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"Behind closed doors", exploring a municipal plannimg response to the growth of deregulated employment… Harrington, Madeline Mary 1994

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“BEHIND CLOSED DOORS”EXPLORING A MUNICIPAL PLANNING RESPONSE TO TILE GROWTH OFDEREGULATED EMPLOYMENTA CASE STUDY OF VANCOUVER’S PLANNING RESPONSE TO INDUSTRIALHOMESEWINGByMadeline Mary HamngtonB.A., University of Toronto, 1981A THESIS SUBMITTED iN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESSchool of Community and Regional PlanningWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIASeptember 1994© Madeline Mary Harrington, 1994Signature(s) removed to protect privacyIn presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives, It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)_____________________________Department of cCi4ObLcE &‘c-6rL PLAN’The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate C1\ l \LDE-6 (2/88)Signature(s) removed to protect privacyABSTRACTThe period of economic restructuring of the 1980s has fundamentally altered the institutional,social and economic tenets of the welfare state in Canada and many other industrializedcountries. One major consequence of this transformation is growing social polarization.This is largely based on the bifurcation of the labour force into a small number of so-called‘good jobs’ (secure long-term, well paying, unionized jobs) largely in the informationaleconomy and a much larger number of so-called ‘bad jobs’ (part-time, part-year, lowpaying, jobs without benefits and unionization) largely in the service and traditional industrialsectors. This is contributing to an urban environment, described by Manuel Castells as the‘dual city’, where cities are exhibiting ever increasing signs of social polarization and agrowing tendency to ignore the development interests of lower-tier workers and residents infavour of upper-end information-based workers and residents.Many of these lower-tier jobs are a form of deregulated employment whereby workers enjoylittle or no employment security and work in often deregulated and isolated worksites: inrooms in homes; in garages in disguised workshops; and in barns in hidden dormitories - allhidden behind a form of a workplace ‘closed door’. Institutionally speaking, the invisibilityand marginalization of these deregulated workers translates into their virtualdisenfranchisement in the political arena. This, in turn, is forming the basis of an institutional‘closed door’. As federal and provincial government regulations fail to prevent the growth ofderegulated work, in what ways is there a need for municipal jurisdictions to respond to thegrowth of homework and to what extent are there opportunities for doing so?Vancouver can be seen as a typical case of a city that has a high degree of immigration andrelated industrial homework and is instructive for preparedness planning for similarjurisdictions. The city has an estimated 2,000 to 3,000 industrial homesewers. Theseworkers are primarily ‘visible minority’ women, who work for three to four dollars an hour11without Unemployment Insurance or Canada Pension Plan benefits, in their homes in oftenunsafe working conditions, with equipment that they have had to purchase themselves.The principle findings from a number of in-depth attitudinal and information interviews withkey municipal officials and politicians within the Vancouver City government indicate that:industrial homework is, for the most part invisible to the municipal authorities; the city’scommitment to employment related issues and planning for these types of lower-tier workersis marginal; an accurate understanding of industrial homework is hindered by respondentassumptions about home-based work and attitudes towards gender and race; there areperceived and real jurisdictional, political and fiscal constraints on the city’s ability tocomprehensively address employment issues; and finally, despite these constraints, there issome flexibility in the city structure to adopt measures to assist industrial homeworkers.In conclusion although the city may use its planning powers of zoning, regulation, research,liaison, advocacy, promotion and community economic development to assist homeworkers,it has taken few actions to address the issue of industrial homework. Despite the need formunicipal planning and the opportunity for proactive actions to support industrialhomeworkers the city is not responding to the growth of deregulated employment. This isbased on shifts in planning priorities in Vancouver that are indicating that the city is tendingtowards: a post-welfare state city tied to an emerging agenda of fiscal constraint and a leanerrole for government; an ‘entrepreneurial city’ independently acting to seek investment capital;a ‘dual city’ with growing social polarization and a propensity to support only the uppersections of its information-based labour force and little commitment to urban communityeconomic development.111TABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT I’TABLE OF CONTENTS ivLIST OF TABLES viiiLIST OF FIGURES ixACKNOWLEDGMENTS xFOREWARD ICHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION 31.1.1 Background 31.1.2 Defmitions 61.1.3 Problem Statement 81.2 Theoretical Framework 111.2.1 The Contraction of the Welfare State 111.2.2 The Changing Nature of Production 141.2.3 The Post-Welfare State City 161.2.4 Urban Community Economic Development 171.3 Purpose of the Thesis 201.3.1 Improving the Conditions of Industrial Homework 201.4 Relevance of the Thesis 211.4.1 Scale and Nature of Industrial Homesewing 21iv1.4.2 Decline in Central State Social Programs and Decentralization 211.4.3 Policy Shift to Entrepreneurship 221.4.4 Disintegration of Production 221.5 Scope of the Thesis 241.5.1 Jurisdictional 241.5.2 Geographic 241.5.3 Sectoral 251.6 Research Methodology 261.6.1 Literature Review 261.6.2 Secondary Sources 261.6.3 Interview Data 261.7 Conclusion 28CHAPTER TWO - VANCOUVER’S GARMENT INDUSTRY 292.1 Introduction 292.2 Profile of the Garment Industry in Vancouver 292.2.1 The Garment Industry Globally 292.2.2 The Garment Industry in Vancouver 312.3 Industrial Homework 402.3.1 Global Growth of Industrial Homework 402.3.2 The Feminization of Labour and Industrial Homework 412.3.3 Material Conditions of Homework 412.4 Industrial Homesewers in Vancouver 432.4.1 The Industrial Homesewer Profile 432.4.2 Interests of Industrial Homesewers 45V2.5 Organizing Strategies for Industrial Homework 472.5.1 International 472.5.2 NationallProvincial 472.5.3 Local 482.6 ConclusionCHAPTER THREE - A CASE STUDY OF VANCOUVER’S RESPONSE TOINDUSTRIAL HOMESEWING 503.1 Introduction: 503.1.1 Research Methodology 513.2 Interview Data 523.2.1 Respondent Awareness of Industrial Homework 523.2.2. Respondent Attitudes Related to Industrial Homework 573.2.3 Factors Identified as Mitigating Against a City Response to Industrial Homework 643.2.4 Factors Identified as Supportive of a City Response to Industrial Homework 653.3 Conclusion 673.3.1 Research Findings 673.3.2 Theoretical Implications 68CHAPTER FOUR: CONSIDERATIONS FOR A PLANNING RESPONSE TOINDUSTRIAL HOMESEWING 704.1 Introduction 704.2 Strategies in Other Municipal Jurisdictions 704.3 Political Viability of a Local Response in Vancouver 72vi4.4 Planning and Policy Issues 754.4.1. Zoning 754.4.2. Regulation 784.4.3. Research 794.4.4. Liaison 804.4.5. Advocacy 814.4.6. Promotion 824.4.7 Community Economic Development 834.5 Conclusion 85CHAPTER FIVE - CONCLUSION 865.1 Summary 865.2 Closing Comments 885.3 Areas For Further Research 89APPENDIX A: LIST OF INTERVIEWEES 91APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW GUIDE 92APPENDIX C: VANCOUVER’S HOME-BASED BUSINESS BY-LAW 93PERSONAL REFLECTIONS 94BIBLIOGRAPHY 95viiLIST OF TABLESTable 1: Garment Manufacturing Employment in Vancouver- Page 34Table 2: Garment Manufacturing in the City- Page 35Table 3: Top Four Manufacturing Employers in Vancouver- Page 36viiiLIST OF FIGURESFigure 1: Map of Garment Firms in Central Vancouver- Page 38Figure 2: Map of Where Garment Workers Live - Page 39Figure 3: Map of Remaining Industrial Lands in Vancouver - Page 77ixACKNOWLEDGMENTSI would like to thank my advisors, Penny Gurstein and Peter Boothroyd, for their helpfuladvice and inspiration over the past year and my friends in the planning school, for theirsupport and encouragement. A special thanks goes to my external examiner, Millie Chu forher assistance and interest in the issue of industrial homework.I would also like to thank the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union and theIndustrial Homework Working Group for their support of my research. I also appreciate thetime and consideration given by planning and elected officials who agreed to be interviewedfor this project.A special thanks to Pam for strategic advice and support; to Jim, Martha, Sam and Maureenfor a quiet place to concentrate and write; and to Shauna for last minute assistance.xForewardMy initial interest in the issue of deregulated employment dates from my experience as anemployee of the Federal Government’s community economic development program,Community Futures. After a year of assisting unemployed residents in a small city in theBritish Columbia Interior to become self-employed, some level of doubt began to enter mymind about the emphasis in employment policy on self-employment. Was this trend merely away of distancing workers from the protection of the Federal social safety net anddownloading unemployment and underemployment problems to the local level? Given theenormous failure rate of most self-employment enterprises’, how effective was this strategy atrelieving poverty for people? At about this time I was presented with several cases thatintroduced me to the phenomenon of deregulated labour and reinforced this doubt:An Anglophone woman came into the office and told me about her experience asa homesewing subcontractor in a francophone section of New Brunswick. Shehad been sewing babies’ sleepers for fifty cents a piece for a contractor who hadforced her to buy an overpriced sewing machine. She still owed him $2,000 forthe machine and was paying 20% interest on this debt, an amount that she hadfound impossible to even begin to repay from her earnings. She had moved backto British Columbia, in debt, to live with family members.A woman in the city’s Indo-Canadian community approached me to requestassistance to set up a subcontracting operation in the city that would employIndo-Canadian women, most of whom were unemployed, as industrialhomesewers. She would pay them a couple of dollars a piece and work as themiddle person with an Indo-Canadian garment contractor in Vancouver. Sheindicated that this was widespread in Vancouver.Four out of five small businesses fail within the first two years of operation.1An Indo-Canadian silviculture contractor approached Community Futures for anoperating loan. A review of his cashflow revealed that their was no wagepayment schedule over the three month summer season for his fifty memberIndo-Canadian tree planting crew. When asked, he indicated that he would feedthem in camp for the summer and pay their wages once he was paid in the fall.He indicated that this was common practice in many of the camps.What has become more obvious over time is that these stories are not isolated incidents, butrather evidence of a much wider trend. These stories are only three among thousands ofstories, only several of which ever appear in the press. Workers often feel as though they aredoing something illegal or that by speaking up that they will threaten their jobs. This makesit very difficult to intervene in the situation on behalf of these randomly located employees.Also, regulatory intervention is perhaps not enough, given that in an era of ‘joblessrecovery’, keeping whatever job at whatever price is the most important thing for manypeople.Moving to Vancouver and becoming aware of the extent of industrial homesewing in theurban core has renewed my conviction that this issue is an essential urban planning concern.The apparent health of the garment industry; the concentrated geographic nature of theindustry and its workers; and the solid organizational base of the International Ladies’Garment Workers Union, seem to present several necessary conditions for an effectivecommunity economic development response, a possibility that was not present in an isolatedcity in the Interior. Can the City set policies that can help to create a viable employmentbase for the thousands of highly skilled garment worker residents, many of whom are visibleminority women? This is surely to the city’s advantage. This goal of this research is to gaina clearer understanding of how municipal governments function and respond to challengessuch as deregulated employment.2Chapter One - Introduction“Vancouver is not an eastern rust belt city, employment is not a central issue or thefocus of city planning, the jobs are coming here anyway “.A Senior Planning Official, City of Vancouver“Although housing and daycare issues are important, taking into account thelimited budget of the City, and if there is only one wish people can make, that iswhat they will go for - JOBS!”Vietnamese Single Mother Group, CityPlan IDEAS Book1.1.1 BackgroundThe contraction of the welfare state and the spread of ‘flexible’ production techniques aretogether causing the deterioration of labour conditions for many Canadians. Pressure toreduce minimum employment standards combined with the rise of new flexible productiontechniques, such as just-in-time inventory and the use of casual labour, are jointly affectingthe quality of many new jobs. One major consequence of this transformation is growingsocial polarization. This is largely based on the relative decline in the bargaining power oflabour to capital and the subsequent bifurcation of the labour force into a small number of so-called ‘good jobs’ (secure long-term, well paying, unionized jobs) largely in theinformational economy and a much larger number of so-called ‘bad jobs’ (part-time, part-year, low paying, jobs without benefits and unionization). Many of these ‘bad jobs’ are inthe ‘flexible’ or ‘floating labour force’ of homeworkers, domestic workers, agriculturalworkers, which is estimated to become 33% of the Canadian labour force by the year 2,000(Pollack, 1994). At the worst extreme of this ‘floating labour force’ are the deregulated jobs,including most industrial homework jobs, which exist beyond the protection of employmentstandards legislation and unionization.3These deregulated jobs are often concentrated in deregulated and isolated worksites: in roomsin homes; in garages in disguised workshops; in barns in hidden dormitories - all oftenhidden behind a form of a ‘closed door’. Institutionally speaking, the invisibility andmarginalization of these deregulated workers translates into their virtual disenfranchisementin the political arena. This, in turn, is forming the basis of an institutional ‘closed door’.A new approach to employment planning and labour policy is necessary to keep pace withthese changing labour conditions. Traditionally the development of labour standards andemployment programs has been the domain of levels of government beyond the municipal orlocal level. In Canada, the provinces and the federal government have separately and jointlyadministered and determined employment standards and economic development programs.Unfortunately, the growth of the deregulated labour force is happening at the very time thatthere is increasing international and domestic political pressure to reduce minimumemployment standards and other provisions of the welfare state in order to maintaincompetitiveness. A recent report of the Organization for Economic Co-operation andDevelopment, endorsed by Canadian Human Resources Minister Lloyd Axworthy, clearlyoutlines this strategy as one of adopting “less restrictive labour regulations (such as making itless difficult for employers to fire someone) and less generous social programs...” (Drohan,June 8, 1994). This is creating a institutional vacuum as the state withdraws its protectionfor workers with cutbacks to programs such as Unemployment Insurance at the same timethat increased global competition, prolonged economic recession and new productiontechniques are decreasing labour’s relative bargaining power.In the urban environment this is resulting in ‘dual cities’ wherein “distinct segments of labourare included in and excluded from the making of new history” (Castells, 1989). This raisesthe question of state and planning responsibility - as the federal and provincial governmentregulations fail to protect ‘deregulated’ workers, will local governments be forced to assume4a more proactive employment planning role? This thesis explores the local governmentresponse to deregulated labour by examining the City of Vancouver’s response to thegrowth of industrial homesewing.51.1.2 DefinitionsDeregulated LabourDeregulated labour is used in this thesis to describe those segments of the labour marketwhere workers work beyond the protection of employment standards legislation, often in theinformal portion of the economy. Deregulation not only refers to deregulated wagesstructures, but also to deregulated terms and conditions of work. This often includes work inunregulated settings carried out at non-regular hours. The term deregulated is also used toindicate that the jobs in this segment of the labour market have generally been shifted out ofthe regulated portion of the labour market. Industrial homesewers are a good example of thistrend, in that these home-based jobs are generally replacing regulated factory jobs.Regulations avoided by the employer include minimum wage levels and timing of wagepayout, minimum and maximum hours of work, payment of Unemployment Insurance andCanada Pension Plan, and employer provision of equipment and premises to the employees.Estimates of the extent of the deregulated labour pool in Canada are impossible to ascertain,except that there is general acknowledgment that this sector of the economy is growingrapidly (Pollack 1994).Industrial HomeworkFor the purposes of this thesis, the working definition of homework that has been assumed isthat as adopted by the International Labour Organization in 1990:“Homework is the production of a good or the provision of a service for an employeror contractor under an arrangement whereby the work is carried out at a place of theworker’s own choosing, often the worker’s own home, where there normally is nodirect supervision by the employer or contractor.” (ILO, 1990)6The characteristics of homework include the following criteria: homework involves anemployer-employee relationship; the place of work is outside the premises of the employer;the form of payment is usually by piece-rate; and the employee usually owns or purchasesequipment from the employer. In practical terms, homework almost always involves womenworkers, in industrialized countries this is often the immigrant women who are mostdisadvantaged in the labour market. Most homework is predominantly industrial homework,involving the assembly of clothing, textiles and other products. Service-based homework isalso emerging in the industrialized countries involving data processing.For the purposes of this thesis, it is imperative that the reader recognize the distinctionbetween homeworking and self-employment. Homeworking, as the term is generally usedand is explicitly used in this thesis, follows from the ILO defmition and involves employees(although these employees are frequently referred to as independent contractors byemployers) selling their product or service to a business in the same way that a shop-floorworker would to a factory. Self-employment implies control over the conditions of work,retention of profit and the direct sale of the product or service to a consumer. In this sense,homework implies shared risk without shared profits, while self-employment involves sharedrisk and shared profits. In summary, the three factors which distinguish self-employmentfrom homeworking are:• who keeps the profits;• who controls the work;• whether the worker sells the product directly in the market.(Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 1992).This thesis specifically addresses industrial homesewing, a form of homework that involvesthe assembly of garments by homeworkers for garment factory contractors andsubcontractors. More details on the specific conditions of industrial homesewers inVancouver are included in Chapter Two.71.1.3 Problem StatementThe central hypothesis of this research is that, while the decline of the welfare state isincreasing the need for proactive municipal planning to address issues such asderegulated employment, increasingly cities are becoming less responsive to the interestsof lower-income residents. This hypothesis is tested with a literature review and a casestudy of the City of Vancouver’s response to the growth of industrial homesewing.From a theoretical perspective, this thesis is part of larger body of research that is currentlybeing conducted in British Columbia, Ontario and many countries of the developed worldwhere the phenomenon of deregulated employment, including industrial homework, isgaining attention. Much of this research and organizing work is being carried out byacademics and labour advocacy organizations and is focusing on the regulatory role of centralgovernment agencies, often specifically on the provision of employment standards legislation(ILO, 1990, Mitter, 1986).A newer body of work, mainly from feminist labour scholars2,is concentrating on new formsof labour and community organizing (Rowbotham, 1994, Mitter, 1992, Gannage, 1986). Thiswork is also related to the literature on community economic development (Boothroyd andDavis, 1991, WomenFutures, 1993). Within this body of work, the role of localgovernments is considered an important focus. In the small number of cases where localgovernments have taken action, this has been a significant factor in the improvement of theworking conditions and employment relations for industrial homeworkers (Totterhill, 1992,2 This work is based on the organizing work of various feminist-based homeworker organizing groups,principally in Canada, England and Holland as well as the Self Help Women’s Association in India.Principle scholars in this area include Swasti Mitter amd Sheila Rowththam. There is also a growinginternational homeworkers network that is supported by the International Labour Organization andunions such as the International Ladies Garment Workers Union. Given the increasingly neo-conservativeagendas of most national governments, both organizing work and academic research is increasinglyfocussing on efforts at the local level and the role of the local government, although this organizing workand research is still quite recent.8Mitter, 1992). Yet, this focus must take into consideration the changing role of post-welfarestate local governments. This literature (Harvey, 1989, Castells, 1989, Lustiger-Thaler,1991) is indicating that city governments are becoming less responsive to the interests ofthose in the lower-tier employment sectors. This thesis attempts to address this theoreticalgap by exploring the attitudes and values of city officials and planners to determine if theVancouver local government is likely to act to support the community economic developmentefforts of industrial homesewers. The theoretical research question of this thesis is whatdoes the City of Vancouver’s response to industrial homework reveal about the nature ofpost-welfare state city planning?From a practical perspective, the basic premise of this thesis is that the re-emergence andgrowth of industrial homework, specifically in the garment industry, has become a planningissue for the City of Vancouver. Current estimates indicate that there are approximately10,000 industrial homeworkers, 2,000 to 3,000 of which are industrial homesewers in theGreater Vancouver Regional District, most of whom are in the City of Vancouver. To date,the provincial and federal governments have failed to adequately protect industrialhomeworkers. Work in this sector, although presenting a significant employment opportunityfor a group of city residents who face barriers of discrimination in the workforce, isexploitative. Most of these workers are immigrant women3,who are facing, among otherthings: earnings of about three to four dollars an hour without Unemployment Insurance ofCanada Pension Plan benefits; work schedules that include unpaid and unpredictableovertime; and working conditions that are often unsafe, including the inhalation of largequantities of fibre dust and fire risk from the use of inappropriate equipment. Withoutadequate provincial and federal regulatory intervention, the issue is devolving to the city-level as a health and safety, as well as, an urban poverty issue. The challenge seems to beretaining this employment opportunity while at the same time improving the conditions ofThe use of the word immigrant is used with caution here. Most industrial homesewers are citizens. Theterm ‘visible minority woman’ is used herein.9work and structural disadvantages faced by industrial homesewers. The practical researchquestion of this thesis is how can the City of Vancouver intervene to improve theconditions of work of industrial homesewers?101.2 Theoretical FrameworkThe interview data and other research gathered in this research is set within the followingtheoretical framework. The general approach of the thesis is from a political economicapproach which assumes that policies are the outcome of bargaining processes among varioussocietal actors rather than the outcome of rational decision-making processes. In terms ofplanning, the thesis is based on a community development approach that assumes that themost effective change will occur as organizational and productive capacity is transferred tothe groups and communities at the local level. This seems especially crucial given the fiscalcrisis of the welfare state and the withdrawal of various central government social programs.To this end, this thesis is an exploration of how the bargaining power of homeworkers can beenhanced to provide them with additional resources and capacity to help gain more controlover the terms and conditions of their work. The focus on the role of the local government isconsistent with a community development approach which recognizes the importance of localcontrol and action; although the support of higher levels of government is often crucial. Thefollowing section outlines recent theoretical perspectives related to the practical matter ofindustrial homework considered in the thesis: the changing nature of the role of the welfarestate; the changing relationship between labour and capital; the post-welfare state city; andthe nature of urban community economic development. Theoretical perspectives on thenature of industrial homework and the garment industry are considered in Chapter Two.1.2.1 The Contraction of the Welfare StateIn a theoretical context, the contraction of the welfare state and its social programs has beenviewed as part of a broader transformation of social, economic and institutional relationships.Within this transition, society’s social, production and political processes are beingreconstituted to more exclusively support monopoly capitalism. Given the focus of this thesison the response of the local state to deregulated labour this theoretical framework is crucial.11In this vein, the work of political economists in Canada, the United States and Britain isrelevant (Moskovitch and Drover,1987, Castells,1989 and Harvey, 1989).The welfare state rested on several institutional and social pillars principally negotiatedbetween labour and capital. These basic principles of the welfare state were two agreementsin the domestic realm:• a social pact between capital and labour where stability in productionrelations were exchanged for collective bargaining rights, rising wages andthe social benefits of the welfare state;• a role for the state that included regulation and intervention in the economyto stimulate consumption as necessary and maintain full employmentthrough public employment.(Castells, 1989, Moscovitch and Drover, 1981)The post-welfare state has been marked by the simultaneous withdrawal of the state fromsocial and labour related concerns and the increased engagement of the state for capitalrelated concerns. This has been prompted by the corporate profit squeeze of the 1980s andthe resulting fiscal crisis of the welfare state.There are a number of ways that the state has withdrawn from its previous social contractwith labour. In institutional terms this can be described as a series of transformations thathave affected social and economic relations. Briefly, the social institutions of the welfarestate have moved from maintaining:• regulation deregulation;• rigidity = flexibility;• collective bargaining =‘ individualization;12• state-supported collective security privatization of collective needs andsocial security;• centralization ‘ decentralization;• the subsidy state/city = the ‘entrepreneurial’ state or city; and• national regional policies territorial regional policies.(adapted from Harvey,1989)This has dramatically affected the social infrastructure of countries such as Canada.Landmarks of this transformation in Canada include the decline in the proportion ofunionized jobs, withdrawal of the state from regional disparity programs, and the pendingreview and reduction of national social programs.Also, the state has simultaneously increased its support of capital accumulation. This can besummarized also as a series of public policy directions to:• impose regressive tax reform favouring corporations and upper-incomegroups and an increased shift from corporate to individual taxation;• support high-technology and information-based industrial sectors;• shrink the welfare state and impose a regime of fiscal austerity, and;• reduce employment standards and social programs.(adapted from Castells, 1989, Moskovitch andDrover, 1987, Pollack, 1994)In Canada this has manifested itself with regressive taxation shifts that have resulted in thefact that since 1984: income taxes of the average working poor family have increased 44%;middle class families have increased by 10% and the richest families have dropped by 6%.Corporate taxes have dropped from 15% of federal government revenues in 1984 to muchless than 10% (Cohen, 1991). As well, the ongoing review of social programs and13legislation planned for the 1994-1995 legislative session is clearly going to result in ongoingcutbacks to Unemployment Insurance and other employment and social programs.The next section on the changing nature of production elaborates more fully on how thistransition to a post-welfare state manifests itself in the workplace.1.2.2 The Changing Nature of ProductionIndustrial homework is the classic example used in the literature to illustrate the changingnature of work and the erosion of the welfare state social contract between labour and capitaland the emergence of so-called ‘flexible’ or post-fordist management techniques.The social contract of the welfare state provided labour with a base of fiscal and occupationalwelfare that included:• full employment;• income security through minimum wages;• employment security through regulations on hiring and firing;• work security through health and safety regulations,• limits on working hours, and;• job security through support of union-backed barriers to technological change.(Standing, 1984 and Pollack, 1994).In contrast, the post-welfare state has been marked by the gradual deregulating of theworkplace and the erosion of income and job security. This parallels the move towardsflexible production techniques which depend on an entirely new relationship between labourand capital in developed countries. The characteristics of these new forms of production ofpost-welfare state social contract involve:14• the reduction of occupational welfare including the lowering of wages,reduction of social benefits and emergence of less protective workingconditions;• the disintegration of production and concentration of employment insmaller non-unionized firms;• the more relaxed regulation of business activities;• the deregulation of employment and the dramatic expansion of the informaleconomy;• and, the weakening of labour unions.(adapted from Castells, 1989, Standing, 1984)In Canada this has been marked by: significant cutbacks in employment related welfareprograms such as Unemployment Insurance; the re-emergence of deregulated employmentsectors in the informal economy such as industrial homework; unionized job loss, principallyconnected to the loss of 400,000 jobs in the manufacturing sector from 1989-1994; and anincrease in the unemployment rate to 11.3 %, the highest of any country in the industrializedworld (Pollack, 1994).Within the production processes themselves this new relationship between labour and capitalis based on the switch from mass-production technologies to just-in-time batch systems ofproduction. This has encouraged management to insist on so-called ‘flexible’ patterns of workfrom employees, whereby employees relinquish control over their work lives in order to meetthe schedules and demands of these new methods (Harvey, 1989).The gender and race aspects of these new ‘flexible’ production techniques are also reflectedin the growing participation of women and immigrants in the workforce, mostly in lowerpaid work involving inferior working conditions (Mitter, 1992, Cohen, 1991). These genderand race specific labour structures often rest on revival of techniques such as sub-contracting15and domestic and family labour systems that often involve patriarchal management practicesand homeworking. These new structures make it much easier to substitute lower-paid casualfemale labour for that of more highly paid and more difficult to lay-off core male workers(Harvey, 1989).Overall, the theoretical literature identifies the relative decline in the bargaining power oflabour and the resulting loss of control of many workers over the terms and conditions ofwork. Chapter Two on the garment industry in Vancouver clearly indicates how this theoryapplies to this case study. The next section elaborates on how the literature is indicatingthese new labour market patterns are manifesting themselves spatially and institutionally incities.1.2.3 The Post-Welfare State CityAs discussed above, in Section 1.2.2, with decentralization and contraction of the welfarestate, the city is emerging as a newly important node of self-directed and inter-citycompetition-based regional economic development. In some sense municipalities arebecoming deregulated sites for ‘flexible politics’ as local governments attempt to loosendevelopment regulations and reconstitute their cities as attractive places to invest (LustigerThaler, 1992).. This paradigm has been described as the ‘entrepreneurial city’ (LustigerThaler, 1992, Harvey, 1989). Consistent with the reshaping of the state to more closely servethe interests of capital than labour, the entrepreneurial city describes a local state that pursueseconomic development without a clearly defined employment planning role.This more active or flexible role for local governments is being shaped at the same time asthe social and employment structures in cities are being fundamentally altered by thechanging modes of production described above. Cities are becoming the site of profoundsocial polarization resulting from bifurcated labour markets as they become magnets for both16the high-tech and expanding cheap labour markets that are needed to attract investmentcapital (Lustiger-Thaler, 1992). And, this is happening at the same time that there is anincreasing absence of new social struggles that might influence the state to serve interestsother than the interests of capital (Castells, 1989). The primary implication of this is theemergence of ‘dual cities’ (Castells, 1989) where those employers and employees in theinformational-based formal economy, and not those in the ‘cheap labour’ bottom of the urbaneconomy, are being served by the state. The garment industry, with its enormous shift fromfactory to industrial homework, is a classic example of this bottom sector of the dual city thatis being forgotten in the new political life of the investment-chasing entrepreneurial city.This theoretical framework is applied to the interview data in Chapter Three in an analysis ofhow Vancouver manifests the traits of an emerging ‘dual city’ with an ‘entrepreneurial’ citypolitical orientation. The next section elaborates on community economic development(CED) strategies that are being considered theoretically and practically by community groupsand governments to support those left out of the new post-welfare state economic system.1.2.4 Urban Community Economic DevelopmentCommunity economic development (CED) has been considered by social change theorists andcommunity organizations for the past few decades as a promising avenue for social andeconomic transformation in the face of the declining welfare state. In general, its practice bygovernments has concentrated on rural environments, often in single industry or decliningareas. These efforts, in turn, have most often taken the form of self-employment programs,such as Community Futures. This section considers theory that has more relevance to theurban environment. In whatever theoretical or practical form, one basic tenet of CED is thatit is concerned with economic development approaches that are employment creation based.This makes CED particularly relevant, given the focus on employment planning in this thesis.17In urban environments, CED based on a community of interest has been the primary focus.This has taken the form of an affinity group or neighbourhood association. The keyoperating principle of CED is the empowerment of community organizations to take controlof the local economy. As indicated in the literature this can alternately focus to a greater orlesser degree on economic growth and employment generation, structural change or thedevelopment of sharing and caring networks in the local community (Boothroyd and Davis,1991). Unfortunately, in practice, many of these urban geographic-based CEDorganizations have been co-opted by the local state to provide contracted services (Shragge,1992). In essence the price tag for funding is often the provision of specific services whichdrain the organization’s capacity to pursue its original community development role.This thesis specifically focuses on CED from an industrial sector perspective. This wouldinvolve efforts supported by the local state to organize workers in a specific sector in somesort of collective or cooperative economic operation. The classic example of this isMondragon where CED forms the basis of the region’s industrial development (as well asmany other aspects of the region’s social, political and economic life). This has beenpracticed in some industrial sectors in Canada, one example being the RichPly plywood millin Richmond which is worker-owned and operated (Conn, 1990).This thesis also considers the theoretical CED work of feminist organizations that hashighlighted the need to deal with all aspects of a worker’s well-being, including home andcommunity related matters as well as work-place related concerns (WomenFutures, 1993).The basis of a feminist approach to economic development is to “develop women’s capacityfor self-determination” (Elson and Pearson, 1981) so that gains by women in the casheconomy are translated into an increase in their control over their work lives. Industrialhomework has been identified by feminist scholars as the form of employment least likely tooffer this control to women (Elson and Pearson, 1981, Rowbotham, 1994, Mitter, 1992).18A sectorally specific and feminist framed CED seems particularly relevant to homeworkers inthe garment industry who are concentrated in a specific industry and are almost universallyfemale. As well, recent theory and practice has indicated the importance of locally basedcollective feminist-based economic organizations as a way to overcome homeworker isolationand economic exploitation (Rowbotham, 1994, Mitter, 1986). These efforts concentrate onproviding homeworkers with improved employment conditions and alternatives as well ascontact and opportunities for collaboration, training and collective services (ILO, 1990).A key theoretical question of this thesis is how this form of sectoral and feminist informedCED can be supported by the local state.ConclusionThe theoretical framework set out in the previous four sections forms the basis for theresearch in this thesis which concentrates on: the nature of the local quasi-state of the City ofVancouver; the nature of labour conditions for industrial homeworkers; the relationship ofthe state to homeworkers; and the possibility of CED interventions to support industrialhomeworkers.191.3 Purpose of the Thesis1.3.1 Improving the Conditions of Industrial HomeworkThe purpose of this thesis is to complement the ongoing research and organizing work aroundthe issue of industrial homework that is already occurring in Canada. This work is beingcarried out in British Columbia by the Industrial Homework Working Group and theInternational Ladies Garment Workers Union. It has primarily focused on improving theregulatory environment at the provincial level for industrial homesewers. This thesis is aneffort to complement that work by exploring the potential role of the City of Vancouver inimproving the situation of industrial homesewers. This seems particularly relevant given theheavy concentration of industrial homesewers and garment factories in the City ofVancouver.201.4 Relevance of the Thesis1.4.1 Scale and Nature of Industrial HomesewingIndustrial homework is re-emerging on a significant scale in the cities of the industrializedand developing world (ILO, 1990). It is impossible to determine the extent of industrialhomework, given that much of this work is invisible. Estimates indicate that there are asmany as 100,000 industrial homeworkers in Canada, 10,000 of whom are in Vancouver(Gunarantna, personal interview, 1994, Ontario District Council of the ILGWU, 1993).Once considered a form of production associated with early industrialization, thereappearance of industrial homeworking has taken many economists and policy makers bysurprise.1.4.2 Decline in Central State Social Programs and DecentralizationThe current review of social programs makes consideration of the incidence of industrialhomework relevant as well. The very real possibility of downloading social and economicproblems to the local level means that the actions of local governments will become morerelevant to the livelihood of city residents. Local planning responses to industrial homeworkhave been spawned in regions where the central government has become politically or fiscallyincapable of responding in a progressive way to negative economic consequences forworkers. This has been the case in England in response to the Thatcher regime and in theThird Italy in Emilia-Romagna. Cutbacks to programs such as Unemployment Insurance,childcare and English as a Second Language training as well as an overall trend to reducingemployment standards are all factors which are contributing to the growth of industrialhomework. It is important for the city to be aware of the impact of these program cutbackson city residents. Awareness of the incidence of deregulated employment, such as industrialhomesewing, will hopefully better inform a City response to these cutbacks.211.4.3 Policy Shift to EntrepreneurshipThere has also been a recent shift away from the traditional regional disparity reductionprograms and a shift to continentalism with the Free Trade Agreement. This has resulted inthe fact that increasingly cities and their regions are left to themselves to compete in the newcontinental and global economy as ‘entrepreneurial cities’ and regions. This means thatconsideration of a local response to local economic conditions, such as the growth ofindustrial homework, is also more relevant. As well, with the central government policyshift to self-employment in its social welfare programs, it is important to clarify the verydifferent working conditions associated with genuine self-employment and employer-constructed false self-employment situations such as industrial homework.Recently the federal government has announced its intention to establish a Women’sEnterprise Centre and a Self Employment Assistance program in Vancouver. This reflectsthe re-allocation of government resources from Unemployment Insurance and training to self-employment assistance programs. It seems crucial to research the contradictory effects ofself-employment on women that industrial homesewing make obvious: the isolation; theimpact on the home environment; the lack of collective bargaining opportunities; as well asearnings opportunities. Local government influence to ensure that these programs truly meetresidents’ needs could be extremely useful.1.4.4 Disintegration of ProductionAn additional rationale for examining a local response is that disintegration of production inthe garment industry is resulting in differentiated local conditions. This is well illustrated bythe case of the garment industry in Vancouver which is substantively different than the22garment industry in either Montreal or Toronto. The patterns of ownership, the impact ofFree Trade and the employee pool vary among all three locations. The concentration on alocal rather than national response, makes it possible to tailor a local response to localconditions.231.5 Scope of the Thesis1.5.1 JurisdictionalThe scope of this thesis is limited to the municipal level. This is not to indicate in any waythat the actions of provincial and federal governments are less crucial or relevant than theactions of local government. Rather it is meant to augment the research and organizing workthat has already clearly identified a role for these two levels of central government. The roleof these central government levels is largely to establish a regulatory framework which meetsthe needs of industrial homeworkers. The focus of this thesis on the role of the municipalauthorities is meant to draw attention to actions by the local state that go beyond thisemployment standards focus.1.5.2 GeographicGeographically this thesis is concentrated on the City of Vancouver. Again this is not toindicate that the incidence of industrial homesewing is limited to this city and is not relevantwithin other jurisdictions. The City of Vancouver was chosen because of the geographicclustering of the garment industry and industrial homesewers within its city limits - especiallyin the East Vancouver area. It is anticipated that the general planning issues considered inthe City of Vancouver will be similar to those in other cities within the Greater VancouverRegional District and other areas of Canada. The similarity of the Vancouver Charter to theMunicipal Act of British Columbia should ensure this in other British Columbia cities. Thenature of discussion of planning issues in Chapter Four does not rest on the assumption ofany extraordinary planning powers or actions by the City of Vancouver, but rather on basicland use decision making powers and the municipality’s assumed roles as a promoter, liaisonand leverer of resources. All these roles seem well within the scope of Canadianmunicipalities.241.5.3 SectoralSectorally this thesis is limited to the garment industry, although there are an estimated eightthousand other industrial homeworkers in the Greater Vancouver District, most of whom areconcentrated in Vancouver (Gunarantna, personal interview 1994). The rationale for this isboth logistical and practical. Firstly, homesewers have received a substantial amount ofsupport from the International Ladies Garment Workers Union which acts as an organizingvoice for these workers. This has made it possible to gather base-line data about the extentand nature of industrial homesewing. Other homeworkers are almost completelyunrepresented and virtually invisible. The wealth of research conducted on the garmentindustry and its production networks worldwide has also facilitated the research work for thisthesis. As this thesis is not intended to focus primarily on the nature of the productionprocesses involved in industrial homework, but rather the municipality’s response, theavailability of recent reliable research on the garment industry is particularly crucial.Secondly, a practical reason to study the garment industry is that, especially in the fashionend of the industry, there is little technological threat to the loss of home garment-assemblyjobs. To date, this work is much more efficiently carried out by hand than machine due tothe incredible complexity and variety of tasks associated with fashion assembly work. Also,some jobs are being repatriated to Canada as labour prices rise in Asia and other developingworld areas. Given the replacement of labour by capital in many other manufacturingsectors, this makes a study of the garment industry particularly crucial from an employmentgeneration point of view, in that the continued existence of these jobs seems fairly wellassured.251.6 Research Methodology1.6.1 Literature ReviewThis thesis involved an extensive literature review covering several fields of research: urbanplanning theory; global economic restructuring; community economic development theory;the garment industry; industrial homework; and feminist labour theory. The generaltheoretical framework for the thesis is from a political economic perspective which isspecifically applied to the role of the local state in the local capital and labour market of thegarment industry in Vancouver.1.6.2 Secondary SourcesSecondary sources were consulted for data concerning the specifics of the Vancouver garmentindustry. These included planning documents obtained from the City of Vancouver, labourmarket statistics from the Federal Ministry of Human Resources and Development, and abrief submitted by the Women and Work Research and Education Society and theInternational Ladies Garment Workers Union.1.6.3 Interview DataThe primary data for the thesis are derived from key informant interviews with municipalstaff, elected officials and community organizers carried out in the Spring and Summer of1994. The primary purpose of the interviews was to identify the attitudes and assumptions ofinformants to industrial homework and the city’s responsibility for employment planning forcity residents. This was achieved by a series of attitudinal questions to informants developedto elicit awareness and assumptions of respondents. As well, the functions and operations of26key departments related to planning for industrial homework and employment were developedfrom interview data and planning documents.Overall, 14 interviews were conducted (See Appendix A). A snowball approach was used toidentify key informants. The point of origin interviews were held with representatives of theInternational Ladies Garment Workers Union and the Industrial Homework Working Group.Subsequent interviews were conducted with nine public officials and two elected officialsusing an interview guide (See Appendix B) with eight open ended questions and severalquestions to each respondent designed specifically for each department. An attempt wasmade to include every area of the municipal government which may have had some concernwith the issue of industrial homework - this included Planning, Social Planning, Permits andLicenses and Economic Development. As a check on this selection, each respondent wasasked to identify additional city staff members who might be involved in the issue ofindustrial homework. To include the elected officials’ perspective, interviews wereconducted with the most senior elected official and a junior elected official. To complete anoverview of the role of the municipality, it was necessary to include several interviews withnon-municipal staff - including a representative of the Employment Services Branch of thefederal department of Human Resources and Development and a representative of theVanCity Credit Union. Given that the focus of this thesis is not on provincial labourregulation, the provincial policy position was taken from a recent brief submitted byProfessor Mark Thompson as part of the review of Employment Standards legislation.Interviews were tabulated and common themes were drawn out of the qualitative data. Thesethemes related to the hypothesis of the research concerning the role of the municipality inplanning for industrial homework.271.7 ConclusionThis chapter has set the theoretical and practical context for this thesis. The thesis is anexploratory study of how the municipality can be involved in planning for deregulatedemployment in the garment industry. Embedded in this study is a critique of currentplanning practice, focusing on the fact that municipalities by and large do not proactivelyplan for employment related issues, reacting only to crisis situations. As stated in thetheoretical framework there has been a gradual withdrawal of the state from employment andsocial planning at the same time that there has been an overall decline in the bargainingpower of labour. These trends have created the space for phenomenon such as deregulatedemployment to re-emerge in urban areas. The next three chapters explore this phenomenathrough a case study of industrial homesewing in the garment industry in Vancouver and thecity’s response to its growth.28Chapter Two - Vancouver’s Garment Industry2.1 IntroductionThe following chapter provides the substantive context for the case study in Chapter Three.The purpose of the chapter is to provide information about the nature of the garment industryand homework in Vancouver in a global context and a rationale for city intervention in thegarment industry, specifically, in regards to the situation of industrial homeworkers. Itexplores these issues by discussing: the global nature of the garment industry; the nature ofVancouver’s garment industry; the global context for growth and re-emergence of industrialhomework; the implications of this re-emergence of industrial homework for women; thematerial conditions of industrial homework for both employers and employees in the garmentindustry; the profile of industrial homesewers in Vancouver and their needs; and finally theorganizing strategies used by industrial homeworkers and their supporters to improve thoseconditions. This chapter is based on a literature review of the garment industry andindustrial homework and interviews with union and homeworker organizers.2.2 Profile of the Garment Industry in Vancouver2.2.1 The Garment Industry GloballyThe garment industry is characterized by low capital and technology requirements, making itan important entry-level industry for entrepreneurs in both the First and Third World. Thesevery same qualities make it a very competitive industry; the subject of some of the mostintense international tariff negotiations. The following section outlines some of the morespecific characteristics of the garment industry as a context for a discussion of the Vancouvergarment industry in the following section.29Production in the garment industry is very highly labour intensive with over 80% of theproduction time involving the handling of materials. Everywhere the industry depends on theready supply of highly dexterous, but low paid operators (usually women), and robust,flexible but relatively inexpensive sewing machines. The garment industry has historicallymainly employed women workers who have usually been subject to poor working conditions(Rowbotham, 1994). Although technological upgrading has allowed the replacement oflabour with capital in certain segments of the industry, namely hosiery, jeans and men’sclothing production, the basic pattern of the one sewing machine operator sewing onegarment remains unchanged in much of the industry. This is particularly true in the fashionend of the industry which is characterized by short runs of multi-varied garments. Theindustry is increasingly characterized by a large number of small firms, with production oftenbeing decentralized into various contracting and subcontracting networks. Given thatmaterial costs are comparable for producers in both the North and the South, differences inlabour costs are largely what will determine a firm’s comparative cost advantage.Significantly, design, which the Vancouver garment industry has excelled at, has also beenidentified as a crucial factor (Hoffman, 1985).Given the reliance on a comparative cost advantage based on relative labour costs, the searchfor cheap labour in the garment industry is intense. This has either taken the form oflocating production offshore or turning to more flexible and inexpensive domestic labourpractices using homeworkers or subcontractors (Chu, 1992). Subsequently, many garmentproducers in the North have relocated garment production to countries in the South.However, more recently, the search for cheap labour has also manifested itself withsubcontracting chains based on the use of industrial homeworkers in many North Americancities. This, combined with rising labour costs in the South has supported the repatriation ofsome production to the North.30In North America, garment industries are prone to locate in the inner city, seeking out thelocational advantage of easy access to cheap, often immigrant, and skilled labour, affordableindustrial lands, and related industrial facilities such as thread and notion manufacturers anddesign facilities.In summary, the garment industry is an entry-level industry for employers. It is a relativelyimportant employer, especially for women, although working conditions are generally fairlypoor. Changing production methods in the industry and declining tariff barriers haveincreased global competition in the trade. This is resulting in the almost universaldisintegration of the industry , resulting in the widespread growth of small firms,subcontracting and homeworking.2.2.2 The Garment Industry in VancouverThe Canadian Garment IndustryThe garment and textile industry in Canada is the second largest industrial employer and thelargest industrial employer of women in the country. The industry in Canada and otherindustrialized countries is sometimes erroneously considered a ‘sunset’ industry doomed to bereplaced by offshore operations. This has not proven to be true and the industry continues tohave a strong presence in the Canadian economy. Even though the industry has decreasedoverall in terms of employment and output, it has been restructured sufficiently to remain aviable sector.The industry has been in decline since at least 1975. This is when the Canadian governmentbegan to loosen up trade sanctions against cheaper imported clothing. In 1978, Canadianmade clothing accounted for about 70% of the domestic market, but this had fallen to about50% in 1986. Since 1988, the industry has been strongly affected by the Free Trade31Agreement and subsequent changes in tariff regulation. Employment in the industry hasdropped from 95,800 in 1988 to an estimated 62,800 in 1992- a loss of one third of jobs(Khosla, 1993). Yet, these unemployment figures hide the conversion of many factory jobsinto industrial homework jobs. The largest centres for industrial homesewing are Montrealand Vancouver, where combined, there are an estimated 12,000 homesewers. In the Quebecgarment industry in 1992, 26,000 out of the 36,000 women employees were homesewers(Kliosla, 1993).In the face of increasing competition, Canadian manufacturers have resorted to ‘flexible’styles of production, adopting the same just-in-time inventory systems and subcontractorchains used internationally. Consequently, many larger garment firms have shut down andthe industry has disintegrated into a large number of small finns. In the clothing industryover 72% of firms have less than 50 employees (Vosko, 1993). This has decreased theproportion of unionized workers, as small firms are less likely to be unionized (Leach, 1993).Tis era of disintegration has also been marked by the growth of specialization as firms haveswitched from large assembly line production to made-to-order batches of certain middle andhigher end fashion items. This has created the need for more control over production andaccess to cheaper domestic labour through homeworking. This, in turn, has encouragedemployers in the fashion industry to shift employment back to Canada (Ontario DistrictCouncil of the ILGWU, 1993). As well, the industry has undergone regional concentrationin large urban centres with access to the U.S. border. In the face of higher competition,specialization in high-priced niches and flexible production methods are emerging as the onlyoptions for survival (Vosko, 1993).In summary, the Canadian garment industry has undergone significant restructuring since1988 that has resulted in the concentration of the industry in urban centres. Thedecentralization of production and introduction of flexible production techniques, such asindustrial homeworking, and regional and firm specialization in fashion, have resulted in the32repatriation of garment jobs and the partial revitalization of the industry in certain urbanareas. The next section elaborates on the specific case of Vancouver’s garment industry.The Vancouver Garment IndustryThe garment industry in Vancouver, unlike the rest of Canada, has experienced rapid growthas well as restructuring in the past decade. Although the industry has some presence in theother cities of the Greater Vancouver Regional District, it is concentrated heavily in the Cityof Vancouver, with over 86% of employment in the City (See Table 1, GarmentManufacturing Employment). Employment in the industry has gone from 3,396 in 1986 toapproximately 10,000 in 1994 at the same time that the International Ladies GarmentWorkers Union estimates that it has lost about 40,000 union members in Eastern Canada(Gunarantna, personal interview 1994).Growth in the industry (Table 2 - Growth in the Garment Industry) has been significant inthe industry with total employment reaching 6,000 by 1991 and 10,000 by 1994. This hasresulted in the industry’s increased prominence; garment manufacturing is now Vancouver’ssecond largest industrial employer after printing and publishing (See Table 3, Top FourManufacturing Employers in Vancouver). This growth has been attributed to the influx ofAsian investors who have moved to Vancouver to take advantage of unused import quotas forCanadian manufacturers into the United States market. The industry has also successfullyconcentrated on the niche markets of medium and high end clothing to avoid competition(City of Vancouver Planning, 1993b). In contrast to garment manufacturers in the rest ofCanada, there is a perception that the Vancouver garment industry, which has an importcomponent, will thrive as provisions from the Free Trade Agreement are phased in to lowerand phase out duties on imported clothing (City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1993b).The industry also has ongoing access to a pre-trained and highly skilled labour pool ofimmigrant, primarily Asian, women in the City.33Table 1 - Garment Manufacturing Employment in the City of VancouverGARMENT MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENTIN AND OUTSIDE THE CITY OF VANCOUVER8,000__________________________ity Rest of Region7,000__ __ _6,000U,I4,0001956 1966 1976 19861961 1971 1981 1991Source: Statistics Canada - Mfg. Indusines of Canada, Catalogue #31-2091991 = Estimates by GVRD from Contacts Target Marketing data.Note: Data for some years were not published by Statistics Canadain order to maintain confidentiality for some firms.Source: Industrial Lands Strategy, City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1993b34Table 2- Garment Manufacturing in the CityGARMENT MANUFACTURING IN THE CITY, 1956-1991Firms % of Mfg. EmpL % of Mfg. RankSector Sector Position1956 89 6.90/ 2,017 5.6°! 51961 76 6.6°! 2,076 6.7°! 51966 79 7.2°! 2,747 8.3°! 5197119761981 75 9.1°! 3,483 12.5°! 31986 91 11.0°! 3,396 14.9°/ 31991 155 10.5°! 5,938 18.2°! 2NOTES:-Rank Position refers to the industry’s position as a manufacturing employer in the city.-Blanks indicate no information was available from Statistics Canada due to reasons of maintaining confidentiality.-1991 data is derived from a different source. Comparability with previous years shown is limited byStatistics Canada data collection methods which underestimate the number of manufacturing . -establishments and employees. The size of underestimation is unknown.-For Statistics Canada data, employment at separately located head offices, sales offices and ancillary units are not included.-In 1991, employment located at separately located head offices, sales offices, and anciflary units is not separated.SOURCE:1956-1986 Statistics Canada. ‘Manufacturing Industries of Canada: Sub-Provincial Areas’.1991- GVRO Estimates from Contacts Target Marketing.Source: Industrial Lands Strategy, City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1993b35Table 36 - Top Four Manufacturing Employers in the City of Vancouver 1981/1991C’)a,6,000EUi0a,.0EzTOP FOUR MANUFACTURING EMPLOYERSIN THE CITY OF VANCOUVER 1981 & 199110,0008,0004,000T01981•199111Food & Boy.Wood Prod.2,0000Printing/Pub.Garments6 Source: Industrial Lands Strategy, City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1993b36Geographically, the industry is concentrated in the industrial lands in Gastown, Yaletown,Powell Street/Clark Drive and Mount Pleasant (Figure 1 - Map of Garment Firms in CentralVancouver) and employees are concentrated in the adjacent neighbourhoods (Figure 2 - Mapof Where Garment Workers Live). As indicated above, this is a general characteristic of thegarment industry which has a propensity to locate near its labour pooi. The vast majority ofworkers in the garment industry are Asian, over 90% of total workers (Gunarantna, personalinterview, 1994). This is also true in terms of industrial homeworkers, who are alsogenerally, although not exclusively, concentrated near factories in the same areas ofVancouver.In summary, the Vancouver garment industry seems unusually robust in terms of theCanadian garment industry overall. This is largely due to Asian investment and immigration.This is similar to findings from other US cities which have identified labour market ethniccomposition, as well as the state regulatory framework as key conditioning factors in thegarment industry (Fernandez-Kelly and Garcia, 1984). Also, the industry is well positioned,specializing in higher end market niches that are less subject to competition. The relativeanchoring of the garment industry in Vancouver was anecdotally reinforced in an interviewwith a planner in Vancouver. She indicated that one employer, after an extensive tourthroughout Asia attempting to find a relocation site for her factory, decided that Vancouverwas a superior location for her garment operation. All in all, evidence such as this,combined with the significant presence and growth rates for the garment industry inVancouver, seem to indicate that the industry is healthy and relatively stable. Although, asindicated in the concluding chapter, more extensive industry-level research is required toconfirm these findings.37Figure i7 - Map of Garment Firms in Central VancouverMap 6.1 1986__N //)\//;-\/ :__r]Souice: City of Vancouver Economic Development OfficeMap 6.2 1991—) (4 (C/’FjJ -•;—i__Source: Industrial Lands Strategy, City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1993b38Figure 28 - Map of Where Garment Workers Live, October, 1993LLI_-10 3 +8 Source: City of Vancouver Planning Department and International Ladies Garment Workers’ Union,1993.392.3 Industrial Homework2.3.1 Global Growth of Industrial HomeworkIndustrial homework is on the increase in both industrialized and developing countries. Inthe industrialized world the growth of industrial homework has been called the “creation ofthe Third World within the First World” (Mitter, 1986). This is true, both the terms ofproduction techniques and the workers involved in production, who usually are immigrant (orperceived immigrant) women of colour. A graphic illustration of this tendency was indicatedin an interview with a representative of the ILGWU, who revealed that one immigrantentrepreneur from Hong Kong had applied to Canada Employment and Immigration to bring2,000 Hong Kong workers into the country with him (Gunarantna, personal interview, 1994).There are strong indications that industrial homework is growing in most countries of theworld at a significant rate (ILO, 1990). Although hard numbers are impossible to calculate,estimates are high, indicating that, for instance, the number of homeworkers in the UnitedKingdom is close to one million (Rowbotham, 1993) and that there are as many as 100,000homeworkers in Canada (Ontario District Council of the ILGWU, 1993). This growth is partof a general trend towards the ‘casualisation’ of work as employers face stiffer internationalcompetition and employees face increasingly high unemployment rates. In this climate,employers are developing ‘flexible’ employment strategies and offering permanent and highpaying jobs to increasingly fewer employees and maintaining a periphery of casual wageworkers, homeworkers or subcontractors (ILO, 1990). Workers in these periphery jobsoften tend to be female as the next section explains.402.3.2 The Feminization of Labour and Industrial HomeworkAs industrial homework primarily involves the labour of women, it is important tounderstand industrial homework within the framework of women and global economicrestructuring. As indicated in Chapter One in Section 1.2.2, the increasing feminization oflabour is based on the substitution of low-paying female labour for high-paying more easilyorganized male labour. Worldwide, employers are locating in areas that have large andoften female labour reserves (ILO, 1990). Interestingly industrial homework in NorthAmerican cities can be seen as a way of achieving this condition without relocating overseas.Certainly in Vancouver the reserve of abundant female immigrant labour with sewing skills isa locational factor for the garment industry. The participation rates for female workers arenow approaching those for men in most countries of the world, although this increase inwomen’s employment has mainly been in ‘casual’ jobs (ILO, 1990, Rowbotham, 1994).2.3.3 Material Conditions of HomeworkIndustrial homework is an indicator of the relative increase in the bargaining power of capitaland decrease in the bargaining power of labour. This is revealed in an examination of thematerial conditions of industrial homework. This section explores this issue by examininghow both the employer and employee are affected by industrial homework, which largely isto the employer’s rather than the employee’s benefit.The advantages for the employer of industrial homework are:• flexibility in hiring workers when and only when needed according to seasonalfluctuations in product demand;• a reduction in the risk of unionization;• avoidance of the costs of benefits and wages during slack periods;• reduction in capital costs of equipment, plant and supplies;41• more control over product quality;• access to the best workers and avoidance of less productive workers.From the employee’s perspective, industrial homework has certain advantages:• a contribution to family income;• the ability to work at home and do other home-based work and childcare;• working at one’s own speed;• the possibility of earning more than one worker’s salary if other family membersare involved in production;• increased access to work for handicapped workers;• potential improvement in working life with less commuting, more leisure andworking at one’s own pace.Disadvantages for the worker include:• low levels of pay;• poor access to social programs and other benefits;• health and safety problems;• unpredictable hours of work;• child labour;• invasion of household space and other stresses.(adapted from ILO, 1990, Rowbotham, 1994, Elson andPearson, 1981)As indicated above, industrial homework is creating a situation where the employee hasfewer rights or access to collective bargaining and is experiencing poorer working conditionsand control over work in return for the opportunity to earn money and remain at home. Theemployer, on the other hand, has access to a flexible, lower-cost and highly skilled42workforce. The following section elaborates more fully on the specific situation ofhomesewers in Vancouver.2.4 Industrial Homesewers in Vancouver2.4.1 The Industrial Homesewer ProfileResearch work carried out by the International Ladies Garment Workers’ Union hasestablished a clear profile of industrial homesewers in Toronto and Vancouver. It is clearthat industrial homework has grown enormously in the last five years, since the imposition ofthe Free Trade Agreement. There are many more sweatshops and homeworkers now thanthere were in the 1900s (Women and Work Research and Education Society, 1993). Mosthomesewers in Vancouver produce children’s and women’s clothing in multiple short-runbatches (Leach, 1993). They are geographically concentrated in the Vancouver-Burrarddistrict of East Vancouver. The number of industrial homesewers in Vancouver is estimatedto be between 1,000 and 3,000 with an additional 8,000 industrial homeworkers involved inthe assembly of toys, computers and other components (Gunarantna, personal interview,1994).It is very clear that industrial homeworkers in Canada and Vancouver are as subject toexploitation as their international counterparts; the return on their labour is beingdisproportionately allocated to the employer. This has been graphically illustrated byresearch in Ontario which has traced garments from the retail outlet back to the industrialhomeworker. As reported in one recent article:“For each $357 Alfred Sung jacket she sews, Kitty earns $4.00. She sometimes staysup all night to complete an order handed to her that day, to finish the next. Kitty hasno right to overtime pay, statutory holidays or unemployment insurance.”43(Canadian Press, October 6, 1993)Although it would be more accurate to replace “she has no right” with “she has no access”this story illustrates quite clearly illustrates the structural exploitation of industrialhomesewers in Vancouver and other Canadian cities.Characteristics of Vancouver industrial homesewers are that: 97% are visible minoritywomen; most lack English language skills; most are classified as ‘immigrant’ , althoughalmost all are citizens; and most have responsibility for children, indicating that the reasonthat they are engaged in homework is because of the lack of affordable childcare (Women andWork Research and Education Society, 1993 and Ontario District of the International Ladies’Garment Workers’ Union, 1993). Conditions of work include payment on a piece-rate systemwith no time allowed for machinery delay, travel, person fatigue and other usual delays inproduction. Work hours are beyond the control of the employee, as rush orders often requireover-time which is not compensated for. The average wage is $4.64 per hour. Thehomeworkers must also provide their own equipment, at a cost of between $2,000 and$3,000, putting many homeworkers in debt. They are also paid no benefits or vacation pay(Women and Work Research and Education Society, 1993).It is important to note that industrial homesewing is not generally the preferred choice of thewomen worker, but rather the outcome of limited employment opportunities and structuralfactors such as lack of daycare and English language skills, “most people (homeworkers) donot like working at home, but many have no choice” (Interview Homeworker quoted inWomen and Work Research and Education Society, 1993) It is also important to emphasizethe skill level of industrial homeworkers, who are able to complete very complicated taskssuch as assembling a garment from many pieces with little instruction.44The following section summarizes the interests of homeworkers generally and homesewers inVancouver specifically.2.4.2 Interests of Industrial HomesewersThe interests of industrial homesewers identified in this section are based on secondarysources and research by homeworker based organizations. The Industrial HomeworkWorking Group will be conducting a community development process with homesewers tospecifically identify the needs of homesewers in Vancouver.In general the interests of homesewers include the following:• A strong garment industry which will continue to provide employment.Although it would be inappropriate to assume that support for the garmentindustry alone would be sufficient to ensure fair working conditions forhomesewers.• Legal status and recognition of industrial homework as a form of employment iscrucial to establishing worker minimum standards and access to basic employmentbenefits and security.• English as a second language training and affordable childcare are key needsof industrial homeworkers and have been identified as structural factors that arekeeping many women stuck in industrial homework.• A collective means of bargaining has also been identified as a key need ofindustrial homeworkers who are almost universally non-unionized.45• An increase in economic return on labour is an important consideration giventhat most homeworkers work well below the minimum wage.• Improved health and safety conditions are also a crucial need for industrialhomeworkers given that most work under conditions that include high inhalationof fibre dust and fire risk from inappropriate household equipment.• Networking is also a crucial need of industrial homeworkers given the isolationthat most homeworkers work and live under.• Training is also a need of industrial homeworkers to upgrade sewing and otheremployment related skills to move up in the workforce.(adapted from Women and Work Research and Education Society,1993, Ontario District of ILGWU, 1993, Rowbotham, 1994, ILO,1990)462.5 Organizing Strategies for Industrial Homework2.5.1 InternationalInternational strategies by homeworker organizations have included international networkingand coalition building. These have most recently included a conference on Homeworking inToronto co-sponsored by the International Ladies Gannent Workers Union and other groups.This organizing effort is based on sharing information and strategies to improve the workingconditions of industrial homeworkers. There is also an attempt by the International LabourOrganization to establish international labour standards for industrial homework.2.5.2 National/ProvincialNational and provincial strategies have concentrated on achieving social protection forhomeworkers. This has included regulatory measures seeking to ensure that:• homeworkers are protected by Employment Standards Legislation;• industrial homework is appropriately defined in legislation and policy;• appropriate minimum wage and remuneration laws are in effect for industrialhomeworkers;• the terms and conditions of work are regulated;• social security provisions are available for homeworkers;• and that occupational health and safety conditions of work are regulated.To reinforce this regulatory framework there have been efforts to establish reporting,registration and supervision systems for industrial homeworkers (Ontario District Office ofthe ILGWU, 1993, Women and Work Research and Education Society, 1993 and ILO,1992).47Enforcement issues make it debatable how effective this regulatory approach is given theclandestine nature of industrial homework and the apparent success of employers in evadingthe regulatory framework (Rowbotham, 1992). Most accurately, it is perhaps safest to saythat regulation is necessary but not sufficient. Without collective bargaining power, which isdifficult to achieve given the material conditions of industrial homework, and improved localcommunity economic and social conditions, the regulatory approach will only have a limitedimpact on improving the conditions of industrial homework.2.5.3 LocalLocal initiatives have concentrated on establishing an organizing body and presence forindustrial homeworkers. The prime strategies of social action groups supporting industrialhomeworkers have involved: research about the local conditions of industrial homework;organizing and advocacy; development of a homeworker centre; and consumer-basedcampaigns such as the Clean Clothes Campaign in Toronto to pressure consumers to purchaseclothes produced in non-exploitative conditions (Rowbotham, 1994). As stated, there is agrowing recognition in the literature of the importance of local initiatives. These include thesupport of local authorities for the social action measures described above, communityeconomic development measures, as well as more mainstream approaches to urban regionaldevelopment that have concentrated on establishing a strong garment sector with improvedlabour practices (Totterdill, 1992). More details are described in Chapter Four.482.6 ConclusionIn conclusion this chapter provides a social and economic rationale for planning interventionby the City of Vancouver on behalf of industrial homeworkers in the garment industry basedon the following:1. The garment industry is a persistently labour intensive industry that has undergonerestructuring to emerge as a viable competitive domestic industry. Yet this industry isexhibiting increasingly exploitative labour practices.2. The garment industry in Vancouver seems to be a stable and labour intensiveindustrial sector that will continue to provide employment for immigrant womenresidents in the City of Vancouver, who otherwise face many structural anddiscrimination-based barriers in accessing other employment opportunities.3. Industrial homework in the garment industry is exploitative and homeworkers have anumber of interests including the need for: a strong garment industry; legal status andrecognition; ESL training and affordable childeare; a collective means of bargaining;an increase in economic return on their labour; improved health and safety conditionsfor work; networking opportunities; and skills training.4. Organizing efforts by homeworkers and their supporters are taking place at theinternational, national and local level. Actions at the local level are becomingincreasingly significant, given the limitations of the national regulatory approach toimprove the conditions of industrial homework.49Chapter Three - A Case Study of Vancouver’s Response to Industrial Homesewing3.1 Introduction:As indicated in the introduction, the concentration of this thesis is at the local governmentlevel. It is an exploration of how the local government of Vancouver can intervene in thefield of industrial homework. This discussion is based on a political economic analysis whichhighlights the new role of the ‘entrepreneurial’ local city state, the domination of labour bycapital and the decline of the central welfare state. The emphasis from a planning perspectiveis on a community economic development approach. Furthermore, as indicated in ChapterTwo, there is a rationale for the City intervening in the garment industry and assistingindustrial homeworkers, both on social and economic grounds. This chapter, the case studyof the thesis, explores through attitudinal and information-seeking interviews the currentstatus of city planning in Vancouver as it relates to industrial homework.The data is organized into four sections:1. Level of awareness of industrial homework;2. Attitudes related to industrial homework;3. Factors identified as mitigating against a city response to industrialhomework;4. Factors identified as supporting a city response to industrial homework;503.1.1 Research MethodologyThis chapter is based on key interviews with municipal staff and elected officials carried outin the Spring and Summer of 1994. Overall, 14 interviews were conducted(See AppendixA). A snowball approach was used to identify these key informants. The point of origininterview was with a representative of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union.This interview led to contacts with the Industrial Homework Working Group, an organizationrepresenting industrial homeworkers in the garment industry in British Columbia. Thisinterview, in turn provided contact with an industrial lands planner in the Vancouver CityPlanning Department. From this point on, interviews were conducted with nine publicofficials and two elected official using an interview guide (See Appendix B) with eight openended questions and several questions to each respondent designed specifically for eachdepartment. An attempt was made to include every area of the municipal government whichmay have had some concern with the issue of industrial homework - this included Planning,Social Planning, Permits and Licenses and Economic Development. As a check on thisselection, each respondent was asked to identify additional city staff members who might beinvolved in the issue of industrial homework. To include the elected officials’ perspective,interviews were conducted with the most senior elected official and a junior elected official.To complete an overview of the role of the municipality, it was necessary to include severalinterviews with non-municipal staff - including a representative of the Employment ServicesBranch of the federal department of Human Resources and Development and a representativeof the VanCity Credit Union. Given that the focus of this thesis is not on provincial labourregulation, the provincial policy position was taken from discussion in a recent briefsubmitted by Professor Mark Thompson as part of a review of Employment Standardslegislation conducted in 1993/94.513.2 Interview Data3.2.1 Respondent Awareness of Industrial HomeworkThe interviews revealed varied levels of awareness of the phenomena of industrialhomesewing in Vancouver on the part of respondents. In general, with several exceptions,there is only a superficial knowledge of industrial homework on the part of municipalofficials. This, in turn, is related to one of the major findings of the research, that the citydoes not consider employment planning for the full range of its residents to be an integralpart of its mandate. The following discussion indicates the level of awareness and responsesby municipal officials to industrial homework. In an effort to understand how awarenesslevels are established, the first section deals with those areas of city government where thereis little or no knowledge of industrial homework, and the second section with those areaswhere there is a higher level of awareness of industrial homework.Respondents With No Awareness of Industrial Homework:There was little or no knowledge of industrial homework at the senior planning and electedofficial level. This is significant given that these levels represent key policy-making levels inthe City’s government.In Social Planning it was indicated that the department had not worked on employment issuesfor over five years. This is significant given the fact that historically social planning had beenactive in this very field, running a pilot project “Immigrant Women in the labour Force”.(Young, 1976) which had supported ESL training for garment workers. It was indicated thatthis department could focus on employment related issues such as industrial homework, “if itfelt that it was an important issue”.52It was indicated at the senior level of the Planning Department that “industrial homework isnot an issue for the City”, and that “the City needs to see industrial homework as a majorissue and it has not been raised as one yet”. It was also stated that employment generationwas not considered a city issue, but rather the jurisdiction of senior-level governments. Thecity’s role in employment issues was described as limited to the zoning of industrial lands andthe regulation of home occupations.The senior elected official indicated a lack of awareness of industrial homework andreinforced that, in general, employment planning was considered a provincial, not a citymatter. It was stated that “there might be a time for the city to intervene, although it is hardfor the city to do anything because employment is mainly the Province’s jurisdiction”. Cityinvolvement in employment issues was described as being limited to the affirmative actionwork of the Employment Office and the cultural diversity training work of the HastingsInstitute.Respondent awareness levels of industrial homework seem correlated to convictionsconcerning the city’s role in employment planning. Explicitly, those officials, who have theleast awareness of industrial homework, appeared to be those officials who are the leastcommitted to expanding the city’s role in employment generation and regulation. This seemsto rest on the assumption that currently, in Vancouver, employment is “not an importantissue”. Another pattern that emerges from the interviews is that these same officials are alsoin the best position to influence policy, as senior planners and a senior elected official. Thisreveals a significant barrier to the development of policies related to industrial homework.The following section focuses on those areas of the City’s government where there is anawareness of industrial homework in order to gain an understanding of how this awarenesshas been established.53Respondents With Some Awareness of Industrial Homework:There is awareness of industrial homework in certain city departments, EconomicDevelopment, Permits and Licenses and Planning and on the part of the junior elected officialinterviewed. This awareness, when occurring, has resulted in supportive actions by individualplanners and officials. Yet, to date these actions have not resulted in policy development.Officials in the Economic Development Office, Permits and Licenses and the PlanningDepartment and the junior elected official all indicated that they were aware of industrialhomesewing. There was general awareness that “there are women doing garment work in allneighbourhoods”. In these three departments, respondents indicated that they were unawareof the detailed conditions of industrial homework; most expressed some level of dismay at theactual number of homeworkers. With one exception, there was solid acceptance of theILGWU’s research findings about industrial homesewing in Vancouver(as described inChapter Two). This respondent indicated that “nothing could be done until the exploitation isproven”. Despite this hesitancy there have been a number of actions taken by a number ofthese planning officials to improve working conditions for industrial homeworkers.These actions have largely been directly and indirectly connected to requests made by anILGWU official that: the legal home-based status of industrial homesewers be clarified; andthat industrial lands be preserved for the garment industry. Firstly, the Permits and Licenseand Economic Development departments jointly issued written clarification indicating that:homeworkers who were paid as employees(specifically if they had CPP and UIC deductedfrom their pay slips) did not need any permit or license; and that other non-employeeclassified contractors could easily obtain a forty dollar a year home-based business license.This clarification assisted the union in its organizing work with homesewers by making itclear that they were not working illegally. It is also potentially useful that Permits and54Licenses generally considered industrial homeworkers to be employees rather than self-employed home craft operators. This could assist in the union’s efforts to legally establishthe employee-employer relationship between industrial homeworkers and factory owners.Secondly, land-use recommendations by Planning also supported the union’s position. Amapping study, carried out by the Planning Department, clearly illustrates that garmentfactory workers are concentrated near the East Vancouver industrial lands(See Figure 1 -Map of Where Garment Workers Live). This was part of a more general planning exercise,the Industrial Lands Strategy, which is meant to support the retention of certain industriallands in Vancouver. Significantly, in terms of establishing a profile for industrial homework,this mapping does not include industrial homeworkers. But the Industrial Lands Strategydoes highlight the garment industry, although again, it does not address the issue of industrialhomework. This Industrial Lands Strategy in itself supports the union’s position calling foran adequate and affordable industrial land supply for the garment industry. This positionrests on the union’s hypothesis that a supply of industrial lands is correlated to themaintenance of factory jobs and forms a check on the shift to homework. Whether anindustrial lands supply is really a check on the growth of homework is unproved given, asstated by a respondent, that an industrial lands vacancy rate of 30-40% in Toronto is still notpreventing the growth of industrial homework in that city. This is not to say that securingindustrial lands for the garment industry in Vancouver, where the vacancy rate is around 3-4%, is not important.Both of these planning actions, the clarification letter and the high profile of the garmentindustry in the Industrial Lands Strategy, indicate the importance of city-level actions to thewell-being of industrial homesewers. It also indicates that the ILGWU has been effective inaccessing planning officials, although this influence has not yet affected policy. This isreflected in the fact that awareness of the existence of industrial homework is present, but notyet officially documented.55As well, officials most aware of industrial homework seemed the most ready to accept ahigher level of intervention in employment issues by the City. In contrast to senior officialswho stated a preference for leaving employment related concerns with the province, therewas a stated conviction that the City should be involved in employment planning for itsindustrial workforce. It was stated that the City should be “concerned with keeping thegarment industry here, there are 8,000 jobs at least in the industry”. It was stated by thejunior elected official that “Vancouver does have an employment problem, only City Councildoesn’t think that they do”. Another respondent indicated that the City should not “forceindustrial workers out of the City by rezomng its industrial lands”. It was also stated that“the City has to do responsible planning for an industry that has potential to provide a lot ofopportunities for City residents”.In conclusion present awareness of industrial homework seems largely limited to plannerswho have had first hand contact with the ILGWU. Interestingly, those officials more highlyinformed also seemed to be the most ready to accept that the city should be involved inemployment planning. This was best illustrated by one planner who simply stated that “nojobs should be lost due to land-use decision-making”. This conviction that employmentplanning is an important role for the City is leading to individual actions, as noted above, tosupport industrial homeworkers. There is also a growing level of sympathy with the union’sefforts to organize homeworkers. One planner indicated that she had passed on informationabout a goggle home-assembly operation to the union so that they could investigate thesituation. Also, acceptance of the realities of industrial homework seems correlated to thesocio-economic background of certain respondents, correlated with their work, ethnicity andfamily background. Specifically, those respondents who have relatives working in thegarment industry or who have a shared ethnic background with industrial homesewers weremore likely to be aware of industrial homework. Additional attitudinal factors related to aresponse to industrial homework are included in the following section.563.2.2. Respondent Attitudes Related to Industrial HomeworkDiscussions with respondents revealed varying perspectives on issues pertinent to adiscussion of the city’s response to industrial homework. The two most relevant areas, interms of establishing a planning response to industrial homework, were attitudes about: therole of the state and municipal planning; and the nature of homework and women’s work.3.2.2.1 Perspective on the Role of the State and Municipal PlanningThere were mixed perspectives on the role of the state in general, varying through thepolitical spectrum. Within this discussion, there was general acknowledgment of the limits oflocal government, although respondents generally agreed that there was enough flexibility inthe planning system for the local government to respond in some way to the growth ofindustrial homework.As stated above, respondents with the least awareness of industrial homework were the mostreticent to support an expanded planning role for the city in employment issues. In the wordsof a senior elected official, “encouraging corporations to invest is the city’s best way to doemployment planning”. From his perspective, it is the market that should be influencingland-use decision making in the city. This would extend to the industrial lands decisionwhich he felt was best left to the market rather than to the city, “if a big box retail operationwanted to locate in the industrial lands then that was what the market indicated was anappropriate use of that land”.Senior policy-makers reinforced this perspective, indicating that the planning role of the cityshould be limited and that the only employment concern of the city was to matchtransportation to job location. It was felt that “jobs are coming here anyway” and that“Vancouver is not an eastern rust belt city” in need of employment planning. It was also57indicated that employment issues had not been raised in the CityPlan process and that peoplehad only focused on issues that were within the city’s jurisdiction.9A junior elected official, in contrast to the senior elected official, indicated support for aninterventionist role for the local government, indicating that the city should become directlyinvolved in the issue of industrial homework. She indicated that the city should “move tosupport its industrial workers”. Some possible avenues for intervention that were identifiedare: raising awareness of industrial homework by asking the Union of British ColumbiaMunicipalities and the Federation of Canadian Municipalities to issue a statement of supportto improve the conditions of work of industrial homeworkers; having the City of Vancouverendorse the recommendations of the Mark Thompson Report to support the explicit inclusionof homework in Employment Standards Legislation; and having the City support communitydevelopment initiatives for industrial homeworkers.The social planning department favoured an advocacy role for the local government. It wasindicated that social planning viewed its role as an ameliorative one - indicating that the citydeals with “poverty and its consequences”. The department’s role was described as one of“working with the voiceless as an advocate and resource person”. It was felt thathomesewers did not fall into this category, given that they have the ILGWU to representthem. Specifically, in terms of employment planning, it was indicated that the city had nojurisdiction to deal with employment issues, although it could deal with the povertyconsequences of unemployment and underemployment. It was stated that social planningwould look at the consequences of homework, such as health and safety and child workers,and try to deal with them. It was also indicated that social planning did act as a conduit toThis was an interesting comment given that there are comments about employment generation in theCityPlan IDEAS book. One particularly quote from the Vietnamese Single Mothers’ Group illustrates thisconcern best, “Although housing and daycare issues are important, however, taking into account thelimited budget of the City and if there is only one wish people can make, that is what they will go for -JOBS!”58other levels of government and would act as an advocate on the part of industrialhomeworkers.An entrepreneurial role for the local government was indicated by the EconomicDevelopment Office. This involved developing the office as a facilitator or partner to privateindustry, offering in-kind services to different industry sectoral associations. In the past thishad involved assistance to the high-tech and motion picture industries. It was indicated thatthere was no logical reason why this kind of assistance could not be offered to an employeeassociation as well as an employer group. Along with the Planning Department, EconomicDevelopment strongly supported an active role for the city in the maintenance of the existingindustrial lands through the adoption of the Industrial Lands Strategy.An active employment planning role for the state was echoed by industrial lands planners.This was based on the conviction that the city was facing considerable pressure from thedevelopment industry to convert its industrial capacity to residential and commercial uses.Acknowledgment of the necessity of an integrated approach to local planning was alsoindicated. This was illustrated by the conviction that support for industrial homeworkers hadto be based on a combined social and economic development approach that, among otherthings, maintained an affordable housing pool in the inner city and industrial lands to supportincubator industries in the inner city. It was felt that the City “needed to protect industrythrough zoning” and “see if there is anyway that it can contribute to the growth of theindustry and the health of the city”.Given the current review of the Industrial Lands Strategy, these varying views on the role ofthe state and municipal planning are immediately relevant. The issue of supporting theIndustrial Lands Strategy therefore seems a crucial test of the city’s relative commitment toindustrial employment or the development industry, almost a blue-collar/white collarbattleground about the role of the state. Again, it is obvious from the range of perspectives59that there is no solid agreement on the city’s role in regards to industrial lands planning andemployment planning in general, let alone industrial homework. The next section deals withspecific attitudes affecting a response to industrial homesewing.3.2.2.2 Understanding of the Nature of Home-Based Work and Women’s WorkRespondents’ understanding of the nature of home-based work and women’s work alsoinfluenced their response to the issue of industrial homework. Attitudes about the nature ofindustrial homesewing were rooted in preconceived notions about why people work at home,the value of women’s work and the conditions faced by immigrant women in society.Attitudes About Home-Based WorkMost respondents initially envisioned the computer-connected professional homeworker whenasked about homework. They viewed the trend to home-based work as a positive option forthe white collar professional. This seemed to bolster a view that homeworking wascompletely an exercise in individual preference. This in turn made it difficult for somerespondents to understand that industrial homeworking might not be anything other than achoice. It took a great deal of explaining to clarify the fact that industrial homeworkinvolved employees being forced into a situation where they had to do assembly work athome rather than contractors choosing to work in a home setting. In the words of onerespondent who was asked to comment on his vision of home-based work, “anyone who has avocation rather than a job can work at home, it’s like when an architect comes home, he isn’ta dishwasher he’s an architect”. This also relates to attitudes about women’s work.For many respondents, identification with the issue was much more clear from theperspective of an employer rather than an employee. This was most obvious in a reaction to60a description of the remuneration system for industrial homesewers, a system that oftenresults in delays of payments well beyond the legal fifteen day period. One respondent’sreaction was that this could be a means of avoiding the difficulties that employers face incollecting their accounts receivable. Another comment indicated support for home-basedinsurance adjusters because it would mean that the insurance company could pay on a piecework basis, claim by claim, and avoid costs related to employee travel time to and fromclaim sites.An awareness of industrial homework as a job rather than as a self-employment option fromthe employee’s perspective came from several respondents. These officials identified severalstructural causes of homesewing, feeling that the real problem, in the words of onerespondent, is there “just aren’t enough jobs, childcare, education and ESL for these womento get out of such job ghettoes”. Significantly all the respondents in this category werewomen.In terms of homework as a planning issue, the prime concern identified by the City Permitsand Licenses Department is nuisance; ensuring through the home-based business licensingsystem that these businesses are not annoying neighbourhood residents. The City ofVancouver’s HomeCraft Bylaw is chiefly directed at ensuring this(Appendix C). The termHomeCraft itself is interesting in that it connotes something quite different than industrialhomework, or even a home consulting operation. Interviews with licensing personnelindicated that industrial homesewing is not really a focus for the bylaw officers, and that“only about 12 homesewers in the City are even licensed”. The City has allocated fewresources to enforcing the bylaw and could provide no statistical breakdown of homework inthe City. This, combined with the fact that most industrial homeworkers are not licensed(and arguably should not be, considering that most of these workers are employees ratherthan self-employed contractors) is a factor contributing to the invisibility and misconstructionof industrial homework.61In conclusion, the attitude towards home-based work by many city officials is that it is apositive option for white-collar city residents. This is shaped by a perception that home-based work is mainly the domain of the white collar professional or simply a pin-money orhome-craft operation. This perception is reflected in the planning structure which has fewresources to plan or even record home-based workWomen’s WorkInterviews with respondents revealed some assumptions about race and gender that areaffecting the understanding of planners and officials about industrial homework. This issue isparticularly crucial given the fact that over 90% of homesewers are visible minority women.The following section discusses these attitudes.There was some sense on the part of some respondents that the low remuneration for womenhomesewers was appropriate. One official described an Asian female relative who couldduplicate any dress in a shop on Robson Street and would do so for free. Another officialindicated that homesewing work is “a women’s issue because it is important for them to bewith their children. When told of the hourly rate of pay, three to four dollars an hour, oneofficial asked “Is this interrupted by changing diapers? What is an hour? This has to beproven”.These perceptions were compounded by some respondent assumptions about immigrantwomen. One official suggested that immigrant women were doing this kind of work becausethey “just won’t learn the language, whereas men will learn the language”. Comments bypersonnel outside the City staff provided some indication of the structural reasons for such anattitude. An immigration official suggested that “most immigrant women come in as familyentrants with no occupations or skills.., and their language skills are bad”. When pressed for62clarification, the official indicated that this impression may be a result of the mechanics ofthe family reunification program whereby spouses(usually the woman) are not asked to list anoccupation or skill and are not targeted for subsidies for ESL. It was further indicated thatthe federal government used to bring immigrant workers in specifically to work in thegarment industry and encourage employers to give them language training. It was alsoindicated that this is no longer the case.These comments also reveal the need to educate policy-makers about the structural causes ofindustrial homework and to deal with prevailing attitudes towards race and gender. Withoutsuch education it is obviously easy for officials to fall prey to a ‘blaming the victim’ approachto industrial homework.633.2.3 Factors Identified as Mitigating Against a City Response to IndustrialHomework3.2.3.1 Jurisdictional LimitationsThe lack of jurisdiction in employment related matters was identified clearly by interviewees.There was a clear perception among most respondents that employment planning is primarilya provincial matter and that the city’s direct role in employment issues is limited todetermining, through zoning, where people would work in the city. There appeared to besome trend to increasing the flexibility of the city’s zoning policies. Discussion with plannersabout the controversy around locating Big Box retail operations and live-work studios in theIndustrial Lands highlighted this trend. Numerous respondents indicated that even though theCity did not have direct responsibility for employment related issues, there were numerousways that it could effect employment trends in the City. These are elaborated on in Section3.2.4.1. Despite this, the lack of mandated responsibility for employment related concernsseems a considerable constraint.3.2.3.2. Fiscal LimitationsThere was almost unanimous agreement among interviewees that the city was not in aposition where it could or would directly fund, in any significant way, any effort to assisthomeworkers. This was stated as a political impossibility, given the city’s reliance onproperty taxes. As stated by a senior elected official, “the City gets money from propertytaxes and it should encourage the private sector to create employment”. As indicated, inSection 3.2.4.2, the availability of in-kind or staff level resources can somewhat offset thisconstraint.643.2.3.3 Lack of Political CloutThe main constraint identified by respondents was political. The conviction of the currentadministration to limit the role of local government, combined with the invisibility and lackof political profile of industrial homework, form a considerable constraint to increasing thecity’s involvement in the issue. Compounding this invisibility, is a lack of understanding ofthe issue. One sympathetic planner indicated concern that attention to the issue may justresult in “an anti-sweatshop crackdown” without any support for homeworkers. As indicatedby the Federal Employment and Immigration official, it is only with publicity and educationthat previously ignored employee groups have been able to gain positive changes. Sheindicated that this has been the case with agricultural workers who are now eligible forUnemployment Insurance.3.2.4 Factors Identified as Supportive of a City Response to Industrial Homework3.2.4.1 Flexibility of City PlanningIn some sense, the lack of jurisdiction or policy mandate for employment related issues hascreated some free space for city planners to respond in a case-specific way to requests forassistance from the ILGWU. As well, the lack of employment related powers for the Citydoes not mean that its actions, particularly in terms of land-use decision-making, are notrelated to employment issues. The first and most important planning issue, that wasidentified by planners as being relevant to industrial homeworkers, was the retention of theremaining industrial lands in the City. There was some indication that the City’s jurisdictionin terms of home-based licensing could be used as a way to intervene to improve health andsafety issues associated with industrial homework. Yet, there was also the perception that thecosts of any such intervention would be prohibitive.653.2.4.2 Availability of In-Kind City ResourcesThe availability of in-kind resources was mentioned repeatedly in interviews. Severalplanners suggested that the City could offer an incubator space in the industrial lands for anindustrial homeworker centre, indicating that the City owns 120 acres of industrial land andan inventory of buildings. Indications were also made that the City could offer staff timeand secretariat services to such an operation. It was also made clear that the city departmentscan serve as a conduit to key provincial and federal ministries to support legislative changeand program dollar allocation to industrial homeworkers.3.2.4.3 Political Potential of the IssueThe political shock value of the issue of industrial homework also seems to be a factor thatcould result in the issue gaining political attention at the municipal level. The reaction of allrespondents to the scale and conditions of industrial homework was one of shock andconcern. Even the respondent, most resistant to extending the City’s employment planningmandate, indicated that “if people are not protected then the city’s role should be a liaison tothe Provincial government to change things”. Apart from one respondent, who indicated thatthe union-based research data was insufficient, there was general sympathy and concern aboutthe conditions that most industrial homeworkers face. This, in turn, indicates the necessity ofpublic and political-level education by industrial homeworker advocacy organizations. In thewords of a junior elected official, “there is virtually nothing the city cannot do if there is thepolitical will to do it”.663.3 Conclusion3.3.1 Research FindingsWith such a small sampling of respondents it is difficult to generalize about the researchfindings. It is hoped that the fairly comprehensive range of officials interviewed compensatesto a large degree for the relatively small number of officials interviewed.The most relevant findings of the interviews, as discussed in this chapter, are that generally:1. Industrial homework is an invisible issue for many planners and electedofficials. In general, it is more senior officials who are least aware of industrialhomework and less committed to the city dealing with employment issues and morejunior officials who are more aware of industrial homework and more concerned withthe city’s role in employment planning, especially for the industrial workforce. This,in turn, means that actions to address industrial homework issues have occurred buthave not reached the policy level;2. The City of Vancouver’s commitment to employment planning is marginal,concentrating on the transportation implications of job location. This is particularlyso for employment sectors that are not high tech or information based. There is aprevailing assumption in the current political administration that the city’semployment generation role should be limited to attracting investment into the city;3. An understanding of industrial homework is affected by preconceived notionsheld by some respondents that home-based work is primarily a white-collar consultingor pin-money activity. Attitudes towards industrial homework are shaped by therespondents preconceptions of the nature of home-based and women’s work and67attitudes towards gender and race. This often is leading to misconceptions about theexploitative nature of industrial homework;4. City policy-makers and politicians do not consider the issue of deregulatedemployment to be a mandated role for the city and feel that the city faces perceivedand real jurisdictional, political and fiscal constraints in its ability to intervene in thisarea;5. Despite this, opportunities were identified by planners to innovatively affectpositive change for these workers through land-use decision-making, the existingsocial and economic development planning processes, and through the city’s role as anconduit to higher govermnent and advocate for city residents;This leads to the conclusion that, although there are opportunities for the municipality tointervene, a significant level of lobbying and educational work will have to be done bygroups such as the Industrial Homeworking Group and the International Ladies GarmentWorkers Union to establish industrial homework as a policy issue for Vancouver.3.3.2 Theoretical ImplicationsFrom a theoretical perspective the research findings reinforced much of the literaturediscussed in Chapter One.1. The predominance of a post-welfare state mindset at the City of Vancouver was mostevident from the comments of a senior elected official and senior policy makers. It isclear that the prevailing policy-making agenda is based on maintaining an appearanceof fiscal constraint and a stated desire to limit the planning role of the city;682. The relative decline in the bargaining power of labour is evident from the marginalcommitment of senior officials to most employment related issues, especially thoserelated to the blue-collar workforce. As indicated by the comments from the SocialPlanning department this represents a shift from previous times where employmentrelated issues were considered part of the City’s mandate. As well, there is a cleareridentification with the employer rather than employee at the senior political level.Also the relative invisibility of industrial homework and the lack of grassrootsagitation to pressure the city to respond to industrial homework are also factorsmitigating against action by the municipal government;3. The City of Vancouver does have a tendency to operate from an ‘entrepreneurial city’perspective. Primary importance is placed on attracting investment to the city whilethere is a minimal commitment to employment planning.4. There is a growing ‘dual city’ phenomena in Vancouver. The most graphic examplesof this are: on the one hand, the concentrated sectoral actions of the EconomicDevelopment Office to support the high-tech and motion picture industry; and on theother hand, the relative lack of support for traditional industries, as manifested by theambivalent support for industrial lands by the senior elected official; and, finally thealmost complete invisibility of industrial homework. These all indicate the tendenciestowards the institutional aspects of the ‘dual city’ trend, whereby certain segments ofthe non-information based labour market are being dealt out of the political arenaalmost completely.69Chapter Fgr: CQnsiderptipns for a Plannjig Response to Industri4 Homesewing4.1 IntroductionThis chapter is a synthesis of Chapters Two and Three and combines the analysis of theconditions of the garment industry in Vancouver and industrial homesewers’ needs with theanalysis of the attitudes and capacity of the City of Vancouver. The chapter is organized intoa discussion of strategies in other municipal jurisdictions; a discussion of the politicalviability of a response to industrial homework in Vancouver; and a discussion of relevantplanning issues related to industrial homework in the City of Vancouver.4.2 Strategies in Other Municipal JurisdictionsIn general, municipalities are faced with a range of options available to respond to industrialhomework, including: a ‘blind-eye’ approach that maintains the status quo; a crackdown on‘sweatshops’; or a development approach that addresses the structural problems of industrialhomework. This thesis is primarily concerned with the developmental approach. Accordingto the literature, the following three models are emerging:An Sectoral Urban Regional Development Approach (The British Model):Local authorities in England have been involved in supporting the garment industry directlyin the hope that this assistance will translate into improved conditions for garment workers.These initiatives have included both direct investment in garment manufacturing and theprovision of collective services to the garment industry to assist firms to enhance theirproduction and marketing. To ensure that these benefits trickle-down to workers, firmsgaining assistance must abide by certain codes of conduct that specify minimum employment70standards. As well firms receive assistance on the condition that they provide employeetraining programs. This approach also involves the development of a network of collectiveservices, including access to computer assisted design and manufacturing techniques andemployee upgrading programs. These local governments have also worked with the tradeunions to bring them into policy discussions and alert them to technological changes in theindustry. Finally, local governments have been effective in coordinating the delivery ofhigher level government programs and developing a local network of garment industryemployers and employees to access these programs (Totterdill, 1992).An Artisan Development Approach (The Third Italy Model):In the Italian district of Emilia-Romagna the communist government has provided substantialbusiness and welfare support for home garment workers to form artisan associations. Aswell, the region promotes its design and craftsmanship. Although it is difficult to ascertainfrom the research available it appears as though garment workers in this district are employedunder superior conditions and wages than in England (Totterdill, 1992).A Community Economic Development Approach:In Holland local and regional governments in Hengelo 1985, Tilburg 1987 and Amsterdam1988 have helped to start up homeworker centres. These centres offer information, legaladvice, networking opportunities and a site for homeworker organizing (Rowbotham, 1993).In England and in India local authorities have worked with homeworker organizations such asthe Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) to support the establishment ofhomeworker centres. These centres have also secured local funding to establish trainingcourses and small business start-up programs for homeworkers. This has led to the71establishment of several homesewer cooperatives and other means to increase the return onlabour to homeworkers (Rowbotham, 1993).ConclusionIn all of the above models, local governments have been socialist-oriented and have actedboth in response to the lack of employment initiatives of regional or national governments, aswell as on behalf of a relatively powerful local labour lobby. In England, Labour Partyurban regional and city governments, such as the Greater London Council, became moreinvolved in employee related concerns during the Thatcher period as a response to centralgovernment cutbacks. In Italy, the Communist government of Emilia-Romagna is anexample of a very progressive local government within a less innovative national structure.In British Columbia, the relative conservatism of the local government of Vancouvercompared to the provincial New Democratic Party government, may be supporting a verydifferent political situation. Yet, given the limitations of the regulatory route available to theprovincial government, it still seems as though the actions of the local government can beinstrumental in affecting the situation of homeworkers. The real question becomes one ofpolitical viability.4.3 Political Viability of a Local Response in VancouverThe following section briefly indicates the positions and relative clout of the various politicalactors that would be involved in an industrial homework strategy.Local Govermnent:The current political climate at Vancouver City Hall appears as a significant barrier in thedevelopment of a more proactive approach to deregulated employment or homesewing. Yet,72as indicated in the interviews, there was a general sense of shock on the part of respondentsto the degree and nature of industrial homework. There was also indication of the city’sability to provide in-kind resources in terms of staff time and industrial land and buildings inparticular. Any actions by the government will probably have to be provoked by publicpressure. This in turn will have to be based on increasing the profile of the issue ofindustrial homework, which is by and large invisible.Employer AssociationsGarment employers, individually and as a group, are not connected to the City government.There has been some sectoral development work carried out by the provincial government topromote the garment industry in British Columbia. This has taken the form of the industrycatalogue, Apparel Plus. The Economic Development Office of the City of Vancouver hasalso developed an employer survey, although this has been currently shelved. Respondentsinterviewed indicated that they had contacted some employers for research purposes whendevising the Industrial Lands Strategy. The industry has an association in Vancouver, theTrade and Needle Association. Given the diversity and large number of garment firms inVancouver it is impossible to provide any profile of the industry without furtherinvestigation. This is an important area for future research.Labour and Community OrganizationsThe ILGWU is recognized on an international level as a very progressive union which hastaken a solid stand to support homeworkers. This is in contrast to unions in the United Stateswhich still support a legal ban on homework. The union has worked with various antipoverty and women’s groups to support improving the working conditions of homeworkers.The actions by the ILGWU organizer in Vancouver, noted in Chapter Three, reinforce thisperception. The unions have also worked effectively in coalition with various groups to73increase support for homeworkers. In Toronto this has included work with The Coalition forFair Wages and Working Conditions for Homeworkers, the Ontario Coalition for BetterChildcare, the Chinese Workers Association and Parkdale Community Legal Services Climeto campaign for improved employment standards legislation and win. In Vancouver theILGWU has worked effectively with The Women and Work Research and Education Societyfor the same purposes. This society in turn has worked with a number of community groupsand associations in Vancouver: the Multilingual Orientation Services for ImmigrantsAssociation for Immigrant Communities(MOSIAC); the Orientation Adjustment Services forImmigrants Society (OASIS); Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU);Vancouver Status of Women; Women’s Employment and Training Coalition; Committee forDomestic Workers and Caregivers Rights among others(Ontario District Council of theInternational Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, 1993). The VanCity Savings Credit unionhas also shown their support for industrial homeworkers by giving them a grant for $5,000for the ongoing research work of the Women and Work Research and Education Society.There is also indication that VanCity will possibly support an Industrial HomeworkerCentre(Van Gils, personal interview, 1994). This all indicates the growing development ofpopular support for homeworkers.ConclusionIn general, the reluctance of senior policy and elected officials in the City governmentindicates that a significant amount of political pressure will be needed to encourage the Citygovernment to pursue any policy development. Assistance work beyond the policy level isoccurring and will probably continue to occur. It also appears as though there is a solidpopular organizational base for industrial homeworkers. The participation of employergroups in any regional development process is yet to be determined. This participation istheoretically possible given the relative success of such endeavours in Europe, and thesuccess of the Economic Development Office’s work with other industrial associations.744.4 Planning and Policy IssuesThe following discussion of planning and policy issues is meant as a summary of thesubstantive information gathered in the interviews and literature review. It is based on theanalysis of constraints and opportunities faced by the City(see section 3.2) and homeworkersinterests as identified by the ILGWU’s research (see section 2.4.2). The constraints andopportunities faced by the City are fiscal, jurisdictional and political. These interests ofhomeworkers include the need for: a strong garment industry; legal status and recognition;ESL training and affordable childcare; a collective means of bargaining; an increase ineconomic return on their labour; improved health and safety conditions for work; networkingopportunities; and skills training. The following discussion of policy and planning issuesattempts to identify where the City’s capacity to respond can meet homeworkers’ interests.4.4.1. ZoningIssue:Industrial Land UseThe current review of the Industrial Lands Strategy is a crucial test of the city’s commitmentto maintaining an industrial base in the city. There are currently 1695 acres of remainingindustrial land in the city, approximately 6% of the city’s land area (See Figure 3 - Map ofRemaining Industrial Areas in Vancouver). There is considerable development pressure onthese lands because of their relative low land cost and the large parcel nature of the lands.The current pressures for conversion are from ‘big box’ retail and home-work studiodevelopments. The current vacancy rate for industrial lands is only 3- 4%. As concluded in75the Administrative Report on Urban Structure submitted to Council in July, 1994, theconversion of existing industrial land to housing is not in compliance with the goal of theLivable Region Strategy to promote economic vitality and social diversity by providing avariety of jobs for a variety of city residents (Director of Planning, May 3, 1994). Yet, asindicated in the interviews in Chapter Three the adoption of the Industrial Lands Strategy hasbeen delayed and is apparently contentious.76Figure 310 -Map of the Remaining Industrial Lands in Vancouver, June, 1994.1I I !L r; *‘\ l IO13IAh /‘ II4/I— >III____...j• 1/10 Source - City of Vancouver Planning Department, 1994.77Potential Impact on Industrial Homesewers:The retention of an affordable industrial land base is crucial for the ongoing viability of thegarment industry, which needs to locate in the inner city close to its labour pool andassociated services such as design and notions. It remains to be proven that there is a directcorrelation between the industrial lands vacancy rate and the incidence of industrialhomework, as the discussion in Chapter Three indicates. Yet, with a vacancy rate as low as3% in Vancouver, it seems probable that this is a pressure point for the industry that mightwell be keeping industrial rents high and creating an additional push factor towards industrialhomework. Retaining industrial lands will also help to minimize upward pressure on housingprices in the areas adjacent to the industrial lands. This is especially important forhomesewers who live in market housing in these areas.4.4.2. RegulationIssues:HomeCraft Licensing/Industrial Homeworker StatusA regulatory approach to industrial homework is primarily a provincial matter. Oneapproach taken in Ontario is the adoption of an employer-based homeworker registry system.This is largely a provincial function connected to employment standards, although it hasimplications for the municipality. The city’s role in regulatory matters is primarily connectedto its licensing of HomeCraft operations through its Permits and Licenses Department. Asindicated, currently fewer than 1 % of all industrial homesewers are licensed. Licensingcould be one way to address the health and safety concerns involved in industrial homework.Yet, as indicated by one respondent, this would be very expensive and the City would beextremely reluctant to move in this direction for at least two reasons: the first being the costof enforcement; the second being the implied liability on the part of the municipality.78Potential Impact on Industrial Homesewers:It is difficult to predict a positive impact from increased HomeCraft licensing onhomesewers. Without additional resources to assist homesewers to bring their equipment upto code and improve ventilation and whatever other renovations are necessary, it is difficultto believe that enforcement would result in anything other than an increase in undergroundindustrial homework. Unless employers could somehow be held liable for homeworkmgconditions, this would only result in onerous costs or loss of livelihood for the industrialhomeworker caught in non-compliance. As an alternative, it might be more effective for theCity to issue written clarification that it considers industrial homesewers to be employeesrather than self-employed contractors and therefore not subject to HomeCraft regulations, butsubject to Employment Standards legislation. It could also support any provincial initiative toimplement a homeworker registry system similar to that in Ontario. This, in turn, wouldassist homeworkers to achieve legal status and recognition.4.4.3. ResearchIssue:Garment Industry and Labour Force DataThere is little data on the garment industry in Vancouver that indicates the extent or needs ofemployers or employees. As indicated in the interviews there seems to be a certainreluctance on the part of certain officials to accept the ILGWU data on homeworking asentirely reliable. As well, a garment sector employer survey is yet to be implemented.More thorough City-based research on the garment industry, that included data on industrialhomeworking, could provide a more accurate understanding of the industry. This mightsimply involve improving data gathering processes already in place in the municipality, suchas data related to home-craft operations. Given the growth and the extent of home-based79work in general, with over 3 million Canadians working at home(Pollack, 1994), this seemscrucial.Potential Impact on Industrial Homesewers:Research has proven to be an important component of industrial homework strategies invarious locales. This has been the backbone of public education campaigns in many countriesand municipalities. This usually involves quantifying the extent of industrial homework andhighlighting the terms and conditions of work. To have the municipality participate in thisprocess would be a considerable asset to the ILGWU’s current research efforts. It would alsoserve as a way to clarify to municipal officials and the general public the true nature ofhomework as opposed to self-employment. As the interviews indicate, there is stillconsiderable confusion about this. As well, a proposed garment manufacturers survey couldbe extremely useful in informing decision-making regarding the industrial lands in the city(See 4.4.1) and identifying business priorities for community economic development basedstrategies (See 4.4.7). It also is one way to encourage the legal status and recognition ofhomeworkers.4.4.4. LiaisonIssue:City-Based Garment Industry Working GroupAs indicated by the Economic Development Office, forging links with different industrialassociations: the motion picture industry, the high tech industry and the Hong KongBusinessmen’s Association, has proven to be an effective strategy for using municipalresources effectively. The Social Planning department also indicates that it liaises withdifferent non-profit groups in the city. This partnership strategy could possibly be used toforge links between the Economic Development Office and, possibly Social Planning, and the80garment sector’s employer and employee groups, including the ILGWU and the IndustrialHomework Working Group.Potential Impact on Industrial Homesewers:With the guaranteed participation of the ILGWU and the Industrial Homework WorkingGroup, a City-based sectoral working group could have positive impacts. This couldparallel the British Model by possibly providing more information and resources tohomeworkers that could, in turn, lead to increased economic and training benefits for them aswell.4.4.5. AdvocacyIssue:Lobbying Higher Level Governments to Support Industrial HomeworkersThe municipality can act as an effective advocate on behalf of city residents and interestgroups. There is some reluctance on the City’s part to become involved in fair wage issues.As indicated in an interview with a junior elected official, City Council rejected theprovince’s request to adopt a ‘fair wage’ policy for construction workers in the City. On theother hand, as indicated by a senior elected official, “if people are not protected then thecity’s role should be to liaise with the Province” to assist them. Given the extent ofindustrial homework in the City of Vancouver, the municipal government could support thefollowing proposed amendment to the Employment Standards Act in British Columbia:“The Commission recommends that the definition of ‘work’ in the Act state clearlythat it includes home work. Employers who assign work to employees to beperformed in their residence or the residence of another person should be required toprovide the Ministry with the particulars of this work situation, including the names81of employees, their social insurance numbers, their rate of pay and the location of thehome work site.” (Thompson,1994)As well, the City could work through the Greater Vancouver Regional District, the Union ofBritish Columbia Municipalities and the Federation of Canadian Municipalities to lobby forprovincial and federal level support for industrial homeworkers.Potential Impact on Industrial Homesewers:This would support the move to provide legal status and recognition for homeworkers andsend a strong message to garment employers that the City supports regulation andenforcement of employment standards for homeworkers.4.4.6. PromotionIssue:Promoting The Garment City Industry and Its ArtisansThe City can act as a powerful promotion vehicle for city industries and interests. Asindicated in the interviews, the Economic Development Office has worked to support themotion picture and high tech industries in the City. Promotion of the City’s garment industryand its workers was indicated as a possibility. This would follow the Emilia-Romagna modelof supporting a milieu for fashion production by promoting the artisan and fashion designstrengths of the region.82Potential Impact on Industrial HomesewersThis could potentially improve the situation of the garment industry as it might lead toincreased support for the industrial lands. The impact on industrial homeworkers is difficultto ascertain. One possible way to ensure that benefits to the industry trickle down to workerswould be for the City to support a “Clean Clothes” campaign as waged in Toronto andseveral European Cities. This involves pressuring garment retailers to indicate on clothinglabels the point of origin and means of production for a garment. This could lead to anincrease in economic return on the work of industrial homesewers.4.4.7 Community Economic DevelopmentIssue:Supporting Community Economic Development Efforts by Industrial HomeworkersCities in Canada have used CED as both a program delivery and development tool. Theprinciple application of urban CED has been for poverty alleviation in the Southwest districtof the City of Montreal. There is some precedent in the City of Vancouver with the supportfor programs such as the small business incubator run by the Downtown Eastside EconomicDevelopment Society. The principle CED vehicle for industrial homework adopted in otherjurisdictions has been the Industrial Homeworker Centre. These centres have beenestablished formally in different cities in the United Kingdom and Holland and informally inmany other developing and industrialized countries. Generally they consist of a multifunctional building that serves to provide homeworkers with trades upgrading, language skillstraining, drop-in social facilities, merchandising channels and other services as determined byuser need. These facilities have generally been the result of joint efforts by union organizers,homeworker self-help organizations and local and regional governments (Rowbotham, 1993).83Interviews with respondents concluded with a description of the concept of the industrialhomework centre and a question about the city’s capacity to support such an operation. It wasgenerally acknowledged that the City had the capacity to support such a centre, although onlywith the use of in-kind resources that involved little or no cash outlay. Yet there wasconcern that the City should not take on the role of the employer and provide industrialworkspace that the industry is refusing to provide. The availability of City-owned industrialland and building space and staff time to support such a centre was revealed. Specifically, itwas indicated that the City had provided facilities for different groups from its stock of civicproperties and might do so again. There was also a general indication that such an operationwould need higher level government support and that the City could act as a facilitator tolever these resources. Again, even the respondent most resistant to extending the City’s rolein employment issues indicated that the “City might support a homeworker centre, althoughI’m not sure how they can”. Other respondents indicated that a homeworker centre would bea good way to “give homeworkers control over their own work and create healthierindividuals and healthier communities”.Potential Impact on Industrial HomesewersAs indicated in the literature, an Industrial Homeworker Centre has proven to be animportant tool for organizing industrial homeworkers and potentially providing an avenue toincrease the economic returns to industrial homesewers. There is support for this concept inthe Industrial Homework Working Group (Ocran, personal interview, 1994) and fromcommunity institutions in Vancouver such as the VanCity Credit Union (Van Gils, personalinterview, 1994). As well, recent disintegration of production in the garment industry intosmaller subcontracting units might well present an opportunity for CED based self-helpemployee initiatives. These initiatives could take the form of small sewing co-operatives orartisan groups of women workers who receive orders higher up the production chain and84therefore receive more of the profits from their assembly work. This has been tried in Italyand Britain to varying degrees of success(Totterhill, 1992). This might be a new form ofsector specific urban CED. As well, more CED resources are being placed by both thefederal and the provincial government in Vancouver- a Women’s Enterprise Centre isplanned for East Vancouver and a provincial women’s loan fund is also planned. The Citycould work to ensure that homesewers are eligible and targeted for these programs. This isimportant because many of these higher level government CED programs are limited toUnemployment Insurance recipients, a fact that would currently disqualify many industrialhomesewers.CED efforts are the only real strategy that will address all the interests of industrialhomesewers. The collective nature of CED and the provision of a homeworker centre orsome such operation can encourage: legal status and recognition; provision of ESL andcollectively based childcare; forms of collective bargaining; an increased return onhomesewer labour; improved health and safety conditions at least at the homeworker centreand possibly through education and greater affluence in homes; networking opportunities;and training facilities. It could also lead to a stronger garment industry as employees gainbetter training and have the ability to pool resources.4.5 ConclusionIn conclusion it appears that there are a number of Vancouver City planning and policy issuesthat are relevant to the well-being of industrial homeworkers. Given the current situation inVancouver it is clear that a significant degree of political pressure will have to be placed onthe City before it will proactively intervene in the situation. Yet, it is also clear that the issuehas the political potential to ‘shock’ and therefore the potential, with a targeted publiceducation campaign, to result in political action. This action will certainly require thecombined efforts of all three levels of government, but as the literature is increasinglysuggesting, will certainly need the involvement of the local government to be effective.85Chapter Five - Conclusion5.1 SummaryAfter six months of researching the municipal response to industrial homework it is difficultto say that I feel optimistic. The real surprise of this research for me was that the City ofVancouver does not consider employment, at least for the full range of residents, a planningissue, and that there is currently a ‘closed door’ on the issue. After my experience with citiesin the Interior of British Columbia, where employment creation is now the crucial issue, thisstrikes me as being dangerously short-sighted. More specifically, in terms of industrialhomework, with the exception of two interviewees, it was even difficult to convincerespondents that deregulated employment was even relevant to the work that they did for thecity. This political reality makes it difficult to believe that changes in Vancouver to benefitgroups such as industrial homeworkers are going to be easily gained. It is going to take agreat deal of grassroots organizing and political work to achieve change.Becoming more aware theoretically and practically about the realities of both urban planningand issues such as industrial homework is a sobering experience. While residents, such ashomeworkers, are being asked to internalize the costs of production to maintain their jobs,cities are spending general revenues to build infrastructure and studying casino-like projectsto transform the inner city to serve the needs of a very different class of resident or even offshore resident or tourist. The result is ever increasing social polarization.It is evident that there is a role for local governments to play in addressing equity issues suchas deregulated employment. The downloading of central government social programs and thegrowth of deregulated employment within municipalities reinforce the need for local action.Yet, from this research, it appears that there is little probability that Vancouver will assume86this role. The stated conviction of senior planners and elected officials that employmentissues are not city issues make it evident that employment planning and policy developmentwill not happen in Vancouver, at least without a considerable amount of political pressurebeing exerted on the city government. The virtual invisibility of issues such as industrialhomework mean that this political pressure will be extremely difficult to assert. Thefollowing section summarizes the theoretical and practical conclusions of this research.What does the City of Vancouver’s response to industrial homework reveal about thenature of post-welfare state city planning?From a theoretical perspective this research, as summarized in Chapter Three, reinforces theview that Vancouver is shifting towards:• a post-welfare state city tied to an emerging agenda of fiscal constraint and a leanerrole for government;• an ‘entrepreneurial city’ independently acting to seek investment capital;• and a ‘dual city’ with growing social polarization and a propensity to support only theupper sections of its infonnation-based labour force with little commitment to urbancommunity economic development efforts aimed at the lower-tier components of thelabour force.The retention of industrial lands and the support for gannent workers working as homesewersare clearly not high priorities for the city. Within the fiscal constraint mindset of the postwelfare state city, support for lower-tier workers is seen as an unacceptable use of the city’sresources for social welfare purposes. Interestingly, support for the film and high-techindustries is seen as economic development. The ‘entrepreneurial city’ paradigm describes acity that is aesthetically pleasing and one that offers investment opportunities. The retentionof the industrial lands is seen by senior politicians as an unacceptable constraint oninvestment and redevelopment of city land for higher yield and aesthetically pleasing87purposes. As well, conversion of the industrial lands is a goldmine for the developmentindustry that the city will have a difficult time resisting. The ‘dual city’ hypothesis alsoseems born out by the research. The emergence of deregulated work is a clear symptom ofthe emerging dual economy within cities. The virtual invisibility of homeworkers, both asmembers of the labour force and as a focus of policy, also reinforces the institutional aspectsof the dual city.To what extent are there opportunities for the City of Vancouver intervene to improvethe conditions of work of industrial homesewers?As discussed, the dilemma of a policy response to industrial homework is to retain theopportunity for homework while improving the conditions of work. There are a number ofways that the City can move to improve the conditions of industrial homesewers. These havebeen identified in detail in Chapter Four and include zoning, regulation, research, liaison,advocacy, promotion and community economic development measures. The most pressingissue is the current review of the industrial lands in Vancouver. Unfortunately the mostpromising avenue to address the needs of industrial homeworkers, a community economicdevelopment route, is also very unlikely without intense political pressure and the provisionof resources from other levels of government.5.2 Closing CommentsThis thesis raises a central question about the future of Vancouver. Will the city emerge as afull-blown ‘dual city’ with residents alternately plugged in and out of its new politicaleconomy? The fight over Vancouver’s industrial lands over the next few months will be acrucial test of where the city is headed. It is no coincidence that the casino controversy ishappening at the same time. Both illustrate either extreme of the dual city, as the casinoexemplifies the new “space of the new upper tier connected to global communication and vast88networks of exchange” and the industrial lands and adjacent neighbourhoods filled withgarment workers and homeworkers are increasingly becoming the “defensive communities ofethnic minorities, workers, and immigrants”(Castells, 1989). In the future, will the citysupport both realities, one instead of the other, or neither? The city is at the point where itis making crucial and irrevocable land-use decisions that will forever shape the social andpolitical landscape of Vancouver in one direction or the other.The thesis also reveals that urban planning must be analyzed in terms of both existing actionsand policies and those not adopted. Planning non-actions, such as the withdrawal ofVancouver from employment related concerns, the shrinkage of its industrial lands, the lackof response to industrial homework, are as revealing as the policy and planning actions thatthe City decides to pursue. One is almost left asking the question, is Vancouver deindustrializing or is the City de-industrializing itself? If nothing else, this research highlightsthe extent of industrial homework and the fact that a workforce of approximately 10,000residents is receiving no acknowledgment in policy. Given the growth in this sector, thisseems dangerously shortsighted.5.3 Areas For Further ResearchThis thesis is one piece of research in a much larger field of work that includes related topicsin urban planning, economic restructuring, changing production and labour relations, genderand race and work, community economic development and other related fields.Areas for further research related to the topic of Vancouver’s planning response to thegrowth of deregulated employment include the following:Specifically, in regards to industrial homesewing in Vancouver:89• A Vancouver Garment Employer Survey• A Homeworker Center Feasibility StudyMore generally, in regards to urban planning and deregulated employment:• A Comparative Analysis of Employment Planning Initiatives in MetropolitanAreas• An Analysis of Deregulated Employment Sectors in Urban AreasAreas for research related to the broader theoretical issues raised by this research relate to therole of the post-welfare state and the implications for urban planning. These questionsinclude:• The impact of employment deregulation on labour force composition• The changing nature of employment policy in the post-welfare state• The gendered impacts of employment bifurcation• Social welfare policy considerations for deregulated workers• Alternative CED policy considerations for employment policy• Urban planning in the post-welfare state• The changing role of urban CED as a response to changing labour conditionsThis research will reveal the emerging priorities and opportunities for both social policydevelopment and urban planning in a post-welfare state society.90Appendix A: List of IntervieweesChu, Millie, Community Planner, City of Richmond Planning Department, July 23, 1994.DeMarco, Christine, Planner, City of Vancouver Planning Department, July 21, 1994.Emery, Ruth, Chief, Economic and Labour Market Analysis, Economic Services Branch,B.C./Yukon Branch, Employment and Immigration Canada, August 11, 1994.Fancy, Sidney, Economic Development Officer, City of Vancouver Economic DevelopmentOffice, July 20, 1994.Gunarantna, Vas, President, International Ladies’ Garment Workers Union, March 17, 1994.Kwan, Jenny, Vancouver City Councilor, September 7, 1994.McAfee, Ann, Associate Director of Planning, Manager CityPlan, City of VancouverPlanning Department, August 8, 1994.Nowland, Paul, Planner, City of Vancouver Planning Department, July 13, 1994.Ocran, Amanda, Principle Investigator, Industrial Homework Working Group, July 4 andAugust 11, 1994.Owen, Phillip, Mayor, City of Vancouver, August 11, 1994.Preston, Joyce, Manager, Department of Cultural Affairs, July 25, 1994.Teichroeb, Paul, Manager, City of Vancouver Department of Permits and Licenses, July 21,1994.Van Gus, Pieter, Community Development Officer, VanCity Savings Credit Union, August10, 1994.Von Ferson, Lorenz, Social Planning, Department of Cultural Affairs, City of Vancouver,August 10, 1994.91Appendix B: Interview GuideGeneral Questions to Interviewees:1. Are you aware of the incidence of industrial homesewing in the City of Vancouver?(A brief description of the extent of industrial homesewing and the profile of an industrialhomesewer was given)If yes, how did you become aware of industrial homesewing?2. Do you think that the city has any responsibility in this area?3. Do you feel that employment planning is part of the city’s mandate or responsibility?4. How would you estimate the political will of City Council to deal with this issue?5. What can the city/your department do to assist industrial homesewers?6. What can’t the city/your department do to assist industrial homesewers?7. Do you support the idea of an Industrial Homeworker Centre? What support do you thinkthere would be from the city for an Industrial Homeworker Centre?(A brief description of the use of Industrial Homeworker Centres in Europe was given)8. Can you think of anybody else that I should talk to regarding the city’s response toIndustrial Homework?Sample Specific Questions:1. Do you think that there is a relationship between the availability of industrial lands in thecity and the growth of industrial homeworking?2. Do you think that the CityPlan process identified employment as a major residentconcern?3. How many industrial homesewers are licensed by the City of Vancouver?4. Has the city offered any assistance to the gannent industry?5. Does the city consider the garment industry to be an important city industry?6. Is there any recorded statistical information or other research available on industrialhomeworkers or homesewers?92Appendix C: Vancouver’s Home-Based Business By-Law11.6 HomeCraft -- subject to the following:11.6.1 No person other than the one resident member of the family occupying the dwellingshall be engaged in the HomeCraft on the premises;11.6.2 Where located in an R district, there shall be nothing to indicate from the exterior ofthe dwelling unit or building that it is being used for any purpose other than itsprincipal or approved use;11.6.3 No products or material shall be sold from or within the dwelling unit;11.6.4 No products or materials shall be stored outside of the dwelling unit, building oraccessory building;11.6.5 No offensive noise, order, vibration, smoke, heat or other objectionable effect shallbe produced.93Personal ReflectionsThe harsher realities of the ‘entrepreneurial’ or ‘dual city’ were graphically reinforced to meduring an urban design studio jointly conducted by the School of Community and RegionalPlanning and Tsinghua University held in Quanzhou, China this May. In an effort to attractinvestment capital to this small city, the urban planning authorities had decided to relocate10,000 inner city residents to residential apartment towers in rice fields around the city. Inplace of their often 300 year old courtyard houses, the authorities were building luxury villasfor 700 overseas Chinese. This was systematically destroying the social infrastructure of thisinner city neighbourhood which was a teeming web of entrepreneurs earning their livelihoodsbased on fulfilling the needs of their neighbours, a community economic developmentplanner’s dream. What new source of livelihood would replace this was unclear and mostsignificantly, was not considered a planning issue. What was clear was that the planningdepartment’s priority was to develop the inner city as a show case site for investment andtourism.Immersed as I am in the informational economy I can only hope that by communicating andresearching the true nature of development it will be possible to draw attention to issues suchas industrial homework. Otherwise these issues continue to be largely being ignored becausethe adversely affected people are not at the centre of power and decision-making. This thesisis dedicated to planners and elected officials who question the social and economic impacts ofpolicies and plans. For the one real hope is in planning which insists on social priorities andinsists on basic principles such as “no jobs should be lost to city land use decisions”.94BibliographyAbdel-Latif, Abla M.(1993). “The Nonprice Determinants of Export Success or Failure: The Egyptian Ready-made Garment Industry, 1975-1989. World Development 21(10): 1677-1684.Allen, Sheila and Wolkowitz, Carol.(1987). Homeworking: Myths and Realities. London: Macmillan Education.Benton, Lauren.1990). Invisible Factories: The Informal Economy and Industrial Development in Spain. NewYork: State University of New York Press.Boothroyd, Peter and Davis, Craig.(1991).“The Meaning of Community Economic Development”, UBC Planning Papers, DiscussionPaper #25. Vancouver: School of Community and Regional Planning.Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. (1992).From the Double Day to the Endless Day. Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.Canadian Press(1993). “Underpaid homeworkers targeted”. The Province.6 October, 1993.Castells, Manuel.(1989). The Informational City. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.Chu, Yin Wah.(1992). “Informal Work in Hong Kong”. International Journal of Urban and RegionalResearch. 16(3): 420-441.City of Vancouver Planning Department.(1993a). Industrial Lands Review: Part 1: Industrial Area Profiles. Vancouver: City ofVancouver.(1993b). Industrial Lands Review: Part 2: Industrial Activity in the City of Vancouver.Vancouver: City of Vancouver.(1993c). Industrial lands Review: Part 3: City of Vancouver Industry Survey Report.Vancouver: City of Vancouver.Cohen, Marjorie(1991). Women and Economic Structures: A Feminist Perspective on the Canadian Economy.95Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.Conn, Melanie(1990). “The RichPly Experience”Worker Coop Magazine. Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education.Connexions.(1994). 44: complete issue”The Global Factory”.Director of Planning.(May 3, 1994). “Administrative Report to Vancouver City Council Re: Urban Structure”.Vancouver: Vancouver City Planning Department.Drohan, Madelaine.(1994). “OECD Unemployment Cure Gets Axworthy’s Endorsement”. The Globe and Mail.8 June, 1994.Elson, Diane and Ruth Pearson.(1981). “The Subordination of Women and the Internationalisation of Factory Production”.Young, K., C. Wolkowitz, and R. McCullagh, eds. Of Marriage and the Market: Women’sSubordination in International Perspective. London: CSE Books.Fernandez-Kelly, M.P. and A.M. Garcia.(1984). “Informalization at the Core: Hispanic Women, Homework, and the AdvancedCapitalist State”. Portes, A., M. Castells, and L.A. Benton, eds. The Informal Economy:Studies in Advanced and Less Developed Countries. Maryland: Johns Hopkins UniversityPress.Gannage, Charlene.(1986). Double Day Double Bind: WomenGarment Workers. Toronto: The Women’s Press.Harvey, David.(1989). The Condition of Postmoderntv. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.Hill, Hal and Karlragan, K.P.(1993). “Small Enterprise and Firm-Level Technical Efficiency in the Indonesian GarmentIndustry”. Applied Economics. 25: 1137-1144.Hoffman, Kurt.(1985). “Clothing, Chips and Competitive Advantage: The Impact of Microelectronics onTrade and Production in the Garment Industry”. World Development 13(3): 37 1-392.Industry, Science and Technology Canada.(1992). Apparel Plus. Vancouver: Industry, Science and Technology Canada and the BritishColumbia Trade Development Corporation.96International Labour Orgamsation.(1990). Social Protection of Homeworkers: Documents of the Meeting of Experts on theSocial Protection of Homeworkers. International Labour Office: Geneva.Jenkins, Jerry (ed.).(1988). Beyond the Informal Sector: Including the Excluded in Developing Countries.Institute for Contemporary Studies: San Francisco, California.Jensen, Joan M. and Davidson, Sue.(1984). A Needle. a Bobbin, a Strike: Women Needleworkers in America. Philideiphia:Temple University Press.Johnson, Laura and Johnson, Robert.(1982). The Seam Allowance. Toronto: The Women’s Press.Khosla, Punam.(1993). Review of the Situation of Women In Canada. Toronto: National Action Committeeon the Status of Women.Leach, Belinda.(1993). “Flexible Work, Precarious Future: Some Lessons From the Canadian ClothingIndustry”. Canadian Review of Sociology and Antrhopologv. 30(1): 64-82.Lustiger-Thaler, Henri (ed.).(1992). Political Arrangements: Power and the City. Black Rose Books: Montreal.Mitter, Swasti.(1986). Common Fate Common Bond: Women in the Global Economy. London: Pluto Press.Mitter, Swasti. (ed.).(1992). Computer-aided Manufacturing and Women’s Employment: The Clothing Industry inFour EC Countries. London: Springer-Verlag.Moskovitch, A. and G. Drover. (1981). The Benevolent State. Toronto: Garamond Press.Moskovitch, A. and G. Drover. (1981). Inequality: Essays on the Political Economy ofSocial Welfare. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Ontario District Council of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union and Intercede.(1993). Meeting the Needs of Vulnerable Workers: Proposals for Improved EmploymentLegislation and Access to Collective Bargaining for Domestic Workers and IndustrialHomeworkers. Toronto: Intercede and Toronto Organization for Domestic Workers’ Rights.Orser, Barbara and Foster, Mary.(1992). Home Enterprise: Canadians and Home-Based Work. Ottawa: National Home-BasedBusiness Project Committee.97Perception(1994). 17(4) complete issue of “A Labour Force in Transition”.Pollak, Nancy.(1994). Critical Choices. Turbulent Times. Vancouver: School of Social Work, University ofBritish Columbia.Portes, Alejandro, Castells, Manuel and Benton, Lauren. (eds.).(1984). The Informal Economy: Studies in Advanced and Less Developed Countries.Maryland: The Johns Hopkins Press Limited.Rowbotham, Sheila.(1993). Homeworkers Worldwide. The Merlin Press: London.Rowbotham, Sheila and Mitter, Swasti. (eds.).(1994). Dignity and Daily Bread: New Forms of Economic Organizing Among Poor Womenin the Third World and First. London: Routledge.Thompson, Mark.(1994). Rights and Responsibilities in a Changing Workplace: A Review of EmploymentStandards in British Columbia. Victoria: Ministry of Skills, Training and Labour.Totterhill, Peter.(1992). “The Role of Local Intervention: Choices and Agencies for Change”. in Mitter,Swasti. (ed.). Computer-Aided Manufacturing and Women’s Employment: The ClothingIndustry in Four EC Countries. London: Springer-Verlag.Vosko, Leah F.(1993). The Last Thread: An Analysis of the Apparel Goods Provisions in the NorthAmerican Free Trade Agreement and the Impact on Women. Ottawa: Canadian Centre forPolicy Alternatives.Shragge, Eric. (1992).“Community Based Practice: Political Alternatives or New State Forms”, in Davies, Lindaand Shragge, Eric. eds. (1992). Bureaucracy and Community. Montreal: Black Rose Books.Standing, Guy. (1984).“The British Experiment: Structural Adjustment or Accelerated Decline?” in Portes, A.,Castells, M. and Benton, L. eds. (1984). The Informal Economy. Baltimore: Johns HopkinsUniversity Press.The Women and Work Research and Education Society and the International Ladies GarmentWorkers Union.(1993). Industrial Homework and Employment Standards: A Community Approach toVisibility and Understanding: A Brief For Improved Employment Legislation for theMinistry of Women’s Equality. Vancouver: The Women and Work Research and EducationSociety and the International Ladies Garment Workers Union.98WomenFutures Community Economic Development Society and The Social Planning andResearch Council of British Columbia.(1993).Counting Ourselves In. Vancouver: Women Futures.Young, Ray.1976). Social Change and Municipal Response: The Past Decade. Vancouver: City ofVancouver Social Planning Department.99

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