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Imaging the body politics : the social and symbolic spaces of citizenship in Maxwell’s History of the… Mewburn, Charity Elizabeth 1996

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IMAGING THE BODY POLITIC: THE SOCIAL AND SYMBOLIC SPACES OF CITIZENSHIP IN MAXWELL'S HISTORY OF THE IRISH REBELLION by CHARITY ELIZABETH MEWBURN B.A.,The University of B r i t i s h Columbia,1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1996 © Charity Mewburn, 1996 i i ABSTRACT This t h e s i s examines a p a r t i c u l a r and highly contested representation of Irishness i n r e l a t i o n to the national p o l i t y that c i r c u l a t e d i n mid-nineteenth century B r i t a i n and continued to enjoy currency through altered readings during the remainder of the century. The focus for t h i s study i s William Hamilton Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798: with Memoirs of the Union and Emmett's Insurrection i n 1803. Issued i n s e r i a l form beginning i n 1844, with i l l u s t r a t i o n s by a r t i s t and c a r i c a t u r i s t George Cruikshank, the work was published as a bound volume i n 1845. The partnership on t h i s p r o j e c t of a popular w r i t e r known p r i m a r i l y f o r the p u b l i c a t i o n of gentlemen's adventures and amateur histories of B r i t i s h m i l i t a r y e x p l o i t s i n the Napoleonic Wars, together with the a r t i s t Cruikshank, the celebrated London i l l u s t r a t o r of, among other works, Charles Dickens' O l i v e r Twist, suggests an unusual approach to the representation of so-called "serious" history. This thesis explores the complex set of factors that gave the History of the I r i s h Rebellion i t s p a r t i c u l a r verbal and v i s u a l form. These include: the innovative and unconventional publishing and marketing strategies associated with the i n i t i a l i s s u i n g of the work as an i l l u s t r a t e d s e r i a l ; mid-century debates over predominantly Catholic I r i s h c a l l s f o r repeal of the Union forged i n 1800 between Ireland and B r i t a i n ; and current anxieties about working-class agitation around issues of representation and franchise. In particular, t h i s study i i i focusses on Cruikshank's twenty-one i l l u s t r a t i o n s for Maxwell's work, assessing t h e i r r h e t o r i c a l strategies both i n r e l a t i o n to the text's concern with Ireland, both h i s t o r i c a l l y and i n the present, and c r u c i a l l y , with these images' more su b t l e evocations of p o l i t i c a l concerns within B r i t a i n i t s e l f i n the mid-1840's. I argue that by representing the I r i s h C a t h o l i c peasant as h i s t o r i c v i o l a t o r of the B r i t i s h s o c i a l body, Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s , together with the text, worked to construct a p a r t i c u l a r image of responsible c i t i z e n s h i p , one that asserted the p a t r i a r c h a l and c l a s s e d values deemed essential to the modern nation state. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents i v L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i o n s v Acknowledgements v i i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE: DEBATING THE SOCIAL BODY: THE MID-19TH 9 CENTURY "IRISH QUESTION" 1. The " I r i s h Question" and the C r i s i s 10 to Nation and I d e n t i t y 2. Race, E t h n i c i t y , and Theories of 22 Progress and C i v i l i z a t i o n CHAPTER TWO: THE HISTORICAL FORM: THE CONTESTED FIELD 31 CHAPTER THREE: NEW MEDIA FORMS, SERIAL PUBLICATION, AND 47 THE FICTIONS OF THE ILLUSTRATOR 1. History, F i c t i o n , and the I l l u s t r a t e d 48 Format 2. Cruikshank, F i c t i o n , and the I l l u s t r a t i o n 52 3. The Role of the A r t i s t / I l l u s t r a t o r 57 CHAPTER FOUR: THE VISUAL INTERVENTION: THE SOCIAL AND 66 SYMBOLIC SPACES OF CITIZENSHIP 1. The Spaces of P r i v a t e Domesticity and 72 the Structures of Pub l i c C i t i z e n s h i p 2. The Pub l i c and Commercial Spaces of the 79 Nation 3. P u b l i c Bodies and Pub l i c I n s t i t u t i o n s : 83 Imaging C i t i z e n s h i p and the State CONCLUSION. -97 Bibliography 99 I l l u s t r a t i o n s 108 V LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure page 1. Comparison of an Irishman with a t e r r i e r dog 26 2. "Oliver's Reception by Fagin and the Boys" 55 3. "Elizabeth Confronted with Wyat i n the Torture Chamber" 59 4. "Marquis Cornwallis, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland" 67 5. "The Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald" 72 6. "Emmett Preparing for the Insurrection" 72 7. "Rebels Destroying a House and Furniture" 74 8. "Carousal and Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Ferns" 74 9. "An Election Entertainment" 75 10. "The Rev'd Mr. McGhee's House Successfully Defended Against the Rebels" 75 11. "Murder of George Crawford and his Granddaughter" 77 12. The Rape of the Sabines 78 13. The Intervention of the Sabines 78 14. "The Loyal L i t t l e Drummer" 78 15. "Father Murphy and the Heretic Bullets" 80 16. "Battle of Ross, 'Come On Boys Her Mouth's S t o p f " 81 17. "The Rebels Executing Their Prisoners on the Bridge at Wexford" 81 18. "The Capture of Colclough and Harvey" 83 19. "Massacre at Scullabogue" 85 20. "Surprise of the Barrack of Prosperous" 85 21. "Murder of Lord Kilwarden" 85 22. "Stoppage of the Mail and Murder of Lieut. Giffard" 86 v i 2 3 . "Destruction of the Church at Enniscorthy" 86 2 4 . "The Camp on Vinegar H i l l " 86 2 5 . "Heroic Conduct of the Highland Sentinel" 87 2 6 . "The Rebels Storming 'The Turret' at L i e u t . T y r r e l l ' s " 88 2 7 . "Attack on Captain Chamney's House" 88 2 8 . "Defeat of the Rebels at Vinegar H i l l " 89 2 9 . The Third of Mav. 1808 95 v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe a great debt of gratitude to my f i r s t reader, Professor Maureen Ryan, for her u n f a i l i n g support throughout the production of t h i s thesis. Her challenging perspectives on 19th-century s t u d i e s have s i g n i f i c a n t l y broadened my methodological approach to the analysis of v i s u a l material and to the writing of history. I t i s an understatement to say that I greatly appreciate Professor John O'Brian's i n t e r e s t i n and s e n s i t i v i t y to the issues within and surrounding the writing of t h i s work. I want to acknowledge his encouragement over the l a s t few years i n the course of my M.A. programme. There are two others who have been of special significance to my experience i n the graduate programme at U.B.C. I want to thank J e n n i f e r C u l l e n f o r her humour, gen e r o s i t y , and friendship. Her special perspective has restored equilibrium i n moments of chaos. And I want to thank Lynn Ruscheinsky, colleague and valued f r i e n d , for the i n s p i r a t i o n of her c l a r i t y and purposefulness, and for the emotional and material support of what I consider a rare friendship. INTRODUCTION In i t s November 18, 1843 issue the I l l u s t r a t e d London News advertised a forthcoming l i t e r a r y production, 1 the History of the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798. with Memoirs of the Union, and Emmett's In s u r r e c t i o n i n 1803. 2 This work was to be a c o l l a b o r a t i v e p r o j e c t i n v o l v i n g William Hamilton Maxwell, a popular w r i t e r known primarily for his publication of gentleman's adventures and amateur h i s t o r i e s of the B r i t i s h i n the Napoleonic Wars, and George Cruikshank, the former p o l i t i c a l s a t i r i s t and now premier London i l l u s t r a t o r . Two other works by Maxwell simultaneously offered i n the I l l u s t r a t e d London News underlined the author's i n t e r e s t i n B r i t a i n and i t s m i l i t a r y conquests: these were Wanderings i n the Highlands and Islands. 3 a sequel to an e a r l i e r m i l i t a r y and sporting novel set i n Scotland, and the L i f e of the Duke of Wellington, a three-volume account of the m i l i t a r y career of Maxwell's celebrated fellow Anglo-Irish compatriot. George Cruikshank, Maxwell's partner i n the H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798. while known f o r h i s v i s u a l s a t i r e s on contemporary p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n the early part of the century, 4 was also known i n the l i t e r a r y world for his i l l u s t r a t i o n s for both Charles Dicken's novel Oliver Twist, which was s e r i a l i z e d through 1 I l l u s t r a t e d London News. 18 Nov. 1843: 334. 2 The f i r s t e d i t i o n of the bound, completed work was published i n London by B a i l y Brothers i n 1845. The National Union Catalogue; Pre 1956 Imprints, v o l . 371 (Mansell, 1975) 235, c i t e s another p u b l i c a t i o n of the same t i t l e i n London i n 1845 by George B e l l . 3 A b r i e f preliminary review of Maxwell's Wanderings i n the Highlands and Islands apppears i n the I l u s t r a t e d London News. 30 Dec. 1843: 426. The work i s described as " s p i r i t e d " and "clever" i n the manner of Maxwell's "Stories of Waterloo" and readers are promised a proper review i n the near future "to give ... a spice [ s i c ] of i t s q u a l i t y " . 4 John Wardroper, The Caricatures of George Cruikshank (Boston: David R. Godine, 1978) passim. See also Cruikshank 1s independently authored works of c a r i c a t u r e : Comick Almanack (London: 1834-52), the Loving B a l l a d of Lord Bateman (London: 1839), and the Bachelor's Own Book (London:1844). 1837-8, and the revived popular editions of S i r Walter Scott's works of h i s t o r i c a l f i c t i o n , the Waverley Novels, produced between 1836 and 1838. 5 While Cruikshank and Maxwell were not strangers — they had been f e l l o w c o n t r i b u t o r s to the popular l i t e r a r y j o u r n a l , Bentley's Miscellany, i n the late t h i r t i e s and early f o r t i e s 6 — t h e i r collaboration on the History of the I r i s h Rebellion was i n some senses an anomaly i n both thematic and formal terms. When i t was f i r s t advertised i n 1843, the work was promised by i t s London publishers, A.H. Baily and Co., i n the form of i l l u s t r a t e d s e r i a l i n s t a l l m e n t s over a one-year p e r i o d , 7 an unusual publication strategy for an ostensibly "serious" work of history, which would t y p i c a l l y be published i n single or multiple-volume form. 8 Indeed, i l l u s t r a t e d s e r i a l i z a t i o n was a recent media phenomenon and, since i t s development only six years e a r l i e r , had been associated primarily with f i c t i o n a l works. This thesis investigates the significance of an i l l u s t r a t e d format to the genre of h i s t o r i c a l p u b l i c a t i o n by exploring the complex re l a t i o n s between Maxwell's written narrative concerning the 1798 u p r i s i n g against B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l domination, and the v i s u a l narrative effected by Cruickshank 1s twenty-one etched and signed plates with which i t was embellished. 5 Michael Wynn-Jones, George Cruikshank: His L i f e and London (London: Macmillan, 1978) 63. 6 See "Bentley's Miscellany, 1837-1868," Wellesley Index to V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d i c a l s , Walter E. Houghton, ed., vol.8 (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1987) 5-14, 529, 841. 7 This allowed the publishers to increase sales by undercutting the c i r c u l a t i n g l i b r a r i e s . See Richard D. A t l i c k , The English Common Reader (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1957) 279-280. 8 A d v e r t i s i n g would have helped to reduce the costs and r i s k s of p u b l i c a t i o n even further — something of which not a l l conventional "serious" h i s t o r i e s could a v a i l themselves. Instead many were published by sub s c r i p t i o n . When f i r s t published at mid-century the History of the I r i s h Rebellion was a highly polemical work. In both i t s s e r i a l and bound forms, Maxwell's narrative set out to describe i n ostensibly objective terms, the events of the Rebellion of 1798 which had challenged B r i t i s h authority i n Ireland two generations e a r l i e r . The t e x t opens with a d e s c r i p t i o n of the years immediately preceding the R e b e l l i o n , f o c u s s i n g on the c o n s p i r a t o r i a l schemes of the United Irishmen, leaders of the r e b e l cause. Maxwell then traces out the r e b e l s ' c a r e f u l c u l t i v a t i o n of B r i t a i n ' s enemies, p a r t i c u l a r l y France, which re s u l t e d i n an unsuccessful French attempt at an invasion of Ireland i n 1796. Maxwell's des c r i p t i o n of the Rebellion i t s e l f begins with the f i r s t of the organized rebel uprisings i n Dublin and the town of Prosperous i n May, 1798, and moves to accounts of rebel c r u e l t y i n Kildare and m i l i t a r y confrontations and rebel a t r o c i t i e s i n Wexford and other insurrectionary counties. The appointment of Lord Cornwallis as B r i t i s h Viceroy occurs one-t h i r d of the way into the narrative. From t h i s point, Maxwell follows the outbreaks of i n s u r r e c t i o n i n various counties, the landing of French troops i n the Western provinces, and the subsequent b a t t l e at Castlebar. The author then narrates the suppression of the rebel cause by B r i t i s h l o y a l i s t forces and the l i f t i n g of m a r t i a l law i n 1799. The turbulent parliamentary process which resulted i n the enactment of the Union of Ireland and Great B r i t a i n i n 1800, and the subsequent i n s u r r e c t i o n against t h i s Act led by I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t Robert Emmett i n 1803 i s followed by Emmett's t r i a l and execution. Indeed, Maxwell's f i n a l chapter transposes the speeches d e l i v e r e d at Emmett's t r i a l , including Emmett's own, before c l o s i n g with a short two-paragraph declaration that underlines the author's support of the Union between Ireland and Great B r i t a i n . Maxwell's text was i l l u s t r a t e d with six engraved p o r t r a i t s ; f i v e were of B r i t i s h m i l i t a r y , l e g a l , and p o l i t i c a l r epresentatives, and the s i x t h represented the r e b e l leader Robert Emmett. The deployment of these formal representations as part of a restrained and subordinate v i s u a l programme constituted a conventional approach within h i s t o r i c a l publications and helped to p o s i t i o n Maxwell's work within the genre of h i s t o r i c a l non-f i c t i o n . However, supplementing t h i s v i s u a l programme was another and unorthodox series of images: the twenty-one i l l u s t r a t i o n s by George Cruikshank. These were interspersed throughout the work following Maxwell's chronological sequence. For the most part, Cruikshank's images focussed on the bloodiest of the incidents recounted i n Maxwell's narrative. Indeed, to t h i s end, several of the i l l u s t r a t i o n s gave prominence to anecdotes related not i n the main body of the text but i n i t s supporting footnotes. Within the o v e r a l l programme the a r t i s t thus foregrounded p a r t i c u l a r scenes of carnage and d e s t r u c t i o n . Bloody r e b e l assaults on both m i l i t a r y and c i v i l i a n groups are imaged (for example, The Surprise of the Barricade at Prosperous: The Loyal L i t t l e Drummer: The Massacre at Scullabogue: The Rebels Executing t h e i r Prisoners at Wexford: The Rebels Storming the Turret at Lt. T y r e l l ' s : and The Heroic Conduct of the Highland S e n t i n e l ) . 9 The series also foregrounds attacks on representative bodies of the 9 William Hamilton Maxwell, History of the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798. with Memoirs of the Union, and Emmett's Insurrection i n 1803. (London: George B e l l , 1903) facing 61, 115, 125, 154, 224,236. state, whether the personal body of the Lord Chief J u s t i c e (The Murder of Lord Kilwarden) 1 0 or of i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the Royal Mail (The Stoppage of the Mail and Murder of Lt. G i f f a r d ) 1 1 and the Anglican Church (for example Carousal and Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Fern: the Destruction of the Church at E n n i s c o r t h y : and The Rev. Mr. McGhee's House S u c c e s f u l l y Defended). 1 2 Threats to the safety of i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s and t h e i r property are s i m i l a r i l y emphasized (for example, The Murder of George Crawford and his Grandaughter: the Attack on Capt. Chamney's House: and Rebels Destroying a House and F u r n i t u r e ) . 1 3 Supporting these representations are those which either underline rebel submission to what i s posed as Catholic s u p e r s t i t i o n (The Camp at Vinegar H i l l and Father Murphy and the Heretic B u l l e t s ) , 1 4 or which assert the m i l i t a r y prowess of L o y a l i s t forces (The Arrest of Lord Edward Fi t z g e r a l d : The Battle of Ross: The Defeat at Vinegar H i l l and The Capture of Colclough and Harvey). 1 5 As I w i l l argue, while Maxwell's verbal narrative worked to c o n s t i t u t e the Rebellion of 1798 i n terms which e f f e c t i v e l y underline the ignorance and b r u t a l i t y of the rebel masses and t h e i r Jacobin or French Revolutionary tendencies, Cruikshank's v i s u a l programme addresses and constructs another n a r r a t i v e strand, one that serves to extend Maxwell's representation. Here the m u l t i - l e v e l l e d s i g n i f i c a n c e s of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion to a mid-19th century audience are important to assess. Michel de Certeau has argued i n The Writing of History that the 1 0 Maxwell, facing 409. 1 1 Maxwell, facing 70. 1 2 Maxwell, facing 82, 97, 175.is Maxwell, facing 66, 293, 384. 1 4 Maxwell, facing 99, 180. 1 5 Maxwell, facing 48, 112, 144, 288. "present" of current events i n d e l i b l y inscribes the h i s t o r i a n ' s own time and place onto the h i s t o r i c a l record. 1 6 I t i s therefore no coincidence to f i n d that the History of the I r i s h Rebellion was produced and promoted i n England at a time when both c l a s s c o n f l i c t over r i g h t s of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and challenges to Ireland's p o s i t i o n within the Union of Great B r i t a i n were the major preoccupations of the B r i t i s h Parliament and of B r i t a i n ' s politically-engaged publics. As the chapters of t h i s thesis w i l l trace out, Maxwell and Cruikshank's production can be situated among a range of p o l i t i c a l positions that had currency i n the 1840"s i n England's expanding and constantly contested public sphere. Not only did the History of the I r i s h Rebellion take up a p o s i t i o n against I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t s of the past who c a l l e d for independence from B r i t a i n ' s c o l o n i a l domination; but the work gave i t s e l f currency by i m p l i c i t l y l i n k i n g the traumatic and v i o l e n t events of 45 years e a r l i e r to both the modern I r i s h s i t u a t i o n and to current working-class demands f o r systemic change to the body p o l i t i c . The analysis i n the following pages w i l l explore how the various narrative and publishing strategies taken up i n both the text and images of Maxwell 1s History of the I r i s h R e bellion, served to constitute t h i s publication as a s t r a t e g i c s i t e where debates about progress, c i v i l i z a t i o n and the emergence of the B r i t i s h nation were linked to reigning anxieties concerning the status of the I r i s h population. In order to explore the multiple narrative strands activated by Maxwell's and Cruikshanks 1 history t h i s thesis w i l l be divided into four chapters. 1 6 Michel De Certeau, The Writing of History (New York: Columbia UP, 1988) 6-7. Chapter I, w i l l assess how the s h i f t s i n the body p o l i t i c i n mid-19th century B r i t a i n gave r i s e to new publics, markets and media by exploring the complex set of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l tensions which were brought to bear on contemporary assessments of the I r i s h . Here, I w i l l explore how debates around reform of the franchise, the a b i l i t y of the nation to r e s i s t i n t e r n a l challenges to i t s o f f i c i a l Protestant r e l i g i o n , Anglicanism, and r a c i a l theories that could be brought to bear on the evolution of the nation, were deployed to mark out deviant c u l t u r a l practices i d e n t i f i e d i n terms of e t h n i c i t y or race. An examination of how Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion situated i t s e l f within a f i e l d of competing representations of the I r i s h at mid-century w i l l be the subject of Chapter I I . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I w i l l examine the work i n r e l a t i o n to a contemporary h i s t o r y that a l s o constructed i t s narrative around the I r i s h Rebellion of 1798. At issue w i l l be how the rupture or adaptation of conventions germane to the h i s t o r i c a l genre could work to r h e t o r i c a l advantage i n the promotion of particular polemical positions. Chapter I I I , w i l l assess how innovative media forms and marketing strategies emerging i n the mid-19th century transformed conventional categories of f i c t i o n and n o n - f i c t i o n and, i n the process, opened up a space for new i n t e r p r e t i v e practices within which s h i f t s of meaning could occur. I w i l l argue here that both the popularity of p i c t o r i a l representation and the V i c t o r i a n penchant for h i s t o r i c a l explanation played a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n the production and reception of Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion. For middle-class readerships, Cruikshank's well-known associations with e a r l i e r v i s u a l t r a d i t i o n s as well as with new forms of f i c t i o n published i n i l l l u s t r a t e d s e r i a l parts were c r u c i a l to the work's marketability and to i t s m u l t i - l e v e l l e d constructions of meaning. In the f i n a l Chapter IV, I w i l l argue that Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s work t h e i r subjects through a range of s o c i a l and symbolic spaces which can be defined i n r e l a t i o n to the practices of bourgeois c i t i z e n s h i p . Here, I w i l l explore t h e i r significance within three categorical frames. The f i r s t addresses the way i n which the p r i v a t e sphere of the family and the i n d i v i d u a l a r t i c u l a t e s the p a t r i a r c h a l values e s s e n t i a l to bourgeois c i t i z e n s h i p and the nation s t a t e . The second category, the commercial, encompasses those shared spaces that s e r v i c e the c i t i z e n ' s i n d i v i d u a l or corporate commercial i n t e r e s t s by providing s i t e s of extra-domestic s o c i a b i l i t y . In so doing, these spaces ultimately serve the health of the nation, which i n turn ensures t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The t h i r d category, the public and i n s t i t u t i o n a l , explores the ways i n which public, rather than p r i v a t e , i n d i v i d u a l s and the apparatuses of the s t a t e are invested with the authority to regulate, protect and r e i n f o r c e the interests of the c i t i z e n . By analysing the images i n terms of these d i v i s i o n s , I w i l l argue that, following Maxwell's textual lead, Cruikshank marshalled a provocative and e f f e c t i v e v i s u a l language as a means to fi g u r e Ireland as B r i t a i n ' s i n t e r n a l colony, incapable of r u l i n g i t s e l f except through the surrogate and c i v i l i z i n g hand of the B r i t i s h parliamentary system. CHAPTER I DEBATING THE SOCIAL BODY: THE MID-19TH CENTURY "IRISH QUESTION" In recent years theor is ts i n the f i e l d of c u l t u r a l studies have argued that texts and images are subject to both mul t ip l e s i g n i f i c a n c e s and s h i f t s i n meaning l a r g e l y dependent upon h i s t o r i c a l var iab les which e f fec t both the production of forms and the pract ices of reading. Roger Chart ier i n his 1989 essay "Texts, P r i n t i n g s , Readings" 1 has been p a r t i c u l a r l y use fu l to the ana lys i s of the ro les that l i t e r a r y and v i s u a l texts can take on. There he has described the t h r e e - f o l d r e l a t i o n s h i p between the author's o r i g i n a l product ion, that i s , the wr i t t en statement, the object which gives i t mater ia l form, such as a book, pamphlet, or p r i n t , and the reader. E s p e c i a l l y p r o d u c t i v e f o r the e x p l o r a t i o n of the mediations of t extua l meanings are h i s t o r i c s i t e s where s h i f t s or transformations i n the s o c i a l body, whether t e c h n o l o g i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , or economic, provoke reworkings and innovations i n media forms capable of serving the interests and pocketbooks of newly-emergent and s h i f t i n g markets. At the same time, these new or hybr id ized forms have the i n t r i n s i c power to construct new l e v e l s of meaning that complexify the d i s c u r s i v e f i e l d s shaping a spec i f i c h i s t o r i c moment. The time and place which s i tuate Maxwell's His tory of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n — that i s , the 1830's and 1840's i n London and, more general ly , B r i t a i n — presents us with a p a r t i c u l a r l y 1 Roger Chartier, "Texts, Prin t i n g s , Readings," The New C u l t u r a l History, ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley: U of C a l i f o r n i a P, 1989) 154-175. r i c h opportunity for the exploration of some of these kinds of c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s . I t i s possible, within the framework of B r i t a i n from the period of the great Reform B i l l of 1832, which extended the vote to s u b s t a n t i a l portions of the middle classes, to the mid-1840's, when Maxwell's History of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n was f i r s t published, to examine how c e r t a i n established forms serving the w r i t i n g of "history" could be appropriated to unconventional purposes. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i n the case of the h i s t o r y genre, i t i s possible to see how a t r a d i t i o n a l form associated with a u t h o r i t a t i v e " o b j e c t i v i t y " could be manipulated to carry and promote a highly polemical message to a newly-defined, and p o t e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l , constituency. 1.THE "IRISH QUESTION" AND THE CRISIS TO NATION AND IDENTITY The document that was ultimately produced by Maxwell and Cruikshank over the period of a year and a half i n 1844-45 not only constructed a narrative for events which had occured i n the 1790's, almost a half-century e a r l i e r , but d i d so using complex r h e t o r i c a l strategies that reconstituted that e a r l i e r period with a provocative s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r a mid-nineteenth century p u b l i c . For bourgeois B r i t i s h audiences s t i l l n egotiating t h e i r place within a s h i f t i n g s o c i a l order, the nar r a t i v e s deployed i n the History of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n operated within a p a r t i c u l a r l y credible symbolic space — the t e r r a i n of History. In presenting i t s polemical message both v i s u a l l y and ve r b a l l y through the authority of an h i s t o r i c a l genre, the Hi s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n s u b s t a n t i a l l y strengthened i t s p a r t i c u l a r p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the important contemporary issues of l e g i s l a t i v e reform and the repeal of the 1800 c o n s t i t u t i o n a l act of Union between Ireland and the rest of B r i t a i n . In the years following the Napoleonic Wars, and i n spite of i t s m i l i t a r y v i c t o r y against France and i t s newly-revised p o s i t i o n of c o l o n i a l supremacy, B r i t a i n underwent a period of serious internal economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l challenges that posed a threat both to the unity of the national p o l i t y and the country's international presence. 2 Within t h i s frame, l i b e r a l reform-minded members of the bourgeois p u b l i c looked with p a t e r n a l i s t i c concern upon the generally degraded s i t u a t i o n of the working classes and so-called "lower orders". 3 Often viewed as r a c i a l l y or e t h n i c a l l y comprised, these s o c i a l groups inv a r i a b l y became the focus for concerns about the strength of the body p o l i t i c . Indeed, when serious confrontations d i d occur between segments of the working c l a s s e s and state authorities — as they did with more and more frequency i n the 1830's and 1840's — disturbing associations with the events of the French Revolution were often activated. During these decades i t was "the I r i s h Question," with i t s evocations of Roman Catholicism and I r i s h nationalism, that loaded these 2 Linda C o l l e y , " V i c t o r i e s ? , " Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837 (New Haven: Yale UP, 1992) 321-364. 3 Evangelicism and humanitarianism were among the major s o c i a l movements ch a r a c t e r i z i n g the V i c t o r i a n era. Both were concerned to r e c o n c i l e the progressive demands of a bourgeois p o l i t i c a l economy with the p r i n c i p l e s of C h r i s t i a n morality. For a discussion of popular r e l i g i o u s views i n v o l v i n g the concept of c u l t u r a l and physical degeneration which was thought by many to account for both domestic and foreign forms of "savagery" see George W. Stocking, J r . , V i c t o r i a n Anthropology (New York: Free Press, 1987) 33-34. For further discussions of notions of the " c i v i l i z i n g mission" as i t r e l a t e d to i n t e r n a l , classed populations see Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men (Ithaca: C o r n e l l UP, 1989) 201-210; and Robert Young, C o l o n i a l Desire: Hybriditv i n Theory.Culture and Race (London: Routledge,1995) 34-36. events with p a r t i c u l a r symbolic potency: Ireland's membership within the "United Kingdom" had always been precarious, and i t s ongoing vociferous threats, since 1800, to secede from i t s union with Scotland, Wales and England were never f a r from the public and p o l i t i c a l consciousness. 4 The p u b l i c a t i o n of Maxwell's H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R ebellion of 1798. with Memoirs of the Union, and Emmett's Insurrection i n 1803 coincided with an event of national import which could be a t t r i b u t e d d i r e c t l y to the I r i s h and which inflamed acute a n x i e t i e s over the question of Ireland's s t a b i l i t y and l o y a l t y to the B r i t i s h Crown. These were the "state t r i a l s " against the I r i s h Catholic leader of the Repeal Movement, M.P. Daniel O'Connell. 5 The Repeal Movement aimed at d i s s o l v i n g the union between England and Ireland. The Act of Union i n 1800 had t h e o r e t i c a l l y elevated Ireland from the status of c o l o n i a l i n f e r i o r to f u l l and equal membership i n the B r i t i s h nation by i n t e g r a t i n g i t s Parliament with that of B r i t a i n at Westminster. From England's point of view t h i s a l l i a n c e had been a necessary measure to secure Ireland against i n t e r n a l C a t h o l i c democratic sympathies f o r revolutionnary France i n the 1790's and e a r l y 1800's, and to c u r t a i l the i n c r e a s i n g l y sympathetic a t t i t u d e s of the P r o t e s t a n t Ascendancy, or r u l i n g c l a s s , for the i d e a l s of economic and 4 James Epstein has drawn attention to the spectre of republicanism that these c r i s e s r a i s e d i n Radical Expression: P o l i t i c a l Lanaguage. R i t u a l , and Symbol i n England. 1790-1850 (New York: Oxford UP, 1994). According to Epstein, the v i o l e n t mob action under Robespierre's Reign of Terror i n 1794 and 1795 was construed i n B r i t a i n as threatening the very p a t r i a r c h a l p r i n c i p l e s upon which the English middle classes based and l e g i t i m i z e d t h e i r increasing power. 5 Glyn Williams and John Ramsden, Ruling Bri t a n n i a : A P o l i t i c a l History of B r i t a i n . 1688-1988 (London: Longman, 1990) 223-224. p o l i t i c a l independence symbolized by the American revolution of 1776. What had been at stake for England i n 1800 — commercial markets, defense and security of c o l o n i a l holdings and of the mainland i t s e l f — remained operative at the time of the Repeal Movement.6 The "state t r i a l s " themselves represented the seriousness with which Parliament viewed the threat of Repeal. For a l l the h i s t o r i c and contemporary reasons c i t e d above, the a g i t a t i o n for the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Union on the part of a c l u s t e r of Catholic I r i s h MP's at Westminster would have taken on serious n a t i o n a l connotations. I f one accepts the argument of h i s t o r i a n Linda Colley that the absence of an in t e r n a l c u l t u r a l l o g i c of B r i t i s h nationhood between the Welsh, Scots, I r i s h and En g l i s h , necessitated the forging of unity i n terms of notions of difference from an e x t e r i o r h i s t o r i c enemy — i n t h i s case, Catho l i c France — then any organized C a t h o l i c challenge to the Protestant c o n s t i t u t i o n was an extremely potent one. 7 At the centre of the drama was Daniel O'Connell, the f i r s t Catholic I r i s h parliamentarian at Westminster, whose e l e c t i o n i n 1828 had forced the B r i t i s h government to pass the Catholic Emancipation Act i n 1829 which extended the franchise and the r i g h t to hold public o f f i c e to both Catholic I r i s h of propertied status and their B r i t i s h counterparts. 8 The Emancipation Act had served as one of the most potent c a t a l y s t s for mid-century responses to Catholicism within the nation. For a large majority of Protestant c i t i z e n s , the 6 Williams and Ramsden, 156-157; John O'Beirne Ranelagh, A Short History of Ireland. 2nd ed (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994) 89-95. 7 Linda Colley, passim. 8 Ranelagh, 97-102. enactment of the Emancipation B i l l threatened a breach of the B r i t i s h Constitution, where both the throne and state were to be protected from any aspect of papal co n t r o l . 9 Yet, while t h i s rupture to t r a d i t i o n a l notions of Britishness — that i s , Britishness conceived as an e s s e n t i a l l y E n g l i s h and Protestant proposition — had provoked concerns among a r e l a t i v e l y broad range of the enfranchised and predominantly Protestant constituency, O'Connell's Repeal Movement, on the other hand, e l i c i t e d a range of responses that were fa r more dependent upon class a f f i l i a t i o n . Motivated by the continued oppression of the majority Catholic population, "the Liberator" as he was known to his supporters, had, through a series of strategies spanning two decades, attempted to sway a B r i t i s h c i t i z e n r y to respond to Catholic I r i s h grievances. However, by 1843 his f a i l u r e to prevent implementation of the New Poor Laws, which forced the starving unemployed i n t o the inhumane conditions of the workhouse, had amplified the voices for Repeal i n Ireland to a crescendo. As the Repeal Movement was widespread, drawing support from almost a l l Catholic I r i s h s e c t o r s , i n c l u d i n g the C a t h o l i c Church, the challenge to national unity was a serious one, and the Tory Government of 9 A decade l a t e r , i n the 1840's, heated debates s t i l l continued among Anglicans, Dissenters, and Catholics over the status of r e l i g i o n within the c o n s t i t u t i o n . Tractarianism, supported by highly-placed members within the Anglican movement posed a p a r i c u l a r concern. Tractarianism c a l l e d not only f o r the reinstatement of many Catholic r i t u a l s to Church of England p r a c t i c e s but also argued for the recognition of papal authority over the s p i r i t u a l l i v e s of Anglican constituents. The increasing popularity of Catholicism among members of the educated classes, and the p u b l i c i t y given the b e l i e f s adopted by i t s followers, had an inflammatory e f f e c t on a n t i -Catholic and, by extension, a n t i - I r i s h , prejudice among vast numbers of the middle and upper-class p u b l i c . See Frank H. W a l l i s , Popular A n t i -Catholicism i n Mid-Victorian B r i t a i n (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen, 1993) 55-59. Robert Peel i n d i c t e d O'Connell on charges of s e d i t i o n . From January, 1844 the "Dublin State T r i a l s " , as they were known, dominated coverage i n the newspaper and p e r i o d i c a l press and focussed B r i t i s h fears on the p o s s i b l i l i t y of d i s s o l u t i o n of the Union. 1 0 That Ireland was symbolically empowered i n the mid-1840's to threaten B r i t a i n ' s i d e n t i t y both as nation and as empire gave the h i s t o r i c a l example of both the 1798 I r i s h Rebellion and Robert Emmett's subsequent u p r i s i n g i n 1803, that were taken up i n Maxwell's publication, a p a r t i c u l a r l y provocative resonance. Clearly, the prospect of any m i l i t a r y intervention to enforce the Union against the modern I r i s h agitation for i t s repeal could be constructed by E n g l i s h audiences i n the bleakest of terms — as c i v i l war. Not only d i d the p o s s i b i l i t y of such a c o n f l a g r a t i o n evoke the infamous and bloody years of Cromwell's challenge to the Stuart monarchy i n the 17th century, but such potential c o n f l i c t was also able to c a l l up the horrors of the French Revolution and the destructive forces of a l e v e l l i n g republicanism with which i t was associated. As Linda Colley has argued, the spectre of c i v i l war had p a r t i c u l a r l y ominous connotations for the B r i t i s h nation, given that i t s unity had been so precariously forged on a foundation of c u l t u r a l , r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e . Colley has demonstrated the d i f f i c u l t y with which, f o r example, the S c o t t i s h nation i n 1707 had been absorbed within the l a r g e r B r i t i s h p o l i t y and has traced the degree to which E n g l i s h 1 0 For example, see the a r t i c l e s i n the I l l u s t r a t e d London News, the Times, and the Spectator through 1843-44. resistance to t h i s c u l t u r a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y a l i e n "other" had to be overcome i n order f o r the economic and m i l i t a r y advantages of Union to be r e a l i z e d . 1 1 Yet, Ireland's admission to the Union, almost a century l a t e r i n 1 8 0 0 , had been even more problematic with the r e s u l t that b e n e f i t s to the overwhelming I r i s h C a t h o l i c m a j o r i t y had been rendered n e g l i g i b l e . 1 2 For an era which constructed i t s present through constant reference to the past, the fact that the French had come to the a i d of the I r i s h rebels against the B r i t i s h l o y a l i s t s during the r e b e l l i o n i n 1798 had serious implications for contemporary anxieties raised by the Repeal of the Union movement. In r e a l , s t r a t e g i c terms Ireland's geographic proximity to both France and the B r i t i s h mainland did suggest that the French could always have what amounted to "back door" access to the heart of B r i t a i n ' s empire. But such unease was also fed by the current actions of the French government i t s e l f . As a r t h i s t o r i a n Jonathan Ribner has pointed out, i n spite of very public and f r i e n d l y overtures between the English and French monarchs i n the 1 8 4 0 's, a fear of French invasion had never e n t i r e l y abated i n the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars. 1 3 In turn, France's t e c h n o l o g i c a l innovations, s p e c i f i c a l l y i t s development of steam-powered m i l i t a r y ships, f u e l l e d mid-century B r i t i s h anxieties about the modern danger of a French invasion. 1 4 Here, 1 1 Colley,11-43,71-84. 1 2 Ranelagh, 87-109. 1 3 Jonathan P. Ribner, "Our English Coasts, 1852: William Holman Hunt and Invasion Fear at Midcentury," Art Journal 55. 2 (1996): 45-54, esp. 46 and n.10, 53. See n.12, 53 for a dissenting view. 1 4 See also a series of a r t i c l e s i n the I l l u s t r a t e d London News documenting f e s t i v e o f f i c i a l and n o n - o f f i c i a l r e c i p r o c a l v i s i t s between Queen V i c t o r i a and King Louis-Philippe which may have worked to d i s p e l these a n x i e t i e s . For example, 2 Sept.1843: 145-146; 16 Sept.1843: 177+. the looming p o s s i b i l i t y of Ireland's secession from the union could only re-invoke B r i t a i n ' s e a r l i e r h u m i l i a t i o n as a c o l o n i a l power. As the Introduction to Maxwell's I r i s h Rebellion i t s e l f pointed out, i n 1776 the American colonies had challenged t h e i r "parent" country for independence and won,15 and French involvement had been c r u c i a l to B r i t a i n ' s l o s s . 1 6 These tensions on a fraught p o l i t i c a l front were exacerbated by theories that stressed an essential a f f i n i t y between the French and the I r i s h on r a c i a l and ethnic grounds. As Li o n e l Gossman has pointed out, early 19th century h i s t o r i e s of Europe served to c i r c u l a t e such a connection by assigning a common ancestry to both Ireland's and France's C e l t i c or "Gaelic" populations; the dominant Catholic r e l i g i o n of each only reasserted the apparent bonds between the two. 1 7 Within t h i s context, i t i s not surp r i s i n g that, i n spi t e of t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t to pursue employment throughout the United Kingdom, the I r i s h labouring c l a s s e s who had migrated to "mainland" B r i t a i n to seek seasonal or permanent work, predominantly i n Scotland and England, were often singled out by the media as the incarnation of the worst of the B r i t i s h fears about the working classes i n ge n e r a l . 1 8 Given that Catholicism was viewed i n B r i t a i n as a papal challenge to the a u t h o r i t y of the B r i t i s h P r o t e s t a n t s t a t e , the 1 5 Maxwell, 1-2. 1 6 Williams and Ramsden, 119-121. 1 7 L i o n e l Gossman, "Augustin Thierry and L i b e r a l Historiography," History and Theory 15 (1976) 1-83; also L.P. C u r t i s , J r . , Anglo-Saxons and Cel t s (Bridgeport, Conn.: U of Bridgeport/ Conference on B r i t i s h Studies, 1968) 36-37. See also Stanley Mellon, The P o l i t i c s of History (Pittsburg: Carnegie Mellon, 1958) passim,for an e a r l i e r discussion of h i s t o r i a n s ' r a c i a l theories of national o r i g i n s . Ranelagh's A Short History of Ireland provides an h i s t o r i c a l account of the material r e l a t i o n s between the French and I r i s h . 1 8 Graham Davis, The I r i s h i n Britain.1815-1914 (Dublin: G i l l , 1991) passim " o p p o s i t i o n a l " r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e of the I r i s h stood as a p a r t i c u l a r threat. Given prominence i n the early 1840*s, when large influxes of I r i s h workers sought employment i n i n d u s t r i a l centres i n England and Scotland, these groups were made p a r t i c u l a r l y v i s i b l e because of t h e i r tendency to group together under the protective wing of the Catholic Church upon t h e i r a r r i v a l i n what was, i n e f f e c t , a foreign land. As a r e s u l t , t h i s "immigrant" I r i s h population r a i s e d a set of problematic issues which struck at the heart of B r i t i s h and Protestant notions of cons t i t u t i o n a l i t y . Equally i n f l u e n t i a l i n the formulation of an unfavourable representation of the "immigrant" I r i s h were current views of t h e i r presence i n both England and Scotland as a source of in f e c t i o n within the p o l i t y . Indeed, the representation of the I r i s h as physical and moral contaminants of the B r i t i s h s o c i a l body had gained popular currency since the e a r l y 1830's. A widely-disseminated p u b l i c a t i o n by Dr. James P h i l l i p s Kay i n 1832 1 9 stands as a dramatic example of t h i s . Kay's text had targetted the growing I r i s h presence i n England's north as the contagious source of s o c i a l and moral degeneracy among the B r i t i s h lower c l a s s e s and a s i g n i f i c a n t t h r e a t to the i n s t i t u t i o n s of c i v i l i z e d society. Written while Kay was i n Manchester during a cholera epidemic, t h i s broadly i n f l u e n t i a l 1 9 J.P.Kay, The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes Employed i n the Cotton Manufacture i n Manchester. (Manchester , 1832) r e p r i n t 1969. Cite d i n Graham Davis, The I r i s h i n B r i t a i n 1815-1914 (Dublin: G i l l and Macmillan, 1991) 57+; n 19, 223. Kay was secretary to the Special Board for the Board of Health i n the d i s t r i c t ; he gave extensive evidence to the commission of the state of the I r i s h poor and before the Poor Law Commision i n 1838. See p. 57. In addition, Davis c i t e s the d i r e c t use to which Kay's w r i t i n g was put by Engels i n his analysis of the condition of the English working classes. As well he c r e d i t s Kay with i n f l u e n c i n g the " l i t e r a r y f a s c i n a t i o n with Manchester" of various n o v e l i s t s of the 1840's. See p.57. pamphlet functionned within the predominant medical discourses of i t s day. As an authoritative textual representation, The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes Employed i n the Cotton Manufacture i n Manchester provided a charged and s y m b o l i c a l l y - l o a d e d d e s c r i p t i o n of the s q u a l i d l i v i n g conditions of the Manchester poor. However, t h i s a n a lysis s i n g l e d out a s p e c i f i c I r i s h presence and constructed a monolithic account of "race" associated with the c u l t u r a l h abits of a s o - c a l l e d lower form of human l i f e s a i d to correspond to that of "savages", which was capable of spreading "corrupt" h a b i t s among i t s E n g l i s h and S c o t t i s h c l a s s counterparts. 2 0 Framing the "aberrants" as both r e s i s t a n t to the productive p r a c t i c e s of the c a p i t a l i s t economy and as c a r r i e r s of d i s e a s e , 2 1 Kay's representation reinvested the popular English prejudice against the I r i s h with new potency. 2 2 I t was no accident, then, that Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion of 1 7 9 8 . with Memoirs of the Union and Emmett's Insurrection i n 1 8 0 3 appeared at t h i s moment of c r i s i s i n the r e a r t i c u l a t i o n of a B r i t i s h middle-class i d e n t i t y . Not only d i d Ireland represent a threat to the very heart of the t h r i v i n g B r i t i s h empire, but that i t did so from within the empire's centre was of acute concern to Engl i s h r u l i n g and middle classes. The Reform Act of 1 8 3 2 and i t s legacy over the succeeding two decades provides one further point of entry i n t o t h i s 2 0 Davis, 57-60. 2 1 Davis, 58. 2 2 For a recent study of Dr. J.P. Kay's 1832 construction of the I r i s h and i t s r o l e i n the formation of notions of the B r i t i s h s o c i a l body at mid-century see Mary Poovey, "Curing a S o c i a l Body i n 1832: James P h i l l i p s Kay and the I r i s h i n Manchester," Making a S o c i a l Body: B r i t i s h C u l t u r a l Formation. 1830-1864 (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1995) 55-72. unstable s o c i a l moment and points to the ways i n which the " I r i s h Question" focussed not only anxieties about the working cl a s s e s , but as well r a i s e d concerns over the growing c i v i l unrest that responded to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i n e q u a l i t i e s a f f e c t i n g r i g h t s of representation. The Reform Act, i n enfranchising p r o p e r t i e d members of the b o u r g e o i s i e and r e j e c t i n g representation of the working c l a s s e s , 2 3 had entrenched the vested i n t e r e s t s of a middle and upper class c i t i z e n r y . In the following years, when workers demonstrated f o r the f u l l r i g h t s of representation, or when the working poor a c t i v e l y sought redress from extreme conditions, t h e i r actions would be represented i n terms of unlawful unrest or i n the guise of the l e v e l l i n g spectre of republicanism with i t s t h r e a t of dest r u c t i o n of the status quo. The op p o s i t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s coming out of the r a d i c a l working c l a s s movement, Chartism, which took form i n the years following the 1832 Reform B i l l ' s exclusionary enactment, not only fanned such charged responses, but served as well to t i e working-class agitation to the " I r i s h Question" i t s e l f . Most s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n terms of reform to both the franchise and the r i g h t to hold public o f f i c e , the movement's Charter of Six Points demanded un i v e r s a l manhood suffrage and the a b o l i t i o n of property q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r Members of Parliament. . While C h a r t i s t strategies involved demonstrations, t o r c h l i t processions, and f i e r y p l a t f o r m oratory, the rhetoric of opposition also included the constant 2 3 Although working-class representatives had p e t i t i o n e d and demonstrated together with t h e i r middle-class counterparts with a shared revolutionary fervour that had, according to hi s t o r i a n s Glyn Williams and John Ramsden, had u l t i m a t e l y intimidated Parliament i n t o action. Williams and Ramsden, 194-201, 216-217. i n v o c a t i o n of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n of 1798. Within t h i s working-class frame the name of Robert Emmett, the 18th-century I r i s h rebel whose insurrectionary action against the Union i n 1803 was seen to represent one f i n a l attempt to shatter the hold of e l i t e i nterests over the people of I r e l a n d 2 4 became an evocative symbol of resistance. Indeed, i n order to underline these a l l i a n c e s between working-class i n t e r e s t s and those of I r i s h c o l o n i a l subjects, the C h a r t i s t newpaper the Northern Star — a powerful r h e t o r i c a l s i t e for working-class grievances — took i t s name from the journal of the rebel United Irishmen of a half-century e a r l i e r . 2 5 While Maxwell's h i s t o r y , with i t s t i t l e d e c l a r i n g i t s focus on both the Rebellion and Emmett's i n s u r r e c t i o n , took form within t h i s context, i t i s important to point out that C h a r t i s t and working c l a s s p o l i t i c a l and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l manoeuvres were inv a r i a b l y marked out as realms of i l l e g a l i t y and i r r a t i o n a l i t y i n r e l a t i o n to bourgeois norms. In response, and with i n c r e a s i n g c o n v i c t i o n towards the middle of the century, the propertied c i t i z e n r y formulated i t s own p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l space, one demarcated i n opposition to working class modes and practices. Claiming t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l discourse as formed within the o r d e r l y realms of reasoned debate and p a r l i a m e n t a r y p e t i t i o n i n g , an enfranchised B r i t i s h p u b l i c could support l i b e r a l reform measures as one means to fend o f f r a d i c a l demands for fundamental, s t r u c t u r a l change. Self-consciously 2 4 James Epstein and Dorothy Thompson, eds., The C h a r t i s t Experience: Studies i n WorkinaClass Radicalism and Culture. 1830-1860 (London: Macmillan, 1982) 136. 2 5 Epstein and Thompson, 128. marking out a position as a s t a b i l i z i n g factor i n opposition to the perceived v o l a t i l i t y of working-class a g i t a t i o n , t h i s middle-class constituency worked to simultaneously l e g i t i m i z e i t s own r i s i n g economic and public importance i n r e l a t i o n to t r a d i t i o n a l land-holding classes of the past. A c r u c i a l r e s u l t was that " B r i t i s h n e s s " i n t h i s process was given new d e f i n i t i o n s at mid-century. While formulated and perceived by i t s voting c i t i z e n s h i p i n terms of "democratic" access to the law-based i n s t i t u t i o n s of the st a t e , i n f a c t the vested i n t e r e s t s associated with a newly-dominant middle c l a s s were enshrined within the l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l apparatuses of the nation. What the foregoing underscores i s that the " I r i s h question" i n many ways acted as a receptacle for the anxieties generated by the attendant public debate over the status of B r i t a i n ' s c o n s t i t u t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to a larger body p o l i t i c . In conjunction with the large i n f l u x of I r i s h emigrants in t o Scotland and England i n the early 1840's, i t was thus possible to implicate Ireland and the I r i s h i n most of the troubles perceived to be a f f e c t i n g the nation as a whole. As a r e s u l t , contemporary discourses constructed an I r i s h c u l t u r a l "other" both as one of the main sources of Britain's domestic problems, and as a s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r n a l threat to the p o l i t i c s , legacy, and values of the national p o l i t y . 2 . RACE, ETHNICITY, AND THEORIES OF PROGRESS AND CIVILIZATION The p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1973 of t h e o r i s t Hayden White's groundbreaking study of nineteenth century historiography, M e t a h i s t o r y . 2 6 has underscored the r o l e that h i s t o r i c a l narratives play i n shaping i d e n t i t y , knowledge and what can be accepted as "truth" or " r e a l i t y " . In more recent years, studies of V i c t o r i a n c u l t u r a l production have taken White's a n a l y s i s f u r t h e r to explore the complex ways i n which narratives of progress and c i v i l i z a t i o n — both i m p l i c i t and e x p l i c i t — were brought to bear on mid-19th century B r i t i s h concepts concerning history and the national p o l i t y . 2 7 Theories of r a c i a l difference based upon varying notions of evolution occupied a prominent place i n these analyses. As Robert Young has shown i n Colonial Desire: Hybridity i n Theory. Culture, and Race (1994) 2 8 two broadly-determined camps argued over whether human beings devolved from a single or from multiple o r i g i n s : i n other words, whether the races of humanity represented evolutionary stages of one species, a monogenist claim, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y a series of d i s t i n c t species between whom sexual intercourse would produce i n f e r t i l e o f f s p r i n g and, thus, a natural check against the development of a "hybrid" race, the polygenist stance. While the authority of science and biology could accumulate support for each position, both monogenist and polygenist theories were marshalled i n support of claims for an 2 6 Hayden White, Metahistory (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1973). 2 7 For example, see Rosemary Jann, The Art and Science of V i c t o r i a n History (Columbus: Ohio State Press, 1985) x i - x i i ; Andrew Sanders, The V i c t o r i a n H i s t o r i c a l Novel. 1840-1880 (London: Macmillan, 1978) 2. For an anthropological approach, see also George Stocking,, V i c t o r i a n Anthropology. 30-45. 2 8 Young, 1-19. Young's discussion of 19th-century notions of h y b r i d i t y and f e r t i l i t y t i e s r a c i a l constructs to English attempts to define a stable i d e n t i t y f o r themselves i n what he c a l l s a period of d i s r u p t i o n , c o n f l i c t and change. inherent and "natural" superiority of white Europeans and t h e i r c u l t u r a l forms. 2 9 Such approaches to r a c i a l hierarchy were embedded i n theories of progress and c i v i l i z a t i o n i n mid-century B r i t a i n . These, as George Stocking has e v o c a t i v e l y demonstrated, expressed an "integrated system" of what he c a l l s "middle-class v i r t u e s " that could be situated i n opposition to categories of the "savage." 3 0 Theories of r a c i a l hierarchy operated, i n Stocking's formulation, as a "class v i s i o n of human progress", 3 1 one where e s s e n t i a l l y middle-class values associated with work, property, r a t i o n a l r e s t r a i n t , and r e l i g i o u s orthodoxy were harnessed to dominant theories of c i v i l i z a t i o n and order. 3 2 The newly-forming sciences of ethnology and anthropology provided an i n s t i t u t i o n a l v a l i d a t i o n f o r these t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions. 3 3 On a popular l e v e l , however, i t was the quasi-sciences of physiognomy and phrenology which f u r n i s h e d accessible inductive methods f o r the v i s u a l observation and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of humankind. The c e n t r a l tenets of these widely-applied human "sciences" were that psychological and moral character could be read through the f a c i a l features and, i n some theories, the general body deportment (physiognomy) as well as through the shape of the human s k u l l (phrenology). These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , understood to correspond to c e r t a i n 2 9 Young, 1-19. C i r c u l a t i n g simultaneously, another theory, le s s r i g i d l y b i o l o g i c a l i n i t s explanations of difference, was that of "types". See Mary Cowling, The A r t i s t as Anthropologist (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989) x i x . 3 0 Stocking, 36. 3 1 Stocking, 35, 36. 3 2 Stocking, 430-45; Young, 14; see Adas, 250-258, f or a discussion of Western European nations' s e l f - c o n s t u c t i o n as superior to foreign cultures who d i d not share the i n d u s t r i a l values linked to "time, work, and d i s c i p l i n e " . 3 3 Cowling 4-5; Stocking r a c i a l or ethnic, that i s , c u l t u r a l l y homogeneous, groups, were i n turn broadly applied along class l i n e s to denote inherent differences i n the domestic so c i a l body. 3 4 In her 1989 study of physiognomic conventions embodied i n 19th-century art, v i s u a l historian Mary Cowling has argued that the c u l t u r a l codings taken to be imprinted on the human body were a source of e n t h u s i a s t i c i n t e r e s t to m i d d l e - c l a s s V i c t o r i a n s . Physiognomy rested, she has pointed out, on the c u l t i v a t i o n of the "art of seeing," a process that was c e n t r a l to an urban experience shaped by the constant growth and d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i n c i t y populations at mid-century. 3 5 The growing v i s i b l e presence of the I r i s h within E n g l i s h urban centres during the 1830's and 1840's — a p e r i o d when contemporary news reports focused on s o c i a l unrest, high crime rates, and epidemic disease — set this immigrant group up as a p a r t i c u l a r l y provocative object of t h i s kind of scrutiny. As outsiders, the I r i s h working classes seasonally or permanently resident i n England and Scotland were p a r t i c u l a r l y susceptible to examination f o r degrees of p h y s i c a l , and by extension, psychological and moral, deviation from the Anglo-Saxon norm. As a r e s u l t , the d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s of the I r i s h , along with t h e i r circumscribed conditions of work, were used to mark them out as a homogeneous group that displayed a range of objective signs denoting c u l t u r a l and r a c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y . William Redfield's Comparative Physiognomy, a h i g h l y -regarded work published i n 1852, provides a disturbing example 3 4 See Cowling's d e s c r i p t i o n of the h i s t o r y and a p p l i c a t i o n of these c l a s s i f y i n g p r a c t i c e s i n 19th-century B r i t a i n i n Chapters 1 and 2, "Physiognomy: the L i t e r a l View," 7-53 and "The Rules of Physiognomy and Their A p p l i c a t i o n i n the V i c t o r i a n Age," 54-86. 3 5 Cowling, 5. 26 of t h i s kind of pseudo-scientific analysis. Redfield's text and i t s i l l u s t r a t i o n s e x p l o i t e d seeing and v i s i o n as an empirical basis for r a c i a l i z i n g practices. In one [ f i g . l ] 3 6 an analogic r e l a t i o n s h i p was asserted by a juxtapostion of an I r i s h male and a t e r r i e r dog. 3 7 Here, the purported s i m i l a r i t i e s between the two, with both evoked as scrounging and yapping animals, are claimed through a v i s u a l argument i n which the f a c i a l appearance of the Irishman, represented as shaggy and unkempt, i s reinforced by the s e r v i l e t i l t of the head and a look of innocent a n t i c i p a t i o n . This i s mirrored i n the appearance and a t t i t u d e of h i s canine counterpart. Underscoring t h i s r e l a t i o n , and i n accordance with physiognomic p r i n c i p l e s at mid-century, the exaggerated c r a n i a l angle of the I r i s h male, i n conjunction with the f l a t nose and long upper l i p , would also have served to r e g i s t e r a set of prognathous features, understood as indicative of limited i n t e l l e c t and low development on the human s c a l e . 3 8 3 6 Comparison of an Irishman with a t e r r i e r dog, i n James Redfield, Comparative Physiognomy or the Resemblances between Men and Animals (New York: Redfield, C l i n t o n H a l l , 1852) i l l u s t r a t e d i n Cowling, 37 (plate 24). 3 7 C i t e d i n Cowling, 34-37. 3 8 Cowling, 59-60. Pi e t e r Camper's 1791 schema of f a c i a l angles and t h e i r correspondence to human and animal samples influenced mid 19th century anthropological views on r a c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s , thus giving s c i e n t i f i c support to the assumptions of physiognomy. These assumptions rested on the b e l i e f that orthognathous c r a n i a l forms r e f l e c t e d high i n t e l l i g e n c e and moral character while deviations towards the prognathous form i n d i c a t e d a "brutish", that i s a n i m a l i s t i c , degradation. For a culture steeped i n the " s c i e n t i f i c t ruthfulness" of physiognomy — and fascinated by the animal-human analogic system — i t would be d i f f i c u l t not to place a value judgment on the r e l a t i v e merits of a p a i r i n g of the Anglo-Saxon with the r e l i a b l e , productive and steady English cob as opposed to the I r i s h C e l t 1 s supposed a f f i n i t y with the un r e l i a b l e , economically non-productive — and — i n the case of t h i s image — annoyingly importunate t e r r i e r . That the Englishman was also paired with the b u l l i n v i t e s another i n t e r e s t i n g comparison. Cowling, 35,37. According to Cowling, member of the Anthropological Society of London, Groom Napier's 1870 Book of Nature and the Book of Man drew i n d i v i d u a l , r a c i a l and class analogies between men and animals, incorporating the theory of temperaments to do so. I t was i n t h i s work that he described the usefulness of the mixed temperament of the Engli s h cob. Cowling, 37. C l e a r l y , the s c i e n t i f i c status of such analysis has an i m p l i c a t i o n for the r o l e that the v i s u a l , whether i n verbal d e s c r i p t i o n or p i c t o r i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , could play i n contemporary s o c i a l theories i n 19th-century culture. However, the currency of such r a c i a l constructs within the V i c t o r i a n imaginary had broader and more complex manifestations. Indeed, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and values explained i n terms of inherent q u a l i t i e s of race were given a p a r t i c u l a r status i n h i s t o r i c a l narratives that addressed the evolution of the modern B r i t i s h state. In these, B r i t i s h history i t s e l f could be explained i n terms of a s e r i e s of successive clashes between d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l groups, each with t h e i r own attributes and temperaments understood to p e r s i s t through time. 3 9 At i t s broadest l e v e l , what L i o n e l Gossman has described as the "theory of r a c i a l conquest," 4 0 traced the gradual evolution of the nation i n terms of successive waves of c o n f l i c t . In B r i t a i n s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s narrative of national progression was a r t i c u l a t e d through the evocative metaphor of the Norman Yoke that evoked the defeat i n 1066 of England's race of Anglo-Saxons by a fo r e i g n French invader. 4 1 As c u l t u r a l h i s t o r i a n L.P. C u r t i s , J r . has demonstrated, England's leading h i s t o r i a n s of the middle decades of the nineteenth-century promoted the ideology of the Norman Yoke by 3 9 Michael Banton, The Idea of Race (London: Tavistock. 1977) 17; C u r t i s , Anglo-Saxons and Celts.36. 4 0 L i o n e l Gossman, "Augustin Thierry and L i b e r a l Historiography," History and Theory 15 (1976) 1-83, 23. 4 1 This theme was c e n t r a l to S i r Walter Scott's Ivanhoe: a Romance of 1820, which remained through the century one of B r i t a i n ' s b e s t - s e l l i n g novels. The r e p r i n t i n g of Scott's Ivanhoe at l a t e r moments i n the century — i n c l u d i n g j u s t p r i o r to the appearance of Maxwell's History of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n — contributed to the c i r c u l a t i o n of a reworked version of t h i s ancestral myth. a s c r i b i n g the o r i g i n s of royal and a r i s t o c r a t i c p r i v i l e g e to the domination of t h i s Norman r a c i a l "other". In turn, what were perceived as B r i t a i n ' s stable p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , and what was posed as a native and centuries-old "devotion of the Anglo-Saxon people to an ideal of personal and c i v i l l i b e r t y , " 4 2 was traced to the "ancient c o n s t i t u t i o n " of a pre-Norman, Anglo Saxon p e r i o d . 4 3 The myth of the Norman Yoke thus stressed that an inherently superior and r e s i l i a n t Anglo-Saxon character was central to the ultimate form given modern B r i t i s h c i v i l l i b e r t i e s and to the forging of the modern middle classes themselves. As a narrative of national o r i g i n s , t h i s theory of r a c i a l conquest served to legitimze both c o n f l i c t and oppression as a natural part of history's own unfolding. Indeed, within t h i s frame the p r i v i l e g e given to a s p e c i f i c a l l y Anglo-Saxon heritage was buttressed by a preceding r a c i a l conquest: the i n i t i a l subjugation of e a r l i e r C e l t i c and Gaelic " t r i b e s " by a more "developed" and " v i t a l " Ango-Saxon peoples. As both V i c t o r i a n ethnographers and h i s t o r i a n s would c l a i m these C e l t i c / G a e l i c populations, defined predominantly as of "base blood" and i n s t i n c t - d r i v e n , 4 4 had survived i n t a c t i n the remote margins of the B r i t i s h Isles, providing the ancestral stock for the modern I r i s h , Scots and Welsh. 4 5 4 2 C u r t i s , Anglo-Saxons and C e l t s . 9,75. 4 3 C u r t i s , Anglo-Saxons and C e l t s . 75. On the Norman Yoke and i t s p o l i t i c a l implications see Christopher H i l l , "The Norman Yoke," Puritanism and Revolution (New York: Schocken, 1958) 50-123; also Laura Ann S t o l e r , Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault's "History of Sexuality and the C o l o n i a l Order of Things (Durham:Duke,1995)73. 4 4 C u r t i s , 36-37, and passim. Stocking, 62-64. 4 5 Stocking; C u r t i s , 36-37; Gossman, 26-27; Hugh Trevor-Roper, "The Invention of T r a d i t i o n : The Highland T r a d i t i o n of Scotland," The Invention of T r a d i t i o n , eds.Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger(Cambridge: Cambridge, UP This h i s t o r i c a l and evolutionary context had an important im p l i c a t i o n f o r the status of Ireland within the modern body p o l i t i c . In an analysis of Foucault's use of 16th and 17th century h i s t o r i e s of the Norman conquest of Saxon England as a means to investigate the ways i n which r a c i a l disourses were used to a variety of p o l i t i c a l ends, hist o r i a n Ann Laura Stoler has underlined how the r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of European overseas empires i n the 18th and 19th centuries had a c o r o l l a r y i n terms of i n t e r n a l mechanisms of state power. Foucault, she notes, described a "return e f f e c t . . . o f c o l o n i a l p r a c t i c e . " 4 6 C i t i n g Mary Louise Pratt's analysis of 18th-century c o l o n i a l h i s t o r y where i t i s argued that Europe's c o l o n i a l ventures ultimately provided models of domination for i t s 18th-century bourgeois o r d e r , 4 7 S t o l e r d e s c r i b e s what she terms " i n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m " 4 8 as one r e s u l t of the r a c i a l i z i n g theories that legitmized external c o l o n i a l expansion. As I w i l l be arguing i n more d e t a i l i n Chapter IV of the present study, t h i s i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of imperial rule was operative i n mid-19th century B r i t a i n through an A n g l o c e n t r i c discourse which constructed the Celt — and s p e c i f i c a l l y the I r i s h C e l t — as England's internal c o l o n i a l "other". It i s useful to point out here that the relationship of dominance and opposition that was enabled by t h i s equation was, by the mid-19th century, given p a r t i c u l a r i n f l e c t i o n by the f a m i l i a r l i n k s drawn between the 1992)15-20; Prys Morgan, "From a Death to a View: The Hunt for a Welsh Past i n the Romantic Period," Hobsbawm and Ranger eds., 67-69, 99. 4 6 Michel Foucault, Difendere l a societa (Florence: Ponte a l l e Grazie, 1990) 78, quoted i n Stoler, 75. 4 7 Stoler, 73-5. 4 8 Stoler, 74-5. C e l t i c ancestry ascribed to both the French and I r i s h . 4 9 The r e s u l t was the strengthening of the notion of a "natural" — and, f o r the B r i t i s h , dangerous — a l l i a n c e through the bonds of blood between the nation's h i s t o r i c enemy, France and what was posed as the nation's troublesome internal threat, Ireland. 4 9 Such theories were c i r c u l a t e d to educated B r i t i s h audiences through a range of p u b l i c a t i o n s . As but one example, the appearance i n the Quarterly Review of Jules Michelet's History of France of 1835, c i t e d i n C u r t i s , Anglo-Saxons and C e l t s . 37, underscored the importance of race to nation a l character and the e s s e n t i a l C e l t i c temperament shared by French and I r i s h . CHAPTER II THE HISTORICAL FORM: THE CONTESTED FIELD In the early 1840's, news of Ireland figured prominently i n the pages of the news and other media both i n and outside of London. These public forms served as a major ve h i c l e f o r the discussion and dissemination of views on the " I r i s h Question". The I l l u s t r a t e d London News was among many new organs of the popular press that highlighted, through p r i v i l e g e of placement, frequency of reportage and, i n i t s case, an innovative i l l u s t r a t e d format, the progress of the "State T r i a l s " of I r i s h a c t i v i s t s accused of sedition against the B r i t i s h government. 1 In October of 1843, just p r i o r to the laying of these charges against O'Connell and his closest compatriots, the journal had characterized for i t s readership the danger of the contemporary s i t u a t i o n i n Ireland through a passionately s t i r r i n g r h e t o r i c . The newspaper's e d i t o r i a l had foregrounded the mounting tensions i n Ireland as verging on the outbreak of r e b e l l i o n , 2 c i t i n g the danger of the huge organized gatherings of support for Repeal i n Ireland, known as "monster meetings": Ireland i s i n a perfect eruption of energy — the volcano of agitation i s discharging i t s lava over a l l the land — the tongue of the liberator i s the emblem of perpetual motion — and repeal points towards rebe l l i o n with the eye of discord, and the finger of flame... But what are we to think of the dangerous displays of which we find a dai l y record i n the national press? What are we to think of organized armies, the mounted cavalry of Repeal?... W i l l anyone declare the elements of peaceful feeling or obedience to the laws to dwell i n these dreadful demonstrations? 3 1 I l l u s t r a t e d London News, preface, vol.4, 6 July 1844. "The I r i s h Proclamation," I l l u s t r a t e d London News 14 Oct. 1843: 241. "Government and the Recess," I l u s t r a t e d London News 7 Oct. 1843: 225. Representations concerning Ireland's present, past, and future were not, however, homogenous. While the I l l u s t r a t e d London News, for example, treated the " I r i s h Question" from a standpoint of what i t s reform-minded readers would characterize as intense concern and humanitarian compassion, some other commentators on the I r i s h s i t u a t i o n held to extreme views with r e a l and inflammatory implications. Thomas Car l y l e was one of these. Writing during the potato famine, a few years a f t e r the History of the I r i s h Rebellion's publication when the threat of Repeal had s u b s t a n t i a l l y diminished, the noted h i s t o r i a n and author of the History of the French Revolution, described the poor i n the I r i s h workhouse as "deceptive human swine" and "a burden on the B r i t i s h Empire". His observations were coloured by a perception that "the I r i s h problem epitomized the English dilemma",4 a reference to the national d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent to conditions of rapid urban growth, economic recession and, at t h i s point, epidemic starvation, but which were framed by him i n terms of r a c i a l difference. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that an e a r l y advertisement f o r Maxwell's History of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n appeared i n the November 18, 1843 issue of the I l l u s t r a t e d London News:5 the work thus both f i g u r a t i v e l y and l i t e r a l l y made i t s entry into the network of new d i s c u r s i v e forms i n the l a t e 1830's and 4 Thomas C a r l y l e , "Reminiscences of My I r i s h Journey i n 1849," The English T r a v e l l e r i n Ireland, ed. John P. Harrington (Dublin: Wolfhound Press, 1991) 255-263. Graham Davis makes mention of C a r l y l e ' s " h y s t e r i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n s of the I r i s h i n B r i t a i n " (169). Davis c i t e s C a r l y l e 1 s famous statement of 1839: "The time has come when the I r i s h population must be improved a l i t t l e or exterminated" (10). 5 I l l u s t r a t e d London News. 18 Nov.1843: 324. e a r l y 1840's, which included weekly i l l u s t r a t e d p ublications which were geared to middle-class readerships. 6 In fact, Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion was only one of several l i t e r a r y productions i n the advertisement columns of t h i s p u b l i c a t i o n which took up the subject of Ireland at t h i s time. Indeed, shortly a f t e r the announcement of Maxwell's upcoming work the I l l u s t r a t e d London News announced the p u b l i c a t i o n of t i t l e s as diverse as I r e l a n d Before and Af t e r the Union with Great B r i t i a n and A V i s i t to the Wild West, the l a t t e r c h a r a c t e r i z e d as "an E n g l i s h t r a v e l l e r ' s sketch of the Emerald I s l e " , suggesting that the "wild west" designation p o s i t s the I r i s h " f r o n t i e r " i n opposition to an English c i v i l i z i n g centre, 7 a theme we s h a l l see elucidated through Cruikshank's images i n Maxwell's work. Concurrently, the Spectator. a progressive, reform-minded London newspaper founded i n the 1 8 2 0 ' s , 8 p u b l i s h e d advertisements and reviews of several t r a v e l accounts and volumes of history on the subject of Ireland. 9 The Spectator's 1842 review of one recently-published hi s t o r y , Catholic Irishman Richard Robert Madden's The United 6 For a discussion of new media forms at mid-century, see P a t r i c i a Anderson, The Printed Image and the Transformation of Popular Culture. 1790-1860 (Oxford: Clarendon Prsss, 1995); also see Cel i n a Fox, Graphic Journalism i n England During the 1830's and 1840's (New York: Garland, 1988). 7 I l l u s t r a t e d London News 30 Dec. 1843: 426. 8 Dennis G r i f f i t h s , The Encyclopedia of the B r i t i s h Press 1422-1992 X N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1992) 525-26. 9 See, for example, reviews of "Mr. Grant's Impressions of Ireland and the I r i s h , " Spectator 2 Nov. 1844: 1047-48; "Dr. James Johnson's Tour i n Ireland," Spectator 11 May, 1844: 446-7. Advertisements were run f o r such works as J.G.Kohl's Travels i n Ireland (Spectator 20 A p r i l 1844:825) and a single-volume h i s t o r y by Robert Montgomery Martin, Ireland Before and Since the Union with Great B r i t a i n (Spectator 20 A p r i l 1844: 847). Irishmen. Their Lives and Times. 1 0 provided i t s readership with an assessment of an h i s t o r i c a l narrative representing the same chronology of events that Maxwell would treat almost two years l a t e r . 1 1 Indeed, i t would seem that Madden's work provided the c a t a l y s t for Maxwell's own version of events, which worked to counter the support Madden gave C a t h o l i c I r i s h i n t e r e s t s . Before examining the s t r a t e g i c formulations used i n the promotion of Maxwell's l i t e r a r y production i n r e l a t i o n to Madden's, i t w i l l be usefu l here to delineate b r i e f l y the h i s t o r i c a l background and s a l i e n t events to which both the narratives' authors refer. H i s t o r i a n John O'Beirne Ranelagh 1 2 has c h a r a c t e r i z e d Ireland's p o s i t i o n i n the period of the la t e 18th century i n terms of an ongoing process of resistance to the economic, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l interventions by the B r i t i s h and t h e i r Anglo-Irish a l l i e s . As Ranelagh notes, s l i g h t l y more than a century before the I r i s h Rebellion, the defeat i n Ireland i n 1690 of England's Catholic Stuart monarch, James I I , by the Protestant William, Prince of Orange, l e f t the Catholic I r i s h m a j o r i t y under the c o l o n i a l c o n t r o l of a parliament of Protestant a l l e g i a n c e . Known as the Anglican "Ascendancy", t h i s Anglo-Irish governing body maintained strong p o l i t i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i n k s with B r i t a i n . In 1695, i n order to 1 0 "Dr. Madden's United Irishmen," Spectator 2 July 1842: 639. 1 1 R.R. Madden, M.D. The United Irishmen. Their Lives and Times (London: J . Madden & Co., 1842). There i s some speculation that t h i s work a c t u a l l y appeared f i r s t i n s e r i a l form, although I have not been able to f i n d that evidence. 1 2 See Chapter 4:"Penal Times" i n John O'Beirne Ranelagh, A Short History of Ireland. 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994) 66-86. For a B r i t i s h h i s t o r i c a l view see Glyn Williams and John Ramsden, Ruling B r i t a n n i a : A P o l i t i c a l History of B r i t a i n . 1688-1988 (London: Longman, 1990) 16-18. enforce i t s economic advantage, the Ascendancy i n s t i t u t e d a series of severe anti-Catholic laws that, over the period of a century, e f f e c t i v e l y emasculated or expelled Ireland's Old English (Gaelicized Anglo-Normans) and Gaelic noble f a m i l i e s and subjugated the remaining majority Catholic population to economic servitude. A s e l e c t i o n of the same laws were applied to the population of Dissenters, that i s Ulster Presbyterians, who nonetheless enjoyed s u f f i c i e n t opportunity to prosper economically, i f not p o l i t i c a l l y . The E n g l i s h Parliament supplemented those r e s t r i c t i v e laws with i t s own "Poyning's Law", which declared that the I r i s h parliament could meet only with the English king's permission and l e g i s l a t e only through his c o u n c i l . 1 3 Approximately a century a f t e r the entrenchment of the A n g l o - I r i s h Ascendency, a n t i - c o l o n i a l forces within Ireland organized to overthrow the c o l o n i a l government i n Dublin. The ultimate goal of t h i s denominationally-mixed group was to win representational rights for a l l I r i s h , regardless of r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , and to achieve p o l i t i c a l and economic independence from England. 1 4 As the vast majority of Dublin's Ascendancy parliamentarians, comfortable i n t h e i r positions of p r i v i l e g e , remained i n t r a c t a b l e , what followed i n 1798 was a massive up r i s i n g against B r i t i s h economic and l e g i s l a t i v e domination. Subsequent to the rebels' defeat by " l o y a l i s t " forces i n 1799, the Union was enacted i n 1800, binding Ireland to England i n an o s t e n s i b l e state of n a t i o n a l "partnership". Discontent 1 3 Ranelagh, 45. 1 4 Williams and Ramsden give a concise account of the i n e q u i t i e s of the I r i s h p o l i t i c a l system i n the 18th century and the d i f f i c u l t i e s they posed for a B r i t i s h government i n England at a time when i t was also contending with American grievances and, ultimately, war. 114-16. p e r s i s t e d however, and the Union was interrupted b r i e f l y i n 1801 by the threat of another, but eventually f u t i l e , r e b e l i n s u r r e c t i o n led by the I r i s h p a t r i o t Robert Emmett, a figur e who would be taken up and mythologized by l a t e r I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t s . 1 5 R e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the o v e r a l l planning and organization of the R e b e l l i o n of 1798 lay with i n the ranks of m u l t i -denominational groups wit h i n the middle c l a s s e s f o r whom economic considerations were the d r i v i n g force. In the North these factions, originated by Anglican n a t i o n a l i s t s , had been organized for two decades to agitate for p o l i t i c a l reform and re l i g i o u s equality under the authority of the Society of United I r i s h m e n . 1 6 Encompassing both Northern I r i s h r a d i c a l Anglicans, that i s , Church of Englanders, and Northern I r i s h Dissenters — the non-Anglican Protestant and predominantly Presbyterian sector — the Society of United Irishmen shared a common in t e r e s t i n winning the franchise for those segments of the middle classes whose substantial economic a c t i v i t y remained unrepresented i n P a r l i a m e n t . 1 7 In an unusual s p i r i t of r e l i g i o u s t o l e r a t i o n the Dissenters and r a d i c a l Anglicans claimed common cause with the prosperous members of the so-ca l l e d Catholic Committee i n centres i n the South, who l i k e the Dissenters, were excluded from representation on the basis of r e l i g i o n . Encouraged by parliamentary intransigence to draw i n s p i r a t i o n from both the American and French Revolutions, 1 5 Ranelagh, 94-5. This passage gives a concise d e s c r i p t i o n of Emmett's a c t i v i t y and his subsequent mythologization by I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t s . 1 6 For s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l s who were involved i n the formation of the Society of United Irishmen see Ranelagh, 82-83. 1 7 For an account of t h i s period from the perspective of a B r i t i s h h i s t o r i a n see Williams and Ramsden, 149-150. these groups, eventually forced underground, c a l l e d on French support for the i r cause. 1 8 Indeed, the Revolutionary France did send a small force to Ireland to aid the rebels i n the course of the Rebellion, but t h e i r effectiveness was lim i t e d i n terms of organizational efficency and i n s u f f i c i e n t numbers.19 I r e l a n d ' s l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n s of peasant farmers, overwhelmingly Catholic, who became involved i n the v i o l e n t conflagration, had t h e i r own h i s t o r i c grievances a r i s i n g from the harsh penal laws which, among other forms of discrimination, excluded them from representation, education, ownership of land, and the bearing of arms. 2 0 Popular protest among these constituencies throughout the eighteenth and into the nineteenth century had focused on the l e g i s l a t e d payment of t i t h e s to the Established Anglican, Church, an oppressive burden upon vast numbers of people barely able to maintain a subsistence l i f e s t y l e . Although large numbers of farmers and peasants became a c t i v e l y involved i n the I r i s h Rebellion, the Catholic hierarchy, remembering the fate of the Church during the French Revolution, positioned i t s e l f against the outbreak, f u l l y aware of damage to i t s own s e c u r i t y that involvement might cause. O r i g i n a l l y published i n s e r i a l form almost f i f t y years a f t e r the h i s t o r i c a l moment, Richard Robert Madden's United Irishmen. Their Lives and Times, a three-volume version of the events leading up to and following the Rebellion, was comprised of three parts: a broad history of contact and c o n f l i c t between 1 8 For an account of French involvement i n the I r i s h Rebellion see Randlagh, 82-86. 1 9 Williams and Ramsden, 149. 2 0 Ranelagh, 67-86. the I r i s h and the English from the 12th century; a h i s t o r y of the o r i g i n s and the a c t i v i t i e s of the Society of the United Irishmen and i t s contemporaries; and a biographical section that focused on i n d i v i d u a l p o r t r a i t s of the p a t r i o t heroes. Unlike Maxwell, whose History of the I r i s h Rebellion emphasized m i l i t a r y t a c t i c s and acts of violence, Madden devoted only one chapter to the a t r o c i t i e s of war and, framing them as symbolic of the ultimate consequences of parlimentary i n a c t i o n , shared r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for those actions more or less equally between the Catholic and Protestant protagonists. The United Irishmen was greeted with derision i n the pages of the S p e c t a t o r . 2 1 L a b e l l i n g the work as incompetent and devoid of any l i t e r a r y merits, the newspaper lambasted Madden's work as a "wordy, crude, and purposeless productionfs]" i n which "facts are few and the arrangement i s bad". F i n a l l y i t claimed Madden's h i s t o r y was biased, marked by hasty and inaccurate research: ...[but] as a whole, his narrative i s that of a man whose nature has the recklessness and vehemence of a partisan, and who, not designing p a r t i a l i t y , i s incapable of taking a large view of complicated events, or deducing from them the p h i l o s o p h i c a l t r u t h they may contain. And sometimes,in h i s haste to turn a period, he i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y accurate about a f a c t , and generally makes no allowance f o r circumstances or necessity. 2 2 The c r i t i c i s m s l e v e l l e d at Madden's writing style could be legitimated i n an era where the writing of h i s t o r y was, to a s i g n i f i c a n t degree, a l i t e r a r y exercise. However, what seems more l i k e l y to have informed the Spectator's c r i t i c a l stance i s that i t was part of an offensive arsenal designed to d e f l e c t 2 1 Spectator. 2 July 1842, 639-640. 2 2 Spectator. 2 July 1842, 640. any sympathetic reading of Madden's content. That such a h o s t i l e p o s i t i o n was taken up by a reform-oriented and l i b e r a l newspaper i n the contentious moments of the e a r l y 1840's appears to be a deliberate subversion of the fact that i n t h i s work Madden himself made a case against the Repeal of the Union Movement, instead representing the h i s t o r i c s i t u a t i o n of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n a l i g h t that foregrounded the present necessity for reform. The reviewer may well have been reacting against Madden's attempt to exonerate and to some extent mythologize the main I r i s h p a t r i o t f i g u r e s of the 1798 R e b e l l i o n and h i s d e f l e c t i n g of the blame f o r the 1798 catastrophe onto the brut a l and dehumanizing treatment of the I r i s h by successive governments con t r o l l e d by England. Given the present unstable circumstances i n Ireland and England, exacerbated by a Tory government seemingly intent on r e s i s t i n g l e g i s l a t i v e reform, Madden's in t e r p r e t a t i o n no doubt was seen to have inflammatory p o t e n t i a l . But what would have been p a r t i c u l a r l y problematic for a B r i t i s h mid-century audience was the fa c t that the United Irishmen had been published f i r s t i n Dublin, New York and P h i l a d e l p h i a , areas known f o r t h e i r support of the I r i s h cause. 2 3 Keeping i n mind that h i s t o r i c a l representation always serves i d e o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t s , i t i s hardly surprising that the Spectator's review of Madden's work was unfavourable. Neither the author's Catholic r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n nor his p o l i t i c a l sympathies — that i s , as an I r i s h , rather than B r i t i s h , p a t r i o t — worked to his advantage i n the London market i n 2 3 National Union Catalogue, vol.354, 196-197. which Maxwell 1s History of the I r i s h Rebellion was to c i r c u l a t e one-and-a-half to two years l a t e r . Indeed, given t h e i r Jacobin associations, the United Irishmen, whom Madden defended, could hardly i n s p i r e favourable press i n the v o l a t i l e climate of the 1840's. Yet, however unsuccessful i t s appearance i n the London media, the fact that Madden's history had o r i g i n a l l y apeared i n s e r i a l i z e d form suggests that i t was intended to appeal, l i k e Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion, to a middle-class audience whose p o l i t i c a l i n c l i n a t i o n s were r e f o r m i s t . Supporting t h i s contention was the fact that the Introduction to Madden's work deployed an e a r n e s t p l e a f o r a reinterpretation of the United Irishmen's motives as o r i g i n a l l y reformist, rather than r a d i c a l , i n i n t e n t . 2 4 Such a r h e t o r i c a l gesture i n the middle-class arena at mid-century would have been read with p a r t i c u l a r urgency. B r i t i s h middle-class audiences, while s o l i d l y against repeal of the Union, were themselves generally i n favour of l e g i s l a t i v e reform — at le a s t i n B r i t a i n . However, given the climate of c i v i l unrest, a r t i c u l a t e d through c l a s s and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a l l e n g e throughout the United Kingdom i n the 1830's and early 1840's, Madden's j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the actions of his fellow p a t r i o t s almost f i f t y years e a r l i e r problematized the reception of his work. Indeed, his polemical stance v i r t u a l l y demanded an oppositional response. Though never e x p l i c i t l y naming Madden, Maxwell claimed, i n the preface to h i s single-volume H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n . that his own narrative of the events of 1798 was 2 4 Madden, preface , v i i - x v i i ; Ranelagh, 45. intended as a "corrective" to more partisan accounts of the Rebellion. Yet, i n representing t h i s history over the course of 477 pages he invested ultimate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the horrors of the Rebellion i n a p a r t i c u l a r classed subject, the Catholic I r i s h peasant. Further, he pointed a finger d i r e c t l y at the influence over the peasant mobs of the I r i s h Catholic Church. Extending an association between Catholicism and the French, Maxwell also raised the spectre of French Revolutionary republicanism. This l a i d the ground for his representation of the h i s t o r i c enactment of the Union between Ireland and England i n 1800 as the r e s u l t of the persuasive l o g i c of B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m over threats of republican r a d i c a l i s m and i t s democratizing aims. HISTORICAL NARRATIVE AND THE UNCONVENTIONAL FORM As representation, History r e l i e s upon a repertory of conventions that d i s t i n g u i s h i t from other l i t e r a r y genres. The manipulation of these accepted p r a c t i c e s , whether by rupture or by putting them to new and unexpected uses, can have a d i r e c t impact on the way i n which readers approach and in t e r p r e t a work. As would be expected, Maxwell, l i k e Madden, employed c e r t a i n historiographic conventions to legitimate his narrative as history. In r e l y i n g heavily on footnoted sources and appendices containing period documents and a f f i d a v i t s , both men d i g n i f i e d t h e i r positions with a tone of moral authority. However, Maxwell's strategy seems also to have involved a f o r t i f i c a t i o n of his narrative i n r e l a t i o n to Madden's e a r l i e r work by transposing d i r e c t l y into the body of his own text long passages from contesting h i s t o r i e s written within a few years 42 of the 1798 R e b e l l i o n . 2 5 I t i s through t h i s " c o l l a t i o n " of representations that Maxwell seems to attempt to e s t a b l i s h his own " s t r i c t i m p a r t i a l i t y " . 2 6 However, while t h i s somewhat cont r i v e d approach may be seen to support to some extent Maxwell's claims of " o b j e c t i v i t y " , his own personal s i t u a t i o n within the highly-charged moment b e l i e d t h i s claim. As an A n g l o - I r i s h Protestant clergyman p u b l i s h i n g i n London and lacking f i n a n c i a l security without the support of the Church of England, Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion was hardly neutral. When Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion did appear on the market two years a f t e r Madden's work, i t manipulated several marketing and r h e t o r i c a l strategies to i t s advantage. While both h i s t o r i e s of the R e b e l l i o n c a p i t a l i z e d on the p o t e n t i a l of the new publishing practice of s e r i a l i z a t i o n to 2 5 S i r Richard Musgrave, Memoirs of the D i f f e r e n t Rebellions i n Ireland From the A r r i v a l of the English (Dublin: John M i l l i k e n ; London: John Stockdale, 1801) and Rev. James Gordon, History of the Rebellion i n Ireland i n the Year 1798 (London: T.Hurst; Dublin: J.Cooke, 1803). 2 6 Maxwell, preface, History of the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798 (London:George B e l l , 1903). Maxwell purports to describe the events of the 1798 I r i s h r e b e l l i o n with a s t r i c t i m p a r t i a l i t y , as an antidote to the "partisan" accounts i n c i r c u l a t i o n at the time. Given the highly charged moment, and Maxwell's own implication i n i t as an Anglo-Irish Protestant publishing i n London, one can hardly take his claim at face value. Indeed, as a clergyman himself, he r e l i e d on the continuation of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p o l i c y of Protestant Ascendancy both for his legitimacy and his income. One's appreciation of his r h e t o r i c a l s t y l e i s enhanced knowing that, a s o l d i e r himself i n the Peninsular campaigns and at Waterloo, and inculcated with the notions of Empire, Maxwell spent some years afterwards " d e s u l t o r i l y , reading, hunting and shooting" — i n other words, unprofitably. The Dictionary of National Biography goes on to say that, disappointed by expectations of inheritance, he "mended his fortunes by marriage and took holy orders". His posting i n the wild western county of Connemara hardly disturbed the l i f e s t y l e he had so conscientiously c u l t i v a t e d : the area was devoid of congregation "but abounding i n game". Maxwell was best known as a sporting and m i l i t a r y n o v e l i s t though he also addressed his i n t e r e s t s through other genres — among his t i t l e s were Wild Sports of the West (1832J., L i f e of the Duke of Wellington (1839-41), The V i c t o r i e s of the B r i t i s h Armies (1839), The Dark Lady of Doona (1834), a romance novel,.and perhaps semi-autobiographically, Captain O'Sullivan, or Adventures. C i v i l . M i l i t a r y , and Matrimonial, by a Gentleman on half-pay (1846). reach a broad audience, the absence of contemporary i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n Madden's text l i m i t e d i t s p o t e n t i a l to c i r c u l a t e among and then engage with a middle-class audience. I l l u s t r a t e d only with maps and a few conventional engraved p o r t r a i t s , Madden's United Irishmen lacked an innovative mechanism to activate the work's t o p i c a l references. On the other hand, while Maxwell's work incorporated the same r e q u i s i t e , that i s the formal engraved p o r t r a i t s that had lent authority both to Madden's e a r l i e r work and to other "serious" h i s t o r i e s , i t i s p r e c i s e l y the unconventional r e l a t i o n s h i p of these with the v i s u a l genre of contemporary "popular" imagery that was provided by George Cruikshank that s u b s t a n t i a l l y contributed to the polemical advantage of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion. Along with s i x engraved plates a f t e r o f f i c i a l p o r t r a i t p a i n t i n g s representing major f i g u r e s connected with the R e b e l l i o n , Cruikshank's twenty-one images are interspersed throughout the Maxwell's text i n a sequence that roughly corresponds to Maxwell's narrative chronology. As such, they give v i s u a l form to what the S p e c t a t o r . i n i t s b r i e f and moderately favourable review of the f i r s t s e r i a l part of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion, c a l l e d Maxwell's " c o l l e c t i o n of f a c t s " . 2 7 Overall, the review emphasized Maxwell's o b j e c t i v i t y and his careful reliance on established authorities. [a] n a r r a t i v e of the occurences attending the I r i s h r e b e l l i o n of '98, with notices of the prominent members of the Society of United Irishmen; compiled from various a u t h o r i t i e s , and written i n a s p i r i t of fairness, though the author does not di s g u i s e his aversion from the treasonable designs of the rebels. It i s not a "history" i n the f u l l meaning of the term; 2 7 "Publications Received," Spectator 6 Jan. 1844:19. but as a c o l l e c t i o n of facts i t i s suited to the purpose of a popular p u b l i c a t i o n , addressed — as GEORGE CRUIKSHANK'S etchings indicate — to the lovers of circumstantial d e t a i l . While i t i s important to remember that t h i s notice r e f e r s only to the f i r s t s e r i a l part of Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion, i t i s nonetheless useful to compare the Spectator's assessment of the two works. 2 8 Each review r a i s e d issues of i m p a r t i a l i t y and the objective treatment of facts and events, and the areas i n which Madden was judged to have f a l l e n short i n these respects Maxwell's work escaped serious censure. Aside from these c r i t i c a l differences, the Spectator did, however, tease out a common d e f i c i t i n the two h i s t o r i e s . Neither one exhibited or, i n the case of Maxwell, was expected to produce through upcoming installments, what the Spectator apparently considered the "correct" mode of representing an h i s t o r i c a l period. Madden, the Spectator's reviewer states "[was] incapable of taking a large view of complicated events, or deducing from them the philosphical truth they may contain." On the other hand, Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion was seen as "not a history i n the f u l l meaning of the term; but as a c o l l e c t i o n of facts...and c i r c u m s t a n t i a l details".[my i t a l i c s ] Taken together, what these statements i n f e r r e d was tha t the " l e g i t i m a t e " w r i t i n g of h i s t o r y r e q u i r e d an "o b j e c t i v e " distance from the events described plus an explanatory overview which would give them coherence and contemporary relevance. This p a r t i c u l a r notion of history and the forms of writing which s a t i s f i e d i t s p e c u l i a r i t i e s has been addressed by Hayden 2 8 There i s no evidence of further reviews from t h i s or other contemporary journals or newspapers. White. Following Stephen C. Pepper, White has argued over two decades ago ( M e t a h i s t o r y . 1973 ) t h a t 19th-century his t o r i o g r a p h y could be theorized to include four formal paradigms to explain a body of f a c t s . 2 9 One of these, the "oraganicist" approach, best approximates the V i c t o r i a n need to see history as teleology and the English middle classes as i t s ultimate refinement. The o r g a n i c i s t theories of t r u t h and argument, according to White, synthesize series of past events i n t o processes governed by " p r i n c i p l e s " or "ideas" which prefigure "the end to which the process as a whole tends". 3 0 I t i s necessary here to d i s t i n g u i s h between the function of Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s within the s e r i a l context, where what the Spectator saw as c a r e f u l attention to the d e t a i l e d i l l u s t r a t i o n of Maxwell's f a c t s would e n t e r t a i n and b u i l d suspense, and t h e i r function within the single-volume bound work, whose readership would be circumscribed by the higher cost. I t would be within t h i s somewhat narrower f i e l d and by vir t u e of a u n i f i e d format that the f u l l impact of Cruikshank's se r i e s would be f e l t . As I w i l l demonstrate, much of that impact was due to the a b i l i t y of the v i s u a l not only to activate multiple narrative strands, (which i t could accomplish i n part i n the s e r i a l form as well) but also to encompass the written text within the philosophical and moralizing frame so central to the Victorian notion of History. Thus, while Maxwell's text represented a r e l a t i v e l y unstructured chronicle of past events i n the form of a quasi-m i l i t a r y h i s t o r y , i t was transformed by Cruikshank's v i s u a l 2 9 White, 13-17. 3 0 White, 16. programme i n t o an i d e o l o g i c a l argument f o r the innate s u p e r i o r i t y of the mid-19th century V i c t o r i a n middle classes. As w i l l emerge i n Chapter IV where I discuss Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s , t h i s was accomplished through an approximation of the Hogarthian model of autonomous p i c t o r i a l n a r r a t i v e . This mode, already f a m i l i a r to a V i c t o r i a n p u b l i c through Hogarth's mid-century p o p u l a r i t y , would serve to elevate Cruikshank's work beyond mere i l l u s t r a t i o n of the t e x t . Indeed, i t could be argued that Cruikshank's involvement i n the work at t h i s p a r t i c u l a r l e v e l relegated the text i t s e l f , e s s e n t i a l l y a graphic chronicle of v i o l e n t events without a philosophizing dimension, to a secondary r o l e . Furthermore, the p a r t i c u l a r mode of Cruikshank's p a r t i c i p a t i o n worked to transform the scenes of violence overwhelmingly represented i n both text and image i n t o a commodity that could c i r c u l a t e without censure among the se l f - c o n s c i o u s l y correct bourgeois "public". CHAPTER II I NEW MEDIA FORMS, SERIAL PUBLICATION, AND THE FICTIONS OF THE ILLUSTRATOR As an i l l u s t r a t e d p u b l i c a t i o n f i r s t isssued i n s e r i a l parts, Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion stands as an ea r l y V i c t o r i a n example of both the ruptures to an h i s t o r i c a l form effected by t h i s unconventional publishing approach and the s h i f t s i n meaning enacted upon the h i s t o r i c a l material i n the process. Several fac t o r s need to be considered here. F i r s t , the collaborative "authorship" of Cruikshank and Maxwell ra i s e s questions both about the readership's expectations of the material and the r o l e of i l l u s t r a t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the text, that i s , whether i t i s merely i l l u s t r a t i v e pf the text or c e n t r a l to the construction of i t s meaning. Second, the p a r t i c u l a r hybridization of forms which constitutes the work — an h i s t o r i c a l narrative i l l u s t r a t e d i n the t r a d i t i o n a l manner with formal engraved p o r t r a i t s together with a p i c t o r i a l programme associated at t h i s time with popular f i c t i o n — needs to be assessed i n l i g h t of the r e l a t i v e l y recent c u l t u r a l consumer, who bought not only for the i n t r i n s i c benefits of the expansion of knowledge but also for entertainment value and a f f o r d a b i l i t y . And t h i r d , as I w i l l shortly explore, since the p o t e n t i a l audience for t h i s product was much broader than that targetted by t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i e s , the impact of the work's message must be addressed. This i s relevant to an examination of the r h e t o r i c a l strategies crafted within the History of the I r i s h Rebellion which, I argue, were aimed p a r t i c u l a r l y towards middle-class readerships which, with much at stake i n the p o l i t i c a l decisions concerning contemporaneous s o c i a l issues, s u b s t a n t i a l l y formulated t h e i r own positions with reference to the various print media of a newly-expanded public sphere. As w i l l emerge, the conflation of v i s u a l and textual forms i n the History of the I r i s h Rebellion promoted a p a r t i c u l a r construction of a p o l i t i c a l and r a c i a l "other" that drew on a range of s o c i a l discourses anchored i n middle-class notions of c i v i l i z a t i o n and progress. Because of the p o t e n t i a l l y wide c i r c u l a t i o n of the work, which was due, i n large part, to i t s representation within an h i s t o r i c a l genre, i t was able to contribute markedly to the formulation of the I r i s h as c u l t u r a l i n f e r i o r s throughout the century. 1. HISTORY, FICTION, AND THE ILLUSTRATED FORMAT The 19th-century penchant for h i s t o r i c a l explanations of the present has been raised i n the previous chapter. The f a c t t h a t the works of the great p r o f e s s i o n a l 19th-century historians such as Sharon Turner (History of the Anglo-Saxons. 1799) 1 and Thomas Macauley (History of England. 1848) 2 were being voraciously consumed by middle-class audiences well a f t e r i n i t i a l publication 3 attests not only this phenomenon and to the growing democratization of knowledge that characterized the century's second quarter, but also to the popularity of the kind of national focus they traced out. But t e x t u a l forms associated with the h i s t o r i c a l genre were s i g n f i c a n t l y reworked for c i r c u l a t i o n among the expanded 1 Banton, 19. 2 Banton, 24. 3 Rosemary Jann, The Art and Science of V i c t o r i a n History (Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1985) xxvi. sphere of public discourse i n the 1830's and 1840's. This examination w i l l situate what I c a l l the "hybridized" form of Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion among a range of p r i n t m a t e r i a l s and media d i r e c t e d towards m i d d l e - c l a s s c o n s t i t u e n c i e s l o o k i n g f o r engagement on p o l i t i c a l , philosphical, moral, and entertainment levels. Expectations of both the h i s t o r y genre and i t s t e x t u a l production would have had a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the middle-c l a s s reception of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion. As a h i s t o r y i t s e l f , Maxwell's most obvious model was the conventional narrative history i n a bound state. In general, the non-fiction h i s t o r i c a l narrative written i n the 1830's and 1 8 4 0 ' s continued to adhere to conventional p u b l i c a t i o n practices, being produced i n single or multiple volumes — the more specialized i n many cases funded by subscription. For the purposes of proving i t s " i m p a r t i a l i t y " the genre often r e l i e d upon the s c h o l a r l y apparatus of appendices and footnotes, b o l s t e r i n g the "authenticity" of i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of past events through the accumulation of documentary evidence ( f i r s t -hand accounts and a f f i d a v i t s ) from o r i g i n a l sources. 4 Though not a standardized practice, v i s u a l programmes were sometimes incorporated, however these usually consisted of a small number of maps and o f f i c i a l engraved p o r t r a i t s and the occassional a l l e g o r i c a l image. 5 Setting a much e a r l i e r , and only p a r t i a l precedent for the publishers' approach to Maxwell's History of 4 See Hayden White. Also see L i o n e l Gossman's discussion of 19th-century l i b e r a l historiography i n "Augustin Thierry and L i b e r a l Historiography". 5 See, for example, S i r Jonah Barrinaton. H i s t o r i c Memoirs of Ireland (London: Colburn, 1835) i l l u s t r a t e d with "numerous o r i g i n a l p o r t r a i t s " ; John Heneage Jesse, Memoirs of the Pretenders and Their Adherents (London, Bentley,1845) containing p o r t r a i t plates; Thomas Keightley, History of England (London: Whittaker, 1839) without v i s u a l images. the I r i s h Rebellion, a "popular" two-volume history of England published i n 1807 by Dr. Goldsmith and Mr. Morell e n t i t l e d the History of England 6 contained a mixture of engraved p o r t r a i t s plus a more "imaginative" v i s u a l programme — a series of rather s t i f f full-page heroic battle or diplomatic scenes. The fact that the I r i s h Rebellion, as a j o i n t p u b l i c a t i o n by Maxwell and Cruikshank, operated within the realm of history was i n i t s e l f of c e n t r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e to i t s currency i n r e l a t i o n to contemporary events. The V i c t o r i a n s 1 well-developed sense of the t e l e o l o g i c a l progress of "man" endowed the past with s o c i a l and moral value f o r the present. 7 Here, the ultimate argument of Maxwell's text that the majority Catholic population should continue to be excluded from parliamentary representation required the authority of history to promote i t s claims. Although for the purposes of formal generic catagorization Maxwell 1s History of the I r i s h Rebellion does not f a l l within the realm of f i c t i o n per se, I want to claim that, by v i r t u e of Cruikshank's p i c t o r i a l programme, the s t r i c t parameters usually applied within a f i c t i o n / n o n f i c t i o n or history/non h i s t o r y dichotomy were undermined i n a s i t u a t i o n which exploited the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of each and played one o f f against the other. Indeed, a tenuous balance was struck between the authority of Maxwell's authenticating strategies — such as footnotes and appendices — and Cruikshank's well-known a s s o c i a t i o n with 6 Dr.Goldsmith and Mr. Morell, The History of England (Bungay, 1807). 7 See C h r i s t i n a Crosby, "Reading the Gothic Revival," Rewriting the V i c t o r i a n s . ed. Linda M. Shires (New York: Routledge, 1992)101-15. Also Andrew Sanders, introduction, The V i c t o r i a n H i s t o r i c a l Novel. 1840-1880 (London: Macmillan, 1978). f i c t i o n a l g e n r e s . 8 However, i n t h i s sense of s t r i c t categorization, and i n terms of the texts' thematic i n t e r e s t s , i t i s useful to recognize some of the commonalities between the two l i t e r a r y phenomena. For example, i t has been argued that the p o p u l a r i t y of S i r Walter Scott's h i s t o r i c a l f i c t i o n , represented by his Waverley Novels which had been published i n the f i r s t two decades of the century and which were re-issued throughout the V i c t o r i a n era, was due i n part to Scott's development of a d e s c r i p t i v e realism that not only acitvated the past, but gave i t a contemporary presence. 9 In addition, Scott's themes, set i n the h i s t o r i c a l past of England, Scotland and France, served to f a m i l i a r i z e his reading public with the t h e o r i e s of r a c i a l c o n f l i c t that were a l s o c u r r e n t i n h i s t o r i a n s ' own representations of the past. For example, the Norman/Saxon antagonisms, exploited and c e n t r a l to Ivanhoe, f i r s t issued i n 1820, crossed the boundaries of f i c t i o n and h i s t o r y to such an extent that French h i s t o r i a n Augustin Th i e r r y based his own writings concerning the evolution of European nations on Scott's representation of what Th i e r r y c a l l e d "two peoples locked i n c o n f l i c t " . 1 0 While these narratives had a profound resonance i n terms of a mid-19th century public's own perceptions of the forces that guided the past and the present, other theories have been put f o r t h to account f o r Scott's unprecedented p o p u l a r i t y . Thus, l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n J.R. Harvey has argued that Scott's 8 See John Buchanan-Brown, The Book I l l u s t r a t i o n s of George Cruikshank (Newton Abbot: David & Charles: Rutland, Vt.: Tuttle,1980); also J.R.Harvey, " G i l l r a y to Cruikshank: Graphic S a t i r e and I l l u s t r a t i o n , " V i c t o r i a n Novelists and Their I l l u s t r a t o r s (London: Sidgwick, 1970) 19-43. 9 Sanders, 11. 1 0 Augustin Thierry, Dix ans d'etudes historiques. [1834] (Paris, 1867) 138-146, quoted i n Gossman, 23. renewed popularity had as much to do with the adoption of an i l l u s t r a t e d and s e r i a l i z e d format as the enduring relevance of his thematic material. 1 1 This, of course has special pertinence f o r understanding the reception of the Maxwell/Cruikshank production and i t s c i r c u l a t i o n i n a f i e l d of p o l i t i c a l debate i n the 1840's. 2.CRUIKSHANK, FICTION, AND THE ILLUSTRATION Cruikshank's currency i n the 1830's and 1840's was c e r t a i n l y i n part due to h i s a s s o c i a t i o n with h i s t o r i c a l f i c t i o n . For example, although he had not been h i r e d to provide the dramatic images f o r Scott's work, he had contributed the comic i l l u s t r a t i o n s to a series of Scott's most popular novels published i n 1836-38.12 What i s more important to note here i s that, i n general terms, the i l l u s t r a t i o n of these and other o r i g i n a l l y image-less narratives by various i l l u s t r a t o r s enormously enhanced t h e i r a t t r a c t i o n f o r a new middle-class audience which bought for entertainment as well as p h i l o s o p h i c a l i n s t r u c t i o n — r e s u l t i n g i n a healthy c i r c u l a t i o n of a range of "popular" editions of c l a s s i c works. As I have intimated, the History of the I r i s h Rebellion could also have been read i n terms of Cruikshank's p i c t o r i a l work for e a r l i e r popular publications that took up a new form i n the l a t e 1830's. This innovation was the monthly s e r i a l i z a t i o n of i l l u s t r a t e d f i c t i o n (as opposed to non-f i c t i o n , i n c l u d i n g "serious" h i s t o r y ) , i n i t i a t e d by Charles 1 1 J.R. Harvey, 8. 1 2 Anthony Burton, "Cruikshank as an I l l u s t r a t o r of F i c t i o n , " George Cruikshank: a Reevaluation. ed. Robert L. Patten (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1992) 115-16. Dickens' The Pickwick Papers i n 1836-7. As Harvey argues, soon a f t e r i t s appearance i l l u s t r a t e d s e r i a l i z a t i o n became the most popular v e h i c l e f o r the c i r c u l a t i o n of newly-written, as opposed to reprinted, works of the genre. The s e r i a l form had c e r t a i n advantages for the reader with which the t r a d i t i o n a l three-volume novel form could not e f f e c t i v e l y compete: low-cost, v i s u a l entertainment, and the production of suspense, e f f e c t i v e l y b u i l t i n t o the form through the sequencing of p a r t s . 1 3 For l e s s a f f l u e n t , and perhaps less-educated readerships, the i l l u s t r a t i o n of each installment would have been c r u c i a l to an ongoing engagement with the material. For the publishers, too, i t meant "high c i r c u l a t i o n , spreading and e l a s t i c i t y of costs and payments from advertisers" — whose enthusiasm would be spurred by the successful c i r c u l a t i o n of e a r l i e r i n s t a l l m e n t s -- and "independence from lending l i b r a r i e s " , where readers unable to a f f o r d to buy the more expensive conventional forms had had borrowing access to f i c t i o n . 1 4 The s e r i a l format provided i d e a l conditions f o r the i l l u s t r a t o r to construct and assert his r e l a t i o n s h i p r e l a t i v e to the written text. This relationship was, at the very least, one of equality i f not p r i v i l e g e , since the V i c t o r i a n viewer, accustomed to p r i n t s and comic s e r i a l s — "picture bookfs] issued i n parts with just enough letterpress to give continuity 1 3 See Harvey for an analysis of the development of i l l u s t r a t e d f i c t i o n i n c l u d i n g the production and reception of s e r i a l publishing, 6-18. For a se r i e s of essays on s e r i a l i z e d f i c t i o n see J . Don Vann, ed., V i c t o r i a n Novels i n S e r i a l (New York: Modern Language Assoc., 1985). 1 4 Harvey, 12. to the entertaining i l l u s t r a t i o n s " 1 5 — r e l i e d heavily on the v i s u a l to explicate the text. In fact, as Ronald Paulson has suggested, i f the i l l u s t r a t o r ' s reputation was based on the independent s a t i r i c a l p l a t e , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i l l u s t r a t o r and author could be read as "emblematic" rather than i l l u s t r a t i v e — that i s , rather than working as a l i t e r a l d e s cription of the text, the i l l u s t r a t i o n would be read as the a r t i s t ' s independent imaginative v i s i o n of the same events described by the author through, i n turn, his own p a r t i c u l a r a r t i s t i c v i s i o n . In t h i s respect, much of the reader's engagement with the material r e l i e d on the perception that two independently respected a r t i s t s were p l a y i n g against one another — a s i t u a t i o n Paulson claims was present i n the Dickens/Cruikshank partnership. 1 6 The v i s u a l and i l l u s t r a t i v e i n published material could work i n several ways. As Gerard Cur t i s ' analysis of Dicken's success i n the V i c t o r i a n book market suggests, Dickens' own popularity was due, primarily, to the p i c t o r i a l q u a l i t y of his w r i t i n g . 1 7 The Victorians' popular b e l i e f i n the s o c i a l value of physiognomic and phrenological analysis, f o r example, was associated with t h e i r passion for s c i e n t i f i c observation and for the taxonomical c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the material world. Thus the v i s u a l asserted a "reassuring epistemological realism" that was able to provide an ordering s t r u c t u r e f o r everyday 1 5 Richard D.Altick, The English Common Reader; A S o c i a l History of the Mass Reading Public. 1800-1900 (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1957) 279. 1 6 Ronald Paulson, "The T r a d i t i o n of Comic I l l u s t r a t i o n from Hogarth to Cruikshank," Cruikshank. ed. Patten, 51. 1 7 Gerard C u r t i s , "Dickens i n the V i s u a l Market," V i c t o r i a n Novels i n S e r i a l (New York: Modern Language Assoc., 1985) 213-249. experience. 1 8 Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s for one of Dicken's works, Ol i v e r Twist, [ f i g . 2 ] 1 9 supplied the v i s u a l counterpart to Dickens' l i v e l y and d e t a i l e d verbal caricature, s a t i s f y i n g the appetite f o r both closely-observed empirical d e s c r i p t i o n and humorous entertainment. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to the understanding of the i n t e r r e l a t i n g r o l e that the verbal and v i s u a l played at the moment under study that a debate i n i t i a t e d by Cruikshank's retrospective claim to an authorial role i n the conception of O l i v e r Twist i s not l i g h t l y dismissed even t o d a y . 2 0 Cruikshank's collaboration with the immensely popular Dickens on t h i s work was f i r s t s e r i a l i z e d i n 1837-38 i n Bent l e y ' s Mi s c e11 any -- a p e r i o d i c a l geared towards l i t e r a r y entertainment, and a p u b l i c a t i o n f o r which Cruikshank was resident a r t i s t from 1837 to 1841. 2 1 The novel was afterwards published i n the three-volume form t r a d i t i o n a l for conventional u n i l l u s t r a t e d novels. Cruikshank's etched vignettes e l i c i t e d a revealing comment from the London Review a few years l a t e r i n an 1847 r e t r o s p e c t i v e analysis of Cruikshank's work. The journal's reviewer noted: "we do not wish to undervalue Dickens, but we seriously must say, that the i l l u s t r a t i o n s have very materially contributed to make him popular." 2 2 While the comment ci t e d above postdates the History of the I r i s h Rebellion by two years, i t does give a f a i r i n d i c a t i o n of 1 8 C u r t i s , 213-226. 1 9 George Cruikshank, "Oliver's Reception by Fagin and the Boys" i n John Buchanan-Brown, The Book I l l u s t r a t i o n s of George Cruikshank. p l a t e 107. 2 0 Richard A. Volger, "Cruikshank and Dickens: A Reassessment of the Role of the A r t i s t and Author," Cruikshank. ed. Patten, 61-92. 2 1 Walter Edwards Houghton, Wellesley Index (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1989) vol.8, 5-14. 2 2 Buchanan-Brown, 40. Cruikshank 1s popular status i n r e l a t i o n to even the most ce l e b r a t e d n o v e l i s t of the day, while at the same time underlining the degree of importance assigned the v i s u a l medium i n r e l a t i o n to the wr i t t e n word. Dir e c t evidence of the importance of the v i s u a l i n the marketing of l i t e r a r y productions of the time i s documented by J.R. Harvey when he quotes publishers and writers of the day describing the popular appeal that i l l u s t r a t i o n s owed to the t r a d i t i o n of p r i n t shops, s t i l l a c t i v e i n the 1830's. The n o v e l i s t W.M. Thackeray's d e s c r i p t i o n of the a c t i v i t y played out around the p r i n t shop characterizes t h i s s i t e within the context of London's rough, popular s t r e e t entertainments. For h i s part, V i c t o r i a n publisher Henry V i z e t e l l y conjured up the excitement with which window dis p l a y s of the i l l u s t r a t i o n s to s e r i a l i z e d novels. Concerning Dickens' Pickwick Papers, the f i r s t of the new i l l u s t r a t e d s e r i a l i z e d works of f i c t i o n d i s p l a y e d at a V i c t o r i a n v a r i a t i o n on the p r i n t shop — the bookseller — he noted : "Pickwick" was then appearing i n i t s green monthly numbers, and no sooner was a new number published than needy admirers f l a t t e n e d t h e i r noses a g a i n s t the bookseller's windows, eager to secure a good look at the etchings, and peruse every l i n e of the l e t t e r p r e s s that might be exposed to view, frequently reading i t aloud to applauding bystanders. 2 3 The popularity of t h i s display practice as a preview of each s e r i a l installment has importance for the History of the I r i s h Rebellion. It suggests the degree to which the reader of Maxwell's h i s t o r i c a l text, s e r i a l i z e d and i l l u s t r a t e d , would have r e l i e d on the v i s u a l to create an important e x t r a -Harvey, 10. i n t e r p r e t i v e dimension to the written text and the degree to which intertextual play among both genres and forms was c r u c i a l to the contemporary relevance of the work. Furthermore, the prevalence of t h i s s o c i a l practice emphasizes that Cruikshank's images would have functionned at some s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l as popular entertainment, while at the same time operating through the more circumscribed f i e l d of serious history. 3.THE ROLE OF THE ARTIST/ILLUSTRATOR The status of Cruikshank's name would have served as a s t r a t e g i c advantage i n the s e r i a l marketing of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion. His p a r t i c i p a t i o n as p i c t o r i a l "guide" to a written description of a vi o l e n t h i s t o r i c a l moment — i t s e l f highly graphic — would e l i c i t certain expectations r e l a t i n g to his e a r l i e r career as a graphic s a t i r i s t and his contemporary career as an i l l u s t r a t o r of f i c t i o n . The authority with which Cruikshank was often a t t r i b u t e d i n the 19th century — and which would colour contemporary expectations of his work — lay i n large part i n a comparison with William Hogarth that had f i r s t been drawn i n 1823. As David Kunzle has noted i n his essay on Cruikshank e n t i t l e d "Mr. Lambkin: Cruikshank's Strike f o r Independence", given the booming reputation of Hogarth's style of s a t i r e i n the twenties, through the t h i r t i e s , and into the f o r t i e s , and which was promoted by the noted c r i t i c s Lamb and H a z l i t t ' any construction of Cruikshank's a r t i s t i c a f f i n i t y with his predecessor could only enhance his popularity among the V i c t o r i a n b o u r g e o i s i e . 2 4 What was c r u c i a l to t h i s association between the a r t i s t s were two elements. F i r s t , a p a r t i c u l a r brand of s o c i a l s a t i r e infused with "moral dignity", that i s , a moralizing judgment on contemporary events or values based on bourgeois notions of propriety and depending on the deployment of a range of generic cha r a c t e r s , served to underline a f f i n i t i e s between Hogarth and Cruikshank. This, i n turn, d i s t i n g u i s h e d Cruikshank's l a t e r production from the coarse and partisan wit of his own early p o l i t i c a l s a t i r e i n the t r a d i t i o n of G i l l r a y , a form which r e l i e d on grotesque caricature to lampoon contemporary public f i g u r e s . 2 5 The second c r u c i a l element l i n k i n g the two was the autonomy each gave the p i c t o r i a l narrative. In spite of the reputed authority of his p i c t o r i a l s t y l e , the vignette format to which Cruikshank had been relegated i n O l i v e r Twist v i s u a l l y integrated the image and text. However, what was required and, i n part, stimulated by the currency of Hogarthian standards was s c a l e and independence -- something the broadsheet c a r i c a t u r e of Cruikshank's e a r l y career had allowed him but which l a t e r market c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t h a t p r i v i l e g e d s m a l l - s c a l e i l l u s t r a t i o n s , had forced him to abandon. Another r e l a t i o n s h i p , i n addition to that with Dickens, that would impact s i g n i f i c a n t l y upon the reception of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion was Cruikshank's association i n the late t h i r t i e s and early f o r t i e s with W. Harrison Ainsworth, author and temporary e d i t o r of Bentley's M i s c e l l a n y before 2 4 See David Kunzle, "Cruikshank's Strike f o r Independence," Cruikshank. ed. Patten, 175-176, for an itemized account of the consumption of Hogarth's works through editions of his o r i g i n a l plates and his a c q u i s i t i o n by the National Gall e r y , etc. into the 1840's. 2 5 Kunzle, 169-178, 175. 59 undertaking his own journal, Ainsworth's Magazine. Ainsworth's s e r i a l i z e d comic adventures of Jack Sheppard appearing i n 1839 enjoyed a phenomenal success due mainly to Cruikshank's square etched p l a t e s , a format that represented a step c l o s e r to a r t i s t i c autonomy than the etched vignettes provided for Oliver Twist had allowed. 2 6 In addition, Ainsworth and Cruikshank co l l a b o r a t e d on a number of s e r i a l i z e d h i s t o r i c a l romances among which the square plates for the Tower of London (1840) [ f i g . 3 ] 2 7 , The Miser's Daughter (1842) and Windsor C a s t l e (1843) represent Cruikshank's abandonment of his celebrated caricature to attempt a naturalism with "the epic q u a l i t y of grand h i s t o r i c a l p a i n t i n g " . 2 8 I t was from 1840 that the a r t i s t ' s production appears to have been moving towards the language of "Fine Art", the v i s i b l e evidence of which l i e s not only i n his sombre subject matter but also i n h i s f i n e l y d e t a i l e d rendering and c a r e f u l attention to the e f f e c t s of l i g h t . 2 9 This s h i f t away from comic i l l l u s t r a t i o n i s compatible with Cruikshank's declared aspirations to p r a c t i s e h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g 3 0 which, as I w i l l u l t i m a t e l y argue, i s of consequence to the reading of his etchings i n Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion. C e r t a i n l y , Cruikshank's stated concern with "serious" forms was one way of s e t t i n g himself apart from the new magazine of humorous i l l u s t r a t e d journalism which played a 2 6 See twelve of those etched vignettes i n Buchanan-Brown, plates 103-114. 2 7 "Elizabeth Confronted with Wyat i n the Torture Chamber," i n Buchanan-Brown, plate 148. 2 8 Michael Wynn Jones, George Cruikshank. His L i f e and London (London: Macmillan, 1978) 72-77. 2 9 J.R. Harvey, "George Cruikshank: A Master of the Poetic Use of Line," Cruikshank. ed. Patten, 144-45. 3 0 Rauri McLean, George Cruikshank (New York: P e l l e g r i n i , 1948) 33. c e n t r a l r o l e i n representing the p o l i t i c a l debates of the day. The most successful of these was the weekly Punch, the f i r s t number of which appeared i n July of 1841.31 Punch's readership extended from the middle classes to members of the aristocracy, including the Queen and the Prince Consort and, presumably, the members of Parliament who were lampooned t h e r e i n . 3 2 Cruikshank would have been a l o g i c a l participant i n such a venture, based most obviously on his former p r a c t i c e as a h i g h - p r o f i l e p o l i t i c a l s a t i r i s t during George I V s regency. 3 3 Both the scale and autonomy that t h i s medium allowed i t s v i s u a l a r t i s t s would have worked i n Cruikshank's favour. However, i t has been speculated that his r e f u s a l to pa r t i c i p a t e i n the p u b l i c a t i o n sprung from an acquired d i s t a s t e f o r p a r t i s a n p o l i t i c a l s u b j e c t s . 3 4 In any case, t h i s kind of p r a c t i c e would have distanced him from the Hogarthian model — "simple, decent, and u n p o l i t i c a l s a t i r e " , as David Kunzle has characterized i t 3 5 — which sensitized i t s e l f to bourgeois notions of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . Nonetheless, as I w i l l also contend, Cruikshank's e a r l i e r a s s o c i a t i o n with the language of s a t i r e could not be f u l l y eradicated — indeed, sat i r e could bring i t s own impact to bear on the History of the I r i s h Rebellion. Newly-developing technologies i n the 1830's and 1840's made other s i g n i f i c a n t forms possib l e . One of these, which 3 1 C e l i n a Fox, Graphic Journalism i n England. 217. 3 2 Fox, 239. 3 3 For a thorough d e s c r i p t i o n of Cruikshank's production during these years see Robert L. Patten's autho r i t a t i v e work George Cruikshank's L i f e . Times, and Art, vol.1 (New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 1992) passim. Volume 2, which covers the years most pertinent to t h i s thesis ( a f t e r 1835), was not yet a v a i l a b l e at the time of wr i t i n g . 3 4 See Patten, George Cruikshank's L i f e . 343-34; Buchanan-Brown, 17; Wynn Jones, 82-82. 3 5 Kunzle, 175. would d i r e c t l y mediate the reading of the Maxwell/Cruikshank c o l l a b o r a t i o n , was the new i l l u s t r a t e d weekly newspaper. Because of i t s wide c i r c u l a t i o n among the middle classes and, due to a d v e r t i s i n g revenue, i t s e d i t o r i a l freedom from government or partisan l i n e s , i t was of decisive importance i n the ongoing formulations and dissemination of opinion i n the public sphere. 3 6 Because of i t s own high c i r c u l a t i o n numbers, the I l l u s t r a t e d London News i s perhaps the best example of t h i s new i l l u s t r a t e d medium. Started i n 1842, two years before the i n i t i a l publication of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion, the Il l u s t r a t e d London News cap i t a l i z e d on Vict o r i a n specularity by pr i v i l e g i n g i l l u s t r a t i o n i n the i r representation of the news.37 Both the I l l u s t r a t e d London News and i t s c l o s e s t competitor i n the 1840's, the P i c t o r i a l Times, e s t a b l i s h e d themselves i n opposition to the i l l u s t r a t e d broadsheet of sensational contemporary crime which preceded them. The new i l l u s t r a t e d papers i d e n t i f i e d themselves i n more d i g n i f i e d terms — as rep o s i t o r i e s of contemporary " h i s t o r y " : 3 8 as the P i c t o r i a l Times characterized i t , "...news for the moment, and h i s t o r y f o r the f u t u r e " . 3 9 While the pop u l a r i t y of these weeklies was e s t a b l i s h e d through t h e i r generous use of i l l u s t r a t i o n s ; r e p e c t a b i l i t y was b u i l t , i n large part, upon the purported j o u r n a l i s t i c v e r a c i t y of the v i s u a l reportage — although i n the case of the immensely popular I l l u s t r a t e d London News i t also depended upon the decorum of i t s subject 3 6 See Celi n a Fox's chapter "The I l l u s t r a t i o n of the News 1840-1850," for an study of the emergent form, 266-313. 3 7 Fox, 269-271,277. 3 8 Preface, I l l u s t r a t e d London News. 6 July 1844. 3 9 Fox, 285. matter. 4 0 The implications of t h i s new form for the reading of Cruikshank's work i n the History of the I r i s h Rebellion rests i n part on the V i c t o r i a n notion that truthfulness was to be discovered through the kind of d e t a i l e d and " s c i e n t i f i c " observation of the objective world that the newspaper images claimed to provide and that, i n turn, the everyday " r e a l i t y " of the objective world contained the symbolic power of h i s t o r y . The wide dissemination of these r e l a t i v e l y high-quality printed images complexified the reading of a l l i l l u s t r a t e d texts i n the e a r l y 1840's. In t h i s sense, while r e l y i n g on the " f a c t u a l " a s s o c i a t i o n with news reportage to achieve the e f f e c t s of h i s t o r i c a l documentation, Cruikshank conflated the forms of journalism and history painting. Cruikshank's s t e e l - p l a t e etchings c a p i t a l i z e d on the p o t e n t i a l readings of both engraved and etched forms, playing one o f f against the other: etching, i n r e l a t i o n to engraving, was associated with with immediacy — implying v e r a c i t y (the absence of a r t i f i c e ) — and with a r t i s t i c i n d i v i d u a l i t y , the spontaneous mark-making of the a r t i s t . This tension i s employed to documentary e f f e c t without e f f a c i n g Cruikshank's authorial role i n the History of the I r i s h Rebellion: there as I w i l l explore i n more d e t a i l s h o r t l y , formal engraved p o r t r a i t s by a r t i s t s of the e a r l i e r period appear interspersed throughout Maxwell's text among Cruikshank's twenty-one signed p l a t e s . This arrangement set up a contrast through which Cruikshank's images might be read both i n terms of action and immediacy and, at the same time, as h i s t o r i c a l tableaux i n the manner of history painting. 4 0 Fox, 281. What I am suggesting here i s that Cruikshank's highly-d e t a i l e d and richly-worked plates i n the History of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n had the p o t e n t i a l to be read as t r u t h f u l v i s u a l documentation i n the sense that the s p i r i t and d i d a c t i c power thought to be i m p l i c i t i n the h i s t o r i c moment was re a l i z e d . In addition, i t would also have been through an appreciation of Cruikshank's t e c h n i c a l v i r t u o s i t y -- by a predominantly bourgeois inte r p r e t i v e audience — that the violence portrayed would have been mediated, thus allowing for bourgeois notions of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y to remain i n t a c t i n the process of consumption of visu a l b r u t a l i t y . The aim of the foregoing analysis has been to suggest the complexity of the interp r e t i v e practices which would have been brought to the reading of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion. Both conventional forms and the innovative v a r i a t i o n s made p o s s i b l e by new l e g i s l a t i o n , new technologies, and new marketing strategies gave shape to an expanded and d i v e r s i f i e d f i e l d of discursive practices within which the formulation and c i r c u l a t i o n of public opinion took place. Representations, both written and v i s u a l , could e x p l o i t the new r h e t o r i c a l powers these media changes wrought. By virtue of these changes William Maxwell's polemic against the Catholic I r i s h "lower orders" could hope to reach large numbers of readers usually excluded by "serious" h i s t o r y — readers belonging to the emergent l e v e l s of the continually-expanding bourgeois c l a s s . I have argued that, as an i l l u s t r a t o r of some reputation, Cruikshank's p a r t i c i p a t i o n was c e n t r a l to the popu l a r i t y of th i s representation. I am a l s o c l a i m i n g that, because of the V i c t o r i a n p r i v i l e g i n g of history, Maxwell's text would be taken to have an innate i n t e r p r e t i v e value for the present. In the guize of h i s t o r y — and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the H i s t o r y of the I r i s h Rebe 11 i o n ' s completed one-volume form -- what was overwhelmingly a record of past violent events was endowed with an a i r of i n s t r u c t i v e r e s p e c t a b i l i t y , one that, i n turn, could open up a space for i t s c i r c u l a t i o n among the self-consciously correct bourgeois "public". The mechanism that allowed Maxwell and Cruikshank's j o i n t p r o j e c t to reach a s t i l l broader p u b l i c was s e r i a l i z e d p u b l i c a t i o n , a form u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with f i c t i o n . S e r i a l i z a t i o n allowed for the History of the I r i s h Rebellion to c i r c u l a t e at a lower cost and to operate on the l e v e l of popular entertainment; i n t h i s realm, i t s graphic d e s c r i p t i o n of violence was undoubtedly a t i t i l l a t i n g s e l l i n g point. By v i r t u e of i t s monthly issue, the publishers were able to e x p l o i t the suspenseful a n t i c i p a t i o n b u i l t up through each consecutive p a r t . 4 1 For these less affluent, and perhaps l e s s -educated, readerships the i l l u s t r a t i o n of each installment would have been c r u c i a l to t h e i r ongoing engagement with the m a t e r i a l , as V i z e t e l l y ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of the b o o k s e l l e r ' s windows has suggested. I t i s necessary, however, to d i s t i n g u i s h between the function of Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s within t h i s context and within the single-volume bound work, whose readership would be circumscribed by the higher cost. I t would be within t h i s 4 1 See P a t t e n , " S e r i a l i z e d Retrospection i n the Pickwick Papers." V i c t o r i a n Novels i n S e r i a l , ed. Vann, 123-142; also Harvey, 6-18. somewhat narrower f i e l d and by virtue of a u n i f i e d format that the f u l l impact of Cruikshank's series would be f e l t . What I am claiming i s that much of that impact was due to the a b i l i t y of the v i s u a l not only to activate multiple narrative strands (most of which i t could accomplish i n the s e r i a l form as well) but also to encompass the written text within the philosophical and moralizing frame so c e n t r a l to the V i c t o r i a n notion of h i s t o r y . As my d e s c r i p t i o n and analysis of the i n d i v i d u a l images w i l l show, Cruikshank's approach to the i l l u s t r a t i o n of the H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n moved the v i s u a l s i g n i f i c a n t l y beyond the role of mere adjunct to the text. CHAPTER IV THE VISUAL INTERVENTION: THE SOCIAL AND SYMBOLIC SPACES OF CITIZENSHIP Cruikshank 1s i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n Maxwell's History of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n 1 concentrate on a world out of c o n t r o l , where constit u t i o n a l notions of law and order are disrupted i n images of savagery, i n s u r r e c t i o n and s o c i a l backwardness. O v e r a l l , t h i s emblematic chaos i s reassuringly contained within the formal e q u i l i b r i u m of the p i c t u r e plane, a d i d a c t i c of bourgeois values i m p l i c i t through philosophical and aesthetic codes i n the images, and the i n t e r s p e r s a l of moral exemplars within the t o t a l production as an authoritative counterpoint to the predominant focus on the abandonment of the norms of good c i t i z e n s h i p . The conventional steel-engraved p o r t r a i t s by a r t i s t s other than Cruikshank which appear at various points i n the text perform a further s t a b i l i z i n g function: as I have suggested i n Chapter I I I , 2 the medium used to represent the o f f i c e r s of the state i t s e l f conveys a notion of permanence. In r e l a t i o n to Cruikshank's e t c h i n g s , a medium t h a t , i n comparison, could be associated with spontaneity and a r t i s t i c l i c e n c e , the p o r t r a i t s speak of the s t a b i l i t y of the c o n s t i t u t i o n i n the face of s e r i o u s , but t r a n s i e n t , disruptions. 3 1 The page numbers r e f e r r i n g to Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion w i l l correspond to those of the 1903 e d i t i o n (London: George B e l l ) . 2 See Chapter III above, "New Media Forms, S e r i a l P u b l i c a t i o n and the F i c t i o n s of the I l l u s t r a t o r . " 3 The one among the s i x engravings i n the work to which t h i s metaphorical explanation would not apply i s the p o r t r a i t of Robert Emmett, the reb e l leader. Indeed, to set the ideological parameters of the work Maxwell's f i r s t edition's frontispiece displayed an engraving of a f u l l - l e n g t h baroque po r t r a i t of the Marquis Cornwallis, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland i n 1798 [ f i g . 4 ] . 4 The engraving represents Cornwallis decked out i n f u l l regalia, his figure reading as the authority of the Anglicized B r i t i s h state and constitution: as statesman, his finger resting on a document i d e n t i f i e d by a B r i t i s h medallion, and as m i l i t a r y leader, referenced by the sheathed sword, he occupies a combined indoor/outdoor space which refers to the impact of his l e g i s l a t i v e authority across the scope of "the land." In addition, he proudly bears the insignia of the Order of the Garter, the oldest and most e l i t e order of chivalry i n B r i t a i n , emblem of the h i s t o r i c a l continuity of B r i t i s h values. Surrounded by elements of c l a s s i c a l architecture, he personifies the power, r a t i o n a l i t y , and order of the B r i t i s h body p o l i t i c . 5 Unlike Madden's personalized p o r t r a i t s of the I r i s h p a t r i o t heroes, C o r n w a l l i s here r e p r e s e n t s both an i n d i v i d u a l i z e d body and the body of the state. Indeed, through the juxtaposition of such o f f i c i a l p o r t r a i t s with Cruikshank's images, Maxwell's H i s t o r y of the I r i s h Revolution, both t e x t u a l l y and v i s u a l l y , mediated notions of the personal or private by concentrating on the s o c i a l body as a whole. Thus, universal heroic "truths" are extrapolated to the public and 4 Maxwell, History of the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798 (London: B a i l y Bros., 1845). However, i n the 1903 e d i t i o n the Cornwallis p o r t r a i t appears on page 161. 5 The p i e r table, with i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c 18th century hairy animal supports i s the only overt reference to Ireland and provides the reference for the landscape beyond. p r i v a t e spaces of what would be read as the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l body, at whose apex, or head, s i t the o f f i c i a l s who, though distinguished by a r i s t o c r a t i c rank, function as agents of the bourgeois state. In t h i s way, the p o r t r a i t s contained i n Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion appeal not only to notions of p a t r i o t i c duty, but i m p l i c i t l y to the i n t e r e s t s of the bourgeois i n d i v i d u a l . It could be said that they function to reference the progressive commercial benefits of the modern bourgeois state as secured through i t s parliamentary, j u r i d i c a l and m i l i t a r y capacities. 6 Maxwell's construction of the I r i s h Rebellion on a number of l e v e l s , that i s , as a m i l i t a r y h i s t o r y , a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l challenge, and as an arena f o r aberrant s o c i a l behaviour, supports the reading of Cruikshank's images of the m i l i t a r y and s o c i a l bodies as representations within the body p o l i t i c . With few exceptions Cruikshank's images focus on the savage or u n c i v i l i z e d behaviour of the I r i s h C e l t i c peasant, using p a r t i c u l a r v i s u a l codes that would activate the anxieties of the B r i t i s h reading public. Distinctions i n class are c e n t r a l to t h i s reading and are represented through the popular "science" of physiognomy.7 As has been noted e a r l i e r , 8 commonly-held notions of s c i e n t i f i c racism could be traced to the features of the 6 I am making use here of Jurgen Habermas' t h e o r i z a t i o n of the bourgeois pu b l i c sphere as explained i n The S t r u c t u r a l Transformation of the Public Sphere: an Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger with Frederick Lawrence (Cambridge: MIT P, 1993) p a r t i c u l a r l y 19-129. 7 Prominent V i c t o r i a n c r i t i c and a r t t h e o r i s t John Ruskin praised Cruikshank for his "perfect exemplifications" of characters through physiognomic renderings i n the O l i v e r Twist i l l u s t r a t i o n s , among others works. See Cowling, 116 and Rauri McLean, George Cruikshank (New York: P e l l e g r i n i , 1948) 39. 8 See Chapter I above,"Race, E t h n i c i t y and Theories of Progress and C i v i l i z a t i o n . " C a t h o l i c I r i s h peasant, c r e a t i n g a moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l i n f e r i o r on the l e v e l of the much-maligned A f r i c a n races or even r e l e g a t i n g the I r i s h to the ape. 9 One recognizes immediately the exagerrated prognathous features and awkward body i n Cruikshank's images, where the I r i s h male and female are often marked out by emblematic references to the Catholic Church. As i n contemporary constructions of the "primitive," the C a t h o l i c I r i s h peasant lacks i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n and i s portrayed t r a v e l l i n g i n mobs guided by animal or herd i n s t i n c t s , as w i l l be shortly demonstrated. Representations of such p h y s i c a l and b e h a v i o u r a l a t t r i b u t e s were able, i n a mid-19th century context, to activate notions of r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y and the inherent moral r i g h t of c o l o n i a l r u l e . Through t h e i r d i r e c t i n s c r i p t i o n on the physical body, these stereotypes became the "natural" marks of d i s t i n c t i o n between the colonized subject and the c o l o n i a l r u l e r , s i g n i f y i n g both the "colonials'" lack of e l i g i b i l i t y for f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the body p o l i t i c on the b a s i s of e s s e n t i a l moral depravity and low i n t e l l i g e n c e and, as a consequence, t h e i r d i r e need of the c i v i l i z i n g hand of the centre. 1 0 Since eighty percent of the I r i s h were Catholic, and only a very small percentage of those were e l i g i b l e to vote or hold p u b l i c o f f i c e on the basis of property h o l d i n g s , 9 See P h i l i p D. Curtin's "The Africans' Place i n Nature". The Image of A f r i c a : B r i t i s h Ideas and Action. 1780-1850 (Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1964) 28-57 for an account of English attitudes towards the A f r i c a n . L. P.Curtis , J r . traces the development of t h i s stereotype of the I r i s h as "White Negroes" or simian r e l a t i o n s i n Apes and Angels: the Irishman i n V i c t o r i a n Caricature (Washington, D.C: Smithsonian, 1971). See also Cowling, 55-86. 1 0 See reference to the work of Laura Ann Stoler i n Chapter I above,section "Race, E t h n i c i t y , and Theories of Progress and C i v i l i z a t i o n " . See also Adas, 208-210. Cruikshanks's images functionned to reassert the " l o g i c " of exclusionary parliamentary representation. I t i s important when reading Cruikshank's imagery to ask how a p a r t i c u l a r m i d d l e - c l a s s i d e o l o g y was being served through h i s representations of violence, keeping i n mind that the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, while enfranchising the Ca t h o l i c middle c l a s s e s , disenfranchised an e n t i r e sector of small, mainly C a t h o l i c , landowning farmers who had been q u a l i f i e d through e a r l i e r l e g i s l a t i o n . 1 1 As w i l l emerge upon examination of the i n d i v i d u a l images, regardless of r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , members of the "upper orders" are represented otherwise. For example, physiognomic difference i s effaced when representation enters the realm of a universal code governing gentlemanly attributes and conduct. In these cases, f u l l membership i n the body p o l i t i c i s determined by access to education, p r i v a t e property, and m i l i t a r y expertise — a melding of private r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and public duties, both marked by " r a t i o n a l " s i g n s . 1 2 Membership i n the gentlemanly e l i t e erases r a c i a l r e f e r e n t s , suggesting a symbolic bonding that can cross r e l i g i o u s l i n e s . The "aberrant" r e l i g i o n i s coded only by a s l i g h t slippage i n norms of dress and personal bearing; the Protestant I r i s h subject i s coded s i m i l a r l y when he transgresses the boundaries of "good citizenship." Cruikshank's twenty-one i l l u s t r a t i o n s , then, work t h e i r subjects through a range of s o c i a l and symbolic spaces which, for the purposes of t h i s analysis, can be defined i n r e l a t i o n 1 1 Ranelagh, 98. 1 2 Habermas, passim. to the practices of bourgeois c i t i z e n s h i p . Thus, rather than investigate the images i n d i v i d u a l l y i n terms of the sequence i n which they appear i n the text, they are divided here into three c a t e g o r i e s : the p r i v a t e domestic, the commercial, and the public and i n s t i t u t i o n a l . The f i r s t category addresses the way i n which the private sphere of the family and the i n d i v i d u a l a r t i c u l a t e s the p a t r i a r c h a l values e s s e n t i a l to bourgeois c i t i z e n s h i p and the nation state. The second category, the commercial, encompasses those shared spaces that service the c i t i z e n ' s i n d i v i d u a l or corporate commercial i n t e r e s t s by providing s i t e s of extra-domestic s o c i a b i l i t y . In so doing, they ultimately serve the health of the nation, which i n turn ensures t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y . 1 3 The category of the public and i n s t i t u t i o n a l explores the ways i n which public rather than p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s and the apparatuses of the state are invested with the authority to regulate, protect and reinforce the i n t e r e s t s of the c i t i z e n . By analysing the images i n terms of these d i v i s i o n s , we can see how Cruikshank, f o l l o w i n g Maxwell's textual lead, devised a r h e t o r i c a l strategy based pr i m a r i l y on class for f i g u r i n g Ireland as B r i t a i n ' s i n t e r n a l colony, incapable of r u l i n g i t s e l f except through the surrogate and c i v i l i z i n g hand of the Anglo-Irish bourgeoisie and "upper classes" through the B r i t i s h parliamentary system. In the bound version of Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion, f i r s t published i n 1845, 1 4 the images punctuate the t e x t at r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s . T h e i r sequence f o l l o w s 1 3 Habermas, passim. 1 4 William Hamilton Maxwell, History of the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798. with Memoirs of the Union, and Emmett's Inssurrection i n 1803 (London: B a i l y Brothers, 1845). c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y the most b r u t a l events i n the n a r r a t i v e . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , these representations s t a r t with the arrest of one of the most mythologized of the organizers before the r e b e l l i o n became fu l l - b l o w n : the "Arrest of Lord Edward F i t z g e r a l d " [ f i g . 5 ] , 1 5 and end with the plans f o r a f i n a l insurrectionary action: "Emmett Preparing for the Insurrection" [ f i g . 6 ] , 1 6 a bracketing that leaves the v i s u a l narrative open-ended and ready for r e a c t i v a t i o n i n the present day. This strategy can be read as a signal to the reader-viewer that the two conspirators whose b i r t h , honour and gentlemanly conduct are described i n the text of Maxwell's account, i n f a c t abrogate t h e i r membership ri g h t s to the r u l i n g e l i t e on the basis of misplaced allegiance and poor judgement. In a sense t h e i r placement as metaphorical bookends to what i s represented as a bloody and v i o l e n t narrative of upris i n g a s s i s t s Maxwell i n subverting the attempt by the hi s t o r y that appeared three years e a r l i e r than his own book, Madden's United Irishmen of 1842, 1 7 to garner popular sympathy for the United Irishmen's Utopian cause. 1. THE SPACES OF PRIVATE DOMESTICITY AND THE STRUCTURES OF PUBLIC CITIZENSHIP I f , as Lynn Nead argues, 1 8 the p r i v a t e domestic realm represented for the V i c t o r i a n middle-class viewer the symbolic s i t e of national s t a b i l i t y , i t follows that any deviation from 1 5 Maxwell, facing 48. 1 6 Maxwell, facing 416. 1 7 R.R. Madden, M.D. The United Irishmen. Their Lives and Times (London: J . Madden & Co., 1842). See the discussion of Madden's h i s t o r y i n r e l a t i o n to that of Maxwell i n Ch. II above. I" Lynn Nead, "The Magdalen i n Modern Times: the Mythology of the F a l l e n Woman i n Pre-Raphaelite Painting," Oxford Art Journal 7:1 (1984): 26-37. i t s ordered permanence would be read as a danger to the body p o l i t i c . More p r e c i s e l y , i t was i n the private space of the nuclear family that the c o l l e c t i v e n a t i o n a l m o r a l i t y was i n s t i l l e d i n the f u t u r e c i t i z e n . Among Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s there are four which, I argue, challenge the conventions of normative behaviour within the private domestic space and another which can be read as t h e i r c o r r e c t i v e moral exemplar. Although they appear i n no schematic order other than to i l l u s t r a t e Maxwell's chronological arrangement, I argue that these images provide what could be termed a paradigmatic structure that controls the reading of the images and written text a l i k e . The f i r s t , "The Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald" [fig. 5 ] , r e p r e s e n t s the apprehension at the beginning of the in s u r r e c t i o n of one of i t s main p a t r i o t leaders by agents of the B r i t i s h crown. Lord Edward, a Protestant I r i s h nobleman, had been one of the founding members of the United Irishmen, the body of mixed r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n which sought to overthrow the corrupt I r i s h government before Union. Here the bedchamber, as a s i t e of private domestic intimacy, i s , out of what Maxwell c a l l s " p a t r i o t i c necessity," v i o l a t e d by the aggressive intrusion of the B r i t i s h State. Conventionally coded as the feminine domain, i n t h i s case constructed by means of the female p o r t r a i t and the s o f t , d i s s h e v e l l e d l i n e n s and draperies of the bed along with Lord Edward's casual state of semi-dress, the bedchamber functions as a symbolic space of emasculation. Defined i n opposition to the abstract notions associated with the public realm, the private usually s i g n i f i e s a place of sanctuary: here, i n the case of the s o l d i e r - c i t i z e n , i t becomes inverted to a s i t e of cowardly refuge. Lord Edward makes a l e s s than heroic f i g u r e , f r o n t a l l y exposed and unbalanced, "publicly" discovered i n a state of semi-undress, causing the contamination of the sacrosant domestic sphere. The desecration of the domestic and private also appear i n two i n t e r i o r scenes of v i o l e n t and debauched behaviour, defining the I r i s h Celt as v i o l a t o r of private property, a l i e n to the notions of l e a r n i n g and c u l t u r e , and subject to uncontrolled appetites of animalistic proportions. In "Rebels Destroying a House and Furniture" [ f i g . 7 ] 1 9 and "Carousal and Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Ferns" [ f i g . 8 ] 2 0 unruly crowds are seen to be invading the bastions of the p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l and s e n s e l e s s l y v i o l a t i n g the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y entrenched r i g h t of private ownership. The former scene i s coded as an attack not only on c l a s s (through a t t r i b u t e s of l e a r n i n g and l e i s u r e ) but on state — the f a l l i n g B i b l e , reference to the Established church, and on empire — the overturned globe. The raucous pounding on the piano, the r i p p i n g of paintings, and the destruction of walls, f l o o r and f u r n i t u r e b l a t a n t l y denote d i s d a i n f o r and a l i e n a t i o n from c u l t i v a t e d p r a c t i c e s and notions of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . The ubiquitous bottle figures prominently, t r i g g e r i n g reference to the stereotype of the drunken I r i s h "Paddy" i n a time of widespread temperance campaigning i n England, Scotland and Wales. 2 1 1 9 Maxwell, facing 384. 2 0 Maxwell, facing 82. 2 1 See Davis, 52, 111-12. The I r i s h presence among railway navvies gave t h i s labouring group a p a r t i c u l a r l y bad reputation which, i n turn, contributed to the negative stereotype of the "Paddy." I t can be argued that "Carousal and Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Ferns" would have c a l l e d up references to one of William Hogarth's E l e c t i o n p a i n t i n g s , s p e c i f i c a l l y "An E l e c t i o n Entertainment" [ f i g . 9 ] , painted i n 1874-5. That work s i g n i f i e d the corruption of the e l e c t o r a l system, which allowed candidates to bribe voters through various "entertainments." Cruikshank's image might be read to r e p r e s e n t the c o r r u p t i b i l i t y of the I r i s h C e l t and, therefore his l o g i c a l exemption from the e l e c t o r a l process. Added to t h i s , images of gluttony would have had a disturbing and ambiguous resonance for a B r i t i s h audience aware of the acute poverty experienced by so many of her own unemployed and poor working classes. The moral r e p r e h e n s i b i l i t y of these combined acts of v i o l a t i o n i s counterbalanced by the Protestant l o y a l i s t example, "The Reverend Mr. McGhee's House successfully defended against the r e b e l s " [ f i g . 1 0 ] . 2 2 The s e l f - i n d u l g e n t and d i s i n t e r e s t e d Catholic p r i e s t , who exerts no control over his marauding constituents i n "Carousal and Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Ferns" i s replaced here by the perfect example of Protestant order and propriety i n the act of defending the sanctity of the domestic sphere, heart of the bourgeois order. Where the former image i s constructed as a diso r d e r l y melange of shabby and, i n some cases, half-dressed C e l t i c bodies, the Reverend Mr.McGhee and associates are addressed through a v i s u a l vocabulary of neo-clasical order. The Anglo-Irish men, neatly dressed, are ranged i n an ascending diagonal of complementary poses, forming a l i m i n a l membrane between the public and the p r i v a t e spheres. The 2 2 Maxwell, facing 175. female f i g u r e , never deviating from her prescribed domestic r o l e , kneels inward at the f i r e p l a c e , symbol of hearth and home, attending to a cauldron on the flames: i n t h i s case she melts the f a m i l y s i l v e r f o r b u l l e t s , m e t a p h o r i c a l l y transforming the act of female deviancy — that i s , stealing — i n the former image of the rebel gathering to a defense of the prin c i p l e s of the home and the nation. Cruikshank infuses t h i s f r i e z e - l i k e scene with r a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s of the enlightenment aesthetic, balancing within one s o c i a l space the gendered roles appropriate to middle-class notions of s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . In contrast, the extraordinary nature and quantity of violence i n f l i c t e d by the Catholic rebels on the Protestant body i n many of these images must be read as a powerful reinforcement of the worst of the stereotypes c i r c u l a t i n g about the I r i s h and B r i t i s h "lower classes." Inspite of his high-toned Preface, i n which he stakes out h i s claims to ob j e c t i v i t y , Maxwell engages i n a strategy that sensationalizes the dangers of the extension of parliamentary representation rather than appealing to notions of c o n c i l i a t i o n and f a i r reform. Cruikshank i s f u l l p a r ty to t h i s p o s i t i o n , symbolically investing violence to the phy s i c a l body with a current threat to the body p o l i t i c . Although the written text occasionally makes a verbal gesture of c o n c i l i a t i o n by finding exceptions to the Catholics' b r u t a l i t y and b r i e f l y documenting Protestant a t r o c i t i e s , Cruikshank makes no such exceptions, thereby e f f e c t i v e l y closing down the p o s s i b i l i t y of dialogue. Two cases p a r t i c u l a r l y b r u t a l i z e the I r i s h , c l a s s i f y i n g them i n terms of s o c i a l evolutionism on a l e v e l that the so-c a l l e d "savage" races were understood to occupy. 2 3 The f i r s t , the "Murder of George Crawford and h i s Granddaughter" [ f i g . I I ] , 2 4 occuring near the beginning of the narrative a f t e r a scene of mass slaughter, purportedly documents the random murder of a former B r i t i s h s o l d i e r and yoeman l o y a l i s t , his granddaughter and dog. S y m b o l i c a l l y i t represents the desecration of the i n s t i t u t i o n of family through the v i o l a t i o n of the female body. The granddaughter, female and youngest, takes up the r h e t o r i c a l gesture of protection of the weak and defenseless, here s i g n i f i e d by the grandfather and f a i t h f u l dog. 2 5 Like several of Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s for Maxwell's work, the "Murder of George Crawford" worked on l e v e l s beyond the obvious and l i t e r a l . Its p i c t o r i a l a l l u s i o n s could engage a viewer i n an exercise of c l a s s i c a l erudition, thus opening up a s p e c i a l space for an e l i t e viewing c i r c l e , or " i n t e r p r e t i v e community," referred to e a r l i e r . The focus on the young woman constructs an heroic model for Anglo-Irish behaviour through V i c t o r i a n notions of the sanctity of the family reinforced by v i s u a l references that could be drawn to well-known c l a s s i c a l 2 3 C u r t i s , Apes and Angels, passim. For 19th century approaches to a so-c a l l e d hierarchy of races see, Banton, passim. The equation between the I r i s h and races understood to be less developed on a h i e r a r c h i c a l scale continued through the 19th century. See for example, "The Wild I r i s h i n the West," Punch. 19 May 1860: 200, where the I r i s h are compared to the 'savage' North American Indian; and "The Missing Link," Punch. 18 Oct. 1862: 165, where the I r i s h are l i n k e d to Black A f r i c a n s . These a r t i c l e s and t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e to Punch i n the mid 19th century are cu r r e n t l y being explored by Jennifer Hanson, Department of Fine Arts, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, i n a forthcoming M.A. t h e s i s . I am indebted to her for sharing her findings with me. 2 4 Maxwell, facing 66. 2 5 The dog's own i n s t i n c t s f o r l o y a l t y and protection of his master/mistress are here elevated well beyond the a n i m a l i s t i c i n s t i n c t s of the "savage" Irishmen, thereby r e i n f o r c i n g the hierarchies, already mentionned, that equate c e r t a i n ethnic or r a c i a l groups with species of animals. groups such as Poussin's 17th-century Rape of the Sabine Women. 1636-37 [f i g . 1 2 ] , or David's Intervention of the Sabines, of 1799 [fig.13]. The sideways extension and outstretched arm of the female figure could also activate references to the antique "Niobids" group, i n which the mother attempts to defend her family from a n n i h i l i a t i o n . This kind of c o n f l a t i o n works on l e v e l s beyond the metaphorical. I t would have at once both validated a "correct" way of seeing the world and l e g i t i m i z e d Cruikshank's sketchy, eye-witness language as an expression of events that are innately of h i s t o r i c a l importance. Another act of violence to the body of an individual would have suggested associations of heroic action during p a t r i o t i c b a t t l e . Maxwell plucks the story of the "The Loyal L i t t l e Drummer" [ f i g . 1 4 ] 2 6 from an e a r l i e r history for i n c l u s i o n as a f o o t n o t e . 2 7 Cruikshank i n turn i n f l a t e s the b r i e f anecdotal reference i n Maxwell's footnote for i t s symbolic value: here the b r u t a l act i s enacted d i r e c t l y onto the heroic l i t t l e body i n L o y a l i s t uniform while the royal i n s i g n i a of George I I I , emblem of the B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarchy, i s highlighted front and centre on the drum face. Cruikshank here enters the ranks of the many a r t i s t s who reworked the myth that emerged out of the c u l t of young heroes i n the French Revolution, best known perhaps through the noto r i e t y of the k i l l i n g of the p a t r i o t French drummer Barra, who was, as a range of textual and v i s u a l popular representation repeated, murdered by rebellious peasants wielding scythes and staves. 2 8 2 6 Maxwell, facing 115. 2 7 Maxwell, 115. 2 8 I r o n i c a l l y , Bara was defending the Revolutionary state and represented French Republican forces. He was attacked by rebel peasants of the Vendee f i g h t i n g f o r the Catholic church and the King. While Maxwell i n h i s History 2. THE PUBLIC AND COMMERCIAL SPACES OF THE NATION The action evoked i n the two i l l u s t r a t i o n s discussed above can be demonstrated to take place i n the context of the public commercial spaces of the nation. The f i r s t , enacted on a country road, an artery of transportation, communication and commerce, and the second i n a v i l l a g e , the seat of the a g r i c u l t u r a l peasant community, both point to the v i o l a t i o n of the safe conduct of s o c i a l and commercial a c t i v i t i e s as ensured by the regulatory powers of the state. I t should be remembered that B r i t a i n ' s economic and s o c i a l i n s t a b i l i t y i n the early and mid-1840's would have informed the reading of these images. Middle and upper-class landholders and those with commercial in t e r e s t s as well as city-dwellers concerned with growing slum d i s t r i c t s and r i s i n g crime rates would l o g i c a l l y r e l a t e images of roaming bands of the "lower c l a s s e s " to t h e i r own apprehensions focussed around the movements of migrant workers and demonstrations by large crowds of the unemployed.29 I f the I r i s h Rebellion i t s e l f was seen as a moment of suspension of reason, order and good government, when s o c i a l discontent took on grotesque proportions, these b r u t a l and a n i m a l i s t i c outbursts could be construed as lurking under the surface i n danger of erupting at any moment. Three further images play on the resonance that the French Revolution had i n of the I r i s h Rebellion was obviously not i n sympathy with Revolutionary Republican i n t e r e s t s , the image of an enraged Catholic peasantry, k i l l i n g a youth defending a national government, may have i n s p i r e d Cruikshank, v i a t e x t u a l or v i s u a l sources, i n the formulation of t h i s image. 2 9 See Robert Fyson, "The C r i s i s of 1842," The C h a r t i s t Experience, ed. James Epstein (London, Macmillan, 1982) 194-220; John Stevenson, Popular Disturbances i n England. 1700-1870 (London: Longman, 1978) 225-300. See also Williams and Ramsden, Ruling Br i t a n n i a . 210-231. England, f i g u r i n g the worst-case scenario of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l challenge, which wrecks the commercial f a b r i c of the nation i n the process. These images construct a world i n desperate need of regulation, pleading for the firm hand of control before the rumblings of r e b e l l i o n erupt into the f u l l - s c a l e horrors of revolution. The majority of Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s construct an a s s o c i a t i o n between the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n and the French Revolution through a repertoire of signs such as pikes, f l a g s , and facsimiles of the t r a d i t i o n a l l i b e r t y bonnet. For a middle-c l a s s readership these objects functionned not as symbols of power and l i b e r a t i o n as they might have for r a d i c a l a c t i v i s t s , but as signs of anarchy and c i v i l war. 3 0 "Father Murphy and the H e r e t i c B u l l e t s " [ f i g . 1 5 ] , 3 1 f o r example, d i s p l a y s these " i n s i g n i a " of revolution wielded i n support of the C a t h o l i c Church's d i r e c t i v e s . Within t h i s image, the Church i s construed as having a manipulative hold on incredulous peasants through the unsophisticated figure of one of i t s agents, the p r i e s t : what emerges i s a reinforcement and c o n f l a t i o n of the C e l t i c r e p u t a t i o n f o r pagan s u p e r s t i t i o n and r i t u a l i z e d p r a c t i c e s and the C a t h o l i c Church's doctrine of miracles, blending the two into a r a c i a l i z e d whole i n a parody of the rebel "war machine." For the B r i t i s h middle classes seeking to l e g i t i m a t e t h e i r own economic and l e g a l p o s i t i o n through established channels, the c e n t r a l i t y of the p r i e s t would be a reminder of the renewed threat to the s t a b i l i t y of the nation 3 0 James A. L e i t h and Andrea Joyce, Face A Face (Toronto: Art G a l l e r y of Ontario: 1989). Also James Epstein, Radical Expression (New York: Oxford UP, 1994) passim. 3 1 Maxwell, facing 180. i n the form of Daniel O'Connell's Catholic Association, the o r g a n i z a t i o n that r a l l i e d disenfranchised I r i s h C a t h o l i c s behind t h e i r p r i e s t s i n the hope of change. The p r i m i t i v e m i l i t a r y technologies that are a t t r i b u t e d to the peasant rebels, s p e c i f i c a l l y t h e i r arsenal of pikes and the occasional r i f l e , deploy the tropes that as Michael Adas has argued i n his a n a l y s i s of 18th and 19th century s t r a t e g i e s f o r ranking "foreign o t h e r s , " 3 2 suggest a s o c i a l l y backward but dangerous people, unfamiliar with the machinery of c i v i l i z a t i o n . This combination of s o c i a l naivete and m i l i t a r y i n e p t i t u d e i s repeated i n another image, "the Battle of Ross" [ f i g . 1 6 ] , 3 3 i n which a rebel s o l d i e r " h e r o i c a l l y " urges his p r i m i t i v e troops on to c e r t a i n defeat i n the face of a well-armed and d i s c i p l i n e d B r i t i s h force. A preceeding image, "The Rebels executing t h e i r Prisoners, on the Bridge at Wexford" [ f i g . 1 7 ] , 3 4 again c a l l s up French associations d i r e c t l y referenced i n the text. I t also f i x e s the represented a t r o c i t i e s i n the heart of a commercial town, indicated by the buildings and by the ships' masts behind the a c t i o n . However, the public space of s o c i a l and commercial in t e r a c t i o n , l i n k i n g the town i n a network with other ports i n the nation and empire, here i s transformed to trade not i n goods but, rather, i n human l i v e s . The c e n t r a l scene depicts four I r i s h rebels impaling a Protestant prisoner with pikes and 3 2 Adas, 2-3, 208-10. The accumulation of arsenals of pikes was also associated with the r a d i c a l republicanism of segments of the C h a r t i s t movement who believed i n the p r i n c i p l e of "physical force" to achieve t h e i r ends. See F.C.Mather, "The General S t r i k e of 1842," Popular Protest and Public Order: Six Studies i n B r i t i s h History. 1790-1920. ed. R.Quinault and J.Stevenson (London: A l l e n & Unwin, 1974) 121-2. 3 3 Maxwell, facing 112. 3 4 Maxwell, facing 154. holding him above t h e i r heads. The Catholic Church's purported sanction of the a t r o c i t i e s i s symbolically figured i n the large f l a g with a cross held by the rebels and marked with the i n i t i a l s MWS, which i n Maxwell's text i s designated as meaning "Murder Without S i n . " 3 5 Female deviancy frames the action right and l e f t : drinking, smoking, dancing, singing, and s t e a l i n g provide the carnivalesque element i n a grotesque juxtapostion with the v i o l e n t and macabre, figured by the males. This p a r t i c u l a r representation of f e m i n i n i t y would v i o l a t e a l l educated notions of appropriate behaviour and transgress the " c i v i l i z e d " regulation of separate spheres. In r e l a t i o n to the symbolic spaces of commerce an e d i t o r i a l i n the I l l u s t r a t e d London News of January 13, 1844 r e f e r s d i r e c t l y to the current anxieties that would have been operative for the English viewer of these images. Indeed, i t i s not without significance that the passage was printed i n the same month that the f i r s t installment of Maxwell's History of the I r i s h Rebellion was offered for sale: We have prayed at the hands of Governments and agitators a l i k e , a s i l e n c i n g of that quick, varying, and uncertain storm of the national soul — that wild s o c i a l turbulence ... which have alternately heated and lacerated Ireland's bosom, u n t i l speculation f l i e s from them i n t e r r o r , and commerce gazes upon them with alarm. We would f a i n have conjured the s p i r i t of calm ... to have lured the gold of our English c a p i t a l i s t s to that fine f i e l d for i t s outlay — for the promotion of a glorious system of a g r i c u l t u r e ... for the impetus to trade, for the employment of the people, and the i n s t i t u t i o n of public works; but when we asked for the blessings of such a system agitation scowled down upon us i t s fury — when we claimed for Ireland the bread of prosperity her own disturbers presented her with a stone! 3 6 3 5 Maxwell, 153-4. 3 6 "Ireland: the Approaching State T r i a l s , " I l l u s t r a t e d London News 13 Jan.1844: 17. As an expression of the f r u s t r a t i o n of an entrepreneurial middle c l a s s at what was perceived to be an u n j u s t i f i a b l y stubborn refusal on the part of the I r i s h to participate i n the economic a c t i v i t i e s that were equated with the health of the nation, the e d i t o r i a l i s succinct. The Maxwell/Cruikshank project provides a l o g i c a l explanation for t h i s intransigence i n the persons of the peasant and the p r i e s t , or as i n the case of "The Bridge at Wexford," the surrogate symbol of the Catholic Church. 3. PUBLIC BODIES AND PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS: IMAGING CITIZENSHIP AND THE STATE In opposition to the preceding images of s o c i a l chaos, "The Capture of Colclough and Harvey" [ f i g . 1 8 ] , 3 7 two upper middle-class leaders of the r e b e l l i o n who commanded peasant troops, i s constructed as an ordered n e o - c l a s s i c a l f r i e z e - l i k e tableau. Although i t works through an indeterminate space i n the natural landscape wherein the evocation of the sublime might be seen to foreground the r a t i o n a l balance of the human action i t contains, t h i s representation c l e a r l y elucidates what amounts to a co n s e r v a t i v e stand on the p r i v i l e g e of enfranchisement. Here, and s i g n i f i c a n t l y without support from the text, Cruikshank constructs the surrender of two leaders of the United Irishmen who have l o s t c o n t r o l of t h e i r peasant s o l d i e r s and can no longer prevent t h e i r acts of outrage. As members of an educated middle c l a s s , these rebels are imaged 3 7 Maxwell, facing 288. very d i f f e r e n t l y to t h e i r peasant counterparts. No violence or h o s t i l i t y accompanies the escort of the two men and a woman on t h e i r downward diagonal journey. Gentlemanly conduct and s i m i l a r physiognomic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s assert what are here represented here as common codes of shared behaviour and g e n t i l i t y , capable of superceding r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l l o y a l t i e s . In t h i s instance, difference i s marked out on the body not by physiognomy, but by means of clothing: i n the case of one prisoner, Colclough, through a dishevelled appearance and effeminate gesture of d i s t r e s s and, i n the case of the other, the rebel Harvey, by way of his uncharacteristic hat and cloak. In a s s i s t i n g the female f i g u r e to accept the outstretched hand of the l o y a l i s t o f f i c e r , the black-cloaked figure of Harvey works to symbolically acknowledge the seeming universal "truths" f o r which the bourgeois order i s understood to stand: he passes p r o t e c t i o n of the family and domestic sphere, generative centre of those values, out of the spaces of danger and int o the hands of the state. In so doing the downward sl i d e of the rebel cause i s e x p l i c i t l y delineated. For authenticating purposes Maxwell 1s graphic descriptions of savagery required the v i s u a l support of a j o u r n a l i s t i c approach. Cruikshank took up a highly d e t a i l e d p i c t o r i a l language, familiar to the readers of the new i l l u s t r a t e d press, which worked to convince the viewer of i t s f i r s t - h a n d immediacy. Cruikshank's d e s c r i p t i o n s of u n c o n t r o l l e d mob violence describe i n unfl i n c h i n g d e t a i l the most heinous of crimes involving the impalement of small children, symbolic of the future of the nation, and the brutal slaughter of countless defenseless adults. In i t s representation of unfettered and unprovoked violence, "Massacre at Scullabogue" [ f i g . 1 9 ] 3 8 echoes the more regimented but no less brutal assault on the sleeping barracks at Prosperous [ f i g . 2 0 ] 3 9 which occurs e a r l y i n the book. In "Surprise at the Barracks of Prosperous" the e n t i r e town i s put at r i s k i n the cover of night by what Maxwell argues i s the cowardly slaughter of enemy s o l d i e r s . Here, as elsewhere, what could be read i n the 19th century as a form of f a c t u a l v i s u a l reportage, cannot help but d i s p l a y i t s id e o l o g i c a l bias — the bank of faceless rebels i s counterposed to the individual representations of the l o y a l i s t s . V i o l e n c e a g a i n s t the s t a t e i t s e l f i s f o r c e f u l l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n one of the l a s t images, the "Murder of Lord Kilwarden" [ f i g . 2 1 ] . 4 0 The image i s again an expansion of a lengthy footnote with the usual strong element of v i s u a l i t y . Cruikshank's own graphic representation suggests that the symbolic import of the event to Cruikshank's schematic formulation of the hi s t o r y merited an i n t e r p r e t i v e attention which the text had foregone. 4 1 The vi c t i m i s the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, slaughtered, so Maxwell explains, f o r reasons of vengeance despite his humanitarian treatment of the convicted. The murder i n f l i c t e d on his body i s symbolically t h r u s t at the B r i t i s h j u d i c i a l system. I t needs to be underscored that i n the e a r l y 1840's, when the work f i r s t appeared i n s e r i a l form, t h i s overt desecration of the state 3 8 Maxwell, facing 125. 3 9 Maxwell, facing 61. 4 0 Maxwell, facing 409. 4 1 Maxwell, 409. and i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s would have a c t i v e l y contributed to the fears of a current p o s s i b i l i t y . 4 2 Other i n s t i t u t i o n a l spaces come under attack e a r l i e r i n the work: "Stoppage of the Mail and Murder of Lieutenant G i f f a r d " [ f i g . 2 2 ] 4 3 t a r g e t s the Royal M a i l , organ of communication that unites the nation and the empire. The Establishment Church i s plundered and i t s contents p i l l a g e d or burned i n "Destruction of the Church at Enniscorthy" [ f i g . 2 3 ] 4 4 : music, books, and the metaphorical body of C h r i s t i t s e l f are thrown to the flames under the d i r e c t i o n of the armed p r i e s t . His presence i s again a s e r i o u s i n d i c t m e n t of the insurrectionary influence of the Catholic clergy. Among the p i l f e r i n g mob the church b e l l i s c a r r i e d away, the C e l t i c I r i s h f l a g of independence blowing h e r o i c a l l y behind. The b e l l , soon to appear at the apex of the camp that i s represented i n the "Camp at Vinegar H i l l " [ f i g . 2 4 ] 4 5 would c a l l up references to the Liberty B e l l and the American Revolution, an event f o r which Maxwell u n c o n d i t i o n a l l y blamed the bad government of George I I I , holding up both the loss of the Thirteen Colonies i n 1776 and the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798 as warnings of the dire results of delayed state intervention. 4 6 4 2 Although O'Connell's approach to the question of Ireland's problems had been c o n c i l i a t o r y f o r more than a decade, the B r i t i s h Parliament's lack of commitment to reform that forced him to the kinds of r h e t o r i c a l extremes that d i d excite apprehension. However, the outcome of his t r i a l i n 1844 d i d not produce the v i o l e n t backlash that had been anticipated. This was at l e a s t p a r t l y because Ireland was beginning to s u f f e r the impact of the weakening potato crop. By 1845, the potato famine was i n f u l l swing, bringing the country to i t s knees. (See George M. Trevelyan, B r i t i s h History i n the Nineteenth Century (London: Longmans, Green and Co, 1927) 191-2s. Considering these h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s , one cannot help but see Maxwell's representation i n the l i g h t of his own p a r a s i t i c existence. 4 3 Maxwell, facing 70. 4 4 Maxwell, facing 97. 4 5 Maxwell, facing 99. 4 6 Maxwell, 1-2. The v i s u a l and moral antidote to such desecration of the apparatuses and spaces of state authority comes i n the figure of the Scottish Highlander [ f i g . 2 5 ] 4 7 who singlehandedly defends the gaol to the death and i n so doing s i g n i f i e s the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to defend the State's regulatory spaces of Law and Order. His heroic conduct, again adjuncted to the text by way of a footnote, 4 8 refers the reader-viewer to the s u c c e s s f u l Union of Scotland with England and Wales o r i g i n a t i n g i n the early 18th century. This construction of the Highlander as a model c i t i z e n - s o l d i e r , i n extreme contrast to the I r i s h rebel savage, would have been extremely potent i n 1845, the centenary of the Scottish Jacobite uprising, when the C a t h o l i c pretender to the B r i t i s h throne, Charles Edward Stuart, had returned from France with predominantly Catholic and Episcopalian S c o t t i s h support to reassert his r i g h t to r u l e . 4 9 Hugh Trevor Roper has pointed out the d i f f i c u l t y with which Highlanders were in t e g r a t e d i n t o a l a r g e r B r i t i s h p o l i t y . 5 0 I t follows that the Highlander's presence on and defense of I r i s h s o i l against the French invader or foreign "other" symbolically reinforces the ultimate "naturalness" of nationhood based on difference. This i n no way compromises the construction of the I r i s h as incapable of self-governance, but activates an i n t e r e s t i n g contrast. As the reader learns from the text, the Highlander goes to his death for the defense of 4 7 Maxwell, facing 236. 4 8 Maxwell, 236. 4 9 William's and Ramsden, Ruling Britannia 78-9. 5 0 Hugh Trevor-Roper, "The Invention of T r a d i t i o n : The Highland T r a d i t i o n of Scotland," The Invention of T r a d i t i o n , eds.Eric Hobsbawn and Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1992) 15-42. the Union with both his i n d i v i d u a l honour and his e t h n i c i t y , read through the Highland costume, intact. The French a l i e n "other" i s represented i n t h i s i l l u s t r a t i o n , u n l i k e i t s C e l t i c a l l i e s , as a respectable s o l d i e r i n g force, supporting the notion i n Maxwell's text that the French had been misled by accounts of the I r i s h readiness for war and then disappointed by the c a l i b r e of the I r i s h army. Here, as i n previously-discussed images where class supercedes ethnic or r e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n c e , i t i s through courage and physical prowess and, again, costume, rather than a r a c i a l i z e d physiognomy that the Highlander distinguishes himself from the French enemy. In spite of c e r t a i n anxieties r e l a t i n g to the French m i l i t a r y machine referred to e a r l i e r , the popularity of contemporary French culture among mid-century B r i t i s h publics i n a d d i t i o n to the f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s between V i c t o r i a and L o u i s - P h i l i p p e may have c o n t r i b u t e d to such a benign t r e a t m e n t . 5 1 These circumstances would have permitted the B r i t i s h to d e f l e c t t h e i r a n x i e t i e s towards what was more generally perceived at t h i s p a r t i c u l a r moment to be a more dangerous foreign "other," the one within t h e i r own national borders. F i n a l l y , i n an era where the strength of the Empire was demonstrated v i s i b l y through the d i s p l a y of m i l i t a r y superiority, I r i s h incompetence damned them to c o l o n i a l status. The i l l u s t r a t i o n , "The Rebels Storming the Turret at Lieutenant T y r r e l l ' s " [ f i g . 2 6 ] 5 2 , works to demonstrate the I r i s h lack of s t r a t e g i c i n t e l l i g e n c e ; "Attack on Captain Chammney's House" 5 1 See footnote 13, Chapter I above. 5 2 Maxwell, facing 224. [ f i g . 2 7 ] 5 3 shows a f u l l b a t t a l i o n attacking an i s o l a t e d and unbarricaded residence i n a f r o n t a l assault, s o l d i e r s exposing themselves to gunfire, and employing the t a c t i c to which, i n Maxwell's account, the I r i s h are always shown to r e s o r t f o r lack of courage and soldiering s k i l l s , the torch. The army mob uses t h i s t a c t i c to f l u s h out the sleeping l o y a l i s t soldiers who are utimately impaled on rebel spikes i n "Surprise of the Barracks of Prosperous" [ f i g . 2 0 ] . They resort to the same i n "Massacre at Scullabogue" [fig.19] and destroy by f i r e the symbols of the Establishment Church [ f i g . 2 3 ] . A metaphorical l i n k i s thereby e s t a b l l i s h e d between f i r e and passion or the uncontrolled i r r a t i o n a l i t y of the I r i s h rebels which, once l i t , becomes impossible to control. I t follows that Cruikshank's "Defeat of the Rebels at Vinegar H i l l " [ f i g . 2 8 ] 5 4 would exploit the contrast between the m i l i t a r y s k i l l s of the two camps. Here, amassed under t h e i r " f l a g of freedom" and "Liberty B e l l " , whose symbolic value i s i r o n i c a l l y inverted to s i g n a l incompetence and f a i l u r e , the I r i s h are shown as incapable of holding a superior s t r a t e g i c position with superior numbers. In spite of the exhortations of t h e i r hierarchy of p r i e s t s and mounted commanders the foot s o l d i e r s r e t r e a t i n d i s a r r a y . A c c o r d i n g to these representations, cowardly and brutal at heart, these men lack the attributes of the c i t i z e n - s o l d i e r , upon which the formation and s e c u r i t y of the modern nation-state and empire depends. Without these, and without the fundamental values or native i n s t i t u t i o n s upon which to b u i l d an ordered world of separate 5 3 Maxwell, facing 293. 5 4 Maxwell, facing 144. spheres, according to gender, class and race, these I r i s h Celts beg f o r what could be characterized as the c i v i l i z i n g Anglo-Saxon yoke. The l a s t engraving, "Emmett P r e p a r i n g f o r the Insurrection" [ f i g . 6 ] , evokes the private commercial space of an a r t i s a n a l workshop; i n t h i s case i t i s put to subversive p o l i t i c a l use, c a l l i n g up f o r a mid-century audience the f e a r f u l spectre of the secret society. Quite apart from the memory of the I r i s h Rebellion, which had occured only a short f o r t y - f i v e to forty-seven years before, the mythic memory of the C a t h o l i c Gunpowder P l o t , f o r which Guy Fawkes i s remembered, and much more recently the Cato Street Conspiracy of 1820, 5 5 would have stimulated anxieties concerning Catholic a s s o c i a t i o n s . Window coverings i n Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n draw a t t e n t i o n to the l i m i n a l space between c o n s p i r a t o r i a l a c t i v i t i e s and the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y - s e c u r e d public sphere of privte c i t i z e n s i n which they w i l l be played out. The d i v i s i o n of labour along mental and manual l i n e s and, f o r the imbibing prognathous t r i o i n the r i g h t foreground, along the l i n e s of future agency i n t h i s image can be read as an indictment of the unnatural a l l i a n c e of c lasses. In t h i s context, the clo t h i n g and f a c i a l and physical p r o f i l e s of the four men i n the centre background, along with t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t y , mark them out at the apex of the declining scale towards moral degeneration symbolically defined by the I r i s h C e l t s . As part of an open-ended strategy that refers the work to the present day, the placement of t h i s image at the end of the v i s u a l narrative would have encouraged a 5 5 Williams and Ramsden, 179. p a r t i c u l a r reading: i t i s l i k e l y that the orator f i g u r e declaiming the document i n the background could have been read as Daniel O'Connell, "the Liberator", himself. At the same time, t h i s image of conspiratorial practice i n conjunction with other images i n the series which c a l l up challenges to the smooth economic functionning of the bourgeois nation could operate to reference labour d i f f i c u l t i e s within the B r i t i s h mainland. For example, C h a r t i s t a c t i v i t i e s represented a serious disruption to the notion of an "appropriate" and w e l l -regulated d i v i s i o n of labour along classed l i n e s , which was seen to be an integral component of the modern nation-state. With th i s i n mind, the "Camp on Vinegar H i l l " [fig.24], an i l l u s t r a t i o n appearing a t h i r d of the way into the narrative of the History of the I r i s h Rebellion, can be seen to o f f e r a very p a r t i c u l a r v i s u a l metaphor for the world out of c o n t r o l . "The Camp" brings together what would be read as the most disparate s o c i a l elements and practices within one hybridized s i t e . The codes of s o c i a l hierarchy and separate spheres are almost impossible to read: the higher orders are contaminated by the lower, the domestic sharing space with the state and m i l i t a r y , and the f i g u r e of the p r i e s t or overt references to the Catholic r e l i g i o n present everywhere. Here i t should be remembered that the pamphlet produced i n Manchester by Dr. J.P. Kay i n 1832 had become, through various transformations, an authoritative source on the I r i s h community i n England. 5 6 The pamphlet had played a formative r o l e i n a c t i v a t i n g an I r i s h stereotype which t i e d i n t o ideas of 5 6 Davis, The I r i s h i n Britain.56-9. See also chapter I above. aberrant communal behaviour i n the ghettoes that were known throughout England as " L i t t l e Irelands." 5 7 These communities were characterized as s e l f - c o n t a i n e d islands dangerously at odds with dominant B r i t i s h notions of the v i r t u e s of individualism, upward mobility and secularism. The I r i s h immigrant's well-developed sense of communal sharing of food, possessions and domestic space, conditioned by l i v e s of extreme poverty, along with what was viewed as a r e l a t i v e l y passive acceptance of a given economic and s o c i a l s t a t i o n i n l i f e , encouraged by the Church's teaching of obedience, poverty and humility, and, f i n a l l y , an attachment to the Church as the i n s t i t u t i o n of support f o r a r r i v i n g immigrants, became stereotyped as isolationism, l a z i n e s s , lack of ambition, and subversive r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e . 5 8 Many of the habits that appeared to be so incongruous i n B r i t a i n i n f a c t had t h e i r roots i n the mechanics of survival. The i l l u s t r a t i o n , "The Camp on Vinegar H i l l " [ f i g . 2 4 ] , could e a s i l y have been read i n terms of these stereotypes. Indeed, remembering that Roman Cat h o l i c i s m was feared as promoting n o n - B r i t i s h values, the c e n t r a l placement of a Catholic bishop and cross almost d i r e c t l y underneath the f l a g of a free Ireland and the equivalent of the American "Liberty B e l l " would have conjured up notions of Catholicism's d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for Ireland's revolutionnary i n c l i n a t i o n s while warning of the p o t e n t i a l consequences of c o l o n i a l r e b e l l i o n . In t h i s way, the economic inequities that Madden had c i t e d i n 5 7 An extrapolation of Kay's designation of the Manchester community. Davis, The I r i s h . 59+ 5 8 Davis, 142-4. his United Irishmen as the source of s o c i a l discontent 5 9 become subsumed here under the insoluble problem of C e l t i c , or r a c i a l , d i f f e r e n c e . The bishop's c e n t r a l i t y along with the preaching p r i e s t i n the r i g h t middleground would have also referenced Daniel O'Connell's enlistment of the C a t h o l i c c l e r g y ' s leadership i n the construction of a popular I r i s h nationalism through the Repeal Movement of the 1830's and 1840's. The "Camp on Vinegar H i l l ' s " incongruous juxtapositions s i g n i f i e d serious disruptions to a B r i t i s h sense of order and p r o p r i e t y . Raucous c e l e b r a t i o n and dancing i n the f a r background of the "Camp on Vinegar H i l l " thus border on the decorous conduct of important m i l i t a r y and state matters, contaminating the public realm by the overflowing borders of the p r i v a t e . In an i r o n i c condemnation of the C a t h o l i c Church's sanctionning of the "murder" of B r i t i s h c i t i z e n s i n the incident of the Bridge at Wexford described by Maxwell and i l l u s t r a t e d by Cruikshank [see f i g . 1 7 ] , the Cathol i c bishop blesses two s o l d i e r s who, i t appears by t h e i r uniforms and t h e i r proximity to the scene, have just been or soon w i l l be the executioners of the endless row of l o y a l i s t prisoners f i l i n g i n orderly fashion through the wall at the l e f t . The Church's interference i n m i l i t a r y or state matters would be t h e o r e t i c a l l y impossible i n Protestant B r i t a i n , where the Anglican Church of England was symbolically linked to the state i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p that e f f e c t i v e l y neutralized i t — i n the person of the monarch. See Chapter II above. The proximity of the music-making and feasting group i n the c e n t r a l and r i g h t foreground to the scene of death on the l e f t would have e l i c i t e d a s i m i l a r sense of outrage i n the reader-viewer. The combination of music and dance (i n the f a r background) along with implications of a communal and transient l i f e s t y l e would have c a l l e d up a range of associations. The unbridled display of sensuous overindulgence could c a l l up the rowdy excess e a s i l y linked by middle-class viewers to working-cl a s s l e i s u r e , or i t could evoke the h i s t o r i c a l l y problematic gypsy population on the B r i t i s h mainland, a r a c i a l other which also r e s i s t e d c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n and was associated with aberrant and c r i m i n a l behaviour. 6 0 In what would have been another u n s e t t l i n g vignette, the passing of the wine goblet front and centre, d i r e c t l y under the bishop's image, along with the streaming blood from the slaughtered lamb at the far r i g h t had the p o t e n t i a l to reference the C a t h o l i c b e l i e f i n the miracle of Transubstantiation, thereby a c t i v a t i n g anxieties around the growing appeal of C a t h o l i c associated p r a c t i c e s within the Anglican church which were supported by the modern Tractarian movement i n B r i t a i n . 6 1 In addition, the apposition of the casual slaughter of animals to the communal domestic a c t i v i t i e s around the cooking cauldron and to the slaughter of humans on the d i r e c t opposite of the picture plane i s a clever r h e t o r i c a l device that conjoins the sacred and the profane, or the tragic and the t r i v i a l , i n an unnatural a l l i a n c e . 6° See David Mayall, Gypsy T r a v e l l e r s i n Nineteenth-Century Society. (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1988) 88-93 6 1 W a l l i s , 55-59; see also Chapter I above, n.9. Throughout t h i s v i s u a l c o n s t r u c t i o n the seemingly unregulated and hybrid mode brings home the impossible terms of t h i s form of mixed s o c i a b i l i t y for an Anglocentric audience. Cruikshank's stategy i s , however, a delibe r a t e and, I would argue, sophisticated one i n which he draws on a v a r i e t y of a e s t h e t i c forms and h i s t o r i c a l references to make h i s id e o l o g i c a l point. The most obvious i s his mixing of the lowly genre scene on the lower r i g h t of the picture plane and i t s associations with the s a t i r i c a l caricature of both Hogarth's and Cruikshank's own work 6 2 with a reference on the l e f t to the elevated category of history painting — i n t h i s case Goya's The Executions of the Third of Mav. 1808 [fig.29]. The l a t t e r would possess the r h e t o r i c a l power to suggest the outrages practised against a nation under seige by a "foreign" other and the p a t r i o t i c s a c r i f i c e of l i f e given by her c i t i z e n s on her behalf. 6 3 For an informed "interpretive" audience, to use John B a r r e l l ' s term, 6 4 which would be f a m i l i a r with Goya's work through i t s c i r c u l a t i o n i n the B r i t i s h p r i n t market, 6 5 i t would also function as another symbolic reference to the French danger associated with Ireland. "The Camp on Vinegar H i l l " would have had further significance i n contemporary terms: the crowded scenario would have c a l l e d up the Repeal Movement's "monster meetings," r a l l i e s that, i n 1843, were said to have attracted hundreds of thousands of I r i s h men and women. Before 6 2 See Chapter III above. 6 3 Goya's work of 1814 represents the execution of Spanish l o y a l i s t s by French f i r i n g squads during the Napoleonic occupation of Spain i n 1808. 6 4 John B a r r e l l , " S i r Joshua Reynolds and the P o l i t i c a l Theory of Painting," Oxford Art Journal 9:2 (1986) 36-41. 6 5 I am g r a t e f u l to Dr. Rory Wallace, University College of the Fraser V a l l e y and of the Emily Carr I n s t i t u t e of Art and Design for discussing the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of p r i n t c i r c u l a t i o n of t h i s image with me i n January of 1996. they were banned by an anxious government i n London, t h i r t y had taken place, the meeting i n the I r i s h town of Tara reportedly attracting 750,000 to one m i l l i o n supporters. 6 6 Modern anxieties could thus be brought to bear on the complex configurations of Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n and i t s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of both Maxwell's text, and of the past. 6 6 Ranelagh, 103; CONCLUSION T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t e x t and image d e s c r i b e d i n the f o r e g o i n g pages suggests how i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s w i t h i n a supposedly homogeneous prod u c t i o n might open up a p r o d u c t i v e space f o r study. In the case of the H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n ' C r u i k s h a n k ' s i l l u s t r a t i o n s not o n l y r e i n f o r c e but push beyond the l e t t e r of the t e x t , a c t u a l l y i n v e s t i n g the work w i t h a powerful r h e t o r i c a l supplement that worked alongside and beyond other sources e x p l o i t e d i n the p u b l i c a t i o n , i n t h i s case Maxwell's c i t a t i o n of e a r l i e r h i s t o r i e s , h i s use of f i r s t p e r s o n t e s t i m o n i e s , and h i s i n c o r p o r a t i o n of o r i g i n a l documents. However, w h i l e the t o t a l i t y of t h i s "evidence" would have worked i n mutual e f f o r t w i t h the i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n order to persuade the reader/viewer of the "authentic" value of Maxwell's c h r o n i c l e of events, Cruikshank's v i s u a l programme w i t h i n the H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n a l s o worked to t r a n s f o r m the t e x t ' s meaning. By c o n s t r u c t i n g an e x p l i c i t framework of bourgeois r e s p e c t a b i l i t y i n the form of images which f u n c t i o n as moral exemplars, and by c o n t r a s t i n g these to the l a r g e r body of images which give v i s u a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n to the t e x t ' s predominant focus on a b e r r a n t v i o l e n t a c t s , Cruikshank provides a paradigmatic n a r r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e which c o u l d g i v e the p u b l i c a t i o n i t s p a r t i c u l a r relevance f o r mid-19th century B r i t i s h audiences. As I have argued i n the preceding chapters, the H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n functioned on m u l t i p l e l e v e l s . In a p e r i o d when new media and marketing s t r a t e g i e s gave shape to an expanded and d i v e r s i f i e d p u b l i c sphere, the i l l u s t r a t e d format of t h i s work drew on recent p u b l i s h i n g technologies that addressed the popular tastes and markets of a mid-19th century c u l t u r a l consumer. In turn, what I have c a l l e d a h y b r i d i z a t i o n of form worked i t s e f f e c t on the genre of h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g i t s e l f . Yet both Maxwell's text and Cruikshank's i l l u s t r a t i o n s were u l t i m a t e l y formulated with reference to an educated p u b l i c sphere. Ma r s h a l l i n g theories of c i v i l i z a t i o n and progress that c i r c u l a t e d w i t h i n the realms of science and ethnology, and drawing on current c l a s s a n x i e t i e s over the status and future of the c o n s t i t u t i o n of the nation, both the w r i t t e n and p i c t o r i a l n a r r a t i v e s worked to n a t u r a l i z e a C a t h o l i c I r i s h population i n ways that i n t e r n a l i z e d i m p e r i a l r u l e . Emerging at a moment of c r i s i s i n terms of B r i t i s h n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y , Maxwell's and Cruikshank's p u b l i c a t i o n defined the s o c i a l body i n predominantly Anglocentric terms. Within t h i s frame, the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n of 1798 served as a means to address.very current concerns that B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l and l e g a l i n s t i t u t i o n s were under threat from w i t h i n the nation i t s e l f . 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Figure 2: George Cruikshank, " O l i v e r ' s Reception by Fagin and the Boys," from Charles Dickens, O l i v e r Twist, 1838. no F i g u r e 4: E.P. L i g h t f o o t , "Marquis C o r n w a l l i s , L o r d L i e u t e n a n t of I r e l a n d i n 1798," W i l l i a m M a x w e l l , H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 161. 1121 Figure 5: George Cruikshank, "The A r r e s t of Lord Edward F i t z g e r a l d , " W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 48. Figure 6: George Cruikshank, "Emmett Preparing f o r the I n s u r r e c t i o n , " W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 416. \ 1 **• Figure 7: George Cruikshank, "Rebels Destroying a House and F u r n i t u r e , " W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845} f a c i n g page 384. Figure 8: George Cruikshank, "Carousal and Plunder at the Palace of the Bishop of Ferns," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l , 1845) f a c i n g page 82. F i g u r e 9: W i l l i a m Hogarth, "An E l e c t i o n E n t e r t a i n m e n t , " An E l e c t i o n I (c.1754-5) S i r John Soane Museum Figure 10: George Cruikshank, "The Rev'd Mr.McGhee's House S u c c e s s f u l l y Defended Against the Rebels," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 175. Figure 11: George Cruikshank, "Murder of George Crawford and h i s Granddaughter," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 66. F i g u r e 12: N i c o l a s P o u s s i n , Rape of the Sabines (c.1636-37) M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum of A r t . Figure 13: Jacques-Louis David, I n t e r v e n t i o n of the Sabines (1799) Musee du Louvre. 121 Figure 14: George Cruikshank, "The Loyal L i t t l e Drummer," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 115. Figure 15: George Cruikshank, "Father Murphy and the H e r e t i c B u l l e t s , " W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 180. \73 Figure 16: George Cruikshank, " B a t t l e of Ross, 'Come on Boys, Her Mouth's Stopt," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 112. \ 2 4 -Figure 17: George Cruikshank, "The Rebels Executing T h e i r Prisoners, on the Bridge at Wexford," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 154. V25 Figure 18: George Cruikshank, "The Capture of Colclough and Harvey," William Maxwell, History of the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) facing page 288. Figure 19: George Cruikshank, "Massacre at Scullabogue," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 125. \27 Figure 2 0 : George Cruikshank, "Surprise at the Barrack of Prosperous," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 61. Figure 21: George Cruikshank, "The Murder of Lord Kilwarden," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 409. 1 29 Figure 22: George Cruikshank, "Stoppage of the M a i l and Murder of L i e u t . G i f f f a r d , " W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons,1845) f a c i n g page 70. ISO Figure 23: George Cruikshank, "Destruction of the Church at Enniscorthy," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 179 8 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 97. Figure 24: George Cruikshank, "The Camp on Vinegar H i l l , " William Maxwell, History of the I r i s h Rebellion i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) facing page 99. \ 3 2 Figure 25: George Cruikshank, "Heroic Conduct of the Highland S e n t i n e l , " W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845) f a c i n g page 236. Figure 26: George Cruikshank, "The Rebels Storming 'The T u r r e t ' at L i e u t . T y r r e l l ' s , " W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons,1845) f a c i n g page 224. Figure 27: George Cruikshank, "Attack on Captain Chamney's House," W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons,1845) f a c i n g page 293. l?5 F i g u r e 28: George Cruikshank, "Defeat of the Rebels at Vinegar H i l l , " W i l l i a m Maxwell, H i s t o r y of the I r i s h R e b e l l i o n i n 1798 (London: George B e l l and Sons, 1845)facing page 144. Figure 29: Fransisco Goya, The T h i r d of May, 1808 (1814) Museo de l Prado. 

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