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George Frederic Handel’s La Resurrezione: its genesis, dramatic structure, characterization and influence… Cortiula, Adam Anthony 1997

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GEORGE FREDERIC HANDEL'S LA RES URREZIONE: ITS GENESIS, D R A M A T I C STRUCTURE, CHARACTERIZATION A N D INFLUENCE ON HIS L A T E R WORKS by A D A M A N T H O N Y CORTIULA B.A., McMaster University, 1990 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL F U L F I L L M E N T OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF M A S T E R OF ARTS in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (School of Music) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A April 1997 © Adam Anthony Cortiula, 1997 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it . freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. School M\A4|£ Department of * 1 V | U The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date KfUL 139? DE-6 (2/88) A B S T R A C T The oratorio, La Resurrezione (1708) is considered by many to represent the summary of George Frederic Handel's Italian compositions. This achievement would not have been realized without the support of Handel's young and ambitious Roman patron, Francesco Ruspoli. The money and effort that Ruspoli spent on the staging of this oratorio confirm that it was planned as the climax for the Easter musical festivities in 1708. The preliminary chapters of this thesis present the background to the presentation of La Resurrezione and include discussions on Handel's presence in Rome, his relationship with Ruspoli, the role of the Accademia dell' Arcadia, and a biography of Carlo Capece, the librettist of the oratorio. Musical issues relating to the oratorio are discussed in chapter four. These include: manuscript sources, the performers of the work, and Handel's musical response to Capece's libretto. The use of a buffo bass (and the notion of Lucifer as a comic character) is traced back to the mid-seventeenth-century. The focus of chapter five is on the music of La Resurrezione, and on examples of Handel's subsequent re-use of the music. As well, the stimuli that prompted Handel to refer to a particular borrowing source are examined. Often a similar dramatic situation prompted Handel's recollection of a previous source; at other times a i i comparable textual affect, a similar phrase or even a single word in common provided the stimulus for borrowing. The five borrowing groupings discussed in the chapter are chosen because they represent the various means that prompted Handel's recollection of a previous source. Each grouping is organized by an appropriate term which reinforces the argument that it is a textual word, phrase or affect that is the key to understanding the borrowings. A consideration of the borrowings highlights Handel's great talent for portraying people and varying dramatic situations. i i i T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents iv List of Examples v Acknowledgement vii Chapter One Introduction 1 Chapter Two Capece and his Libretti 13 Chapter Three Synopsis of Libretto 20 Chapter Four Musical Issues Related to La Resurrezione 30 Manuscript Sources 30 Orchestration 32 Handel's Musical Response to Capece's Libretto 33 Use of Buffo Bass 41 The Performers 45 Chapter Five Borrowing Examples 48 Chapter Six Conclusion 93 Bibliography 96 Appendix Borrowing Examples from La Resurrezione 99 iv LIST OF E X A M P L E S 1. "Costante ognor cosi," mm. 1-9 51 2. "0 voi dell' Erebo," mm. 1-15 52 3. "Col raggio placido," mm. 1-19 55 4. "Di ad Irene," mm. 1-17 56 5. "Di ad Irene," mm. 28-44 57 6. "Di ad Irene," mm. 68-87 58 7. "Di ad Irene," mm. 132-150 59 8. "Si 1' intendesti," mm. 118-137 61 9. "With rage I shall burst," mm. 1-6 62 10. "Fallt ihr Machtigen," mm. 1-6 64 11. "Chi gia fu," mm. 1-33 65 12. "Caddi, e ver," mm. 1-30 67 13. "Cade i l mondo," mm. 1-34 67 14. "Holde Schatten," mm. 1-14 71 15. "Entschlafft ihr Sinnen," mm. 1-9 72 16. "Ferma 1' ali," mm. 1-30 73 17. "Ferma 1' ali," mm. 31-61 75 18. "Ferma 1' ali," mm. 62-81 76 v 19. "Zeffiretti, deh venite," mm. 1-10 77 20. "Caro amor," mm. 1-23 79 21. "Watchful angels," mm. 1-9 80 22. "Herrsche glucklich," mm. 1-7 83 23. "Disserratevi, oh porte d' Averno," mm. 1-16 85 24. "Mighty love now calls to arm," mm. 1-22 87 25. "Oh sword, and thou all-daring hand," mm. 30-37 88 26. "Vedo i l del," mm. 1-16 90 27. "Fury with red sparkling eyes," mm. 1-22 91 vi A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T I would like to express thanks to all who assisted me in this research. Firstly, Dr. John Sawyer whose own work spawned my interest in Handel, and has assiduously nurtured it for several years. His supervision and thoughtful suggestions have been invaluable in the completion of this thesis. Also, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Vera Micznik for having read this thesis with such care and thoughtfulness. To my parents and Steve and Missi, who have offered their support to my academic endeavours and helped me in innumerable ways. I would also like to extend a special thank-you to my mom for her invaluable assistance with the translations. Above all, Kati, for her forbearance, patience and love—without her inestimable support this thesis would not have materialized. vii 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION In 1708, Rome witnessed one of the most spectacular Easter musical events of the decade. The extravagant production of George Frederic Handel's Oratorio per la Resurrezione di Nostro Signor Gesu Cristo (La Resurrezione) was first performed on Easter Sunday and Monday, April 8-9, 1708. Paired with Alessandro Scarlatti's Oratorio per la Passione di Nostro Signore Gesu Cristo (which had been performed four days earlier), La Resurrezione was planned as the climax of the Easter musical festivities. Roman musical life at that time was inhibited by a papal ban on opera, so the oratorio effectively became the most important outlet for theatrical, scenic, and large-scale dramatic music in private and semi-public settings. Handel's patron, the Marchese Francesco Ruspoli (1672-1731), spared no expense on his commissioned work. The splendour of the decorations, the elaborate stage setting, the unusually large orchestra (led by the illustrious Arcangelo Corelli), and the sizeable audience confirm the magnificence of this spectacular event. Ruspoli spent vast sums of money on the performance of this sacred oratorio. Apart from the cost associated with the preparations of the hall at his Bonelli palace, Ruspoli hired many extra musicians to supplement those that he regularly employed. The performers were even paid for three rehearsals before the Easter Sunday concert; 2 a rare luxury at the time.1 Furthermore, a comparatively large number of libretti were printed for the occasion.2 Two weeks prior to La Resurrezione's premiere, only 300 libretti had been required for Alessandro Scarlatti's, Annunziata? The young and ambitious Marchese could easily afford these extravagances. Along with his title, he had inherited the Bonelli palace in Rome and the valuable estate of Cerveteri from an uncle in 1705, and had acquired the estate of Vignanello the following year after the death of another uncle.4 A detailed account of the preparations for the premiere has come down to us from the Ruspoli household records.5 The stage in the hall for the academies ("Stanzione delle Accademie") on the second floor had been expensively remodelled, but had to be transferred at the last minute to the great hall on the main floor for a larger audience. Here between Monday and Saturday of Holy Week a new stage with scaffolds for large-scale decorative effects was built. This "stage" appeared as a teatro a scalinata with four rows of seats for the orchestra (just over 12 metres wide), slightly curved toward the audience, the ranks ascending to the back wall. It Ursula Kirkendale, "The Ruspoli Documents on Handel," The Journal of the American Musicological Society 20 (1967): 235-6. 21500 libretti were printed for the event. Kirkendale claims that an audience would have been expected for both rehearsals and performances. During the papal ban on opera in Rome, many works of this genre "were performed under the pretence of being rehearsals." Ursula Kirkendale, Antonio Caldara: Sein Leben und seine venezianisch-rdmischen Oratorien (Graz and Cologne: Hermann Bohlaus Nachf, 1966), 50-51. 3Kirkendale, "Ruspoli Documents," 236. 4Anthony Hicks, "Handel's 'La Resurrezione,'" The Musical Times 110 (1969): 145. 5The quotation is Kirkendale's prose summary of the extensive but cryptic Ruspoli accounts; "Ruspoli Documents," 234-5. 3 was separated from the audience by a barrier, with a higher centre piece to hide part of the view of the orchestra. . . . 28 music stands with carved racks and legs in the shape of fluted comucopiae (were constructed). On fourteen of these, Giuseppe Rossi painted the coat-of-arms of the Marquis, on the other fourteen those of his wife, Isabella Cesi del Duca d' Acquasparte, in golden chiaroscuro. Above the ranks there was a raised podium for the concertino de Violini (the leader and his second violin). One of the two main pieces of the decoration was a large canvass in the central background of the stage. (The canvass was decorated with) the Ruspoli coat-of-arms in the four comers, with square frames in yellow chiaroscuro; within the frame, painted "al naturale," the resurrection of our Lord, . . . and the angel sitting on the tomb announcing the resurrection to Mary Magdalene and Mary Cleopha, with John the Evangelist in the vicinity of a mountain, and demons plunging into the abyss. A l l this was but the bare skeleton. To complete the apparato [equipment], the draper added his art: two widths of damask above the stage, trimmed with velvet, in crimson, yellow, and red; the canvas in the centre framed with crimson taffeta and velvet formed into rosettes; a "cielo" [heavens] of trimmed damask across the full width of the stage, and the entire hall lavishly decorated with red and yellow taffeta and velvet fringed with gold, and illuminated by sixteen candelabra. The immense labour was for the splendour of the moment. When the performances were over, the carpenter's staff demolished (the theatre) and carried the materials into the cellars of the palace to preserve them for other occasions. Why did the Marchese commit this amount of time, effort and money on the production of La Resurrezione? There may have been several intertwined motives-political, artistic, and personal—as the following discussion suggests. Although Ruspoli enjoyed indulging his passion for music, La Resurrezione was conceivably staged as much for political gain as it was for aesthetic pleasure. As the incumbent pope, Clement XI, could confer titles on the elite,6 perhaps political 6Maurice Andrieux, Daily Life in Papal Rome in the Eighteenth Century, trans. Mary Fitton, Daily Life Series (London: George Allen and Unwin L t d , 1968), 41. 4 gain was Ruspoli's prime motivation. Since Clement ardently loved oratorio,7 Kirkendale perceives the staging of La Resurrezione as a demonstration of Ruspoli's devotion to the pope, as an act of adoration from a devoted servant.8 If this was Ruspoli's plan, his efforts proved to be worthwhile as he was granted the title of prince in 1709.9 It is also possible that the recently-titled Marchese felt a need to compete with more established patrons in the production of "culture." Since the Holy Week oratorios were presented only days apart, and were staged in the respective palaces of Ruspoli and the prominent Roman patron, Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni (1667-1740), it is likely that comparisons would be made.10 As these two important Roman patrons shared many musical tastes, perhaps Ruspoli, the young upstart, wanted to outdo his established colleague. Ruspoli not only had the wealth necessary to compete with Rome's cultural elite, but he also had the artistic astuteness and connoisseurship to secure the services of the most prominent musicians. He must be given credit for assembling the performers that were ultimately responsible for producing this phenomenal work. 7Kirkendale, "Caldara," 49. 8Kirkendale, "Ruspoli Documents," 233. 9Malcolm Boyd, "Rome: the Power of Patronage," in The Late Baroque Era: From the 1680s to 1740, Man and Music Series, vol. 4, ed. George J. Buelow (London: The Macmillan Press Ltd, 1993), 45. 10Kirkendale, "Ruspoli Documents," 238, suggests that since Ruspoli and Ottoboni were friends (although perhaps a degree of rivalry existed), and that Passion oratorios were very rare in Rome at the beginning of the eighteenth-century, the presentation of these two works were actually planned together as a sequence. 5 It may have been difficult for Ruspoli to gather such talented performers for La Resurrezione during the contemporary Roman ban on opera.11 Many composers and performers left the city seeking better opportunities elsewhere because of the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714) and the imposed ban on opera. In August 1697, Pope Innocent XII ordered the demolition of the public Tordinona Theatre. This had a particularly demoralizing effect on the composers and performers of opera since the Tordinona had been renovated and enlarged for carnival festivities just one year earlier.12 Innocent XII subsequently attempted to forbid, however unsuccessfully, the Roman carnival festivities in both 1698 and 1699. In 1700 however, his ban was effective. As a result of this ban, composers such as Giovanni Bononcini and Francesco Gasparini sought new patronage outside Rome. A consultative letter sent to the papal court sometime between 1703-1708, indicated that "Music [during the ban] has been dispirited, and the poor musicians do not know how to live [financially survive] with their families."13 This sentiment is reinforced in a letter sent from Alessandro Scarlatti to Prince Ferdinando de' Medici in 1705, in which Scarlatti states, n This paragraph is derived from Lowell Lindgren, "II dramma musicale a Roma durante la camera di Alessandro Scarlatti (1660-1725)," in Le Muse Galanti: La musica a Roma nel Settecento, ed. Bruno Cagli (Rome: Instituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1985), 39. 12Stanley Sadie, ed. The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, 4 vols, (London: MacMillan Press L t d , 1992), s.v. "Rome," 25. 1 3 "La musica e andata a terra, e li poveri musici non s' hanno molto come si fare a vivere con le loro fameglie [sic]." Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio Segreto, Fondo Albani 3, Fol. 140, stampata in F. Delia Seta, Le nozze del Tebro coll' Adria: Musicisti e pubblico tra Roma e Venezia, in L' invenzione del gusto: Corelli e Vivaldi, a c. di G. Morelli, Milano 1982, 144-45; quoted in Lindgren, 39. 6 "Rome does not have the house [shelter] to welcome music, that lives here as a beggar."14 The result of the papal ban was virtual operatic silence for all of Handel's time in Rome. With the opera houses closed, secular music making was forced into private buildings. Patrons and artists both evaded the ban by creating oratorios in an operatic style, in which arias and recitatives were used to elaborate dramatic text. Handel spent the years from 1703-1706 immersed in Italianate opera in Hamburg, and this has led many twentieth-century writers to assume that his primary motive for going to Italy was to study opera first-hand. Once in Italy however, Handel spent most of his time in Rome at a time when opera was banned. Why would Handel have lived and studied in Rome during this "anti-operatic" period? If opera was his main focus, one would expect to find him in centres such as Venice and Florence where operas were regularly performed.15 In the various biographies and articles that attempt to evaluate Handel's Italian 1 4 "Roma non ha tetto per accoglier la Musica, che ci vive mendica." M . Fabbri, Alessandro Scarlatti e ilprincipe Ferdinando de'Medici (Florence, 1961), 58; quoted in Lindgren, 39. 1 5Although two of his own works premiered in these centres: Vincer se stesso e la maggior vittoria (1707), in Florence and Agrippina (1709) in Venice, much of his Italian sojourn was spent in Rome. sojourn, consensus on the motives for his journey is lacking. It is obviously difficult to assess the rationale for Handel's Italian excursion. Was it a quest to learn the Italian style? Or did he hope to take advantage of Italy's numerous opportunities for patronage? Or was it that Handel was moved by the spirit of adventure? It was in all likelihood, a combination of all these factors. Perhaps Handel simply took advantage of the best opportunities that were offered to him. Since many of these came in Rome where opera was banned—through the patronage of Cardinal Benedetto Pamphili (1653-1730), Cardinal Carlo Colonna (1665-1739) and Ruspoli—his efforts precluded opera. He also had the opportunity to learn from some of the most famous composers of the day, such as Alessandro Scarlatti, Pasquini and Corelli. Perhaps more importantly, while in Rome, Handel had the opportunity to have his cantatas performed regularly because operas were not being performed. Most of his Roman compositions were cantatas—they were shorter than operas, less expensive, and therefore provided greater opportunity to be performed. Although his Roman compositions were not staged dramas, the soloistic vocal music of the abundant cantatas and two oratorios were definitely opera-like. While in Italy, he also travelled briefly to Florence and Venice to view the opera 1 6The best factual accounts are Kirkendale's, "The Ruspoli Documents on Handel" and Otto Erich Deutsch, Handel: A Documentary Biography (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1955) since they reject the many speculative and anecdotal stories and rely strictly on documentary and bibliographical evidence. See also, Emilia Zanetti, "Handel in Italia," L' Approdo Musicale i i i (1960): 3-40; Reinhard Strohm, "Handel in Italia: Nuovi Contributi," Rivista Italiana di Musicologia ix (1974): 152-74; Christopher Hogwood, Handel (London: Thames and Hudson, 1984), 30-48; Donald Burrows, Handel, The Master Musicians Series, ed. Stanley Sadie (New York: Schirmer Books, 1994), 23-41. 8 productions in the autumn and winter seasons. In fact, two of his own works premiered in these centres: Vincer se stesso e la maggior vittoria (1707), in Florence and Agrippina (1709) in Venice. Thus, it is reasonable to conclude that perhaps the opportunity to study opera first-hand was not strictly the focus of Handel's Italian sojourn. The numerous cantatas that Handel composed in Rome were commissioned by Ruspoli for his weekly conversazione, which were cultural and social meetings associated with the higher Roman classes. For these gatherings, a wealthy patron invited a variety of guests for intellectual, artistic and social interaction. Music often played an important role in these events. A description of Cardinal de Bernis' bi-weekly conversazione illustrates the events that commonly occurred: In one room an excellent orchestra accompanied the best of the castrati and women singers; another was set aside for the gossip of literature and enlightenment; a third for politics; there were some nooks, even, where the theme was love. 1 7 During Handel's stay in Rome, these events were arranged by various members of the Accademia dell' Arcadia (Arcadian Academy): Ruspoli on Sunday, Ottoboni on Wednesday, and Pamphili on Friday.1 8 The Arcadian Academy was a literary club comprising nobleman and artists with the avowed aim of replacing the artificiality of seventeenth-century literature with a restoration of its former simplicity and Andrieux, 154. 'Kirkendale, "Ruspoli Documents," fn 101, 250. 9 naturalness.19 Each member took a pastoral name as a symbolic return to the unsullied, pastoral world of shepherds and shepherdesses. To avoid the complexities of the urban sprawl, they often met in the more peaceful, country gardens of their noble members. Giovanni Maria Crescimbeni (1663-1728) is generally considered a founding member and chronicler of the Academy. He was the Arcadian Custodian General and was thus responsible for "the maintenance of Arcadian ideals."20 Crescimbeni was a notable literary figure whose important works include Dell' Istoria della Volgar Poesia (1698), in which he discussed the general history of Italian poetry and La Bellezza della Volgar Poesia (1700) which examined Arcadian literary ideals.21 The Academy had been founded in 1690 in honour of the late Queen Christina of Sweden, who fled to Rome in 1654 after converting to Roman Catholicism. She was a staunch defender of the arts, and musicians and patrons converged at her side. This illustrious group included Pasquini, Corelli, who dedicated to her his first book of trio sonatas, and Alessandro Scarlatti who was retained before he was twenty, as the Queen's chapelmaster.22 Two primary musical patrons of the Arcadian Academy were 1 9Ellen T. Harris, Handel and the Pastoral Tradition (London: Oxford University Press, 1980), 30. 20Nathaniel Burt, "Opera in Arcadia," The Musical Quarterly 49:2 (1955): 155. 2 2Ralph Kirkpatrick, Domenico Scarlatti (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 35. 10 Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni (Crateo Ercinio) and Marchese Ruspoli (Olinto Arsenic*);23 other significant members included: Arcangelo Corelli (Arcomelo Erimanteo), Alessandro Scarlatti (Terpandro Politeio), and Carlo Capece (Metisto Olbiano). Although Handel was frequently associated with the Arcadians, he was never included in a list of official members.24 The cantatas that Handel contributed to Ruspoli's conversazione were performed by the regular complement of the Marchese's house musicians and singers. When required for larger works, virtuoso singers and instrumentalists were hired to augment Ruspoli's household forces. At least four of Handel's colleagues in the Ruspoli household later joined him in London: the violinist Pietro Castrucci, Pietro's father Domenico, the famous soprano Margarita Durastante and (for occasional performances) the cellist Filippo Amadei (Pippo).25 Of this group, all but the last were regular performers at Ruspoli's conversazione. Handel's musical contribution to these conversazione raises questions concerning the larger issue of his working arrangement with Ruspoli. During his 2 3Ellen Rosand, "Handel Paints the Resurrection," Festa Musicologiccu Essays in Honor of George J. Buelow, Festschrift Series No. 14, eds. Thomas J. Mathiesen and Benito V . Rivera (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1995), 14. 2 4Both the birth names and adopted Arcadian names of the members are provided in this list found in: Anna Maria Giorgetti Vichi, Gli Arcadi dal 1690 al 1800: Onomasticon (Rome: n.p., 1977), 3-408. 2 5Winton Dean and John Merrill Knapp, Handel's Operas 1704-1726 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 81. 11 associations with Ruspoli, Handel frequently travelled elsewhere in Italy,26 which suggests that Ruspoli may have hired his services only for specific periods or events. Some scholars maintain that Handel was treated as a favoured guest since there are no records of any salary payments. However, Kirkendale suggests that: his activity had the character of a clearly regulated employment. A definite number of compositions was expected from him; by (probably informal) agreement he was obliged to remain and do his duties. This has to be said expressly, to correct the romantic picture of the pampered youngster who wrote music only when the spirit moved him. 2 7 But why did Ruspoli choose Handel over more experienced and established composers for the commission of La Resurrezione! He was well aware of Handel's talent of course, based on the cantatas that Handel had composed for Ruspoli's conversazione, and he also knew of two large-scale works that Handel completed in 1707: the Florentine opera, Vincer se stesso e la maggior vittoria, and the Roman oratorio, // Trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno. The success of these two works may have prompted Ruspoli to offer a major commission of La Resurrezione, afraid that he might lose the services of this gifted composer. And no doubt, the ambitious 2 6After spending most of 1707 in Rome (from January to September), Handel left for Florence to produce his first Italian opera, Vincer se stesso e la maggior vittoria. Likewise, he spent the majority of 1708 in Rome, with the exception of two brief breaks, in June and July, and November, December. In the summer months he travelled to Naples, where he produced the cantata Aci, Galatea e Polifemo. The latter break may have been spent in Florence or Venice, although there is little documentary evidence to prove this. Refer to Kirkendale, "Ruspoli Documents" for exact dates and documentation. 2 7Kirkendale, "Ruspoli Documents," 251. 12 Marchese saw in this upstart, foreign, virtuoso composer a vehicle for upstaging the older, more established, rival patrons of early, eighteenth-century Rome. There has been much written on the effect which Handel's Italian experience had on his stylistic development.28 Clearly during his Italian sojourn, his music changed. Scholars generally agree that the stiffness of his German vocal writing was transformed during his stay in Italy into a softer, more refined lyricism. It is, however, difficult to chronicle these subjective traits and consequently opposing views have emerged.29 What is often overlooked is the importance of Ruspoli's patronage and the freedom that it afforded Handel to experiment. He provided Handel the opportunity to collaborate frequently with a regular group of musicians which contributed to his emerging musical style. Within this creative milieu, Handel absorbed much of the Italian manner into his own music. 28See for example: Anthony Hicks, "Handel's Early Musical Development," Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 103 (1976-7): 80-9 and Reinhard Strohm, "Handel's Italian journey as a European experience," in Essays on Handel and Italian Opera (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 1-14. 2 9Ellen T. Harris, "The Italian in Handel," The Journal of the American Musicological Society 33 (1980): 468-500. She argues that Handel's style was already formed prior to his arrival to Italy. For a contrasting opinion see: Winton Dean, "Handel and Alessandro Scarlatti," Handel e gli Scarlatti a Roma, eds. Nino Pirrotta and Agostino Ziino (Florence: Olschki, 1987): 1-14. 13 CHAPTER TWO C A P E C E A N D HIS LIBRETTI Carlo Sigismondo Capece1 (1652-1728) collaborated with the leading musicians of his day such as Alessandro and Domenico Scarlatti and George Frederic Handel. He also influenced a generation of poets and librettists such as Apostolo Zeno and Pietro Metastasio. Yet surprisingly little is known about Capece; a man who was the librettist of over forty works, including La Resurrezione} Capece was bom into a very distinguished Roman family on June 21, 1652. His father Bernardo moved in diplomatic circles as a member of the papal court. In imitation of his father's career, a precocious Carlo, at the age of twelve travelled to Spain to study the arts, philosophy and law. In Rome, he received a doctorate of law before undertaking a variety of positions. Capece began his law career in the Roman courts, and was later sent for a brief visit to the court in France by Cardinal Maildachini. Upon his return to Italy, he held the title of coppiere (cup bearer) for Cardinal Girolamo Casanate. 'The original spelling of his name is Capece, and it appears this way in the word-book of La Resurrezione. Cametti claims that from 1697 it is often found changed to Capeci. 2For much of Capece's biographical information I am relying on an article by Alberto Cametti, "Carlo Sigismondo Capeci (1652-1728): Alessandro e Domenico Scarlatti e la Regina di Polonia in Roma," Musica d' oggi 13 (1931), 55-64. 14 Following the liberation of Vienna (September 22, 1683), Capece was commissioned by a Bavarian official in Rome to eulogize the Duke of Bavaria, the elector Massimiliano Emanuele. Capece's text was recited on December 19, 1683 and was published in Rome in 1684. The approbation he received provided the impetus for him to write a related musical drama, L' amor vince fortuna (1686), which he proffered to the Duke on the occasion of his marriage to Maria Antonia, the Archduchess of Austria. This seminal work provided the foundation for his future career as a librettist.3 This work was followed by another, // Figlio delle selve (1687), set to music by the abbot Cosimo Bani. The libretti for both works address how ordinary characters' attempt to disentangle misunderstandings over amorous relationships.4 Following the success of these works, Capece's subsequent efforts were performed in larger venues. / Giochi Troiani (1688), for example, premiered in Cardinal Colonna's private theatre. With Colonna's continuing support, Capece's following work, La Clemenza d' Augusto (1697), was first performed in the public Tordinona Theatre. In the period between these two works Capece focused much of his energy trying to establish himself in Rome. He subsequently became a member of various academies, including: Accademie degli Imperfetti, Accademie degli Umoristi, 3For a list of Capece's works see Cametti, 57-64. 4Stanley Sadie, ed. The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, 4 vols., (London: MacMillan Press Ltd., 1992), s.v. "Capece," by Lowell Lindgren. 15 Accademie dei Pellegrini (under the name Gismondo del Pincio), and Accademie degli Spensierati. He was also among the first members of the Accademia dell' Arcadia, joining on January 12, 1692, adopting the name Metisto Olbiano. Membership into this academy ultimately led Capece into a working arrangement with Domenico Scarlatti and Queen Maria Casimira of Poland. Exiled by her son, Maria arrived in Rome in April 1699, and was welcomed into the Arcadian Academy on October 5, 1699 with the name Aminisca Telea.5 She wanted the public to view her with the same high regard as that afforded to Queen Christina. Contemporary comparisons between the two expatriate Queens were numerous although historians have tended to regard Christina's character more favourably. Casimira has been variously described as jealous, self-centred, and fond of intrigue. These negative traits notwithstanding, Casimira attempted to assume Christina's role as patroness of the arts. To this end, Casimira sought the services of Capece, Domenico and Alessandro Scarlatti, and the famed set designer Filippo Juvarra. A l l of these artists collaborated on operas that were performed in Casimira's private theatre. Historians have suggested that Juvarra also designed this theatre which was completed in 1708.6 Capece entered the service of Casimira in 1704 as her segretario delle lettere italiane e latine.1 He wrote libretti for many performances that occurred at her palace, and these may have 5The information in this paragraph is derived from Kirkpatrick, 45. 6Malcolm Boyd, Domenico Scarlatti: Master of Music (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986), 23. 7Ibid. 16 included two collaborations with Alessandro Scarlatti: La Vittoria della fede (1708), which celebrated Jan Sobieski's (the King of Poland) victory over the Turks at Vienna, and // Figlio delle selve, per introdutione et accompagnamento ai balli di Diana (1709). However, according to the Domenico Scarlatti scholar, Malcolm Boyd, there is no firm evidence to attribute these two works to Alessandro Scarlatti.8 Domenico seems to have entered Casimira's service as a replacement for his father. Alessandro, having served as her maestro di cappella, returned to Naples in 1708 to serve Cardinal Grimani, the newly appointed Vice-Regent of that city. Through Grimani's influence, Casimira's vacant maestro di cappella position was offered to Domenico, who accepted it by Lent of 1709 and subsequently remained with Casimira for the rest of her sojourn in Italy.9 Finally, Juvarra was engaged to design the sets for her operas, and possibly even the theatre itself.10 One year before the fecund collaborations among Capece, Scarlatti and Juvarra would begin, Capece was commissioned by the Marchese Ruspoli to write the libretto for La Resurrezione. By 1708, with numerous works to his credit, Capece must have seemed a logical choice for Ruspoli. Judging by his many academy memberships and the patronage support he received from Cardinal Colonna and Casimira, he was likely respected by the literary community. Both Capece and Ruspoli were members of the Arcadian Academy. Tbid., 24. 9Kirkpatrick, 46. 1 0Boyd, Scarlatti, 23. 17 The importance of the Arcadian Academy in this regard should not be understated. It not only brought Capece and Ruspoli together, but also influenced Capece's literary choices. For example, the use of Lucifer and the Angel in La Resurrezione was influenced by Academy associations. These characters appear a generation earlier in libretti by one of the Arcadian founders, Pompeo Figari (Montano Falanzio).11 At least two of his texts were set to music by Alessandro Stradella in the cantatas: Ah! troppo e ver and Esule dalle sfere. Capece also seems to have been influenced by Arcangelo Spagna, who in his Discorso intomo a gl' oratori (1706) suggests that five hundred lines of poetry should be the upper limit for oratory texts and the number of characters should be limited to five. 1 2 Capece heeded both tenets in his libretto for La Resurrezione. Following the success of La Resurrezione, Casimira's creative team of Capece, Domenico Scarlatti and Juvarra collaborated on eight major works between 1709-1714 when they were in the Queen's service.13 Their first effort was the oratorio La Conversione di Clodoveo Re di Francia (1709). Boyd suggests that this Lenten oratorio was designed to flatter their new patron.14 The emphasis of the libretto was on the religious fortitude of a warrior king's wife, Clotilda. Because of their nCarolyn Gianturco, Alessandro Stradella 1639-1682: His Life and Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 133. 12Arcangelo Spagna, Discorso intomo a gl' oratori (Rome, 1706); quoted in Boyd, 43. 1 3For a detailed discussion of these operas, see Boyd, Scarlatti, 41-67. 1 4Boyd, Scarlatti, 43. 18 similarities, it was likely that a contemporary audience would have understood Clotilda's character as an allegorical reference to Casimira. In their subsequent effort, Scarlatti and Capece deviated both in genre and subject matter, creating a pastoral comedy, the opera La Silvia (1710). Their ensuing six works were all opera serie: Tolomeo et Alessandro, overo la Corona Disprezzata (1711), L' Orlando overo la Gelosa Pazzia (1711), Tetide in Sciro (1712), Ifigenia in Aulide (1713), Ifigenia in Tauri (1713) and Amor d' un' ombra e Gelosia d' un' aura (1714). These efforts were generally more serious in nature as Capece based their libretti upon works by Ariosto, Ovid and Euripides. The brief, six-year collaboration of composer and librettist ended when Casimira's extravagant lifestyle and the maintenance of her entourage led to her financial ruin. Left with little money, she was forced to leave Rome on June 16, 1714. She departed tc France, where she died at Blois on January 30, 1715. Her fondness for Capece was evident from her will-she bequeathed a yearly pension to both him and his daughter, who had served as her chambermaid. Domenico Scarlatti however, was unacknowledged in her wi l l . 1 5 Following Casimira's departure, Capece turned his attention to dramatic, spoken theatre, and only some of these works contained musical interludes. These works were relegated to the smaller, secondary theatres of Rome. The latest traceable date that Cametti provides for Capece's works is 1724. Capece was forced to leave Rome this same year due to financial difficulty. He then entered the service of the Marchese Ibid , 25. 19 of San Giorgio of Polistena, as his secretary. He subsequently died, poverty stricken, in this small Calabrian city on March 12, 1728. Capece's libretto of La Resurrezione is unfortunately the only libretto with which we have any familiarity today since the others have not been revived or the music is not extant. His study of arts and philosophy provided him with the necessary insights into human emotion which was useful in dramatic composition. The valuable theatrical experience provided an effective means for his acceptance into numerous literary academies, the most consequential of which was his membership in the Arcadian Academy as it connected him to Ruspoli. During this association, Capece absorbed the Arcadian literary style which was manifested in the libretto for La Resurrezione. 20 CHAPTER THREE SYNOPSIS OF LIBRETTO Arcadians believed that their poetry embodied simplicity itself, however a much different view is presented by modem literary critics. The Arcadians aspired to eliminate the artificiality of seventeenth-century poetry, and replace it with an easy, unaffected literary style. One may suggest that Capece (and the Arcadians in general) did not achieve their goal of poetic reform. They imagined that to restore poetry and good taste it was enough to observe a few rules. In trying to counteract the heroic, they threw themselves into the pastoral, as though by removing life from the city into the fields they could find naturalness and simplicity. This process should not be a question of a writer's material, but of his or her soul. What really could be expected from a poetic "academy"—a contradiction in terms, since nothing is more personal and more anti-academic than the act of writing poetry. The Arcadia rendered good literary service . . . in promoting the restoration of a classic taste; but the quality of Arcadian verse was in general very poor. Nearly all of it was imitative, though the models were various. Some writers played the Panpipe; some turned again to Petrarch, . . . some smote the Pindaric lyre; and some imitated Chiabrera's light canzonette.1 'Ernest Hatch Wilkins, A History of Italian Literature, revised by Thomas G. Bergin (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), 326. 21 In La Resurrezione, like the poetry of the previous century, Capece's style remains artificial; replete with extravagant images and simile arias. One such extravagant conceit is presented in a simile aria where the analogy of a turtle-dove and its mate is proffered to represent Christ and Mary. The remainder of his text is filled with vivid imagery, including: a stormy sea, a sunrise, breezes, and the songs of birds and streams. However artificial, these literary conceits stimulated Handel to a great variety of brilliant musical settings. Capece presents a dramatic conflict between Hell and Heaven in the libretto of La Resurrezione. As Rosand states, Lucifer's darkness is gradually penetrated by the light of Christ. The "insolita luce," the strange light that Lucifer remarks upon at the very outset, increases gradually over the course of the drama; . . . all of the other characters make reference to it.2 According to Rosand, the heavenly light is the most important unifying image of the entire work. This light is commented on by Lucifer in the opening scene, and all the other characters make reference to it. Its victory is proclaimed in the concluding chorus.3 Capece's libretto presents many intriguing character developments. The five characters, Lucifero/"Lucifer" (bass), Angelo/"Angel" (soprano), MaddalenaTMary Magdalene" (soprano), Cleofe/'Mary Cleophas" (alto), and San Giovanni/"St. John" 2Rosand, 16. 3Ibid. 18. 22 (tenor), react to the various events of the drama and evolve to varying degrees. The dramatised events of this work encompass the period from Christ's Crucifixion to His Resurrection, that is, Good Friday to Easter Sunday. According to Christian doctrine, because of Adam and Eve's disobedience in Eden, Paradise was forbidden to human souls. However, following the Crucifixion, Christ descended into Hell to rescue the favoured souls, and consequently permitted the accessibility of humankind into Paradise.4 Capece's libretto operates on two distinct levels. Lucifer and the Angel interact on a divine or supernatural plane, and on an earthly level, Capece includes the mortal characters of Mary Magdalene, Mary Cleophas and St. John. Two major figures of the Resurrection are omitted (Christ and the Virgin Mother) so Capece must rely on the narration of other characters to provide the reminiscences of these seminal figures in the unfolding of the events. Throughout the oratorio, the action alternates between a supernatural and earthly setting. Following the Crucifixion, the Angel demands Christ's admittance at the gates of Hell. Christ's purpose here is to rescue the human souls, an act known as the Harrowing of Hell. 5 Lucifer objects, and summons the powers of Hell in his defence. The drama then shifts to Jerusalem where Magdalene and Cleophas bitterly reflect upon Christ's sufferings. John comforts the women with the hope of Christ's 4In the King James Bible see: Genesis 2: 1-25, Genesis 3: 1-24, 1 Corinthians 15: 3-49, Colossians 3: 1-4, Ephesians 2: 4-6. For a philosophic defense of The Resurrection and miracles in general see, C. S. Lewis, Miracles: A Preliminary Study (London: Robert MacLehose and Company L t d , 1947). 5See Ephesians 4: 8-9, and 1 Peter 3: 18ff, though exegetes differ on the interpretation of the latter passage. 23 promise to return on the third day following His Crucifixion. Part one of the oratorio concludes with the Angel calling upon the souls of Hell to follow the victorious Christ into Paradise. The second part begins with John proceeding to the home of the Virgin Mary, pondering the unsettling, earthly tremors of the previous evening. As the Angel proclaims Christ's victory over evil, the action quickly returns to the supernatural sphere. Lucifer vows to conceal this defeat. In the following scene, the two distinct planes of the drama converge. The ladies hurry to the sepulchre where they discover the reality of Christ's Resurrection and proclaim it to the world. Lucifer who is determined but powerless to stop them, falls again into the depths of Hell. The Angel tells the women to spread the news that Christ has risen! This is followed by St. John's narration to Cleophas of the emotional meeting between Jesus and His Mother. Magdalene joins them and relates her own encounter with Jesus in a nearby garden. Finally, with their doubt and fear abated, the women, St. John and the Angel sing in a chorus of praise. Through a closer examination of the specific individual interactions, greater insights are revealed in Capece's characterizations.6 On the supernatural plane, Lucifer and the Angel take part in a series of sharp verbal exchanges concerning the theological implications of Christ's conquest of death. An immediate dichotomy between these two characters is apparent during their initial confrontation at the gates of Hell. Capece depicts Lucifer as an arrogant and vengeful character. In his initial 6 At this point in the paper, the characterizations are considered strictly on the basis of Capece's literary component of the work. How Handel reacts musically to the libretto, and what it adds to the characterization will be considered in Chapter 4. 24 recitative, Lucifer states, "For today as victor, citizens of the Abyss, I return to you, having avenged myself with proud disdain upon the one who cast me out of Heaven!"7 Following his ostracism from heaven as a supernatural pariah, Lucifer feels vindicated and boasts that his power alone is responsible for vanquishing Christ who, as a man, submitted to death. When told of Christ's impending arrival in Hell, Lucifer responds, "He wends His way to these depths to pay me due homage."8 This typically self-important retort is indicative of Lucifer's contemptuous nature. Lucifer's threats do not intimidate the Angel however, who functions as a representative of Christ's divine nature. The Angel remarks that Lucifer is a blind self-deceiver, and tells him that when Christ arrives to free the human souls mired in Hell, Lucifer will "tremble on his knees at His great name."9 In this case, Capece creates an adversarial relationship between two strong-willed characters with dramatically opposed agendas. As both the Angel and Lucifer strongly believe their convictions, neither is willing to acquiesce to the other. Lucifer and the Angel provide a foil for each other's character. These strong, initial characterizations are required, particularly for Lucifer, since he does not return until the middle of the second part of the oratorio. His striking entrance allows the audience to recall his character later in the work. In part two, when Lucifer realizes that Christ's Resurrection is imminent, he 7"Oggi, che vincitore, cittadini d' Abisso, a voi ritomo, e gia mi fe' de' cieli i l Regno!" 8 " L ' omaggio a me dovuto, se a rendermi qua giu muove le piante." 9". . . tremarai genuflesso al suo gran Nome." 25 vows to conceal the event to protect his pride. In a duet between Lucifer and the Angel, Lucifer repeatedly comments, "I can prevent that" [i.e., Christ's Resurrection].10 It is his blind rage and vanity that have provoked this emotional response. The Angel, who realizes the inevitable result, responds, "Thy task will be hard."11 Upon Lucifer's realization that even he cannot stop the Resurrection, he shamefully returns to Hell. Returning to the earthly component of the story, Mary Magdalene and Cleophas provide human responses to the events of the Crucifixion and Resurrection. Both characters undergo significant emotional transformations throughout the work. They experience a full spectrum of emotions: faith, doubt, hope, despair, and exuberant joy. Initially, the women bitterly mourn the death of Christ. In "Notte, notte funesta," Magdalene experiences profound grief as she vows to remain awake so that sleep will not interrupt her mourning. Cleophas experiences a similar response. Her sorrow is depicted through her tears in "Piangete, si, piangete," as she pays a tribute of grief and lamentation to Christ. The depiction of Magdalene's and Cleophas' painful reminiscences functions to advance the narration of the story. Capece characterizes them as faithful, devoted women trying to cope with the loss of Christ's death. They tell the story of Christ being given gall to quench his thirst as he died on the cross. His Crucifixion is so indelibly etched in Magdalene's memory that her torment is manifested as physical 10"Lmpedirlo io sapro." n"Duro, e i l cimento." 26 pain. She remarks that "within my breast I feel some part of the agony of my Jesus crucified."12 This notion is reinforced in Magdalene's and Cleophas' poignant duet, "Dolci chiodi'VCara effigie addolorata." In this piece, the women still grieve but they also try to come to terms with their grief and attempt to console each other. John attempts to comfort the women as he tells them of Christ's promise to return following His Crucifixion. Both Magdalene and Cleophas respond differently to John's encouraging message. In "Naufragando va per 1' onde," Capece uses the simile of a ship on a stormy sea to describe Cleophas' current state of mind. As the text progresses, her feelings of hope are associated with a view of land, observed from the endangered ship. Magdalene's assured response to John's message contrasts Cleophas' comparatively uncertain reaction. In response to Christ's promise of Resurrection, Magdalene remarks that something within her heart "Instead of pain, asks for joy"— virtually dispelling any prior notion of grief.13 Magdalene's joy quickly abates however, as she and Cleophas hasten toward the sepulchre in their attempt to arrive before the guard awakes. Their fear is expressed in Magdalene's aria, "Per me gia di morire." However, later in the aria, their confidence is rekindled as Magdalene declares, "with Jesus in my heart, I fear no more."14 When the increasingly serene skies appear, Cleophas' emotions again mirror 12"I1 mio desire, e parmi aver nel seno qualche martir del mio Gesu trafitto." 1 3"Ho un non so che nel cor, che in vece di dolor, gioia mi chiede." 14"Quando ho Gesu nel cor, non temo piu." 27 those of Magdalene. Cleophas proclaims, "the hope within my breast bums with an ever brighter flame."15 Following their meeting with the Angel (disguised as a man in robes), and having subsequently received the news of Christ's Resurrection, Magdalene wonders why He hides from her. She claims that her love can never be satisfied if her heart is not blessed by His sight. Her subsequent aria, "Del ciglio dolente," describes the manner in which those hearts that feel the warm rays of the sun1 6 become calm and clear. Cleophas also vows to seek out Christ, and in her aria, "Augelletti, ruscelletti," she solicits the aid of nature to assist in her quest. The descriptive, narrative text of this scene functions as a commentary on the theological message of the oratorio: an incarnate Christ was Crucified, conquered death, and rose again to permit the entry of humankind into Paradise. After witnessing Jesus in the garden (where He is disguised as one of the keepers), Magdalene's exuberance is depicted in her final aria, "Se impassible, immortale." She reiterates the fundamental message of the oratorio: that every mortal being, now freed from sin, may rise with Christ and enter Paradise. Capece uses John to function in the duel capacity of narrator and commentator, perhaps more than any other character throughout the work. In so doing, he is able to omit other characters from the Biblical story by using John to chronicle various events 1 5 "E di speme nel mio seno piu bel raggio ancor s' accende." "Throughout the libretto, Capece uses sol (sun) metaphorically, to represent both the physical sun and Christ, the Son of God. 28 of the drama. In his initial appearance, John provides hope for Magdalene and Cleophas by recounting Christ's promise of Resurrection. In John's subsequent aria, "Cos! la tortorella," Capece compares the death of Christ to the sadness felt by a turtle-dove when its mate has been snatched from the nest by a bird of prey. Later in the text, the bird returns, and the joy felt by its mate compensates for the earlier grief. This metaphor symbolizes the joy experienced by Christ's believers following His Resurrection. The first scene of the second part begins with John pondering the unsettling, tremors felt on earth. He suggests that they may be the result of a doomed Hell, "struck down by the pole (spear) of a victorious God." 1 7 In his subsequent narrative, John describes a sunrise in the aria "Ecco i l sol." Capece again uses sol metaphorically to describe both the rising of the sun on the horizon, and the Resurrection of Christ the Son, from the dead. In his final aria, "Caro Figlio," John returns to his role of narrator. Here he recounts to Magdalene and Cleophas the emotional reunion between Christ and His Mother, following the Resurrection. By repeating her words, Capece represents both the Virgin Mother and Christ without requiring their presence in the text of the oratorio. Capece's vivid imagery throughout the work, his interweaving of the earthly and supernatural plots, and his clear delineation of the characters, provided Handel sufficient opportunity to display his musical genius. One gains additional insights into "Ma forse dell' Inferno, che del Dio vincitor 1' asta percosse." 29 the characters' development through Handel's interpretation of Capece's text. As will be seen in the following chapter, Handel often chooses to reinforce, or provide divergent sub-texts, through his use of orchestration and other stylistic tendencies, and in so doing providing a musical commentary to Capece's text. 30 CHAPTER FOUR M U S I C A L ISSUES R E L A T E D TO LA RESURREZIONE Manuscript Sources There are three extant source texts of La Resurrezione: a printed libretto, and two scores.1 The autograph score for La Resurrezione served as the basis for Chrysander's edition of the work in 1878.2 In 1960 however, Rudolf Ewerhart discovered a performance score with various corrections and additions in the composer's hand. Evidence that this score represents the 1708 version performed in Ruspoli's palace comes from the fact that it concurs with the libretto published for the occasion.3 The changes in this Santini manuscript include Handel's own editorial emendations. There are however, major differences between the autograph and conducting scores that amount to (in the latter source) the rearrangement of the 1 These comprise the autograph score (R.M.19.d.4), and the conducting score (MS.1873 and MS.1873a), where the two parts of the oratorio are in separate volumes. For this thesis I have consulted the conducting score on microfilm, and Chrysander's published version of the autograph score. I would like to thank the Manchester Central Library for provided me with a photocopy of the original published libretto. 2 W. Chrysander, G. F. Handel's Werke: Ausgabe der Deutschen Hdndelgesellschaft, vol. 39 (Leipzig, 1878). 3Recorded performances based upon the Santini manuscript have been made available by Christopher Hogwood, Nicholas McGegan, Ton Koopman, and most recently, Marc Minkowski. 31 opening scene and the addition of overtures to both parts of the work.4 The beginning of the autograph score is dominated by Lucifer as he opens uninterrupted, with a recitative, "A dispetto de' Cieli ho vinto," aria, "Caddi, e ver," concluding with an accompanied recitative, "Ma che insolita luce." The Angel then enters with the brilliant and powerful aria, "Disserratevi, oh porte d' averno." Hicks refers to this chronology as "logical but dull." 5 On the other hand, the conducting score begins with an overture, followed by the Angel's aria. In this score, the interaction between the two characters starts immediately, as Lucifer enters questioning the noise and excitement in his recitative "Qual' insolita luce," followed by his aria, "Caddi, e ver." Lucifer concludes with the accompanied recitative, "Ma che veggio" before being confronted by the Angel's "De' tenebrosi chiostri." Lucifer's aria and accompanied recitative are more dramatic and convincing in this interactive context than that which is found in the autograph score.6 Some confusion has arisen regarding the overture of this work largely due to Ewerhart's erroneous assumption that La Resurrezione predates // Trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno.7 The overture, described by Handel in both works as "Sonata," is 90 4These changes are outlined in Rudolf Ewerhart, "New Sources for Handel's 'La Resurrezione,'" in Music and Letters 41 (1960) 127-35; and idem, "Die Handel-Handschriften der Santini-Bibliothek in Munster," in Handel Jahrbuch 6 (1960) 11-50; and Anthony Hicks, "Handel's 'La Resurrezione,'" in Musical Times 110 (1969) 145-48. 5Hicks, 147. 6For a detailed account of the other minor differences between the two manuscripts see the previously cited Hicks and Ewerhart articles. 7Ewerhart, 135. 32 bars long in // Trionfo and 78 in La Resurrezione. It is in the form of a concerto grosso and nearly every page contains passages demanding the services of a highly skilled soloist. The movement in minuet rhythm which follows it in // Trionfo comprises the introduction for the second part of La Resurrezione. A third version exists published by Chrysander after a faulty edition issued by Walsh. In view of its simpler structure and restricted use of solo instruments Ewerhart suggests that this latter version is likely the earliest account, perhaps an overture of one of the lost Hamburg operas.8 Orchestration A particularly striking musical element of La Resurrezione is Handel's sensitive and varied use of orchestration. He exploits the varied orchestral forces with great brilliance and subtlety. For example, Handel reserves the use of trumpets (usually accompanied with full orchestra) to four dramatic occasions: the Angel's arrival at the gates of Hell with "Disserratevi, oh porte d' Averno," followed by Lucifer's response, "Qual' insolita luce," Cleophas' "Vedo i l Ciel," that follows Lucifer's defeat, and in the concluding chorus of praise, "Dia si lode in Cielo." Handel is equally imaginative with his use of recorders and flutes in varied combinations with other instruments, reserving them to convey Capece's pastoral imagery. Paired recorders are used with strings in Magdalene's recitative, "Notte, notte funesta" and in her subsequent aria,*"Ferma 1' ali." Handel's instrumentation in Ibid., 131. 33 "Per me gia di morire"~recorders, a solo viola da gamba, violin, and a muted oboe9— reinforce the effect of Magdalene's emotional lament at the entrance to the tomb. A flute (transversiera) joins a viola da gamba and obbligato theorbo to convey the pastoral image of a turtle dove in John's "Cos! la tortorella." As in the previous aria, the effect conveyed by the music is reinforced by Handel's choice of instrumentation.10 Handel's occasional, elaborate orchestration decisions contrast the simpler orchestral combinations that he frequently utilized. For example, Magdalene's lively aria, "Ho un non so che nel cor," which became an immediate hit, consisted mostly of an unaccompanied vocal melody, doubled at the unison by violins. Unison violins were also used to depict two of Lucifer's more menacing arias, "Caddi, e ver," and "O voi, dell' Erebo." The above examples illustrate the vast orchestral variety used by Handel in La Resurrezione and how it contributes to conveying a particular textual affect. H a n d e l ' s M u s i c a l R e s p o n s e t o C a p e c e ' s L i b r e t t o It is useful to examine how Handel responds to Capece's libretto of La Resurrezione and in particular, how his compositional contribution adds to the 9The two-key, eighteenth-century oboe was likely muted by placing a ball of cotton or lamb's wool in the bell. Pear-shaped wooden plugs used for the same purpose also survive. Stanley Sadie, ed. The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments, vol. 2, (New York: MacMillan Press L t d , 1984), s.v. "oboe," 804. 10In the autograph score Handel inserted a descending run in the bass and violin parts that likely represented the ferocity of the bird of prey (who snatches the turtle-dove from the nest). However, he must not have been convinced by this representation as this descending line is absent in the conducting score. 34 characterization in the musical drama. Through the use of various musical elements (including orchestration, tempo and melodic writing) Handel augments Capece's literary characterizations, reinforcing them or providing divergent sub-texts. Following the overture, the work begins dramatically with the Angel's aria, "Disserratevi, oh porte d' Averno" (see ex. 23, p. 85). As a representative of Christ, the Angel demands His admittance at the gates of Hell. Handel uses a full orchestration, including trumpets, to reinforce both "the fair light of a deity that is eternal"11 and "all in a flash of lightning the horror unleashes itself."12 The power and majesty of the Angel is further strengthened by the opening vocal motive that descends from high a to low d. Some of the Angel's longer melismas may be misconstrued as bravado, however Handel's use of full orchestration reinforces the serious nature of the demands and the brilliance with which it is delivered. A softer, more delicate side of the Angel's character is presented in the subsequent aria, "D' amor fu consiglio." In the preceding recitative, the Angel had explained to Lucifer that he, Lucifer, had nothing to do with Christ's death. Rather, it was an act of self-sacrifice that was necessary to conquer mortal sin. Here, the intent of Capece's text is to present the tender, benevolent concept of Christian love. Handel supports this tranquil notion of the Angel largely through his choice of a comparatively smaller and softer string orchestration that includes four-part violins, viola and continuo. The occasional use of solo violin throughout the aria also n " E al bel lume d' un Nume ch' e eterno." 12"Tutto in lampi si sciolga 1' orror!" 35 contributes to the languorous nature of the text. Through the use of various musical techniques, Handel's music also reinforces Capece's characterization of Lucifer. The full orchestra imbues a magnificence to the Angel's observations, while the thin orchestration combined with the use of unisons, octaves, and the disjunct nature of the melody associated with Lucifer, suggest only blustery threats. Throughout the oratorio, Handel treats Lucifer as a blustery and even buffo character.13 When making his entrance with the accompanied recitative and subsequent aria, "Qual' insolita luce" and "Caddi, e ver" respectively, Lucifer's vocal line is fraught with extended melismatic passages, exaggerated vocal mannerisms, wide leaps, and disjunct movement (see ex. 12, p. 67). The disjunct melodic nature of the aria, combined with a thin orchestration (comprising unison violins and a bass part that also occasionally doubles the voice) suggest only Lucifer's braggadocio. By using these various musical elements, Handel undermines Lucifer's indignant and self-important disposition presented in Capece's text. When angered by the Angel's suggestion that he will "tremble on his knees,"14 when Christ appears, Lucifer swaggers into the aria, "O voi, dell' Erebo" without awaiting the expected opening ritornello (see ex. 2, p. 52). Handel is quick to remind us that we should not be too concerned with Lucifer's bravado as his blustery threats are again undermined by the stark scoring combined with 64th-note "thunderbolts," unisons, octaves and repetition accompanying the syllables "ah" and "ha" (which make 1 3This notion will be further examined, later in this chapter. 1 4 "tremarai genuflesso" 36 his demonic threats sound more like laughter). In the second part of the oratorio, following Christ's Resurrection, Lucifer returns, and in the aria, "Per celare i l muovo scorno" he boasts that he will defeat Christ. In this his final scene of the oratorio, Lucifer's theological impudence is now on a reduced scale and is in fact a face-saving gesture on the devil's part. Perhaps this face-saving aspect is reflected musically by Handel's changed accompaniment-modified from that of his previous two arias in which Lucifer made more grandiose threats and was not yet retreating. The accompaniment here is richer (compared with the previous thin orchestrations) since it is mostly in a three-part contrapuntal style, with clearly differentiated strands. The triplets in the second violin part provide a contrapuntal contrast to the regular quarter notes of the bass and the suspensions of the first violins. Perhaps the character that undergoes the greatest emotional transformation is Mary Magdalene. Throughout La Resurrezione, she is torn between faith and doubt, hope and despair. In her first aria, "Ferma 1' ali," Capece utilizes the simile convention in the A section as Mary addresses sleep as though it were a bird. The orchestration, consisting of a bass drone, viola da gamba (that often doubles the voice), muted violins, and a pair of recorders, creates a soft, gentle sound that contributes to this pastoral scene (see ex. 16/17, p. 73/75). In the B section however, the affect changes. The orchestration and musical substance transform to represent her feelings of grief. The thinned orchestration (viola da gamba and recorders only), and the removal of the drone, contrasts with the opening pastoral section. Perhaps most 37 striking is the transformation of the vocal line, which is more chromatic and even incorporates diminished fourths, sevenths and tritones among the intervals to establish tension. Also, in this section, the vocal line is not doubled by any instrumental accompaniment (see ex. 18, p. 76). Magdalene's attitude further evolves in one of the most popular arias from the oratorio, "Ho un non so che nel cor." In this aria, she reacts with hope to John's reiteration of Jesus' promise of Resurrection.15 In the A section, she states that a voice within her heart invites her to banish grief. At this point, she has not yet convinced herself that her grief should disappear. Musically, Handel doubles the vocal melody at the unison by the violins. The second section balances the notion from the A part by referring to another internal impulse which advises Magdalene to distrust "the voices of pleasure."16 At the outset in the B section Handel modulates to the minor mode (as it is a typical feature of a da capo aria). By doing so, he slightly colours the music, reinforcing the suspicion of "le voci de piacer." Magdalene's fear as she hastens toward the sepulchre in an attempt to arrive before the guard awakes is expressed in the aria, "Per me gia di morire." Handel imaginatively conveys this fear through the haunting, chromatic theme played by the 15The introduction of this affect, at this point in the work, in my view is not terribly convincing. As the melody is borrowed from a gavotte from Corelli's op. 5 violin sonatas, (and since Corelli is conducting the orchestra), the use of this aria is more a homage to the great violinist. At this time, it was not uncommon for the great Roman composers such as Scarlatti, Corelli and Pasquini for example, to hear their works played in performances by others. 1 6 "Le voci de piacer." 38 recorders and muted oboe, and by the disjunct vocal line. The text of the B section, "He gives me boldness, for His sake I fear nothing"17 is more optimistic. This is conveyed through the "strength" of the sixteenth notes that are exchanged between the solo violin and viola da gamba, and through a more conjunct vocal line. Here, Handel subtly undermines Magdalene's new-found confidence by recalling the chromatic motive. These repeated chromatic insertions are a clever way to represent the persistent doubt and fear present within her heart. Upon witnessing Jesus in the garden, Magdalene's exuberance is expressed in her final aria, "Se impassible, immortale." This concerto-like aria is scored for a four-part concertino consisting of a first and second oboe part, solo violin and viola da gamba, and ripieno strings (comprising first and second violin parts, viola and continuo.)18 The opening tonic triad outline, the major mode, the straightforward diatonic harmonies, and the use of dotted notes depict a confident Magdalene, one whose doubt has been ultimately vanquished.19 1 7 "Egli mi da 1' ardire, per lui nulla pavento." 18Alessandro Stradella earlier utilized this concertino-concerto grosso instrumentation in many of his works, including: San Giovanni Battista, Qual prodigio e ch' io miri? and 'Cantata per Natale' Ah! troppo e ver, among others. This particular means of employing the orchestra reached its zenith with the works of Arcangelo Corelli. Other Stradella influences on Handel will be discussed later in the chapter. 1 9While it is not an obvious borrowing example, this aria has been associated to Agrippina's, "Non ho cor che per amarti." Although the orchestra for this aria in La Resurrezione is separated into concertino and ripieno parts, the alternation of tutti and solo parts and the use of dotted notes is similar in both arias. Though the two arias do not share an actual borrowed motive, some similar ideas are apparent in both. For example, in both arias, much of the ritornello and cadential material are imbued with dotted notes, while the solo material utilizes only conjunct and evenly measured eighth notes. Also, similar techniques are displayed in the vocal writing. The basic shape of 39 Mary Cleophas enters with the poignant lament, "Piangete, si, piangete." Handel limits the orchestra to the bass and violas in unison with a viola da gamba to convey these painful emotions. A low, rich sound is the result. The repeated descending motive (representing Cleophas' tears), initially presented by the viola da gamba and violas is imitated throughout the aria by the bass and vocal line. The instruments used in this sparse aria contrast the more pastoral scoring employed for Magdalene's preceding, "Ferma 1' ali." John's prophecy (that Jesus would rise from the dead on the third day after His Crucifixion), provides Cleophas with hope in "Naufragando va per 1' onde." This simile aria compares her present state of mind with a ship on a stormy sea. The sixteenth notes that dominate the A section represent the stormy seas. This is contrasted, however, in the B section (marked "andante"), where her feelings of hope are associated with the more secure "dry land" stated in the libretto. Handel represents this change in affect musically by using a slower tempo, a change in meter, the cessation of the frenetic rhythmic activity, and by introducing a substantial change of motives. John enters the work in the second scene, largely functioning in a narrative capacity. Like Magdalene and Cleophas, John also performs a simile aria in "Cos! la their vocal material is similar, albeit the vocal line for Magdalene tends to be marginally more conjunct. Dramatically, one may have a difficult time finding analogous character traits between these two very different women. However, it is easy to see how Handel may have been reminded of this music while composing Agrippina's aria. It is the confident nature of both characters that emerges (at their respective points in the opera), and this is delineated through the use of fanfare-like, dotted rhythms. 40 tortorella," where he compares the grief of the Virgin Mary at the death of Christ with the sadness felt by a turtle-dove when its mate has been snatched from the nest by a bird of prey. The pastoral image of a turtle-dove is adroitly reinforced by Handel's choice of instrumentation that includes flute, viola da gamba and obbligato theorbo. In the autograph score, a descending run in the bass and violin parts was inserted and represents the ferocity of the bird of prey. Handel was likely not convinced by this representation as this descending motive is absent in the conducting score. In the opening aria of the second part, "Ecco i l sol, ch' esce dal mare," John describes a sunrise. Handel represents this simply with a rising ostinato in the continuo, that is unfettered by any other instrumental accompaniment. Also, to conclude the aria he uses a fully orchestrated ritornello to convey the full radiance of the rising sun. John recounts to Mary Magdalene and Cleophas the emotional, first meeting between Christ and His Mother following the Resurrection in his final aria, "Caro Figlio." This touching, poignant aria is accompanied by cello only, except the closing ritornello that incorporates a string quartet texture. John reports Mary as speaking (in the B section) of the grief which is now replaced with joy. After suffering intense pain, Mary has difficulty shaking off the lingering grief even though Jesus has obviously returned. Consequently, Handel presents us with a reaction different to that of both Magdalene and Cleophas. He decides to portray a subdued, (minor key) presentation of their meeting, and thus depict a sombre reunion between Christ and Mary, one still coloured by the former grief, but with a tenderness evoked in the 41 slurred descending thirds of the cello. This powerful representation also provides a great contrast to the jubilation and delight expressed in the final two (fully orchestrated) numbers: Magdalene's "Se impassible immortale" and the concluding chorus, "Dia si lode in cielo." Use of Buffo Bass The concept of incorporating the blustery bass persona of Lucifer into sacred works was not unusual in the early eighteenth-century.20 This technique may be traced back to the time of Alessandro Stradella (1639-1682).21 Stradella spent much of his life in Rome, (from 1653-1677), and departed due to a scandal that occurred following an arranged marriage.22 While in Rome he was supported by the city's wealthiest patrons, including Cardinal Pamphili, Cardinal Colonna, and Queen Christina. Handel later moved in these same circles, so it is feasible that he had access to his scores. However, presenting such a persona through a tenor is more unusual. This occurs in Alessandro Scarlatti's oratorio, Humanita e Lucifero (1704). Although Lucifer is still depicted as blustery in this work, he is less combative and accepts defeat more readily. 2 1For works on Stradella, see: Owen Jander, The Works of Alessandro Stradella Related to the Cantata and the Opera (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1962); Eleanor F. McCrickard, A lessandro Stradella's Instrumental Music: A Critical Edition with Historical and Analytical Commentary (2 vols.; Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hi l l , 1971) and Carolyn Gianturco, Alessandro Stradella 1639-1682: His Life and Music (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994). 22Stradella was involved in various scandals throughout his lifetime. These incidents contributed to his unfortunate demise as he was murdered while walking in the street. For a detailed account of his scandalous dealings, see: Gianturco, 21-2, 33-5, 38-45. For an account of the various theories regarding his murder, see: Gianturco, 57-60. 42 Handel's use of material from Stradella's serenata Qual prodigio e ch' io miri? in his oratorio Israel in Egypt is, for instance, well documented.23 Stradella's Christmas cantata "Cantata per Natale," Ah! troppo e ver is unique for its incorporation of Lucifer into the otherwise joyous proceedings of the birth of Christ.2 4 His dramatic entrance is magnified as he interrupts the final cadence of the opening sinfonia to begin his recitative, "Ah! troppo e ver." Handel, of course, incorporated a variation on this procedure in La Resurrezione, when Lucifer impetuously rushes into "O voi, dell' Erebo," before awaiting the expected opening ritornello. Stradella's opening recitative (with only continuo accompaniment) concludes with a five-bar fioritura that accompanies Lucifer's description of the "fiery disasters" (fieri disastri), which he anticipates. The furor continues in his subsequent aria, "E sara chi non s' accinga," as an indignant Lucifer invokes the aid of the Furies in his fight against the heavens. Musically, Stradella depicts this text with ascending and descending scales of sixteenth notes that are exchanged between the vocal line and the first and second concertino violins. This dramatic section corresponds with "O voi, dell' Erebo" from La Resurrezione. It is here that Lucifer calls upon the powers of hell to aid him in his battle against heaven. This textual similarity also suggests that Capece had access to the libretto of this work. 2 3For a comparison of the two scores see: Sedley Taylor, The Indebtedness of Handel to Works by Other Composers: A Presentation of Evidence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906; reprint, New York: Da Capo Press, 1979), 53-75, 87-89. 24Discussions of the music from this work are found in Gianturco, 129-33. 43 A criticism that may be levelled against (the unknown librettist of) Ah! troppo e ver is the lack of interaction and thus, character development among the participants. The libretto functions as a series of soliloquies and once a character has left the stage, he or she does not return. Another work of Stradella's that may have influenced Handel, was his sacred cantata, Esule dalle sfere (1680).25 Little is known about the librettist, Pompeo Figari, except that he was a Genoese abate, and (more importantly for our purposes), one of the founding members of the Arcadian Academy.26 Again, this latter fact strengthens the likelihood that Handel and Capece would have been familiar with the score and libretto respectively. Stradella portrays the bass Lucifer as a buffo character in this work. In his opening recitative, "Esule dalle sfere," the grandiloquent devil boasts of his "vast intellect."27 To emphasize Lucifer's bombast, Stradella uses repeated phrases and frequent melismas (six bars long at the end of the recitative), that tend to focus on his almost ridiculous, self-important nature. His arrogance returns in the subsequent aria, "Mie schiere severe," as he confidently attempts to rally his minions against the souls in purgatory. To undermine Lucifer's haughtiness, Stradella elects to accompany this text with an innocuous and rather soothing, dance-like melody. 2 5The structure and style, as well as the score of this work may be found in: Eleanor F. McCrickard, Alessandro Stradella, Esule dalle sfere: A Cantata for the Souls of Purgatory (Chapel Hil l : The University of North Carolina Press, 1983). 26Gianturco, 133. 27"I1 mio vasto pensiero." 44 Lucifer's blustery temperament returns in the recitative, "Non ancor abbastanza," where he vows to inflict savage torments upon the souls mired in purgatory. The buffo element emerges at the end of the recitative, as Stradella opts for a four-bar melisma to accompany the word "tremble." In his final recitative, "Per non mirar," Lucifer is depicted comically. To avoid the rejoicing that accompanies his defeat, he plans a "hasty" ("precipitoso") return to his domain. He stumbles over the word "precipitoso" however, and repeats it three times (once, with a four-bar melisma), before concluding this short recitative. The final six bars (out of a total of ten), are dedicated to his apparent "hasty" retreat to his realm. His earlier swaggering, bravado has been completely discredited and undermined by Stradella. Although Lucifer is omitted from the oratorio, San Giovanni Battista (1675), Stradella's skillful treatment of the bass role is transferred to King Erode.2 8 The libretto was written by the Florentine clergyman, Ansaldo Ansaldi. His choice of subject matter is understandable since John the Baptist is the patron Saint of Florence. It is notable that Arcangelo Corelli performed in both the premieres of this work and La Resurrezione. The vain and petulant characteristics associated with Lucifer, are easily transferred to King Herod. Based upon the text and corresponding music, one could easily extract and exchange specific Lucifer and Herod arias between Esule dalle sfere and San Giovanni Battista respectively. In particular, the following three Herod arias are prototypical blustery bass examples: "Tuonera tra mille turbini," "Provera se questo 'Discussion of the music from this work are found in Gianturco, 187-93. 45 scettro," and "Provi pur le mie vendette." In "Tuonera tra mille turbini," the enraged king calls upon powerful thunder, lightening and a thousand whirlwinds against John for having dared to disturb his court. This is reminiscent of Lucifer calling upon external powers to aid him in his battle in both "E sara chi non s' accinga" from Ah! troppo e ver and "O voi, dell' Erebo" from La Resurrezione. Herod's bravado continues in "Provera se questo scettro" as he compares his reign on earth with Jove's (as he wields his thunderbolts) in heaven. In "Provi pur le mie vendette" his braggadocio peaks as he plans his revenge against John. Stradella consistently relies upon an assortment of musical techniques to represent Lucifer's bombastic and blustery characteristics. These include the use of frequent melismas or fiorituras, disjunct vocal lines that incorporate wide leaps, exaggerated vocal mannerisms, and the repetition of phrases or syllables. As mentioned above, Handel incorporates many of these similar devices into Lucifer's arsenal in La Resurrezione. The Performers There were various musical factors that contributed to the spectacular nature of La Resurrezione. An unusually large orchestra was engaged for the performance, led from the podium by Corelli. The proportions of the ensemble are verified from the list of payments found in (document 11 of) the Ruspoli documents.29 The 41 paid 'The names of the players are also listed here: Kirkendale, 256-8. 46 musicians comprised: 20 violini, 4 violette30 (violas), 5 violoni (cellos), 5 contrabassi (double basses), 2 trombe (trumpets), 4 oboes and 1 trombone.31 The other instruments not listed in the documents, but demanded by the score, were probably played by Ruspoli's house musicians. These included a flute, 2 recorders (which were probably doubled by oboe players), bassoon32, theorbo and a viola da gamba. The viola da gamba played a prominent role in La Resurrezione: paired in concertino parts in the overture, in Magdalene's aria "Ferma 1' ali," it is used as a solo continuo instrument (its part is figured) and it is used in two other arias, "Per me gia di morire" and "Se impassibile immortale sei risorto." This suggests that Handel wrote the part for a particular virtuoso, perhaps a distinguished foreign visitor. On the identity of this virtuoso, Sadie provides the possibility of three players: Filippo ('Pipo' or 'Pippo') 3 0In a footnote, Kirkendale states that the terms violette, viole, violoni and violoncelli were used interchangeably at Ruspoli's, and were always accompanied by contrabassi. Kirkendale, fn. 56, p. 237. 3 1The records do indicate that money was spent on a trombone for rehearsals and the concerts. This instrument however, does not appear in the score. It is conceivable that it was played in the recitatives and arias sung by Lucifer. This precedent was set in the seventeenth-century when some underworld characters were accompanied by trombones. In the notes accompanying Hogwood's recording of La Resurrezione, Hicks suggests that the bassoon required in the score is in fact the trombone mentioned in the records; perhaps so described because the player was better known as a trombonist. George Frederic Handel, La Resurrezione, The Academy of Ancient Music, Christopher Hogwood, Director, L ' oiseau-Lyre 421132-2. 3 2Most writers suggest that the bassoon part was usually played by the oboist. However, in the aria that it is mentioned, "Risorga i l mondo," also demands tutti oboes. Marx suggests that since the instrument was not in use among Italian musicians, it is likely that a foreign player performed on the instrument. 47 Amadei, Monsieur Sciarli (Charly?) or Herr Hesse.33 To complement this massive orchestra, a fine collection of soloists were selected. These included: Durastante34 as Mary Magdalene (soprano), the soprano roles of Mary Cleophas and the Angel were sung by the castrati, Signor Pasqualino and Signor Matteo respectively, Lucifer was performed by the bass, Signor Christofano, and the role of Saint John was sung by the tenor Vittorio Chiccheri. 3 3Julie Anne Sadie, "Handel: In Pursuit of the Viol ," in Chelys: The Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society 14, (1985): 8-9. 3 4Following the premiere, Durastante was replaced by the castrato Filippo following a papal rebuke for having used a female singer in the oratorio. 48 CHAPTER FIVE BORROWING E X A M P L E S Borrowing Practices Much has been written since Handel's lifetime regarding his predilection for composing with pre-existent material. Scholars have exhaustively pondered the social, moral, and ethical issues associated with this topic.1 Presently, most authors concentrate on the specific material that Handel borrowed, compiling extensive inventories of both his self-borrowed elements and his appropriations from other composers.2 While this necessary first step is essential, it provides us with little 'See for example, Sedley Taylor, The Indebtedness of Handel to Works by Other Composers: A Presentation of Evidence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906; reprint, New York: Da Capo Press, 1979); Percy Robinson, Handel and his Orbit (London: Sherratt and Hughes, 1908; reprint, New York: Da Capo Press, 1979); George J. Buelow, "The Case for Handel's Borrowings [sic]: The Judgement of Three Centuries," in Handel Tercentenary Collection ed. Stanley Sadie and Anthony Hicks (London: UMI Research Press, 1987); George J. Buelow, "Originality, Genius, Plagiarism in English Criticism of the Eighteenth Century," in Florilegium Musicologicum ed. Christoph-Hellmut Mahling (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1988), 57-66. 2See for example, Ellwood Derr, "Handel's Procedures for Composing with Materials from Telemann's "Harmonischer Gottes-Dienst" in "Solomon," in Gottinger Handel-Beitrdge 1 (1984): 116-146; John H. Roberts, "Handel's Borrowings [sic] from Telemann: An Inventory," in Gottinger Handel-Beitrdge 1 (1984): 147-171; John H . Roberts, "Handel's Borrowings [sic] from Keiser," in Gottinger Handel-Beitrdge 2 (1986): 51-76; George J. Buelow, "Handel's Borrowing Techniques: Some Fundamental Questions Derived from a Study of "Agrippina," in Gottinger Handel-Beitrdge 2 (1986): 105-128. 49 insight into the process by which he composed. The focus of this chapter is to concentrate on the material from La Resurrezione, and subsequent examples of Handel's re-use of the music. The purpose here is not to highlight what Handel borrowed, but rather to investigate what prompted him to utilize a particular borrowing in a subsequent work. Or put another way, to examine what provided the stimulus for Handel to refer to a particular borrowing source. Why would Handel choose to reuse a musical idea for a particular dramatic situation? Since the vast majority of his oeuvre was composed for a specific dramatic situation, the answers likely lie in the libretti. It is possible that after reading the libretto for a new work, Handel would sometimes recall earlier musical settings of a similar dramatic situation. Sometimes it was a specific word, phrase or even a similar textual affect that prompted his recollection of the previous source. In the following examples, the occurrence of this phenomenon occurs with such regularity that the notion of attributing this to coincidence should be dismissed.3 3For the sake of brevity I have chosen five groupings of arias to depict the spectrum of stimuli that prompted Handel to borrow. Each group of arias are characterized by an appropriate term (or terms) to reinforce the fact that a textual word, phrase or an affect is paramount to understanding the borrowings. A l l of the arias from La Resurrezione are listed in the appendix, along with their later related borrowings. 50 A . Defiance Costante ognor cosi it Octavia (1705) La Resurrezione (1708) Agrippina (1709) Atalanta (1736) Faramondo (1738) Saul (1739) Keiser Handel Handel Handel Handel Handel O voi dell' Erebo ti Col raggio placido Di ' ad Irene" Si 1' intendesti" II II II i r With rage I shall burst" Handel's various adaptations of a borrowing from Reinhard Reiser's Octavia (1705) depict Handel's unique talent for portraying people and varying dramatic situations. Often Reiser's initial invention is transformed by Handel into something fresh and innovative. In "Costante ognor cosi," from Octavia, Livia bluntly responds to Tiridate's unwanted amorous advances: Constant always so Costante ognor cosi I will tell you, no io ti diro, no and before saying yes E pria che dirti un si I would kill myself. me stessa uccidero. Similarly, in "O voi dell' Erebo" from La Resurrezione (1708), Lucifer responds with belligerent defiance: O you from Erebus [hell], dreadful powers O voi dell' Erebo, potenze orribili, Come with me, arm yourselves with anger su, meco armatevi d' ira e valour! and valour! And of the furies, the dreadful E dell' Eumenidi gl' angui terribili snakes, with hissing wild beasts, show to con fieri sibili ai cieli mostrino, the heavens that the abysses still have their ch' anno i suoi fulmini gli abissi own thunderbolts. ancor. It is likely that this dramatic connection of belligerent defiance between the 51 arias prompted Handel to refer initially to Reiser's "Costante ognor cosi" as a borrowing source. The motivation for each character's belligerence is divergent, however the defiance remains common to both. Not surprisingly, Handel's reaction to their respective dramatic situations is different. One would expect (and is presented with) a more threatening response from a supernatural character like the devil. Example 1: Costante ognor cosi, bars 1-9. Musically the arias share numerous traits. They are both scored for unison violins, continuo and voice (although Livia is sung by a soprano, and Lucifer a bass). Harmonically, both arias begin in a minor key, and modulate (at some point) to the relative major in their respective B sections. In "O voi dell' Erebo," Handel utilizes the identical proportions that Keiser used in "Costante ognor cosi." The A and B 52 sections of the former are 70 and 18 bars respectively, in 3/8 time. This corresponds to the 35 bar A section and 9 bar B section in 6/8 time for Reiser's aria. Although musical similarities exist between the two pieces, Handel deftly adapts the music to represent the dramatic situation at hand. His different treatment can be attributed to two impulses. Firstly, as he is writing in a later style than Keiser, he provides more variety and spins out the aria longer. For example, although the proportions of their respective sections are identical, Handel arrives at his ratio in a completely different manner. He uses Keiser's opening triadic motive, and extends it at bar 5 by adding a four-note ascending motive (repeated three times), and inserts Example 2: O voi dell' Erebo, bars 1-15. 53 ascending and descending scaler gestures, comprising 64th-notes (at bars 8 and 10). The final melodic motive of the ritornello (bar 13) is similar to one used by Keiser in the B section of "Costante ognor cosi," comprising a two-note descending pattern of sixteenth-notes. Secondly, Handel required extreme musical elements to represent Lucifer's supernatural fury. In particular, the 64th-note scales effectively represent Lucifer's "thunderbolts." Handel also allows Lucifer to swagger into the aria at the first bar, without awaiting the expected opening ritornello. Also, unlike Livia's vocal line, much of Lucifer's vocal material doubles the continuo, one octave below the unison violins. As previously mentioned, this stark scoring contributes to Handel's depiction of Lucifer as a blustery character. A further use of this material occurs in Agrippina (1709), with Pallante's aria in "Col raggio placido."4 With the placid ray of hope Col raggio placido della speranza my constancy allows in me la mia constanza lusinghi in me. Thus this soul does not ask for more Cosi quest' anima di piu non chiede that is his faith, his help [is his reward]. ch' e la sua fede, la sua merce. In this scene, Agrippina offers her love to Pallante in return for his pledge to eliminate her current enemies, Narcissus and Otho. (She makes a similar offer to Narcissus in the subsequent scene). In the text, Pallante speaks of how favourable his arrangement is with Agrippina. Although it is not mentioned in the aria text, clearly 4I am indebted to Dr. John Sawyer's unpublished article "Irony and Borrowings in A grippina" for having drawn my attention to Handel's use of irony in this aria. 54 he recognizes Agrippina's deceit. This is confirmed through Pallante's aside prior to the aria, "But she has in her breast the heart of a Megera [Fury]."5 Essentially, he is cognizant of her plot—Pallante's text depicts one affect, while he is thinking another. Though the words are embedded in different textual concepts, perhaps it was the similar word ("constanza") that appeared in the incipit of Reiser's "Costante ognor cosi," that prompted Handel to recall this music. The fact that he pairs this music and text for Pallante's aria suggests that Handel is providing his own musical commentary for this dramatic event. This would explain the choice of Handel's musical accompaniment, that just one year earlier was used to represent Lucifer. The music does not explicitly represent what Pallante is singing, but rather implicitly depicts what he is currently thinking—Agrippina's villainous nature. In "Col raggio placido," Handel removes the scaler gestures that were so central to Lucifer's aria. He reserved their use to depict Lucifer's bravado and (as they are absent in the other related borrowings)6 must have deemed them inappropriate for a mere mortal. Musically, Handel again borrows some previously used elements, while adding new motivic ideas. "Col raggio placido" and "O voi dell' Erebo" utilize the same orchestration and are similar harmonically. Both A sections are predominantly in C minor, while the respective B sections explore the dominant minor (G minor), and the 5 "Ha nel seno costei cor di Megera." 6Handel did reuse the scaler gestures in the accompanied recitative "Ombre, sortite dall' eterna notte," sung by the sorceress Medea in Teseo (1713). In the recitative she calls upon ghosts and monsters to threaten her rival, Agilea. This strengthens the argument that Handel reserved this scaler gesture for characters that had connections to the underworld. 55 relative major keys (E flat major). The notion of doubling the vocal material with the continuo that Handel introduced in Lucifer's aria is extended in "Col raggio placido." Pallante's vocal line (except for one note at bar 73) doubles the continuo throughout the aria. The first eight-bars of the vocal melody are identical, otherwise the remaining motives are greatly changed. The B section of "Col raggio placido" is also comprised of newly composed material. Although Handel transformed Reiser's aria considerably in "O voi dell' Erebo," he returned to Reiser's music in "Col raggio placido." Handel continued to use Reiser's triadic motive for the opening ritornello, and the scaler figures from Lucifer's aria are replaced by a conjunct, two-bar ascending and descending motive (at bar 9, repeated twice). Keiser used a similar repeated motive at bars 5-6 in "Costante ognor cosi." Example 3: Col raggio placido, bars 1-19. Another use of the material occurs in Atalanta (1736). Here Aminta responds to his lover's ploy (Irene) to make him jealous in "Di ad Irene," and is fooled into believing that a scarf in Irene's possession was a gift from her lover. 56 Tell Irene, the tyrant, the unfaithful, cruel [like the] worst monster . . . Oh no, tell her instead, tell her that a heart like mine, [she] will not be able to find anymore. Tell her, barbarous, tell her . . . But what? No what is enough to my pure faith, to see those nice, serene eyes with the first [sign of] lovable compassion. Di ad Irene, tiranna, infedele ria, crudele d' un mostro peggiore . . . Ah no, dille, dille piuttosto, dille ch' un core qual e i l mio, piu trovar non potra. Dille, barbare, dille . . . Ma che? No che basta alia pura mia fe, di veder quei begli occhi sereni con la prima amorosa pieta. Clearly, the hostility that Aminta feels toward his perceived unfaithful lover in "Di ad Irene" is textually related to the rage felt by Lucifer in "O voi dell' Erebo." In the latter, Lucifer alludes to snakes and wild beasts, while similarly, Aminta compares Example 4: Di ad Irene, bars 1-17. 57 Example 5: Di ad Irene, bars 28-44 Irene to a monster. For Aminta's aria Handel adroitly represents the passion and jealousy experienced by a jilted lover. He therefore refers to the relevant Keiser motives (that illustrate anger) contributing to the depiction of Aminta's irrational, emotional state. The ritornello opens with the Keiser triadic motive, however, instead of repeating it a major third higher (as in the previous examples), Handel continues with conjunct, descending motion. He then adds a new melodic motive, arpeggiated sixteenth-notes that represent Aminta's agitated state, followed by a variation of a motive (at bar 13) from Pallante's aria (two-bar ascending and descending motive). At 58 bar 28 an enraged Aminta begins, "Tell Irene, the tyrant, the unfaithful," and continues at bar 34, "cruel, like the worst monster." He seems to realize the magnitude of what he is saying, and pauses to reflect for a moment. Handel dramatically represented this musically with an Adagio bar, followed by a fermata. In a renewed calm state, Aminta continues with the next textual phrase, but his wrath returns at bar 57 as he repeats his initial declaration. However, at "tiranna" (bar 70), he breaks into an impassioned fioritura, again followed by an effective and dramatic silence at bar 80. This emotional conflict continues for the remainder of the A section, and each time, Handel represents Aminta's rage with (a fragment of) the Keiser motive. Example 6, Di ad Irene, bars 68-87. 59 Like "Col raggio placido," the B section of "Di ad Irene" is newly composed. A new motive introduced by Handel in the A section (a string-crossing pattern) is taken over into the B section. One might argue that the "jealousy" still continues in the B section in spite of the text. Throughout, Handel adds a viola into the orchestration, and the vocal line doubles the added instrument an octave below the unison violins during the playing of the motive. frp-r. f r F . r • i g i> . >, ?= Li Tr [ ^ g , . p * r, c 1 * 1 ')"• L 1 f f . f • >' f F 7 harSara, r r . , r . f = F = T = J/1 <<«•.' A f l . «/a al. la pii. ra mta /'; 'Ll f*i f ' L i 7 1 Example 7, Dr ad Irene, B section, bars 132-150. The final two related borrowing examples will be considered together since only a fragment of Reiser's initial motive remains (and is used to convey brief flashes of anger). It is true that the triadic motive is used in each, but musically everything else suggests a different (and new) musical conception. 60 Gernando has agreed to Gustavo's request in Faramondo (1738), to return with the head of the French King in exchange for his daughter's hand in marriage. Rosimonda despises Gemando, and tells him that for his reward (upon his return), she will in turn request that he be executed. In Saul (1739), the Israeli King is provoked to an outburst of anger when he sees the Israelites paying homage to David (his eventual successor). With rage I shall burst his praises to hear! Oh, how I both hate the stripling, and fear! What mortal a rival in glory can bear? In Faramondo, it is likely that Rosimonda's rage coupled with Gernando's unwanted amorous advances prompted Handel to recall Reiser's motive. Similarly, it is Saul's anger that likely reminded Handel of the initial borrowing source. This motive must also have been fresh in Handel's mind since the final three works in which he utilized the motive were composed within a three-year period—A talanta (1736), Faramondo (1737) and Saul (1738). Musically, the arias from Faramondo and Saul share similarities. For example, in "Di ad Irene," Handel adds a viola to the orchestration for both arias. In "Si 1' intendesti," the vocal material doubles the unison violins and viola during the Yes you understood, yes this is the mercy that I will keep for you, barbarous traitor! Si 1' intendesti, si e questa la merce, ch' io serbero per te, barbaro, traditor! Vedro nel suo delitto un fiero cor traffitto ma voglio poi cosi, che sia i l tuo seno ancor. I will see in his crime a proud heart pierced, but I want then that it [will] be your bosom still. 61 realization of the motive, while in "With rage I shall burst," the vocal line doubles the continuo, one octave below the violins and viola. Regarding Handel's use of Reiser's motive, in "Si 1' intendesti," it is relegated to the B section. Here, Handel produces a conflation of his previous re-uses: before repeating the motive (as he did in both La Resurrezione and Agrippina), he extends it (as he did in Atalanta) by two beats, in a conjunct, descending manner. Also in this example, he repeats the motive a major second below the first rendition, rather than a minor third above (as in the previous examples). In "With rage I shall burst," Handel adds a one-note anacrusis to the motive, in effect creating a roughly symmetrical opening phrase. Example 8: Si V intendesti, B section, bars 118-137. 62 Example 9: With rage I shall burst, bars 1-6. Judging by the examples above, clearly Handel's borrowing of Reiser's motive is cued by text—whether it is a single word ("constanza," as it may have been in Pallante's aria,) or a particular dramatic affect, as in the other examples. He borrows Reiser's triadic motive, but each time adapts, reworks and ultimately transforms it to represent the specific textual affect with which he is presented. Often the music explicitly represents the accompanying text, but occasionally, as in Pallante's aria "Col raggio placido," Handel proffers an ironic rendering of the textual content. Despite the musical response that Handel chooses for each dramatic situation, it seems that their textual similarities (however recondite) prompted him to recall Reiser's earlier related text. 63 B. Falling concept "Fallt ihr Machtigen" "Chi gia ra" "Caddi e ver" "Cade i l mondo" "Thus to ground" Nebucadnezar (1704) Keiser // Trionfo del Tempo (1707) Handel La Resurrezione (1708) Handel Agrippina (1709) Handel The Triumph of Time (1757) Handel The following borrowing provides perhaps one of the best examples of how a specific word or phrase, rather than the affect of the text, prompted Handel to recall Reiser's music. Reiser's opera Nebucadnezar (1704), opens with the jubilant entry of Nebucadnezar into Babylon, after the fall of Jerusalem. The fall of the mighty (from earth), fall and lower yourselves. Above, where the stars glitter an unlimited kingdom reigns, and up in the boundaries of earth there is no kingdom equal to his. Fallt ihr Machtigen der Erden Fallet und erniedrigt euch. Oben, wo die Sternen glantzen herzscht ein unumschranctes Reich, und bis an der Erden Brantzen 1st dem meinen keiner gleich. In Handel's oratorio // Trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno (1707)7, Truth warns Pleasure: He who was already counsellor, [to that] blond haired [person] will fall down. [He] will also suffer his destruction, if he with the lilies and the roses, invents so many deceptions to [enhance] beauty. Chi gia fu del biondo crine consigliero, al suol cadra. Soffra pur le sue mine, se sovente egli compose con i gigli e con le rose tanti inganni alia belta. 7 A n almost identical aria, "Thus to ground," was used in the 1757 revision of the work, The Triumph of Time and Truth. The only changes Handel made were in key (transposed up to A minor from G minor in "Chi gia fu"), and with the insertion of a four-bar adagio before the closing ritornello in the A section, and another four-bar insertion at the end of the B section. 64 Clearly, the notion of falling is prevalent within both aria texts. This textual congruity likely prompted Handel to recall Keiser's motive from the aria. Example 10: Fallt ihr Mdchtigen, bars 1-6. Although Handel appropriates Keiser's initial descending motive from Nebucadnezar (which is devised to depict the notion of falling), his subsequent contribution in "Chi gia fu" vastly enriches Keiser's source aria. Much of "Fallt ihr Machtigen" is both melodically and rhythmically repetitious. Handel overcomes this repetition by expanding Keiser's model through the insertion of melodic and rhythmic innovations. He accomplishes this first by augmenting Keiser's two-bar ritornello in 12/8 into the equivalent of five measures (although Handel has changed this meter to 65 3/8). Also, Handel's aria is more engaging due to the addition of contrasting melodic phrases (not all descending), and greater rhythmic inventiveness through the increased use of sixteenth notes and the incorporation of syncopated phrases. Harmonically, both composers modulate to the dominant minor key, however Handel is again more adventurous with modulations to the sub-dominant (C minor) in the A section, and ending the B section in B flat major (the relevant major to the tonic in the A section). Example 11: Chi gidfu, bars 1-33. Because of their similarities, the final two borrowing examples will be considered together. In "Caddi e ver," from La Resurrezione (1708), Lucifer presents his view of the recent events: 66 I fell, 'tis true, but in falling I lost neither strength nor courage, I fell, I fell, I fell . . . no, no, no, I did not lose to chase me from the spheres. If stronger then were God now made [as] man, at my fury he gave up by dying. Caddi, e ver, ma nel cadere Non perdei forza ne ardire, Caddi, caddi, caddi . . . no, no, no, non perdei per scacciarmi dalle sfere. Se piu forte allor fu Dio, or fatt' uomo, al furore mio pur ceduto ha con morire. Claudio in "Cade i l mondo," from Agrippina (1709), speaks of a similar affect contained in "Fallt ihr Machtigen," from Nebucadnezar. It seems likely that again, textual cues (specifically cadere, the Italian verb "to fall") prompted Handel to recall this motive. In "Cade i l mondo," not only is the same verb used, but the dramatic situation closely parallels the opening of Nebucadnezar. However, instead of a triumphant Nebucadnezar entering Babylon after the fall of Jerusalem, in Agrippina we have Claudio triumphantly entering Rome after his victory over Britain. Musically, the two arias share many similarities, these include: their harmonic structure (D minor and F major-A minor in their respective B sections), orchestration, comprising unison violins, basso continuo and a bass voice, as well as melodic and rhythmic affinities. The changes that occur are for octave displacement, and a new cadential approach in "Cade i l mondo" (bars 12-16). The B sections are also The subjugated world [kingdom] falls and makes [forms] the bases [foundation] of the Roman throne. But that fortunate reign that is subjected to victory. Cade i l mondo soggiogato e fa base al Roman soglio. Ma quel Regno fortunato ch' e soggeto al Campidoglio. remarkably alike. The only tangible difference is in length, where "Caddi e ver" is seven bars longer due to the increased amount of text in its B section. Example 12: Caddi, e ver, bars 1-30. Example 13: Cade il mondo, bars 1-34. 68 There are some differences between "Chi gia fu" and "Caddi e ver" (which will again be considered along with "Cade i l mondo" because of their similarities). The most obvious differences are discovered in their respective opening ritornellos. Melodically, Handel uses a motivic approach in "Chi gia fu." The twenty-bar opening ritornello may be separated into five, four-bar motives. The remainder of the A section is derived from this opening material. For example, the eight-bar entry of the voice at bar twenty-one comprises the second and third motive from the opening ritornello. Contrarily, the opening ritornello of "Caddi e ver" (which is also harmonically more adventurous) consists of only one motivic idea that is expanded over seventeen bars. This melodic expansion continues in the vocal part where the subsequent motive (stepwise and descending) is introduced in an extended eighteen-bar phrase. These long phrases (along with the use of frequent melismas, disjunct vocal lines that incorporate wide leaps and the repetition of syllables) in both "Caddi e ver" and "Cade i l mondo" contribute to the portrayal of Lucifer and Claudio as buffo characters. This borrowing illustration provides an example of a strong correlation between the music and text for all of the arias considered. Again, it was likely the specific verb, "cadere" that provided the stimulus for Handel to refer to Reiser's initial descending motive that represented falling. Like the previous example, Handel reworks and adapts Reiser's initial motive to create a newly derived composition that ultimately bears little resemblance (apart from the initial motive) to Reiser's original conception. 69 C. Images of sleep "Holde Schatten" "Entschlafft ihr Sinnen "Ferma 1' ali" "Zeffiretti, deh venite" i t Janus (1698) Laforza della virtu (1700) La Resurrezione (1708) Notie placida e cheta (1708) II Pastor fido (1712) Keiser Keiser Handel Handel Handel Handel M It Caro amor" Watchful angels I I Esther (1718) In "Ferma 1' ali" from La Resurrezione, Handel appropriates material from two Keiser source arias, "Holde Schatten" (from Janus) and "Entschlafft ihr Sinnen" (from La forza della virtu). Handel later reuses fragments of Reiser's source materials to represent a variety of dramatic situations. In these subsequent reuses, varied relationships are presented between the textual and musical spectra. From the opera Janus (1698), Livia (Tiberius' mother and wife of the Emperor Augustus), orders Philanax to abduct Tiberius' betrothed, Agrippina. This will enable her son (from an earlier marriage) Tiberius to marry Augustus' daughter, Julia and ultimately succeed Augustus as emperor. Prior to her abduction, Agrippina (realizing Livia's scheme), experiences feelings of uncertainty and uneasiness. In "Holde Schatten," a pained Agrippina seeks relief from her predicament as she remarks: Sweet shadows, to come and to tease, Holde Schatten kommt und scherzet have your lust with me. Treibet mit mir eure Lust. Let me borrow here some pleasure, Last mich hier Vergnugen borgen because an unknown worry robs the heart Weil ein unbekandtes Sorgen ganz of this sorrow-burdened chest. entherzet Diese Kummer-reiche Brust. In Laforza della virtu (1700), during a long and unjust imprisonment, Clotilde remains devoted to her captor and husband, Fernando. The virtuous Clotilde is lulled 70 to sleep by nature in "Entschlafft ihr Sinnen," when Fernando's mistress Anagilda, attempts to murder her. Clotilde's unwavering devotion to Fernando eventually persuades him to release her and ultimately reconcile. Like Agrippina in "Holde Schatten," Clotilde seeks peace from her ordeal. Your senses relax your torture Entschlafft ihr Sinnen eure Pein You must by now be exhausted Wird nunmehr eimudet sein Your peace shall now begin. Eure Ruh sol nun beginnen. Magdalene addresses sleep as though it were a bird in the simile aria "Ferma 1' ali," from La Resurrezione (1708). She vows to stay awake so that sleep will not interrupt her mourning. In the B section she relates her feelings of grief. Stop the wings, and on my eyes fly not, ungrateful sleep! If you presume today, the sad tears let me first weep so much as blood that has been shed in the rivers that my God bled for me. Ferma 1' ali, e sui miei lumi non volar, o sonno ingrato! Se presumi asciugarne i l mesto pianto lascia pria che piangan tanto quanto sangue ha sparso in fiumi il mio Dio per me svenato. It was likely the related emotional states of the three characters that prompted Handel to recall Keiser's source material. The uncertainty and uneasiness that Agrippina feels, and the relief and peace that both Agrippina and Clotilde seek, parallel the grief experienced by Magdalene in La Resurrezione. Although the dramatic situations of the respective characters vary, their primary emotions remain consistent. Handel preserves much of Keiser's original musical invention with regards to 71 key and time signatures, orchestration and melodic material. "Holde Schatten," "Entschlafft ihr Sinnen" and "Ferma 1' ali" are all in F major, utilize bass drones as well as similar orchestrations and time signatures: two violins, a pair of oboes, and bass in 6/8 time, recorders doubling violins and bass in 3/4 time and recorders Example 14: Holde Schatten, bars 1-14. 72 doubling violins, viola da gamba and bass in 3/8 time respectively.8 There are also shared similarities with regards to the use of melodic material and the grouping of the instruments among the three arias. In "Holde Schatten" Keiser utilizes two principal motives: a descending triadic motive presented in the violin parts throughout (motive A), and a conjunct, ascending melodic motive first played by the oboes in bars 3-6 (motive B). 9 While the violins only play motive A (usually in the interval of a major third or perfect fourth) the oboes begin with an imitative variation of motive A (bars 1-2) and then immediately realize motive B at bar three (again in imitation). The vocal material utilizes the same music played by the oboes. For example the vocal material in bars 6-7 is followed in imitation in the second beat of bar 6 and the Example 15: Entschlafft ihr Sinnen, bars 1-9. 8These latter two arias are scored for recorders as they better convey the pastoral imagery of sleep common to both texts. 9In "Entschlafft ihr Sinnen" Keiser also uses a triadic, three-bar descending motive in imitation. 73 beginning of bar 7 respectively by the oboes. Similarly the vocal line from bars 10-13 parallels the material in the first oboe line from the second beat of bar 10-14. Handel borrows and rearranges this material differently in "Ferma 1' ali." First, instead of pairing the solo instruments separately, Handel groups the recorders and Example 16, Ferma V ali, A section (bars 1-30). 74 violins together so that they play the same melodic material (as they do in "Entschlafft ihr Sinnen"), often in imitation. Also, instead of introducing the triadic (motive A) and conjunct motives (motive B) in the opening ritornello, Handel reserves the introduction of the latter motive until bar 26 in the vocal line and viola da gamba (which often doubles the vocal line throughout). A conjunct, descending line foreshadows Reiser's borrowed motive B in the vocal part at bars 21-24. Also, Handel does not exclude either motive from any instrumental part as Keiser did with the exclusion of motive B in the violin parts. The biggest points of departure between "Ferma 1' ali" and "Holde Schatten" appear in their respective B sections. Keiser writes a 13-bar section for voice and bass only, utilizing similar melodic material from the A section. Conversely, Handel writes a newly composed B section to contrast the representation of the sleep imagery in the A section. The orchestration is thinned, utilizing only recorders and viola da gamba (with no bass instruments) and the time signature is altered to common time. The vocal line is also completely transformed. It is chromatic, incorporating diminished fourths, sevenths and tritones among the intervals to establish tension. 75 Example 17, Ferma V ali, A section cont. (bars 31-61). In the secular cantata Notte placida e cheta (August 1708), the protagonist speaks of hopeless love, the fulfilment of which that is only found in a dream state. 77 Little Zephyrs [west winds], oh come only by yourselves you can convey to my bosom with sweet sleep murmuring, agreeable moments. And then afterward I shall say contently: longing of my Fille the not severe [kind] eyes: yet I had a happy moment. Zeffiretti, deh venite, sol da voi porger si ponno nel mio sen con dolce sonno mormorando aure gradite. E allor poi diro contento: vagheggiando di mia Fille non severe le pupille: pur felice hebbi un momento. Obviously the content of the text relating to sleep provided the stimulus for Handel to refer to this music. The brief four month period between this work and La Resurrezione meant that the music from the aria would readily come to mind. i-*-=y-Example 19: Zeffiretti, deh venite, bars 1-10. Although much of this music is newly composed, certain similarities to Reiser's 78 original invention remain. The cantata is scored for soprano, violins and continuo. Like the previous examples, the opening triadic motive outlines the key of F major and the second violin enters one beat after the first, and partially imitates the melodic material. Also, temporary bass drones are utilized intermittently throughout the aria. Elements of the same music occur in one of Mirtillo's arias in // Pastor Fido (1712).10 Prior to falling asleep Mirtillo sings: Dear love, just for moments leave my soul in peace. If my eyes are still eclipsed that they will be happy in beholding the beautiful splendour of the dear [girl]. Caro amor, sol per momenti lascia in pace 1' alma mia. Se mie luci anco eclissate fian beate, che saranno, nel mirare della cara i l bel fulgor. Like several of the above examples, the textual references to sleep and peace likely prompted Handel to recall the previous musical settings associated with the similar dramatic affect. Musically this version of "Caro amor" shares numerous similarities with the previous examples. It is in 3/8 time, the bass drone is used extensively and Handel scores the aria for paired violins and flutes, viola" and continuo. Like many of the 1 0In the first 1712 version of // Pastor Fido, the music from "Caro amor" most closely resembles the motives already discussed, and hence will be considered in this example. This aria is not in da capo form and uses only the first sentence of text. In the 1734 revision, two different settings of the text are extant. Both utilize the da capo form, are in G major, marked largo and have little melodic material in common with the original. One version consists of a continuo aria and the other is scored for double violins, viola and continuo. "The viola part is left vacant after the third bar, both in the autograph and conducting scores. 79 previous examples, the same descending, triadic motive is imitatively employed in the opening ritornello. In the latter part of the opening ritornello (bars 19-22), Handel returns to a repeated two-bar melodic motive first used in (bars 44-47) "Ferma 1' ali." Traversa I, e Violini piani. Traversa II, e Violini piani. Viola. M i R T I L L O . Bassi. j*u J . mm * 4=t -rf— etc. H S 1 1 1 = Example 20: Caro amor, bars 1-23. The final reuse of this melodic material occurs in the 1732 revival of the oratorio Esther. In the first scene, Esther seeks support in her bid to become queen, and so able to help the Jews. Watchful angels, let me share Your indulgent daily care! Although the dramatic situation of "Watchful angels" contrasts with the 80 previous examples, the bird of sleep (from "Ferma 1' ali") can be viewed as a type of watchful angel. As this version of Esther was "hastily thrown together"12 in an attempt to defeat piracy Handel reused in its entirety (with only nominal melodic alterations) the music from the A section of "Ferma 1' ali." The only differences appear in the orchestration where in "Watchful angels" Handel uses paired violins and oboes (instead of the recorders necessitated by the pastoral nuances of "Ferma 1' ali"), and he omits the viola da gamba. Also, the air is transposed down from the original F major to E flat major in "Watchful angels." (Violino I. Oboe I.) (Violino II. Oboe II.) E S T H E R . Tutti Bassi. (vl»l.) (Viol.) Watch, ful 0 ihr an _ gels, En . gel, Example 21: Watchful angels, bars 1-9. These related sleep depictions show varied relationships between the musical-textual spectra. In the first three arias varying dramatic situations are presented, but the emotional states of the respective characters are similar. In these examples the 1 2Winton Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios and Masques (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), 191. To find more on the complex story of Esther, see Dean, chapter nine, pp.191-222. 81 overriding themes concern similar notions of sleep and peace. These similar traits must have prompted Handel to recall Keiser's initial inventions. Consequently many of the musical conventions are consistent—including: the use of similar melodic material, orchestration, time and key signatures and a drone. The correlation in the cantata is weaker. Although like "Ferma 1' ali" the text refers to "sleep," the aria speaks of a different affect, one of love. Accordingly, Handel relies upon considerable amounts of newly composed material to convey this different affect. Finally, although the specific dramatic situation presented in "Watchful angels" is different from the earlier examples, the general imagery is not unique. D. Victory and triumph "Herrsche glucklich" "Disserratevi, oh porte d' averno" "Oh sword, and thou, all-daring" "Mighty love now calls to arm" Octavia (1705) Keiser La Resurrezione (1708) Handel A lexander Balus (1748) Handel A lexander Balus (1748) Handel In this group of related arias, Handel appropriates melodic material from the initial bars of the opening chorus from Keiser's Octavia (1705), "Herrsche glucklich" for the Angel's opening aria from La Resurrezione. Handel later uses some of this motivic material from "Disserratevi, oh porte d' averno" in two different arias from Alexander Balus (1748). The A section material was used in "Mighty love now calls to arm" while the B section material formed the B section of "Oh sword, and thou, all-daring hand." Reiser's opera Octavia (1705) begins with the triumphant chorus: 82 Reign happily, great emperor! Triumph and reign, that the twelve constellations Wi l l carry your laurel wreath. The Angel, in "Disserratevi, oh porte d' serving as Christ's representative, demands His Be unbarred, ye gates of Avernus [hell], and to the fair light of a deity that is eternal all in a flash of lightening the horror unleashes itself! Yield dread gates, yield to the King of Glory that from his victory you are the first honour! Herrsche gliicklich, grosser Kaiser! Triumphire und regire, dass die zwolf gestimte Hauser fuhren deine Lorbeerpreiser. averno," from La Resurrezione (1708) admittance at the gates of hell. Disserratevi, oh porte d' Avemo, e al bei lume d' un Nume ch' e eterno tutto in lampi si sciolga 1' orror! Cedete orride porte, cedete al Re di Gloria che della sua vittoria voi siete i l primo onor! It is likely the dramatic connection of victory and triumph between the works that provided the stimulus for Handel to refer initially to Reiser's "Herrsche gliicklich" as a borrowing source. The respective texts depict different types of triumph, political in "Herrsche gliicklich" and theological in "Disserratevi, oh porte d' Averno," however the notion of victory remains common to both. Musically, both Reiser's chorus and Handel's aria are similarly scored: the former comprising paired hunting horns (come de chasse), violins and oboes, a viola, continuo and soprano, alto, tenor and bass voices with Handel substituting trumpets for the horns and a soprano instead of the chorus. Both works also share the same time signature (3/4) but utilize different key signatures, the chorus in C major, and the aria in D major. 83 Example 22: Herrsche gliicklich, bars 1-7. Handel transforms Reiser's initial invention by adapting and re-working it to 84 suit the dramatic situation in La Resurrezione.n In "Herrsche glucklich" the borrowed motive is heard in the first three bars of the opening ritornello. This music is punctuated by the entry of the four voices (in bars 4-5), before the horns return with another two-bar variant of the opening motive. Handel also uses the voice to punctuate the full orchestra, however the melodic material in "Disserratevi, oh porte d' averno" is expanded considerably. The immediacies of the Angel's demands are heightened by Handel's use of sixteenth-notes (first by the oboe in bars 4-6, and then joined by the violins at bars 8-9) that push the opening ritornello forward to the cadential material. The power of the Angel is further strengthened by the opening vocal motive which descends from high a to low d. This vocal descent may represent the Angel dispelling gioom—as a brilliant light penetrating into Hell's depths. Handel then uses the orchestra to punctuate the long melismas contained within the Angel's vocal material. Unlike Lucifer's vocal material which is thinly accompanied, Handel's use of full orchestra reinforces the splendour of the light surrounding the Angel. Therefore, the Angel's longer melismas cannot be mistaken for bravado. This melodic expansion continues throughout the remainder of the A section which is 82 bars long, compared to only 25 for "Herrsche glucklich." 1 3In this example, Keiser's influence may have superseded just the motivic material—here it may have influenced the structure of the first act. Just as "Herrsche glucklich" begins Octavia, Handel follows Keiser's design and begins the dramatic portion of La Resurrezione (following the opening sonata) with this aria. 85 In "Mighty love now calls to arm" from Alexander Balus (1748) Alexander, the King of Syria, dispatches a message with his friend Jonathan, asking Ptolomee (Ptolemy), the King of Egypt, for his daughter, Cleopatra's hand in marriage. 86 Mighty love now calls to arm, Hear, he sounds the first alarm: Lead, sweet Hymen, lead the way. Following the successful kidnapping of his own daughter and Alexander's wife, Cleopatra, Ptolemy prepares to do battle with the revenge-seeking Alexander. Oh sword, and thou, all-daring hand, Thy aid alone I crave, Nor other gods or powers demand, To conquer, or to save. Again, it was likely the textual content that prompted Handel to reuse Reiser's motive for these subsequent arias. In "Mighty love now calls to arm," Alexander uses warfare imagery in his attempt to gain Ptolemy's consent to his marriage with his daughter Cleopatra. In "Oh sword, and thou, all-daring hand," Ptolemy calls upon the aid of his sword to protect him in the conquering of his foe Alexander. These are reminiscent of the same images of victory and triumph depicted in both "Herrsche gliicklich" and "Disserratevi, oh porte d' averno." However, in both arias from A lexander Balus, the characters seek victory, whereas in the two previous works, triumph was already achieved. Musically, "Mighty love now calls to arm" shares many similarities with "Disserratevi, oh porte d' averno." Handel employs an identical orchestration (paired trumpets, oboes, violins, with a viola and continuo), key signature (D major) and time signature (3/4). Also, the respective opening ritornellos and treatment of the solo voice are nearly identical in each aria. Both opening ritornellos share melodic 87 88 material and are almost identical in length and the solo voices frequently have unaccompanied vocal motives that are punctuated by the respective full orchestras. The B section of "Mighty love now calls to arm" consists of newly composed, unrelated musical material. Only the B section of "Oh sword, and thou, all-daring hand," is congruous to "Disserratevi, oh porte d' averno." Both B parts are scored for solo oboe, violins, continuo and voice. The opening oboe solo part is almost identical to both, as well as much of the triadic viclin material. However, the respective vocal material is dissimilar. In "Disserratevi, oh porte d' averno" the vocal part parallels much of the instrumental material, particularly that of the solo oboe. In "Oh sword, and thou, all-daring hand," the vocal material is newly composed and melodically unrelated to the accompaniment. Example 25, Oh sword, and thou, B section, bars 30-37. 89 Like the previous examples, Handel's borrowing of Keiser's musical invention here is cued by text. The warlike notions of victory and triumph are common to all arias. Handel borrows, reworks and expands upon Keiser's initial motive to create again, an innovative and newly derived work. E. Unrelated texts "Vedo i l del" La Resurrezione (1708) Handel "Fury with red, sparkling eyes" Alexander Balus (1748) Handel The final example is unique in that, unlike the previous borrowing cases similar musical motives are associated with apparently unrelated texts. In "Vedo i l del," Cleophas remarks: I see the sky, that more serene Vedo i l del, piu sereno makes itself around [surrounds itself] and si fa intomo e piu risplende; shines more; and of hope in my breast e di speme nel mio seno a more beautiful ray still kindles. piu bel raggio ancor s' accende. In "Fury with red, sparkling eyes,"from Alexander Balus (1748), Alexander responds to the abduction of his Queen Cleopatra: Fury with red, sparkling eyes, rise in all thy terrors rise; all around destruction deal! That revenge may give some ease, or cold death a kind release to the horrid pains I feel. The hope of Christ's Resurrection that Cleophas speaks of in "Vedo i l del," is clearly 90 contrasted by Alexander's anger, revenge and pain described in "Fury with red, sparkling eyes." Despite this textual incongruity, Handel still utilizes shared motives between the works. Perhaps frequent borrowings of Alexander Balus from La Resurrezione in this case prompted Handel to revisit much of the music.1 4 Example 26: Vedo il ciel, bars 1-16. 14Dean states that although Handel utilized frequent borrowings in A lexander Balus, in general Handel's use of borrowed musical ideas are uncommon in the oratorios. Winton Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios and Masques (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), 484. 91 There are numerous musical similarities between the two arias. First, they share the same key signature (D major), and second, common features are depicted in the opening ritornello: the use of similar conjunct, ascending and descending motives, and the chromatic, arpeggiated seventh-chords (bars 4-8).15 Other similarities include: tutti interjections between vocal phrases and the sparse accompaniment associated with the vocal line—continuo (and only occasionally with violins added) in "Vedo i l ciel," Example 27: Fury with red, sparkling eyes, bars 1-22. 15The use of this chromatic motive in "Vedo i l ciel" provides an excellent representation of the uncertainty of the rising "sun" or "Son." 92 and virtually no instrumental accompaniment (especially in the first 23 bars) in "Fury with red, sparkling eyes." One has to question whether the same music can convincingly represent two varied, dramatic situations. Here, the answer is clearly yes. Handel alters the music in "Fury with red, sparkling eyes" enough to represent plausibly, the differing affect. For example, the vigourous, sixteenth-note motives are used by Handel more frequently in this aria to depict Alexander's rage. The tempo, marked presto, also contributes to this representation. The change in tempo (and time signature in the B section), strengthens the conveyance of Alexander's agitated emotional state. As well, the music is more dramatic in this aria due to the frequent unaccompanied vocal statements that are punctuated by orchestral interjections. This is most prominent in the closing bars of the B section, as it ends in F sharp minor, marked adagio. Without pause, the listener is dramatically wrenched back to Alexander's unaccompanied cry of "Fury," in D major. Based on these many alterations (plus the many bars of newly composed material), Handel's music convincingly depicts the contrasting textual affects of these two arias. Clearly, Handel's borrowing of Reiser's motives, and his later reuses of them are cued by the libretto. Often it is a similar dramatic affect or phrase, or occasionally a specific word that prompts Handel to recall these earlier musical settings. In the twenty-two arias considered, only one uses similar musical material accompanied with an unrelated text. In this aria ("Fury with red, sparkling eyes"), Handel alters the music enough to present a convincing musical setting for the text. 93 CHAPTER SIX CONCLUSION Handel's La Resurrezione is among his greatest works of his Italian period. The creation and successful realization of this magnificent work were made possible only through the imagination and ambition of Handel's great Roman patron, Francesco Ruspoli. Not only did Ruspoli finance the entire production but he had the patronal perspicacity to hire an audacious Saxon composer and the artistic astuteness to attain the best available performers to realize the Saxon's brilliant oratorio. Ruspoli's commission of La Resurrezione was not an isolated event in his patronage. He employed Handel over the course of approximately eighteen months for his conversazione. It was the composition of cantatas for these events that laid the groundwork for the development of Handel's Italianate style. At these events Handel was given the freedom to experiment and collaborate frequently with a regular group of musicians who contributed to his emerging musical style. These musicians included: Alessandro Scarlatti, Corelli (who conducted the premiere of La Resurrezione), Pasquini, the violinist, Pietro Castrucci and the soprano Margarita Durastante to name just a few. The success of these compositions likely prompted Ruspoli to offer Handel the commission of La Resurrezione. Carlo Capece, the librettist of the oratorio, was also a member of the Arcadian 94 Academy. Although his text probably did not achieve the poetic simplicity sought by the Arcadian's in their reform, it did prompt Handel to compose a great variety of brilliant musical settings. Musically, Handel's sensitive and varied use of the orchestral forces is a highlight of the oratorio. The rich and subtle orchestral combinations together with the use of other musical elements allowed Handel not only to respond but also to contribute to the character development in Capece's libretto. For example, the full orchestra often reinforces the demands of the Angel whereas a thin orchestration (combined with the use of unisons, octaves and a disjunct melodic line) undermines Lucifer's indignant disposition depicted in Capece's text. Also, the characterization of Lucifer as a buffo character is accomplished through his use of frequent melismas, a disjunct vocal line incorporating wide leaps and the repetition of syllables or phrases. Handel borrowed this buffo bass technique from an earlier Roman composer, Alessandro Stradella. It is an accepted fact that Handel borrowed frequently from himself and others as an integral part of the composition process. Since most of his works were composed for a specific dramatic situation, the reasons for his reuse of a musical idea lie in the libretti. It seems that after reading a new libretto, Handel would recall earlier musical settings with a similar dramatic situation. As shown, often it was only a specific word, phrase, or even a similar textual affect that prompted his recollection of a previous source. Through extensive adaptations and re-workings, Handel often arrived at newly 95 derived compositions based on a previous musical motive. As shown in the previous chapter, occasionally he borrowed with minimal change; more often however, he proved himself a genius of musical transformation. His strength lay particularly in the elaboration and dramatic expression of a musical idea rather than in the initial conception. Handel's contribution to a derived work far outweighs what he borrowed. One wonders if in modem evaluation the issue could not be turned around: rather than contemplating the paucity of ideas believed to be inherent in the composers' return to their own works [or works of others], we might marvel at the wealth of ideas emanating from such return.1 'Alfred Mann, "Self Borrowing," Festa Musicologiccu Essays in Honor of George J. Buelow, Festschrift Series No. 14, eds. Thomas J. Mathiesen and Benito V . Rivera (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1995), 161. 96 BIBLIOGRAPHY Andrieux, Maurice. Daily Life in Papal Rome in the Eighteenth Century. Daily Life Series. Translated by Mary Fitton. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1968. Boyd, Malcolm. Domenico Scarlatti: Master of Music. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986. . "Rome: The Power of Patronage." The Late Baroque Era: From the 1680s to 1740. Man and Music Series, vol. 4, ed. George J. Buelow, 40-59. London: The Macmillan Press L t d , 1993. Buelow, George J. "Handel's Borrowing Techniques: Some Fundamental Questions Derived from a Study of Agrippina" Gottinger Handel-Beitrdge 2 (1986): 105-128. Burrows, Donald. Handel. The Master Musicians Series, ed. Stanley Sadie. New York: Schirmer Books, 1994. Burt, Nathaniel. "Opera in Arcadia." The Musical Quarterly 49:2 (1955): 145-170. Cametti, Alberto. "Carlo Sigismondo Capeci (1652-1728): Alessandro e Domenico Scarlatti e la Regina di Polonia in Roma." Musica d' oggi 13 (1931): 55-64. Dean, Winton. Handel's Dramatic Oratorios and Masques. London: Oxford University Press, 1959. . "Handel and Alessandro Scarlatti." Handel e gli Scarlatti a Roma, eds. Nino Pirrotta and Agostino Ziino, 1-14. Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1987. Dean, Winton and John Merrill Knapp. Handel's Operas 1704-1726. London: Oxford University Press, 1987. Eisen, Walter and Margret Eisen. Hdndel-Handbuch, herausgegeben vom Kuratorium der Georg-Fredrich-Hdndel-Stiftung, suppl. to Hallische Hdndel-Ausgabe im Auftrage der Georg-Friedrich-Hdndel Gesellschqft, 4 vols. Leipzig and Kassel: Barenreiter, 1978-85. Ewerhart, Rudolf. "Die Handel-Handschriften der Santini-Bibliothek in Miinster." Handel Jahrbuch 6 (1960): 11-50. . "New Sources for Handel's La Resurrezione." Music and Letters 41 (1960): 127-135. Fenton, Robin F.C. "Handel's La Resurrezione: Is Lucifer a Comic Character?" Musical Times 130 (1989): 468-469. Gianturco, Carolyn. Alessandro Stradella 1639-1682: His Life and Music. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994. Harris, Ellen T. Handel and the Pastoral Tradition. London: Oxford University Press, 1980. . "The Italian in Handel." The Journal of the American Musicological Society 33 (1980): 468-500. Hicks, Anthony. " Handel's La Resurrezione." The Musical Times 110 (1969): 145-8. Hogwood, Christopher. Handel. London: Thames and Hudson, 1984. Kirkendale, Ursula. Antonio Caldara: Sein Leben und seine venezianisch-romischen Oratorien. Graz and Cologne: Hermann Bohlaus Nachf, 1966. . "The Ruspoli Documents on Handel." The Journal of the American Musicological Society 20 (1967): 222-273. Kirkpatrick, Ralph. Domenico Scarlatti. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1953. Lindgren, Lowell. "II dramma musicale a Roma durante la camera di Alessandro Scarlatti (1660-1725)." Le Muse Galanti: La Musica a Roma nel Settecento, ed. Bruno Cagli, 35-57. Rome: Instituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1985. Mainwaring, John. Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel. London: Privately printed, 1760; reprint, n.p. 1964, 1975. Mann, Alfred. "Self Eorrowing." Festa Musicologiccc Essays in Honor of George J Buelow. Festschrift Series No. 14, eds. Thomas J. Mathiesen and Benito V. Rivera, 147-166. Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1995. 98 Pahlen, Kurt. The World of the Oratorio. Translated by Judith Schaefer. Zurich: Scolar Press, 1985. Roberts, John H. "Handel's Borrowings from Telemann: An Inventory." Gottinger Handel-Beitrdge 1 (1984): 147-171. . "Handel's Borrowings from Keiser." Gottinger Handel-Beitrdge 2 (1986): 51-76. . Handel Sources: Materials for the Study of Handel's Borrowing. 9 vols. New York and London: Garland Publishing Inc., 1986. Rosand, Ellen. "Handel Paints the Resurrection." Festa Musicologica: Essays in Honor of George J. Buelow. Festschrift Series No. 14, eds. Thomas J. Mathiesen and Benito V . Rivera, 7-52. Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1995. Sadie, Julie Anne. "Handel: In Pursuit of the Viol ." Chelys: The Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society 14 (1985): 3-24. Sadie, Stanley ed. The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments, 3 vols. London: MacMillan Press Ltd., 1984. . The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, 4 vols. London: MacMillan Press Ltd., 1992. Smither, Howard E. A History of the Oratorio. Vol . 1, The Oratorio in the Baroque Era. Chapel Hi l l : The University of North Carolina Press, 1977. Strohm, Reinhard. Essays on Handel and Italian Opera Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Vichi, Anna Maria Giorgetti. Gli Arcadi dal 1690 al 1800: Onomasticon. Rome: n.p., 1977. Wilkins, Ernest Hatch. A History of Italian Literature. Revised by Thomas G. Bergin. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974. 99 APPENDIX 1 "Disserratevi, oh porte d' avemo" * Octavia (1705) [JR] Alexander Bolus (11'48) [JR-S] Alexander Balus (1748) "Herrsche gliicklich" "Oh sword and thou" "Mighty love now calls" "Caddi e ver" * Nebucadnezar (1704) [JR] // Trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno (1707) Agrippina (1709) The Triumph of Time and Truth (1757) [JR] "Fallt ihr Machtigen" "Chi gia fu" "Cade i l mondo" "Thus to ground" "D' amor fu consiglio" La terra e liberata (1709) A lexander Balus (1748) "Deh, lascia addolcire" "Fair virtue shall charm me" 'The aria incipits that are bolded are from La Resurrezione. The asterisk denotes a Reinhard Keiser opera. The majority of the listings are taken from the Handel-Handbuch, vol. 2 Thematisch-systematisches Verzeichnis: Oratorisches Werke, Vokale Kammermusik, Kirchenmusik. s.v. La Resurrezione, 46-7. Those listings that are followed by initials contained within brackets were taken from the following: [JR] John Roberts, Handel's Borrowings from Keiser, 69-76, [JR-S] John Roberts, Handel Sources (contained within the introduction of each volume), and [GB] George Buelow, Handel's Borrowing Techniques, 119-28. " O v o i d e l l ' E r e b o " * Octavia (1105) [JR] Agrippina (1709) Atalanta (1736) Faramondo (1738) Saul (1739) "Costante ognor cosi" "Col raggio placido" "Di' ad Irene" "Si 1' intendesti" "With rage I shall burst" " F e r m a 1 ' a l i " *Janus (\69S) [JR] *Laforza della virtu (1700) [JR] Notte placido e cheta (1708) [JR] // Pastor fido (1712) [JR] Esther (1118) "Holde Schatten" "Entschlafft ihr Sinnen" "Zeffiretti, deh venite" "Caro amor" "Watchful angels" " Q u a n d o e p a r t o " L' aure grate (c.1718) Scipione (1726) "L' aure grate, i l fresco rio" "Dolci aurette" " N a u f r a g a n d o v a p e r 1 ' o n d e " // Trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno (1707) [GB] Agrippina (1709) [GB] "E ben folle quel" "Coll' ardor del tuo bel" " H o u n n o n s o c h e n e l c o r " Agrippina (1709) II Pastor fido (1712) "Ho un non so che nel cor" "Ho un non so che nel cor" " R i s o r g a i l m o n d o " *Psyche (1701) [JR] // Trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno (1707) Agrippina (1709) Agrippina (1709) The Triumph of Time and Truth (1757) "Lieben und geliebet" "Se la Bellezza" "Sara qual vuoi" "Esci, o mia vita" "The Beauty smiling" "Vedo il del" Alexander Balus (1748) "Fury with red, sparkling" "Augelletti, ruscelletti" Agrippina (1709) [GB] 10 languisco fra le gioje (c. 1710-12) 11 Pastor fido (1712) Radamisto (1720) Corfedele (1707) [GB] "Coronato i l crin" "Un sol angolo del mondo" "Augelletti, ruscelletti" "So ch' e vana la speranza" "Come la rondinella" "Dia si lode in cielo" Aci, Galatea e Polifemo (1708) Agrippina (1709) Rinaldo (1711) Muzio Scevola (1721) L' Allegro, il Penseroso ed il Moderato (1740) Joshua (1748) "Chi ben ama ha per oggetti" "L' alma mia" "Molto voglio" "Si, sara piu dolce amore" "These delights" "Heroes when with glory" 


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