in the long term affect the informal sector (either positively or negatively depending on the actual performance of the whole economy and how those goods are distributed), the most effective policies or actions pertaining to the street food trade must be devolved by the local government units most directly related to hawker and vendor activities. Education At the global level, both the FAO and the WHO "..urge the creation of consumer organizations to promote a dialogue on food issues, including a commitment to educating the public and governments alike on the variety of ways food can be delivered to the maximum number of people..." (WHO, 1992: 18) Mass media -especially radio - can be used to popularize food safety messages. This would reach both vendors and their customers alike. Increased and equal awareness of the issues by both sides leads to a sort of reinforcing mechanism whereby consumers begin to demand certain standards and the vendors are fully aware of their responsibilities to meet those standards. 124 As a general rule of thumb, education is always a partial solution to any problem. Increased literacy rates will improve opportunities for vendors to undergo training. It will also improve their abilities to engage in the debate in a variety of arenas, such as a task force meeting among trained technicians and politicians. Education must also take place with bureaucrats and other officers of government. For example, creating a greater awareness and increased support for the work of NGOs should be a goal of macro-policy makers. Economists whose driving goal is "growth" must recognize that support for small endeavours like street food activities often does not lead to their growth into restaurants or more "formal" businesses but they nonetheless should be supported. If anything, growth of SFV activities would take place in an amoeba-like fashion where a few more stalls might be opened to provide more employment to family members. For the most part, profits would be invested into the family and therefore a future generation of better prepared or better invested individuals will emerge to participate in the economy. If macro-economic policies better recognized the value in this kind of growth, greater support for development projects by government is likely to follow. Recognition of "Informal Sector" Activities The impetus and financial support for studying the so-called informal sector came from the ILO's search for employment opportunities (Sethuram, 1981). Unfortunately the never-ending debate over the precise definition of the IS has 125 minimized the usefulness of empirical findings. This is especially true of the inadequacies of an appropriate language of discourse. For example, due to the lack of appropriate wording to categorize certain activities, census enumerators, would either miscount or ignore certain activities of the IS thereby nullifying their actual impact on the economy. Yet, depending upon the range of activities included in the definition, Gilbert and Gugler (1992) and Otero (1994) report that the IS share of total employment in developing countries ranges from 40% to 75% ! Surely it is time that governments take action in creating increased awareness and a warmer recognition of activities such as home-sewing or street vending. The legal definition of street vendors in Manila dates back to its original conception in 1924 and it is still used by planners and policy makers today. It is safe to assume that the increased recognition of SFV activities will partly come from the redefinition of its legal entity such that it reflects both the contemporary reality of the urban space, economy and culture of Metro Manila - and any other part of the country for that matter. Women and Credit In many ways, support for women has been traditionally focused on their reproductive capabilities as mother and nurturers. Since women figure.so prominently in street food vending activities, it is important to considers ways in which to 126 maximize their productive capabilities in the economy. Where women are a majority, as is the case in SFV, credit support should always be considered. Women have proven themselves exceptionally good credit risks and are strong candidates for developing cooperative skills needed for social organization. Evidence of this can be seen in the credit programs of the Grameen Bank and SEWA. The mobilization of women in training programs such as those proposed by the FNRI has strong potential for long term benefits. Women perform well in joint learning and sharing environments (such as that required in the role playing activities of FNRI workshops) and they tend to believe or rely on group solidarity more often than men (Moser, 1993). Again, women also tend to be the primary care givers and food preparers in the home. Therefore they may be predisposed to better grasp ideas of health and nutrition in the workshops. In short the role of women as a vehicle in this community health and livelihood intervention project should be seen as an opportunity that efficiently uses both their reproductive and productive skills. 5.6 Future Research Directions Metro Manila is a rapidly urbanizing region. Due to its intense attraction and influence from North American (read U.S.) popular culture, emulation of urban icons like the mushrooming of Kentucky Fried Chicken and McDonald's franchises has already begun. Therefore an important direction for research in the immediate future is to study how the street food culture is being affected by the growth of fast food 127 restaurants. Will SFV activities eventually get snuffed out by tougher competition or will it get snuffed out by unfavourable public policy - or both of the above? If so, how will these changes happen? These are longer term possibilities whose development must be monitored. What is popularly thought of as "the Singapore model" of exacting and wide-sweeping SFV policies will probably not happen in Metro Manila. Simply put, Metro Manila cannot afford the expensive relocation to designated food courts as experienced in Singapore. Furthermore, in Metro Manila there does not exist the same kind of strong political powers of persuasion over which the Singaporean authorities used to bring about such strong compliance to regulatory standards. Some medium between that "Singapore model" and the current state of SFV in Metro Manila may yet emerge. An interesting research direction would be to investigate possibilities for neighbourhood- or barangay- managed street food vending cooperatives whereby the basic regulations of health and safety are set by the municipality but the details of physical and aesthetic entity are determined by the local community. The study of women as economic producers and as educators deserve continued support. As the effects of this support for women in development takes shape, a study into the reactionary roles of men as co-producers in the household and urban economy would also make for an interesting addition to our understanding development issues. 128 The continuation of current research into urban management issues and macro-level social development policies w i l l also further the interests of S F V activities. Given enough time, the trickle down theory should prove to have some, albeit small, effect on development. 5 . 7 Lessons Learned and Concluding Remarks Many lessons can be learned from this research into the street food vending activities of entrepreneurial, hard-working individuals. First, we have shown that street food vending activities are important contributions to the urban food distribution system. Second, the study of how this street foods project was developed was a lesson in identifying the processes necessary in a community extension program: the strategic identification of targets and goals is absolutely necessary. Many of us understand that the creation of institutional linkages within and across communities is a must in the development planning discipline but that many such efforts are thwarted by stronger, previously established institutional inertia. Therefore a further lesson taught by this study is that a great amount of stick-to-itness is vital to the professional longevity of community groups and those who do the work. 129 This research showed that economic value can be found even in the seemingly most marginal of activities like street food vending. In fact the economic value and positive social impacts of this very important urban function have shown that there is indeed development potential if support for it is properly planned. 130 SELECTED READINGS A N D REFERENCES Abdulsallam, M. and Kaferstein, F.K. (1993) Safety ofStreetfoods, World Health Forum, 14. Barros, Bruno (1990) Emerging Rural-Urban Linkages in Extended Metropolitan Areas: The Philippine Case, Regional Development Dialogue, 11 (2). Barth, G.A. (1985) Food Sold on (sic) the Public Ways of Iloilo City, Philippines . Barth, G.A. (1983) Street Food Informal Sector Food Preparation and Marketing, Equity Policy, Iloilo, Philippines. Berger, M. (1989) Giving Women Credit: The Strengths and Limitations of Credit as a Tool for Alleviating Poverty, World Development, 17 (6), pp.1017-1032. Berner, Erhard and Korff, Rudiger (1995) Globalization and Local Resistance: The Creation of Localities in Manila and Bangkok, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19 (2). Bhatt, E. (1989) Toward Empowerment, World Development, 17 (6), pp. 1059-1066. Cheema, S. & Ward, S.{1993>) Urban Management Policies and Innovation in Developing Countries. Praeger, Westport. Chen, M. (1989) A Sectoral Approach to Promoting Women's Work: Lessons from India, World Development, 17 (6), pp.1007-1016. Carino, Ledivina V. (1991) Social Dimensions of Philippine Industrialization, Regional Development Dialogue, 12 (1). de Guzman, Patrocinio E., et al. (1984) Technology in the Service of the People: A Pilot Project in Nutrition Technology Transfer, FRNI, Manila. de Guzman, Patrocinio E., et al. (1987) Street Foods in the Philippines: Health, Nutrition, Management and Livelihood Aspects, Journal of the NDAP. de Guzman, Patrocinio E. (1988) Increasing Capabilities of Street Food Handlers through Training, Expert Consultation on Street Foods (paper presentation), Yogyakarta, Indonesia. de Guzman, Patrocinio E. (1989) Health Aspects Related to Food, Fast Food, Take-Away Food and Instant Food: Philippine Setting, SEAMEO-TROPMED (paper presentation), Jakarta. 131 de Guzman, Patrocinio E. (1994) (Unpublished) The Philippine State-of-the-Art on StreetFoods, Food and Nutrition Research Institute Department of Science and Technology, Manila. de Guzman, Patrocinio E (1994) (Unpublished) Improvement of Street Food Quality and Safety in Selected Schools in the Philippines, Food and Nutrition Research Institute Department of Science and Technology, Manila. Drakakis-Smith, David (1991) Urban Food Distribution in Asia and Africa, Geographical Journal, 157 (1). Dudley, Eric (1993) The Critical Villager, Routledge, London. Ekins, Paul (ed.) (1986) The Living Economy: A New Economics in the Making, Routledge, London. Ekins, Paul (1992) A New World Order: Grassroots Movements for Global Change, Routledge, London. Fields, G.S. (1975) Rural-Urban Migration, Urban Unemployment and Under-employment and Job-Search Activities in LDC's, Journal of Development Economics, 2 (2). Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) (199Q) Assessment of Economic Impact of Street Foods in Penang, Malaysia. Rome: FAO 1992 Street Foods in Asia: Second Regional Workshop, Report of Workshops in Kuala Lampur. Rome: FAO FAO and the World Health Organization (WHO) 1992a Nutrition and Development: A Global Assessment. Background paper for the International Conference on Nutrition, Rome: FAO 1992b Final Report of the Intenational Conference on Nutrition, Rome: FAO (includes World Declaration on Nutrition, Rome: FAO) Food and Nutrition Research Institute (FNRI) (1994J Improvement of Street Foods: January 1992 - March 1994. Report to FAO. Manila: FNRI, Government of the Philippines Getubig, P. & M.K. Shams. (1991) Reaching Out Effectively: Improving the Design, Management and Implementation of Poverty Alleviation Programs. Kuala Lampur, Asian and Pacific Development Centre. Gallardo, Wenresti G. et al. (1995) Rapid Rural Appraisal and Participatory Research in the Philippines, Community Development Journal, 30 (3). Gilbert, Alan, & Joseph Gugler. {\992) Cities, Poverty and Development: Urbanizationin the Third World. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford Univeristy Press 132 Guerrero, Sylvia H. (1975) Hawkers and Vendors in Manila and Baguio, Institute of Social Work and Community Development University of the Philippines System, Quezon City Hardoy, J., S. Cairncross, & D. Satterthwaite., (eds) (1990) The Poor Die Young: Housing and Health in Third World Cities. Earthscan, London Harris, J.R. and M.P.Todaro. (1970) Migration, Unemployment and Development: A Two-Sector Analysis, American Economic Review, 60 (1). Holcombe, Susan (1995) Managing to Empower: The Grameen Bank's Experience in Poverty Alleviation, Zed Books, London. International Life Sciences Institute (ISLI) (1993) Street Foods: Epidemiology Management and Practical Approaches. Conference Proceedings from Beijing, China: Chinese Academy of Preventative Medicine and ISLI in cooperation with FAO and WHO. Jagannathan, N.V (1987) Informal Markets in Developing Countries, Oxford University Press, New York Joshi, Gopal, (1995) Specialists on Small and Medium Enterprise Development, Southeast Asia and the Pacific Multi-Disciplinary Team (SEAPAT), ILO, Geneva. Limqueco, Peter (1990) Industrialization and the Emerging Urban Regional Linkages in Selected ASEAN Countries, Regional Development Dialogue, 11(2). McKee, K. (1989) Microlevel Strategies for Supporting Livelihoods, Employment, and Income Generation of Poor Women, World Development, 17 (2), pp.993-1005. McGee. T.G. (1989) "Urbanization or Kotadesasi? Evolving Patterns of Urbanization", in Costa, FJ . et al. Urbanization in Asia, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. McGee, T.G. Ward, R.G. and Drakakis-Smith, David, (1980) Food Distribution in New Hebrides, Monograph, 28. McGee, T.G. (1978) "An Invitation to the 'Ball': Dress Formal or Informal?" in P.J. Rimmer (ed), Food, Shelter and Transport in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Australian National University, Canberra. McGee, T.G. and Yeung, Y-M, (1977) Hawkers in Southeast Asian Cities. Ottawa, IRDC. Mcleod, S and McGee, T.G. (1990) "The Last Frontier: the Emergence of the Industrial Palate in Hong Kong." in Drakakis-Smith, David (ed.) Economic Growth and Urbanization in the Third World, Routledge, London. McCusker, Marie (1993) The Philippine Experience - Building a Health Movement, Community Development Journal, 28 (3). Miraftab, Faranak. (1994) (Re)production at Home: Reconceptualizing Home and Family, Journal of Family Issues 15 (3) pp. 467-489. 133 Moser, Caroline (1989) Gender Planning in the Third World, World Development, 17 (11), pp.1799-1825. Moser, Caroline, (1993) Gender Planning and Development: Therory, Practice and Training. Routledge, London. Moser, Caroline, (1993) Women, Gender and Urban Development Policy: Challenges for Current and Future Research, Third World Planning Review, 17 (2), pp.223-236. Nakanishi, Toru (1990) The Market in the Urban Informal Sector: A Case Study in Metro Manila, the Philippines, The Journal of Institute of Developing Economies, 28 (3). National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) various years. Philippine Statistical Yearbook. Manila: NEDA Nguiagain, T. (1986) Trends and Patterns of Internal Migration in the Philippines: 1970-1980, University of the Philippines, Discussion Paper No. 8606. OECD, (1993) New Directions in Donor Assistance to Microenterprises, OECD. Otero, Maria. (1990) A Handful of Rice: Savings Mobilization by Micr-enterprise Programs and Perspectives for the Future. Monograph Series No. 3 Washington D.C., Action International Peattie, L.R. (1980) Anthropological Perspectives on the Concepts of Dualism, the Informal Sector and Marginality in Developing Urban Economies, International Regional Science Review, 5 (1) pp.1-31. Perdigon, Grace P (1984) A More Comprehensive Study of the Prevailing Conditions and Services of Carinderias in Metro Manila. University of the Philippines, Quezon City. Rimmer, P.J., D.W. Drakakis-Smith, & T.G. McGee, (eds) (197&V Food, Shelter and Transport in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Rose, Kalima (1992) Where Women are Leaders, The SEWA Movement in India, Vistaar Publications, New Delhi. Sahley, Caroline M (1995) NGO Support for Small Business Associations: A Participatory Approach to Enterprise Development, Community Development Journal, 30 (1), pp.56-65. Santiago, Asteya M. (1989) Subdivision-Based Approach to Central Business and Commercial District Development - The Case ofMakati, Metro Manila, Regional Development Dialogue, 10 (4). 134 S e t h u r a m a n , S . V . (ed.) (1981) The Urban Informal Sector in Developing Countries: Employment, Poverty and Environment, In ternat ional L a b o u r O f f i c e , G e n e v a . T a k a h a s h i , A. (1982) Agrarian Change and Population Mobility in Rural Philippines, C o n f e r e n c e o n U r b a n i z a t i o n Processes a n d P o l i t i c s (paper presentat ion) , C h i c a g o . T h o m a s , J J . (1992) Informal Economic Activity, Harvester/Wheatsheaf , N e w Y o r k . T i d a l g o , R . P . a n d E s g u e r r a , E . F . (1984) Philippine Employment in the Seventies, P h i l i p p i n e Inst itute f o r D e v e l o p m e n t S tud ies , M a n i l a . • • T i n k e r , I. (1993) " W o m e n a n d Shel ter : C o m b i n i n g W o m e n ' s R o l e s , " in Women at the Center: Development Issues and Practices for the 1990s, Y o u n g , G . , S a m a r a s i n g h e , V . a n d Kurs te re r , K . (eds), W e s t H a r t f o r d : K u m a r i a n Press . T i n k e r , I. (1987) The Case for Legalizing Street Food., i n C E R E S , 2 0 (5). U n i t e d N a t i o n s (1991) The World's Women 1970-1990, Trends and Statistics. U n i t e d N a t i o n s , N e w Y o r k . V i s a r i a , P r a v i n a n d J e e m o l U n n i (eds.) (1992,) Self-Employed Women, Population and Human Resource Development, G u j u r a t Inst itute of D e v e l o p m e n t R e s e a r c h , A h m e d a b a d . W i e r i n g a , S a s k i a (1994) Women's Interests and Empowerment: Gender Planning Reconsidered, D e v e l o p m e n t a n d C h a n g e , 2 5 , p p . 8 2 9 - 8 4 8 . W o r l d B a n k (1990) World Development Report 1990, O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press , N e w Y o r k . Y u , S a n d r a (1994) Supporting the Informal Sector ( M o n o g r a p h ) , Institute on C h u r c h and S o c i a l S c i e n c e s , M a n i l a 135 Appendix I Survey / Response Key (Quezon City and Metro-Wide) Note: Quezon City = First Table of Each Set Metro Manila = Second Table of Each Set * = Significant Difference btw. QC & MM A . P E R S O N A L I N F O R M A T I O N O F T H E V E N D O R 1. NAME 2. ADDRESS 3. SEX OF THE VENDOR 1 Male Female 15 87 15 85 Male 29 29 Female 71 71 4. DISTRIBUTION OF VENDORS BY AGE GROUP < 20yrs 5 21-30 23 23 31-40 32 31 41-50 26 25 51-60 14 14 >61 2 2 < 20yrs 11 11 21-30 17 17 31-40 23 23 41-50 24 24 51-60 21 21 >61 4 4 STATISTICS ON AGE OF VENDORS IN QUEZON CITY ALONE 38.3 '" ' r i 0 2 V 1 1 . 8 ~ " Minium 15 63 136 5. LENGTH OF RESIDENCY IN QUEZON CITY 6. CIVIL STATUS OF VENDORS Length o f r e s i d e n c y in QC F r c q u c n c ) , fflflBHl < 1 yr 8 8 2-3 17 17 4-5 69 67 > 5 7 7 No Response 1 1 < 1 yr 2-3 4-5 N/A > 5 No Response Single 17 17 Married 70 68 Widow/Widower 4 4 Divorced/Separated 10 10 Others (live-in) 1 1 Civ il S l a t u s Frct]ucnc\ Percent Single 19 19 Married 65 65 Widow/Widower 10 10 Divorced/Separated 6 6 Others (live-in) — — STATISTICS ON VENDORS' LENGTH OF RESIDENCY IN QUEZON CITY 7. RELIGION OF VENDORS Roman Catholic Protestant Iglesia ni Kristo Others 89 87 Roman Catholic 92 92 Protestant 1 1 Iglesia ni Kristo — — Others 7 7 137 8. LENGTH OF SCHOOLING OF VENDORS g l l i o f S c h o o l i n g K m requeue None 1 1 1-3 yrs 5 5 4-6 yrs 28 27 7-10 yrs 45 44 11 years or more 23 23 None 4 4 1-3 yrs 5 5 4-6 yrs 38 38 7-10 yrs 38 38 11 years or more 15 15 9. HOUSEHOLD SIZE OF VENDORS < 3 members 19 19 4-6 49 48 7-9 24 23 10-12 8 8 > 13 2 2 < 3 members 11 11 4-6 52 52 7-9 29 29 10-12 5 5 > 13 3 3 STATISTIC ON HOUSEHOLD SIZE IN QUEZON CITY ALONE 1 5.9 102 2.9 1.0 19.0 10. NUMBER OF CHILDREN 0-1 12 12 2-3 55 54 4-5 23 22 6-7 9 9 >8 3 3 "•"rfflffffiB 0-1 15 15 2-3 48 48 4-5 21 21 6-7 11 11 >8 5 5 138 B. V E N D O R I N F O R M A T I O N R E L A T E D T O S T R E E T F O O D V E N D I N G / E M P L O Y M E N T 2. DISTRIBUTION OF VENDORS BY YEARS OF STREET FOOD VENDING EXPERIENCE I. CATEGORY OF VENDOR * Vendor 10 10 Owner-Vendor 42 41 Vendor-Preparer 6 6 Owner-Vendor-Preparer 37 36 Others (cashier, manager) 7 7 Vendor 9 9 Owner-Vendor 32 32 Vendor-Preparer 17 17 Owner-Vendor-Preparer 39 39 Others (cashier, manager) 3 3 < 5 years 46 45 6-8 8 8 9-11 25 24 12-14 8 8 > 15 15 15 cars ot Experience < 5 years 51 51 6-8 13 13 9-11 16 16 12-14 10 10 > 15 10 10 STATISTICS OF VENDORS EXPERIENCE IN STREET FOOD VENDING IN QUEZON CITY ALONE - a l l i u m 139 3. FORMER EMPLOYMENT Frcqucncx Percent Labourer 25 Domestic Worker 12 12 Vendor (non-food) 38 37 Other Service 8 7 Driver 2 2 Farmer 3 3 Previously No Work 14 14 IBKk . " iriwiTrrfflb Labourer 26 26 Domestic Worker 5 5 Vendor (non-food) 56 56 Other Service 11 11 Driver — — Farmer — — Previously No Work 2 2 4. Do MEMBERS OF YOUR FAMILY PARTICIPATE (HELP SELL OR PREPARE) IN THE / A STREET FOOD BUSINESS? * lifflWHirav " Yes 57 56 No 49 44 _ Yes 36 36 No 64 64 IF YES, PLEASE IDENTIFY. * Frequence (of 57) Percent Children 33 57 Parents 9 16 Other Relatives 15 27 Children 22 61 Parents 2 2 Other Relatives 12 33 5. ASIDE FROM THIS SITE D O YOU GAIN EARNINGS FROM OTHER STREET FOOD RELATED OCCUPATIONS? (OTHER STALLS, WORK AT ANOTHER STALL FOR SAME OWNER). Frequency Yes 36 35 No 66 65 mmmm- S B a M Yes 44 44 No 56 56 140 6. DO YOU CURRENTLY MAKE ANY EARNINGS FROM AN OCCUPATION NOT RELATED TO STREET FOOD VENDING? Yes 55 54 No 47 46 I*'reqiieiK'\ Percent Yes 59 59 No 41 41 IF YES, WHAT ELSE DO YOU DO? m - , , . obn iBi i i iB"-nm Labourer 22 40 Other Sales 29 53 Driver 1 2 Recycling 3 5 Labourer 36 36 Other Sales 23 23 Driver — Recycling 7. DOES YOUR HOUSEHOLD HAVE ANY OTHER SOURCE OF INCOME ? ( BESIDES YOURS, SFV-RELATED OR NOT). nwwww Yes 58 57 No 44 43 l-'miiiencx Percent Yes 49 49 No 51 51 c. O P E R A T I O N A L I N F O R M A T I O N ON STREET F O O D BUSINESSES. I . DISTRIBUTION OF VENDING BUSINESSES BY METHOD OF VENDING MWIITfflHUWWrrrn, Mobile/Walking 17 16 In (Push) Cart 6 6 Semi-Permanent 5 5 Permanent 68 67 Floor Display 3 3 Combination 3 3 mmmm V M | | P M | llliSiSiJMii Mobile/Walking 18 18 In (Push) Cart 21 21 Semi-Permanent 10 10 Permanent 32 32 Floor Display 10 10 Combination 9 9 141 2. HOW MANY DAYS A WEEK IS THIS OPERATION OPEN FOR BUSINESS? * 4. DISTRIBUTION OF VENDORS BY MODE OF TRANSPORTATION TO WORK AND BY SEX (WorkyPpcration Periods Frequency Percent Mode of Transportation Male : Female Everyday 6 6 Transit 6 50 Monday to Saturday 7 7 Own Transport (family tricycle/jeep) 2 17 Monday to Friday 87 85 Given a ride 2 6 Others (3x a week, 2 2 Others 4 6 no specific day) Combination 1 8 (Work) Operation Periods Frequency Mode of Transportation Male Female Everyday 69 69 Transit 12 59 Monday to Saturday 2 2 Own Transport (family tricycle/jeep) 3 2 Monday to Friday 11 11 Given a ride 1 3 Others (3x/day, variable) 18 18 Others 4 2 Combination 9 5 3. APPROXIMATE SIZE OF STALL OR CART. Approximate Size Frequeue)' Percent 5. TRAVEL TIME NEEDED BETWEEN HOME AND VENDING SITE < lsq. metre 35 34 IMj^TIfiTD® 1 sq. metre 20 20 2-3 sq. metres 26 25 Less than 1 hour 97 97 4-6 sq. metres 5 5 1-2 hours 5 4 > 7 sq. metres 16 16 More than 2 hours - 1 Approximate Size , Frequent) percent, < lsq. metre 42 42 1 sq. metre 31 31 2-3 sq. metres 26 26 4-6 sq. metres 1 1 > 7 sq. metres — — : ' - ' r fMsafflt^Bufe ."=" Less than 1 hour 63 63 1-2 hours 26 26 More than 2 hours 11 11 142 6. DISTRIBUTION OF VENDORS BY NUMBER OF HOURS WORKED AND BY SEX • .... . i l i . i Frequency Percent 1 requeues Percent 0-4 hours 2 .13 24 28 5-8 8 53 25 29 9-10 4 27 23 26 11-13 1 7 13 15 14 or more - 0 2 2 "'will ? - f ' J i i l f f ^---"-j ; ^ - H - - ' Hf| .•: - 5 -Frequency Percent Frequency Percent 0-4 hours — — 4 6 5-8 9 31 10 14 9-10 12 41 41 58 11-13 6 21 9 12 14 or more 2 7 7 10 7. MOSTLY WHAT TYPE OF CLIENTELE? * Customers Frequency Percent Students 8 8 Labourers 10 10 Office Workers 69 69 Drivers 15 15 Others 0 0 Students 19 19 Labourers 43 43 Office Workers 11 11 Drivers 2 . 2 Others 25 25 8. TYPE OF FOOD SOLD. I l e q u c n c ) P e r c e n t Snacks only 16 16 Beverages only 18 18 Meals only 34 33 Combination 34 33 Snacks only 32 32 Beverages only 11 11 Meals only 24 24 Combination 33 33 143 9. FREQUENCY OF PURCHASE OF FOODS SOLD / MARKETING DAYS 10. MODE OF PAYMENT FOR FOOD / RAW MATERIALS (INGREDIENTS) Frequency of Purchase ; .Frequency Percent Everyday 89 87 Two Times a Day 3 3 Every Other Day 4 4 Every Week 3 3 Three Times a Week 1 1 Varied 2 2 Frequency of Purchase Frequency Percent Everyday 79 79 Two Times a Day 1 1 Every Other Day 13 13 Every Week 3 3 Three Times a Week — — Varied 4 4 Cash 57 56 Credit 2 2 Cash and Credit 13 12 Consignment 11 11 Cash and Consignment 14 14 Credit and Consignment 1 1 Varied 4 4 iaMiiirihnUfe Cash 35 35 Credit 23 23 Cash and Credit 10 10 Consignment 21 21 Cash and Consignment 4 4 Credit and Consignment — — Varied 7 7 144 11. SOURCE OF CAPITAL FOR VENDING BUSINESS 13. AVERAGE PROFITS PER DAY * Self 43 42 Creditor 30 30 Others (consignment / co-op) 12 12 Combination 14 13 No response / Don't Know 3 3 Source of Capital Frcqucim Percent Self 29 29 Creditor 40 40 Others.(consignment / co-op) 11 11 Combination 18 18 No response / Don't Know 2 2 Male Female Less than P 100.00 14 P 100.00-300.00 9 41 P 301.00-600.00 1 20 P 601.00-800.00 — 3 More than 800.00 1 9 l a b r s r O f f i i Less than P 100.00 7 21 P 100.00-300.00 6 33 P 301.00-600.00 14 13 P 601.00-800.00 1 3 More than 800.00 1 1 12. DISTRIBUTION BY DAILY CAPITAL COST AND BY SEX * Male (of 15) < P 100.00 1 7 P 100.00 - 300.00 2 11 P 301.00 -600.00 6 16 > 600.00 6 53 Male (of 29) - mmfemtm < P 100.00 2 9 P 100.00 - 300.00 6 23 P 301.00-600.00 19 30 > 600.00 2 9 145 D. A T T I T U D I N A L A N D O R G A N I Z A T I O N A L I N F O R M A T I O N 1. WHY ARE YOU IN THE STREET FOOD TRADE? mmm . •' • • " Profitability 77 75 Ease of Entry into trade 90 88 Flexibility of hours 81 80 Flexibility of location 95 93 In the family 46 45 Other Reasons (just trying it out/ nothing else to do/just happened) 8 9 MB®- - . ' , O s t e i t e ? Profitability 41 41 Ease of Entry into trade 93 93 Flexibility of hours 89 89 Flexibility of location 91 91 In the family 11 11 Other Reasons (just trying it out/ 32 32 nothing else to do/just happened) 2. ARE YOU AWARE OF ANY CO-OPERATIVE OR TRADE ASSOCIATION FOR STREET FOOD VENDORS? Yes No 15 87 15 85 Yes 6 6 No 94 94 3. DO YOU BELONG TO ANY STREET FOOD VENDOR ASSOCIATION? * Yes 7 7 No 95 93 Yes — — No 100 100 YES. REASON Referred by a friend 2 29 Needed help 7 100 I am the president of the association 1 14 Referred by a friend Needed help I am the president of the association N/A 146 No. PLEASE EXPLAIN iffjfcriTn : HUBS?. iaiWIffll Did not think of it 82 86 Did not know of one 88 92 Did not want to 6 6 Did not think of it 94 94 Did not know of one 91 91 Did not want to — — 4. WHAT DO YOU THINK MAY BE SOME ADVANTAGES TO MEMBERSHIP OR WHAT WOULD YOU LOOK FOR? 5. WHAT DO YOU THINK MAY BE SOME DISADVANTAGES TO MEMBERSHIP? [RBHSSSft Hassle 83 81 No reason / no point 66 65 It might cost money 62 61 Police / Officials might get suspicious 31 30 JMMMIgmtf mmam Hassle 79 79 No reason / no point 87 87 It might cost money 77 77 Police / Officials might get suspicious 19 19 •JUPfrltrea .. JlfggrTrffiWIMWWIiYc Help/Support 17 17 Protection 56 55 Credit 30 30 Others 21 21 Help/Support 69 69 Protection 42 42 Credit 57 57 Others 3 3 6. WOULD YOU JOIN A SFVS ORGANIZATION (CO-OP, WORKSHOP GROUP) IF INVITED? . I%i$!t!BPl& Yes 16 16 No 54 53 Indifferent 32 31 Yes 10 10 No 37 37 Indifferent 53 53 147 7. ARE YOU AWARE OF ANY POLICIES GOVERNING THE STREET FOOD BUSINESS? K req ti c ucv 1' v rce n 1 Yes 52 51 No 50 49 Yes 31 31 No 69 69 8. WHAT DO YOU THINK ABOUT A STREET FOOD POLICY IF THERE WAS ONE? " r fenm No one cares 33 32 It is bad / too tough 46 45 Maybe it will be good 20 20 Don't know 3 3 No one cares 35 35 It is bad / too tough 39 39 Maybe it will be good 7 . 7 ; ; Don't know 19 19 9. DOES THIS OPERATION HAVE A PERMIT? * Yes 61 60 No 41 40 Yes 36 36 No 64 64 10. WHAT DO YOU HAVE TO DO TO GET ONE? Pay for it 61 100 Health certificate 39 60 Pay for it 36 100 Health certificate 17 47 148 E. RESPONSES O N I N F R A S T R U C T U R E I N S T R E E T F O O D T R A D E 3. WHERE DO YOU GET YOUR WATER? 1. DO YOU REQUIRE WATER THROUGHOUT THE DAY FOR THE PURPOSE OF OPERATING THIS BUSINESS? Yes 71 70 N o - N / A 31 30 I—— .fsbsnBoir. — m Yes 66 66 No - N/A 34 34 At Vending Site 25 25 From Home 30 29 Delivered 4 4 Combination 2 2 Others 10 10 Not Applicable 31 30 At Vending Site i i 11 From Home 29 29 Delivered 8 8 Combination 8 8 Others 10 10 Not Applicable 34 34 2. WHAT USES DO YOU HAVE FOR THE WATER? * • t o MHHfrfl-Cooking 65 64 Cleaning 42 41 Drinking (mixed drinks, customers 27 26 m®. • Cooking 30 30 Cleaning 27 27 Drinking (mixed drinks, customers) 48 48 4. WHERE DO YOU DISPOSE YOUR GARBAGE? g.gJlYilM'J'l Leave where it is • Bionimiimy : . 2 0 . Ij^ UGggjlMH 20 Garbage receptacle " 82 80 Location hrcquciic\ Percent Leave where it is 41 41 Garbage receptacle 59 59 149 5. IF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT WERE TO PROVIDE SOME KIND OF INFRASTRUCTURE OR SERVICE, WHAT DO YOU FEEL IS IMPORTANT TO HAVE? - • " • - - • More water taps 97 95 More garbage receptacles 83 81 Pick up garbage 38 37 Washroom 0 0 More water taps 67 67 More garbage receptacles 42 42 Pick up garbage 41 41 Washroom — — 7. LOCATION OF VENDING STALL / CART / OR CIRCUIT OF AMBULANT VENDOR. * jnomimi m h r p J | ^ H | On sidewalk or sidewalk 21 21 In another wise empty lot 38 37 In parking lot 20 20 Everywhere around this neighbourhood 23 22 JlfiTOlm - - l'"miuciie\ Percent On sidewalk or sidewalk 49 49 In another wise empty lot 5 5 In parking lot 17 17 Everywhere around this neighbourhood 29 29 6. IF THE GOVERNMENT WERE TO HELP WITH THE INFRASTRUCTURE OR SERVICE, WOULD YOU BE WILLING TO PAY FOR IT? Yes 47 46 No 17 17 Maybe 38 37 ' Yes 31 •ESSPEG. 31 No 29 29 Maybe 40 40 150 Appendix II CONSUMER D E M A N D A N D PREFERENCE FOR STREET FOODS Quezon City = 25 Respondents Metro - Wide = 25 Respondents 1. Main Reason for Purchase of Street Food Stated Reason Quezon City Metro -Wide Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Cheap Price 12 52 18 32 Convenience 10 40 5 20 Preference 3 12 2 8 2. Would you Consider Your Purchase / Money Spent on Street Foods a Significant Part of Your Resources? Response Quezon City Metro -Wide Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Yes 3 12 15 60 No 20 80 6 24 Can't Say/No Response 2 8 4 16 3. What is the Main Reason for Your Purchase of Street'Foods? Stated Reason Quezon City Metro -Wide Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Snack 2 8 9 36 Meal 16 64 9 36 Varies 7 24 7 28 4. What Are Your Thoughts About Street Foods and Health? Response Quezon City Metro - Wide Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Somewhat Concerned 7 28 3 12 No Concerns 11 44 12 48 No Response 7 28 10 40 5. Would You Like to See Any Changes in Street Foods Vending? What? Stated Reason Quezon City Metro - Wide Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Cleaner 15 60 18 72 More Space / Sitting Area 3 12 1 4 No Response 7 28 . 6 24 6. How Often do You Eat Street Foods? Stated Reason Quezon City Metro - Wide Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Daily 20 80 16 64 Occasionally 3 . \ . 12 3 12 Not Often 2 • \ 8 6 24 Appendix III Quezon City Municipal Task Force on Street Foods Vending Members of Task Force Represented the Following Offices: • Office of the Vice-Mayor, Secretary • Office of the Vice-Mayor, Assistant Secretary • City Engineer Chief Engineer Staff • Department of Planning Chief Planner Zoning and Development Secretary Head of Economic Development Head of Social Development • Quezon City Council Chair on the Committee for Cultural Affairs and Tourism Chair on the Committee for Health • Clean and Green Task Force Staff • Central Police Command District Director Staff • Federation of Public Market and Vendors Association President • City Inspections Division Staff 152 Appendix FV SCENES OF STREET F O O D V E N D I N G ACTIVITIES a. Lunch dishes displayed in covered plastic shelf 153 d. A "permanent" food stall that is set up in the same location every morning g. A congregation of food stalls and afternoon snackers outside Quezon City Hall h. A food cart purchased through low-interest loans financed through BLDANI - FNRI Street Foods Improvement Project 155 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0088116/manifest

Comment

Related Items