Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Economic botany in the Indian Ocean: official and unofficial botanical gardens on Ile de France and Ile… Muir, Stewart John 1994

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_1994-0569.pdf [ 1.68MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0087583.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0087583-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0087583-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0087583-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0087583-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0087583-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0087583-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0087583-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0087583.ris

Full Text

ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN:OFFICIAL AND UNOFFICIAL BOTANICAL GARDENSON ILE DE FRANCE AND ILE DE BOURBONUNDER THE FRENCH REGIME, 1735-18 10by Stewart John MuirA THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENTOF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDEPARTMENT OF HISTORYWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAAugust 1994© Stewart John Muir, 1994In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of therequirements for an advanced degree at the University of BritishColumbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely availablefor reference and study. I further agree that permission forextensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may begranted by the head of my department or by his or herrepresentatives. It is understood that copying or publication ofthis thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without mywritten permission.(Signature)____________________________Departmentof____________________The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate /y7ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN Page iiABSTRACTFrance was late to enter the European race for empire in Asia, but it was theearliest nation to employ colonial research gardens to organize the pusheastward. The French botanical vanguard settled on the Mascarene Islands inthe Indian Ocean where, beginning in the 1730s, a series of gardenscontributed to France’s imperial fortunes and provided a model for laterplant research networks in other European empires. In spite of pastinterpretations of French colonial science, there emergences a compellingargument that a dynamic interest in practical applications of scientificknowledge was present in the Indian Ocean region during this period.Botanical gardens on Ile de France and lie de Bourbon performed roles central to the direction of overall French colonial activities. Applied botanicalgardens helped develop colonial economies. They exchanged plants withother French colonies, notably in the West Indies. They also providedinformation and plants, for various purposes, to the metropole. The botanicalgardeners of the Mascarenes also represented France to other nations,functioning on its behalf as botanical diplomats sharing knowledge andspecimens with foreign countries. This period of economic botanizing ended,for France, in 1810 with the loss of its Mascarenes colonies to the British.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN Page iiiTABLE OF CONTENTSAbstract iiTable of Contents iiiText: Economic Botany in the Indian Ocean 1list of Sources 37Appendix 42Appendix 1: Map of ile de France (Mauritius) 43Appendix 2: Map of ile de Bourbon (Reunion) 44Appendix 3: “The house of Cére’ at Pamplemousses” 45Appendix 4: “Jardin de Mon Plaisir” 46Appendix 5: “Mon Plaisir” 47Appendix 6: “Le Réduit” 48Appendix 7: “The Garden at Leiden” 49Appendix 8: “The Jardin du Roi at Paris” 50ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 1France was late to enter the European race for empire in Asia, but it wasthe earliest nation to employ colonial research gardens to organize the pusheastward. The French botanical vanguard settled on the Mascarene Islands inthe Indian Ocean where, beginning in the 1730s, a series of gardenscontributed to France’s imperial fortunes and provided a model for later plantresearch networks in other European empires.1Until the loss to the British in 1810 of France’s Indian Ocean possessions,Pamplemousses on lie de France and other gardens like it performed roles central to the direction of overall French colonial activities. Applied botanicalgardens helped develop colonial economies. They exchanged plants with otherFrench colonies, notably in the West Indies. They also provided informationand plants, for various purposes, to the metropole. The botanical gardeners ofthe Mascarenes also represented France to other nations, functioning on itsbehalf as botanical diplomats sharing knowledge and specimens with foreigncountries. These three broad types of activity are diverse, but if any one termcould be used to describe the activities of these gardens, it could easily be“economic botany.”2‘The Mascarenes under French control consisted of lie de France (now Mauritius), lie deBourbon (now Reunion), and Rodrigues — the last never the scene of any significantcolonial activity during the French period.2Lucile Brockway, in Science and Colonial Expansion: The Role of the British RoyalBotanic Gardens (Studies in Social Discontinuity, New York: Academic Press, 1979),seems to have been the first to use the term but she did not elaborate it beyondidentifying “an era of economic botany” in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries when“the usefulness of new plants to the national economy [of Britain] was prominent in theminds of all but the purest taxonomists.” (p. 75) James E. McClennan III, in his 1992work (Colonialism and Science: Saint Domingue in the Old Regime, Baltimore: JohnsHopkins University Press, 1992) went much further by describing an eighteenth-centuryeconomic botany where “without plant transfers and government policies promoting thecultivation of economically useful products, Saint Domingue and other similar colonieswould never have existed.” (p. 148) He continued, “as plantation systems and colonialeconomies developed in the eighteenth century, the great mercantilist powers investedsignificant resources in programs of applied botanical research and development.Following on initial botanical explorations of their territories, the French, the British,ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 2Daniel R. Headrick, in The Tools of Empire, accounted for the success ofthe second British empire by crediting a number of European technologicalinnovations — the breechloader, the machine gun, the steamboat andsteamship, and quinine — with lowering the cost, “in both financial andhuman terms, of penetrating, conquering, and exploiting new territories.”3Similarly, the French in the Mascarenes employed an evolving technology ofbotanical gardening to investigate and assess potential and existing colonies.Once that was done, colonial gardens were used in research, communication,and diplomatic activities. Gardens were not a single, discrete technology in theexact sense that Headrick uses the term, but as technological agents theyemployed technologies and thinking that might be together termed economicbotany to make good their missions. Headrick advances his case further bystating that European technology succeeded, in part, simply because it was anadvantage other nations did not have. This, too, was the case with economicbotany in the Mascarenes.Gardening on Ile de France and Ile de Bourbon has previously beenstudied by Mauritian scholar Madeleine Ly-Tio-Fane. She was described by acolleague in the preface to her 1970 work as “an historian, a historian ofeconomics, and at the same time a historian of botany” who had producedmodel publications.4Ho-Ty-Fane launched her career in 1958 while assistantand the Dutch actively sought to identify new, economically useful plant (and animal)products and to introduce them into large-scale production, as had been done previouslywith coffee and sugar.” (p. 147) Discerning a strong connection between colonialgardening activities and larger imperial agendas, McClennan observed that “Programs ofdirect applied botany sought to achieve an immediate or near-term economic benefit forthe nation funding the enterprise, and in this area the knowledge of scientific expertspromised great returns on the investment.” (p. 148)3Daniel R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in theNineteenth Century, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981, p. 206.4Madeleine Ly-Tio-Fane, The Triumph of Jean-Nicolas Céré and his Isle Bourboncollaborators, Documents Preceded by an Introduction, in series from &ole Pratique desECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 3librarian at the Mauritius Institute in the capital, Port Louis. Her first bookwas a survey of archival documents about the beginnings of the Mascarenesspice trade.5 A second volume was published in 1970, this time with FernandBraudel’s support in the second series of Le Monde d’Outre-Mer Passé etPresent, a project of the École Pratique des Hautes Etudes.6 Ly-Tio-Fane’sresearch drew upon libraries and archives in Mauritius, Europe, and theUnited States. Her approach in both books was to illuminate the majorpersonalities of the spice trade by presenting their selected correspondenceand writing brief introductory essays. In neither case was gardening aprimary topic of inquiry, but because her subjects were so closely connectedto botanical enterprise the two books constitute a useful primary source in thestudy of economic botany in the Indian Ocean. Later articles to 1991 were moreanalytical than the archival collections and described the operations ofcolonial gardeners and plant collectors.In addition to casting light on a previously obscure area, Ly-Tio-Fane’swork may be viewed as an early challenge to the view that eighteenth centuryFrench botanical efforts were ineffectively devoted to colonial ends. Headrickadvanced this argument in The Tentacles of Progress, stating that compared toBritain and Holland, France was not committed enough to international tradeto exploit gardens effectively, did not possess an elite sufficiently interested inagriculture, and culturally was unable to see beyond the “purely scientific apHautes etudes — Sorbonne: Sixiéme Section: Sciences Economiques et Sociales entitled LeMonde d’Outre-Mer Passé et Present, deuxiéme série, Documents XIII, Paris and TheHague, 1970, op. cit., preface pp. 9 and 11.5Madeleine Ly-Tio-Fane, Mauritius and the Spice Trade, 1. The Odyssey of Pierre Poivre,Publication No. 4 in Mauritius Archives Publication Fund series, Port Louis, (Mauritius):Esciapon Limited, 1958.footnote 4.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 4proach” of botanical research.7 It is true that French applied sciencestagnated in the nineteenth century, but the flaw in Headrick’s analysis isthat he failed to note examples of prior success. The findings of James F.McClennan, in his recent Colonialism and Science: Saint Domingue in the OldRegime, support the challenge to Headrick’s view. McClennan concluded that“the powers that be in the Old Regime made every effort to exploit science andmedicine in the promotion of economic growth and economic development.”8It was only when the French withdrew from colonial areas that their researchefforts and organizations withered. The Mascarenes gardens, like scientificenterprise in Saint Domingue, “marched at the vanguard, not the rear guardof colonialism.”9Of three official and two important private gardens on Ile de France between 1735 and 1810, Pamplemousses10secured from the beginning a leadingplace for botanical gardening in the Mascarenes.-1-Pamplemousses eventuallybecame — according to botanist and Royal Society of London president JosephBanks — one of the three best botanical gardens in the colonial world and anexemplar of applied tropical research as an effective instrument ofcolonialism.’27Daniel R. Headrick, The Tentacles of Progress: Technology Transfer in the Age ofImperialism, 1850-1 940, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988, P. 223.8McClennan, op. cit, p. 289.9lbid.-0”Pampiemousses” or grapefruits is, interestingly, a citrus species native to the WestIndies, where it probably arose as a hybrid of two or three indigenous species and wasnoted in Barbados by 1750 (McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of Science and Technology, 7th ed.1992, v. 8, New York: McGraw-Hill, p. 186). The act of thus naming the district of thefirst garden is suggestive, perhaps, of the kind of ambitions placed from an early timeupon lie de France botany to pursue interests common throughout the empire.‘1August Toussaint, History of Mauritius, trans. W. F. F. Ward, London and Basingstoke:MacMillan Education Ltd., 1977, p. 32.‘2Banks was so impressed with what he had learned of lie de France botany that he wroteto an associate of “the attention, paid by the French nation, while under the ancientgovernment, to the transportation of useful plants from one part of the globe to another,ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 5On the older colony at lie de Bourbon were two successive officialgarden sites and at least two private gardens whose owners contributed toofficial efforts. On Bourbon as on Ile de France, the official gardens were notthe only places where research activities took place. Unofficial gardensoperated by enthusiasts often reinforced official facilities that wereconstrained by lack of resources and they did so without challenging thejurisdiction of the official gardens.The gardening enterprise was one part of a multi-faceted effort on thepart of the French to establish the Mascarenes as colonies that would helpassure viable shipping on the route to the East Indies. From 1715 to the earlynineteenth century the islands occupied a diminutive but vital niche in adynamic French colonial empire.13 Among its functions, the island was asupply port that serviced Indian Ocean shipping of all flags; it was a frontierstation for French exploration of the Indies and Antipodes; and it was an offshore banking haven for British merchants repatriating wealth from India.’4During this time the model of the scientific botanical garden of theearly sixteenth century was replaced and later overtaken by what McClennancalled the “applied botanical garden.” The difference was that the older type ofgarden was mostly concerned with collecting and classifying plants, while thebut set an example to our Royal Gardens at Saint Vincent’s [in the West Indies], institutedfor similar purposes, though possibly supplied with equal funds, and will also encouragethe West India planters to apply for and receive such plants, of which they are many, asare now there ready for delivery.” Banks’ words appeared in William Urban Buee’sNarrative of the Successful Manner of Cultivating the Clove Tree in the Island ofDominica, London, 1797 and were quoted by Madeleine Ly-Tio-Fane in her 1970 work,The Triumph ofJean Nicolas Céré, op. cit., p. 36.‘3Portrayals of such an empire can be found in many sources including Jean Meyer, etal., Histoire de la France Coloniale: des origines a 1914, Vol. I, Paris: Armand Cohn,1991.14Femand Braudel, The Wheels of Commerce, vol. II in Civilization and Capitalism 15thto 18th Centuries; trans. Sian Reynolds, New York Harper & Row Publishers, 1982, p.148.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 6applied botanical gardens were, to use McClennan’s definition, “governmentinstitutions and elements in government policy to promote national andcolonial economies”15 that also carried out some of the original functions suchas taxonomy and providing medicinal herbs. This transition, vividly illustratedby the Mascarenes experience, took place because commercial interestsinvaded the garden, but it was an invasion welcomed by applied gardenersthemselves. Gardeners came from many walks of life and the categoryencompassed dedicated amateurs, aristocratic dilettantes, government officials,plantation owners, and professional scientists (inasmuch as such a term maybe used in relation to the eighteenth century). Gardening increased the statusof these individuals in colonial society and made available to them resourcesunattainable by other means for understanding and exploiting the widerworld. By the late eighteenth century this marriage of the academic and theworldly had contributed to an explosion of interest not only in practicalgardens but botanical enclosures of all kinds. In Europe alone, some 1,600botanical gardens existed by century’s end.16Early French settlers on lie de France would have been conscious of arich culture of gardening that by the mid-eighteenth century in France waselaborately expressed in the grounds of all the wealthy as well as in majorcities where collecting gardens were well established. Gardens of all kindsabounded in France. The contributor on gardens to Diderot’s Encyclopédiecould articulate no fewer than five types of garden: “estate gardens, floral1-5McClennan, op. cit., p. 148.16V.H. Heywood, “The Changing Role of the Botanic Garden,” Botanic Gardens and theWorld Conservation Strategy, ed. D. Bramwell et. a!., London: Academic Press, 1987, p.13.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 7gardens (or gardens of flowers), fruit gardens, kitchen gardens, and botanicalgardens.”17After 1700, few new colonies of any European empire were created thatdid not from the outset contain botanical gardens.18 Often these gardenscombined features of two or more of the types of gardens Diderotdistinguished. Perhaps it was easier to do it this way since the garden facilitiesserved limited populations struggling to establish themselves quickly in newlands. In any case the French — usually under the aegis of the Compagnie desindes — became the first Europeans to develop a significant network ofgardens. While the West Indies were the scene of high botanical activity laterin the eighteenth century, the mid-century elaboration of garden functionsdefined on the Mascarenes foreshadowed future directions in economicbotany. This was the case not only in the French realm, but elsewhere as well.Joseph Banks’ clear admiration of the French system19 was translated intoBritish action by gardeners at Kew that included intensification, especiallyearly in nineteenth century, of inter-colonial plant transfer activities. TheDutch, whose early garden at the Cape of Good Hope from 165220 was envisagedmainly as a food-production facility but “soon became a garden ofacclimatization,”21had by the late 1750s followed at least in part the examples‘7d’Alembert Diderot, Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire Raisonné des Sciences, des Arts etdes Métiers, par une Societe de Gens de Lettres, v. 1-V and supplements, Paris, 1751-76,V, p. 499.18Of the tropical British colonies, Brockway has shown gardens to be a constant presence;McClennan’s survey of French colonies in addition to Saint Domingue revealed a similarcircumstance. A wider study would be instructive if it could show how widespreadapplied botanical gardens actually were among Europe’s colonizing nations.t9See footnote 5.20John Prest, The Garden of Eden: The Botanic Garden and the Re-Creation of Paradise.New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982, p. 49.21Jbid., p. 48.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 8of France and Britain by founding an official medicinal garden in Batavia;22applied research stations followed in Java and Ceylon.23 Colonial gardens inthe tropics were, in short, widely implemented. Their attraction was infectious,particularly from the 175Os onward — about the same time the gardens of Ile deFrance began to flourish.Tie de France, 1,865 square kilometres in area, was first investigated byEuropeans in the early sixteenth century when the Portuguese explorerMascarenas found it uninhabited but did not stay. By the 1630s English navigators had marked the spot as a layover where fresh water could be obtained.24The Dutch, who gave Ile de France its most enduring name of Mauritius,25found its location in the western Indian Ocean 880 kilometres east ofMadagascar to be useful as a supply-station for ships and to some extent acolony in its own right — although Mauritius was not sufficiently attractive tosiphon off any of the energies devoted to Cape Town. Fitfully settled throughthe seventeenth century, the island then was exploited mainly for its timber;“settlers ruthlessly plundered the indigenous forests (especially the ebonytrees) “26 with the side-effect of “extinction of many plant and animalspecies” including the dodo, other bird species, and types of tortoise.2722p.j. Florijn, “Geschiedenis van de Eerste Hortus Medicus in Indie,” Tijdschrift voor deGeschiedenis der Geneeskunde, Natuurwetenschappen, Wiskunde en Technielç 8(4) 1985,p. 221.23McClennan, op. cit, p. 148.24John Keast, ed., The Travels of Peter Mundy 1597-1667, Trewoista, Trewirgie, Redruth,and Cornwall: Dyllansow Truran Cornish Publications, 1984, P. 49.25Toussaint, 1977, Op. cit., p. 1926Ibid., p. 19.27p. Wyse Jackson, et al., “Rare plant propagation in Mauritius,” Botanic Gardens and theWorld Conservation Strategy, op. cit., p. 253.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 9The Dutch had, however, decided to concentrate their regionalcolonizing efforts at Cape Town.28 Their departure in 1710 was hastened bynearly constant poor management, rat-infested crops, and the Dutchadministration’s failure to encourage women to come to the island and soincrease the likelihood of permanent settlement.29 Despite agriculturalimprovements towards the end of the Dutch regime the only enduring legacyleft behind was a small sugar cane industry that would later, in the nineteenthcentury, become the island’s economic mainstay.30The French Compagnie des Indes claimed Mauritius and renamed it Ilede France in 1715 before occupying it four years later. The new colony laynorth of the “great route” to the Indies established in 1611 to replace thechannel route between Mozambique and Madagascar.31 This made it anattractive layover point for French ships which, unlike the Dutch and British,were unable while in the region to drop anchor in ports under their ownnation’s rule. Compagnie des Indes shipping volume to the East had beenrising slowly from the 1660s when 24 vessels were sent to Asia during thedecade, more than doubling to 55 for the 1720s, and multiplying again to 109the following decade. A ceiling of 303 ships was reached during the decade178090.32 The need for a safe harbour under the French flag was satisfiedwith Port Louis on the island’s northwest coast. A minor attempt atcolonization in 1722 brought 100 or so settlers who struggled with little success28Jean Meyer, et al., Histoire de la France Coloniale: des origines a 1914, Vol. I, Paris:Armand Cohn, 1991, P. 137.29Toussaint, 1977, op. cit., p. 19.30Th1d., pp. 21, 23.31Thid., p. 18.32Femme S. Gaastra and Jaap. R. Bruijn, “The Dutch East India Company’s Shipping, 1602-1795, in a Comparative Perspective,” in Bruijn and Gaastra. eds., Ships, Sailors andSpices: East India Companies and their Shipping in the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries,Amsterdam: Neha, 1993, p. 182.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 10to establish themselves. In 1729, the Compagnie once again resolved to developits Indian Ocean outpost.33 Around this time the Compagnie’s shipping volumeincreased to the point of rivaling that of the English East India Company.34By the 1730s the French company’s mission was perceived by one writerto be the acquisition of:spices, drugs and other things not produced in our country, which wecannot do without and which we would be absolutely required to get from ourneighbours, [for] if we ceased to fetch these goods ourselves we would beunder the necessity of acquiring them from the Dutch or from other foreignnations who do carry them, to whom we would have to pay not only thepurchase price in the Indies but also the costs which they incur in acquiringthem and the profits which they make on resale.35Not until 1734 did the French trading monopoly effectively seek to solvethe middleman problem by exploiting its new Ile de France possession, andeven then its prospects “did not seem bright.”36A more serious attempt in thatyear saw a governor appointed with the resolve that Ile de France bedeveloped to provide a much-needed safe port and to rival the productivity ofthe Spice Islands. To that time — and beyond — Dutch presence in the EastIndies continued to give the Verenigde Ooostindische Compagnie (VOC) controlover the spice trade, while the English East India Company maintained itsstrong position in India.Port Louis became, in the following decade, “de facto the strategiccapital of the French empire of trade in the East Indies”37 and it remained that33Meyer, op. cit., p. 137.34Ph. Haudrére, “The ‘Compagnie des Indes’ and Maritime Matters, c. 1725-1770,” inBruijn and Gaastra, op. cit., p. 81.p. 93. Haudrére quotes the economist Dutot, who wrote Réflexions sur lecommerce et les finances, Paris, 1738.36Toussaint, 1977, op. cit., p. 29.37Holden Furber, Rival Empires of Trade in the Orient 1600-1800, vol. II in Europe andthe World in the Age of Expansion series, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,1976, p. 138.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 11until surrender to the British in 1810. At the physical centre of an overseascommercial empire, the island was located in a position convenient to all, as aFrench observer remarked in the early 1800s:The colony of Ile the France is, in a way, a central geographical pointbetween every other place in the world. One might travel there fromCopenhagen, Amsterdam, London, Bordeaux, Marseille [sic], Boston, Peru, thePhilippines, China, Pegu [near Javal, Bengal, Madras, the Malabar Coast, theGulf of Persia, Moka, or Mozambique — and in each case arrive there after ajourney of four months.38Smaller, neighbouring Bourbon had been surveyed in 1638 by theFrench who took possession in 1649 and established a tiny colony in 1665.Settlers began early experimentation in crops and patterns of botanicalresearch were established that, though informal compared to what came laterin Ile de France, would persist in various forms for more than a century. In1681, “an attempt was made to acclimatize the clove, and in 1702 to acclimatizethe pepper plant; both failed.”40 In 1718, coffee was confirmed as a viable cropfor Bourbon, and the island began to develop primarily as an agriculturalcolony — a role the French administration regarded as particularly suitablesince an absence of useful harbours relieved Bourbon of any chance ofbecoming a seafaring colony.41 The Bourbon coffee industry expandedquickly to become the provider of the “only widely distributed good38This observation was made by Felix Renousard de Sainte Croix in an 1810 publicationquoted in Madeleine Ly-Tio-Fane, “Contacts between SchOnbrunn and the Jardin du Roi atIsle de France (Mauritius) in the 18th Century: An Episode in the Career of NicolasThomas Baudin,” pp. 85-109, Mitteilungen des ôsterreichischen Staatsarchivs, 1982, p.91.39Toussaint, 1977, op. cit., p. 136.40Th1d. p. 27.41The port problem was caused mainly by steep cliffs all around the island. Bourbonesesettlers, in order to ship their export crops, resorted to various ingenious methodsincluding, at one point, a floating jetty. See Toussaint, 1977, op. cit., p. 30.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 12transported” by the company, shipping average annual cargoes of 1,300,000pounds in the early eighteenth century.42Early company policy portrayed Ile de France and Bourbon “as twocolonies with complementary functions,”43 the former as a colony ofseafarers and Bourbon a colony of farmers, one of them “a port and the other agranary.”44 Strangely, however, while this policy held true for Bourbon —the island remained agricultural though it never matched the modestprosperity of its neighbour — Ile de France became both a successful port and athriving agricultural colony. Pamplemousses quickly grew in its “seafarers”colony setting while the official garden at St. Denis, capital of Bourbon,remained for a time, until its later relocation, a “neglected, sodden patchbehind the governor’s bakery.”45 The Ile de France gardens, including themain Pamplemousses facility, were located close to the main port, which wasconvenient because many garden functions, such as supplying food for shipsand dispatching plant samples by sea, depended upon harbour access.The Mascarenes’ first botanical garden at Pamplemousses was foundedin 1735 under the patronage of company Governor Mahé de Labourdonnais asan addition to his country estate Monpialsir situated in hill country fifteenkilometres northeast of the capital.46 The promptness with whichLabourdonnais instituted the new garden suggests it was considered asimportant an element of colonial infrastructure as the roads, hospital, canals,42llaudrére, op. cit., p. 95.43Toussaint, 1977, op. cit., p. 29.44Th1d., p. 30.45Annie Lafforgue, “Le Jardin de 1’tat de Saint-Denis-de-la-Reunion,” Rev. Francaised’Hist. dVutre-Mer, 1980 67(1-2), P. 157.46The garden has also been known in the literature, variously and confusingly, as theJardin du Roi, the Jardin Botanique, Pamplemousses, Monplaisir, and finally under theBritish after 1810, the Royal Botanical Gardens — Pamplemousses.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 13government offices, and batteries that the new governor also builtimmediately.47 Labourdonnais appears to have established the gardensprivately but sold them, along with the estate he had built, to the companyalmost immediately.48Pamplemousses seems to have had multiple functions and a diversecharacter from the start. Although written descriptions of any of the earlyMascarenes gardens are scarce, a recent account described the Pamplemoussesgardens circa 1970 as a rambling, 57-acre park featuring heavy, ornate gates,palm arcades, statues, a long lily pond, botanist’s house and herbarium (bothprobably dating to the post-1810 British regime), giant tortoises, exotic fish ina canal around the palm island, a ravine, and the “bridge of sighs.”49The Mascarenes botanical gardens likely followed their continentalcontemporaries closely in appearance. The most obvious physical featurewould have been their enclosing walls. Contemporary sketches from Diderot’sEncyclopédie depict high-walled gardens organized in neat seed beds andsometimes accompanied by greenhouses. Walls performed at least twofunctions in addition simply to defining the garden’s borders. A highenclosure around a relatively small space could contribute to creating a kindof ‘micro-climate’ inside, where wind and heat could be manipulated toachieve ideal growing conditions.5°Walls offered protection from a variety ofnatural hazards. Céré in 1783 reckoned among his worst enemies “insect pests(such as lice), cyclones, unfavourable climactic conditions.”5’A second47August Toussaint, Un cite tropicale: Port-Louis de L’Ile Maurice, Paris: PressesUniversitaires de France, 1966, pp. 12-13.48Toussaint, 1977, op. cit., p. 32.49Carol Wright, Mauritius, David & Charles: Newton Abbott, 1974, p. 35.50Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 149.51Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 16.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 14reason for walls, particularly in the Mascarenes example, was to protect theprized spice plants within from theft or deliberate sabotage — a hazardheightened at times when prizes were offered for successful propagation.Contemporary drawings depicting Pamplemousses are of very little helpin portraying garden interiors, for they are landscape views from a distancethat do little more than show the garden’s location on flat ground beside ariver, with sharp volcanic hills rising in the background. It was typical at thetime for gardens to be schematized with bird’s-eye-view plans but no suchdrawings have been located for any Mascarenes garden. Another view, this ofCéré’s estate, shows well-tended grounds with earthwork terraces leadingtoward a path into what may be a cultivated forest. Pastoral buildings suggest aconsiderable amount of activity.Garden sites were not chosen at random. Many considerations were prescribed, taking into account temperature, soil quality, elevation, prevailingwinds, sun exposure, and proximity to water — factors that would determine notonly the garden’s aesthetics but, what is more important for the appliedbotanical gardens on lie de France, their ability to aid efforts atacclimatization. The gardeners were well aware of the importance of “soilconditions, soil humidity, water table levels, and the desirability ofmaintaining an extensive protective tree cover so that agriculture on theisland might prosper.”52Over time, Pamplemousses grew in size and in the number of functionsit carried out, and its layout and organization evolved accordingly. At the verybeginning, when Labourdonnais founded the garden first to grow food for52Richard Grove, Conserving Eden: The (European) East India Companies and theirEnvironmental Policies on St. Helena, Mauritius and in Western India, 1660-1854,”Comparative Studies in Society and History, 35, April 1993, p. 332.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 15immediate consumption and second to develop drought-hardy plants, The earlyPamplemousses was neither elaborate nor tightly organized. Small staffs — afactor in Ile de France garden budgets for decades — probably meant limitedability to carry out all objectives fully.53 With the addition of medicinal plantcultivation (indeed, lie de France came to be regarded as a leading worldsource of useful “physick” species) a more encyclopedia-like organizationmay have been used in that part of the garden, following the long Europeantradition of didactic gardens organized with mnemonics in mind.54The gardens might have been able to satisfy many maritimerequirements with locally produced foodstuffs, but ile de France could not, as asupply port, itself grow or manufacture every item calling ships mightconceivably require. Many commodities had to be imported. While the vesselsthat brought the additional goods that the Ile de France middlemen would sellsolved a procurement problem, they presented another one: what to embarkonce Mascarenes-bound cargoes had been unloaded? According to a recentwriter on the Conipagnie des Indes, one answer was to ship out locallyproduced goods, such as Bourbonese coffee.55 A further solution existed thatalso promised to address the major problem for the French of having no accessto the East Indies Spice Islands, then under control of the Dutch.While the Labourdonnais garden was joined by other official andunofficial gardens from the late 1 74Os, the French Compagnie des Indes had by53Notwithstanding Joseph Banks’ frank envy of the Mascarenes garden system (see note5), the record suggests Pamplemousses and other facilities were chronically underfundedand understaffed — certainly, skilled workers were scarce, perhaps owing to the transientnature of the port economy encouraged in Ile de France. References are frequent to(sometimes highly skilled) African slave garden workers and “the dearness of [freemarket] labour.” (Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit, p. 16)54Prest, op. cit., p. 7.55llaudrére, op. dC, pp. 82-3.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 16that time been convinced of the economic necessity of challenging Dutchmonopolies of the East Indies spice trade. Since territorial acquisitions in theEast Indies were considered unattainable, another option that seemed clearenough at the time was to replicate the Spice Islands in a place that resembledthem but was under French control. One such place was the Mascarenes, eventhough they were situated much closer to the Tropic of Capricorn than to theequatorial latitudes of Molucca and other Spice Islands; another was the WestIndies, where a number of colonies were under French control. If spice plantscould be procured and successfully propagated on lie de France, and thenthose adapted plants shared with other colonies, the hope existed of developinga French spice trade that did not depend on other nations’ monopolies. Benefitsdid not stop at the commercial: “If the spice venture were a success, the Dutchwould be forced to come to terms with the French, and a commercialagreement with the Netherlands would constitute a landmark in the system ofalliances of European sovereigns.”56Following Labourdonnais’ utilitarian initial attempt at gardeningduring the 173Os and early 1740s, an extraordinary figure entered the scenewho would meet some of the wider objectives by advancing the development ofthe gardens at Pamplemousses and elsewhere around the Mascarenes. PierrePoivre (1719-1786) was a prolific author, explorer, and one-time Jesuit beforebecoming a Compagnie des Indes agent (1746-55) and arriving at Ile de Francein the mid 1740s. He initially sailed to the Indies from Ile de France on abotanical mission in 1749. It was the first of his many such voyages to bringback nutmeg and clove trees for acclimatization in the Mascarenes, and he was56Ly-Tio-Fane, op. cit, 1970, p. 30.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 17assured by the new Tie de France governor, who by this time had succeededLabourdonnais, that he could depend upon having:a garden [in Tie de France]to receive the plants. [The governor] couldthink of no better place than the spot he had chosen for the shelter of theladies in case of an invasion, actually the site of [the governor’s countryestate] Le Réduit where he had started to build a magnificent countryresidence. He begged [company directors] to give greater attention to the stateof the fortifications of the island which he judged inadequate. In the last war,the Dutch had been keener than the English on the capture of the island, andit could be foreseen that on a renewal of hostilities, they would increase theirefforts to turn the French out, especially if they heard that spice plants hadbeen conveyed there.57This second, official garden at Le Réduit was established southeast ofPort Louis and, like Pamplemousses and most other Mascarenes gardens, waslocated inland and up river.58 Evidently, however, the garden was notimplemented to Poivre’s satisfaction, because four years later he wrote thegovernor from Manila to recommend once again “the creation of a specialgarden to receive his plants.”59 Poivre’s request for a more serious attemptseems to have been heeded, for in 1753 a botanist and apothecary from France,J.B.C. Fusée-Aublet, arrived at Le Réduit with instructions from the Compagnieto establish a central pharmacy and botanical garden, which he did with somesuccess (in spite of being “compelled to act as house-porter, butler, poultry-yard steward”6°while at Le Réduit) until 1761.After 1750, besides developing other gardens such as the one at LeRéduit, “colonial administrators [had] upgraded and enlarged Pamplemousses,which then functioned as an experimental station.”6’The arrival in 1755 of a57Ly-Tio-Fane, op. cit., 1958, pp. 5-6.58McClennan, op. cit., p. 150.59Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 9.60Jbid., p. 9.61McClennan, op. cit, p. 150.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 18new governor who was “hostile to [Poivre’s] projects”62 may have slowed thegrowth of gardening. Over subsequent decades, however, Pamplemousses appears to have overcome such obstacles. The garden was eventually enlarged,partly by amalgamation into the official gardens of other, nearby facilities.Besides Labourdonnais’ original site dating to 1735 there was Poivre’s ownMonplaisir, which became the focus of official research activities and indeedthe heart of the botanic agglomeration; Nicolas Céré’s adjacent Belle Eau,pictured in an 1812 drawing as a country idyll complete with a pond withswans, rowboat, and angler;63 and the “model garden” of Francoise Le Juge, amember of the Tie de France Conseil Superieur and plant lover whose estate atMongoust was the recipient of spice seedlings in 1753.64 A number of othergardens existed as well.65The Pamplemousses garden, which after the colony was retroceded tothe French crown in 1767 was often referred to as the Jardin du Roi, “was soonto rank among the most celebrated gardens of the world”66 — in spite ofhaving to deal with all kinds of hindrances such as “insect pests, cyclones,unfavourable climatic conditions, dearth and dearness of labour.”67 Céré said62Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 9.63Appendix 3.64Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 8.65Another private garden was established in 1764 at Palma, in Plaines Wiihems areaabout 15 kilometres southeast of Port Louis, on the estate of traveler and agriculturistand close friend of Céré, Joseph Francois Charpentier de Cossigny (Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970,op. cit., p. 36). What started as “a small experimental garden” based on plants Cossignyhad brought back from his travels “was to vie in splendour with the riches of the officialbotanical gardens of Le Réduit and Monplaisir.” (Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 37) In1775, a garden at Palma, most likely Cossigny’s, was designated an official facility andthus became the third of three Ile de France botanical gardens. (McClennan, op. cit., p.150.) A garden in the area remained until the 1970s (or later) an official botanicalgarden that housed the offices and nursery of the island’s forestry department. (Wright,op. cit., p. 36.)66Ly-Tio-Fane, op. cit., 1958, p. 16.67Jbid., p. 16.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 19of it in 1772, “All these natural riches lie here, touching my own land; I am 100toisses [600 feet] from the famous garden of Monplaisir, and I have occasion tosee growing in this manner, under my eyes, all of the things that thisimmortalized and celebrated man [Poivrej placed here that had never been onour island before.”68Upon his departure from lie de France in 1772, Poivre sold Monplaisir tothe king, who decided it should become the intendent’s country residence69but management of the garden was made a separate function under NicolasCéré (1737-1810), the native-born man whom Poivre had groomed to succeedhimself.The gardens were political entities and were susceptible toadministrative infighting. Before leaving Ile de France for the last time,Poivre attempted to appoint Céré his successor. The new intendent, hostile toPoivre, blocked the move by appointing a non-botanist “quite ignorant of theart”7° to head the garden. This man in turn appointed an even greaterhorticultural incompetent to operate Monplaisir. When, in 1772, the Seychelleswere botanically colonized by Ile de France, the mission was undertaken bytwo rather unimpressive botanical pioneers: one an enthusiastic but nothighly regarded civil servant and the other an “ancien soldat.”7’68Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 35.p. 15.70Thid., p. 35.71Thid., p. 32. The pair, equipped with spices and other plants, was charged with the taskof establishing a Jardin du Roi that would help determine whether the islands offeredgrowing conditions that warranted escalating the level of settlement. See Ly-Tio-Fane, op.cit., 1958, p. 14.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 20Working in tandem with state mariners like Bougainville72 and LaPérouse, whose voyage instructions regarding botanizing alone for his 1785-89 circumnavigation of the world take no fewer than 25 pages,73 the colonialgardeners operated at several levels and their progress was closely monitoredin Paris and Versailles.One early objective was “to provide fresh fruit and vegetables for thesettlement and for ships calling at port.” lie de France was located in an idealspot — four to five months out of France by sea — for ships to stop over to findcures for crew and passengers by then suffering from scurvy, a disease thatrequired several months to manifest itself and so be deemed in need oftreatment. By the time ships out of Europe neared the Cape or the Mascarenes,scurvy usually presented a good reason to lay over and take on freshprovisions.74In addition, Labourdonnais “also introduced many spice plants aswell as cassava for feeding the slaves.”75 A third objective, closely tied to thefirst two, was based on fears that lie de France, with an unpredictable andoften dry climate, could not be counted on as a reliable home for thesubsistence crop species colonials wished to grow. The botanical garden couldhelp to alleviate this by being used to pursue “the specific objective ofbreeding drought-resistant crops to tide the population over the leaneryears.”7672His 1766-9 voyage around the world looked specifically for spice plants to bring to Ilede France. See Spate, O.H.K., Paradise Found and Lost: The Pacific since Magellan, Vol.III., Rushcutters Bay (Sydney): Pergamon Press, 1988, p. 95.73Jean F.G. la Pérouse, A Voyage Round the World Performed in the Years 1785, 1 786,1787 and 1788 by the Boussole and Astrolabe Vol. 1, 1799, reprinted 1968, Amsterdam:N. Israel and New York De Capo Press.741-Iauclrére, op. cit., p. 82.75Ibid.76Grove, op. cit., p. 332.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 21Activities at the Mascarenes gardens extended from or were in somesense peripheral to the objective of gathering together in one place plants orplant parts — seeds, grafts, cuttings — for observation, storage, and experimentin controlled conditions. Poivre and his cohorts and successors most famouslyconcerned themselves with spice plants, but garden inventories at Ile deFrance as at other, contemporary botanical gardens elsewhere, were vast andincluded many different types of plants. Besides spices, the main categories inthe collection were industrial species, including woods; food plants; andmedicinal herbs. Gathering of plants purely for ornamental reasons does notseem to have been a significant factor in this period. However, since all of thelie de France gardens were at some point attached to country estates it isunlikely esthetic interests were absent. As has been suggested, colonialgardens tended to combine in single facilities many of the functions that inEurope were regarded as separate.Four spice plants have most often been mentioned in relation toattempts at Mascarenes production: cloves, nutmeg, cinnamon, and pepper. Ofthese, the first two were accorded by far the greatest importance and dominateaccounts of the period. The gardeners met with limited success in propagatingthe plants Poivre had procured for Ile de France but they persisted. Progressslowed during the 1760s after Poivre retired to France, but resumed with vigorwhen he was asked to return by the French government, which assumedcontrol of Ile de France in 1767 after the Compagnie’s collapse.77 Poivre’sappointment as the colony’s Commissaire-Ordonnateur (1766-72) gavegardening a higher profile and enabled Poivre to call upon his contacts in theParis Jardin du Roi. The earlier efforts at spice having not succeeded in77Toussaint, 1977, op. cit., p. 36. A useful account of events leading to the Compagniesbankruptcy may be found in Furber, op. cit., pp. 201-10.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 22producing the valuable products desired, nutmeg seeds and seedlings and cloveseedlings were once again collected and deposited, in 1770, at Poivre’sMonplaisir garden.The garden at Pamplemousses was designed to receive spice seeds,seedlings, and plants from ships landing at Port Louis. Paniplemousses servedas a research centre, for example a Mascarenes site for experimenting withgrafting spice trees, as well as a local distribution centre that circulated toother gardens and to plantations living specimens that would then benurtured at the new locations. In the race to develop a Mascarenes spiceindustry, colonial garden administrators were responsible for awarding theking’s prize of two slaves for the first person to produce fruit successfully on anutmeg or clove tree;78 on another occasion, a dozen slaves were offered bythe king.79 When, under Céré after 1772, the Pamplemousses garden succeededin producing the first fruit from a clove tree the occasion was marked with anelaborate ceremony held in the garden’s grounds. Céré, who through businessdealings on the island had incurred a large debt underwritten by the king, wasrelieved of the burden in recognition of his work in the garden.On one occasion in 1770 when nutmeg seeds and seedlings and cloveseedlings arrived at Isle de France, “The plants were deposited in the gardensof Monplaisir, Pamplemousses, the private residence of Poivre, where theycould be cared for under his eyes”; Poivre and the governor then signed anordinance that would make all unofficial attempts to export the plants“treasonable, and various penalties were prescribed against those who might78William McAteer, Rivals in Eden: A history of the French settlement and Britishconquest of the Seychelles islands, 1742-1818, Sussex: The Book Guild Ltd., 1991, p. 93.79Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 159.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 23rob or damage the plants.”80 This legislation was invoked later by lie deFrance colonists, unsuccessfully, to prevent plants from being shared withFrench colonies in the West Indies.81Plants whose by-products had industrial uses were of great interest aswell. At Ile de France, the gardens investigated cotton and indigo production.Attempts were made at rearing on local cacti the insects, native to SouthAmerica, that yielded the bright-red cochineal dye that had already beensuccessfully become the basis of an industry in Saint Domingue.82 Ebony wasexported to Asia and research conducted into various other forest productssuch as roots, barks, and leaves that might be useful to make dye.83Food plants, the original interest under Labourdonnais in the establishment of Pampiemousses, continued to occupy the gardeners. Indigenous localspecies were of less interest than the possibility of introducing plants whosequalities were already well known. Rice, various grains, cassava, breadfruit,mango, mangosteen, and cocoa are just some of the plants acclimatized.Although little mention is made of European staple foodstuffs being grown,undoubtedly colonialists wanted to preserve as much of their accustomed dietas possible. Perhaps the familiarity of such plants meant those whodocumented garden activities did not bother to mention them; or it may be that,since food supply was the earliest task of Pamplemousses, the most commonEuropean plants had already been acclimatized and were already in widedistribution by Poivre’s time.80Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 12.81Ly-Tio-Pane, 1970, op. cit, p. 64.82McClennan, op. cit., p. 155.831a Pérouse, op. cit., p. 129.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 24Céré, was not afraid of experimenting with the dietary possibilities ofunfamiliar indigenous plants. In one letter to a colleague on Bourbon he commented on the texture and flavour of a biscuit that had been made from theflour of a white root found on the smaller island.84Sugar cane, a legacy of the Dutch era, was increasingly a staple of thecolony’s economy, although the lack of discussion of its cultivation in gardenssuggests that it presented few problems to plantation owners that needed to beaddressed by botanical experts.Ile de France was highly regarded as a source of plants with medicinalqualities known or waiting to be discovered. It was also a nursery for importedspecies. When he arrived in lie de France in 1768 after being released asnaturalist on Bougainville’s expedition, Philibert de Commerson wrote,“Providence has placed at our disposal, in these two islands [Ile de France andBourbon], plants that are the best treatment there is against the illnessesprevalent locally.”85 Commerson had been seconded to an Ile de Francegovernment position by the intercession of Poivre, and it was intendedCommerson should carry out “a pharmacological and timber resource surveyof the Mauritius forests,”86 which did occur and resulted in legislationprotecting remaining forests with their rich stores of known and possiblemedicinal plants. While Commerson’s records were largely lost after his deathbecause of the “combined negligence of himself and the royal officials at theJardin des Plantes [in Paris],”87 interest remained in medicinal plants.p. 149.85j.j. Waslay Ithier, La litterature de lange Francaise a l’Ile Maurice, Geneva and Paris:Slatkine, 1981, p. 26.86Grove, op. cit., p. 335.87Spate, op. cit., p. 196.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 25It was recognized early that “the medicinal plants of Mauritius had amultitude of uses, varying from arresting gangrene and earache to soothingfish wounds, unspecified, and hysteria.”88 Some plants were indigenous whileothers, like ayapna from Brazil at the end of the eighteenth century, had beenimported. The Jardin du Roi at Pamplemousses evidently played some role inboth propagating medicinal plants and distributing them to those who neededthem. In one case, “the sick flocked to the Pamplemousses Gardens where theplant [ayapna] grew.”89 One illustrator working during the 1840s documenteda great variety of known pharmacological plants, some of which were likelynative while others, judging by their names, originated as far away as Javaand Mexico.9°While details of the Ile de France gardens’ herbal component areobscure, European traditions of physick gardens were likely incorporated atPamplemousses. It was not the only source of medicines. The Le Réduit gardenwas for a time under the control of the botanist Fusée-Aublet, who between1753 and 1761 established it as a central pharmacy.91The European medicinal garden traditionally had both dispensing anddidactic functions. The latter seems not to have been a significant presence atleast in a formal way since there were no institutions of higher education inthe Mascarenes. However, a dispensary would have served local needs, as inthe Pamplemousses ayapna example above. If either Le Réduit orPamplemousses was organized similarly to the Jardin du Roi in Paris, or to the88Malcy Chazal, The Medicinal Plants of Mauritius, ed. J. Jardine Dobie, Abbey St.Bathans, Berwickshire: The Schoolhouse Gallery, 1989, P. 122.89Jbid., p. 122.90Thid., pp. 8-9.91Frans A. Stafleu, Linnaeus and the Linnaeans, The spreading of their ideas insystematic botany, 1735-1789, Utrecht: A. Oosthoek’s Uitgeversmaatschappij N.y., 1971,p. 282.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 26Horti Academici at Leiden, then it would have been arranged within a squareor rectangular grounds in intricately designed planting beds,92 a designechoed and repeated in garden schematics dating from the seventeenth andeighteenth centuries and prominent in Diderot’s drawings in the Encyclopédieof “Agriculture, Jardinage” and “Jardin Potager,”93 where plants were oftenarranged in alphabetical or thematic order to aid students.Besides their local activities, the colonial gardens also conveyed exoticand useful plants such as cassava, breadfruit, palms, and indigo, from colony tocolony and often from colonial hinterland to imperial centre.Vigorous activity took place between gardeners in France and theMascarenes. Although at least two governors during the 1740s may havelacked Labourdonnais’ “breadth of view,” and did little to foster agriculturalresearch, botanists like Poivre cultivated political connections assiduously.Poivre communicated with the Compagnie des Indes and with fellow naturalists in the Paris Jardin du Roi. The king’s garden in Nantes, whichVersailles had designated a collection centre for incoming maritime botanicalspecimens in 1709, was probably one destination for Mascarenes specimens.94Poivre contributed articles and memoranda to the Académie Royale desSciences.95 Céré had left the island as a young man, traveled to France for hiseducation and there developed expertise as well as personal ties that wouldlater be useful. He then returned home to assume the post of chief botanist atPamplemousses upon Poivre’s retirement. Céré contributed articles on botanyto a French encyclopedia and throughout his correspondence with prominent92Prest, op. cit., pp. 45, 49, 53.93Diderot, op. cit., vol. IV, p. 30.94McClennan, op. cit. p. 149.95Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 29.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 27Parisian botanists Buffon, Daubenton, Thouin, and Lamarck became an influential figure in scientific circles. He won a gold medal from the Societed’Agriculture in 1788 and through his career was noted as an accommodatinghost to visiting naturalists.96Both Poivre and Céré met many obstacles and frustrations in attemptingto carry out their tasks. Despite having strong Cornpagnie endorsement for hisplan to carry spice plants illicitly from the Dutch East Indies t oPamplemousses, Poivre found the directors’ commitment to his enterprisecould waver when it came time to produce promised expedition funding. Hisefforts of the 1 750s were, however, rewarded when a new Comptroller-Generalat Versailles “advised the king to grant a pension to Poivre” before callinghim back “on the bankruptcy of the Company, when the islands of Bourbonand of France were retroceded to the King” and the French governmentthought that given “appalling” economic conditions in the Mascarenes, “theformation of spice plantations on Ile de France was the panacea.”97 WhenPoivre did finally leave, he sold his Monplaisir estate, including the highly regarded garden it contained, to the crown “to become the country residence ofthe Intendents.”98After 1767, the year the French government retroceded the Mascarenesfollowing the final collapse of the Compagnie des Indes, the future foreconomic botanizing looked brighter than ever. Lio-Ty-Fane has commentedof post-1767 French government policy that “hopes of building [Ile deFrance’s] prosperity on the development of the port into an entrepôt camesecond to those placed on an agricultural venture involving the ac96lthier, op. cit., p. 33.97Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 9.98Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 25.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 28climatization of foreign plants and long experimentation.”99In 1770, thecentral government then controlling Tie de France promulgated an ordinance“which explained in its opening clauses that it had been considered necessaryto ensure to the colony the exclusive possession of the plants recentlyintroduced.”-°° The crown was willing to enforce this declaration with thefull force of the empire, declaring spice plants vital to the colony’ssurvival.’0’Even when they had strong central support in principle, however, theIle de France official gardeners struggled to win the resource allocations theybelieved they needed to do their job well. In the early 1780s, Pamplemoussesunder Céré was faced with possible closure under budget pressures at homeand suggestions the colony was being poorly managed, a possibility thatcreated alarm when the commissioner-general of colonies paid a personal visitin 1785.102 The prospect of losing his operating funds had earlier, in 1783,prompted Céré to petition the director of colonies at Versailles, promising tosend more plants to the king’s garden in Paris and reminding the chiefbureaucrat of the garden’s successes during and since Poivre’s time.’°3The mission of the official lie de France gardens included cooperatingwith other French colonies by supplying plant materials and information thatwould assist them in developing local industries. To a much lesser extent, Tie deFrance could expect to receive materials in return.For Ile de France during the period in question, botanical intercolonialism concerned latter-day attempts to colonize the Seychelles, and99Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 10.‘°°Ibid., p. 31.‘°‘Ibid.02Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 64.‘°3lbid., pp. 258-9.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 29serving the West Indian colonies. Pamplemousses also received contributionsfrom Madagascar, whose botanical wealth was well recognized.104Neighbouring Bourbon continually received spice plants fromPamplemousses. The Ile de France gardeners were willing to instruct theirofficial and unofficial counterparts on the other island in solving cultivationproblems. Regular correspondence dealt with specific problems; visitors fromBourbon were made welcome at Pamplemousses to see for themselves how bestto achieve useful results through experimentation.In France’s grand imperial plan, by far the most important relationshipwas with the West Indies, principally Saint Domingue, Cayenne, Guadeloupe,and Martinique. The empire had contracted with the Treaty of Paris at the endof the Seven Years’ War in 1763 removing territory in Canada, the West Indies,and Louisiana from the fold.105 The distributed resources of an appliedbotanical garden network represented one way to make the most of relativelyslim resources separated by great distances and so keep together whatremained.Cayenne was identified as early as 1771 as a site arguably superior to Ilede France for the cultivation of spices. A Versailles official described it as veryclose in latitude and climate to the Moluccas, where many spice plants hadoriginally been gathered.’°6 Increasing the productivity of West Indiesplantations was of prime importance.Fusée-Aublet, formerly director of the Le Réduit gardens, becamebotaniste du roi and garden director in Cayenne in 1762107 — an instance of‘04Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 14.105Meyer et al., op. cit., p. 114‘°6Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 137.‘°7McClennan, op. cit., p. 151.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 30not only plants and information, but also personnel being exchanged betweenthe Indian Ocean and the gardens of the West Indies. In 1773, spice plants werereceived from lie de France and distributed in Saint Domingue. In 1786,original Indian Ocean plants established in Saint Domingue were shared withCayenne. In 1788 Saint Domingue received from ile de France a shipment ofpepper plants, cinnamon trees, mango trees, mangosteen fruit, breadfruittrees from Tahiti, and a large number of different types of seeds.108 Althoughin this last case most plants died because they were kept in the ship’s hold,some did survive. In 1782, the British at Jamaica received a windfall when anavy squadron captured a nursery ship from Ile de France bound for SaintDomingue that carried “some plants of the genuine cinnamon, the mango, andother oriental productions.”109An inventory of the Saint Domingue Jardin du Roi from 1788 listedmany plants from the Indian and Asian regions, including spices, fig trees,palms, jasmine, indigo, tea, litchi trees, Chinese rose bushes, bamboo, andothers. Many of these undoubtedly had been conveyed there via Ile de10Along with maintaining local and intra-imperial relationships, theMascarenes gardens were expected to represent France to its European allies.In so doing, the gardens brought fame to themselves, honour to those uponwhom its favours were bestowed, and reflected glory to their imperial creator.Plants and knowledge about them were regarded as precious enoughcommodities that in 1781, by way of thanks for protection he had offeredp. 158.‘°9Richard Sheridan, “Captain Bligh, the Breadfruit and the Botanic Gardens of Jamaica,”Journal of Caribbean History, 1989 23 (1), p. 34.“°McClennan, op. cit., p. 162.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 31French commerce and shipping during the American revolutionary war(1778-83), Joseph II, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, received from theJardin du Roi at lie de France a collection of plants and plant material “toadorn the Gardens of SchOnbrunn [in Vienna], to which the Emperor was atthat time giving particular attention.”111 This shipment, the first of several,included a large collection of live plants, preserved specimens of clove, nutmeg, and other curiosities, and the seeds of 60 different species.112 Cérégushed, in his accompanying letter to the emperor, that he loved to see theastonishment of visitors from England, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Denmark,Germany, and the Netherlands at finding on such a distant island “a place sobeautiful and famous.”113The emperor was evidently pleased with what he received, for in 1785the chief gardener of SchOnbrunn was dispatched to the Indian Ocean and twoyears later visited Ile de France, where Céré enthusiastically offered to tourhim around the island and help plan a collecting mission to the East Indies, theproducts of which were to be marshaled at Ile de France. The chief gardenerwas given free run to pursue his work in the Jardin du Roi and, following acyclone that nearly destroyed it, was invited to take with him what he pleasedfrom what remained standing.114 The gardener, Franz Boos, was touredaround Bourbon as well during his eight-month stay and returned home witha cargo consisting of more than 250 crates:each containing several plants selected from those naturalized in thePamplemousses Garden and including clove and nutmeg seedlings, as well asthe indigenous collected by Boos. There was also a classified collection of seeds,111Ly-Tio-Fane, 1982, op. cit, p. 88.‘12b1d., p. 87.“3lbidp. 94.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 32and specimens of indigenous and exotic woods; shells and madrepores fromneighbouring and distant seas; insects and butterflies from the Indies,minerals and crystals from Madagascar; living animals, birds andWhen it reached Europe the collection was gratefully received and contributed to Joseph II’s ambition to “make the SchOnbrunn Gardens theforemost in the world.”6During the severest manifestations of France’s internal crisis from1789, when the Isle de France was in a precarious position,117 gifts of spiceplants were made to the nations with which the colonists wanted to maintaingood relations. Danish trading companies who had “rendered great services”to the island during the revolutionary wars received a gift of spice plants fromPamplemousses in 1805. The plants were taken to the Danish colony inTranquebar, near Madras.”8Mascarenes spice-plant stock also found its wayin similar fashion to Madagascar, Zanzibar, and perhaps eventually, viaCayenne, to French Guiana and West Africa.”9By 1810, the concluding year of French control of the Mascarenes, thechronicle of gardening and spice culture had also come to something of a conclusion. The gardens continued to exist after the transfer of power but theirmain job, the task that from the 1750s to the 1790s had brought them attention,talent, and resources, was done. That job had been to establish a spice industryto compete with other European nations’ trading monopolies. The decades ofresearch had paid off. At the turn of the century Bourbon was producing 100tonnes of cloves annually and as much as 800 tonnes in the best year on“5Thid., p. 99.6lbid., p. 98.“7Ile de France was able to maintain some stability; during the French Revolution theisland declared republican allegiance early. See Toussaint, 1977, op. cit., p. 43.‘-1-8Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit., p. 20.“9Thid., p. 21.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 33record, 1837.120 The Dutch monopoly of the East Indies was overtaken by the1820s when Bourbon produced as much as twice the VOC’s shipments of clove.However, on lie de France the original prophecy was fulfilled of the island as aseafaring place with little potential for a diverse agricultural industry (apartfrom the sugar cane monoculture). In spite of mid-century indications thatspice cultivation might be viable on a large scale, lie de France cloveproduction was, by 1827, “insignificant.”121In the French West Indies colonies, spice production based on plants acclimatized in the Mascarenes took hold slowly. During the early nineteenthcentury the new industry did not, as some colonists on Tie de France hadfeared, undermine their spice production. What did eventually kill theMascarenes industry was widespread competition from new agriculturalcolonies in Penang, Zanzibar, Madagascar, and the British West Indies.’22Sugar cane, later in the century, became the chief crop of both lie de Franceand Bourbon and it probably contributed to the decline of gardening in theregion. A French commentator complained in the 1 890s that: “Our coloniesthemselves, in gradually becoming dominated by a single crop, let the richbotanic gardens they once possessed decay and in certain cases disappear.”123The gardens that during the mid to late eighteenth century had enjoyedsuch attention were marginalized in the nineteenth. The chief task of spicepropagation done, the other jobs concerning food, drugs, industrial materials,taxonomy, collecting, and diplomacy may have remained but in a diminishedstate. They had lost the glamour of association with the promising spice trade.p. 75.p. 76.p. 78.‘23Headrick, 1988, op. cit., p. 227.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 34In Bourbon during the 1 840s it was possible for a colonial administrator facedwith budgetary restraint not only to bar public entry to the official gardens atSt. Denis, but also to sell off its plants.’24 When Céré had been briefly facedwith a similar prospect during the 1780s, Pamplemousses had been saved afteran eloquent submission to the French director general responsible forcolonies.’25 While many of the traditional activities of the gardens probablycontinued through the nineteenth century — the main facility atPamplemousses was, in fact, maintained — the frontier days were gone.The gardens of the Mascarenes, like others in eighteenth centuryEurope and its colonial possessions, had “aimed to further new knowledge inthe scientific study of the botanical world and more particularly to work outrational classification systems. The major scientific gardens served ascollection centers that received specimens from outlying areas, offeringconsiderable instruction in the scientific aspects of botany and related areasof knowledge.126 The applied botanical gardens evolved from traditionalgarden forms and operated as institutions within government policy “topromote national and colonial economies.”’27 Botanical enterprise madenecessary a complex international network dedicated to the transportation ofplants from one part of the world to another and this lessened any sense ofisolation individual colonies may have had; it also ensured that the benefitsenjoyed by scientific advances in one colony could be shared with others. Thegardens were, in effect, tools of colonial technology transfer.’28124Lafforgue, op. cit., p. 158.‘25Lio-Ty-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 66.26McClennan, op. cit., p. 148.‘27Jbid28Headrick (1988, op. cit.) must be credited for his analysis of colonial technologytransfer. He offers two basic premises. The first concerns “the relocation, from one areato another, of equipment and methods, along with the experts to operate them.” TheECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 35Gardening — the activity as well as its diverse products — contributed inthis one example much of the vital matter of colonial activity. Assessmentsmade by gardeners, and the creation of gardens, could be critical in decidingwhether to establish new colonies. Gardeners, at a time and place when andwhere France sought both to break botanical monopolies and establishthriving plantation colonies, were as central to success as coureurs de bois hadbeen to French exploitation of New France. Gardens participated in theforward deployment of imperial interests.Gardens represented the flowering of economic botany as a deliberateelement in colonial policy. Ile de France served as “the nursery where theclove and nutmeg plants were reared and the research station from whichscientific knowledge of their culture spread.”129 The island’s appliedbotanical gardens performed several interrelated functions within France’sworld economy during naturalizing “plants of great rarity and usefulness.”30According to Richard Grove, in his study of eighteenth century forestryconservationism on Ile de France and elsewhere, “the state botanic garden setup by Poivre at Pamplemousses provided an essential part of the intellectualand technical infrastructure needed for these innovations.”3’The Frenchwere the first Europeans to realize the potential uses of a worldwide gardennetwork and they developed one that was envied and emulated by othernations.second is about the “diffusion, from one society to another of the knowledge, skills andattitudes related to a particular device or process.” (Headrick, 1988, op. cit., p. 9) Theformer is the more important in this example of economic botany.‘29Ly-Tio-Fane, 1958, op. cit, p. 21.30Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, op. cit., p. 66.131Grove, op. cit., p. 337.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 36As French commerce in the Indian Ocean expanded, so did therequirement for better botanizing. Accordingly, more resources and initiativewere put into the gardening effort. However, it remains difficult to saywhether the growth of French economic botany, especially from the 1 760s,can be attributed simply to expanded trade. The most significant gardenaccomplishments took place from the mid-1760s, after the monopolisticCompagnie surrendered control of the gardens, along with the rest of the titleand administration of the Mascarene Islands, to the French crown. Successfulspice grafts and producing spice trees were accomplished under government,rather than company, control. The French government was better than atrading company at supervising a colonial botanical gardens network. TheCompagnie’s main objective was to produce satisfactory results from year toyear while the government was able to take a longer view.Government, individuals, and trading monopolies in the eighteenthcentury employed gardens in the practice of economic botany to achieve particular expansionist ends. The applied botanical gardens that emerged in Ile deFrance from mid-century, far from being an afterthought added to coloniesonly when more important aspects were attended to, in the French examplewere part of the reason Ile de France in particular was colonized and anintegral element in the most deliberate phase of what Alfred Crosby, thehistorian who first described the ecological consequences of imperialism andcolonialism, called the “biological expansion” of Europe.’32 Gardens such asthose of the Mascarenes formed links in worldwide chains that could be used totransmit foreign species, by gradual acclimatization, to other colonies and toEurope, with lasting consequences.‘32A.W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 37lIST OF SOURCESAnon., Delegation a L’Action Artistique de la Ville Paris, Jardins deParis, Exhibition Catalogue, 1984.Auvigne, R., and J.P. Kemes. “Nantes, herbier des Isles: Ou le Role jouépar les botanistes nantais dans l’introduction en France des végétaux exotiquesau 18e siecle,” Histoire de la medicine, 6, no. 11: 7-13, 1956.Baker, H.G., Plants and Civilization, Belmont CA: Wadsworth, 1978.Basalla, George, “The Spread of Western Science,” Science 156, 1967, pp.611-22.Bennett, Pramila Ramgulam, comp. Mauritius. (World BibliographicalSeries, no. 140.) Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 1992.Bougainville, Louis, A Voyage Round the World, trans. J.R. Forster,London:, 1772 (reprint 1967 as Bibliotheca Australian #12, N. Israel; De CapoPress; and Frank Cass & Company.Bramwell, D., et al., eds., Botanic Gardens and the World ConservationStrategy: Proceedings of an International Conference 26-30 November 1985held at Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Published for International Union forConservation of Nature and Natural Resources, by Academic Press, 1987.Brockway, Lucille H., Science and Colonial Expansion: The Role of theBritish Royal Botanic Gardens, Studies in Social Discontinuity, New York:Academic Press, 1979.Braudel, Fernand, The Wheels of Commerce, vol. II of Civilization andCapitalism 15th to 18th Centurie trans. Sian Reynolds, New York: Harper &Row Publishers, 1982.Bruijn, Jaap R., and Femme S. Gaastra. eds., Ships, Sailors and Spices: EastIndia Companies and their Shipping in the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries,Amsterdam: Neha, 1993.Coats, Alice M., Quest for Plants: A History of Horticultural Explorers,London: Studio Vista, 1969; New York: McGraw Hill, 1970.de Chazal, Malcy, The Medicinal Plants of Mauritius, ed. J. Jardine Dobie,Abbey St. Bathans, Berwickshire: The Schoolhouse Gallery, 1989.Crosby, A.W., Ecological Imperialism, Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1988.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 38Diderot, d’Alembert, Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire Raisonné desSciences, des Arts et des Métiers, par une Societe de Gens de Lettres, v. I-V andsupplements, Paris, 175 1-76.Faivre, Jean-Paul, “Savants et Navigateurs: Un Aspect de la CooperationInternationale entre 1750 et 1840,” Cahiers d”Histoire Mondiale, X, 1966, pp. 98-124.Florijn, P. J., Geschiedenis van de Eerste Hortus Medicus in Indie [Thehistory of the first botanical garden in the East Indies]. Tijdschrift voor deGeschiedenis der Geneeskunde, Natuurwetenschappen, Wiskunde en Techniek[Netherlands] 1985 8(4): 209-221.Furber, Holden, Rival Empires of Trade in the Orient 1600-1800, vol. IIin Europe and the World in the Age of Expansion series, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, 1976.Gaastra, Femme.S., and Jaap.R. Bruijn, “The Dutch East India Company’sShipping, 1602-1795, in a Comparative Perspective,” in Bruijn and Gaastra,eds., Ships, Sailors and Spices: East India Companies and their Shipping in the16th, 17th and 18th Centuries, Amsterdam: Neha, 1993, pp. 177-208.Gobel, Erik, “Danish Companies’ Shipping to Asia, 1616-1807,” in Bruijnand Gaastra, eds., Ships, Sailors and Spices: East India Companies and theirShipping in the 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries, Amsterdam: Neha, 1993, pp. 99-120.Grove, Richard, Conserving Eden: The (European) East India Companiesand their Enviromental Policies on St Helena, Mauritius and in Western India,1660-1854,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 35, April 1993, pp. 318-351.Haudrére, Ph., “The ‘Compagnie des Indes’ and Maritime Matters, c.1725-1770,” in Bruijn and Gaastra, Ships, Sailors and Spices, Amsterdam: Neha,1993, pp. 81-97.Headrick, Daniel R., The Tools of Empire: Technology and EuropeanImperialism in the Nineteenth Century, New York and Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1981.----, The Tentacles of Progress: Technology Transfer in the Age ofImperialism, 1850-1940, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988.Heywood, V.H., “The Changing Role of the Botanic Garden,” in BotanicGardens and the World Conservation Strategy, eds. Bramwell et al., London:Academic Press, 1987.Hoittum, R.E., “The historical significance of botanic gardens in SouthEast Asia,” Taxon, 19(5), 1970, pp. 707-14.Ithier, J.J. Waslay, La litterature de lange Francaise a Pile Maurice,Geneva and Paris: Slatkine, 1981.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 39Keast, John, ed., The Travels of Peter Mundy 1597-1667, Trewoista,Trewirgie, Redruth, and Cornwall: Dyllansow Truran Cornish Publications,1984.Lafforgue, Annie, Le jardin de l’etat de Saint-Denis-de-la-Reunion, Rev.Franáaise d’Hist. d’Outre-Mer, 67(1-2), 1980, pp. 157-160.Levenson, Joseph, European Expansion and the Counter Example of Asia,New York, 1967.Ly-Tio-Fane, Madeleine, Mauritius and the Spice Trade, 1. The Odyssey ofPierre Poivre, Publication No. 4 in Mauritius Archives Publication Fund series,Port Louis, (Mauritius): Esciapon limited, 1958----, The Triumph of Jean-Nicolas Céré and his Isle Bourboncollaborators, Documents Preceded by an Introduction, in series from EcolePratique des Hautes Etudes — Sorbonne: Sixiéme Section: Sciences Economiqueset Sociales entitled Le Monde d’Outre-Mer Passé et Present, deuxiéme série,Documents XIII, Paris and The Hague, 1970“Contacts between SchOnbrunn and the Jardin du Roi at Isle deFrance (Mauritius) in the 18th Century: An Episode in the Career of NicolasThomas Baudin,” Mitteilungen des Osterreichischen Staatsarchivs, 35, 1982,pp. 85-109.----, “A Reconnaissance of Tropical Resources during RevolutionaryYears: The Role of the Paris Museum d’Historie Naturelle,” Archives of NaturalHistory, 18(3), 1991, pp. 333-362.MacLeod, Roy, “Passages in Imperial Science: From Empire toCommonwealth,” Journal of World History, N-i Spring 1993, pp. 117-150.----, “On Visiting the “Moving Metropolis’: Reflections on theArchitecture of Imperial Science,” Historical Records of Australian Science,5:3, 1982, pp. 1-16.McAteer, William, Rivals in Eden: A history of the French settlement andBritish conquest of the Seychelles islands, 1742-1818, Sussex: The Book GuildLtd., 1991.McClellan, James E. III, Colonialism and Science: Saint Domingue in theOld Regime, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992.McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of Science and Technology, 7th ed. 1992, v. 8,New York: McGraw-Hill, p. 186.Meyer, Jean, et al., Histoire de la France Coloniale: des origines a 1914,Vol. I, Paris: Armand Cohn, 1991.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 40la Pérouse, Jean F. G., A Voyage Round the World Performed in the Years1785, 1 786, 1787 and 1788 by the Boussole and Astrolabe, Vol. 1, 1799, reprinted1968, Amsterdam: N. Israel and New York: De Capo Press.Petitjean, Patrick, Catherine Jami, and Anne Marie Moulin, eds. Scienceand Empires: Historical Studies about Scientific Development and EuropeanExpansion, Dordrecht, Boston, London: Lluwer Academic Publishers, 1992.Prest, John. The Garden of Eden: The Botanic Garden and the Re-Creationof Paradise, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982.Pullapilly, Syriac K. and Edwin J. Van Kley, eds., Asia and the West:Encounters and Exchanges from the Age of Exploration: Essays in Honor ofDonald F. Lach, Notre Dame, md.: Cross Cultural Publications, 1986.Pyenson, Lewis, “Cultural Imperialism and Exact Sciences: GermanExpansion Overseas 1900-1930,” History of Science, xx (1982), pp. 1-43.----, “Pure Learning and Political Economy: Science and EuropeanExpansion,” in R.P.W. Visser, J.J.M. Bos, L.C. Palm, H.A.M. Snelders, eds.,Proceedings of the Utrecht Conference, New Trends in the History of Science,Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1989. Q124.6 N48 1989Roger, Jacques, Buffon: Un phiosophe au Jardin du Roi, Paris: Fayard,1989.de Saint-Martin, M. Vivien, Nouveau dictionnaire de geographie universelle, tome 3eme K-M, Paris: Librairie Hachette et Cie, 1887.de Saint-Pierre, Bernardin, Voyage a l’Ile Maurice, Un officier du roi aPile Maurice, 1768-1790, introduction and notes by d’Yves Benot, Paris: LaDécouverte/Maspero, 1983.----, “Natural History in Colonial Context: Profit or Pursuit? BritishBotanical Enterprise in India 1778-1820,” P. Petitjean et al., eds., Science andEmpfres, 281-298.Schroeder-Gudehus, Brigitte, “Sciences exactes et politique exterieure,”P. Petitjean et al., eds., Science and Empires, 219-223.Selvon, Sydney. Historical Dictionary of Mauritius. (African HistoricalDictionaries, no. 49.) Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow, 1991.Sheridan, Richard. “Captain Bligh, the Breadfruit and the BotanicGardens of Jamaica,” Journal of Caribbean History, 23 (1), 1989, pp. 28-50Spate, O.H.K., Paradise Found and Lost: The Pacific since Magellan, Vol.III., Rushcutters Bay (Sydney): Pergamon Press, 1988.Stafleu, Frans A., Linnaeus and the Linnaeans, The spreading of theirideas in systematic botany, 1735-1789, Utrecht: A. Oosthoek’sUitgeversmaatschappij N.V., 1971.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 41Stearns, Raymond P., Science in the British Colonies of North America,Urbana, 1971.Stroup, Alice, A Company of Scientists: Botany, Patronage, andCommunity at the Seventeenth-Century Parisian Royal Academy of Sciences,Berkeley 1990.Thacker, “Voltaire and Rousseau, eighteenth century gardeners,” inStudies on Voltaire and the eigtheenth century, XC, Oxford: The VoltaireFoundation, 1972.Toussaint, August, Un cite tropicale: Port-Louis de L’Ile Maurice, Paris:Presses Universitaires de France, 1966.Toussaint, August, History of Mauritius, trans. W. F. F. Ward, London andBasingstoke: MacMillan Education Ltd., 1977.Whittle, Tyler, The Plant Hunters, being an examination of collectingwith an account of the careers and the methods of a number of those who havesearched the world for wild plants, Philadelphia, New York, London: ChiltonBook Company, 1970.Wright, Carol, Mauritius, David & Charles: Newton Abbott, 1974.Wyse Jackson, P., et al., “Rare plant propagation in Mauritius,” BotanicGardens and the World Conservation Strategy, eds. Bramwell et aL, London:Academic Press, 1987, pp. 353-55.Young, Kathryn A., “Crown Agent — Canadian Correspondent: MichelSarrazin and the Academie Royale des Sciences, 1697-1734,” French HistoricalStudies, 18 (2), Fall 1993, pp. 416-433.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 42APPENDIXECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 431 Map of lie de France (Mauritius)Port Louis, the capital, is located on the northeast coast. Garden locations areunderlined.Note that garden sites are located inland and close to rivers.The islands are situated at roughly the 20th parallel of south latitude. Mauritiusconsists of a central plateau rising to about 600 metres and surrounded by a ring ofmountain stumps, the highest of which is less than 1,000 metres above sea level.Otherwise the landscape is flat and unvaried. (Toussaint, 1977, op. cit, pp. 6-7)Reproduced ,from Toussaint, August, History of Mauritius, trans. W. E. F. Ward,London and Basingstoke: MacMillan Education Ltd., 1977.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 442 Map of lie de Bourbon (Reunion)Reproduced from Toussaint, 1977, op. cft, p. 27.St. Denis, the capital, is located on the north coast.The geography is strikingly different than that of lie de France. According toToussaint, “From a distance the island looks like a huge mountain in the shape of atruncated cone with its base flattened or broadened.” It has no “natural protection againstthe ocean swell.., no natural harbours, only one small lagoon and two open roadsteads.”(Toussaint, 1977, p. 7)ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 453 “The house of [Nicolas] Céré at Pamplemousses. (Voyage pittoresque a l’Ile de France, auCap de Bonne Espérance et a l’Ile de Teneriffe par. M.J. Milbert. peintre embarqué sur lacorvette Le Géographie, et Directeur des gravures de la partie historique du Voyage auxTerres Australes, A. Nepveu, 1812.)”Reproduced from Madeleine Ly-Tio-Fane, The Triumph of Jean-Nicolas Céré and his Bourboncollaborators, Paris and The Hague, 1970, facing p. 80.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 46k‘Ii:j_________-‘ .-- %__ !i—----...--..::- - .. . —-- .. -4 “Jardin de Mon Plaisir, Pamplemousses. (Colonel Dumaresq, Ca. 1820. Coil. P.O. Wiehe,Réduit.) (Ph. LS. de Réland)”Reproduced from Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, facing p. 80.—-—IECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN5 “Mon Plaisir.”Reproduced from Ly-Tio-Fane, 1970, facing p. 81.PAGE 47L.fr.. JECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 486 “Le Réduit. Traditional home of the governors of Mauritius.”Reproduced from Toussaint, 1977, p. 32.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 497 “The Garden at Leyden.“P. Paaw Hortus publicus academiae Lugdunum-Batavae, 1691.”Reproduced from John Prest. The Garden ofEden: The Botanic Garden and the ReCreation of Paradise, New Haven: Yale U. Pr., 1982, p. 53.ECONOMIC BOTANY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN PAGE 508 “The Jardin du Roi at Paris with its different habitats. The mount can be seen in the topleft-hand corner, and the lower ground lies towards the bottom right.“G. de la Brosse Reliquae opens historici plantarum, 1641.”Reproduced from Prest, p. 49.— —--

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0087583/manifest

Comment

Related Items