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What's stopping sustainability?: examining the barriers to implementation of clouds of change Moore, Jennie Lynn 1994

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WHAT'S STOPPING SUSTAINABILITY ? EXAMINING THE BARRIERS TO IMPLEMENTATION O F CLOUDS OF CHANGE. by JENNIE LYNN MOORE B.A., The University of British Columbia, 199 0 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in P l a n n i n g in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIE S School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this Jj to thi ' conforming ard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBI A September 199 4 © Jennie Lynn Moore, 1994 In presentin g thi s thesi s i n partia l fulfillmen t o f th e requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference an d study . I  further agre e that permission fo r extensive copyin g o f this thesis fo r scholarly purposes may b e granted b y th e hea d o f m y departmen t o r b y hi s o r he r representatives. I t is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (S ignatur eDepartment of CCSTPMUM, /V rt^d fk&.ic^cU  /^ta^^'^j The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date 4*,Aerl9tmt. ii Abstract Despite understanding the need to become sustainable, and knowing some of the actions required to reach this end, barriers exist that prevent individuals, and society, from adoptin g actions that support sustainability. To understand what some of these barriers are, the case of Vancouver's attempt to implement the 199 0 Clouds of Change recommendations has been analysed. Councillors , civic staff, Tas k Force on Atmospheric Change members and citizens who participated in the Task Force's public participation process were asked to identify what they perceived as the barriers to action-taking by the City to implement the recommendations. Fifty-eight peopl e were interviewed . The barriers identified fel l within three categories: Perceptual/Behavioural, Institutional/Structura l and Economic/Financial. Analysis reveals how the barriers functioned, whic h ones were perceived as causing the greatest impediment to implementation o f the recommendations, what conditions facilitated implementatio n o f some recommendations, and suggestions regarding how some barriers may be overcome in the future. The six most commonly cited barriers were: lack of understanding about the issues, perceived lack of empowerment, competing issues, inadequate funds, fear of losing constituent suppor t and limitation of jurisdiction. Other important barriers were: differences i n perception, inappropriate structure of government (vertical), weak linkages among the policies of civic and senior levels of government and weak communication linkages between government and its constituents. Many of the barriers identified contribute d to a low degree of civic participation i n the City. Suggestions for improving government effectiveness, i n terms of its ability to implement the Clouds of Change recommendations focussed o n ways of improving civic participation amon g citizens. Suggestions regarding the amendment of government structures and decision-making processes are also presented. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents H i List of Tables v List of Figure s v i Acknowledgements vi i 1.0 Introduction to the Research 1 1.1 Why the Research is Important 1 1.2 Purpose of the Research 2 1.3 Introduction to the Case Study 4 1.3.1 Sustainabilit y and Vancouver 4 1.3.2 Th e Clouds of Change Report 5 1.4 Research Questions 6 1.5 Methods 7 2.0 How Social Change Can Happen 9 2.1 Theories of Social Change 9 2.2 Individual Behaviour 1 0 2.3 Complexity and Chaos Theory 1 1 2.4 Incomplete Feedback Loops and Emergent Behaviour 1 5 2.5 The Role of the Catalyst 1 7 2.6 Implications for the Research 1 9 3.0 An Introduction to Barriers 2 0 3.1 Requirements of Change in a Democracy 2 0 3.2 How Social Change Can Be Prevented 2 1 3.2.1 Perceptual/Behavioural Barrier s 2 3 3.2.2 Institutional/Structural Barrier s 2 7 3.2.3 Economic/Financial Barrier s 2 9 4.0 Analysis of the Barriers that Played a Role in the Case Study 3 1 4.1 Participation Rates and Representation 3 1 4.2 The Barriers Identified b y Interviewees 3 1 4.2.1 Perceptual/Behavioural Barrier s 3 1 4.2.2 Institutional/Structural Barrier s 3 2 4.2.3 Economic/Financial Barriers 3 4 4.3 Tabulation of the Data 3  5 4.4 Analysis of the Six Most Commonly Cited Barriers 4 8 4.5 Analysis of Some Additional Barriers 5 5 4.5.1 Perceptual/Behavioural 5 5 4.5.2 Institutional/Structural 6 9 4.5.3 Economic/Financial 8 2 4.6 A Comparison to the Victoria Experience 9 0 5.0 Prescriptions for Overcoming Barriers 9 2 5.1 A Word About Civicness and Social Capital 9 2 5.2 Conditions that Facilitate Change 9 4 5.3 Suggestion s for Overcoming Some of the Barriers 9 7 6.0 Conclusions 6.1 Summar y 6.2 Additional Findings 6.3 Suggestions for Further Research Bibliography Appendix A Clouds of Change Statu s Repor t Appendix B Qualitative Questionnair e Appendix C Quantitative Questionnair e Appendix D Interview Participant s 103 103 109 111 114 118 124 128 131 V List of Table s Table 1 : Frequency of Barrier Identification 3 5 Table 2: Status of Recommendations and Barriers that have Impeded their Implementation 3 8 Table 3: Most Commonly Cited Barriers by Council and Civic Staff 10 4 Table 4: Most Commonly Cited Barriers by Task Force Members and Citizens 10 5 Table 5: Most Commonly Cited Barriers by All Groups 10 6 Table 6: Number of Recommendations Actually Cited as Impeded by Specific Barrier s 11 0 VI List of Figures Figure 1 : The Economy is an Open, Growing, Wholly Dependent Subsystem Imbedded in a 3 Materially-Closed, Non-Growing, Finite Ecosphere Figure 2: The Earth Balanced Between Opposing Forces, Located in a Domain of Stability, 1 2 Far From Thermodynamic Equilibrium Figure 3: The Earth Moving Within a Domain of Sustainability, with the Potential to Move 1 3 to a Bifurcation Poin t if Perturbed. Figure 4: The Earth at a Bifurcation Point , Ready to Move to a New Domain of Stability. 1 4 Vll Acknowledgements Above all, I would like to express my thanks and appreciation to Professor Willia m E. Rees, Director of the School of Community and Regional Planning, who inspired this research and continued to be a mentor, educator and editor throughout its duration. I would also like to thank Professor Rober t F. Woollard, Department of Family Practice, for his exciting contributions and for stimulating me to think in new ways about the issues addressed herein. Thank you also to Professor Thomas A. Hutton, Associate Director of the Centre for Human Settlements, for being the thesis examiner. Sincer e thanks to: Janette Mcintosh, Department of Family Practice, for her tremendous support; the U.B.C. Task Force on Planning Healthy and Sustainable Communities for funding thi s research; and its members for their guidance ana feedback through its development. In addition to Professor Woollar d and Professor Rees , the Task Force's Co-Chairs, and Ms. Mcintosh who is the Task Force Coordinator, the members are: Professor Pete r Boothroyd, Schoo l of Community and Regional Planning; Professor Lawrence W. Green, Director of the Institute for Health Promotion Research ; Professor Clyde Hertzman, Department of Health Care and Epidemiology; Professor Judit h Lynam, School of Nursing; Professor Sharo n Manson Singer , School of Social Work; Aleck Ostry , Department of Health Care and Epidemiology; and Mathis Wackernagel, School of Community and Regional Planning. I would also like to thank Professor P. Devereaux Jennings, Department of Industrial Relations Management, for his insights and suggestions during the early stages of conceptualization and writing. Thank you to Nick Losito, Director of the Environmental Healt h Division, Department of Health, City of Vancouver, for fielding many questions throughout the research process. Finally, this research would not have been possible were it not for the people who willingly gave of their time and knowledge to participate in tne interviews. Thank you all. 1 1.0 Introduction t o the Research 1.1 Wh y th e Research i s Importan t Ecological degradation throughout the world causes species extinction and threatens the future existence of human communities (Ryan, 1992 , 10 ; Lenssen, 1992,49) . Perhaps no environmental change is more threatening than the decline in stratospheric ozone and the rapid increases in atmospheric CO2 and other green house gases: Atmospheric concentrations of CO2 have increased by about 25% over the past two centuries, from 280  parts per million by volume (ppmv) in about 185 0 to 353 ppmv (1989), largely as a result of the burning of fossil fuel s (Parry , 1990 , 10). The potential threats to human society from atmospheri c changes are immense; crop production could be reduced (Brown and Young, 1990 , 62), and some crop types rendered non-viable for commercial purposes (Parry, 1990 , 51). The incidence and/or severity of respiratory and skin diseases may increase (Flavin, 1992 , 32). Sea level rise could destroy many coastal communities, thus contributing to the problem of environmental refugees. Impact s on marine biological productivity and forests will  necessitate adjustment i n resource management practices (Bush, 1990 , 12-20). Prior to the United Nations Conference o n Environment and Development (Earth Summit) delegates draftin g the convention on climate change became increasingly alarmed by the evidence of atmospheric change. Thus, they adjusted the originally intended "framework convention " outlining principles, to one that included regulations specifying "target s and timetables for reducing greenhouse emissions" (Rogers, 1993 , 187). Despite the evidence that threats to human welfare ar e real if prevailing unsustainable patterns of activity and resource consumption continue, progress towards adopting policy for sustainable development i s surprisingly slow. This slow pace of change does not result from a  dearth of possible actions. There is a burgeoning literatur e that delineates clearly the primary directions society should follow i n its bid to slow the rates of resource consumption, waste discharge, and the decline of ecological services provided by nature.1 The important question, therefore, i s what are the barriers that keep society from turning this knowledge into action? Before continuing , brief definitions o f ecological sustainability and sustainable development are required. Ecological sustainability refers to the maintenance of ecosystems' integrity in terms of species composition, biomass and productivity (Pearce, 1989 , 40). Fluctuations and cycles may cause minor disturbances, but the global system should remain in a stable steady state that is amenable to human existence, and the existence of most other species Ecological services are those functions performe d b y intact biophysical systems that support the healthy functioning o f the ecosphere. 2 of flora and fauna. Sustainable development refers to improvement of the human lot without jeopardizing ecologica l sustainability. Since the economy is a subset of the ecosystem, development must result in positive socioeconomi c change while simultaneously reducing rates of consumption and waste generation, i.e. economic through put. The economy is like an embryo embedded in the womb of the ecosphere (figure 1) . Its growth depends on the amount of resources it can appropriate to itself; however, its survival requires that it not appropriate more resources than its parent can supply. The larger the economy grows, the greater the strain it places on the ecosphere which must support it through the provision of nourishmen t and the removal of wastes. Certain technologies help reduce the burden of the economy on the ecosphere, but they cannot break the relationship of dependency. Thus the followin g conditions must be observed (from Rees , 1994b): 1) Consumption by the economy of the products and services of nature cannot exceed rates of their production in the ecosphere. 2) Production of wastes by the economy cannot exceed the assimilative capacity of the ecosphere. 3) Economic activity must not jeopardize essential life support systems of the ecosphere. However, development is not merely restricted to the consideration of economic activity. Improving the human lot also necessitates that (from Rees , 1994b) : 4) Societies satisfy basic standards of material equity and social justice for all its members, and 5) Political stability be assured through the effective participatio n of an informed citizenry . Thus, a comprehensive definition emerges : Sustainable development is positive socioeconomic change that does not undermine the ecological and social systems upon which communities and society are dependent. Its successfu l implementation requires integrated policy, planning, and social learning processes; its social acceptability depends on adequate standards of material equity and social justice; its political viability depends on the full suppor t of the people i t affects through their governments, their social institutions, and their private activities (Rees, 1994c). 1.2 Purpos e o f the Researc h The research specifically addresse s political and institutional barriers to sustainability. The goal is to identify wha t inhibits local government from actin g on policies which support sustainable development. This involves describing the barriers and analysing how they function withi n a particular case. I analyse the barriers that exist in: i) personal perceptions, ii) institutional structures and iii) economic constraints, in the context of the City of 3 Solar Energy Non-Growing Finite Ecospher e Heat Loss 7t Xs*: r t •  | i !  i i •  | t '  | Available; ; Energy land ; Matter j  ! V i  M \ :  : Growing Economic Subsystem Wastp Energy/ ! ajrid! Matter / ...r •v Figure 1: The Ecological World View. The economy is an open, growing, wholly dependent subsystem imbedded in a materially-closed, non-growing, finite, ecosphere (Rees, 1994a). Vancouver's attempt to implement the thirty five recommendations contained in the Clouds of Change report (City of Vancouver, 1990a) . 1.3 Introductio n t o the Case Stud y This case was chosen because i t provides an example of a progressive report on air quality initiatives which encompassed a  wide array of actions that the City of Vancouver could take to support sustainability. Not only was the report adopted as policy, but the issues it encompassed have continued to receive much public attention (Buttle, 1990, B2; Lee, 1990 , Al; Munro, 1990 , A5; Munro, 1992 , B2; Hanna, 1992 , A13; Munro, 1993 , Al). Yet, actions by government have been insufficient t o implement the report (Appendix A).2 1.3.1 Sustainability  and  Vancouver Vancouver City is home to 471,844 people (Census 1991) , and it is the locus of activity for a  metropolitan population of 1,098,60 4 (Census 1991) . The activities taking place in Vancouver generate an array of environmental impacts which affect a  much broader range of people and territory (Hutton and Davis, 1991 , 50). The results from the CityPlan process indicate that of these impacts, citizens are most concerned with that of air pollution (City of Vancouver, 1993a ; Munro, 1992 , B2). Although air pollutants have been associated with respiratory illness in Vancouver (Bates et al., 1990 , 60), the City's draft repor t of the State of the Environment states: While there has been no documented evidence of any detriment to human health in Vancouver the various contaminant levels are approaching those that have been shown to cause health problems in other areas (City of Vancouver, 1993b , 11). The fact that the City's perception does not account for existing evidence begins to illuminate the type of barriers, namely lack of information an d differences i n perception, which can prevent society from turning knowledge into action. The City does state that ground level "ozone has been implicated in crop damage in the farms of the Lower Fraser Valley" (City of Vancouver, 1993b , 11) . Recently, ground level ozone has also been found to cause decrements in lung function i n Fraser Valley farm workers (Brauer et al., 1994 , A659). A study completed on prospects for Vancouver's sustainable development contained the following statement : Implement means action initiated and consequent goal obtained. 5 Recent surveys have demonstrated that the quality of Vancouver's environment represents the highest value and greatest concern of the resident population... (C)oncerns have recently been expressed about deterioration i n some aspects of the natural stock, in terms of air quality (subjec t to growing pollution, especially from automobiles, which generate about 80 percent of atmospheric pollutants).... Policies and regulatory frameworks both at the local and regional level s of administration are being adjusted i n order to arrest this deterioration, but there are indications that significantly highe r levels of effort an d expenditure will be needed to ensure that succeeding generations will enjoy simila r levels of environmental quality as the present (Hutton and Davis, 1991,55). In the interest of health and sustainability both in the immediate area and for the planet as a whole, it is important that these issues of negative environmental impacts caused by the activities of citizens of Vancouver be addressed. Such recognition was made in the adoption of the Clouds of Change report. Yet, despite being adopted by Council in 1990 , few of the recommendations i n the report show visible signs of implementation. I t is crucial to find out why this is because anything short of successful action s to improve Vancouver's air quality will result in deleterious repercussions for the region. 1.3.2 The  Clouds  of  Change  Report Recognizing that local day-to-day activities of urban residents and businesses are the root cause of global atmospheric problems, and recognizing that municipalities are constricted by scarce resources and a "narrow and ineffectual conceptio n of the domain of local government concern" (United Nations, 1990 , 21), the Task Force on Atmospheric Change "endeavoured to examine the rationale and strategy related to an action plan" for Vancouver to address the concerns of atmospheric change (City of Vancouver, 1990a , 1) . The Clouds of Change report was the result of the Task Force's efforts. I t is structured in four parts. Part one explains the causes of global and local atmospheric change, its known and probable effects, an d the role of the City in reducing its hazards and protecting public health. Part two defines a  framework for action. Part three proposes recommendations to "phase out all uses of ozone depleting chemicals, reduce emissions levels of sulphur dioxide, and reduce the amount of methane released into the atmosphere" (City of Vancouver, 1990a , 2). Part four addresses the challenge of CO2 reduction. The report outlines actions that should be taken by the City to demonstrate leadership , lobby senior levels of government and network with other municipalities. It makes recommendations for transportation planning, land use planning, and energy conservation. Thirty-five recommendations (most containing subsets ) were made. The majority wer e to be acted upon by June 30, 1991 (City of Vancouver, 1990a) . A smaller number of recommendations received a longer time frame. However, regardless of deadlines, there is a perception that few of the recommendations have been successfully implemented . Many have not been fully implemente d despite ample 6 public support and Council's endorsement of the report in October of 199 0 (Munro, 1993 , Al). Even concern at the Provincial level is undermined by inaction as illustrated by the following comment s from Premier Michael Harcour t who states: The air pollution problem in Greater Vancouver is terrible. In fact, i t is worse per vehicle than Los Angeles... we will need much greater emphasis on public transit, and will eventually have to switch our cars to natural gas and ethanol fuel a s an interim and then move on to hydrogen, solar and electrically powered cars. It is going to take some very bold new measures to maintain the high quality of life we want in British Columbia (Quinn, 1992 , 24). Yet, when the City of Vancouver, i n keeping with recommendation twenty-seven of the report, approached the Provincial Government with a proposal to use a three-cent per litre carbon tax to raise money for transit alternatives, the Province declined (Munro, 1993 , A2). Admittedly, Harcourt's government only came to power in the fall of 1991, after the June 30, 1991 deadline for this recommendation. Nevertheless, there has been plenty of time since the NDP government took power for this decision to be reversed. Council did present the proposal to the NDP government, but Finance Minister Glen Clark initially refused t o implement it . This refusal i s perhaps not without justification, fo r i t was seen in the eyes of many to be a regressive tax, placing an unfair burden on the less affluen t members of society. Such a social concern, valid in its own right, nevertheless presents a barrier to adopting actions that support sustainability.3 Furthermore, lack of understanding about how burdens on the poor can be avoided (see Rees, 1994d ) inhibits action taking. 1.4 Research Question s The research attempts to answer the following questions: 1. In the view of the responsible authorities, what are the barriers to implementation o f the Clouds of Change recommendations? 2. In the view of citizens, what are the barriers to implementation of the Clouds of Change recommendations? 3. How do these barriers operate? 4. For those recommendations which were implemented, what facilitated their implementation ? 5. What are some suggestions for overcoming the barriers? 3 This information comes  from researc h participants who also indicated that a one cent per litre gas tax was finall y adopted because of a need to fund transi t deficit s 7 1.5 Method s Information fo r this research has been gathered in two ways: i) through a review of relevant literature and ii) through interviews (Appendices B and C) with people who either had a direct responsibility in implementing the Clouds of Change report or showed an interest in its implementation. The research focussed primarily on changes within democratic societies and institutional structures. The literature search identified condition s for social change, social change theories, how change can happen, motivation for action taking and barriers to action taking. From the literature search, a list of potential barriers was generated. Interviews were then conducted with government officials an d citizens who not only confirmed barrier s represented on the list, but also identifie d additional barriers which were then added to the original list. A frequency tabl e was used to identify whic h barriers were perceived by research participants to be the most prevalent. I interviewed key informants and administered questionnaires to four target groups consisting of : 1) City of Vancouver Members of Council, 2) Task Force on Atmospheric Change members, 3) civic staff and 4) participants in the Task Force's public participation process and other individuals who have since that time written letters to the Vancouver Sun newspaper expressing an interest in the outcome of the report's implementatio n (Appendix D). Eleven of the twelve members of the Task Force on Atmospheric Change and six often Councillor s were interviewed. The reader must therefore bear in mind that answers represented in the category listed Members of Council will reflect the opinions of those members who took an interest in participating in the research. Severa l Councillors whose term in office encompasse d the time during which Clouds of Change was adopted and implemented did not respond to interview requests. Most of the civic staff contacted agreed to interviews. Those that did not, suggested alternative people who could be interviewed and these people consented. A total of twenty-one people were interviewed in this category. An attempt has been made to interview department directors, deputy directors and line staff from eac h of the civic departments that played a major role in implementation o f the Clouds of Change report. Only department directors were interviewed in departments that played a lesser role in implementation. By interviewing representatives from differen t level s of the departments' hierarchy an attempt is made to distinguish which barriers operate at what level within the City's institutional framework . Generally , those at the top of the hierarchy were least worried about being identified i n the research. Concern about the ramification s 8 of identification increase d among research participants at the line level. Finally, presenters to the Task Force and interested citizens who wrote letters in response to newspaper articles about Clouds of Change showed a keen interest to participate. Eighteen people, out of a potential of sixty-six, were interviewed in this category. They were chosen because a) they still reside in Vancouver and b) they represent a wide spectrum of perspectives, with representation from Federal Atmospheric Services, the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD), the B.C. Round Table on the Environment and the Economy, public corporations, private corporations, citizen's groups, and nonaffiliated citizens . Although only one research participant is listed in Appendix D as working for the Greater Vancouver Regional District, there were participants from each of the interview target groups who work for the GVRD in some capacity. Thus, in the interest of maintaining the anonymity of research participants' responses, it should be remembered that comments made with respect to the GVRD come from a broad range of perspectives, not just from a specific individual. In addition, two interviews were conducted with people involved in creating the Healthy Atmosphere 2000 report. This report was commissioned by the Capital Regional District to address Victoria's atmospheric concerns. It was initiated in direct follow-up to Clouds of Change. I make a brief comparison of the barriers experienced between this initiative and those of Clouds of Change to illustrate the fact that many of the barriers identified in the research are common to both cases. The responses of those involved with the Healthy Atmosphere 2000 report appear separately at the end of chapter four. The data collected from the interviews of people involved with Clouds of Change are analysed in chapter four. They are used to illustrate the barriers and how they function. The theoretical framework developed in chapter two is applied to these findings to analyse why the barriers exist and how they function. Finally, the research participants' suggestions for ways to overcome some of the barriers are presented in chapter five. 9 2.0 How Social Change Can Happe n There are many social change theories and some of the best known are briefly highlighted below. The theories serve as testimony to the fact that social change is a real phenomenon; it can be observed and analysed. The research is primarily concerned with the fundamental element s of social change; how does it come about? Following an introduction to the theories, I examine the evolution of individual behaviour in an attempt to answer this question. Complexity and chaos theory are also examined to illustrate the context in which most change occurs. The concepts of incomplete feedback loop s and emergent behaviour are used to explain the way behaviour operates. Finally, the concept of the catalytic personality i s introduced. 2.1 Theorie s o f Social Chang e The following ar e among the dominant theories of social change: Evolutionary theory purports that human societies evolve from simpl e to complex structures in a progression of definitive stage s (Strasser and Randall, 1981, 55). Cyclical theory suggests that cultures follow a  predictable cycle of growth and decline (Strasser and Randall, 1981). Dialectical theory observes that cultural "activities might be set in motion by aims of one sort and then kept going by aims of another sort" (Schneider, 1976 , 42). Thus the new social structure that evolves may not mirror its predecessor. Despite their differences, many of the social change theories are concerned with the behaviour of people trying to meet their needs. Functionalist theory makes this point explicit. Functionalist theorists Pareto, Schumpeter , and Parsons uphold the concept that humans have basic needs and societies constantly adapt themselves to meet these needs. The adaptations may show increasing differentiation, a s societies become more complex, but the needs they serve remain constant. Thus, despite interferences from external forces, societies constantly seek to preserve or re-establish their social institutions (Strasser and Randall, 1981 , 81). Within society, adaptations often resul t from conflict s between groups whose needs differ. Conflic t theory , supported by Marx and Dahrendorf, observe s that conflicts often aris e between those who have power and those who do not. Marx relates such conflict to the struggle over control of the means of production, and both theorists see conflict a s "pervasive and normal in a society" (Mann, 1992 , 6). Weber extends the reasons for conflict to include intellectual aspects (Boudon, 1986 , 19) . Nevertheless, a fundamental premis e is that the resolution o f one 10 conflict usually leads to a new structure in which opposed interests once again find cause for disagreement (Mann , 1992, 6). In explaining the process of urban social change, Castells uses a conflict model in which the city is created out of the tensions between dominant actors' interests and resistance to these interests by the dominated actors. Society, can be described as a "structural, conflictive reality" in which different actor s "oppose each other over the basic rules of social organisation" (Castells, 1983 , 302). Since space is fundamental t o the organisation of social life, the conflict ove r the assignment of certain goals to certain spatial forms (becomes) one of the fundamental mechanism s of domination and counter-domination in the social structure (Castells, 1983 , 302). It should be noted, however, that these different actor s could also work cooperatively i f such cooperation turned out to be in the best interest of both groups. Because the political system tends, over time, to institutionalize dominant values, change usually comes from outsid e of the political, governance system. Social movements, therefore, are "the sources of social innovation," while political, governance systems provide the "instruments of social bargaining" through which the institutionalized norms of the state may be challenged (Castells, 1983 , 294). Thus, through the process of conflic t and cooperation, a city evolves (Castells, 1983 , 301). 2.2 Individua l Behaviou r At the root of social change are individuals, who together form socia l movements. Thus, in order to understand socia l change, one must also understand what motivates the behviour of individuals. "The purpose of all human behaviour is to meet needs" (Hultman, 1979 , 4). People have many differen t needs, but all fall int o two categories: survival and personal growth. All people share common survival needs for food, shelte r and safety. However, different peopl e may have very different persona l growth needs such as love, approval from others , self worth and creativity (Hultman, 1979 , 4). The way a person behaves is conditioned by her/his beliefs. Beliefs are a product of a person's experiences, which includes the lessons s/he i s taught about how to perceive the world. From experience, a person forms their beliefs abou t the world, how it works, what is right and wrong, good and bad (Hultman, 1979 , 9). The formation o f a person's beliefs i s an inductive process. Fragmentary data, bounded by the realm of personal experience, is used to 11 draw conclusions and devise a sense of order in an otherwise "messy, unpredictable, and often incomprehensibl e world" (Waldrop, 1992 , 253). Those beliefs which inform action s that best meet a person's needs are the ones a person comes to value (Hultman, 1979 , 26). However, because beliefs are based on fragmentary knowledge , they may not correctly reflect the way the world truly is, in all its complexity. When an individual places so much confidence i n her/his beliefs that s/he forgets the degree to which they have been abstracted from reality , s/he succumbs to the fallacy o f misplaced concreteness (Daly and Cobb, 1989 , 25). As a result, an individual is vulnerable to unforeseen circumstance s that may inhibit her/his ability to meet even the most basic of survival needs. The individual must therefore be adaptive, constantly adjusting t o new information an d changing circumstances. The more sensitive an individual can be, anticipating and preparing for change based on incoming information, the better her/his chances for survival . However, opportunities to discover changing circumstances are not always readily available. 2.3 Complexit y an d Chaos Theor y Living systems (including ecosystems upon which individuals depend) are best described as complex, dynamic, and far from equilibrium . Although they can exist for long periods in stable steady states, if perturbed, they may be pushed to a point where the system's behaviour and composition changes unpredictably. Thermodynamic equilibrium i s a state of non-motion, that is to say no life. The earth's living systems are suspended above thermodynamic equilibrium by solar energy captured through photosynthesis (figure 2) . Human overconsumption, pollution, and disabling of life-support function s ar e analagous to a gravitational force, dragging the earth down toward thermodynamic equilibrium. As long as energy and natural material production in the ecosphere equals or exceeds consumption in the economy, the world remains in a balanced steady state, or moves farther awa y from thermodynamic equilibrium . A steady state, should not be confused wit h permanent stasis. Though the world may operate in a domain of stability (figure 3) , its living systems are dynamic, defined by the movement of energy from on e constituent to another. There are many constituents and relationships which define how energy moves among them, i.e through the system. These relationships are extremely intricate and difficult t o understand and they are always vulnerable to perturbation. Suc h change can push the system out of its steady state, causing the world to leave its historic domain of stability and arrive at a bifurcation point , a point of unpredictable change (figure 4) . From the bifurcation point , 12 Solar Radiation and Photosynthesis Various Possible Stable Points + Thermodynamic Equilibrium Figure 2: The Earth Balanced between Opposing Forces, Located in a Domain of Stability, far from Thermodynamic Equilibrium (Rees, 1994e). 13 r\ Bifurcation Points Domains of Stability Thermodynamic Equilibrium Figure 3: The Earth Moving within a Domain of Sustainability , with the Potential to Move to a Bifurcation Point if Perturbed (Rees, 1994e). 14 Bifurcation Point s Domains of Stability Thermodynamic Equilibriu m Figure 4: The Earth at a Bifurcation Point , Ready to Move to a New Domain of Stabilit y (Rees, 1994e). 15 the ecosphere may enter many potential new steady states, each defined by different characteristic s and relationships among living systems of the earth. The element of unpredictability and vulnerability to change caused by minor perturbation i s revealed in chaos theory. Here, a seemingly stable system suddenly alters its form radically in a very short period of time. Ilya Prigogine, in his book Order out of Chaos (1984), describes the conditions in which such changes occur. Generally, things carry along within a predictable, relatively deterministic, domain. Such a system can be very difficult t o change. As the system is increasingly agitated, i t maintains the appearance of being stable and continues to operate under deterministic laws . However, its propensity to change becomes greater. At some point, usually unpredictabl e to those operating within it , the system reaches an unstable condition. Though appearing to operate as it always has, the future stat e of the system is now highly uncertain. These points of immense vulnerability to change are referred to as bifurcations (Prigogine,  1984 , 160). At these points, "we find that very small perturbation or fluctuations ca n become amplified int o gigantic, structure-breaking waves" (Toffler i n Prigogine, 1984,xvii) . The system moves to a new level of organisation; however, what the new configuration will  be is not always predictable. The move is rapid and the resulting state may not be amenable to many of the entities or variables characterizing the previous configuration. 2.4 Incomplete Feedbac k Loops and Emergent Behaviou r The problem posed to humans by complexity and chaos theory is how to be adaptive and take precautions in an unpredictable ecosystem. Human induced changes in the biosphere may be overcome by the ecosystem's resilience or they may initiate its demise. Since the environment may maintain the appearance of stability, even though i t is on the verge of rapid and unpredictable change, appropriate adaptive behaviour may be difficult t o determine. Waiting until after sever e changes have occurred leaves humans vulnerable to hardship or extinction i f the changes result in a hostile environment . Since human activity can create changes that perturb the ecosphere enough to cause a bifurcation, i t seems prudent to be cautious about those actions which negatively affect ecosystems . Efforts shoul d be made to try and avoid such actions or, if not avoidable, to try and minimize their impacts. Despite realizing the benefits o f exercising caution, why is it not always pursued? One explanation could be that perceptions of the problem do not stimulate cautious behaviour. Things that could prevent precautionary behaviour are: uncertainty that the need, for which the 16 precautions are taken, will materialize; beliefs that there is still time to prepare for the need in the future; and effort s to prepare for the need interfere wit h the ability to meet other more immediate concerns. For example, when choosing whether to use public transit or a personal vehicle to commute to work, a person may seek to satisfy daily , immediate, personal needs for saving time and money, gaining prestige and preserving physical comfort. The decision maker directly perceives the benefits to her/himself of meeting these personal needs, because a complete, that is to say observable, feedback loo p exists for them.4 However, the direct benefits to the individual of reducing his/her contributions to ground level ozone or atmospheric CO2 may not be as clear, and thus, an incomplete feedback loo p exists for these considerations. Fundamentally, the problem of incomplete feedback loop s causes what Garrett Hardin referred to as the Tragedy of the Commons (1968). If the costs of conserving a public, or common, resource are greater to an individual than the benefits s/h e would receive, than there is little incentive for that individual to act in a resource preserving, i.e. precautious, manner. Because society is characterized by incomplete feedback loops , the consequences of an individual's actions are not always explicit. A person may not be aware of certain consequences, or as is more often the case, a person may be aware but not forced to take responsibility for them. Unless the decision-maker chooses to complete the loop by virtue of her/his conscience, there is no stimulant to forgo the personal need-meeting action. Hence, when incomplet e feedback loop s exist, knowledge alone is not always sufficient t o modify dail y need-meeting behaviour. Thus, knowledge is not successfully turne d into action. Many cultural values, government regulations, and financial accountin g systems ignore the importance of taking responsibility for the environmental consequences of need-meeting activities. As a result they contribute to a society structured to encourage actions that do not support sustainability, and a population which demonstrate s emergent behaviour patterns that are not conducive to its own long-term survival . Emergent behaviour is observed whenever individuals , operating with regards to their own concerns, form par t of a group which demonstrates its own unique behaviour patterns. For example, the individual who chooses to use a private vehicle to commute to work may do so in an attempt to minimize her/his commuting time. However, once on the road, this individual and thousands like her/him, who share the same motivation, form a  group of cars, all trying to simultaneously fit onto the same stretch of highway. Each contributes to the others experience of one of the slowest means of commuting 4 A feedback loo p exists when an individual i s i) capable of assessing an initial state, ii) taking action and iii) sensing the consequences of that action and its affects o n the initial state. Such feedback ma y be positive, encouraging further action , or negative, suppressing further action . 17 possible. To an outside observer, the congregating cars at "rush hour" may appear to be a premeditated holding pattern, when in fact none of the individuals involved chose to create such a result. 2.5 Th e Role o f the Catalys t Despite living in a society which encourages status quo (i.e. unsustainable emergent) behaviour, there are some individuals who manage to behave differently. Th e role that such individuals play is worth examining, fo r individuals can often play a decisive factor i n determining the course of social changes. In his book Order Out of Chaos. Ilya Prigogine alludes to the fact that social systems can mimic ecological ones. He explains that at the bifurcation point , i.e. in the moment of change, the system is highly sensitive to external stimuli acting upon it . There is a "delicate interplay between chance and necessity," and the amplification o f a microscopic fluctuation occurrin g at the 'right moment' result(s) in favourin g one reaction path over a number of other equally possible paths. Under certain circumstances, therefore, the role played by individual behaviour can be decisive (Prigogine, 1984 , 176). One sees that at these points, influences whose physical magnitude is too small to be taken account of by a finite being, may produce results of the greatest importance. All great results produced by human endeavour depend on taking advantage of these singular states when they occur (Prigogine , 1984 , 73). Shakespeare had discovered the same as revealed in his Julius Caesar, written over three hundred years ago: There is a tide in the affairs o f men Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune; Omitted, all the voyage of their life Is bound in shallows and in miseries. (Rosen and Rosen eds., 1987, 114) Individuals able to take advantage of such circumstances to influence change fit well into Max Weber's theory of charisma. Weber noted "the important role that charismatic leaders had played in providing the 'mainspring' fo r change throughout history" (Strasser and Randall, 1981 , 30). The collapse of what was once the Soviet Union provides an excellent example of catalysed revolutionar y change in the political context. Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsen produced tremendous changes but only because the system was primed to receive them, i.e. the system was already near a point of bifurcation. Thes e personalities were the deciding factors that finally moved the system out of latency and into irreversible change. 18 They were the "small fluctuations... (that ) start an entirely new evolution that will drastically change the whole behaviour of the macroscopic system" (Prigogine, 1984 , 14). The rate of change may be positively affected b y the presence of a catalyst. Not only is the rate modified , but catalysts may "even allow the system to follow a  new reaction path" (Prigogine, 1984 , 133) . However, catalyti c personalities can also produce tremendous impact in existing institutional structures that are not necessarily on the brink of collapse. In this situation, they improve performance o f a system, by enhancing certain aspects of it. Also, they inspire others to do the same. Such a form of catalysis, often see n in chemistry and biology, is known as autocatalysis: The presence of a product is required for its own synthesis. In other words, in order to produce the molecule X we must begin with a system already containing X... Therefore we need X to produce more X (Prigogine, 1984 , 134). Thus, in addition to stimulating change by virtue of an individual's own efforts, a  catalytic personality i s often abl e to inspire others to take the same proactive lead in bringing about change. Such autocatalytic reactions are not guaranteed, but they can happen, resulting in an entire change of attitude and performance i n a department. Think, for example, of the dynamic personality of Robert Kennedy and the tremendous impact he made on improving the Justice Department's performance i n battling organised crime in the United States during the 1960 s (Schlesinger, 1978, 240-43, 268, 278). Many examples also exist at the grass roots level of organisations whose effectiveness i n achieving their goals is phenomenally enhanced thanks to the efforts o f a key individual. Autocatalysis differs fro m the previous examples where personalities take advantage of existing situations. Here, the personality actually changes the situation by virtue of his or her behaviour and the influence thi s has on others, who then emulate that behaviour. In this regard, the definition o f catalyst is stretched, but the reader must bear in mind that the changes come about by enhancing a given element in the system, such as a cooperative attitude, and not by introducing something entirely new. Thus, in an institutional setting , where many argue the bureaucratic system stifles an individual's efforts t o create change, autocatalysis can work. The governing structure is established and only requires persons with determination to improve its performance. 19 2.6 Implications for the Research Using the premise that taking precautions to reduce the impact of human activity on the ecosphere is conducive to survival, but that there are reasons why such precautionary measures are not always pursued by individuals and their government, the research uses interviews designed to access people's perceptions about what these reasons might be. The interviews ask people to reveal their perceptions about the barriers to taking actions, as outlined in the Clouds of Change report, to address the problems of atmospheric change and air quality deterioration. The responses are then analysed to identify the points at which action-taking is prevented. The analysis also tries to uncover the role of catalytic personalities and their impact. 20 3.0 An Introduction to Barriers 3.1 Requirement s o f Change i n a Democrac y Ideally, local democracy encompasses a public, elected representatives and public sector employees al l of whom are well informed o f relevant civic issues. Good communication among these groups is essential for good decision-making and effective polic y implementation (Tindal and Tindal in Nairne, 1991 , 17). However, the existence of such a framework i s only the starting point. It creates the atmosphere within which change may occur, but does not guarantee that any change will take place. To understand this, the following analogy may be helpful. The institutional structures of a democratic society are similar to a bicycle. It is capable of moving the rider (society) in new directions, but remains idle if there is no push on the pedals. The source of power, or energy, required to move the system comes from the public. It is the will of citizens that acts upon this mechanism to produce the desired changes needed to move society onto a sustainable path. Of course, different sector s of the public, by virtue of superior organisation and financial resources, are able to influence decision-maker s more effectively tha n others. This is often the case when, for example, the corporate sector overrides the will of a localized group of citizens. If those influencing governmen t are not pursuing sustainability objectives, then institutional structures could carry society in an unsustainable direction . In the quest for sustainability, i t is difficult i n large societies to establish a homogeneous vision; however, at the minimum, the dominant social paradigm must allow room for alternative views and thoughts to be introduced and debated (Rees and Wackernagel, 1992 , 5). An opportunity for different perspective s to be heard in the decision-making process becomes the first condition required for change to occur. The second condition required is the existence of individuals or groups who are willing to take action, to commit their time and energy to producing the changes they desire (Castells, 1983 , 293; French and Bell, 1984 , 312). The greater the support for an agreed upon vision or goal the more likely its realization (Van Rees, 1991 , 96; Lees and Mayo, 1984 , 11) . The third condition required for change to occur is knowledge of how to use, or affect, th e existing system to produce the desired outcome (French and Bell, 1984 , 312). While not a necessary condition, attempts to change are facilitated b y a healthy functioning o f the political system, unhampered by internal strife or grid-lock due to conflicting goal s (Ley, 1983, 217), and the existence of an institutional framework whic h is structured in a way that is able to handle the 21 changes i t is called upon to make (Van Rees, 1991, 99). Finally, while it is not essential, a political system which supports citizens' efforts t o create change is helpful (Va n Rees, 1991 , 100). 3.2 Ho w Socia l Chang e ca n b e Prevente d During a meeting of some of the worlds leading authorities on atmospheric change, the followin g conclusion was reached: While the scope for possible action may grow with technological developments , it is very clear that the obstacles to sustainability are not technical or even economic: they are social, institutional and political (Bush, 1990 , 1). With this observation in mind, this research explores the barriers to addressing atmospheric change that exist in the political and institutional realm. The literature examined in chapter two reveals that social behaviour and institutional structures are determined in part by the desire to meet human needs. To this end, the perception of which needs are to be met and what priority they should take becomes crucial. Thus, attention is paid to the role of perceptions because perceptions guide behaviour (Stein, 1984 , 122) and determine consent to operate within existing political and institutional structures. Furthermore, perceptions condition acceptance of the economic constructs which heavily influence the operations of institutions. Perhaps it is fair to argue that all the barriers identified i n this research are themselves couched in the one problematic barrier of perception. The set of ideas an individual or society has about the way the world works is the paradigm under which that person or society operates. In today's world, a particular paradigm operates at the global level; this "scientific materialist " paradigm drives the global economic system. It rests on the tenets of neoclassical economic theory and scientific reductionism. Neoclassical economics, or neoliberal economics as it is also called, embodies such familiar beliefs as : the invisible hand of the market and the trickle down effect wor k to the benefit o f all in society. Thus, consumer sovereignty must not be compromised. In fact, the economy satisfies only that demand which is supported by an ability to pay (Keynes in Heilbroner, 1980 , 268). Witness the fact that starvation among the poor is common, yet so is the sight of heaps of food being destroyed or stored because of inadequate market demand. A second belief is that market pricing mechanisms are the most accurate and efficient wa y to determine resource values (Heilbroner, 1980 , 52-65; Samuelson and Scott, 1980 , 51-52). However, this overlooks the point that most natural life support systems and their products, such as clean air , are not commodities in a market system and thus no pricing cues exist for them (Rees, 1994d , 5). Furthermore, prices are determined at the 22 margin, meaning that the inherent value of something is not reflected, onl y its current status of availability. Such a system is better suited to the pricing of finite, or non-renewable resources, rather than renewables whose status of availability can be difficult t o predict (Victor, 1991,206) . Pricing at the margin sends false signals to society, overemphasizing the value of certain things, e.g. oil and platinum, and undermining others, e.g. air and water. The market pricing mechanism i s influenced by scientific reductionist theory which fails to appreciate biological relationships and non-reversible chemical reactions that are common in natural systems. Thus, the market system also assumes reversibility. If it is discovered that society's pricing mechanism has erred, and a resource such as clean air has been underpriced, then economic decisions can be adjusted, an d actions reversed in order to promote its newly realized scarcity. Unfortunately, society' s actions can be reversed, but the impact of those actions in many cases cannot. The impacts leave the sphere of human influence and enter the realm of environmental consequences , an area where humanity has often proven ineffectual . Finally, since the scientific materialis t paradigm considers natural and human-made capital to be interchangeable (Simon, 1981) , it does not accept the argument of limits to growth (Daly and Cobb, 1989; Christensen, 1991 , 78). The scientific materialis t paradigm argues that human ingenuity gives rise to technology, a form o f capital input which is able to circumvent the restrictions placed on production by scarce resources. Thus, resources are no longer considered a limiting factor, eithe r to production or to human survival (Simon, 1981) . It is interesting to note, however, that although technology has been able to temporarily overcome trends of resource depletion, i t has not been able to reverse these trends in the long term. For example, while fertilizers an d hybrid seeds mask problems of land degradation in the short term, the natural productivity of agricultural land continues to decline (Smith,, 1986 , 9), causing the global loss of twenty-four billio n tons of topsoil and six million hectares of land annually (Brown, 1990 , 3; Postel, 1989 , 21). Furthermore, those operating under the scientific materialis t paradigm claim to be promoting sustainabl e objectives efficiently an d effectively (Dasgupt a and Heal, 1979 ; Simon, 1981 ; Block, 1990) . However, as noted above, there is increasing evidence that this may not be the case (Brown, 1981 ; Daly and Cobb, 1989; Milbrath, 1989; Pearce et al., 1989 ; Brown et al. 1992) . Current dominant economic paradigms may not be compatible with present biophysical realities (Rees and Wackernagel, 1992 , 5). Continuing to act in accordance with these paradigms may prevent the adoption of alternative actions which would place society on a sustainable track. 23 Given the scientific materialist  paradigm's dominance in twentieth century society, it becomes very difficult t o act in a manner that favours sustainabl e development. Governments which have co-evolved with scientific materialis t beliefs unwittingly become their defender. Thus , defensive actions used to by-pass embarrassment and threat prevent opportunities for learning and change in government (Argyris, 1993 , 20). As a result, the status quo is maintained. One sees the accumulation of knowledge and the conceptualization o f ideas and initiatives to promote sustainability, only to have them stymied and prevented from being translated into actions. Therefore, i t is important to track the specific point at which such initiatives are blocked. The literature has uncovered many ways to think about these points of impediment. The most common, however, is to use a three tiered approach. The first tier examines the individuals; the second, the organisation itself; the third, the culture or system in which the organisation is embedded (Weiss, 1972, 311; Robbinson, 1993 , 44). In the following sections , I categorize the barriers in this research into three types which approximate the above: Perceptual/Behavioural, Institutional/Structural and Economic/Financial. The barriers listed concur with those found in the literature (Airman, 1985 ; Argyris, 1993 ; Castells, 1983 ; Hultman, 1979 ; Lees and Mayo, 1984 ; Ley, 1983 ; Rees and Wackernagel, 1992 ; Van Rees, 1991) . In this analysis, the market system is viewed as the cultural setting within which the institution of government operates. While process and goal oriented barriers are discussed, their delineation within each category is not strictly pursued. 3.2.1 Perceptual/Behavioura l Barrier s For purposes of this research, perception and behaviour shall be defined in the following terms. Perception is the recognition and interpretation of a set of circumstances. Perception usually leads to a behaviour, which is defined a s the aggregate of observable responses of an organism to internal or external stimuli (Stein, 1984 , 122) . It should be noted that behaviours observed in response to institutionalized systems of governance or economic pressures shal l be listed under the categories focussing o n those issues. The barriers that fall under the Perceptual/Behavioural categor y are: Lack of  Understanding about the Issues. The public has a shallow ecological perspective. Constituents do not understand the gravity of the situation. Consider this perspective, typical of those who feel uninspired to act: The radical environmentalist draws attention to policy issues that, aside from a  derivative entertainment value, would not normally command such attention. People naturally devote most 24 of their serious reading time to issues that have more personal impact , such as the weather report or a Consumer Reports article. The individual does not have the remotest control over whether mankind will survive the next decade, and only if a report is sensational enough to be discussed over cocktails will it be scanned along with the ball scores (Block, 1990 , 129). Overwhelming Complexity of the Issue. An issue spanning many factors of cause and effect become s very difficul t to understand (Van Rees, 1991, 100), and hence difficult t o address with a management strategy (Tindal and Tindal, 1984, 190) . Often, the complexity of an issue is so overwhelming, that people avoid dealing with it . Uncertainty. Whe n there is uncertainty about how to deal with an issue, the default i s often t o accept the status quo (Rees, 1994d , 19) , or to move ahead at a very slow pace taking only small actions. Often, scientifi c dat a can be commandeered by political interests. As environmental issues become more prominent, the question of what is fair analysis and what is industry-generated propaganda will become increasingly difficult fo r policy makers to determine (Bush, 1990 , 34). Competing Issues. Dependin g on how society perceives and values things, some issues will continue to take precedence over others. The resources dedicated to addressing a particular issue are competed for by newly evolving issues which are not always successful i n securing adequate support. Thus, competing issues can create conflicting goals within an institution, adding to the difficulty o f implementing a specific policy (Ley, 1983 , 394). Differences in  Perception. Different perception s cause people to respond differently t o incoming informatio n (Hultman, 1979 , 15) . Differences i n perception about the state of the ecosphere, impacts of the global economy and present health and welfare conditions for the majority o f the world's inhabitants make it difficult t o reach agreemen t about what action, if any, should be taken in the interest of sustainability. Furthermore, differences i n perception about which is the most effective wa y to take action to deal with the above mentioned problems inhibit s opportunities for cooperation (Ley, 1983 , 230; Argyris, 1993 , 23). Acceptance of  the Status Quo. Current ideological/political realities - such as the acceptance of... dominan t social groups and the rapidly emerging consumer-oriented car e and happiness market - are preventing structura l solutions and mean that there is little more to show in this arena (of welfare) than well intentioned programmes and projects with limited consequences in relatively isolated circumstances (Van Rees, 1991,96) . 25 Thus the acceptance of ideas such as consumer sovereignty, the right to drive automobiles and "enjoy the good life " are directly conflicting wit h efforts t o move in a sustainable direction. Perceived Lack of Empowerment. If  one believes that one's own actions will produce little consequence in improving sustainability, one readily asks the question, "why should I bother to put in an effort?" Thi s type of barrier often manifest s itsel f as apathy. Many urban policymakers are stuck in the paralysing belief that our market society and our bureaucratic nation-state system cannot be changed in any basic sense. To play by those rules means that both the environment and the less fortunate members of society always lose until eventually everything is lost (Roseland, 1992 , 336). Perceived Inequity. Thi s barrier produces the "free rider" phenomenon seen commonly in public good problems (Castells, 1983,293 ; Van Rees, 1991, 100). Action which supports sustainability is usually not adopted in a society when i t is perceived that the personal sacrifices required to adopt the action are greater than the benefits both to the community a t large and to the individuals themselves. If one feels that one's own sacrifice wil l be abused by the over-consumption o f someone else, motivation to act is dissuaded. This barrier manifests itsel f in daily decisions to drive one's car rather than bicycle (which sacrifices safety ) or take public transit (which sacrifices time) etc. This barrier also allows abdication of personal and civic responsibility. People find it easy to excuse their consumptive lifestyle because their contribution to the problem i s minor and their ceasing to contribute would either have negligible effect, o r more likely, would only allow others greater consumptive options. Thus, with the existence of this perceptual barrier a reason why not to adopt actions that support sustainability exists. Attention Pressure.  Where "Competing Issues" addresses the issues themselves, "Attention Pressure" addresses the process of dealing with those issues. Whichever issue an organisation i s pressured to attend to is the issue to which the organisation will be most progressive, i.e. take most immediate action (Ley, 1983 , 217). Government shows the tendency to feel the pressures of local interests more keenly than those that are more broadly based. Attention pressure is also witnessed by the tendency to be more sensitive to short-term interest s than those of long-term duration, where the results will only be realized many years in the future. When two interests compete directly, those of local concern and immediate results win more often than not. Responding to attention pressure results in a 26 council that is "adaptively rational rather than omnisciently rational" (Ley, 1983 , 210). It is true that in the interest of survival an organisation must be adaptive and responsive to changes in its external environment. However , sustainability requires that governments develop methods to discern between which issues deserve their attention independent of which ones they are being pressured to focus upon. Lack of a Catalytic Personality. Catalyti c personalities can facilitate tremendous change within an institutional structure. They are key to the effectiveness o f an organisation (Argyris, 1993 , 31). Through their actions they are often abl e to motivate others. If such a personality does not believe in the value of certain policies, then implementation may not be as thorough as if such a person was championing them among his/her peers. Citizens Disunited/Not supportive.  If  citizens share no common bonds, philosophies, or interests, or if they do not face similar  problems spatially, economically, and/or socially, then there is no consensus regarding which items are priorities that need to be addressed. There is a lack of shared vision and values; thus, initiatives supported by one group are fought by another (Van Rees, 1991 , 96; Lees and Mayo, 1984 , 11). Media's Presentation of  Information. Th e selection of media content can create tremendous barriers to the implementation of policies. Because the media shapes public perception and therefore plays a crucial role in the functioning o f democratic systems, failure to present information comprehensivel y lead s to biasing of the readers, and issues that are omitted have less chance of becoming part of public consciousness (Rees and Wackeraagel , 1992). Disjunction between  Verbal  Support and Willingness  to Take  Action. "Value s all tend to sound good and noble on the surface. Consequently , people can verbally state that they have a value, even though that value has no impact on their behaviour" (Hultman, 1979 , 29). Policies that are verbally supported by the public often fai l because in practice citizens do not comply. There is a tendency to support environmental initiative s without taking into consideration what will personally be required to implement them. 27 3.2.2 Institutional/Structura l Barrier s The term 'institutional ' pertains to organised societies. It denotes an organisation o r an establishmen t devoted t o the promotion of a particular objective, usually of public concern. Institutions are characterized by established laws and customs, which form a  structure within which behaviour occurs. The types of barriers identified unde r this category also deal with decision-making and information managemen t structures of institutions. Institutional/Structural barrier s are: Lack of Information Sharing. Lack of cooperation and information sharin g among the "different agencies  of knowledge" creates a barrier (Ley, 1983 , 365). These agencies consist of government council members and civic employees who have knowledge of the whole system (the city politic), academics who have knowledge of specifi c issues that affect the city, and community organisations who have knowledge of how specific issue s affect certai n sectors of the city; other stakeholders might also be considered. Without integrative consultation of these three agencies, policy making remains a process of applying incomplete knowledge to problems, or remaining ignorant of them all together, and thus deriving rather ineffectual results . Weak Linkages between Government and its Constituents. Government provides the medium through which public will is translated into public action. However, until the public will is known, government action cannot commence. Thus, responsive action in the public sector is dependent on strong linkages between the governing body and its constituents. When these links are weak, there is often considerabl e disjunction between what the public would like its government to do, and what that government actually does. When these links are weak, a barrier to action also exists because government is left without a clear directive from the public on the course of action i t is expected to take to deal with a particular issue (Sale, 1980,495) . Inappropriate Structural Framework of Government (Vertical). The structural framework o f the institution i s ill suited to the task at hand, e.g. the fragmented structur e of municipal departments does not match the highly interconnected nature of the community/city and its problems (McAllister, 1979 , 36; Roseland, 1992 , 6). 28 Inappropriate Structural  Framework of Government (Political Term). This barrier applies specifically t o the length of political office fo r council members which is perhaps too short to give initiative to politicians to embark on the long process of implementing actions that support sustainability. The relatively short term in office allowe d between election periods "tends to encourage decision-makers to approve quick gain initiatives while shelving longer-term les s results-oriented projects" (Nairne, 1991 , 17; Rees, 1994d , 18). Limitation of  Jurisdiction. Limitation of jurisdiction often blocks agencies which are appropriately informed o n how to deal with an issue from being allowed to apply their knowledge to the problem. Furthermore, agencies which are best suited, and in some cases even mandated, to address an issue may not do so because of limite d authority . This improper balance of power between local and provincial governments hinders local government's ability to carry out expanded social or environmental services (Tindal and Tindal, 1984 , 200). Unequal Balance of Power and  Resources Among Community  Organizations. This problem i s exacerbated by lack of shared vision and values. The result is that certain communities enjoy greater influence ove r municipal decisions, thus undermining the benefits o f participatio n processes. Equity in power sharing should be maintained even if some communities lack the social and financial resources necessary to lobby their issues effectively (Ley , 1983, 307). Weak Understanding of Action Roles.  The public believes that once a report is approved or adopted by council the public's job is done and the initiative will be implemented, i.e. it is government's job to bring about the changes (push the pedals). They do not realize that their role involves demanding or ensuring that these changes are in fact implemented (Ley, 1983 , 306). Fear of Losing Control/Power.  Once established, agencies tend to guard what power and resources they have for purposes of fulfilling thei r mandate and ensuring their own perpetuation (Airman et al., 1985 , 625). Fear of ceding power to another group can block efforts t o work cooperatively i n the interests of sustainability. In government, fea r of letting the public have the final say on the outcome of a particular decision may exist if the governing body feel s that such a decision could jeopardize its standing with key constituents or create other unfavourable consequences . 29 Fear of Losing Constituent  Support Fea r of embarrassment or threat to one's position leaves politicians unwilling to make firm decisions (Argyreis, 1993 , 22). Desire for promotion or re-election can become a barrier to action-taking if segments of the constituency are averse to the adoption of such action. Such fear produces an attitude among political figures which is best summarized by the phrase "not in my term of office." Thi s saying represents the tendency of council members not to introduce radical changes while in office fo r fear of losing public support at the next election. Weak Diversity Among Those  in the Decision-Making Arena. I f council members come from similar socioeconomic backgrounds, they may not be exposed to the full range of problems that other communities (poore r ones, culturally mixed, those located close to industry etc.) experience. Homogeneity of decision-makers could cause barriers to the adoption of actions that support sustainability (Ley, 1983 , 306; Nairae, 1991 , 18). Union Regulations. Predetermined contracts can inhibit opportunities for change (Altman et al., 1985 , 626). Thus, adaptations that would support sustainability may not be implemented until contracts expire and opportunitie s for re-negotiation occur . 3.2.3 Economic/Financia l Barrier s Economics is concerned with the production, distribution and use of income, wealth and commodities (Stein, 1984,418) . The term financial refers to the management of funds an d revenues (Funk and Wagnalls, 1983, 290). Barriers under this category shall also consider monetary or resource constraints that prevent or limit desired activities. The barriers that fall under the Economic/Financial categor y are as follows: Financial Gain Motive. Desire for financial gains can become a barrier to adopting actions that support sustainability (Ley , 1983 , 304). For example, if an automobile retailer believes that s/he can sell gas engine automobiles more readily than vehicles powered by alternative fuels then, in response to economic pressures to maximize income, that retailer will carry more gas engine vehicles in her/his inventory, despite knowing that this type of automobile i s less oriented towards sustainability . 30 Marginal Pricing and Economic Valuation.  Because we live in a global system where the agreed upon exchange medium of value is money, government and society feel the pressure to preserve money generating activities more strongly than the pressure to preserve life sustaining networks. This confused perceptio n of importance and its consequent pressures on decision-makers to protect short-term economic interests over long-term sustainabilit y interests represents a major barrie r to the adoption of sustainability oriented action (Rees and Wackernagel, 1992) . Inadequate Funds.  Inadequate funds to support the implementation o f environmental initiatives can prevent their realization (Ley, 1983 , 361). Existing Funds Already Pre-Allocated to  Other Initiatives. Once funds ar e committed to a project, their re-allocation becomes difficult (Altma n et al., 1985 , 625). 31 4.0 Analysis of the Barriers tha t Played a  Role in the Case Study . 4.1 Representatio n o f Research Participant s The information belo w directly represents what was said in the interviews. The speakers remain anonymous. However, they are designated as a member of one of the following groups : Vancouver City Council, civic staff, Task Force on Atmospheric Change, citizenry at large. In the author's view, the interview participant s have spoke frankly abou t what they perceive to be the barriers to implementation o f the Clouds of Change recommendations, and this information ha s been faithfully transcribe d for this thesis. Bear in mind that the purpose of the research is to have those responsible for the implementation of the Clouds of Change report identify i n their own words what they perceive the barriers to be. In this respect, all perceptions of barriers are valid, and it is the researcher's impression that the barriers identified by the interviewees did in fact spring from actua l as opposed to hypothetical experience. 4.2 Th e Barriers Identified b y Interviewee s When reviewing the barriers list, the reader should bear in mind that it contains only those barriers specifically describe d as such by the respondents. Other barriers exist which are not cited below such as the existing built environment which inhibits opportunities for new transportation routes. However, le t the reader be reminded that the research focusses on political and institutional barriers. The following lis t presents only those barriers identified i n interviews and not encountered in the literature. 4.2.1 Perceptual/Behavioural  Barriers Lack of  Choices.  Citizens who want to act in ways that support sustainability find it difficult becaus e they are not in a position to exercise freedom o f choice over many issues governing their daily lives. Financial restrictions, limited employment opportunities , and/or family obligations can influence behaviou r as much as values and beliefs. Furthermore, in those areas where choices are possible, absence of city policies and infrastructure whic h facilitat e behaviours that support sustainability dete r many who would like to engage in them. Prestige Motive. A  person's desire for affirmation o r simply acceptance can become a barrier to adopting actions that support sustainability i f the acknowledged culture is averse to such action. There is a tendency for individual s 32 not to introduce radical changes for fear of losing support of friends an d neighbours. This barrier is especially relevant in a culture that values consumption and attaches prestige to the display of consumption. Perception of  Effectiveness. People think that what they are doing is adequate to cope with the problem, or they think they are being effective i n acting towards change, when actually they are not. Intangible Nature of the Resource. Humans are highly responsive to their sensory capabilities. However, issues which are not directly perceptible through sight , sound, touch or smell seem to generate lesser impacts on the human psyche. Since many aspects of atmospheric change and changes in air quality are not directly perceptible, they tend to be forgotten . Lack of Championing by the Mayor or City Manager. The Mayor and City Manager are seen as the chief controllers of civic government. Through their actions, they can influence the way in which the rest of City Hall addresses an issue. If they do not perceive that a set of policies should be prioritized, then the rate at which these policies are implemented will be slower than it would be if they were championed. Lack of Buy-in by Council. The Council decides what issues need attention by the civic departments. When making decisions about issues that affect th e City, responsibility lies with them not to contravene city policies. If Council is not supportive of a specific se t of policies, their implementation can be undermined by Council decisions. Lack of Buy-in by Civic Staff. Civic staff research policy impacts and make allowances for their implementation. I f civic staff are not supportive of a particular policy, its implementation can be delayed and sometimes prevented. 4.2.2 Institutional/Structural  Barriers Lack of Environmental Non-Government Organizations  (ENGOs) The absence of an urban environmental group to advocate issues of concern leave s many policies vulnerable to manipulation by other special interest groups. 33 Weak Linkages between Government and Civic Departments. When communication i s weak between Council and civic departments, cooperation between the two is diminished. Opportunities for problem solving go unnoticed and implementation o f policies suffer a s a result. Weak Linkages between Civic Departments and Public. Communication between civic departments and the public provides an opportunity for social learning and improved cooperation towards policy implementation. Weak linkages between these groups often results in frustrated attempt s to implement policies which are furthe r undermined by ignorance or special interest groups. Lack of Cooperation and Information Sharing among Civic Departments. Lack of cooperation and informatio n sharing among civic departments can impede implementation of certain policies. This barrier is closely tied to the segregated, hierarchical structure of civic departments. Weak Linkages Among the  Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government Policie s in isolation do not necessarily have a great impact on improving sustainability. Policies created and implemented in coordination produce tremendous impact. Perhaps the weak linkages in environmental policy coordination (i.e . lack of knowledge about the environmental policies that exist in other government agencies and lack of coordination amon g these different agencie s in creating, implementing and enforcing policies ) is a result of the compartmentalize d structure of government. Lack of Familiarity with Environmental Policies in Own Department Lac k of familiarity with environmenta l policies in one's own department may prevent action-taking in specific situations . Uncertainty about How to Implement New Policies. Examples of policies that have been implemented elsewher e provide an opportunity to identify an d accommodate unexpected impacts that policy may have when implemente d locally. Such examples also provide implementation strategies . Implementing original policies creates tremendous uncertainty. The work involved in having to generate the kind of information highlighte d above is both expensive and time-consuming and thus avoided. 34 Uncertainty About Whether  Specific Policies Need to be Implemented. Uncertainty in the institutional context may be the result of many other factors or barriers such as lack of information abou t the severity of the problem, differences i n perception about how to interpret incoming information, fea r of losing constituent support etc. Uncertainty tends to function a t the institutional level in the same way that it operates at the personal level , cited under perceptual and behavioural barriers. 4.2.3 Economic/Financial Barriers Inadequate Resources.  Inadequate supply of support staff results in an inability to thoroughly research or implement policy initiatives on schedule. Unwillingness to Pay More Taxes.  Public unwillingness to pay additional taxes, whether stemming from financia l limitations or cynicism about government's ability to spend the increases in tax money effectively, restrict s opportunities to implement new policies. Failure to Guarantee Results/Impact I f the desired impacts of a policy recommendation canno t be guaranteed, then chances that action will be taken to implement it are severely reduced. This situation i s exacerbated i f the results are only expected to occur in the long-term future, yet require financial input s today. Lack of a Prioritizing Mechanism. Withou t a prioritizing mechanism, staff remain uncertain about appropriate budget re-allocations. Spending on initiatives can be mis-allocated to those things which receive a large amount of attention, i.e . the squeaky wheel, but which may not correspondingly be of highest priority to the City. Fear of Disadvantaging the  Poor. Inequity of financial statu s among citizens leaves certain sectors of the populace vulnerable to hardship by the impacts of some policy initiatives. Where strategies to minimize such vulnerability are not apparent, the policies in question may not be implemented. 35 4.3 Tabulation of the Data Table one represents a combined list of the barriers identified in the literature and the ones provided by interviewees that were not encountered in the literature. Interviewees cited both types of barriers when identifying what they perceived as the impediments to action-taking. The table records how many members from each of the four target groups identified a particular barrier. There is substantial variance among the numbers of people interviewed for each group; however, the actual frequencies recorded for all groups seem closely matched. This could be due to the fact that the two groups with the smallest number of participants, namely Council and Task Force members, are sensitive to barriers that prevent action-taking in support of Clouds of Change. The remaining groups, also consisting of highly informed individuals, incorporates a sector of people who are not as closely tied to the report. The table reveals which types of barriers are perceived as most prevalent by which groups. Table 1: Frequency of Barrier Identification Type of Barrie r Numbe r of Responses from a possible total of: 6 2 1 1 1 1 8 5 6 Perceptual/Behavioural Barrier s Lack of Understanding Overwhelming Complexity of the Issue Uncertainty Lack of Choices Competing Issues Differences i n Perception Intangible Nature of the Resource Prestige Motive Acceptance of the Status Quo Perception of Effectivenes s Perceived Lack of Empowerment Perceived Inequity Attention Pressure Lack of Championing by Mayor or City Manager Lack of a Catalytic Personality Lack of Buy-in by Council Lack of Buy-in by Civic Staf f Citizens Disunited/not supportiv e Media's Presentation of Informatio n Disjunction Betwee n Verbal Support and Willingness to Take Action Council 4 -2 3 3 2 --3 2 3 1 3 -1 1 3 5 1 1 Cv. Stf . 6 3 3 3 11 7 2 3 5 4 6 3 4 3 2 -8 4 1 8 Tsk. Fr. 8 3 2 -3 3 3 1 3 -7 1 3 3 3 4 2 1 -~ Citizen 5 1 3 5 3 2 2 3 3 -6 4 2 --5 2 3 4 2 Total 23 7 10 11 20 14 7 7 14 6 22 9 12 6 6 10 15 13 6 11 36 Table 1 : Frequency of Barrier Identification (continued ) Type of Barrie r Numbe r of Responses from a  possible total of : 6 2 1 1 1 1 8 5 6 Institutional/Structural Barrier s Lack of Information Sharin g LackofENGOs Weak Link Between Government and Constituents Weak Link Between Government and Civic Depts. Weak Link Between Civic Departments and Public Lack of Cooperation & Information Sharin g Among Civic Departments Lack of Familiarity with Environmental Policies within Own Department Weak Link Among Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government Uncertainty About How to Implement New Policies Uncertainty About Whether Specific Policies Need to be Implemented Inappropriate Structure of Government (vertical ) Inappropriate Structure of Government (politica l term) Limitation of Jurisdiction Unequal Balance of Power and Resources Among Community Organization s Weak Understanding of Action Roles Fear of Losing Control/Power Fear of Losing Constituent Suppor t Weak Diversity Among Decision-Maker s Union Regulations Economic/Financial Barrier s Financial Gain Motive Marginal Pricing and Economic Valuation Inadequate Resources Inadequate Funds Existing Funds Already Pre-Allocated Unwillingness to Pay More Taxes Failure to Guarantee Results Lack of Prioritizing Mechanism Fear of Disadvantaging the Poor Council 1 1 4 2 1 --2 --1 1 5 " 2 2 3 1 1 2 2 3 4 -3 2 1 3 Cv. Stf . 2 1 3 4 1 4 -6 -1 7 -10 -3 6 7 -4 1 1 6 9 3 3 5 6 1 Tsk. Fr. -3 4 -1 2 1 1 2 1 4 3 2 -4 3 3 2 -4 3 3 2 1 -2 1 3 Citizen 4 2 4 1 ---6 --3 1 1 1 1 2 6 2 1 4 3 3 4 1 1 1 --Total 7 7 15 7 3 6 1 15 2 2 15 5 18 1 10 13 19 5 6 11 9 15 19 5 7 10 8 7 37 Table two identifies which barriers impeded the implementation o f which recommendations. Informatio n from interview s and policy reports was used to inform the analysis. A recommendation i s given "completed" status if the goal of the recommendation has been achieved. Completion of a recommendation may have occurred independently of efforts mad e on behalf of Clouds of Change. It should be noted that this definition o f "completed" differs fro m the City's which includes in its definition o f completed: decisions not to implement a recommendation and decisions to pass responsibility for implementation to a senior level of government, namely the GVRD (City of Vancouver, 1992,2) . Achievement of a recommendation goal that occurred directly as a result of the City's efforts t o implement Clouds of Change is given "implementation complete" status. The status of "implementation incomplete " defines those recommendations for which the City has taken action, but has not yet achieved the original goal of the recommendation. The status of "not implemented" refers to recommendations which were adopted by the City, but then upon reconsideration were decided against. "Passed to" notes the status of recommendations for which the City transferred implementatio n responsibility to a senior level of government. "Deleted" identifies thos e recommendations which the City did not adopt. A full account of alterations to the original Clouds of Change document can be obtained from th e City of Vancouver (City of Vancouver, 1990b) . The reader is encouraged to refer to these changes as some recommendations were significantly altere d prior to Council's adoption of the report. Table two draws attention to some of these changes. The status of Cloud s of Change recommendation s according to the City appears in Appendix A. The numbers 1 , 2 and 3 are used to categorize the barriers according to type. Barriers from th e Perceptual/Behavioural category are preceded by the number 1 . Barriers for the Institutional/Structural categor y are preceded by the number 2, and barriers from the Economic/Financial categor y are preceded by the number 3. Shaded portions of the table represent those recommendation goal s which have been achieved, whether or not as a result of Clouds of Change. 38 Table 2: Status of Recommendations and Barriers that have Impeded their Implementation Rec. la b 2 3a b i ii iii iv V c d 4a b c d Description 20% reduction in C02 (1988 ) by 2005 Elimination o f CFCsbyl995 Creation of Air Quality Mgt. Agency (AQMA) Urge Province to: act on AQMA Commit to 20% reduction in C02 emissions by 2005 Min. of Transport. & Hwys. to assist in reducing emissions Support mandatory vehicle emissions tests Sliding scale for fees and insurance Ministry of Forests to reduce C0 2 release from fores t mgt. practices Ministry of Forests to recognize role of forests as carbon sink Phase out ozone depleting chemica l emissions by 199 5 Pursue national agreements fo r reduced emissions Urge Federal govt, to: Use all measures to implement recs. Commit to 20% reduction i n C02 emissions Commit to phase out ozone depleting chemicals by 199 5 Legally enforceable flee t fuel efficienc y standards Status Implemented incomplete Completed by Province Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Completed by Province & GVRD Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Barrier(s) 1) Lack of buy-in by civic staff , Uncertainty, Overwhelmin g complexity These recommendations require the City to lobby senior governments fo r change. A detailed discussion of the difficulties encountere d with lobbying appears in the section titled Limitation of Jurisdiction. Barriers to effective lobbyin g are: 1) Differences i n Perception, Acceptance of the status quo, Competing issues, Attention pressure, Perceived lack of empowerment 2) Limitation of jurisdiction, Inappropriate structure of government (vertical), Weak linkages among the policies of civic and senior levels of government. Comments Province/GVRD already moving this way. Did not result from Clouds of Change lobbying. 39 Rec. e f 5a b 6 7 8 9a b i ii 10a i ii b Description Adopt targets as part of international agreements Progressively limi t imports from countries not adopting international targets Review GVRD ozone depleting chemical bylaw Prepare draft Cit y ozone depleting chemical bylaw Provision of economic incentives fo r conversion GVRD to influenc e reduction in industrial S0 2 Accelerate methane gas collection system Draft automobil e traffic managemen t bylaw Eng. and Planning directed to: Plan to implement, monitor, enforc e above. Measures to fulfil l City's responsibilities Study establishment of : Preferential parking rates for HOVs Exclusive HOV parking facilitie s Draft bylaw to require private parking lots to implement the above Status Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Completed by Province Implemented incomplete Completed by GVRD Implemented complete Passed to GVRD (Not implemented) Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Barrier(s) cont. 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 2) Fear of losing constituent support , Weak linkages among policies of civic and senior governments 2) Fear of losing constituent suppor t 3) Marginal pricing & economic valuation l)False perception of effectivenes s 3) Marginal pricing & economic valuation 1) Acceptance of the status quo 2) Fear of losing constituent suppor t 1) Citizens disunited/not supportive , Acceptance of the status quo 3) Financial gain motive 1) Competing issues , Overwhelming Complexity Comments GVRD already moving in this direction. City already moving in this direction. Clouds of Change provided incentiv e to complete. Although the City had jurisdiction to implement its own traffic managemen t bylaw, a regional bylaw was perceived as more effective. Whe n the GVRD declined to implement, no further actio n was taken by the City. 40 Rec. l lai ii iii b 12 a b new 13a b c i ii iii iv Description Bylaw changes requiring bicycle parking Implementation o f Bicycle Plan Enhance bicycling opportunities Urge Police to improve enforcement regarding bicycling and traffi c Identify potentia l HOV lanes Application of remote tailpipe sensing GVRD & Province to consider hotline Work with B.C. Min. of Transport. & Hwys. on HOV pricing preferenc e BC Transit to improve marketing in schools Continue transit improvements such as: frequency , convenience, comfort & efficiency Price, transfer marketing inducements Convert bus flee t to most efficien t power sources Reduce fares, daily fares Status Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Implemented complete Passed to GVRD Completed by GVRD Implemented Incomplete Completed by B.C. Transit Completed by B.C. Transit Implemented Incomplete Implemented Incomplete Implemented Incomplete Barrier(s) 1) Perceived effectivenes s 1) Differences i n perception, Acceptance of the status quo, Perceived effectiveness, Competin g issues 3) Inadequate supply of funds, Lack of prioritizing mechanism 1) Differences i n perception, Acceptance of the status quo 1) Perceived inequity, Uncertainty, Attention Pressure, Citizens disunited/not supportive , Overwhelming complexity 2) Fear of losing constituent support , LackofENGO 3) Financial gain motive Requires City to lobby senior government. Barriers to effectiv e lobbying regarding this recommendation are : 1) Competing issues, Perceived lack of empowerment, Prestige motiv e 2)Weak linkages among policies of civic and senior governments, Inappropriate Structure of govt, (vertical), Limitation of jurisdiction Comments ENGOs already lobbyin g Citv. Clouds of Change influenced action-taking . This work is ongoing. Many interviewees feel more progress is required to meet goals. This work is ongoing. Many interviewees feel more progress is required to meet the goals set out by the recommendations. Not all the lanes identifie d were converted for HOV use. GVRD not implementing . Province to pursue. Marginal pricing and economic valuation cited as a barrier preventing B.C. Transit from takin g action. Further improvements are desirable. Prestige motive contributes to perceived lack of empowermen t on the part of government. Inadequate funds cite d as preventing B.C. Transit fro m taking action. Inadequate funds cite d as preventing B.C. Transit fro m taking action. 41 Rec. 14a b c d 15a b c new 16a b c d e Description Research & Support telecommuting by: Developing a n internal tele-communications policy Examine city-wide telecommuting needs Work with neighbourhood commercial districts Investigate "2 4 hr. City Hall" Report on general approach & resources fo r annual reports on: Vehicle use, fuel s sold, trip length, etc. Amount of direct/indirect subsidies Contribution o f non-automobile sources Report on regional initiatives/avoid duplication Planning & GVRD to study/develop energy-efficient land use policies based on: Encouraging greater density Integrating work, residence & shopping Encouraging residential clustering Increasing density along established routes Decentralizing commercial/comm-unity services Status Completed Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Completed by GVRD Completed by GVRD Completed by GVRD Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Barrier(s) 2) Union regulations 3) Lack of resources 1) Citizens disunited/not supportiv e 1) Competing Issues 1) Competing issues, Differences i n perception 3) Funds pre-allocated, Lack of prioritizing mechanism 3) Inadequate funds, Inadequat e resources 1) Competing issues 3) Lack of funds, Lack of resources 1) Lack of understanding, Citizens disunited/not supportive, Difference s in perception 1) Lack of understanding, Citizens disunited/not supportive 1) Acceptance of status quo 1) Citizens disunited/not supportive , Differences i n perception 1) Lack of choices Comments City identified nee d and pursued independent of Clouds of Change. Perceptions that work productivity might decline, keeps opportunities fo r telecommuting under -utilized. Implementation of rec . 16 is an ongoing process in which the City perseveres, sometimes successfully , sometimes not. Comprehensive plans to implement rec. 1 6 shall proceed upon completion of the CityPlan process. 42 Rec. f g h i 17 18 19 20a b c 21 22 Description Controlling shopping centres, strips, urban sprawl Encouraging infil l Providing fo r walking/bicycle access to transit Providing high quality walking & bicycling facilitie s Process for energy -efficient development Ecological incentive programme Consideration of access by proximity Encourage residential intensification through: Low-interest loans fo r accessory units Minimum requirements fo r space, utilities etc. Technical assistance in terms of design Encourage work at home Local area planning to include emission reductio n considerations Status Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Not implemented Deleted Implemented incomplete Not implemented Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Barrier(s) 1) Citizens disunited/not supportive, Lack of Choices 3) Marginal pricing and economic evaluation 1) Differences i n perception , Competing issues, Acceptance of the status quo 1) Competing issues, Differences i n perception, Acceptance of the status quo 1) Competing issues, Overwhelming complexity, Differences i n perception 3) Inadequate fund s 1) Overwhelming complexity 1) Competing issues 2) Inappropriate structure of govt, (vertical), Lack of cooperation and information sharin g among civi c depts., Weak understanding of action roles 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 1) Lack of understanding about the issues, Citizens disunited/not supportive 2 ) Fear of losing constituent support Comments Instead of an international competition, the use of local talent was favoured. A planning process to replace the competition has still not yet been implemented . Waiting for completion of CityPlan. Waiting for Outcome of CityPlan. This is an ongoing process in which the City perseveres, sometimes successfully , sometimes not. This is an ongoing process. Financial benefits i n addition to Clouds of Change plaved a role in action taking with regard to this recommendation. Lack of understanding abou t the issues was cited as a factor in citizens not being supportive. 43 Rec. 23 24a b new 25a b i ii c d e f 26a b Description Establish pilot programs of community councils Statement of contribution to objectives o f reduced pollution to be part of rezoning Review statement s with SOE Develop method for assessing impact Implement energy conservation bylaw Study & report on: Approach & resources fo r retrofit byla w Alternative to halon and ozone depleting chemicals Infrared scannin g for energy leaks B.C. Hydro/Gas invest in low-interest loans Report on proposed bylaw to implement energy efficient lightin g standards fo r commercial buildings Provincial Energ y Efficient Ac t Annual Report on Health Effect s Cooperate with other Regional Districts Status Deleted Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Not implemented Passed to Province Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Deleted Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Barrier(s) 1) Overwhelming complexit y 2) Fear of losing control/power 3) Inadequate fund s 1) Overwhelming complexity , Lack of buy-in by civic staff 3) Inadequate resources 1) Overwhelming complexity, Lack of buy-in by civic staff 2) Lack of cooperation and information sharin g among civic depts. 3) Inadequate resources 1) Overwhelming complexit y 3) Inadequate resources 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 1) Competing issues 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 1) Competing issues, 3) Inadequate supply of resources Comments Role of community council s to be discussed in CityPlan process. This recommendation wa s replaced by one calling for the evaluation of the process used in rec. 22 Even though statements are mandatory, the barriers impede their comprehensiveness, and therefore, their usefulness . Wording of rec. 24 lacks implementation guideline s which contributed to lack of buy-in by civic staff . Requires City to play a lobbying role. B.C. Hydro already pursuing. Annual reports considered redundant and not a wise use of resources. 44 Rec. c 27a b c i ii iii iv v 28a i ii iii iv v b 29a Description Regulation of wood burning C02 Ta x to fun d transport alternatives. Levied on amount of carbon/unit energy Increase to European levels by 1997 Account fo r revenues separately and apply to: Subsidizing infrastructure fo r alternatives Subsidizing infrastructure fo r alt. fuel s Research and demo of alt. fuel s Monitoring/report-ing on progress reduction of inequities from ta x Urban Reforestation: Pla n for planting & maintenance of City forest s Promoting tree planting on private property Encouraging community awareness Coordinating structure within City Annual report on tree-related activities Tree protection bylaw Accelerate/expand solid waste reduction Status Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Not implemented Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Barrier(s) 1) Lack of understanding about the issues, Differences i n perception, Acceptance of the status quo 2) Fear of losing constituent suppor t 2) Fear of losing constituent support , Limitation of jurisdiction 3) Fear of disadvantaging the poor 3) Fear of disadvantaging the poor 1) Overwhelming complexity , Perceived inequity 3) Marginal pricing and economic valuation 3) Marginal pricing and economic valuation 1) Perceived lack of empowerment , Lack of buy-in by civic staf f 1) Overwhelming complexit y 1) Perception of effectivenes s 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 1) Perception o f effectivenes s 2) Limitation of jurisdiction, Inappropriate structure of govt, (vertical) Comments This recommendation shal l be reconsidered in light of increased understanding of the issues by Council. Some jurisdiction has been obtained, but it is inadequate to achieve the goals of this recommendation. 45 Rec. b c d 30a i ii iii iv b c i ii d e i ii iii f Description Packaging standards bylaw Expansion of Composting Program Regulation of small incinerators Municipal Transport & Energy use. City departments to: Shift awa y from fossil fuels . Phase out halon extinguishers Energy-efficient street lights Encourage energy-efficiency Pursue substitution of free transi t passes Programme to encourage commuting by City employees: Designating coordinator Providing modest financial incentive s Ride Sharing Assistance Program Report on programme to: Provide bike racks & lockers Provide shower/changing space Encourage mass purchase of bike safety equipmen t Identify potential for telecommutin g Status Deleted Implemented complete Passed to GVRD Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented complete Not implemented Implemented incomplete Barrier(s) 1) Competing issues, Perceived lack of empowerment 2) Limitation of jurisdiction 1) Perception of effectivenes s 3) Marginal pricing and economic valuation 1) Uncertainty 3) Marginal pricing and economic valuation 3) Inadequate resources 1) Differences i n perception, Acceptance of the status quo, 2) Union regulations, Lack of championing by Mayor and City Manager 1) Acceptance of the status quo, Differences i n perception, Competing issues 1) Differences i n Perception 2) Union regulations 3) Failure to guarantee results Comments This recommendation was changed to one requiring the City to lobby the Provincial and Federal govts, for regulation of packaging. City already moving in this direction. Shift i n progress. Where electronic equipment is used, no suitable substitute is available. City already moving in this direction. Could be done more comprehensively. The City has received bicycle equipment from loca l retailers as a gift to help support police bicycle patrol units. 46 Rec. g h 31a b 32a b 33 34a b c d 35a b c Description Fleet conversion to cleanest fue l Continue research into lower emissions fro m City fleet & report every two weeks Code of environmentally sound busines s practices Regional purchasing policy Annual departmental reports Independent review panel Monitor global warming & adaptive measure s Pro-active advocacy role City as resource fo r policy/technology Communicate with other jurisdictions Special project s Fostering public awareness & involvement through: Leading by example Information o n City notices Environmental information o n cable TV Status Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Not implemented Implemented complete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Implemented incomplete Not implemented Barrier(s) 1) Perception of effectivenes s 3) Marginal pricing and economic valuation 1) Competing issues, Attention pressure 3) Inadequate resources 1) Competing issues. 1) Competing issues 2) Inadequate resources 1) Differences i n perception 2) Fear of losing control/power 1) Perceived effectiveness, competin g issues 2) Weak understanding of action roles 1) Competing issues 2) Weak understanding of action roles 1) Perceived lack of empowerment, Lack of championing by Mayor or City Manager, Lack of buy-in by Council, Lack of buy-in by civic staff , Prestige survival motive, Difference s in perception, Acceptance of status quo, Lack of choices, Perceived inequity 2) Weak Link between govt, and civic depts., Weak understanding of action roles 1) Competing issues, Differences i n perception, Perception of effectiveness 2) Weak understanding of action roles 1) Differences i n perception 2) Weak understanding of action roles Comments City already moving this way. Certain gas engines believed to be cleaner than alternatives available. Completed July 6, 1993 . The original rec. 31 a and 31 b were effectively collapse d into one recommendation. The original rec. 3lb was then replaced by 3 lc. A potential review panel was identified i n July '93 , but no further actio n has been taken. This recommendation originally contained subsets a and b which called for a detailed outline and costing of such adaptations. 47 Rec. d e f 8 h i J k Description Posters on City property Demonstration projects Encourage "green" neighbourhood projects Arbour day participation Create ongoing process for feedback Environmental messages on Park Board foo d containers Create informatio n kit Assist initiation of citizen-generated programs Status Not implemented Implemented complete Implemented complete Implemented complete Completed Not implemented Implemented complete Implemented complete Barrier(s) 1) Perception of effectivenes s 3) Failure to guarantee results 2) Weak understanding of action roles 2) Weak understanding of action roles 1) Perception of Effectiveness , Acceptance of the status quo, Lack of buy-in by Council, Citizens disunited/not supportive, Disjunctio n between verbal support and willingness to take action 2) Fear of losing constituent suppor t 1) Competing issues 2) Weak understanding of action roles 2) Weak understanding of action roles 1) Perceived lack of empowerment 2) Weak understanding of action roles Comments Provincial "Go Green" initiative cited as adequate. City does not want to misallocate resources by duplicating efforts . Although not a result of Clouds of Change. CitvPlan cited as an example of an ongoing feedback process . Whether CityPlan  helps establish a norm for ongoing feedback processes remains to be seen. There is potential to do more in this area. Examining table two, one sees that many of the recommendations have been completed and many more are being pursued by the City in some form of action-taking. However, what also becomes apparent is that despite implementation, many recommendations fail to produce noticeable impacts.5 On e explanation for this could stem from a problem in the wording of the recommendations. For the most part, the recommendations identify general directions the City should take, using words such as: study, shift towards, encourage, etc. There is nothing wrong with setting directives, but it seems that some quantified targets must also be included to help guide and measure progress in pursuing these directives. Without them, there might be much superficial activity, but few actions taken that actually generate impacts. The confusion between activity and impact allows for discrepancies of opinion regarding whether sufficient actio n has been taken. 5 A majority of interviewees did not observe impacts on their daily lives as a result of the City's efforts to implement Clouds of Change (see Appendix B, question 3). 48 Nevertheless, there are recommendations for which specific targets have been outlined, and still, progress towards there achievement is lacking. It is to this matter that the research now addresses its attention. 4.4 Analysis o f the Six Most Commonl y Cite d Barrier s The six most commonly cited barriers shall be presented first, followed by a discussion of other significan t barriers presented in order of their categorical type. Some barriers lend themselves better to discussion under the heading "Conditions that Facilitate Change" and accordingly will be discussed in more detail in chapter five. Under each barrier heading, the number(s) of Clouds of Change recommendations i t affected ar e listed. Where the word "new" appears, reference i s being made to a recommendation introduce d by the City which has been added to the original Clouds of Change policies (City of Vancouver, 1990b) . The six most commonly cited barriers were: lack of understanding about the issues, perceived lack of empowerment, competing issues, limitation of jurisdiction, inadequate funds, and fear of losing constituent support . Lack of  Understanding  About  the  Issues (16,26c) This barrier was the most commonly cited among the members of the Task Force on Atmospheric Change. It is a fundamental stumblin g block to adopting behaviour that moves society towards sustainability. I t is linked to acceptance of the status quo, and manifests itsel f in two ways: either there is confusion abou t what constitutes action that supports sustainability, or there is limited understanding of how the consequences of actions contribute to unsustainability. To illustrate the first case, a Councillor provides the following example : The initial response to higher density (rec. 16) is that it increases traffic, s o people work against it. But higher density is exactly what is needed. The Arbutus Industrial area is in keeping with Clouds of Change, but it was blocked by people who didn't understand this. In fact, they actually used Clouds of Change to argue against it. Because the links between cause and effect ar e not always clear, i.e. there is an incomplete feedback loop , those who have a vested interest in defending the status quo find opportunity to resist change. An example to illustrate the second case occurs with recommendation 26c, the regulation of wood burning, which would affect the use of fireplaces. This recommendation, supported by the Medical Health Officer, wa s not accepted by Council primarily because the deleterious effects o f small particulate matter, generated by such 49 activities, was not yet well understood. Now that such information i s being more widely publicized, a reconsideration o f recommendation 26c is forthcoming . The need for improved understanding of the environmental impacts of actions is eloquently revealed by a civic employee: If you go back to the good farmer, what he understands is that his livelihood depends on what he has; that supports him. If he damages his land, he damages his livelihood. It's a very close connection. Think about this in terms of Marx's theory of alienation: the farther away you get from thi s connection, the harder it is for you to understand it . Like me for instance, I get into my car in my car port and I get out in the underground parking at work. I don't even need a rain coat. I don't know what the environment is doing. I'm totally alienated from it , so how am I going to be concerned about it? The scientific materialis t paradigm of modern society does not reflect connection s to sources of life. In order to begin understanding the issues that are linked to sustainability, there needs to be improved education which re-establishes this connection. This sentiment was supported by Councillors, civic staff, Task Force members and citizens alike. However, education alone will not be the solution. The economic structures which influence decision s must also be adapted to reflect this increased understanding. As a civic employee explained: Market failure i s what you have... The externalities of pollution have to be internalized so that they become a part of business decisions. That's done by a variety of means... you regulate, you make people responsible for the outcome of their actions, e.g. manufactures have to be responsible for disposing of their packaging. The preceding observations indicate an awareness of the problems created by incomplete feedback loops , and their affect o n people's behaviour. The ideas put forward by the interviewees to overcome the problems are not new, yet despite their inherent sense, other barriers are preventing their implementation . Perceived Lack of Empowerment (3bi,4,26ciii,35a,35k) This barrier was cited by all the groups. It illustrates the way beliefs affect actions . I n government, there are beliefs that i) ability to affect consumptiv e behaviour is limited because it is entrenched in cultural values; ii) the City is able to implement symbolic measures, but actions that will result in meaningful chang e can only be implemented by senior levels of government; and iii) political attempts to bring about change are secondary in impact to those of technological improvement . These perceptions prevent dedicated action because people believe results will not be forthcoming. I n this respect, perceived lack of empowerment contributes to lack of political will 50 (LPW) becaus e government workers' enthusiasm for implementing the recommendations i s dampened, especiall y in the face of obstacles such as limitation of jurisdiction. Perceived lack of empowerment, therefore, creates the paradoxical situation of a governing body which is unmotivated to bring about the changes it desires. Thus, perceived lack of empowerment is a barrier which reinforces acceptanc e of the status quo. From a citizen's perspective, perceived lack of empowerment is a learnt perception. When asked whether people had attempted to persuade government to move faster in implementing the report's recommendations, the following types of sentiments were most commonly heard: I directed correspondence to civic staff and politicians and received encouragement, but I don't feel i t had any impact. Since that time, I've focussed my energy elsewhere, where I'd have more impact. The responses to my queries have been very noncommittal. You feel like you're beating your head against a stone wall. The City is not forthcoming i n the rationale for the decisions they make... Some public participation processes I've been to, you really get the feeling that the planners have already made their decision. They stare at you, don't respond, walk out while your talking. The average citizen over time gets worn down and wonders what's the use. These comments illustrate how experiences build perceptions which then negatively affect citizen' s behaviour, influencing man y to opt out of participating in civic governance. Improved accountability and detailed responses to citizens' questions, along with better advertisemen t about the availability of government reports regarding policy initiatives would help minimize the frustration citizen s feel. I t would also help diminish the perception that the government i s not making a bonafide effor t t o move forward o n environmental policy initiatives. Competing Issues (2,3,4,10,1 l,13,16i,26a,32a,34a,35b,35i ) Competing issues was the most commonly cited barrier among civic employees. Limited city resources force Councillors  and civic staff to make value based decisions on which issues are the most important to address. Comparing the urgency of a broad spectrum of issues such as housing, crime, drinking water, etc., in addition to that of air quality is difficult. Competin g issues can undermine action-taking i f air quality i s not perceived as a priority by some decision-makers. One Councillor made the following statement : "the general economy, housing pressures Throughout the analysis, I attempt to show which barriers contribute to lack of political will. This subject is discussed i n more detail under the heading Lack of Buy-in by Council. 51 and zoning changes are senior issues that we deal with first." Even if there is concern, uncertainty about futur e impacts of poor air quality biases decisions against the allocation of resources to address this issue. Accommodating new policy initiatives requires trade-offs tha t affect existin g programmes. Investing in air quality means appropriating money from othe r programmes. Unless the benefits of re-allocating the money are clearly visible, there is little incentive to do it. As one civic employee pointed out, "sometimes when you get down to the actual decisions, you realize that clean air for police safety i s not always an acceptable trade-off." This statement illustrate s how short-term issues with complete feedback loop s inhibit initiatives to deal with long-term sustainabilit y issues. Government may want to pursue both types of issues in principle, but in practice the issues of short-term, i.e. those whose impacts will be felt first, take precedence. Competing issues is a factor i n what is commonly cited as lack of political will because conflicting policie s slow the progress government can make in any one policy direction. A Council member explains: Debates arise over conflicting policies . One calls for keeping costs under control, the other calls for improving air quality which will add costs to the government's budget . Public opinion tends to observe policy initiatives in isolation. There is an expectation that policies will be implemented as outlined. When this does not happen, inaction is rationalized as being caused by lack of political will. Government could do more to communicate to citizens how existing policies impede new initiatives. The need for this type of communication i s discussed further unde r the heading: Weak Linkages between Governmen t and its Constituents. Inadequate Funds (la,llaiii,24c(new)) Civic staff commonly cited inadequate funds i n connection with competing issues . The combination of these two barriers function a s a major componen t of lack of political will. The public calls upon the municipal government to address a host of issues. As one citizen pointed out, "the public's attention i s constantly shifting : yesterday it was the environment, today it is the economy, tomorrow i t will be crime." These shifts i n public attention result in new Council initiatives. However, with limited financial and personnel resources, civic employees find it difficult t o apportion an optimum amount of energy and resources to the many issues they confront. A s a 52 result, few of the initiatives are implemented with the level of thoroughness originally intended. Failure to produce the expected results fuels public cynicism of government integrity . The problems related to inadequate funds ar e exacerbated without a prioritization mechanism i n place to aid civic departments with choices in funding allocations . Fear of Losing Constituent Support (9,10a,12a,21,26c,27a) Sensitivity to constituents' needs and/or desire for re-election can affect th e decisions of Councillors. In such circumstances, decisions that would upset a particular group of voters may be avoided. When asked whether Council perceives its role as the leaders, motivators, and shapers of public behaviour, or as the servants of public will, a Councillor gave the following answer : It's difficult. Politician s are elected to represent the interests of the people who put them there, and so, you're always trying to balance the interests of a local neighbourhood with the broader, general public interest. It takes a real struggle with yourself and your colleagues in Council. This question was asked when debating the Marpole high occupancy vehicle (HOV) lane (rec. 12a) . However, the final outcome was based on a political interest . Government's "fea r of displeasing someone and desire to please all" can inhibit opportunities to strike a balance, for the benefit o f the public, between loca l and regional concerns. The result is the "tyranny of small decisions." When asked how often localize d interest groups, also known as NIMBY groups, swa y Council decisions away from thei r long-term goals, a Councillor answered "often." A second Councillor explains that "merchants vote, greater causes don't... The general public will forget this decision, but the merchants won't. " The Marpole example illustrates how need-meeting behaviours, pursued by individuals, can affect th e outcome of government actions. It also demonstrates how several barriers function i n combination. In addition to fear of losing constituent support, uncertainty played a role because Councillors were not convinced the lane would contribute significantly t o reduced air pollution. Hesitations about implementing the HOV lane were strengthened further b y citizens who were not supportive of the recommendations (representing the barrier citizens disunited about their vision of sustainability). As the first Councillor who spoke illustrates: A further complicatio n i s the issue of values. You may ask yourself'what i s in the interest of the broader, general public,' but your answer may vary according to your values and belief system. For example, some people may say implementing the HOV lanes is clearly in the public's best interest, and perhaps from a n environmental perspective this is true. On the other hand, someon e The acronym NIMBY stands for Not In My Back Yard. 53 who is oriented around economic measures could argue that continuing to support local economic development, even in a very isolated case, somehow contributes to the benefit o f the public. So it's a value decision, which leaves it wide open. Several Councillors acknowledged that had an ENGO been present to lobby Council on behalf of the "greater causes," the decision could have been reversed, in favour of the HOV lane. Such acknowledgement substantiates Castells ' observation, from chapte r two, that change is initiated by groups and that governments are simply the "instruments of social bargaining" between such groups (Castells, 1983 , 294). Another manifestation o f fear of losing constituent support is that it can affect th e content of reports written by civic employees. In this context, this barrier reinforces acceptanc e of the status quo and is stimulated by the prestige motive. Prestige motive represents a need for acceptance which shapes individual behaviour on a daily basis. One department head explained that perceived public opinion often conditions the tone of reports: Perceived opinions of the public have more impact on political decisions than reality. Bureaucrat s are also sensitive to public opinion and take this into consideration when writing their reports. Politicians must be careful o f data they receive from bureaucrats.. . Bureaucrats should take positions, and politicians should challenge those positions. Too often politicians simply accept bureaucrats' words. The dilemma caused by fear of losing constituent support for a civic employee is as follows: i t is important that "people in the know be willing to speak out and not be cowed by contrary perceptions." However, "th e fear comes from th e backlash of displeasing people; it is easier to straddle the fence and try to please, or at least not offen d anybody." As a result, policy recommendations which would introduce radical change, even if the interests of sustainability cal l for it , are avoided. Limitation of  Jurisdiction (2,3,4,5a,5b,6,7,13,25b,25f,27a,28ai,28b) Limitation of jurisdiction was recognized as a fundamental barrie r among Councillors and civic staff. The general perception was that the City was making progress on most of the recommendations except for those which lay outside of its jurisdiction. The Toronto example of a city penalized for taking action outside its realm of authority deters Vancouver from temptin g a similar fate (City of Vancouver, 1991 , 2). The City must lobby senior levels of government to either delegate power so that it can take action, or urge the senior government to use their authority to take action themselves. This type of lobbying follows stric t protocol and, as a Council member points out, is itself a barrier. For the most part, lobbying is reduced to letter writing or, at best, a personal meeting between the Mayor and the Provincial Minister under whose jurisdiction the issue of 54 concern lies. If the request is denied, the City is offered n o form of recourse to appeal the decision. However, it may attempt the same request the following year . Lobbying is described by a civic employee as follows: The lobbying role becomes very nominal. Somebody writes a letter, the Mayor signs it, and off it goes to the appropriate Minister. The Minister replies with excuses and that's that. There is a 'not my job' phenomenon when i t comes to lobbying. Nobody will be re-elected or defeated based  on their ability to lobby other jurisdictions. The municipal government must provide basic services to its constituents. Lobbying senior governments is not pursued with great conviction. This statement illuminates the role of need-meeting behaviours which stimulate Councillors and civic staff to operate in a narrowly defined capacity . A complete feedback loo p exists for issues such as: the supply of water; and the maintenance of roads, sewers and street lights. Citizens would immediately notice and complain i f these things were not provided. However, whether the municipality lobbies senior governments goes unnoticed to a large extent because it does not affect citizens ' ability to meet their daily needs. The same employee goes on to say that: The only time lobbying is effective i s when the Mayor has a personal conviction that something needs to be done. When government works with the appropriate Ministers, then things get done. But, both sides of this equation have to be committed. Efforts t o overcome limitation of jurisdiction are undermined by fear of losing constituent support, competing issues, and lack of championing by the Mayor. However, this should not imply that effective lobbyin g did not take place. In some cases, the City was successful i n having its requests fulfilled. Nevertheless , it illustrates a general weakness in the governance structure. This will be addressed in more detail under the headings: Inappropriate Structure of Government and Weak Linkages Among the Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government. When the City is successful i n having power delegated, a host of problems may ensue. The Province may not delegate enough power to allow the City the breadth of authority necessary to implement a policy effectively . For example, the City was successful i n gaining some power to regulate trees on private lots (rec. 28). However, the terms under which such regulation may take place is so restrictive that the City finds it s extended jurisdiction to be almost useless. A civic employee explains: The City may now require replacement trees for ones that are over eight inches in diameter that have been cut for development purposes. However, this regulatory power does not address concern for the preservation of old trees. There is no regulatory power to ensure that replanted trees receive adequate bedding preparation, and once occupancy permits are issued, there is nothing stopping people from removin g these trees for other reasons. 55 Because of the poorly constructed nature of this legislation, Council was recommended not to move forward on this initiative. The same frustrated civi c employee had these comments to make about the role of perception and lack of understanding about the issues: The Province may not appreciate the administration difficulties encountere d by the municipality. There is a perception that a number of municipalities cannot handle discretionary legislation. This may be justified becaus e of B.C.'s resilient frontier mentality . In urban centres such as Vancouver we tend to be more enlightened, but the Province is hesitant to give away fundamental privat e property rights. This example speaks strongly of the need for improved communication among the different level s of government. The precise range of powers required by the City must be clearly understood by the delegating authority . A second stumbling block relates to lack of jurisdiction at the GVRD level. Because many transportation issues involve neighbouring municipalities, and because the GVRD has authority over air quality, Council passed the responsibility fo r implementing several Clouds of Change recommendations to the regional level. However, the GVRD has no planning authority, nor does it have authority over regional transportation services . As a result, i t is poorly equipped to implement many of the recommendations which seem appropriate to it. This aspect of limitation of jurisdiction i s directly applicable to inappropriate structure of government. Limitation of jurisdiction, when not understood by the public, contributes to public perception of lack of political will. Improved communication between government and its constituents could diminish the role this barrier plays in generating public cynicism about government's willingness to adopt actions that support sustainability . 4.5 Analysis o f Some Additiona l Barrier s In addition to the most commonly cited barriers, there are others which play a significant rol e in impeding government's ability to take action. The analysis reveals connections between barriers and the reader may chose to follow these paths rather than read about each barrier in sequence. 4.5.1 Perceptual/Behavioural : Overwhelming Complexity  of  the Issue (l,10b,18,24,27) As one Task Force member observed, society's current problem solving models are very good at solving linear problems, but not good at addressing complex systems. Unless politicians feel threatened by not taking 56 immediate action, there is a strong tendency to avoid issues of complexity. The feedback loop s are incomplete in many cases, and uncertainty about future outcome s and fear of losing constituent support reinforce the tendency to avoid. Regarding the Clouds of Change recommendations, a civic employee explains that: "when getting into the myriad of trade-offs tha t would have to be made if we decided to implement some of the recommendations, Council shied away because they didn't want to deal with all of the problems it would induce." The Task Force member states: Fundamentally, our lack of social and political will (to take action) comes from the fact that we have effectively separate d the consequences from our actions... Technology has allowed us to make such vast differences tha t even on a global scale it allows us to dissociate consequence fro m action. We are very good at tracking linear systems in terms of cause and effect, bu t when it comes to complex systems we fall apart.. . Lack of political will is simply short hand for the difficulty w e have with complex systems. One can think of a complex system as either: 1) Multiple causes - single effect. A n example is the many factors that contribute to global warming, or 2) Single cause - multiple effect. A n example is the many consequences of using CFCs such as stratospheric ozone depletion, and enhanced green-house effect . Several civic staff commented that the length of the report and the breadth of its recommendations lef t them feeling overwhelmed . If the report had been limited to two or three priority recommendations they would have been able to concentrate on getting them done. Uncertainty (1,12a) Uncertainty proved to be a major barrier with respect to taking some of the more dramatic actions called for in Clouds of Change. Without proof that negative ecological consequences will ensue if the status quo  is maintained, there is little incentive to act in ways that will inconvenience certain segments of the populace. One citizen stated that: There is lack of leadership from government and its agencies in promoting change because they don't seem capable of making choices... They waffle i n uncertainty instead of just making a choice. Furthermore, lobbyists who benefit from the status quo work to maintain uncertainty. Decision-makers are exposed to tremendous amounts of information an d it is not always easy to tell which sources are reliable and accurate and which are simply manipulating data to serve a particular agenda. Increasin g uncertainty i n today's information er a is not because of lack of information, bu t because of its excess. Information i s 57 to a large extent an unregulated enterprise, and this creates problems. One councillor described the situation in the following terms : Modern technology allows increased access to information manipulation : docudramas, infomercials, photographs that are computer altered. It becomes increasingly difficult t o tell anymore (what is true) with so many people operating at different level s of reality. And it is only going to get more complicated. As technology becomes readily available to more and more people, it means they can manipulate information with extraordinary sophistication . This situation parallels Huibert De Man's observation that crisis in the institutional/political syste m results from a lack of responsiveness to the changes taking place in the world of the constituency. Lack of response can be caused by such things as "the cognitive limitations of decision-makers, the information overloa d on channels of communication and vested interests" (1988, 24). Perhaps it is time to think carefully abou t how society utilizes, generates and transmits information. From a technical perspective, we've only just begun to unleash the possibilities of data processing and transmission, witness the most recently talked about "information super-highway. " However, how much of this data is a person, or institution, able to convert into useful knowledge ? This social aspect of information management i s arguably being left fa r behind . Lack of  Choices (16e,35a) While this barrier does not necessarily impede government's ability to take action, it does affect th e success with which policy initiatives are implemented. As governments grapple with the issue of influencing citizens ' behaviour through policy implementation, i t is very important to observe a key point. Some policies fail despit e their inherent logic because they assume citizens have a greater range of choices available to them than they actually do. For example, creating town centres so that people have the opportunity to work close to home influences onl y those citizens who are in a position to choose either their work location or place of residence. Often citizen s are in a position to choose neither; they may be locked into a mortgage, reside in an area for the benefit o f their children, e.g. extended family clos e by, or are unable to leave their place of employment without incurring severe career setbacks in terms of loss of seniority and/or income. Such factors cause need-meeting behaviours which keep citizens commuting around town despite policies that facilitate centralize d living . 58 A common criticism of the report was that "the report doesn't address the trade-offs, o r offer adaptatio n strategies for trade-offs, o r recognize choice restrictions of the people for whom the policy is being designed." Some Clouds of Change recommendations would have been more useful i f the policies were designed from th e perspective of citizens living with very restricted choices. One citizen commented that: The report looked too heavily at penalties and seized too easily on a scapegoat - the car. It should have looked more at where people live and where they work and why are they in cars. What would get them out? We must pay attention to people's limited choices and what is imposed upon them, e.g. bad suburban - city transit. Creating opportunities to live close to work is fundamental, bu t this must be supported by initiatives which enable people to meet their daily needs in ways that support sustainability. The focus should be on creating supplementa l policies that facilitate choice in the face of the restrictions cited above. This opens opportunities for people who would like them. By creating and facilitating choices , government begins to work at the tremendous task of shiftin g behaviour. In a discussion about penalizing automobile use, a Councillor points out: You cannot just make it difficult fo r people without providing choice alternatives because people will just get increasingly frustrated, bu t they won't change their behaviour because they have no alternatives. Therefore you need to give them options. Although people cannot be forced to do things, it is possible to influence behaviour by creating alternatives and encouraging their use. Imposing penalties is one side of the coin, the more difficult tas k is making it easy for people to change in a world that historically has been designed for unsustainable living. Differences in  Perception (2,3a,llaiii,15a,16d,26c,30b,32b,35a,35b,35c) The attitude of the department head has a tremendous influence both on the culture of her/his department and on Council. A Councillor states: The directors are here for a long time. They control information, and therefore, they set the agenda for their department... Council i s at their mercy, or can be. Their philosophical bent and their objectives set the tone. When they match those of Council it's great, but when they don't, friction exists . Bureaucrats can undermine Council's attempts. They can package information i n terms of their own bias. This comment is significant i n light of the fact that none of the department heads interviewed perceived atmospheri c problems as an extremely serious threat, whereas fifty percent of Councillors did (Appendix C, question 7) . In fact , 59 the point was raised several times that air quality in Vancouver i s actually getting better not worse thanks to reduced industrial activity. The fact that surrounding municipalities' air quality is deteriorating due to the migration of pollutants originating in Vancouver was not identified a s a primary concern of the City. Differences i n perception create difficulties fo r interdepartmental initiatives. Some departments see other issues as priorities and direct staffs tim e to deal with these issues first. For example, one department head made the following comment : There are always a lot of things that have to be done, so people just keep postponing those things that don't have to be done immediately... We haven't done them (recommendations) for the firs t hundred years, so do they have to be done this year? As a result, establishing funding, schedulin g meetings and coordinating people to do the work becomes difficult . Differences i n perception can create frustration withi n a department as well. One employee remarked: We don't always follow Clouds of Change. We bow to certain market forces... (We say) that's the way market pressures are, Council wants it, so who are we to fight? A lot of this depends on the personality of the department heads and what they believe and see as their role. There are staf f who try to change directors' beliefs, but it takes a combination of personality and a particular interest to do it. Several civic employees agreed with the following sentiment : The bureaucratic structure prevents line staff from moving without management consent.. . However, the line staff are much more receptive to environmental idea s than management . Staff who share this sentiment feel they can affect thei r superior's attitudes with "gentle prodding," but there is no guarantee that their suggestions will be heeded. What is interesting to note is the perception among staff that some directors cater too much to Council's wishes. This contrasts the perspective of some Councillors who feel the opposite is true. Thus compliance and non-compliance with perceptions of Council can be seen as a barrier to taking action in support of sustainability. Prestige Motive (13ai,35a) Interestingly, this barrier was not identified by Councillors. Prestige motive is closely linked to acceptance of the status quo. Cultural norms inherited from pas t decades of sanctified consumptio n continue to define the aspirations of many citizens (Rees, 1994d , 19) . As a result, civic employees feel their efforts t o induce changes that support sustainability are frustrated b y public desires to maintain high level s of consumption i n their daily lives. 60 Activities which reduce personal consumption are therefore resented , as two highly appointed civic employees describe: We are not a transit conditioned society. Taking the bus is seen as something negative, something you do because you cannot afford a  car. We are still psychologically an d economically wedded to the car. Information abou t problems that result from maintaining unsustainable behaviour seems insufficient t o overcome this barrier unless it is presented in an emotional context that appeals to people's need to feel good about themselves. Furthermore, perceived inequity undermines efforts t o change unless policies are also in place to provide incentives for those who take up the challenge of adopting ecologically considerate behaviour . Acceptance of  the Status Quo (2,1 Oai, 1 Oaii, 11 aiii, 16c,26c,30b,35a-k) Acceptance of the status quo restricts the willingness of decision-makers to examine new options and new directions for the development of the City. It instills a rigidity of thinking that accommodates existing unsustainable development. There is mild adaptation, but no change in direction. Initiatives that require citizens to give up existing conveniences are avoided because of fear of losing constituent support and fear of disadvantaging the poor. This barrier is also linked to perceived lack of empowerment because those in government do not believe they can change public preferences . The public's acceptance of the status quo is most often linke d to lack of understanding about the issues. A civic employee points out a common dilemma : It is difficult t o get members of the public thinking about atmospheric change as a forefront issu e when they are concerned with maintaining the look and feel of the old neighbourhood, which means low density and no mixed uses. A department head observes that: Changes are difficult t o introduce because they require behaviour change. People aren't willing to accept restrictions on what they believe are their basic rights. As long as people believe that the "good life" is synonymous with high consumption, initiatives to reduce consumptive behaviour will be resisted. 61 That being the case, acceptance of the status quo becomes linked to the overwhelming complexity of the issues, because trying to introduce change to existing structures and attitudes may release a series of uncomfortabl e consequences. There appears to be little incentive to examine ways to provide citizens with opportunities to meet their daily needs with the same level of convenience they presently enjoy but in a way that supports sustainability . Instead of looking at ways to reduce automobile dependency in the long-run, there is a tendency to simply accept its presence and to continue planning for it . Councillors, civic employees and citizens alike expressed the followin g sentiments: It's simply not realistic to expect anyone to bicycle in from Surrey . Anyone who thinks we are going to get rid of the car is completely naive. Sentiments such as these restrict possibilities for change by keeping the planning horizon limited to established transportation patterns. As a citizen observes: We seem to park our brains... Everything we are doing is still catering to the automobile. There is no long range thinking for ecology. We are still thinking in the past when the environment could absorb a lot of additional pollution. Perception of  Effectiveness (11 aii, 1 laiii,28ai,28aii,34a,35d) Of those interviewed in government, fifty percent of Councillors, fifty percent of S.O.E. staff, plus fifty-five percent of civic staff felt appropriate progress was being made in implementing Clouds of Change recommendations (Appendix C, question 1) . This contrasts the eighty-two percent of citizens and eighty-eight percent of Task Force members who felt progress was too slow. A common observation among the dissatisfied was that cosmetic adjustments, suc h as "posting bicycle route signs," were being used as examples of progress. Symbolic measures which cure "eco-guilt" but fail to produce significant impacts , can raise public awareness about environmental issues . However, such actions can also have severe negative impacts. Government support of symbolic measures absorbs money which could have been spent on actions that directly contribute to sustainability, such as "imposing ride-share programmes on large employers." Incomplete feedback loop s allow false perceptions of effectiveness t o persist. Perceptions of effectiveness ca n also terminate implementation efforts . Fo r example, the 199 2 Special Office fo r the Environment status report on Clouds of Change defines a  recommendation a s complete or "essentiall y 62 complete" if "staff have reported back to Council and Council has adopted recommendations," meaning their suggestions (City of Vancouver, 1992 , 2). Thus, recommendations recorded as being completed include the urban forests initiative (rec. 28) and the proposed traffic managemen t bylaw (rec. 9). However, i f the reader refers to the barrier headings Limitation of Jurisdiction and Weak Linkages Among the Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government, one sees that the goals set out by these recommendations have not been achieved. It is not only government whose self-perception o f effectiveness i s open to question. Civic employees ofte n used the example of recycling glass to illustrate how citizens take part in symbolic actions, but do not realize their ineffectiveness. The y may feel that they "have done their duty." Such personal satisfaction frees them to go about the rest of their activities with an attitude of complacency, largely because they do not realize the more destructive activities they engage in, such as driving single occupant vehicles, using cooling systems that still contain CFCs, etc. Fear of losing constituent support combined with the public's lack of understanding are barriers to the reallocation of government funds awa y from symbolic measures and toward more progressive actions. Government sponsored information campaigns , or the information disseminatio n services of an ENGO, could help break fals e perceptions of effectiveness . Perceived Inequity (12a,27ci) This barrier is closely linked to lack of choices. Many of the restrictions named in that section serve as the penalties citizens endure if they choose to act in ecologically considerate ways. One citizen expressed his frustrations a s follows: Why should I be penalized for buying ethanol blended gas by having to pay more for it . I should be getting a discount. Although the cost of producing ethanol blended gas may warrant its expense, it serves as a barrier to its use. Sinc e there is currently not enough emphasis on developing policies that help citizens overcome the bothersome aspects of changing their behaviour, they tend to feel discouraged i n their attempts to support sustainable development . This barrier reveals how negative feedback loop s discourage behaviour change and encourage existing need-meeting behaviours which do not support sustainability . 8 The economics of producing ethanol blended gas, when all the externalities are considered, may in fact make it cheaper. However, these externalities are not factored int o current market pricing decisions. 63 Attention Pressure (2,3,4,12a) The most common phrase used by politicians and civic employees to describe the way government operates was "the squeaky wheel gets the grease." This statement illustrates the profound effec t attentio n pressure has on action taking. The squeakiest wheel is not always the most important one, yet the current structure of government allows it to receive the most attention. This phenomenon i s reinforced b y inappropriate structure of government (political term) and fear of losing constituent support . At the municipal level, departmental staff and Councillors often find themselves catering to the demands of those concerned with minor issues. This creates a dilemma for many civic employees who are confronted wit h the following question : What's more important, dealing with an outraged citizen screaming at your counter or dealing with the stack of reports you must review for a long-range plan? Yet the dilemma was documented nearly twenty years ago using the following analogy : Yates points out that the process of determining the problems that require the attention of the municipal policy maker is rather like being in a shooting gallery. 'Like the urban policy maker, the shooting gallery player has far more targets than he can possibly hit, and they keep popping up in different place s or revolving around and around in front of him.' The player is constantly reacting to a new target (problem), and is conscious of the fact that firing at any one target (dealing with any one problem) means letting most of the others go by until the next time. Given the need to react quickly and to deal with such a variety of targets, the player is likely to rely on reflexes more than any considered plan of action (Yates in Tindal and Tindal, 1984 , 191). The problem i s that municipal government structure has not adapted itself to deal with ecological problems that extend past the realm of specific, short-term issues . Ashby's law of requisite variety states that the administrationa l framework must mimic the structures and/or mechanisms of that which i t is trying to manage (Beer, 1979 , 89; Boothroyd, 1992 , 151) . The institutional framework of government does not have the requisite variety necessary to meet the demands of the environment. To deal with attention pressure, one suggestion is that two groups be established in every department, or division: one to deal with the immediate pressures, and one to deal with long-term issues . Such a system would enable government to deal with the conflict between short-term, usually localize d issues, and long-term, more broadly based issues. This barrier is associated with inappropriate structure of government and is reinforced b y lack of a prioritization mechanism. Many participants in the research identifie d th e need for a system o f prioritization o f 64 Council goals and simultaneously a mechanism to help Council stick to these goals even in the face of attention pressure. Lack of Championing by the Mayor or  City Manager (30b,35a) Although recognized as an important issue, Clouds of Change has not been singled out as a priority over existing initiatives. It was perceived as a well championed document within the City, but many research participants felt it should have been championed more at senior levels of government, specifically the GVRD. Analysis of the barrier Limitation of Jurisdiction reveals that lobbying of senior governments is not pursued with great vigor because in most cases it does not meet the immediate needs of civic officials t o manage the City. One civic associate director believes that championing could have resulted in a bigger budget for public education which was a needed, yet for the most part, overlooked recommendation. Although some would contest that the GVRD was lobbied to take up the recommendations suited to it, and the Clouds of Change report informed GVR D policies, there still appears to be a lack of integration and coordination of efforts amon g the differing level s of government to implement civic policies. The need for improved communication and coordination of policy initiatives among the different level s of government i s discussed in more detail under the heading Weak Linkages Among the Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government. Sensitivity to the stresses already being placed on civic employees to complete other types of work also plays a factor i n Mayoral and City Manager leniency with staff in terms of meeting Clouds of Change deadlines. Lack of a Catalytic Personality The role of the catalytic personality was regularly identified by research participants as a crucial component to action-taking. Regarding initiatives which require senior government support , one Councillor observes: If you can't get a champion of your project i n Victoria, i t won't go anywhere... Victoria deals with a lot of issues... If something doesn't require, or demand, a lot of attention, i t won't get anywhere. Considering municipal issues, another Councillor makes a similar observation: If somebody (staff or elected official) take s responsibility and champions the issue, then you get results. Otherwise nothing happens, and competing issues win out. Someone needs to say, I'm 65 going to keep this on the agenda, I'm going to ask for reports, I'm going to constantly bring it up in meetings. Many citizens identified Gordo n Price as a Councillor who promotes action-taking on the part of Council to address ecological concerns. He is seen as a champion of the Clouds of Change report. However, catalyti c personalities among civic employees were not identified. This does not mean that such individuals do not exist. When the originally established Specia l Office fo r the Environment (SOE) disintegrated, i t was thanks to the effort s of such individuals that the office wa s revived. Differences i n perception and the rigidly enforced hierarchica l structure of departments inhibits civic employees who are responsible for environmental issues from speakin g publicly on policy initiatives or acting as advocates. Such suppression contributes to public perceptions that the government is not concerned with environmental issues . Furthermore, allowing such individuals more opportunity to liaise with advocacy groups who are concerned with particular policy initiatives would contribute to improved communication links between government and its constituents and facilitate action-takin g on the part of the whole community towards achieving sustainability. Several citizens identified the role of academics as catalysts. However, it is felt that their potential to facilitate chang e is largely under-utilized because of their absence from citize n run demonstrations. Such absence contributes to feelings o f lack of empowerment among citizens, as is illustrated by the following observation : (Academics) are separated. They don't get down in the trenches with the masses who are waving placards and protesting. People with a lot of credibility, who are established in their fields, need to get out and show up at the rallies and demonstrations. Lack of  Buy-in by  Council (35a,35h) Civic staff saw Council as strong champions of the report. However, from a  citizen's perspective, a commonly cited barrier to taking action was lack of political will. This is a term which is used to encompass a broad range of factors. The research indicates that lack of political will stems from: uncertainty , lack of awareness about the issues, competing issues, overwhelming complexity, inadequat e funds, inadequat e resources, limitation of jurisdiction, differences i n perception, fear of losing constituent support, acceptance of the status quo and lack of a prioritization mechanism. These barriers affect the need-meeting behaviours of Councillors in ways that discourage action-taking i n support of sustainability . 66 Lack of Buy-in by Civic Staff (la,27ciii,30ai) A common theme among civic employees was frustration ove r the way the report was handed down to them. Many civic staff feel overwhelmed by the demands of the community and Council. They felt the Clouds of Change report was simply "dumped on them." The pressures of competing issues, overwhelming complexity , perceived lack of empowerment and inadequate funds contributed to lack of civic staff buy-in, and one department head went as far as saying: Most departments tried to get rid of their Clouds of Change responsibilities and get on with the real world. There were too many; they were too broad; there was no cost consideration. To be effective yo u need a list of the top three things that need to be done and make sure they are doable... If you want to solve problems, take things for which there are solutions and start working on them first . Frustrations with the short deadlines and problematic wording of some recommendations were common. For example, recommendation number one, asking for the reduction of carbon dioxide emissions to 198 8 levels by the year 2005, creates frustration becaus e "no one even knows what these 198 8 levels were." Other frustrations wer e expressed over the fact that not enough attention was paid to the Vancouver context. In some instances, the City had already achieved what was suggested in a recommendation; as a result the recommendation was understandably not pursued. Examples are converting the city fleet to alternative fuels (rec . 30ai), and adopting the use of smaller vehicles. One civic employee points out that the report took bylaws from othe r places and super-imposed them on Vancouver... for example, using the California model bylaw without recognizing that Vancouver's existing policies already achieve higher public transportation use... This is not always the best approach. Examples such as the ones cited left staff feeling alienated from th e report. Many civic employees would have liked an opportunity to comment on the recommendations and discuss implementation strategie s with the Task Force members prior to the report's final drafting. They believe such a process would have facilitated it s implementation . Although limitatio n of jurisdiction has resulted in lack of implementation a s well, most civic employees did not resent this aspect because they felt that requiring the City to lobby senior levels of government would contribute to heightened awareness of the issues. Some expressed the opinion that having a citizen's task force produce s stronger recommendations than those created by an in-house process. On the other hand, i t does not facilitat e implementation o f the recommendations, unless there are workshops with civic employees to improve awareness of 67 the issues, discuss the nature of the recommendations, and discuss implementation strategie s and necessary trade-offs. Citizens Disunitied/Not supportive (10aii,12a,14c,16a,16b,16d,21,35h) Council members and civic employees found this barrier to be the most frustrating with regard to taking action that supports sustainability. I t is linked to citizens' lack of understanding about the issues, differences i n perception, disjunction between what citizens are willing to verbally support and what they are actually willing to do, lack of understanding about action roles and perceived inequity . Citizen groups tend to mobilize around issues which directly affect them regardless of the issue's role in the greater context of urban planning. Citizens' unwillingness to accommodate change prevents action-taking by government, especially when it is reinforced by the barriers: fear of losing constituent support and inappropriat e structure of government (political term). It contributes to frustration an d perceived lack of empowerment on the part of Council, the results of which are described by a Councillor as follows: Politicians are being pummeled by the public with a kind of arguable cynicism. Well, it is creating a cynicism in turn on the part of politicians. This is not a healthy relationship. Information i s often not an adequate tool to gain citizen support. Fear of economic and social impacts motivate citizens to resist change in their neighbourhoods. Several civic employees and some Councillors suggested that the City should consider compensation packages to those citizens who will be negatively affected b y policy initiatives. It is hoped that the CityPlan process will help resolve some of the problems that spring from thi s barrier. Media's Presentation of  Information Not everyone agreed that the media's presentation of information o r lack thereof acted as a barrier. There were some who felt the media was doing an adequate job, but a majority o f interviewed citizens and highly appointed civic officials fel t the media did not research stories thoroughly, nor did they present information t o the public in a comprehensive and thought provoking manner. One Council member commented that the "media shapes people to be politically stuporous. Therefore, they remain politically ignorant." A citizen observes that "paper s 68 today don't support ecological educators. The media works to suppress cooperative, leadership tendencies among the public." The results of this problem are summarized by a civic employee who states: As a society, we are moving away from talking about ideas. Now we talk in slogans. The media doesn't force us to think issues through in their full complexity . Thus, we are now getting policies driven by slogan orientation... They (media) are irresponsible. They are not doing their job to effectively transmi t to the public what is happening. Accuracy in the media stories is not there. The media have a vital role in the democratic process and they are blowing it. This aspect of media coverage on environmental issues inhibits action-taking by reinforcing the barriers: lack of understanding about the issues and acceptance of the status quo. It allows scientific materialist  values to remain unchallenged as society moves further dow n the path of unsustainable development. One Councillor made this observation: "the local issues of less global importance get media attention. That's how Clouds of Change issues get lost." It should be noted that the media is not being accused of failing to address environmental issues . Reams of articles regarding air pollution and atmospheric change have been generated over the past years; however, what is lacking is an analysis of issues and government policies so that citizens know what is being done, not being done, and why. Coverage of government reports which document the difficulties government s face in implementing policies and the rationale behind their decisions are almost entirely lacking. There are exceptions to this observation, but they are too few and far between to serve the purpose of keeping the citizenry well informed . Complaints such as those voiced by the research participants reflect a  dilemma regarding the business of information management . Precisely because it is a business, run for profit, the media tends to operate on a mandate that caters to public consumption preferences (Downs , 1972,42 ; Herman and Chomsky, 1988) . It thus serves as an instrument which reinforces scientific materialist  values. Disjunction Between what  People are Willing  to Verbally  Support and what they are Actually Willing  to Do (35h) This barrier was commonly cited as one that undermines the successful implementatio n o f policy initiatives. It is the more broadly based reflection o f the barrier titled citizens disunited/not supportive. Disjunctio n between what people say and do exists primarily because there is a separation between what people believe and what they need. This separation can also be expressed as the difference betwee n societal values and personal values. Societal "values tend to sound good and noble on the surface. Consequently, people can verbally state that they have 69 a value even though that value has no impact on their behaviour" (Hultman, 1979,29) . People behave according to their personal values, i.e. those activities which meet their needs (Hultman, 1979 , 25). Certain needs may be fulfilled b y behaviours which support sustainability, but others may not. Perceived inequity, prestige motive, and financial gain motive contribute to behaviours which do not support sustainability and thus reinforce the problem of disjunction between words and actions. A common frustration hear d by Councillors and civic staff i s that "everyone says they would suppor t transit, car pooling, etc., but when it comes time to do it, or time to pay, they don't." What results is a type of cynicism among government employees who feel that there is no widespread public support for their efforts. I n turn, cynicism grows amongst the general public who feel government is not sincere about implementing environmenta l policies. A Task Force member helped give insight to this barrier with the following comments : People blame politicians without recognizing their own responsibilities as lobbyists. They blame politicians out of laziness. They want someone else to tackle what is hard and complex to do. This observation illustrate s how this barrier is reinforced by lack of understanding about action roles and lack of choices. 4.5.2 Institutional/Structural : Lack of Information Sharing This barrier is primarily concerned with the difficulty o f integrating scientific knowledge with political decisions. Although this problem exists at all levels of government, most research participants who identified lac k of information sharin g as a barrier used the GVRD when giving examples. There is a perception that because air quality lies within the GVRD's mandate, it is capable of dealing with the issue. However, in addition to the problems already created by limitation of jurisdiction, lack of informatio n sharing is a barrier to action-taking because GVRD decision-makers are elected officials wh o do not specialize in air quality issues. It has long been an accepted fact that elected decision-makers view recommendations about how to proceed on a particular issue against a backdrop of public opinion. When sensitivity to public opinion i s given precedence over scientific fact , the possibility of making sound decisions based on ecological need is put at risk. Despite the existence of an air quality advisory committee, there is skepticism regarding how much information i s 70 actually shared between it and the political decision-makers. One research participant makes the followin g observation: The GVRD is incapable of addressing air quality issues because i t is made up of municipal politicians who don't understand the issues... The air quality committee has some informed people , but then they are insulated from the decision-makers... The head of the GVRD didn't want the committee to discuss policy issues. The committee asked that policy issues be addressed and the GVRD never let it get on the politicians' agenda. The difficulty o f addressing environmental issue s vis-a-vis other political concerns is one that must be examined further. Informatio n i s impotent unless it is used. Lack of  an ENGO (12a) Certainly, the complaints of local agencies who might be negatively impacted by the implementation of a Council initiative must be heeded and weighted into the final decision. However, examples exist where such weighting seems to heavily favour localize d interest groups, at the expense of taking action that supports sustainability and the benefit o f the general public. For example, the decision not to implement the Marpole HOV lane was described by one Councillor as follows: The politics intervened and really was the deciding factor... I  mean it's difficult fo r politicians to go against a group of, i n this case, small business people who don't see the greater benefit to themselves... There was quite a well organised group of people who came to council and made a very strong case. When asked if the presence of an organised group of citizens who were lobbying for the counter opinion of having the HOV lane installed would have affected th e outcome of the decision, two councillors answered yes. Presence of an ENGO to lobby Council on issues that affect th e general public helps overcome attention pressure. It is difficult i n the face of direct pressure coming from a special interest group to stick to goals that benefit the greater majority i n a mild way at the expense of severely impacting a localized group. A potential negative threat to a small group of people serves as adequate motivation for them to mobilize and bring their grievance to Council. However, a potential benefit to a largely disbursed population does not provide the same incentive for members of this group to band together and lobby in the same way. Furthermore, it is difficult t o stick to long-term goal s when confronted wit h short-term interest s because there is more dissociation between actions and 71 consequences the further on e moves into the future, i.e . the feedback loop s become increasingly incomplete . The fact that the consequences of a short-term initiative are immediately fel t provides an element of concrete realism which is absent in the long-term initiatives where cause and effect ar e separated not only by time, but often als o by benefactors, i.e . those who will experience the consequences may not be those who take the actions. ENGOs can play a vital role in attempting to bind long-term cause and effect relationship s closely together in decision-makers' minds. There are many ENGOs currently operating in the City. However, what is lacking is a coordination of these groups' efforts t o support issues of common interest . Better networking among ENGOs to improve cooperation and to provide a united front when addressing specific Counci l initiatives could have a tremendous impact in moving the City towards actions that support sustainability . Weak Linkages between Government  and its Constituents The City is moving towards improved communication with citizens. However, as the comments cited under the heading Perceived Lack of Empowerment indicate , there is still much room for advances in this area. A common frustration amon g citizens is that they want to contact someone in government who would take an interest in their concerns, but do not know who such a person would be. The difficulty o f identifying civi c employees who are either directly responsible for implementing a  policy initiative, or who are seen as champions of a particular issue, weakens opportunities for communication between government and its constituency. Although a new communications department has been instituted, and policies adopted to facilitate citizen s who telephone City Hall, the City must continue its efforts t o improve communication with the constituency. The effects o f disjunction between verbal support and willingness to act may keep some Councillors and civic employees skeptical about the information they receive from citizens. However, mechanisms such as the "Issues and Choices" programme operated through CityPlan  provide documented proof of public opinion, and this type of programme which determines constituents' priorities could be used to address many contentious issues in the city. It could be especially useful whe n problems caused by competing issues, attention pressure and lack of support from specific citize n groups are encountered. Improved communication link s could diminish public cynicism of government's effectiveness. Th e Special Office fo r the Environment does publish status reports on Clouds of Change initiatives, implementation effort s an d 72 setbacks. There may be a role for the media in disseminating this kind of information to citizens. The research indicates a surprising ignorance among citizens regarding the availability of such reports. Better communication link s could improve cooperation between government and its constituency so that tasks and goals could be achieved more effectively. A s a citizen observed: If government made more information available , you'd create a better informed constituenc y which will facilitate cooperative, or at least better informed decision s on the part of citizens. For example, members of the Special Office fo r the Environment could act as outreach workers to non-government organisations (NGOs) interested in particular issues that the government is also trying to tackle. Such an outreach person could let these NGOs know about existing government projects, upcoming decisions by Council that affec t their particular interest , etc. This type of communication helps improve the lobbying abilities of such groups and the lobbying itself serves as a feedback mechanism indicatin g to Council which issues people feel are important enough to take action on. An ENGO could also take on this type of liaison work. Weak Links between Council and Civic Departments This barrier is manifested by the perceptions expressed previously in the research that Councillors sometimes feel at the mercy of civic department heads, and department heads feel that Council places unrealistic demands on them. The frustration tha t results when civic employees are constantly being asked to accommodate new responsibilities and Councillors are constantly being told why they cannot move ahead on policy initiative s creates tension which can block cooperative efforts t o take action on a particular issue. Lack of Cooperation and Information Sharing Among Civic  Departments (16,24b) This was a barrier to the Special Office fo r the Environment and, according to one original SOE member, resulted in its initial dissolution. Good personnel management is crucial to the success of an organisation. This point is well illustrated in the case of the SOE which was established by the City of Vancouver to "assist rapid action on priority environmental issues" (City of Vancouver, 1990 , 51). The Special Office fo r the Environment i s situated within the City Manager's Office. A t the time of its original inception, an announcement of its establishment was made and a director for the office was chosen from outside the pool of employees working at City Hall. As one civic 73 staff member pointed out, this created resentment among some staff already working on environmental issues at City Hall who would have liked the opportunity to a) work in the newly created Special Office fo r the Environment, and b) have some input into the design of the Office's mandat e and structure. Having these two opportunities denied, those individual staff members who initially felt resentment towards the alienating strategy used to establish the Special Office fo r the Environment were able to put their differences asid e and work cooperatively with the newly hired staff of the SOE. However, the ramifications o f the strategy used to create the Special Office fo r the Environment superseded individual issues of disgruntlement. The rapid establishment of the SOE accompanied by its staff from outside City Hall created an abrupt change to the existing organisational structure. This created tension between the SOE and some departments because there was an inadequate adjustment perio d in which the departments could familiarize themselves with the SOE's role in their own departmental affairs . A s a result, the departments tended to ignore this newcomer if only by virtue of the fact that they did not see clearly its connection to existing departmental activities . Many civic staff felt no direct resentment towards the Special Office fo r the Environment when it was created, but several also stated that its role vis-a-vis what the departments were already doing with regards to environmental issue s seemed unclear. In addition, i t was felt that had the SOE been staffed b y employees already working at City Hall, the adjustment t o the new office woul d have been eased. Such staff would already be familia r with the environmental projects underway in the various civic departments, and by virtue of previous acquaintance, such staff would find i t very easy to coordinate the SOE's work with the work being done in various departments. Lack of Familiarity with Environmental Policies within Own Department This barrier was suspected by one Task Force member, but was not born out by subsequent research. It was not perceived as a problem within civic governance. Weak Linkages Among the Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government (9,12b,12new,13a,15a,15b) This was a commonly cited barrier; it is very closely tied to limitation of jurisdiction. Citizens fee l frustrated with what they perceive as a constant re-invention of the wheel at every government level . Instead of focussing o n coordinating government efforts t o implement existing policies, each leve l of government seems intent 74 on producing its own policy statements. Often these statements parallel what has already been drafted b y another government agency. Citizens sometimes feel frustrated with the vast amount of time and resources that go into drafting simila r reports. More could be achieved if those resources were used to focus on how the differing level s of government and their agencies could help each other implement existing policies. One citizen makes the followin g comments: The existing bureaucracies: Federal, Provincial and Municipal, all have interest in Clouds of Change issues, but they don't work cooperatively. Why can't we have all government levels working together as a Task Force. For instance, the GVRD wasn't involved in the report and it should have been. Now the GVRD is going ahead and writing its own reports. Why couldn't they have done it all together and then all take responsibility for implementing i t (each according to their jurisdictional abilities) . We must make sure that all government levels are involved in writing these reports... Changes have to take place because the money is not going to be there anymore fo r start from scratch reports. Furthermore, regardless of which level of government authored a policy, each requires the cooperation o f various agencies who have authority over different issues . These agencies do not always share the same priorities or concerns, yet their cooperation in implementing certain initiatives is crucial. Thus, emphasis must be placed on bringing these different authoritie s together to identify ho w each can help the other attain their goals. For example, vehicle licences are regulated under the Attorney General, transportation fall s under a Provincial Ministry, air quality is the concern of the GVRD and parking regulation is the concern of the City. Clouds of Change recommendations require that all these governing agencies come together and agree on cooperative strategies . Several Clouds of Change recommendations which fell within the City's jurisdiction were passed up to the GVRD on the premise that the region is better suited to deal with issues that transcend municipal boundaries (recs. 9,12b, 15a, 15b). Although this rationale may be sound, it sometimes proved to be an ineffective strategy . One Councillor gives the following explanation : I can give you an example of what I consider to be abdicated responsibility at the local level where we in fact have the ability to do something. In the Clouds of Change report there is a recommendation that proposes a trip reduction bylaw (rec. 9). An initiative on the part of some Councillors wanted to proceed with a formal program, introducing a bylaw. That was not adopted; instead, Council decided that a regional programme (should) be highlighted. The reason was because it (traffic management ) i s a regional issue, and because the region is (with gestured quotation marks) working on it. Thus it should be left to the region's determination. In transport 2021, the GVRD states that they want to use carrot measures, and one of their stick measures that they don't want to move ahead with right now is this traffic managemen t bylaw. So it means it is delayed again. Thus, Council addressed the recommendation and decided to pass it up to the Region. Now, even though the Region decided not to act on it, Council no longer feels obligated to pursue the issue because they have already "deal t with it." 75 Fear of losing constituent support, primarily among the business sector, and marginal pricing and economic valuation were cited as the primary reasons for not readdressing the recommendation once the GVRD declined. Marginal pricing and economic valuation aggravates weak linkages among the policies of civic and senior levels of government at the Provincial level as well. Fear of losing control of income generating opportunities, was perceived as a barrier to Provincial cooperation i n implementing recommendation 1 3 a, calling for road pricing mechanisms. Some civic staff believed that the Province shied away from granting the City additional powers to implement a road tax because it feared this would reduce the Province's own sources of income. To the City's credit, an addition to recommendation 1 5 in Clouds of Change was made to review "regiona l initiatives in regard to emission reductions and transportation subsidies to ensure there is no duplication of efforts " (City of Vancouver, 1990 , 11) . Also, a Councillor stated that Clouds of Change was used to inform policy directions established recently by the GVRD. However, there was some evidence that communication between the City and those staff at the GVRD who could facilitate implementation of some recommendations was inadequate. Uncertainty About How to Implement New Policies This barrier was not heavily cited by research participants, but it is deserving of comment. There was agreement among civic employees that drafting o f new policies is easier if they can be copied from other cities who have instituted similar initiatives. However, complexity of the issue and the many impacts the new policy(s) could have can overwhelm those wishing to take on the task. One civic employee admitted: If we were to try something like Clouds of Change again, I would want to move in smaller increments. Moving in one big step towards a specific objective becomes overwhelming. This can lead to inertia. We don't know how to do it. Paralysis sets in; people ask how do I get there, it's so far away? Big organisations change better in small steps. Long-range goals should be supplemented by a host of adaptive policies which can be implemented in succession. Uncertainty About Whether  Specific Policies are Needed This barrier was not commonly cited. It is closely linked to differences i n perception and uncertainty, and the reader is encouraged to refer to those barrier headings. 76 Inappropriate Structure  of Government (vertical) (13ci,19,28b) This barrier was commonly cited by civic employees and Task Force members who expressed frustration s with the segregated structure of departments and hierarchy within departments. The city is an urban ecosystem. The relationships among human actions, infrastructure managemen t and ecological impacts are closely related. However, the civic departments are highly segregated. Policies administered by one department may directly contradict the efforts o f another. This problem i s exacerbated by limitation of jurisdiction, because still other functions i n the city, such as public transportation are administered by agencies outside of the municipality. The segregated nature of municipal departments reinforces the barrier of differences i n perception by reducing opportunities for staff from various departments to share their perspectives on issues confronting Vancouver . It also inhibits opportunities to prioritize competing issues from other departments vis-a-vis one's own and develop cooperative strategies for dealing with them. Although meetings are regularly scheduled where senior department staff come together to discuss their concerns and projects, and interdepartmental committees are formed to address certain issues, several staff indicated that more communication and cooperation among departments was desirable. A second complaint was that the hierarchical nature of the departments stifled communicatio n opportunities for staff. Several staff explained that the attitude of senior management sets the tone for how the whole department operates. This can inhibit attempts to improve coordination among departments, as a civic employee observes: Attitudes permeate out from the director and affect middl e management and sometimes line staf f as well. The director and middle management also set the tone for the way bureaucrats are expected to act and conduct business in their department... (Under the previous director) engineering maintained fierce independenc e to the point where the director actually refused t o carry out certain tasks requested by Council. The whole engineering department as a result has been permeated with this lone ranger mentality - 'we know what's important; don't tell us what to do.' (The new director) has tried to improve the department's attitude, making it more answerable to Council, but it still maintains its independent identity. The Planning department is only slightly better. Instead of outright refusal to cooperate with Council, Planning has the attitude that inaction is the safest route when in doubt. Thus, segregation of departments reinforces difference s i n perception, which in turn impedes attempts to implement Council initiatives . Inappropriate structure of government (vertical) is also closely tied to limitation of jurisdiction. A common theme both for the municipality and the GVRD was frustration a t not having adequate authority to fulfill thei r 77 mandates. For example, the GVRD is mandated to address air quality issues , but many feel that the structure of the GVRD and its limited planning powers impede its ability to do so. A Councillor explained that: A lot of them (recommendations) are done, but they're not necessarily having the impact they should. One of the problems with the GVRD was getting them to do something. But, it was also a problem for the GVRD to get the Province to give them permission to do it. One public service member stated "the fact that a city the size of Vancouver does not have a metropolitan plannin g authority is ludicrous." Many initiatives for improved transportation have been blocked by disagreements among municipalities. It is believed that if the GVRD was granted planning authority, progress on actions that support sustainability could be made. When asked how GVRD members work around the problem of trying to get the Province to delegate power, a Councillor who also sits on the GVRD responded: I think we can't. We have to change the structures that we have to allow responsibilities fo r specific things to get as close to the local level as possible... Vancouver by itself could have the best clean air policies and actions, but if everyone around us ignores them, then it won't make any difference. W e do have an air shed which involves four regional districts and one county. At the municipal level, several Councillors expressed a preference fo r a ward system of governance. One Councillor gave the following explanation : Councillors need to change their self-perception fro m decision-maker s to facilitators an d advocates for change. Some Councillors have the arrogance to think that the common citizen is not capable of making (her or) his own decisions... As long as this small group is holding on to power in the face of ever growing responsibility they are going to feel freaked out , overburdened, that they can't cope, that everybody wants them to do everything... Councillors and staff are already so spread-out with so many existing agendas. We have ten Councillors which isn't enough to get things done. That's why we need to open up and share power... The ward system is a way to decentralize City Hall. It would transform th e whole way we deliver civic services, making them more accessible at the local level. This observation identifie s fea r of losing control/power as a barrier to changing existing institutional structures. Most of the Councillors interviewed agreed that they felt overwhelmed by the workload and felt the City would be better served if either more Councillors were elected, assistant staff were provided to Councillors or government structure was adapted to provide greater roles for citizens in decision-making. Inappropriate Structure of Government (political term) This barrier was cited most commonly by Task Force members. It reinforces the barrier Fear of losing constituent support. A citizen summarized the effect o f this barrier as "taking short-term considerations to address long-term problems." A Task Force member points out that: 78 Council will always be short-term oriented because their primary focus is on the next election. By definition, Counci l is only structured to be responsible for what happens for three years until the next election, so how could they be expected to act in the interests of a longer time horizon? A second Task Force member introduces the concept of political action-taking cycles in relation to length of political term: Policies are often adopte d at the beginning of Council's term. However, pressure to act on them is never felt until the end of the term, right before the next election. Clouds of Change was adopted right at the start of the do nothing period. In fact, i t got adopted right before the election. It was too late to do anything about i t because politicians were focussing o n getting elected. Then afte r the election there was no impetus to do anything about it because they'd just been voted in for another three years. This observation may reveal a certain cynicism about politician's motivations, but it does reveal how disruptive the electoral process can be with regards to taking action on issues that require long-term initiative . To work around this problem, a Task Force member suggests that: We need new institutional structures to address the long term issues. We need things like the Round Table, like Community Forums, like Futures Commissions, like Task Forces. We need one body that is integrative, that deals with all the issues of the urban landscape: crime, housing, air quality, basically integrating all of the work of the independent task forces and dealing with i t on a long-term, ongoing basis. These long-term oriented institutional structures should serve as advisory bodies to Council. Final authority should rest with Council because they are the elected decision-makers, but these advisory bodies should make it their business to maintain strong media access to publicize their issues and make their advice to Council so well known that Council really begins to operate under close public scrutiny. The advisory bodies should be made up of non-partisan members in that they are not affiliated wit h specific interest s in the City. They should have such moral authority that if Council chooses not to listen to this body's recommendations, they clearly do so at their own risk. These issues have to be outside political agendas, accepted as the long-term direction in which we are moving regardless of who is in power. This format/structure will  help to counterbalance the extremely short term vision of those operating in the electoral framework. Weak Understanding of Action Roles (34a,34d,35a-c,35e-f,35i-k) This was a commonly cited barrier that affects man y aspects of governance. It directly contributes to weak linkages among the policies of civic and senior levels of government because there is a need to clearly identify lea d agencies and define their roles and responsibilities. As a civil servant who works in air quality explains: "Definitio n in air quality of who should do what is probably the fuzziest o f any environmental issue. There must be clearer definition o f which agency has the lead responsibility." Improved communication and clarity among the differen t government agencies , so that each stays very well informed o f what the others are doing, helps avoid duplicate initiatives. It also allows for improved policy implementation because the different level s of government can work cooperatively to support the efforts o f the lead agency at every level of government. 79 Within municipal government, the responsibilities of lead agencies also need to be clarified. Whe n interviewing members of the SOE, two individuals expressed surprise when they discovered recommendations that were their responsibility to implement. Here, competing issues and lack of resources seem to reinforce wea k understanding of action roles more than perceptual barriers such as perceived lack of empowerment or acceptance of the status quo. One SOE member gave the following explanation : (Implementation of a recommendation) might slip through the cracks because we already think we are doing it. For example, informing the public about the use of the car is perhaps not being pursued because Transport 2021 raises awareness of this issue and so does Air Care. Maybe nobody is personally responsible; that is, nobody has been appointed to do this task. A civic employee made the following observatio n about the role of planning: Planning focusses on how land is used. This doesn't deal with pollution except with respect to proximity planning, which is a minor issue. Here one sees how lack of understanding about the issues directly contributes to weak understanding of action roles. With respect to citizens, this barrier is paramount in the eyes of Councillors and civic employees. One Councillor states: The most important thing that we could do in terms of implementing the report is have the citizens understand that it isn't what government does that will solve the problem, it' s what they do that will solve the problem. Citizens need to understand their own responsibilities in activating the changes they desire. "The public sets the agenda. In climate change issues, the public is not banging on government's door demanding that tax money be spent on it. They are doing it for smog, but if you can't see it then it gets ignored." Thus, citizens may complain about lack of political will without realizing that their own behaviours, such as acceptance of the status quo, disjunction between verbal support and willingness to do what they say, and prestige motive are in fact some of the biggest barriers to government action-taking. One Councillor explains the citizen's role in activating change as follows: There's too much in society. We operate most of our bylaws on a complaint basis. If we were to go out and enforce to the letter every law that had been passed by this Council since it had been established in 1886 , it would be a nightmarish '1984 ' type of situation. I t would be an intrusive level of government, unacceptable to the public. So we by and large operate on a complaint basis. If something has gone wrong to the point where people are motivated to call and find out who is responsible, that identifies i t has reached a level of priority where it is appropriate to use limited resources to address it. If something like posters in bus shelters, on city vehicles and in city buildings (rec. 35h) was significant enough of an issue to be raised (by citizen inquiries) , and many issues in Clouds of Change have been, then that would tell me that that is something we 9 The book "1984" by George Orwell depicts a world of oppressive government . 80 should go back and look at. Such a scenario was the case with the issue of HOV lanes which tells me this is probably an issue of more direct concern. A Task Force member observes that: It isn't clear to people in the street what their responsibility is . The academic's job is to make explicit the connection between actions and their consequences. That connection has two components: i) consequences of every day actions and ii) consequences of deliberate actions, i.e. informed actions involving thinking about what things can be changed. Academics must identif y how actions for change take place, and acquaint people with this information . Another Councillor explains that: It's really not enough just to elect people and often times that's just what happens. People elect other people to go and do the job, and then think o.k. they are taking care of it. But, given the power structure that we have, those who are most powerful ge t heard more often than those who are ordinary folks without a lot of power, money, and influence. And so, if w e as ordinary citizens want our voices to be heard, then it's going to take extra measures to make sure that happens. However, a circular pattern begins to reveal itself. As indicated in the analysis of perceive d lack of empowerment (section 4.5.1), many citizens who try to affect governmen t decisions eventually become frustrated becaus e they fee l their access is limited. This frustration i s worsened by perceived inequity. There is a sense of "nihilism: nobody else is doing it so why should I? In fact I'll suffer more and it won't make any difference." Eventuall y those citizens who started out with the energy and willingness to participate lose their desire to do so. Improved communication link s between government and its constituents is a vital ingredient in preventing this scenario from repeating . A final comment on weak understanding of action roles relates to the Task Force on Atmospheric Change and the perceived purpose of their report. Some Task Force members and civic employees pointed out that the original purpose of the Task Force was to examine the potential effects atmospheri c change could have on the City and to make suggestions on how the City might best adapt to these changes. From this original mandate, the Task Force's report evolved a focus on local air quality and actions the City should take to improve it. As a result, although the report is highly praised, there is a common sentiment that in its final form i t really should have been a document presented to the GVRD level of government and not to the Municipality. Fear of Losing Control/Power (23,32b) This barrier was cited as a reason why the Clouds of Change recommendation to establish a public monitoring group to track implementation of the recommendations was never established by Council (rec. 32b). On a broader scale, however, this barrier plays an interesting role in the allocation of funds and is associated with weak linkages among the policies of civic and senior levels of government. As one deputy director states, "most logical 81 answers aren't pursued because of turf wars." A director from a  different departmen t gives the followin g explanation: We can't spend money in all areas so we begin to misallocate money based on who is there first , or who can go to court to get court actions, and in my opinion, we're just missing the boat. We're not looking at all of these issues and saying where can we best apply our resources to improve our quality of life and our public health... We should set up priority committees to assess risks. These committees should include representatives from civic departments and different Federa l and Provincial departments... I think the political decision-makers would be better served if we could get together and say here are all the risks... and their assessment... and their affect o n public health and the environment. Based on that risk assessment, this is where we think the funding shoul d be allocated... Unfortunately, that' s not happening because everybody is pursuing their special interest, and I don't think the public is well served, and I don't think the decision-makers are well served, and I think i t is an unfortunate stat e of affairs . The barriers of inadequate funds, inadequate resources, differences i n perception and lack of awareness about the issues all play a factor i n fear of losing control/power. Mechanisms to reduce the segregated nature of government organisations should be a focus of future research . Weak Diversity Among those  in the Decision-Making Arena This barrier was not commonly cited. Those who made reference to it expressed a concern that Councillors and department directors were, for the most part, entrenched in traditional belief systems, such as the scientifi c materialist paradigm. This results in an insular view of "what is right for the City" and often reinforce s acceptanc e of the status quo.  Several citizens and civic staff expressed the hope that younger, more ecologically aware individuals would soon find their way into civic governance and act as catalysts for change by challenging the existing perceptions of decision-makers. Introduction of a ward system of governance was also seen as an opportunity for expanding the scope of decision-makers. Union Regulations (14,30b,30f) Although not commonly cited as a barrier, negotiated contracts seem to be preventing some Clouds of Change recommendations that directly address working conditions at City Hall. For example, union contracts were cited as the reason free transit passes were not exchanged for civic employees' free parking privileges (rec. 30b). Additional reasons why this recommendation was not implemented were that some employees require their vehicles for work purposes and it was deemed unfair to penalize people who must commute from far away locations. 82 According to one citizen, failure to communicate to citizens why this recommendation was not being implemente d resulted in private sector companies deducing that the cause was lack of leadership on the part of civic governance. Therefore, there was resentment among some private sector personnel when "companies were asked not to offer free parking to their employees." Existing contracts were also cited as a barrier to introducing spli t time scheduling and work at home options (rec. 14) . An additional barrier to telecommuting opportunities was a perception among management that staff productivity would decline. In addition to staff related issues at City Hall, union lobbying can prevent opportunities for adaptations to things such as public transit. For example, a deputy director pointed out that small operators of mini buses could provide shuttle services in suburban areas to and from major transit routes. However, "i f you want it to work, then you can't pay a union wage to get it done." The respective unions were against allowing non-unionized shuttl e services, and thus, the initiative was dropped. 4.5.3 Economic/Financial : As identified a t the start of this research, economic and financial considerations provide the contextual framework within which government and citizens operate. They are likely to be a major force in shaping perceptions and may be at the root of several barriers identified i n previous sections. Financial Gain Motive (10aii,12a) This barrier was cited several times as having a direct impact on blocking certain Clouds of Change initiatives. Financial gain motive focusses primarily on citizen's behaviour and is a cause of citizens being disunited and not supportive. Perceived inequity and lack of choices can also operate as barriers based on financial gai n motive. The merchants resistance to the proposed Marpole HOV lane is an example of this barrier in operation. Another example is the parking operators resistance to instituting preference parking downtown for HOVs. In this example, difficulty wit h enforcement wa s also cited as a problem. Furthermore, financial gain motive is part of what causes disjunction between what citizens verbally support and what they are actually willing to do. It operates the same way at the civic and senior levels of 83 government, as a Councillor points out, "all levels of government are happy to promote and verbally suppor t initiatives. The problem comes when deciding who should pay and how much." Marginal Pricing and Economic Valuation (9,13a,16g27ci,27cii) This barrier focusses on the decisions government makes to preserve economic generating activities even if such decisions directly undermine efforts t o move towards sustainabiHty. The scientific materialis t paradigm, and its resultant economic structure, is a pervasive barrier to taking actions that support sustainabiHty. "How can you change one hundred years of economic development and economically influenced cultura l development overnight?" asked one citizen with exasperation. A councillor explained the situation this way: The problem i s that we are growth oriented in our society. We equate progress with consumption instead of with improved socia l well-being. Our economic structure is dependent on this growth model. If nobody bought a new car, our whole society would collapse in a year. This raises an interesting dilemma. How do we restructure society to get rid of the car when our very economic survival is dependent upon it? A deputy director summarizes the situation as follows: Liveability starts with a job, so we have to make sure we don't undermine our economic basis which would in turn undermine our ability to fund othe r programs to sustain our environmental objectives as well... There's only so much you can take out of an economy before you begin to seriously impair its ability to function . Underlying these sentiments is the concern that implementation of some of the recommendations would create inconveniences for businesses causing them to relocate outside of the city. The recommendations i n question are those that deal with trip reduction (rec. 9), and taxes such as the carbon tax (rec. 27). Restricting the ease with which employees commute to work and increasing the cost of goods movement within the city are among the top concerns with respect to negative impacts on business. This barrier is reinforced b y the overwhelming complexity of the issue, limitation of jurisdiction, weak linkages among the policies of civic and senior levels of government, and, in this example, weak coordination with the policies of neighbouring counties in the U.S.A. With regard to recommendation 27, a civic employee explains that: At face value, it is a wonderful idea . (The finance department ) suggested abandoning the gas tax because for one thing it's too complex. It would cost more to administrate than the money it would take in. The other thing is that you cannot ignore the fact that you are not living on an island. You have to stay sensitive to what the surrounding areas are doing. How do you justify thi s increased 84 tax to citizens who won't be benefitting fro m i t directly with improved transit. If you set up a local tax, people can avoid it by crossing the boundary and buying gas somewhere else. Not only would the Province have to set up the tax along with a programme to minimize avoidance, you'd also have to get the Federal government to set up a programme to minimize cross-border leakage. There is an inelastic demand (for gas); therefore, we have to think about what the U.S. government i s doing as well. I don't disagree with the underlying concepts of the gas tax, I disagree with the practicality of it. Several Councillors and civic employees also suggested that the Province was unwilling to delegate certain powers to the City because i t was afraid o f losing its own tax base. As a result, the City remained powerless to implement some of the recommendations. It should be noted, on the other hand, that marginal pricing and economic valuation can also act as a facilitator o f action-taking under the right circumstances. According to some, the Province eventually implemente d a one cent per litre tax on gas because i t required additional revenues to continue public transit services in the face of growing debts. At the municipal level, this barrier did on occasion sway Council from abidin g by its own guidelines. For example, restrictive parking policies downtown are undermined by private parking operators who set up temporary parking lots on land awaiting redevelopment. As one citizen observes "the City could regulate this in terms of surface parking, but they don't." This type of activity generates income for the City and is "so profitable, tha t developers often delay  redevelopment." A second consideration for the City that relates to this barrier is maintaining productivity. When asked about how serious he considers the threat of atmospheric problems to be relative to other issues, one civic employee responded: We have some serious financial an d work productivity problems. We like to pursue environmenta l policies, but we also have to give tax payers value for their dollars. Meter readers (for example ) could use electric vehicles, buses etc. However, meter readers' productivity goes down significantly eve n when using a bicycle over a vehicle. In the past, technologies such as the automobile, which now poses a threat to sustainability, became inextricably tied to work practices. Unknowingly, society began to trade sustainability for productivity. As long as this pattern persists, efforts t o change remain stymied or limited to those means which do not inhibit production. Rather than examining a breadth of alternatives, such as hiring several part time meter readers with bicycles to replace a single, vehicle equipped, person, Government stays tied to unitary decision-making, based on economic efficiency criteria . The result is resistance to even the small changes which eventually can contribute to a large movement or transformation. 85 Inadequate Resources (15b,24a,24new,26a,32a) This was a commonly cited barrier, recognized by all four groups. Above anything else, Councillors and civic staff share a general frustration wit h the amount of work they are required to do and the limited staff resource s available to do it. This barrier is exacerbated by competing issues , attention pressure and lack of a prioritization mechanism. Severa l Councillors expressed the concern that ten members of Council were not enough to adequately deal with the many issues confronting th e City. One Councillor makes the following comments : Several Councillors do it full time and several don't. It's an evolving role that Council members are trying to undertake... Some continue to do work elsewhere and their work (in Council) reflects that. But you also have to consider the other side of it. Council members cut their salary by 5%. Now it is less than $30,000 per annum. So for many people, I would suspect that they think that they really need additional income to support themselves... The salary base needs to be looked at and the resource base needs to be looked at. If you look at Canada's two other major cities , the salary base for Councillors is higher and they have access to more resources for things such as research. In Edmonton, the City funds on e person per Councillor to work as a researcher for them. That would make a difference i f you had an additional person to assist you. But, the political reality is that it is likely to go nowhere because of how people feel about politicians and about finances and deficits . When asked if the role of Councillor should be a full-time employmen t position, this same Councillor replied: My first response is yes because I see what goes on here, and it's really very minimal. It would contribute to a more effective Council . However, many would object that to give up one's career to take on a position in Council of uncertain duration is an unfavourable risk . Nevertheless, these comments illustrate the impact lack of resources has on government's ability to take action in support of sustainability. It also identifies the connection this barrier has with inappropriat e structure of government. As Vancouver and its neighbouring municipalities continue to grow into a thriving metropolis, the existing structures of government must adapt. Many barriers, such as inadequate resources, indicate that this adaptation i s not happening quickly enough. Many civic staff also feel overwhelmed with their work load. A common complaint was that there is not enough time, manpower, or money to "do it all." As a result, many Clouds of Change recommendations have not been implemented according to schedule. This barrier contributes to lack of civic staff buy-in. It is also linked with lack of a prioritization mechanism . 86 Existing Funds  Already Pre-Allocated to Other Initiatives (15a) This barrier is primarily a function o f competing issues, lack of civic staff buy-in and lack of a prioritization mechanism. Many civic staff felt that the process used to create and adopt the Clouds of Change report did not allow them adequate opportunity to make adjustments t o their existing and forecasted work programs. Thus, when the recommendations were handed down to them, their department funding ha d already been pre-allocated to other initiatives. Without guidelines from Council indicating which existing projects were to be subordinated to the Clouds of Change recommendations, many staff found themselves unable to re-allocate funds without severely hampering projects which they also believed were vital. This barrier is severe and reflects an inadequate supply of funds to implement the many initiatives to which Council aspires. A Task Force member observes that "very few people come in (to Council) as a natural involvement of their community work. Those that do are sorely disappointed to discover that once they are in, they can't effect chang e primarily because budgets are already pre-allocated." Unwillingness to Pay More Taxes This barrier is closely linked to inadequate funds and resources. Most of the Councillors and civic employees interviewed were sensitive to citizens' unwillingness to pay more taxes. A Councillor expressed the situation thus: There is a basic cynicism in people. They don't trust the government to spend the money wisely... They think: our taxes are always going up and the deficit i s never coming down. Give them more money and it won't help anyway. Weak communication links between government and its constituency, weak linkages among the policies of civic and senior levels of government, and lack of understanding about action roles contribute to citizens' cynicism abou t government's ability to affect change . As one department head explains: We've hit the wall in terms of what taxpayers are willing to pay and yet they are constantly calling for more services. You look at a Council package and how many reports are called for every week, and then you say well who is going to pay for all of this? Citizens seem conditioned to expect government to look after problems as they arise. As Vancouver continues to grow so too do many of its problems. Perhaps it is time for Councillors to examine alternative roles for government . 87 In addition to service-provider, i t may indeed be time for government to take on the role of educator and facilitator , helping citizens realize that they need to help themselves. The reader may want to refer back to Councillors' comments under the heading Inappropriate Structure of Government (vertical) for a  further explanatio n of this last point. Failure to Guarantee Results/Impact (35d) This barrier is reinforced by unwillingness to pay more taxes. In an effort t o combat public cynicism, government wants to spend money and take action on those initiatives which will have visible results in the short term. Unfortunately, man y Clouds of Change recommendations do not fall within this category. As one council member states if you are successful i n implementing the recommendations "yo u won't get an article in the paper saying Vancouver's air is clean." A second Councillor pointed out that: Some of the recommendations are extremely expensive to implement and government must prioritize its spending. The taxpayer is clearly saying they are unwilling to support additiona l taxation and they want to know that existing tax money is being wisely spent.. . There is often the assumption that these initiatives will produce great benefits, but there is no identifiable wa y to quantify thes e benefits . Visible results are required to allay taxpayers' suspicions. However, a citizen reveals a contradictory perception : Councillors feel i f they plan too far ahead, they won't get support from voter s for the next election, so they focus on short-term decisions instead. However, this is a mistake. B.C.ers are very environmentally sensitiv e and they want green policies, so politicians are mistaken. Uncertainty adds to decision-makers' hesitancy to implement certain recommendations. Regarding recommendatio n 35d a Councillor states: You'd have to prove to me that posters in bus shelters really have an impact on peoples' behaviour before I' d be willing to fund suc h an information campaign . Lack of a Prioritizing Mechanism (llaiii) Need for a prioritizing mechanism to guide funding decision s was a commonly cited barrier among civic staff. For comments on this subject regarding the different level s of government and priority setting among their Ministries and departments, the reader should refer to the barrier titled Fear of Losing Control/Power . 88 At the municipal level, the need to address many competing issues, such as providing sewerage, clean drinking water etc. tie up civic department budgets in long-term programs. The addition of new responsibilities, unaccompanied by resources to support them, requires a re-budgeting of existing programmes. However, without direction from Council as to whether the new responsibilities are to be treated as top priorities and which existing programmes are to be given lower status, civic staff find it difficult to make such budgeting decisions. As one department director explains: I suppose we could go faster. It boils down to a matter of priorities. If that was the only issue we had to deal with, we could implement them (recommendations) right away. But, the reality is, people in charge of implementation have a hell of a lot of other things to do as well. It's a matter of priorities and many departments struggle with how do Clouds of Change recommendations fit into their scheme of priorities. Another civic employee remarks that department heads who do not perceive the recommendations as a priority will show "lack of resourcefulness, or innovation, in re-allocating funds. This can be used as an excuse not to take action." The allocation of priority was seen as a responsibility of Council by most civic employees from directors to line staff. The frustration fel t by not having a prioritizing system was highly visible. One employee made the following observation: It's like the thirty-nine clowns syndrome. At a circus you see many clowns (the initiatives) coming out of this tiny car. There are so many competing priorities that no one in particular is done well. There's no clear sense of an overall strategy to link these priorities. One associate director explains that in addition to making funding decisions, a second problem is maintaining accountability: When it (recommendation) comes in and is passed by Council, (staff must have an) opportunity to ask: 'do you really mean that we don't do all those ten rezonings that we've had people waiting for over two years to get done?' You have to have Council say: 'yes, you switch your resources to these new priorities right away. We realize there will be some delays in your existing projects, and as Mayor, I'm going to send out letters to these people that explain that indeed we are going to defer some of this work that had been promised for some time because something else has come up that is of higher priority to us.' When that doesn't happen, it is left with staff who face the dilemma of already having a full work programme. So what are we going to cancel? As happened with a lot of this (Clouds of Change initiatives), the question becomes: 'so what are we going to brush off to some future date and time?' Several civic staff indicated a hope that the outcome of the CityPlan process will aid Councillors in establishing priority issues. 89 Fear of Disadvantaging the  Poor (27,27b) This barrier was cited commonly among Councillors. It creates a dilemma which is explained by a Councillor as follows: The CO2 tax was voted against... because it was a regressive tax. It would have priced low end income earners out of cars which they might need for a job. But, if we subsidize cars so that the poorest person can afford t o drive, then you'll never get rid of cars... Other forms of transit cannot compete with the car. Fear of unjustly disadvantagin g the poor is reinforced by the existing car oriented structure of the City and by lack of choices. Owning a motor vehicle is an expensive endeavour for most citizens. Many people interviewed fel t frustrated tha t the City continues to cater to automobile traffic despit e a priority policy that places pedestrians first. The following are samples of what the citizens interviewed had to say about non-automobile transportation options: We should create environments that don't limit people to the grids (i.e. having to use the same routes as automobiles). For example, we should install a glass elevator from the south end of Granville Bridge right into False Creek. There should be more support of these kinds of ideas to get people moving, not cars... The urban environment should be designed for the human body and not for the car body. The City could have made a more serious commitment to bicycle use. But their bike paths are a joke. Except for paths around False Creek, all they've done is put up signs on side streets. But that's unsafe fo r cyclists; it's why I don't cycle. I don't know how much influence the City has on public transit. Progress could be made on inter-modal transport, e.g. allowing bikes on buses and sky train. You can put your bike in the wheel chair area of the bus which is often under-utilized. The City seems far more intent on making things wheel chair accessible than bike accessible. There are lifts on busses for wheel chairs, but there is nothing like that for bikes. Transit is just too slow to be competitive with other modes of transportation. There is too much stopping and starting. What we need are more express buses and buses that stop farther apart . For example, two buses travel the same route, the first stops at every other bus stop and the second stops at the ones in between. Commuters could buy reserved seats on a monthly basis for the express buses that go from the distant suburbs right downtown. Furthermore, bus stops are places no one wants to be. (The City) could provide well lit, heated shelters with desks and chairs so that people can plug in their computers and do their work while they wait. Council has to get serious about addressing these issues if they expect the people to take it. Although these suggestions would increase transit's competitiveness with the private automobile, and would greatly improve transportation options for pedestrians, the reader can perhaps anticipate how the barriers listed in this research, such as limitation of jurisdiction, inadequate funds, competing issues etc. will operate to prevent their implementation. 90 4.6 A Comparison to the Victoria Experience Healthy Atmosphere 2000 is a report addressing atmospheric change and air quality issues in Victoria and its surrounding region known as the Capital Regional District. Two people involved with the report were interviewed for this research. They experienced similar barriers to those identified by the participants in Clouds of Change. The Healthy Atmosphere 2000 report was modeled on Clouds of Change. The Task Group on Atmospheric Change, who prepared the report, consisted of professionals, youths and other citizens, but no politicians. This was felt to be a major weakness "because it is very important to have a champion of these issues at the political level." Although the Task Group "heard from over eight hundred people, politicians viewed the report as biased and said it didn't represent the general public." Those interviewed felt that the public participation process used in formulating the report helped raise awareness and concern for the issues, and had a politician or ENGO been present to harness the growing interest among the citizenry, the report might have gained momentum resulting in its acceptance by government. Thus, lack of a catalytic personality, lack of buy-in by Council, and lack of an ENGO were seen as major barriers. Other barriers that were identified were inappropriate structure of government (political term), and lack of awareness about the issues. The process of creating the Healthy Atmosphere 2000 report began three years ago. During that time, politicians were made familiar with the issues. However, prior to the completion of the report, new Councillors were elected. When the report was presented for adoption, Councillors who had been there all along were supportive, but the new Councillors were not. No environmental training had been provided for the new Councillors... This is most important... because they think in terms of costs. If they see things just as an extra expense, they won't support it. A second opinion cited differences i n perception and lack of information sharing as major barriers: The problem here isn't so much lack of money as it is lack of political support. David Turner, the Mayor of Victoria, was the only one who supported it (report). Decision-makers aren't convinced that there is an air quality problem. There is antipathy towards environmentalists. (Politicians) are more comfortable believing there is no problem. Workshops to bring decision-makers on line are needed. That's how you get champions at the political level. In addition, fear of losing control/power was cited as a barrier. The municipalities were perceived as wanting to maintain their own self-determination. Thus, they remained suspicious of losing power to the CRD. 91 Yet another barrier was lack of buy-in by civic staff, and union regulations was perceived as a contributing factor to this problem. One of the interviewees explains: There was no effort t o bring civic employees on line. Bureaucrats are restricted to union hours and many meetings occurred during the evenings. Staff don't volunteer their time that easily. Without incorporating the Councillors or the civic employees into the process, those interviewed felt the report would remain outside the sphere of government, even though a very large number of citizens had participated in its creation. Both interviewees cited overwhelming complexity of the issues as a barrier. One of them explained: There was a very good public participation process combined with research to develop the recommendations. A weakness was that the report was long and detailed... therefore, people tended to shy away. Finally, lack of understanding about action roles was cited as a barrier in that "the report got sidetracked to primarily focussing o n local air quality, which isn't as big an issue as atmospheric change." The recommendations in Healthy Atmosphere 2000 parallel those in Clouds of Change. However, one of the interviewees cites that a major issue not covered in either of the reports was the financial benefits of enacting the recommendations: The cost savings are tremendous to the Province and the regional governments if they go with reduced CO2 policies. There would be reduced accidents, reduced need for police enforcemen t and lower hospital bills. There would also be less expenditures on highways and reduced crop losses... Telecommuting offers a  way to create such differences i n spending... Politicians must think in terms of costs so thirty percent of the Task Group's time must be focussed o n economic aspects. At the moment, the recommendations are seen negatively, as trying to take away cars. They can be shown in a positive light in terms of pay-offs. These need to be highlighted more. The region that moves the fastest in CO2 reduction will gain the most in terms of quality of life and economic savings. Politicians need to be shown these things in terms of benefits. Thus, many of the barriers encountered in the Victoria experience are similar to those identified b y the research participants involved with Clouds of Change. The last quotation illustrates that understanding what the barriers are informs attempts to overcome them. 92 5.0 Prescriptions fo r Overcomin g Barrier s Just as barriers to change exist, so too do conditions that facilitate change. After a  brief introduction to the concepts of civicness and social capital, this chapter summarizes what interviewees perceived as conditions that facilitated implementatio n o f some Clouds of Change recommendations. Suggestions for initiatives that could overcome some of the barriers to Clouds of Change and enable the adoption of actions that support sustainability ar e also presented. This chapter builds on the analysis in chapter four and readers are encouraged to look there for additional explanations of each condition and/or suggestion . 5.1 A  Word Abou t Civicnes s an d Socia l Capita l In a national study about what factors contribute to effective regiona l government in Italy, the degree of "civicness" of a region was found to be the leading contributor above education and economic developmen t (Putnam, 1993 , 98, 118) . In fact, education leve l of the populace, demographic and social changes, urbanization an d personal stability did not appear to be determining factors in government performance (Putnam , 1993 , 118). Civic governance works well when there is a civic community marked by an active, public-spirited citizenry, by egalitarian political relations, by a social fabric of trust and cooperation. Some regions... are blessed with vibrant networks and norms of civic engagement, while others are cursed with vertically structured politics, a social life of fragmentation an d isolation, and a culture of distrust. These differences i n civil life turn out to play a key role in explaining institutional success (Putnam, 1993 , 15). Institutional success is defined by an ability to take action, to implement policy initiatives (Putnam, 1993 , 8). Civicness is characterized by interdependent relationships, trust, reciprocity and cooperation, closely interwoven associations and social networks, high newspaper readership, diversity among Councillors' backgrounds, a belief that citizens can and should make decisions about issues that affect them. In short, the citizens do not fee l alienated and powerless vis-a-vis their government (Putnam, 1993 , 96-105). Lack of civicness in a region is primarily characterized by dependent relationships of favouritism an d servitude, distrust and cynicism, unequal distribution of wealth, predominance of individual power. Citizens feel alienated from th e decision-making process and lack faith that there is a system of fair and equal treatment (Putnam, 1993, 146) . A high degree of civicness operates in several ways to improve government performance. A belief in government's integrity coupled with the belief that other citizens will obey the rules and regulations established by the government sets a norm of compliance in a community. In a highly integrated social network, non-compliance is 93 feared not so much for possible punitive measures, as for negative social consequences such as ostracism by peers or the loss of advantages gained by being a part of a social network in the community. The denser the social networks in a community, the higher the possibility for cooperation in self-help initiatives (Putnam, 1993, 173). Thus, the social fabric of the community encourages compliance and cooperation. This point is crucial to understanding how management of public resources might be effectively carrie d out. Where there is distrust, there is a high tendency to defect, i.e. to abandon one's responsibility to work cooperatively. Acting on suspicions that others will not comply, people remain unmotivated to take action. Thus, they help bring about the very negative consequences they fear. This scenario resembles that depicted in chapter two where individuals acting in their own self-interest contribute to a situation that is eventually detrimental to all. Civicness, on the other hand, encourages individuals to act cooperatively. It provides the contextual situation to act according to conscience despite economic and immediate, need-meeting motivations which encourage one to do otherwise. Thus, civicness provides a means of completing the feedback loops which encourage actions that support sustainability, when such loops are not being completed by other social stimuli. Therefore, civicness can help overcome barriers to implementation of government initiatives to support sustainability. Analysis of chapter four reveals that many of the barriers to implementing Clouds of Change stem from lack of civicness. Citizens have expressed feelings of alienation from government decision-making, both Councillors and citizens allude to cynicism as a stumbling block to cooperation, feelings of disempowerment to solve air quality problems permeate City Hall and the constituency. In order to improve this situation, it may prove advantageous to examine ways to improve civicness in the City. At best, results from such initiatives may take years to materialize; however, much research related to sustainability is already focussed on "building community." At the heart of civicness is what might be referred to as social capital. Social capital stocks include those things which encourage individuals to participate in activities where they meet other members of the community (be it from the neighbourhood or city) and discuss common interests and concerns. Examples are, the number of local sport clubs, social clubs, volunteer organisations, business associations etc. that exist. The longevity of such organisations as well as their size indicate the health of these stocks (Putnam, 1993, 149). Improving social capital might be a means of getting people to work cooperatively in support of sustainability. 94 Finally, an important feature o f civicness is that it is self-perpetuating (Putnam , 1993 , 147). This points attention to the potential role of the catalytic personality and autocatalysis. Putnam's findings reveal that government effectiveness i s highly dependent on the informal, socia l connections of the populace, stimulated by their involvement in local activities. I t is in this area that local agents can most effectively wor k together to promote behaviour among community members that is cooperative and adaptive to changing environments (Osborn and Gaebler, 199 2 50). Developing confidence i n these informal an d innovative ways of relating should enhance the emergence of a society which behaves in ways that support sustainability. Municipal government should therefore consider supporting community organisations and community events, encouraging membership in local organisations and perhaps even look to these organisations for help and support on demonstration days such as "clean air day." A sense of fun combine d with a sense of purpose should denote such events. Utilizing catalytic personalities in autocatalytic situations helps build social capital and over time can help improve the civicness of a city (Osborn and Gaebler, 1992 , 51). In facing the new challenge of making urban areas ecologically sustainable, those who are able to find solutions and engender their permeation through others shall prove to be significant force s in social change. For, not withstanding individual choices and ideology, the movement towards sustainability can be viewed in a broader, societal context and some structural modifications an d activities need to be encouraged for this reason. 5.2 Condition s tha t Facilitate Chang e In many regards, the interviewees identified the conditions that facilitate chang e as the inverse of those factors which constitute barriers. Examples are: someone to champion the issues, perfect understanding among the citizenry of the relationship between cause and effect, certaint y about the future impact s of global warming and stratospheric ozone depletion, adequate funds to implement proposed initiatives etc. The following encompasses a list of factors, identified by research participants, which were thought to facilitate implementatio n o f some recommendations. Comprehensiveness of  the Report was cited as Clouds of Change's strongest asset. The report touches on a wide range of issues and it constantly reappears in staff documents thanks to Council's stipulation that City actions and 95 development proposals should include a section describing how City decisions and/or actions by the proponent will affect ai r quality and Clouds of Change initiatives. One Councillor observes: Staff refer to it (impacts regarding Clouds of Change) in reports dealing with all kinds of issues... If it were just a one time thing, i.e. linearly focussed, then we would have dealt with i t and forgotten it . Because i t is so broad in terms of the issues it encompasses, it is constantly resurfacing. CityPlan was often mentioned as a helpful proces s to improve communication links between government and its constituency. CityPlan  is the largest public participation process undertaken by the City to date. Its purpose is to aid the City in developing its new official cit y plan. The high degree of citizen involvement i t fosters, bringing people together to discuss local issues, helps build social capital. By encouraging citizens to identify solution s to air quality problems i t is believed that CityPlan helps diminish the barriers of: acceptance of the status quo, and fear of losing constituent support . CityPlan  is also seen as a way of establishing a much needed method of priority setting among the many competing issues that face Vancouver . Championing by  Council Members kep t the report on City Hall's agenda. The interest of a few particula r Councillors, namely Libby Davies and Gordon Price, in readdressing certain Clouds of Change recommendations was perceived as crucial to the ongoing implementation of the report. This demonstrates the impact a catalytic personality can have on improving action-taking in an institution. Staff Initiatives were perceived as fundamental i n re-establishing the Special Office fo r the Environment and in the City joining the International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives . Academics such as Mark Roseland who referred to the report during public presentations provided an incentive for staff, such as Nick Losito, of Environmental Health, to take action. Again, this demonstrates the role catalytic personalities play in advancing government towards actions which suppor t sustainability . Media Interest rekindled awareness about the report, especially in the minds of citizens. Newspaper articles printed in the Summer of 199 3 provided a forum fo r discussion, and catalysed the start of this research. It is unclear whether media interest stimulated action-taking by City Hall; however, it furthered th e role of the report as a political issue in addition to an environmental one. 96 Financial Need can be a stimulus for governments to adopt taxes that penalize behaviour that is deleterious to the environment. According to one Councillor, although the CO2 tax was rejected by the Province because it was a regressive tax, financial need stimulated the Province to adopt a one cent per litre gas tax. Partial revenues were then directed to help support public transit operations. At the municipal level, financial pressures stimulated the adoption of actions that supported sustainability and resulted in the City moving to economy size cars for its fleet. The City also switched many vehicles from gas to propane. Thus, need-meeting behaviours (see chapter two) can operate at an institutional as well as a personal level and in certain circumstances can contribute to the emergence of sustainability initiatives . Ease of  Implementation wa s the most commonly cited factor. Recommendations are easy to implement if they do not create controversy, do not require behaviour change, are relatively inexpensive and immediately visible. These factors were seen by and large to be the reasons behind the actions taken to implement the bicycle network (rec. 11) and the methane burner at Burns Bog (rec. 8). This finding corroborates the findings in chapter two which point out that what prevents the adoption of actions that support sustainability i s their conflict and interference with other need-meeting behaviours. City Already Pursuing  was another factor commonly cited in accordance with recommendations showing visible signs of implementation. The fact that some of the recommendations paralleled existing City plans and initiatives was seen as a primary reason for their eventual implementation. Such recommendations include: increased housing in the urban core (rec. 16) , transferring the city fleet to economy sized vehicles (30ai), and creating bicycle networks (rec. 11). Ongoing Lobbying by ENGOs was also believed to be a major facto r i n implementation o f the bicycle network (rec. 11). Serves Multiple  Objectives  was another factor cited as improving a recommendation's chance of implementation . For example, recommendations which would result in improved air quality and increased savings for the City and/or 97 improved social conditions for the poor will have a much better chance of implementation. Because many environmental issues include an element of uncertainty, and the outcome of incentives to address them is not guaranteed, the possibility of making improvements in other areas when an initiative is undertaken helps make it more palatable. 5.3 Suggestion s t o Overcome Som e o f the Barrier s This section documents the suggestions interviewees made regarding how to overcome some of the barriers that impeded action-taking by government. Many of the suggestions allude to the ideas presented in chapter two regarding how change can happen. For the most part, the suggestions are thematic, identifying direction s for loca l government to consider as it continues to pursue actions that support sustainability . Limit the Number of Recommendations. Although the comprehensiveness of Clouds of Change has kept it at the forefront o f decision-makers' minds, many interviewees suggested that limiting the number of recommendations to two or three and providing detailed strategies regarding how these could be implemented is an approach which offers a  higher chance of implementation success than presenting many recommendations with sparse guidelines fo r implementation. Revisit the Report and attach priorities to the three most important things that need to be done. Work with staff to create a mutual feedback an d buy-in process and to create an implementation strategy for those recommendations which have been chosen. Concentrate on developing a public education programme centred around the three chosen initiatives to facilitate publi c buy-in and to ease the way for Council to take action. It was suggested that the three most important recommendations should be chosen by a working group consisting of Councillors, Task Force members, civic staff and citizens. The citizens might be members of the citizen group which reviewed the City's State of the Environment report and which has now been asked to monitor progress on Clouds of Change implementation. Demonstrate the  Advantages. Mor e effort mus t go into demonstrating the advantages of adopting recommendations. Attention must be paid not only to environmental improvements , but financial benefit s a s well. 98 The opportunity to serve multiple objectives should be highlighted wherever possible. The advantages should be presented using detailed information. Vagu e promises are not persuasive enough to gain the approval of skeptical decision-makers. Establish Standards. In some cases recommendations cannot be implemented i f targets, such as 198 8 levels of CO2 emissions (rec. la) , are not known. Because investments required to establish such standards are viewed as too costly for the City to bear alone, the Municipality should take advantage of its membership in the International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives to liaise with other municipalities in an attempt to establish what appropriate standards might or should be. The City might also want to consider contacting local, private sector organisations and senior levels of government for this information . Prioritize Issues.  This would reduce the number of competing issues and help staff make decisions about the re-allocation of funds i n their budgets to accommodate new initiatives. Council should indicate the priority of newly adopted initiatives vis-a-vis existing projects. Improve Networking and Cooperation Among ENGOs.  Continue active lobbying by citizen groups and improve communication and coordination among these groups when addressing common interest s before Council . This suggestion identifies the important role organisations outside of government play in creating social change. Provide an Improved Question  and Answer Programme. The City has a new policy for directing citizen enquiries. If a civic employee cannot directly locate the correct person to address a caller's concerns, then s/he will take responsibility fo r the question, find the person who can best address it and have them return the citizen's call. In addition to supporting this new policy, suggestions for improved communication link s include providing a computer on-line system so that citizens can post questions at any time and civic employees and/or Councillors can post responses the following day (see Clouds of Change rec. 14d) . The element of direct and immediate communicatio n reduces citizens' cynicism of government. 99 Include Civic Staff and Councillors in the Creation of the Recommendations. This would allow staff and Councillors to familiarize themselves with the recommendations, discuss concerns, and develop implementation strategies. A Councillor used the "Ready or Not" programme run through the Social Planning Department as an example of the type of planning process that encourages civic staff buy-in. The Urban Landscape Task Force's approach to formulating its recommendations was also cited several times as incorporating a good buy-in process. Develop Government Structures that Accommodate Long-Term Decision-Making. Structure s such as the round table, and community forums should be examined to provide means of decision-making based on a longer time horizon than the three year term of elected officials. Such a long-term oriented decision-making group can function as an auxiliary to Council in an attempt to balance the short-term oriented feedback loops in which Council must function. Develop Government Structures that Reduce the Workload of Elected Officials. Most Councillors interviewed expressed a sense of overwhelming burden, in terms of workload, to the point where they felt their ability to make decisions based on thorough investigation and understanding of certain issues was being compromised. Therefore, structures such as the round table, community forums, and the ward system etc. should be examined to provide means of decision-making that offer a greater role for citizens. Such systems could contribute to social capital and may engender, among the citizenry, increased awareness and willingness to adapt behaviours which do not support sustainability. The fear, however, is that citizens will not uphold their responsibilities to actively participate in more autonomous forms of government. To work around this fear, some suggested a mixed Council consisting of members representing the City at large and elected community representatives as well. These elected community representatives would be Councillors in every sense of the word, salaried and working from an office in City Hall. Rather than ten Councillors at large, there might be three or five. The rest, and perhaps a few additional, would be directly answerable to a community. Delegating decision-making responsibilities through a revised institutional structure is perhaps a bold suggestion when addressing the question of how to overcome barriers to implementing Clouds of Change. It nevertheless draws attention to an issue which will most likely continue to receive increasing attention as the need for adaptation to changing ecological circumstances grows. 100 Appoint Councillors  to Community Centres. Councillors should be appointed to Community Centres so that they get exposed directly to the citizens they are supposed to represent. Include Representation from the  Planning Department on the SOE. Implement Recommendations  34  and 35. These recommendations require the City to play an advocacy role in promoting awareness of air quality issues among government decision-makers and the public. The goal of such awareness is to enhance sensitivity to these issues as a first step in trying to raise adaptive tendencies among citizens and political decision-makers when considering behaviours and policies which affect ai r quality. In this role, the City should also advertise publication of documents such as the Special Office fo r the Environment's annual status report on Clouds of Change. Examine Other  Successful Campaigns.  The "no smoking" campaign has achieved great success recently and may hold useful lesson s about how to raise public awareness and inspire actions based on improved awareness. Using messages which encompass symbolism, memorable facts, and interesting statistics which affect citizen s at a personal level , may all be strategies worth examining and perhaps applying in efforts t o implement Clouds of Change. Promote Self-Help.  Citizen s have grown accustomed to looking to government for solutions to social problems. They do not realize that their expectations for government to produce change are too high. Citizens and government look to each other for leadership and complain when none is forthcoming. One civic employee remarks that hopefully through CityPlan  citizens will be educated about the trade-offs an d costs involved in undertaking different initiatives . Hopefully a  charter of citizen responsibilities will come out of this, along with a charter of City responsibilities. This will identify things people can do for themselves. The barriers, such as those identified i n this research, which inhibit government's ability to take action in support of sustainability must be made known to the constituency. Citizens must be made aware of their own responsibility fo r 101 bringing about the changes they desire. As a department head pointed out: "Citizens have more rights than the City. Therefore, they have more freedom t o act and can initiate more projects than a municipality." Emphasis on self-help may contribute to a norm of personal responsibility among social networks. It draws attention to need-meeting behaviours which do not support sustainability and their perpetuation by incomplete feedback loops . It identifies the individual as a major sourc e of power for change, thereby highlighting the need fo r personal sensitivity to local changes in the environment and a willingness to adapt behaviours in response to them. Delegate More Power to the Municipal Level. At least one Councillor expressed the desire to see power over certain issues brought as close to the municipal level as possible. This would give the municipalities a broader range of powers with which to implement their goals. Extend GVRD  Authority. At the minimum, the GVRD should obtain planning authority over inter-municipa l transportation so that it can enforce its mandate to attend to air quality issues. Institute Citizen Review Board. The City is considering appointing the same group of citizens who reviewed its State of the Environment report to monitor progress on Clouds of Change implementation. However, such monitoring has not yet commenced. Expand Communication  Links with Other Cities. The City should follow i n Toronto's footsteps by communicating with other municipalities both locally and internationally. National and international recognition of the issues and recognition of the City's attempts to deal with it provides a stimulus for the City to continue its efforts. Interne t provides an inexpensive yet highly efficient opportunit y for this type of communication. Work on Constituency Building. In the same way that public recognition stimulates civic action, so too does it stimulate corporate action. Several interviewees representing large corporations expressed an interest in working with the City to achieve its goals contained in Clouds of Change. Programmes designed to facilitate this type of cooperation could build social capital and could positively influence employees , encouraging adaptation of their 102 need-meeting behaviours to ones that are ecologically considerate. Such an outcome, could in turn reduce city employees' feelings o f disempowerment and cynicism. The net result could be a substantial increase in civicness. Furthermore, when presenting requests to the Province for the delegation of power, the City might be able to enlist the support of such corporations, thus strengthening its case. Identify Lead Agencies and coordinate policies appropriately. The problems associated with a segregated, departmentalised government structure sometimes results in lack of cooperation and no designation of a lead agency. Lead agencies responsible for addressing various air quality and atmospheric change issues must be identified. Onc e designated, they must be held accountable for the coordination of government policies and implementation efforts amon g the various government agencies concerned. Develop Policies that Improve Choices.  Policies which penalize motorists are resisted for fear of disadvantaging the poor; however, policies which facilitate transportation for the poor are simultaneously neglected. For example, inter-modal transportation, accommodating bicycles on public transit vehicles such as Sky Train, Sea Bus and wheel chair equipped express buses, would benefit the poor and improve transportation options that do not require an automobile. Implementing policies which support people's choices for self-help and sustainability must become a priority of Council. Such policies provide the interim steps to reaching Clouds of Change objectives. Follow-Up Task  Force Initiatives with  a Public Participation Process. Although too late to benefit Clouds of Change, this suggestion was made by members of both the Vancouver Task Force and the Victoria Task Group. Both organisations felt that as their respective reports were nearing completion, public interest in them ran very high. Public participation processes run at that time might have provided opportunities to build social capital, by helping citizens identify the trade-offs require d by the recommendations and strategies to deal with them, i.e. overcome the barriers to action-taking such trade-offs migh t impose. Furthermore, such a process would indicate to Council that a large section of the constituency wanted change, and that they were willing to grapple with the consequences of what that change might necessitate. Ideally, the strategies devised by the public for coping with the necessary trade-offs shoul d be included in the final submission of the report to Council. 103 6.0 Concluding Remarks 6.1 Summar y In conclusion, one sees that the research supports existing literature describing barriers to action-taking and identifies additiona l barriers which play a role in limiting municipal actions in response to opportunities to support sustainability. Analysis of table one, in chapter four, reveals that the authorities responsible for implementing Clouds of Change, namely Council and civic staff, perceived the three biggest barriers to action-taking to be: limitation of jurisdiction, competing issues, and inadequate funds. A complete ranking by these groups of all the barriers is presented in table three. From the perspective of Council and civic staff, lac k of understanding about the issues refers to citizens' limited understanding which results in citizen resistance to City efforts t o implement Clouds of Change recommendations which would affect neighbourhoods . Similar analysis of table one with respect to the perceptions of Task Force members and citizens reveals that these groups view different barrier s as the primary impediments to action-taking (see table four). Lack of understanding about the issues and perceived lack of empowerment were the two most commonly cited problems, followed by lack of buy-in by Council and fear of losing constituent support which tied for third. Lack of understanding in this case refers both to the citizenry and to government. Perceived lack of empowerment refer s primarily to citizens and, as identified in chapter four, is fundamentally a  learnt perception based on citizens' experiences in government public participation processes. This finding highlights a key area of concern which city officials ma y wish to address. Current public participation processes seem to weaken the relationship between citizens and their government. This detracts from Vancouver' s civicness, which, as discovered in chapter five, undermines government's effectiveness . In the case of Clouds of Change, the primary barriers identified by all groups were: lack of understanding about the issues, perceived lack of empowerment, competing issues, inadequate funds, fea r of losing constituent support, and limitation of jurisdiction (for a complete lis t see table five). These barriers represent all three categories of barriers established in the research: Perceptual/Behavioural, Institutional/Structura l and Economic/Financial. The barriers seem to operate in a mutually-reinforcing way . Perceptual barriers such as perceived lack of empowerment and competing issues are reinforced by institutional barriers, e.g. limitation of jurisdiction. Financial consideration s and economic realities, such as inadequate funds, further influenc e perception s of what is, and perhaps more importantly, what is not feasible. 104 Table 3: Most Commonly Cited Barriers by Council and Civic Staff Barrier Limitation of Jurisdiction Competing Issues Inadequate Funds Lack of Buy-in by Civic Staf f Lack of Understanding About Issues Fear of Losing Constituent Suppor t Differences i n Perception Perceived Lack of Empowerment Citizens Disunited/not supportiv e Disjunction Betwee n Verbal Support and Willingness to Take Action Inadequate Resources Acceptance of the Status Quo Weak Link Among Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government Inappropriate Structure of Governmen t (vertical) Fear of Losing Control/Power Attention Pressure Weak Link Between Government and Constituents Failure to Guarantee Results Lack of Prioritizing Mechanism Lack of Choices Perception of Effectivenes s Weak Link Between Government and Civic Departments Unwillingness to Pay More Taxes Uncertainty Citations 15 14 13 11 10 10 9 9 9 9 9 8 8 8 8 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 5 Barrier Weak Understanding of Action Roles Union Regulations Perceived Inequity Lack of Cooperation and Information Sharin g Among Civic Departments Fear of Disadvantaging the Poor Overwhelming Complexity of Issues Prestige Motive Lack of Championing by Mayor or CM. Lack of Catalytic Personality Lack of Information Sharin g Financial Gain Motive Marginal Pricing and Economic Valuation Existing Funds Pre-allocated Intangible Nature of the Resource Media's Presentation of Informatio n LackofENGOs Weak Link Between Civic Departments and the Public Lack of Buy-in by Council Uncertainty About Whether Certain Policies Need to be Implemented Inappropriate Structure of Government (politica l term) Weak Diversity Among Decision Makers Lack of Familiarity with Environmental Policies in Own Department Uncertainty About How to Implement New Policies Unequal Balance of Power and Resources Among Community Organization s Citations 5 5 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 --~ * Dark line through table indicates top third of barriers cited. 105 Table 4: Most Commonly Cited Barriers by Task Force Members and Citizens Barrier Lack of Buy-in by Civic Staf f Citizens Disunited/not supportiv e Media's Presentation of Informatio n Lack of Information Sharin g Inappropriate Structure of Government (politica l term) Weak Diversity Among Decision Makers Lack of Championing by Mayor or C M Lack of Catalytic Personality. Limitation of Jurisdiction Failure to Guarantee Results Fear of Disadvantaging the Poor Disjunction Between Verbal Support and Willingness to Take Action Lack of Cooperation and Information Sharin g Among Civic Departments Uncertainty About How to Implement New Policies Existing Funds Pre-allocated Weak Link Between Government and Civic Departments Weak Link Between Civic Departments and the Public Lack of Familiarity with Environmental Policies in Own Department Uncertainty About Whether Certain Policies Need to be Implemented Unequal Balance of Power and Resources Among Community Organizations Union Regulations Unwillingness to Pay More Taxes Lack of Prioritizing Mechanism Perception of Effectivenes s Citations 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 -Barrier Lack of Understanding About Issues Perceived Lack of Empowerment Lack of Buy-in by Council Fear of Losing Constituent Suppor t Weak Link Between Government and Constituents Financial Gain Motive Weak Link Among Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government Inappropriate Structure of Governmen t (vertical) Competing Issues Acceptance of the Status Quo Marginal Pricing and Economic Valuation Inadequate Resources Inadequate Funds Uncertainty Lack of Choices Differences i n Perception Intangible Nature of the Resource Perceived Inequity Attention Pressur e LackofENGOs Weak Understanding of Action Roles Fear of Losing Control/Powe r Overwhelming Complexity of Issues Prestige Motive Citations 13 13 9 9 8 8 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 * Dark line through table indicates top third of barriers cited. 106 Table 5: Most Commonly Cited Barriers by All Groups Barrier Marginal Pricing and Economic Valuation Lack of Prioritizing Mechanism Overwhelming Complexity of Issues Intangible Nature of the Resource Prestige Motive Lack of Information Sharin g LackofENGOs Weak Link Between Government and Civic Departments. Unwillingness to Pay More Taxes Fear of Disadvantaging the Poor Perception of Effectivenes s Lack of Championing by Mayor or C M Lack of Catalytic Personality Media's Presentation of Informatio n Lack of Cooperation and Information Sharin g Among Civic Departments Union Regulations Inappropriate Structure of Government (politica l term) Weak Diversity Among Decision Makers Existing Funds Pre-allocated Weak Link Between Civic Departments and the Public Uncertainty About How to Implement New Policies Uncertainty About Whether Certain Policies Need to be Implemented Lack of Familiarity with Environmental Policies in Own Department Unequal Balance of Power and Resources Among Community Organization s Citations 9 8 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 3 2 2 1 1 Barrier Lack of Understanding About Issues Perceived Lack of Empowerment Competing Issues Fear of Losing Constituent Suppor t Inadequate Funds Limitation of Jurisdiction Lack of Buy-in by Civic Staf f Weak Link Between Government and Constituents Weak Link Among Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government Inappropriate Structure of Governmen t (vertical) Inadequate Resources Differences i n Perception Acceptance of the Status Quo Citizens Disunited/not supportiv e Fear of Losing Control/Power Attention Pressure Lack of Choices Disjunction Between Verbal Support and Willingness to Take Action Financial Gain Motive Uncertainty Lack of Buy-in by Council Weak Understanding of Action Roles Failure to Guarantee Results Perceived Inequity Citations 23 22 20 19 19 18 15 15 15 15 15 14 14 13 13 12 11 11 11 10 10 10 10 9 * Dark line through table indicates top third of barriers cited. Many barriers seem to operate in this cycle. In addition to those named above, other barriers also played an important role in impeding government action-taking. Differences i n perception, especially when it is linked to municipal department heads, severely impedes government's attempts to implement policies. The introduction of new goals for the City must follow a process which brings department heads on side. Workshops including Councillors, department heads and some staff should always be a part of the policy recommendation process. The research shows that agreement among these groups is crucial if goals of sustainability are to be achieved. Inappropriate structure of government (vertical), weak linkages among the policies of civic and senior levels of government, fear of losing control/power, and lack of a prioritizing mechanism are also important barriers. The research has demonstrated that government structure is not well suited to addressing environmental issues. First, because political survival is defined by a short-term electoral process, actions occur in response to needs for which there is an immediate demand. The result is a government which is reactionary by nature. Unless there is pressure by the constituency to address long-term concerns, government initiatives expressed as actions are not forthcoming. Second, government operates in the context of a market based economy; therefore, it is confined to the consideration of finances as an indicator of what is possible. Combined with the pressures imposed by a short-term electoral process, it becomes very difficult fo r government decision-makers to look at feasibility of an initiative in anything but immediate terms. The result is a government which is unmotivated to take action unless it is financially feasible in the short term. Third, opportunities to promote self-help and self-governance among citizens are not fully pursued as viable alternatives, largely because of a belief that such efforts will not be supported by citizen initiative over the long term. Finally, because departments (be they municipal, provincial or federal) operate as separate entities, endowed with their own mandates, jurisdictions and budgets, lack of coordination characterizes intra- and inter-governmental initiatives. Efforts of one department are often either repeated or undermined by the next. The result is a governance system which is organised in such a way that it is unable to meet the demands placed upon it by the challenge of sustainability. These realities of government are not easily changed, but sinc e the need to become sustainable shall not disappear, certain adaptations are required. Analysis of table two and a review of the conditions which facilitated action-taking reveals that most of the recommendations which have been fully implemented are ones for which the City was already preparing to take action. Financial need was a stimulant for action-taking with respect to those recommendations which would immediately save the City money. In this respect it seems that action-taking is 108 stimulated more by present need rather than by potential gains or benefits. Viewing implementation of the recommendations as a way to save the City money over the long-term was not a widely reported perception. Suggestions for overcoming barriers primarily focussed on improving the level of civicness in the City. This addresses three key issues: • improvin g communication between government and the constituency, • involvin g staff and Councillors in a revision of the Clouds of Change implementation strategy, • promotin g self-help and civic participation among citizens. Planners and policy makers wishing to pursue a recommendation process similar to Clouds of Change in the future shoul d bear in mind the following suggestions : • Thos e responsible for implementing the recommendations must be a part of their initial design. Unless those charged with completing the task believe in its worth and attainability, motivation to do the work will be lacking. • Increase d attention must be paid to highlighting the benefits o f pursuing the recommendations, and wherever possible, to demonstrating how implementation of recommendations can meet current City needs. • Detaile d attention should also be given to mapping out the strategies for implementing the recommendations. As one interviewee observed "larg e organizations change in small steps." Improving the range of choices available to citizens, providing test and/or pilot projects wherever possible, preparing comprehensive plans of phase-in stages are all part of the incremental steps which eventually can lead to dramatic behavioural change. Regarding structural adaptations in government which may improve its ability to address ecological issues it is useful t o recall Ashby's law of requisite variety. The administrative structure must effectively b e suited to that which it is trying to manage. A primary consideration, therefore, i s to examine ways of getting government departments to work integratively, reflecting the integrative nature of many environmental issues . Second, structures in government must be created to address both short-term and long-term considerations to mirror the short-term and long-term issues that confront the City. Council is well suited to short-term oriented governance. However, one must also consider the fact that the City and its issues have grown tremendously; thus, additional decision-makin g mechanisms should be considered. Help may be required from citizens in the form o f mini-councils or community forums. Examining the potential of the ward system was commonly referred to by interviewees. Long-term decisio n making structures could take the form of civic round tables. 109 Finally, it is often the case that one government agency designs its own policy to address an environmenta l issue, yet aspects of the policy's implementation invariably depend on the support and/or cooperation of other agencies. Such support is not always forthcoming, a t least not in as timely or comprehensive a  manner as is needed. A more integrative approach to policy-making could minimize this problem. In order to get the different level s of government operating more cohesively, plans to address climate change and improve air quality should be the result of a joint effort amon g them. When designing air quality policies for metropolitan areas , one agency (perhaps from the GVRD) should lead a group process that involves all government agencies who play a role in implementing air quality initiatives in developing a comprehensive strategy. Together, these agencies should map out the roles and responsibilities each is willing and able to perform i n order to implement the mutually agreed upon policies. Then, with a common goal in mind and a clear understanding of their role and responsibilities in the implementation strategy, each agency can fulfill it s obligations according to its mandate. In conclusion, the research has demonstrated that despite government's intention to take precautions and to adopt behaviours that support sustainability, i t nevertheless continues to function i n a primarily reactive manner which for the most part supports the status quo. Thus, it is logical to conclude that a bifurcation poin t may occur before barriers to action-taking are overcome, before action-taking at the level required to address atmospheric change issues are implemented. 6.2 Additiona l Finding s Under each barrier heading in chapter four i s a list of the recommendations i t impeded. This informatio n was gathered by tracking examples of how barriers functioned t o prevent action-taking with regards to specifi c recommendations. Tabulation of this information (se e table six) reveals that acceptance of the status quo proved to be the biggest barrier to action-taking in the case study. Limitation of jurisdiction, competing issues, and difference s in perception presented the next three biggest barriers respectively. The majority o f barriers that ranked in the top third of table six match the top third of barriers perceived by all interview groups as the ones causing the greatest impediment to action taking (table five). This finding reveal s that perceptions of barriers are, for the most part, validated by examples. Subsequent barriers in both tables also show close similarities in ranking order. Some differences betwee n tables five and six should be expected because: first, a large number of the barriers under analysis are perceptual in content. These can be difficult t o track 110 Table 6: Number of Recommendation s Actually Cited as Impeded by Specific Barriers Barrier Acceptance of the Status Quo Limitation of Jurisdiction Competing Issues Differences i n Perception Weak Understanding of Action Roles Citizens Disunited/not supportiv e Fear of Losing Constituent Suppor t Perception of Effectivenes s Weak Link Among Policies of Civic and Senior Levels of Government Perceived Lack of Empowerment Overwhelming Complexity of Issues Marginal Pricing and Economic Valuation Inadequate Resources Attention Pressure Inadequate Funds Inappropriate Structure of Governmen t (vertical) Union Regulations Lack of Understanding About Issues Uncertainty Lack of Choices Prestige Motive Perceived Inequity Lack of Championing by Mayor or C M Lack of Buy-in by Council Citations 18 13 12 11 10 8 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 4 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Barrier Lack of Buy-in by Civic Staf f Lack of Cooperation and Information Sharin g Among Civic Departments Fear of Losing Control/Power Financial Gain Motive Fear of Disadvantaging the Poor Disjunction Between Verbal Support and Willingness to Take Action LackofENGOs Existing Funds Pre-allocated. Failure to Guarantee Results Lack of Prioritizing Mechanism Unwillingness to Pay More Taxes Lack of Catalytic Personality Media's Presentation of Informatio n Weak Link Between Government and Constituents Intangible Nature of the Resource Inappropriate Structure of Government (politica l term) Weak Diversity Among Decision Makers Lack of Information Sharin g Weak Link Between Government and Civic Departments Weak Link Between Civic Departments and the Public Uncertainty About How to Implement New Policies Uncertainty About Whether Certain Policies Need to be Implemented Lack of Familiarity with Environmental Policies in Own Department Unequal Balance of Power and Resources Among Community Organizations Citations 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 --------------* Dark line through table indicates top third of barriers cited. Il l in terms of how they affect actua l decisions. Second, as discussed in chapter four, the study of barriers to action-taking by government involves the study of a complex system involving many factors such as the human mind, institutional structures, and economic systems. These factors work together in myriad ways, affecting many possible outcomes. Thus, it is difficult to track the precise impact each barrier has had on impeding the recommendations. As a result, the influence of some barriers may be under-represented in the analysis. Finally, it should be remembered that other factors, not examined in the research, such as the physical geography of the City and its built environment, may also act as barriers and may have a confounding affect on the findings of the impact of barriers studied in this research. Another important finding is that catalytic personalities do play a significant role in improving government's ability to take actions that support sustainability. In terms of implementing Clouds of Change recommendations, catalytic personalities proved instrumental in drawing attention to those areas where further actions are required. Examples are the ongoing lobbying by Council members such as Gordon Price, the public speeches of previou s Council member Libby Davies and Task Force member Dr. Mark Roseland, and research projects such as this one directed by Dr. William Rees. Catalytic personalities have also demonstrated their influence as the driving force behind initiatives to introduce into the institutional structure of government adaptations which should improve government's action-taking abilities towards sustainability. Examples are the resurrection of the Special Office for the Environment and the enrollment of the City in the International Commission for Local Environmental Initiatives. Both, to large degree, the result of efforts by Nick Losito, Director of the City's Environmental Health Department. Examples of autocatalytic reactions were not identified in the case study. However, their potential should not be discounted. 6.3 Suggestions for Further Research The research has identified the important role barriers play in inhibiting knowledge about the need for supporting sustainability from being turned into action. It identifies that a greater understanding of how barriers operate to this end is required if sustainability goals are to be achieved. Of key interest for future research is the way government and citizens carry out need-meeting behaviours and what factors influence these behaviours. Here, the 112 role of perception seems paramount, and the academic disciplines of psychology and medicine may provide useful information regarding the way perceptions are formed and the function of risk perception in influencing behaviour. A second important area for future research is improving understanding of how civic responsibility and participation is engendered in a society and how institutional reforms or adaptations can contribute to this process. It may be the case that self-organising and self-help initiatives stem completely from outside the institutionalized government structure. Nevertheless, the factors which motivate them should be well understood. Government roles for facilitating their occurrence might be identified. Findings from the case study reveal that the following tasks for government require further research: examining ways to improve public participation processes so that citizens do not become discouraged from participating in civic governance, and investigating ways to improve communication between government and the constituency to reduce the alienation each feels from the other. Also recommended is further research into developing mechanisms for a) reducing the fragmented nature of government organizations and for b) improving cooperation in the identification of priority issues and mutually supportive strategies for addressing those issues. Finally, further research into the cost-savings of pursuing ecologically considerate policies should be conducted. The scientific materialist paradigm lends itself to short-term thinking, and as a result, decision-makers may mistakenly perceive actions that support sustainability as increasing the costs of government. However, taking a long-term view and considering the ecological and social costs which are presently ignored, i.e. internalizing the externalities, quickly corrects this fault and reveals that actions to support sustainability are cost-effective. The field of ecological economics provides guidance to adopting a long-term perspective and accounting for the costs which are presently overlooked by most decision-makers. Also, research into the potential uses of social capital as a means to reducing reliance on monetary capital for implementing sustainability initiatives may prove very useful. The research examined the perceptions of those people who have in some way been involved with the creation or implementation of the Clouds of Chang e report. A study of perceptions of barriers to action-taking held by people who are not familiar with the report might contribute new insights. In terms of specifically building upon this research, there might be some basic rules by which all complex adaptive systems operate, be they social, ecological, etc (Boothroyd, 1992,150; Gell-Mann, 1994, 17; Jacobs, 1984, 224; Prigogine, 1984, 76). Understanding them may inform what capabilities organisms require to successfully functio n together in such a system. The barriers identified in this research could be re-categorized according to their impact on i) an organism's 113 capability to function as a part of a group and ii) that group's capability to function as part of the ecosphere. For example, an organism or group of organisms must be able to sense the impacts it is making on its environment. Barriers which prevent this would be grouped according to their "functional impact " of impeding opportunities to sense feedback. Other barriers with other impacts would be grouped in different categories . In the end, all the barriers might be collapsed into a few "functional impact" categories. Tools for addressing the barriers in each category might then be discovered. 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Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Ltd., 1984 . 118 APPENDIX A CLOUDS OF CHANGE - STATUS REPORT (Prepared by the Special Office fo r the Environment) CLOUDS OF CHANGE - STATU S REPOR T (PREPARE D BYSPECIA L OFFICE FO R THE ENVIRONMENT ) RECOMMENDATION BRIE F DESCRIPTION LEA D TARGE T COUNCI L MAJORACTION S AGENCY DAT E REPOR T 1 a) b) 2 3 a) b) i) >'] iii) iv) )^ o) d) 4 a) b) c) d) e) 0 5 a) b) 6 7 8 9 a) b) i i 10 a) . i b) 20% reduction i n C02 (1988 ) b y 200 5 Elimination o(CFC » b y 199 5 Creatbn o f Air Quality Managemen t Agenc y Urge Provinc e to  ac t on AQMA Urge Provinc e to  commi t t o 20% reductio n h C0 2 emission s by 200 5 M.O.T.H. to assist in reducing emissbn s support mandatory vehicl e emissb n test s Sliding scal e forfees 4  hsurane e M h. o f Forest s to  reduce C0 2 releas e from forest  managemen t practice s Mh o f Forest s to recogniz e roleo f forests as carbon sink . / Pfiase out OD C emissbns b y 199 5 Pursue natbnal agreements fo r reduced emissbns . Urge Federa l government to : Use al l measures to  implement Recommendatbn s Commit t o 20% reductbn h  C0 2 emissbn s Commit t o phase out of OD C s by 199 5 Legally enforceabl e flee t fuel efficiency standard s Adopt target s as part of htemationa l agreement s Progressively limi t impo/t s from countrie s not adoptin g htemationa l target s Review GVRD OD C draf t by- la w Prepare draf t Cit y ODC by- la w Provisbn o f economic ncentive s fo r conversb n GVRD to influenc e reductb n i n industrialS0 2 Accelerate Methan e ga s collection syste m TRAFFICMANAGEMENT BY-LA W Draft automobile traffi c managemen t b y - la w fcngneering 4  Plannin g directe d to: Plan to  implement , monitor 4  enforce abov e Measures to fulfil l City's responsibilitie s • Study establishmen t of : ) Preferentia l parking rate s forHOV s Exclusive HO V parking facilitie s D raft b y - la w to  require private park h g bts to  implemen t th e abov e Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council P4L/DLS/MH0 DLS/MH0/P4L P4L/DLS/MHO COUNCIL/GVRD C £ . DLS CE./Plan CEVPIan C£./Plan C £ . C £ . CE. DLS OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 QCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 ASAP ASAP DEC 31/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 ASAP " DEC 31/9 1 DEC 31/9 1 DEC 31/9 1 DEC 31/9 1 — JUNE 30/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 OCT 16/9 0 JAN 7/9 2 JAN 7/9 2 OVERDUE N/A DEC 11/9 0 FEB 18/9 2 FEB 18/9 2 FEB 18/9 2 FEB 18/9 2 FEB 18/9 2 FEB 1^/9 2 FEB 18J9 2 FEB 18/9 2 COUNCIL RESOLUTIO N COUNCIL RESOLUTIO N ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. ONGOING LOBBYIN G O F PROVINCIA L GOVT. LOBBYING FEDERA L GOVERNMENT DIRECTL Y &  THROUGH FC M LOBBYING FEDERA L GOVERNMENT DIRECTL Y 4THR0UG H FC M LOBBYING FEDERA L GOVERNMENT DIRECTL Y 4THROUG H FC M LOBBYING FEDERA L GOVERNMENT DIRECTL Y 4THFOUGHFC M REITERATEDON JU N 18,9 1 AND THROUG H FC M LOBBYING FEDERA L GOVERNMENT DIRECTL Y 4THROUG H FC M LOBBYING FEDERA L GOVERNMENT DIRECTL Y 4THROUG H FC M LOBBYING FEDERA L GOVERNMENT DIRECTL Y 4THR0UG H FC M CITY'S POWER S UMITED RE : LEGISLATION PROVINCIAL LEGISLATION IN PUC E -  MAY'9 3 DLS ADVISES POWER S NOT AVAILABLE UNDER CHARTE R GVRD PURSUIN G UNDE R NE W AIRQUAUTY MANAGEMEN T BY-LA W METHANE GAS COLLECTION SYSTEM INSTALLE D 4  OPERATIONA L BY-LAW NO T REQUIRE D DUE TO CHOIC E OF STRATEG Y # 5 COUNCIL CHO^ E OPTIO N 5  - REGIONA L PROGRA M REPORT BAC K REQUESTED ON REGIONA L PROGRA M 4  GO GREE N AT REGIONA L LEVE L BASED O N REPORT S OF JULY 4  DEC/91 COUNCIL DID NO T APPROVE-GIVEN A  LO W PHOHT Y REPORT BAC K REQUESTE D O N TAXING COMMUTE R PARKIN G SPACE S AND OTHE R PARKIN G SPACES . C E 4  FIN CURRENTLY WORKING ON THI S CLOUDS OF CHANGE - STATU S REPOR T (PREPARE D BYSPECIALOFFIC E FO R THE ENVIRONMENT ) RECOMMENOATION BRIE F DESCRIPTION LEA D TARGE T COUNCI L MAJORACTION S AGENCY DAT E REPOR T 11 a) i) i'J iii) b) 12 a) b) new 13 a) b) c) i) «; iii) (v: 14 a) b) c) d) 15 a) b) c) new 16 a) b) c) d) °) 0 g) h) 0 17 By- law changes requirin g bicycl e parkh g mplementation o f Bicycl e Pla n Enhance bicyclin g opportunitie s Urge F o lice to improve enforcemen t regarding bicycling and traffi c HOV LANE S Identify potentia l HO V lanes Application o f remot e tailpipe sensin g GVRD 4  Provinc e to  conside r hotl i i e Work wit h M.O.T.H.on HO V pricing preferenc e B.C. Transit to  improv e marketin g in school s Continue transi t improvements such as : frequency, convenience , comfor t 4  efficienc y price, transfer marketh g inducement s use efficent/environmentalf y sensitiv e powe r reduce fares, daily fare s Research &  support telecommuthg by : developing interna l telecommunications polic y examine City-wide telecomm . needs work wit h neighbourhoo d commercia l investigate "24 hour City hall " Report on genera l appoach 4  resources to repor t on: vehicle use, fuels sold , trip length et c amount of direct/Indirec t subsidie s contribution of non-auto mobil e source s report on regbna l initiatives/avoi d duplicatio n Planning 4  GVRD to study/develo p energy-efficien t land use policies base d on FCM : encourage greate r densit y integrate work.residenc e 4  shopph g encourage residentia l clusterin g higher densit y alon g established route s decentralize commercial/communit y service s control shopping centres , strips, urban spraw l encourage hfil l provision fo r wakhg/bicycle acces s to transi t high qualit y walking/bicycln g facilitie s Process tor  energy- efficien t developmen t C£./Plan C£. /BA.C. C£. /BA.C. Police C £ . C £ . Council C £ . Council Council CAi./AlfV CM ./All* CM ./All CM ./All CM ./All C £ . C.E. C £ . C £ . CM. Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/GVRD Plan/H4P UNSPECIFIED ASAP DEC 31/9 1 UNSPECIFIED DEC 31/9 1 DEC 31/9 1 IMMED. UNSPECIFIED IMMED. IMMED. DEC31/92 APR/91 UNSPECIFIED JUN 30/9 1 AUG 1/9 1 DEC/91 MAR 21/91 Jury 8/93 OCT 29/92 N/A N/A N/A MAY 14/9 1 N/A SEPT 17/9 2 MAR 21/9 1 OVERDUE APPROVAL OF PARKIN G STANDARD S M PLEMENTATION ALMOST ENTIRELY COM PLETE. COUNCI L APPROVED CITY-WIDE NETWOR K MAY 14/92 . FURTHE R WORKSHOP TO EXTEND NETWORK DOWNTOW N WIT H CONCOR D FUNDING . CITY ENGINEER TO PURSU E WIT H EXISTING STAFF . D O N E - BICYCL E SQUAD IN PLAC E Listof Priorit y HOV Lanes Approved (Marpol e HOV bs t on 5 - 5 vote ) G.V.R.D. TO EVALUATE TECHNOLOG Y G.V.R.D. LOOKING INT O DIAL-A-SMOG HOTUN E t SEE ACTION FO R RECOMMENDATION 10(b ) COMMUNICATED T O REGIONA L TRANSIT COMMISSIO N 1 STILLIN PROCES S NEW COMMUNICATIONS POLIC Y ADOPTED a COUNCIL DECISION NO T T O ALLOCATE RESOURCES . BUT TO ADDRESSATTHE REGIONA L LEVE L PART OF "CREATING OU R FUTURE" DOCUMENT 4  TASKS, RECENTL Y ADOPTED CENTRA L AREA PLA N AND LAN D USE POUCIESAN D ALSO REFLECTE D IN RECEN T REZONINGS : - COA L HAR*BOU R - DOWNTOW N SOUT H - FALS E CREE K , REPORT OVERDUE. EXPECTED TOWAR D END O F 199 2 to REVISED 21-Jul-93 ° CLOUDS OF CHANGE - STATU S REPOR T (PREPARE D BYSPECIALOFFIC E FO R THE ENVIRONMENT ) RECOMMENDATION BRIE F DESCRIPTION LEA D TAfME T COUNCI L MAJO R ACTIONS •  f AGENCY DAT E REPOR T 18 19 20 a) b) o) 21 22 23 24 a) b) new 25 a) b) i) ii c) d) e) 0 26 a) b) =) 27 a) b) c) i II IV V (Deleted) Consideration o f access by proximity Encourage residentia l htensificato n throug h bw-interest ban s lor accessory units minimum requirement s technical assistance Encouraging work a t home Local Area Plannin g to include emissbn reductio n Evakiate process under Rx 22 * Statement of contribution t o objectives of reduced pollution to be part of rezonin g Review statements with Office for Environment Develop metho d for assessing impac t Implement Energ y Conservatio n By-la w Study &  report on: approach/resources fo r retrofit by-la w alternatives to habn &  ODCs Infrared scannhg fo r energy leak s B.C. Hydro/Gas hvest h  low - hteres t loans (deleted) Provincial Energy Efficienc y Act Annual Report on Healt h Effect s Co-operate wit h other Regiona l Districts Regulatbn o f wood burning C02taxto fun d transportation alternative s levied on amoun t of carbonAini t energy increase to European level s by 199 7 account for revenues separately &  apply to: subsidizing nfrastrucljr e fo r alternatives subsidizing nlrastruclir e for alt. fuels i research &  demo of alternativ e fuels monitorhg/reporting on progres s reduction o f inequities from tax Plan/Fh Council P&L/Pbn/DLS Plan CM ./Plan Plan Plan Plan/S.O.E ./MHO P&L P&L P&L P&L P&L Council Council M.H.O. M.H.O. M.H.O ./OLS Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council Council UNSPECIFIED UNSPECIFIED JUNE 30/9 1 UNSPECIFIED IMMED. IMMED. IMMED. JUN 30/9 1 JUN 30/9 1 •APR30S1 JUN 30/9 1 APR30A1 NOT SPEC. NOT SPEC. DEC/91 DEC/91 JUN/91 JUN 30/9 1 FEB 6/9 2 N/A N/A N/A N/A AUG 15/9 1 MAR 19/9 1 MAR 19/9 1 APR/92 APR/92 OCT 22/9 1 JUN 18/9 1 PARTOF CITY-WID E PLA N » ONGOING EVALUATIO N REPORT TOAMEND ZONIN G AN D LICENS E BY-LAW S RECEIVE D FO R INFO LOCAL AREA PLAN S NOW INCORPORATE EMISSIO N REDUCTIO N CONCERN S INCLUDED I N TERMS OF REFERENC E OF LA . PROCES S ALL REZONING REPORT S HAVE SECTION ON ENVIR. IMPUCATIONS WILL BE REINSTITUTED WITH NE W OFFICE FO R ENVIRONMEN T STILL TO B E DONE. SPECIA L OFFICE T O INITIATE PROCES S ENERGYUTIUZATION BY-LAW/PROGRA M IMPLEMENTE D EXCEP T FOR EFFICIENT UGHTIN G 4 S . F . D . - REPORTSCHEDULE D FO R SEPT.92 CHARTERAMENDMENT REQUIRE D BEING DONE AT SENIOR LEVEL S OF GOV T PILOT STUDY PLANNE D BEING WORKED ON FIRST REPORT DELIVERED: 1993 REPOR T BEIN G WORKED ON CONSULTATION/COOPERATION T O TAK E PLAC E ON PREPARATIO N REPORT RECEIVE D WIT H NO ACTION.INDUSTRYINFO SOLICITE D REQUEST PROVINC E RAIS E GA S TAX B Y 3 CENTS T O FUN D TRANSIT IMPROVEMENTS.TAXON VEHICLE S REJECTED . TO DATE N O POSITIV E RESPONS E FRO M PROVINC E I ASK PROVINC E T O INCREASE SUPPLEMENT S OR PROVID E TAX CREDITS REVISED 21 -Ju l -9 3 ! CLOUDS OF CHANGE - STATU S REPOR T (PREPARE D B Y SPECIAL OFFICE FO R THE ENVIRONMENT ) RECOMMENDATION BRIE F DESCRIPTION LEA D TARGE T COUNCI L MAJO R ACTIONS AGENGY DAT E REPOR T 28 a) i) ii] iii) iv) v) b) 29 a) b) c) d) 30 a) Urban Reforestatio n Plan for planting/maintenance of Cit y forest Promoting tree planting on privat e propert y Encouraging communit y awarenes s Coordinating structur e wilhh Cit y Annu al repo rt o n tree - relate d activities Tree Protectio n By-la w Accelerate/expand soli d waste reductio n Packaghg standard s at Fed/Prov level Expansion of Composing progra m Regulation o f small incherator s Municipal TransportCnergy Us e City department s to: i) Shift away from fossil fuels ii] Phas e out haion extinguisher s iii) iv; b) c) i) ii) d) e) i) ii iii) f) g) h) 31 a) b) 32 a) b) 33 Energy-efficient streetlight s Encourage energy-efficienc y Pursue substitutio n of fre e transit passes Program to encourage commutin g b y Cit y empbyee s designating coordhato r providing modest financial incentive s Ride Sharing assistanc e progra m Report on progra m to: provide bike racks &  bckers provide shower/changing spac e encourage mas s purchase of bike safety equip . Identify potentia l for telecommuting Fleet conversbn t o cleanes t fuel Continue research ht o bwe r emission s from City flee t -  repor t every 2  years Code of Environmentally Soun d Bushes s Practice s Regbnal purchasing policy Annual Departmental Progres s Reports Independent revie w pane l Monitor gbbal warm rig &  adaptive measure s <i VPB/C£./Plan VPB/C£./Plan VPB/C£./Plan VPB/C£./Plan VPB/C£./Plan VPB/C£./Plan VPB/C£./Plan CE./GVRD CM/S.O.E. C£. M.H.O.£)LS All All All All All CM ./Unions CM./C.E./H.R. CM./C.E./H.R. CM./C.E./H.R. CM./C.E./H.R. C£./H&P/unions CM.Ainions C£./Fn C£ . Fin/DLS FIN/PURCH CM/S.O.E. Council C£ . ' JUNE 30/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 DEC 31/9 1 UNSPECIFIED DEC 31/9 1 DEC 9 1 UNSPECIFIED DEC 31/9 1 JUNE 30/9 1 * JUNE 30/9 1 DEC 31/9 1 DEC 31/9 2 DEC 31/9 2 DEC 31/9 2 Unspecified • DEC 31/9 1 DEC 31/9 1 UNSPECIFIED ONGOING SE PT 23/92 JUN 25/9 1 MAR 14/9 1 MAR 19/9 1 MAR 24/9 2 APR/93 N/A APR 14/9 2 FEB 4/92 N/A OVERDUE OVERDUE OVERDUE MAR 21/9 1 FEB 10/9 2 FEB 10/9 2 July 6/9 3 N/A N/A JAN/92 OCT 29/92 REPORT TO COUNCIL ON TREE PROGRA M PRIORITIE S TFtES A S PAR T OF L.I.P. . PARK S STREET TREE MNG . PROGRAM ZONING BY-LAWAMENDMENTO N RETENTION , RELOCATION O R REPLACEMENTOF TREE S DURING REDEVELOPMEN T ONGOING PROCES S (GVRD , ARBOR DAY, ETC) TASK FORCE ON URBAN LANDSCAP E TREE COUNT " REPORTED REGULARL Y TO COUNCI L FURTHER CHARTE R AMENDMENT NEEDE D TO PROTEC T TREES AND HERITAG E LANDSCAPE S • FURTHER EXPANSION OF APT RECYCLIN G PILO T PROGRA M S.O.E. TO RESEARC H &  REPORT BAC K HOME CO M POSTER PROGRA M HA S BEE N EXPANDED TWIC E YARD WASTE DROP-OFF PROGRA M APPROVED CURRENT REGULATION S OK. THPLE RTOAPPL Y TO COM PLY WITH PROVINCIA L REGULATION S REPORT TO COUNCIL TOWARD END OF 199 2 ETA PROGRA M UNDERWAY - PRIORIT Y CARPOOL SPACE S D O N E - ROBER T HODGINS, ENGINEERING REPORT TO COUNCIL TOWARD END OF 199 2 HDE-MATCHNG UNDERWA Y ON UMITE D SCALE STAFF 4  RESOURC E REQUIREMENT S REPORTE D TO COUNCI L FURTHER IMPROVEMENTS T O B E REPORTED AS "PARTOF NORMAL BUDGE T PROCEDURES . TO B E COMPLETED B Y DEC/92 POUCYON FUEL S FOR CITY FLEET REPORTE D T O COUNCIL . ONGOING MONITORIN G O F TECHNOLOGY AND FUELS. Code Adopted by Counci l as well as Purchasin g Policy ONGOING DISCUSSION/FORMULATIO N WIT H GVRD /OTHER MUNIC . SOETO PURSU E "CLOUDS"TAKS FORCE T O REVIE W PROGRESS TO DAT E ONGOING REVISED 21-Ju l -9 3 CLOUDS OF CHANGE - STATU S REPOR T (PREPARED 8YSPECIA L OFFICE FOR THE ENVIRONMENT ) RECOMMENDATION BRIE F DESCRIPTION LEA D TARGE T COUNCI L MAJO R ACTIONS AGENCY DAT E REPOR T 34 a) b) c) d) 35 a) b) e) d) e) 0 g) h) i) i) *> Pro-active advocac y role City as resource lor policyAechnobg y Communicate wil h other jurisdiction s Special projects Fostering public awareness/involvemen t Leadhg b y exampl e Into on Cit y notices Environmental info on cabl e T.V. Posterson Cit y piopert y Demonstration project s Encourage "green"neighbourhood project s Arbour day participatio n Create ongoing pioces s tor feedback Enviro message s on Par k Boar d food containers Create hformation kit Assist initiation of citizen-generated program s n/a CM. CM. n/a C M . CM. CM. CM. CM. CM. CM. CM. CM. CM. CM. CM. JUN 30/9 1 JUN 30/91 SOETO PURSU E THIS OBJECTIVE AS PAR T OF WORK PLA N SOETO PURSU E BEING DONE THROUGH OFFICE FORENVIRONMEN T TO B E INITIATED THROUGH SOE IN CONCERT WITH I.C.L.E.I . POSSIBLE ROLE FORSOE 4'GREENINGO F CITY " " " " • " « " 1 1 • ~ KEY: FCM =  FEDERATIO N OF CANADIA N MUNICIPAUTIE S GVRD =  GREATE R VANCOUVE R REGIONA L DISTRIC T SOE =  SPECIA L OFFICE FORTH E ENVIRONMEN T DLS =  DIRECTORO F LEGA L SERVICES CM =  CIT Y MANAGER'S OFFIC E PLAN = PLANNIN G DEPARTMEN T P4L= PERMIT S & LICENSES DEPT . MHO *  MEDICA L HEALT H OFFICER CE = OTYENGINEE R PURCH = PURCHASIN G FIN =  FINCANC E DEPT . HR= HUMA N RESOURCE S DEPT. H i P = HOUSIN G &  PROPERTIES VPB= VANCOUVE R PARK S BOAR D MOTH =  MINISTR Y OF TRANSPORTATION &  HIGHWAYS BAC= BICYCL E ADVISORY COMMITTE E REVISED 21 -Ju l -9 3 124 APPENDIX R QUESTIONNAIRE (Qualitative Section) 125 QUALITATIVE SECTION General Perceptions: 1. Do you think adequate progress is being made in implementing the report's recommendations and why do you think that? 2. How serious do you consider the threat of atmospheric problems to be relative to other issues confrontin g Council? (or your department, your life ) Impact: 3. What impact has the report had generally on decisions made by Council? (or your department, your life ) 4. Can you cite a specific example where Clouds of Change made an impact and describe how the impact was made? 5. To what extent do you think the report has affected th e way City Hall departments operate? 6. Why do you think this? (Can you provide a specific example?) ) To what extent do you think the report has affected th e way other agencies operate? (federal, development industry etc.) Coal Harbour: 7. Are you familiar with the Coal Harbour development? 8. Using the specific exampl e of the Coal Harbour development, how strongly has Clouds of Change affected th e outcome of decisions made by Council on this project? 9. Can you cite specific examples where Clouds of Change affected th e outcome of the Coal Harbour project, i.e . what aspects of Coal Harbour are different now , thanks to the report, than they were when the plans were originally presented to Council? Effort and Effectiveness : 10. What sorts of things has Counci l done so far in support of the recommendations (lobbying responsible agencies: GVRD, prov. govt.) and/or in its attempt to adopt them as bylaws? 11. Do you think what they have done so far has been effective i n making progress (e.g. in persuading the responsible agencies to implement more quickly or in adopting recommendations as bylaws)? 12. Why or why not? 13. What could they be doing to improve their performance (effectiveness) ? 14. What have the City Hall departments done so far in support of implementing the bylaws that have been adopted by Council? 15. Do you think what they have done so far has been effective i n making progress (e.g. in implementing the bylaws)? 16. When i t became evident that the City (i.e. Council and City Hall) were not implementing the report's recommendations according to schedule, did you take action to pursuade the City to move faster ? 17. If yes, what prompted you to act? 18. If no, why did you not take action? (i.e. what prevented you from taking action: through lette r writing, raising public awareness etc.) 126 Facilitative: 19. Are you aware of some of the recommendations which have been fully implemented ? (Fully in this context means action initiated and consequent goal obtained, or for those recommendations intende d to become bylaws: passed as a bylaw and duly implemented and/or enforced by the responsible civic department. ) 20. If yes, which ones? 21. For the recommendations which have been fully implemented , what do you think has facilitated thei r implementation? (e.g.  qualities of the bylaw itself such as being finite in  scope so that it could be implemented quickly and at low cost, or circumstances, e.g. strong public support.) 22. Were there any impediments (i.e. barriers) that slowed progress in implementing any of these recommendations? If yes, what were they and how did they work to slow things down? 23. How were these impediments overcome? 24. Generally speaking, can you identify an y positive factors that promoted implementation of the report's recommendations? (i.e. What are the qualities that make certain recommendations easy to implement? Why and how do they exist? How do they operate?) (Examples of positive factors are : short time frame unti l results achieved, does not require large financial investment , etc. ) Barriers: 25. Are you aware of which recommendations have not yet been fully implemented ? (Not fully implemente d in this context means goal of recommendation not yet achieved by the agency responsible for its implementation, o r for recommendations intende d to become bylaws: not yet passed as a bylaw, passed but not duly implemented and/or enforced by the responsible civic departments. ) 26. If yes, which ones? 27. For those bylaws which have not been fully implemente d what are the barriers to implementation? 28. How do these barriers work? 29. Will these bylaws ever be fully implemented ? 30. What would have to change for the bylaws to become fully implemented ? 31. Are you frustrated wit h the barriers, or do they serve a purpose? 32. Generally speaking, can you identify an y negative factors that impeded implementation of the report's recommendations? (i.e . What are the qualities that make certain recommendations difficult t o implement? Why and how do they exist? How do they operate?) (Examples of negative factors are : long time frame unti l results achieved, may spark disapproval among a certain sector of society, will require large financia l investments, etc.) Civic Performance : 33. To what extent do you think City Hall departments have implemented the bylaws? 34. Do you think some departments have been more progressive than others? 35. If yes, why? 36. What do you think are the barriers (difficulties) tha t some, or all, of the departments have encountered? Personal Perceptions : 37. What is your own feeling o n this issue, i.e. the report and its recommendations? 127 38. Do you feel satisfied with the pace of progress to date? 39. Would you be supportive of an even faster rate of implementation? 40. If yes, why? 41. If no, why not? 42. What should we be doing next? Given the fact that we have Clouds of Change adopted, how can we mobilize to get all of the recommendations implemented? 43. If you were to re-write the report, what would you do differently to counter-act or overcome the barriers that it has encountered? 44. Furthermore, if the report were fully implemented, do you feel that it would make a substantive impact on local air quality and/or global atmospheric change? Specific Recommendations: 45. Recommendation #10, Preferential Parking and Pricing, was one that the City had the power to implement, but chose not to, why? 46. Recommendation #9, Trip Reduction bylaw, was one that the City had the power to implement, but chose to pass up to the GVRD level of governance. Understandably, transportation issues are of regional concern, but this recommendation involved the passing of a municipal bylaw: why was it passed up to the regional level despite this fact? 47. For the recommendations listed below, what qualities does each one have that make it easy or difficult to implement? a) Recommendation #9: Trip reduction bylaw b) Recommendation #30b: Leadership by example, substitute free transit passes for parking passes for all City employees. c) Recommendation #19: Proximity policies and incentives. d) Recommendation #11: Bicycle transportation network. APPENDIX r. QUESTIONNAIRE (Quantitative Section) 129 QUANTITATIVE SECTIO N 1. Clearly, progress in implementing some of the recommendations has been more rapid than others. Generally speaking, however, are you satisfied overall with the rate of progress made to date in implementing the report's recommendations as a whole? 1 2 Unaware Progres s of i s too progress slo w Progress is barely adequate Progress is appropriate Progress too fast 2. How supportive do you think the public is of this report? 0 1  2  3  4 Do not No t very Somewha t Supportiv e Ver y know supportiv e supportiv e supportiv e 4. Do you feel that the public is satisfied with the rate of progress made to date? Unaware of rate 2 3 Rate is Rat e is too slow barel y adequate Rate is appropriate 5. Do you feel the public would be supportive of a faster rate of implementation? 1 No Not Sure 3 Yes 6. Clearly implementation of some of the report's recommendation s has been more successful than others. Generally speaking, however, how successful (i.e . to what extent) do you think Council has been in implementing the whole report? Negligible Success Slight Success Moderate Success Strong Success Extensive Success 130 7. How serious do you consider the threat of atmospheric problems to be relative to other issues confronting Council (o r your department, or you)? (depend s on who is being interviewed.) 1 2 3 Not serious; there are other issues of greater priority. Mid range severity; recommendations should be kept in mind, but can be over-ridden if circumstances warrant it. Extremely Serious; recommendations should be strictly adhered to and should take priority over other interests. 8. How serious do you consider the threat of atmospheric problems to be personally? Not serious; there are other issues of greater priority. Mid range severity; recommendations should be kept in mind, but can be over-ridden if circumstances warrant it. Extremely Serious; recommendat ions should be strictly adhered to and should take priority over other interests. 131 APPENDIX D INTERVIEW PARTICIPANTS 132 Interview Participants Defined b y Personal Identity : Task Force Members: Dr. Frederic Bass, British Columbia Medical Association. Michael J. Brown, Ventures West Management Inc. Dianna Colnet t Ted Droettboom, Deputy City Manager. David Loukidelis, Lidstone, Young, Anderson, Barristers and Solicitors. Dr. William E. Rees, Director, School of Community and Regional Planning, University of British Columbia . Dr. Mark Roseland, School of Resource and Environmental Management, Simon Fraser University. Christopher Richardson. Dr. Douw G. Steyn, Atmospheric Advisor, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia . Dr. Robert F. Woollard, Department of Family Practice, University of British Columbia . Annonymous City of Vancouver Council Members: Gordon Campbel l Libby Davies Phillip Owen Gordon Price Harry Rankin Pat Wilson Civic Staff: Ken Anderson, Equipment Manager, Department of Engineering, City of Vancouver. Dr. F.J. Blatherwick, Director , Department of Health, City of Vancouver Ken Dobell, City Manager, City of Vancouver. Ted Droettboom, Deputy City Manager, City of Vancouver. John Dumont, Environmental Analyst for the Special Office fo r the Environment, Department of Engineering, City of Vancouver . Nathan Edelson , Department of Planning, City Planner Douglas G. Glenn, Environmental Analyst for the Special Office o f the Environment, Environmental Health , Department of Health, City of Vancouver . 133 Tom Hammel, Budgets Engineer, Department of Engineering, City of Vancouver. Rhonda Howard, Department of Planning, City Planner Sam Kuzmick, Deputy Director, Department of Finance, City of Vancouver. Ann MacAfee, Associate Director, City Planning, Department of Planning, City of Vancouver. Neil McCreedy, Environmental Analyst for the Special Office fo r the Environment, Environmental Protection, Department of Permits and Licensing, City of Vancouver. J.L. Mulberry, Director, Department of Legal Services, City of Vancouver. Nick Losito, Chair of the Special Office fo r the Environment, Envirionmental Health, Department of Health, City of Vancouver. Jack Perri, Director, Department of Permits and Licensing, City of Vancouver. Doug Roberts, Environmental Protection, Department of Permits and Licensing, Member of the Special Office fo r the Environment, City of Vancouver. Dave Rudberg, Director, Department of Engineering, City of Vancouver. Rick Scobie, Associate Director of Planning, Land Use and Development, Department of Planning, City of Vancouver. Peter Steblin, Deputy, Department of Engineering, Member of the Special Office fo r the Environment, City of Vancouver. Annonymous Annonymous Presenters to the Task Force and Interested Citizens: Leigh Carter, Chair, B.C.A.A. Environmental Task Force William E. Cooke, Ageless Adventures, Division of Pegasus Worldwide Travel Inc. Simon Cowieson Guy Dauncy, Interested Citizen, Healthy Atmosphere 2000. Stuart Hertzog, Citizens Action Network. Ann Hillyer, Barrister and Soliciter, West Coast Environmental Law Association. Oliver Hockenhul l Brian M. Lees, President and Managing Director, Downtown Parking Corporation Limited . David Masuhara, V.P. of Legal and Regulatory Affairs, B.C . Gas, also member of the B.C. Round Table on Economy and the Environment. Morris Mennell, Administrator, Program Planning and Development, Air Quality and Source Control Department , Greater Vancouver Regional District . Isabel Minty, Kitsilano Planning Committee. 134 Kirk Jonnstone, Manager, Science Division, Atmospheric Environment Service,  Environment Canada . Dr. T.R. Oke, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia. David E. Park, The Chancellor Partners. Laura Porcher, Coordinator, Healthy Atmosphere 2000. David Reardon Terry Slack, Southland's Planning Committee. Eric Taylor, Atmospheric Environment Service , Environment Canada. William Walker . Hellen Warn, Vancouver Region, Cycling British Columbia 

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