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Passives in Mandarin Chinese Li, Erica Wen 1994

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PASSIVES IN MANDARIN CHINESE by  ERICA WEN LI  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of L i n g u i s t i c s  We accept t h i b t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1994 © E r i c a Wen L i , 1994  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of degree at the University of  the  requirements  for  an advanced  British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it  freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying  of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of  department  or  by  his  or  her  representatives.  It  is  understood  that  copying  my or  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of  L~ \ K/QiUt'S ( C CS  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date  DE.6 (2/88)  fOQcP^y - r b i  .  I^q^-  ABSTRACT This  t h e s i s examines t h e s y n t a c t i c p r o p e r t i e s o f p a s s i v e  constructions of  i n Mandarin  Chinese  Government and B i n d i n g .  analyzing passives  within  The t h e o r e t i c a l f r a m e w o r k o f  i s t h a t o f Baker, Johnson and R o b e r t s  (198 9,  henceforth  BJR) a n d H a l e a n d K e y s e r  argued  that  could  passive  what  in  by  Chinese  passive  construction  case  with  I  of  i s derived  English. present  overt.  However, C h i n e s e d i f f e r s  bei,  argue  BJR's  o f what c l a s s e s  Keyser  t h e model  o f argument  (1993), and i n p a r t i c u l a r ,  structure of a predicate lexicon,  restricted proposing target  we  to that  for  can  t h e NP  explain  passivization,  a f f e c t e d argument i s c a p t u r e d  this as i s  i t null  that or  [Spec the  thesis i sto  of verbs are e l i g i b l e I propose t h a t by  structure  by  Hale  the idea that  why  transitive in  that  u n l i k e t h e by  of t h i s  i s represented  certain  the so-  from E n g l i s h i n t h a t t h e  f o r p a s s i v i z a t i o n i n Mandarin Chinese. adopting  as a  proposal  be  NP i s n e v e r r e a l i z e d a s a n a d j u n c t ,  address the issue  It i s  construction  hence  i n passives,  NP p h r a s e i n E n g l i s h . A s e c o n d g o a l  the  the  b y NP-movement,  I maintain  i s always  (1993).  be a n a l y z e d  further  Agent  overt  is  the presence  Jbei-construct ion.  called  the  be a n d s h o u l d  Mandarin  characterized  t h e framework  VP]  and  thematic  syntactically i n passivization  i s  predicates.  By  position  semantic  syntactically.  i s the  notion  of  TABLE OP CONTENTS  Page ABSTRACT  i i  TABLE OF CONTENTS  i i i  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  CHAPTER 1  vi  INTRODUCTION  1  1.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n  1  1.2 Overview of GB Theory and works i n Chinese syntax w i t h i n t h e framework  CHAPTER 2  4  1.2.1 X-bar Theory  5  1.2.2 Theta Theory  7  1.2.3 Case Theory  8  1.2.4 Theory o f Government  9  1.2.5 B i n d i n g Theory  10  1.2.6 C o n t r o l Theory  11  1.2.7 Bounding Theory  12  OVERVIEW OF ANALYSES OF PASSIVES IN ENGLISH... 13  2.1 P a s s i v e s i n T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l Grammar  13  2.2 P a s s i v e s Under t h e GB Approach  15  CHAPTER 3  PRELIMINARIES OF PASSIVES IN MANDARIN CHINESE  19  3.1 S i m i l a r i t i e s Between P a s s i v e s i n Chinese and English  19 iii  3.2 D i f f e r e n c e s Between P a s s i v e s i n Chinese and English  22  3.3 P r e v i o u s Analyses  o f P a s s i v e s i n Chinese  24  3.3.1 A S e r i a l i z a t i o n A n a l y s i s o f t h e beiconstruction  24  3.3.2 bei as a Modal  28  3.3.3 j b e i - c o n s t r u c t i o n Involves NP Movement.... 3 0  CHAPTER 4  PASSIVES IN SIMPLEX STRUCTURES  31  4.1 P a s s i v e s and A c t i v e s  31  4.2 P a s s i v e s i n v o l v e s NP movement  35  4.2.1 R e f l e x i v e B i n d i n g  35  4.2.2 you 'there'  37  Insertion  4.2.3 V P - e l l i p s i s  37  4.2.4 Negation  39  4.3 The Morpheme bei i n P a s s i v e s  40  4.4 G e n e r a t i n g  45  CHAPTER 5  Passives  PASSIVIZABILITY IN MANDARIN CHINESE  5.1 B a s i c F a c t s  49 49  5.1.1 bei o b l i g a t o r y  49  5.1.2 bei i m p o s s i b l e  50  5.1.3 i3ei o p t i o n a l  53  5.2 Argument s t r u c t u r e  54  5.3 S t u d i e s on T r a n s i t i v i t y A l t e r n a t i o n s i n English  55  5.4 Towards an E x p l a n a t i o n iv  57  5.5 Typology o f T r a n s i t i v i t y A l t e r n a t i o n s i n Chinese 5.6 P r e v i o u s Analyses  CHAPTER 6  62 on P a s s i v i z a b i l i t y  PASSIVES IN COMPLEX STRUCTURES  6.1 'Retained Object P a s s i v e s '  64  66 66  6.1.1 S e r i a l i z a t i o n  66  6.1.2 Complex V-0 C o n s t r u c t i o n  69  6.2 P a s s i v i z a t i o n o f t h e Double Object Constructions  73  6.3 Remaining Problem  76  CHAPTER 7  CONCLUSION  BIBLIOGRAPHY  79  82  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  I  am  immensely  Derairdache, would  under  without  n o t be  encouraged  me  I  t o ray s u p e r v i s o r  whom t h e c o m p l e t i o n  possible. throughout  her supervision  intellectual remain  indebted  experience.  She  of this  guided,  the writing  thesis  inspired  process.  i s definitely Her i n s i g h t s  Haraida  an  and  Working  enriching  i n syntax  will  i n v a l u a b l e f o r me.  am g r a t e f u l  t o my c o m m i t t e e members D a v i d  Henry Davis,  and a l s o Michael  for  me s y n t a x .  teaching  Rochemont  I thank  Ingram a n d  a n d Guy G a r d e n  Yanfeng  Qu f o r  making  insightful  s u g g e s t i o n s now a n d t h e n . T h a n k s a r e a l s o d u e  to  Roberts,  Taylor  Tamura,  Ping  Lisa  Jiang-King  Mathewson,  Sohee  and a l l other  Choi,  Yukiko  people  i n my  d e p a r t m e n t f o r m a k i n g UBC s u c h a g r e a t p l a c e t o w o r k a t .  CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION  1.1  Introduction  T h i s t h e s i s examines p a s s i v e s i n Mandarin Chinese the  framework o f Government and B i n d i n g  In Mandarin Chinese, candidate  jbei.  morpheme  i s a c o n s t r u c t i o n which i s a  this  topic  by  Chinese  and  other  Huang  (1982)  controversial.  framework  identity  construction  t h e s i s attempts properties  issues  of  t o present passives  adopted  scholars  a n d t h e model  Hale and Keyser  of the  that  passives  remains  raise are  o f t h e morpheme bei i s , a n d involves  NP  movement.  This  a unified analysis of a l l the in  includes  Mandarin the  o f argument  (1992).  the  ( c f . Wang  i t s nature  theory  proposed by Baker, Johnson and Roberts BJR)  i s  has been e x t e n s i v e l y  L i (1990)),  The m a i n  what t h e s y n t a c t i c this  This  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the presence  Although  discussed  whether  (henceforth GB).  f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n as a p a s s i v e .  Jbei-construction,  (1957),  there  within  Chinese. of  (1989,  The  passives henceforth  s t r u c t u r e developed  by  The  thesis  is  introduction  organized  chapter  thesis,  f o l l o w e d by  and  the  of  framework.  Chapter  2,  outlines  syntactic  theoretical  t h e s i s i s based w i l l  In  I  seven the  over  literature  assumptions  two  of  upon  in this  construction  English.  argue  and  explanatory approach.  A  parameters'  than recent  r o l e p l a y e d by  the  of  Chinese  previous  pursue  the  i n v o l v e s NP analysis lexical  be  chapter,  are  analyses proposal  with  respect  illustrated, of  the  made  the  approach  morpheme to  the  of  or  which verb  not)  are  to  the Case  passives  f o l l o w e d by  a  jbei-construction.  by  Li  (1990)  I differ  Jbei.  I  will  a n a l y s i s of  that  c l a s s e s are  unpredictable,  eligible which  is  in  the  against  passives  for  will  passives  from her argue  in  review I  a p p r o a c h amounts t o c l a i m i n g t h a t p r o p e r t i e s o f (i.e.  i s more  transformational  properties  movement, a l t h o u g h  of  BJR  the  presented.  following  Mandarin  of  that  ( i . e . GB)  rule-based  proposal  changing  a p a s s i v e morpheme i n t h e t a - r o l e and  assignment w i l l  In  the  approach  my  different  function  'principles  this  chapter.  fundamentally  will  GB  which  c e n t r a l grammatical I  the  within  approaches t o t h i s in  The  of the theory of  be made e x p l i c i t  go  chapters.  proposal  a b r i e f overview  Chinese Basic  into  as  a  this  passives  passivization not  true.  In  particular,  I  argue  that  a  serialization  p r o p o s e d i n Cheng  (1988) i s i n a d e q u a t e .  Chapter  my a n a l y s i s  4 presents  Chinese  sentence.  Assignment passive  The  Hypothesis  of passives  Uniformity  (henceforth  and i t s corresponding  underlying movement. semantic  structures To  function  requires  an  following  I t i s the passive  external  theta-role  the analysis  Chapter  5 i s a detailed discussion classes  eligible  to passivize.  previous  analyses.  the  framework  account  of  a verbal  argument c a n  argument i n t h a t i t  This  issue  this  on p a s s i v i z a b i l i t y , are (or are  has been  here  and Keyser  passivization  of  Case  affix.  of predicates  I t i s argued  o f Hale  This  and  i s always  o f B J R . The l i c e n s e r  argument i s jbei,  i s which  v i a NP  identity  there  a  parallel  and Accusative  passive  that  simple  that  i sderived  that  as  Theta-role  share  f o r the syntactic  o f bei, I a r g u e  o r empty.  of  active  an argument i m m e d i a t e l y f o l l o w i n g Jbei. be o v e r t  i na  UTAH) p r e d i c t s  and t h e passive  account  analysis  that  (1992),  i s available  not)  ignored i n by  adopting  a principled f o r Mandarin  Chinese.  Chapter has  6 examines  been  sentences  argued of this  passives  that type.  i n complex  NP movement The r e a s o n  structures. I t  i s not involved i n f o r t h e above  claim  is  that  the possible underlying  identified.  I  underlying longer  structure,  problematic.  here i s that this  type  active  demonstrate  that  the issue  once  we  o f NP  The a l t e r n a t i v e  and  passive  identify  movement  analysis  : 1) t h e a c t i v e c o u n t e r p a r t  i s the jba-construction  (jba-)  s t r u c t u r e has not been the  i s no  proposed  of a passive of  a n d 2)  that  both  the  (Jbei-construction)  have  the  same u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e , i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h UTAH.  In  the last  chapter,  implications  of  conclusions  such  linguistically will  an  be  will  analysis  be d r a w n a n d t h e  on  passives  cross-  presented.  1.2 Overview o f GB Theory and works i n Chinese syntax w i t h i n the framework In  t h e T h e o r y o f Government  by  Chomsky  (1981),  able  to acquire  that  people  assumed  the reason  languages  are born w i t h  t o be U n i v e r s a l  nature  of  UG,  which  (GB) p u t  forth  t h a t a l l human b e i n g s a r e  based  on  an i n n a t e  Grammar  ultimate goal of l i n g u i s t i c the  and B i n d i n g  finite  capacity, which i s  (UG) . A c c o r d i n g l y , t h e  investigation i s  principles  and r u l e s u n d e r l y i n g  Under t h i s  approach,  exposure i s  the  i s to discover  entire  a l l natural  language v a r i a t i o n  a c c o u n t e d f o r by d i f f e r e n t parameter  system  languages.  i s captured  settings.  of  and  The  standard  syntactic model  (1)  GB  theory  recognizes  representation.  This  o f grammar, i s p r e s e n t e d  model,  four  levels  of  known  as  T-  the  below.  T-model o f grammar lexicon  X-bar  \  Theory  / D  structure move a  S  structure  /  \  phonetic  representation  logical  There  a r e seven modules  above  f o u r l e v e l s i n grammar. T h e y i n c l u d e X - b a r  Theta  Theory,  Theory  and  Bounding  applying  form  a t one  Theory,  Case  t h e Empty C a t e g o r y P r i n c i p l e  summary o f e a c h m o d u l e i s p r e s e n t e d 1.2.1  X-bar Theory  This  component  constrained structure  by  X-bar  schemata.  r u l e s are f r e e l y  i n conformity  principle.  Binding  (ECP). A  brief  as f o l l o w s .  phrase-structure The  the  Theory,  Theory,  idea  rules  i s that  g e n e r a t e d as l o n g  w i t h X - b a r T h e o r y . I n t h i s way,  phrase-structure in  includes  o r more o f  phrase-  as t h e y  are  impossible  r u l e s f o r n a t u r a l languages are  excluded  This  c o m p o n e n t i s e n r i c h e d b y Chomsky a n d L a s n i k  and P o l l o c k is  split  (1989). I n p a r t i c u l a r , INFL  into  this  structure initial  assumption, as  (for inflection)  two h e a d s T e n s e a n d A g r ( f o r a g r e e m e n t ) ,  each head i n d e p e n d e n t l y p r o j e c t i n g Under  a  a maximal  sentence  i n (2) , w i t h  a  has  parameter  an  projection. underlying  s e t f o r head-  or head-final.  (2)  CP / SPEC  \ C' / C  \ /  SPEC  AGR-S"' \ AGR-S' / \ AGR-S TP / T  \ AGR-0'' / \ SPEC AGR-0' / \ AGR-0 VP / \ SPEC V / V  The  exact  characterization  of  phrase  not the goal  purpose, the  o f t h e p r e s e n t work.  the following  thesis: firstly,  a n d AP, a s p r o p o s e d no AGR p r o j e c t i o n ,  assumptions  in  however,  For the present  a r e made  Chinese i s head-final i n Huang  \ NP  structures  Mandarin Chinese i s f a r from c l e a r . T h i s i s s u e , is  (1991)  throughout  e x c e p t f o r NP  (1982); secondly, t h e r e i s  a s t h e r e i s no e v i d e n c e f o r a g r e e m e n t  no AGR  projection,  a s t h e r e i s no e v i d e n c e f o r a g r e e m e n t  i n Chinese; t h i r d l y , I N F L node p r e s e n t the reason that lastly,  Under  projection  of  aspect  Nominative is  a  Chinese  t h e r e i s no  her ASP,  marker Case and  lowers  i n Chinese w i l l  not  of  le  is  inflection le will a  INFL  structure,  i n the  for  language;  f o l l o w t h a t o f Cheng matrix  (either  generated  clause Tense  in  ASP,  is  or  a  AGR) .  assigns  l o w e r s t o t h e v e r b a t LF b e c a u s e i t affix,  to V  in  English,  i n syntax. Therefore, a  sentence  as  i s the  case  have t h e f o l l o w i n g s u r f a c e s t r u c t u r e .  ASPP / \ NP-^ ASP / \ ASP VP ti / \  V V+ti 1.2.2  Theta Theory  Theta  Theory  roles  onto  Theta  Theory,  of  ( 1 9 9 1 ) , t h e r e i s no  sentence  analysis,  morphological  w h e r e AGR  (3)  in a  t h e a n a l y s i s o f ASP  (1991).  The  f o l l o w i n g Cheng  NP  i s concerned NP  w i t h the mapping of  positions. the  Theta  representation.  The  basic  Criterion, This  principle  holds  general  c o n d i t i o n i s q u o t e d b e l o w f r o m Chomsky  at  thematic of  the  a l l levels  well-formedness (1981):  (4)  Theta C r i t e r i o n  (Chomsky 1981:36)  E a c h a r g u m e n t b e a r s one  and  o n l y one  each t h e t a - r o l e i s assigned  t o one  theta-role  and  only  and  one  argument.  One  controversy  concerning  Theta Theory r e l a t e s  to  d i r e c t i o n a l i t y o f t h e t a a s s i g n m e n t . F o l l o w i n g Qu I  assume  that  i t  directionality  is  for  not  necessary  theta-role  to  the  (1993),  specify  assignment  in  the  Mandarin  Chinese.  1.2.3 A  Case Theory  basic  which  principle  states  that  must r e c e i v e  Case  movement  to  Case,  is  otherwise  Locality  of  Case  every  NP  Theory  is  with  the  a  Filter  Case  restrictions  violation  (1981) A d j a c e n c y C o n d i t i o n  condition  that As  Case  assignment  Case  Theory  Case i n r e l a t i o n be  realized  morphological abstract Chinese  is  evidence  L i 1990,  for  NPs  would  Case  the  Though in  need  result.  structural only  with  there  Mandarin a central  Huang 1 9 8 2 ) .  NP  include  Case does not  been argued t o p l a y  (see  that  place  concerned  abstract  for  and,  takes  morphologically.  C a s e has syntax  t o NPs,  content  Case-assignment  Stowell's  Government.  Filter,  motivation  requirement  on  Case  phonological  (Chomsky 1 9 9 1 ) . The  satisfy  the  under  abstract have  to  is  no  Chinese, role  I assume  in  that  Asp  in  (3)  assigns  Nominative  Case  via  Spec-head  agreement.  1.2.4 The  Theory of Government Empty C a t e g o r y  notion left a  in  this  Principle  component.  The  i s t h e most  ECP  states  proposal  government  i n Chomsky and  entails  central  The  n o t i o n i n t h e GB  Government  Lasnik  head-government  antecedent-government.  in  barrier  the  that  traces  are  Lasnik  f o r P c-commanded b y  four  types  traditional  combinations corresponding given i n (6).  of to  of  GB  NPs.  To  proper with  government,  a  follows:  1991:58) t h e r e i s no  Empty C a t e g o r i e s  [±anaphoric]  to  a  framework,  overt  of  f r a m e w o r k , i s as  (Chomsky and  (1991),  conjunction  definition  a g o v e r n s P i f a c-commands P and  There  discussed  b y movement must be p r o p e r l y g o v e r n e d . A c c o r d i n g  recent  (5)  (ECP)  recognized  based and  illustrate,  on  in  feature  [+pronominal] a  table  is  (6) T a b l e  o f Empty C a t e g o r i e s Overt  NPs  Empty  reciprocals,  +a, -p  NP  NPs  trace  reflexives - a , +p  pronouns  pro PRO  +a, +p - a , -p  variables  names  In Mandarin Chinese,  evidence  f o r the existence of a l l  t y p e s o f E m p t y NPs h a v e b e e n p r o v i d e d . S t i l l , of  some  Empty  Categories  particular,  the syntactic  e . g . Huang  (1989).  1.2.5  Binding  Theory  The  theory  of  pronominals Binding  in  remains  identity  Binding relation  to  c o n d i t i o n s are put  with  their  forth  nature  controversial,  of n u l l  deals  the  objects.  anaphors  antecedents.  i n Chomsky  in See  and Three  (1981),  as  g i v e n below.  (7)  The  B i n d i n g c o n d i t i o n s (Chomsky  1981:  188)  A:  An a n a p h o r i s b o u n d i n i t s g o v e r n i n g  B:  A pronoun i s f r e e i n i t s governing  C:  An R - e x p r e s s i o n  level  of  category.  category.  i s free.  representation  at  which  the  Binding  c o n d i t i o n s a p p l y i s S - s t r u c t u r e o r a r g u a b l y a t LF.  Binding  Theory  Mandarin  poses  Chinese.  To  relatively  minor  accommodate  problems  problems  for  associated  w i t h p r o n o m i n a l i z a t i o n , a c o n d i t i o n i s p r o p o s e d i n Huang (1982), quoted as f o l l o w s .  (8)  C o n d i t i o n on P r o n o m i n a l Anaphora  i n Chinese  (Huang 1 9 8 2 : 395) A p r o n o u n may n o t c y c l i c - C - c o m m a n d i t s antecedent.  Cyclic-C-command cyclic issue  i s defined  node, w h i c h of the long  i n terms  r e f e r s t o I P a n d CP i n C h i n e s e . T h e distance  reflexive  been l a r g e l y s o l v e d by R e i n h a r t  1.2.6 C o n t r o l The  basic  potential  an  element  and Reuland  ziji  has  (1991).  Theory  concern  of this  module  i s t o determine the  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f PRO. When i t i s o b l i g a t o r i l y  coref erential obligatory  o f C-command a n d  with  control.  antecedent.  has an a r b i t r a r y  an  antecedent,  However,  In that  case,  reference.  i t i s a  PRO d o e s n o t h a v e PRO, w i t h  case  of  t o have  no a n t e c e d e n t ,  1.2.7  Bounding Theory  Bounding  Theory  i s a  theory  which  specifies  c o n s t r a i n t s o n movement r u l e s . The b a s i c component i s d e f i n e d Chomsky  (9)  locality  concept o f t h i s  i n terms o f subjacency, quoted  from  (1986 : 30) .  P i s n-subjacent t o a i f f there are fewer than n+1 b a r r i e r s f o r P t h a t e x c l u d e a .  Under such a f o r m u l a t i o n ,  the notion  of l o c a l i t y  i n the  d e f i n i t i o n o f b o t h g o v e r n m e n t a n d movement i s u n i f i e d i n terms o f the n o t i o n o f b a r r i e r .  It  has been  argued  b y Huang  (1982)  that  Subjacency i s  o b s e r v e d i n M a n d a r i n C h i n e s e . T h i s i s done v a c u o u s l y f o r some  of  applicable issue,  the  Island  Constraints,  i n the language.  s e e Qu  For a  (in preparation).  as  they  discussion  are  not  on  this  CHAPTER 2 OVERVIEW OF ANALYSES OF PASSIVES IN ENGLISH  The  passive  linguistic  construction research  has  ever  remained  since  the  a  focus  beginning  of of  g e n e r a t i v e grammar. I t h a s p l a y e d a c e n t r a l r o l e b o t h i n the  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l a p p r o a c h a n d t h e GB a p p r o a c h .  2.1 P a s s i v e s i n T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l Graimar The  passive  transformation  Chomsky's Syntactic the  major  Structure  arguments  Structure  phrase  s t r u c t u r e grammar  i s hard  as  i t appeared  Grammar.  i n  (1957) c o n s t i t u t e s o n e o f  f o r Transformational  Phrase  it  rule  Grammar  Stating passivization i s problematic  mainly  over  within because  t o f o r m a l i z e s o many o f t h e c h a n g e s u n d e r g o n e  by p a s s i v i z a t i o n i n t h e form o f p h r a s e s t r u c t u r e r u l e s .  The  rule  of a passive  elements  listed  another  string,  following  form:  transformation  i n the structural structural  maps  a string of  d e s c r i p t i o n (SD) i n t o  change  (SC), t a k i n g t h e  (10) p a s s i v i z a t i o n : NP  AUX  V  NP  X  X  SD:  1  2  3  4  5  6  SC:  4  2+Jbe 3 + e n  by+2  6  Under  this  formulation  change e x p l i c i t l y English.  This  Thus,  a  makes r e f e r e n c e  nature.  but  also  is  so  within  a  adjunction  i t does  performed by case  underlying object seems  word  written  not  f o r each  i ti s stipulative  refers to specific  constituents  adjacency r e l a t i o n s .  that single  i t  can  are involved  in  This  perform  transformation. (10) :  rule  several  Thus,  four  insertion,  and s u b s t i t u t i o n .  problem f o r t h i s explain  why  rule-based the  grammar i s  specific  changes  (10) h a p p e n . F o r i n s t a n c e , why w o u l d i t n o t that  subject  passive t o object  to the right purely  be  cross-linguistically.  I t not only  serious  to  of t h i s rule i s that  deletion,  the  i s b a s e d on E n g l i s h  has  operations  be  morphemes i n  rule  of  that  t o three  structural  different  unconstrained  more  the  the r u l e i s language-specific.  specifies their  operations  A  rule  rule,  that  transformation  in  the  entails  A second property  kinds  of  Moreover, t h i s  order.  passive  0  involved  of  the  p o s i t i o n and o f t h e d i r e c t  of a preposition  coincidental  movement  that  NP  by.  Further, i t  fronting  targets  another it  NP  position  should  Under  be  this  as  i t s landing  p o s s i b l e t o move an rule-based  are thus p r e d i c t e d to  2.2  P a s s i v e s Under the  The  above  approach,  to  GB  t o be  that  impossible  thus,  crosslinguistic  movement t o NP an o b j e c t )  The  problems. result In  lead  to  To  or  >  reconsideration  a general  language explanatory  constrained  as  cannot  generated,  be  possible  this  to  solve  approach,  (not  the  so.  To  alternations  general  r u l e : Move  a.  category.  Though a  can  other  principles  application  illustrate,  of takes  Move  [ j . i s [vp[v' k i s s e d Tom]] [ j i i s [yp k i s s e d  either a.  place  In only  the d e r i v a t i o n f o r a  E n g l i s h p a s s i v e i s shown i n (11) :  [ip Tomi  NPs  above-mentioned  surface  any  position,  the  movement t o a c e r t a i n p o s i t i o n  [ip e  so and  generalizations, for instance  attempts  constrain  t o do  of  captured.  move t o any  i t has  (11)  structures  f o r m u l a t i o n , a c a n be  motivate  simple  GB  Under  virtually  if  as  a  characterize  f r o m t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f one  this  effect,  of  structures  p o s i t i o n s , p a s s i v e demotes a s u b j e c t  c a n be  theory  position.  Approach  grammar.  i s expected  t o a VP  impossible  v a r i a t i o n among n a t u r a l l a n g u a g e s , theory  NP  Consequently,  occur.  considerations  approaches  site.  by  [ t i ] ] by  Mary]]] Mary]]  The  passive  explaining  morpheme Case  constructions. passive verbs the p a s s i v e  (12)  (-en  and  i n English)  theta-role  Chomsky  (1981)  i s crucial  assignment pursued  in  the  in  passive  idea  that  have t h e f o l l o w i n g p r o p e r t i e s t r i g g e r e d by  morpheme:  a. The p a s s i v e v e r b d o e s n o t a s s i g n C a s e t o its  direct  object.  b. The p a s s i v e v e r b d o e s n o t a s s i g n a n external t h e t a - r o l e t o the subject  Given  the  predicate longer  h a s t o move  receives  Further, but  assumptions  to a  Case  the subject  in  this  position  o b j e c t t o move  alternative  (12), the Case  object  position  position  i s a non-theta  (Case i s a s s i g n e d  i s available  f o r the  of  theory,  the  theory  h i s proposal  i s that  c h a n g i n g phenomena c a n be a c c o u n t e d Movement, principles.  the  i t no  position. position, by  INFL).  underlying  into.  of  f u n c t i o n c h a n g i n g has been proposed by Baker thesis  of  since  i t s D-structure  r e m a i n s a Case p o s i t i o n  Thus,  An  in  position.  constrained In other  by  words,  some there  grammatical  grammatical (1988).  The  function  f o r by s y n t a c t i c general i s no n e e d  syntactic to  appeal  to  specific  rules,  whether  they  are  lexical  or  syntactic.  Under  this  pursued that  approach.  the idea that  the passive  which  Case  an  in  morpheme  i s the actual t h e t a - r o l e must  (1986),  argument be  to  assigned.  identified  as an argument. As  the passive  morpheme  The BJR p r o p o s a l  such  to a  readily.  need  a  i s a specific  properties  Moreover,  -en i n  Case  and  a  attempt t o  Movement. I t i s a r g u e d  claim,  that  by  of passives  c a n be  v a r i a t i o n s among  passive  c r o s s - l i n g u i s t i c a l l y c a n be c a p t u r e d  an approach.  To i l l u s t r a t e ,  a passive  under  sentence  as  (11) h a s a n u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e d e p i c t e d a s f o l l o w s :  (13)  IP /  \ I' / \  NP e I be  In  i n Jaeggli  i s syntactically  constructions such  appeared  f o r example  passives  explained  first  (1989)  morpheme,  theta-role.  adopting  and R o b e r t s  the passive  argument,  reduce  Johnson  and t h e agent  Specifically, English,  Baker,  t h e above  receives  IP / \ I VP -en / \ V NP k i s s Tom  configuration, the passive  Accusative  Case  from  the verb  morpheme kiss,  -en  and  a  external  theta-role  final  Tom  NP  remains  violation,  this  only  available  such  from  VP.  Consequently,  Caseless.  To  position  being  assigned  operation  then  takes  places:  into  a clitic.  (1961) attach  the  verbs.  by the This  [Spec  INFL.  A  passive  IP]  further argument  operation  is  an  o f X*^ movement : t h e a g e n t a r g u m e n t e n d o e s n o t  have t h e s t a t u s of  a Case-filter  i s t h e upper  Case  instance  verb-  NP h a s t o move t o a C a s e p o s i t i o n . The  position.  incorporates  avoid  the  o f an independent word, b u t r a t h e r  I t i s a n X^, e i t h e r N^ o r  o r Hale's or c l i t i c i z e  analysis  (as i n P o s t a l  o f pronouns)  t o a base.  that  --  I t i s , thus,  that  must  required  to  l o w e r t o a d j o i n t o t h e v e r b . Then two a p p l i c a t i o n s o f XP movement  ( i . e . NP-movement) a n d X*^ movement  hopping) y i e l d t h e f o l l o w i n g  (14)  (i.e. affix  structure.  IP / NP Tomi  \ I' / I be  Under t h i s  \ IP / \ I VP tj / \ V NP kiss-enj t ^  a p p r o a c h , t h e agent i s r e a l i z e d as an a d j u n c t  followed  by  passives  will  the preposition  by.  The  be a s s u m e d i n C h a p t e r 4.  BJR  analysis  of  CHAPTER 3 PRELIMINARIES OF PASSIVES IN MANDARIN CHINESE  In Mandarin Chinese, by  there  exists  t h e o b l i g a t o r y presence  particular  of  a c o n s t r u c t i o n marked a  morpheme  c o n s t r u c t i o n has a t t r a c t e d  many s y n t a c t i c i a n s ( c f . Wang (1982),  Cheng  (1988),  chapter  i s devoted  (1957),  L i (1990),  E n g l i s h and t h e Jbei-construction  3.1 S i m i l a r i t i e s English  Wang  (1959),  Huang  (1993)).  This  study o f passives i n  i n Chinese.  Between P a s s i v e s i n Chinese and  I n an unmarked sentence NP o c c u p y i n g  This  the attention of  and T s a i  t o a comparative  jbei.  i n Chinese,  the subject position  the sentence  initial  i s i n t e r p r e t e d as t h e  agent o f t h e t r a n s i t i v e p r e d i c a t e , w h i l e t h e p o s t - v e r b a l NP  i s t h e theme.  peculiar  about  surfaces  i n  surfaces  i n  morpheme j b e i . (15) .  This  i s e x e m p l i f i e d i n ( 1 3 ) . What i s  the jbei-construction the a  subject  position,  position  This  i s that,  i s shown  immediately  while  t h e theme the  agent  following  the  i n (16), i n c o n t r a s t  with  (15)  Xiaoli  'Xiaoli  (16)  da  le ta.  hi t  ASP  he  h i t him.'  Xiaoli  'Xiaoli  bei ta  da  l e .  Jbei  hit  ASP  him  was h i t b y  him.'  In  (15) , X i a o l i  the  undergoer o f the a c t i o n .  same  NP  i s the i n i t i a t o r  Xiaoli,  interpreted 'hitting'.  as  surfacing the person  of the action,  Compare t h i s  with  i n parallel undergoing  him i s  (14), t h e  position,  i s  the action  of  On t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e a g e n t him i s r e a l i z e d  i n a p o s i t i o n f o l l o w i n g t h e morpheme J b e i .  This  contrast  the  above  i n the syntactic  paradigm  morpheme Jbei. initial as  NP o c c u p y i n g t h e s u b j e c t  i s the  construction  object,  with  core  verb,  of the  position i s interpreted  property  which  distinguishes  bei  from a l l others i n Mandarin Chinese, and i s  property  English  the presence  i . e . , t h e theme o f t h e p r e d i c a t e .  shared by passive constructions  Another  to  I n o t h e r w o r d s , w h e n e v e r bei a p p e a r s , t h e  the logical  This  i s due  p o s i t i o n o f arguments i n  of the jbei-construction  passives i s that  realized  i n English.  the logical  a s a n NP f o l l o w i n g  that subject  patterns of the  t h e morpheme bei i s  optional,  as i s t h e case w i t h  p h r a s e by NP i n E n g l i s h .  This  the agentive  prepositional  i s shown i n t h e f o l l o w i n g  examples.  (17)  Ta  bei  (wo) d a  he  bei  (I)  le.  hit  ASP  'He was h i t (by me).'  (18)  He was h i t (by me) .  Thirdly, verbs  as can  passivize.  intransitive seen i n  i s the case  i n English, The  verb occurring  only  transitive  ungrammaticality  i n a passive  of  an  construction i s  (19).  (19) *Ta  b e i tiao l e .  he  bei  jump  ASP  *'He was jumped.'  Given between the  the basic English  latter  syntactic passives  has been  by b o t h t r a d i t i o n a l  and  semantic  and Chinese  analyzed  similarities  Jbei-constructions,  as an i n s t a n c e  of  passive  and contemporary s y n t a c t i c i a n s (see  e s p e c i a l l y Wang 1957, Wang 1 9 6 9 , L i 1 9 9 0 ) .  3.2  D i f f e r e n c e s Between P a s s i v e s i n Chinese English  However, that  there  are  not  construction. -en  on  an  are  the  First  equivalent  Chinese. as  to  parallel  verb  language:  properties  of  to  all,  there  to  is  whether  the  English  passive  i s a passive  morpheme  That C h i n e s e does n o t  verbal  contrast,  there  bei-construction  a more g e n e r a l  no  Given t h i s  the  there  i n English.  i s due  of  and  property  morphology a natural  exists  a  in  of  the  Mandarin  question  passive  have  arises  morpheme  in  bei-construction  in  Mandarin Chinese.  A  second  Chinese  difference and  syntactic  the  between  passive  in  i d e n t i t y o f bei.  preposition  equivalent  the  We  t o by  both r e s p e c t i v e l y introduce  English could  relates  assume t h a t bei  i n English, the  agent of  However, a d o p t i n g t h i s a s s u m p t i o n e n t a i l s be  the  only  preposition  M a n d a r i n C h i n e s e . The is  shown i n t h e  (20)  that  licenses  Ta  [ppcong  nali]  lai?  he  from  where  come  'Where d o e s he  given the  come f r o m ? '  the is a  that  they  predicate.  t h a t jbei w o u l d an  behavior of c a n o n i c a l  f o l l o w i n g paradigm.  to  empty  NP  in  prepositions  (21) * N a l i i  t a [ppCong t ^ ] l a i ?  where  he  from  come  'Where d o e s h e come f r o m ? '  (22) *Ta [ppCong he  For  e]  l a i .  from  come  *'He came f r o m  ...'  other  ,  prepositions,  [ppP e]  i s not a  structure.  Furthermore,  (22) d e m o n s t r a t e s  following  the preposition  has t o be o v e r t  be  dropped.  ill-formed with  an  Thus,  unexpressed of  Consequently, preposition,  To  English  i f  particular thesis.  bei  passive  How  is  to  doing  in  to  be  [pp  bei  in  e] . as  Chinese  similarities  and  the syntax  l e t us  a  a  pro-drop.  goal  briefly  a l t e r n a t i v e analyses of the bei-construction Chinese.  have  identified  i s the central so,  sentence  (17) c a n n o t  constructions  characterize  o r PRO i s  a passive  form:  t h e NP  and i t cannot  one t h a t a l l o w s  fundamental  construction  Before  as  following  i ti s the only  display  disparities.  agent  the  summarize,  that  i n [ppP t ] w h e r e t i s t r a c e  i n Chinese. Consequently,  structure  legitimate  and  certain of  this  of  this  go  over  i n Mandarin  3.3 I  P r e v i o u s Analyses of P a s s i v e s i n Chinese  will  this  review  three  sub-sect ion.  analyses  are  analyses  As  I  of passives  will  inadequate,  argue  an  i n Chinese i n  that  the  alternative  previous  analysis  is  necessary.  3.3.1 A S e r i a l i z a t i o n A n a l y s i s of the J b e i - c o n s t r u c t i o n Cheng can  (1988) p u r s u e d t h e i d e a be  analyzed  construction. is  an  The m o t i v a t i o n and,  generalization  that  explains  verb  characterizing discussed aside,  further,  a  to  when p a s s i v e  i s , the core problem  classes  of  serial  verb  f o r s u c h a move i s t h a t i t  find  n o t . That  the jbei-construction  instance  to  or  hard  as  that  formalize  i s legitimate  i s i d e n t i f y i n g which  allow  passivization  and  then  formally  these  verb  This  issue  will  at length  classes.  i n Chapter  l e t us c o n s i d e r  5.  Leaving  Cheng's p r o p o s a l  this  two  arguments.  its  i n t e r n a l argument  sentence,  itself.  one  identification, of  of  i s the agent.  is  which  taking  argument i s t h e p a t i e n t and Thus a s e r i a l  i s f o r m e d w h e n e v e r two v e r b s  construction  theta-role  I t s external  be  issue  U n d e r Cheng's a n a l y s i s , jbei i s t r e a t e d a s a v e r b  construction  a  is  interpreted  jbei. via  occur  verb  i n one  This  serial  a  mechanism  verb of  which b a s i c a l l y ' i n t e r n a l i z e s t h e agent the verb  other  than  jbei,  and  meanwhile  externalizes A  jbei's i n t e r n a l t h e t a - r o l e '  representation  theta-roles,  illustrating  adapted  from  the  Cheng  (Cheng  1988:18).  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of (1988:19)  is  given  below.  (23) Tom  In  bei ta <1,2>  da l e . <1,2>  I  I I  jbei  he  a  case,  such  responsible the  hit  ASP  the  f o r i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e one who  action  of hitting  as t h e agent,  b e i n g h i t as t h e p a t i e n t . external of  hit  theta-role to  theta-role the  identification  t h e same  and  further  o f Jbei a n d t h e e x t e r n a l  same NP  and a l s o  and t h e i n t e r n a l  Tom,  t h e one the  theta-role  the i n t e r n a l  theta-role  t a 'he'. I n t h i s way, f o u r  is  i s performing  T h i s i s done b y a s s i g n i n g  o f jbei NP  mechanism  o f hit t o  theta-roles  are  r e d u c e d t o two t h e t a - r o l e s .  This analysis that  the  raises  theta-role  four problems. assignment  The f i r s t  of  thematic  hierarchy.  Grimshaw  (1990:8) t a k e s t h e f o l l o w i n g  jbei  The t h e m a t i c h i e r a r c h y  problem i s  violates quoted  the from  form:  (24) ( A g e n t ( E x p e r i e n c e r ( G o a l ( / S o u r c e / L o c a t i o n / T h e m e ) ) ) )  Though t h e r e several always is  theta-roles ranks  mapped  Patient and  are slight  onto  t h e agent  lexical  lower  the highest.  o f Tom  violation  Patient  respect  i n the hierarchy, Thus, and  Agent  agent i s  hierarchy.  argument  Secondly,  These  under  Thirdly, mechanism  properties  i t i s unclear works.  identified with does t h e r e v e r s e  What  how  verb.  exactly  constrains  the  identification  t h e many  functions  2, a n d 2 i d e n t i f i e d w i t h  why i s 1  1 i n (21).  why  serial  Why  not hold?  a n a l y s i s r a i s e s another problem. Given t h a t i s that  evidenced from a  with  are not  p e r f o r m e d by s u c h a mechanism i s q u i t e u n c l e a r :  to  this  a g i v e n verb i s s p e c i f i e d i n t h e l e x i c o n as  c o m b i n e s w i t h jbei t o f o r m a s e r i a l  verb,  <1>  a r g u m e n t <2> i n  w h i c h v e r b s bei c a n c o m b i n e d  idiosyncratic.  predictable:  a  the  analysis of the jbei-construction, the properties  purely  This  <l-2>  respectively;  i s r e a l i z e d as t h e lowest  of thematic  t o the  jbei ' s t h e t a - g r i d  i s r e a l i z e d as t h e h i g h e s t  of b e i , i n p a r t i c u l a r , are  variations with  (25).  verb  jbei  cannot  freely  jbei i s  stand  alone,  I n p a r t i c u l a r , why i s i t r e s t r i c t e d  construction?  Consider  the following  c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e two v e r b s o c c u r r i n g i n  (23):  (25) *Ta  bei  he  Tom l e .  bei  *'He was  (26) T a he  ASP Tom.'  da  Tom l e .  hit  Tom  ASP  'He h i t Tom.'  The  above  paradigm  verb construction,  (27) T a  x i  he  differs  from  that  of a real  serial  i l l u s t r a t e d below:  wan  sao  wash bowl  d i .  sweep  floor  'He w a s h e d b o w l s a n d swept t h e f l o o r . '  (2 8)  Ta  x i  wan.  he  wash  bowl  'He w a s h e d b o w l s . '  (29) T a  sao  he  di.  sweep  floor  'He s w e p t t h e f l o o r . '  Where wash (28-29)  a n d sweep  and a l s o  (27) . N o t e  that  can r e s p e c t i v e l y s t a n d a l o n e as i n  combine  Agent  t o form  o f sweep  a  serial  i s identified  verb  as i n  with  agent  of  wash  and f u r t h e r  contrast,  Thus,  there  a  providing  Jbei  serialization  approach  what  with  this  of t h e thematic  should  itself  item.  3) The m e c h a n i s m  i s problematic.  4) T h i s  of the analysis  hierarchy.  i n nature.  be d e r i v a t i v e  bei as a Modal  Tsai  (1993)  two-place argument  proposes  predicate and a  (1993:227)). it  that  i s unpredictable:  of theta  of a  a  proposition  identification  verb.  c a n be c o n s i d e r e d Patient  a s 'a  as i t s e x t e r n a l  a s i t s complement'  The m a i n a d v a n t a g e  can account  given  a n a l y s i s does n o t e x p l a i n  Jbei  taking  2) A  Under such an  why j b e i d o e s n o t h a v e t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f a r e a l  3.3.2  in  assignment o f  s t i p u l a t e d as an i d i o s y n c r a t i c p r o p e r t y  lexical  In  inadequate  1) The t h e t a - r o l e  approach i s s t i p u l a t i v e  approach,  i t sobject.  i s  Problems a s s o c i a t e d  i s i n violation  i.e.  retains  a p r i n c i p l e d account o f t h ep r o p e r t i e s  the following:  lexical  verb  i s no r e v e r s a l a s i n ( 2 3 ) .  Jbei-construction. include  each  f o r sentences  o f s u c h a move  (Tsai  i s that  of the following  type  ( a d a p t e d f r o m T s a i 1993 ( 3 2 ) ) .  (30)  Lisi  bei jbei  'Lisi  [ypAkiu  da  le  sanzhi  benleida] .  hit  ASP  three  home run  was h i t t h r e e  home r u n b y A k i u . '  Tsai  argues  that  i n (3 0)  o f jbei  complement  there  f o r the Patient  from;  since  t h e VP c o n t a i n s  theme  three  home run. T h e r e f o r e ,  cannot is  be d i s t i n c t  both  type  that  passives  contrary does  of passive  i n fact  sentence)  hit  will  Akiu  the surface  and a  structure  s t r u c t u r e : (30)  i n Mandarin.  an a c t i v e c o u n t e r p a r t  I propose  evidence  that  However, for  t h e double  i s a perfectly counterpart  well  of  (30)  object formed  (30). This  b e d e f e n d e d i n c h a p t e r 6.  le  Lisi  ASP  'Akiu h i t L i s i  of  an agent  and S - s t r u c t u r e o f t h e sentence.  i s the active  (31) A k i u d a  to originate  constitutes the strongest  claim,  exist.  Lisi  the underlying  i n (31) ( w h i c h  proposal w i l l  both  a r e base-generated  to this  contraction  Given  from  the D-structure  This  i s no g a p i n t h e VP  the proposal  (30), Tsai's  sanzhi  benleida.  three  home run  t h r e e home r u n s . '  that  (31) i s t h e a c t i v e  a n a l y s i s i s no l o n g e r  well  counterpart founded.  I  argue i n Chapter 6 that double object c o n s t r u c t i o n s  pattern  consistently with  passivization. constructions  respect  The m o t i v a t i o n are  f o r theproposal  base-generated  complement i s t h u s weakened  t o the target  and  considerably.  take  of  that  jbei  a  VP  3.3.3 The  The  proposal  passive by  Jbel-construction  appeared  Li  (1990).  analysis. phrase from  that  i n Huang I  will  structure,  my as  For  underlyingly  of  and  Chinese  i s underlyingly  I  Nonetheless,  the  passive,  SVO.  will  fundamental  1 differ  my  analysis.  is  t o address  not e l i g i b l e  her  Chinese  is  been d i s p u t e d  by  This  that  has  convincingly  Further,  this  been  argue  that  her discussion identity  issue  spirit  of  remains  morpheme o r a i n Chapter  of  her  4.  proposal,  be a n a l y z e d  issue  the u l t i m a t e that  she  goal  of  ignores,  f o r m a l l y i d e n t i f y the classes of predicates are  into  as a  i t i n v o l v e s NP movement, i s p u r s u e d i n  Further, an  largely  assumes  the jbei-construction should  and t h a t  Chinese  have  categorical  clarify  of L i ' s  concerning  i t c o u l d be e i t h e r a p a s s i v e  preposition.  namely t h a t  she  a  pursued  idea  fits  as  assumptions  ( 1 9 9 2 ) , who  syntactic  inconclusive:  her  later  basic  analysis  language.  Sybasma  jbei ' s  Mulder  the  analyzed  was  i n Chapter  her  instance,  a n SOV  and  assumptions  given  many  challenged.  (1982)  assume  Although  assumptions,  Movement  j b e i - c o n s t r u c t i o n c a n be  However,  hers.  Involves NP  for passivization.  this  thesis  n a m e l y how  to  which are or  CHAPTER 4 PASSIVES IN SIMPLEX STRUCTURES  4.1 Passives and Actives As  shown i n t h e p r e v i o u s  realization  of  counterpart  are not i d e n t i c a l ,  paraphrases  i n that  exactly  an  share  active  Assuming active  parallel  although  sentence  the surface  and  i t s passive  the pair  t h e two NPs  t h e same t h e m a t i c  predicate. that  an  chapter,  i n each  are  sentence  r o l e s with respect  UTAH  sentence  (Baker  to a  bear given  1988:46),  i t follows  i t s passive  counterpart  UTAH i s q u o t e d  as f o l l o w s  and  D-structures.  thematic  (ibid. p46).  (32)  THE UNIFORMITY OF THETA ASSIGNMENT HYPOTHESIS (UTAH): I d e n t i c a l thematic represented  by i d e n t i c a l  between those  Recall  that  distinguishes  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between items a r e  we  items  have a  structural relationships  at the l e v e l  argued  passive  that from  of D-structure.  the presence an  active  of  jbei  sentence.  However,  there  exist  sentences  with  seemingly  passive  m e a n i n g b u t w i t h o u t t h e morpheme Jbei :  (33)a.  Mingming chen  le  sank  ASP  na t i a o that  'Mingming sank t h a t  b.  Chuan  chen l e .  boat  sank  'The  c.  boat  'The  both  not  boat  boat.'  ASP  sank.'  bei sank  ASP  b o a t was s u n k . '  sentence  (33b) a n d  (33c) , t h e p r e v e r b a l  NP i s  t h e a g e n t o f t h e a c t i o n b u t t h e theme. I w i l l  that  given  that  transitive passivize,  exactly  and p a s s i v e  I claim that  defined  verb  sink.  predicate as  as i n (33c),  correspondent ergative  the  alternate  exhibiting  As  CL.  Chuan b e i chen l e . boat  In  chuan.  in  chen  (33a) , 'sink'  t h e same Further,  chen  i s a verb  and  that  as  i t can verb,  i t s English  the syntactic properties of  verbs are not i d e n t i c a l .  and Keyser  which  has i t s  i s an e r g a t i v e  behavior  (33b) i s n o t a p a s s i v e  i n Hale  'sink'  argue  has b o t h  construction.  (1992: a  Therefore,  9 0 ) , an  transitive  ergative alternant  with The  a c a u s a t i v e meaning and an i n t r a n s i t i v e behavior of a typical  alternant.  e r g a t i v e v e r b s u c h a s sink i s  shown b e l o w .  (34) a.  In  The bomb s a n k t h e b o a t i n t o t h e l a k e .  b.  The b o a t s a n k i n t o t h e l a k e .  c.  The b o a t was s u n k .  d.  John sank t h e b o a t .  t h e above paradigm,  one  another.  t h e meanings a r e d i f f e r e n t  (34a) i s a  causative  sentence,  from  with  m e a n i n g t h a t t h e bomb c a u s e d t h e b o a t t o s i n k . N o t e the s e n t e n c e - i n i t i a l is  NP the bomb i s n o t t h e a g e n t  an instrument, which  hand,  i s simply a description  passive The  i s inhuman.  with  an unexpressed  of c l a r i t y ,  I will  that as i t  (34b) , o n t h e o t h e r  o f an event.  agent  derived  same h o l d s f o r t h e C h i n e s e p a r a d i g m  sake  a  use e r g a t i v e  (34c) i s a from  (34d).  i n (33). F o r t h e verb  to refer to  t h e a l t e r n a t i o n between c a u s a t i v e and i n c h o a t i v e .  The  distinction  (33)  a n d (34) i s f u r t h e r  behaviors ergative adverb  with verb  because  transitive, agent  between t h e above  respect  (b) a n d (c) p a i r s i n  explained  the ergative i t s subject  a s i n (34a) .  different  t o agent-oriented adverbs:  i s incompatible with  where  by t h e i r  verb  an agent i s derived  i s a causer  In contrast,  jbei+verb  an  oriented from  a  and n o t an can cooccur  with  agent  oriented  adverb because  the verb  f r o m a t r a n s i t i v e p r e d i c a t e , where s u b j e c t  (35)*Chuan  guyi  i s derived  i s an agent.  chen l e .  jboat d e l i b e r a t e l y  sink  ASP  *'The b o a t d e l i b e r a t e l y s a n k . '  (3 6)  Chuan b e i g u y i  chen l e .  jboat jbei  sink  'The  deliberately  b o a t was d e l i b e r a t e l y s u n k . '  The  above  and  (32d) r e s p e c t i v e l y .  The  conclusion  examples  are the Chinese  drawn  from  constructions exist  active  constructions  Agent.  has a f r o n t e d The  correlates present  To  difference with  discussion  surface  to English, Theme  i s that  realizations a Chinese  and an o p t i o n a l l y  between  the fact  o f (32c)  i n C h i n e s e . They d i f f e r  i n the  argument NPs. A n a l o g o u s  equivalent  t h e above  passive  sentence  ASP  that  passives there  and  from of  passive present  ergatives  i s a morpheme  jbei  i n passives.  summarize,  given  relationships  hold  construction,  t h e two  have p a r a l l e l  underlying  that  f o r an a c t i v e  identical sentence  constructions  thematic and a  are predicted  Jbeito  structures. A jbei-construction  is  interpreted  as  a  passive,  while  the  a l t e r n a n t o f an e r g a t i v e p r e d i c a t e i s not  4.2  P a s s i v e s i n v o l v e s NP  Once  i t  is  passive  assumed  counterpart i t  movement. We  must now  instance  A  for  of  this  particular, the  sentence  position In  and  other  subject  not  and  not  4.2.1 As  parallel  and  underlying  are  derived  NP  A  the  i s , the  by  position:  that in  the a  a topic.  ASPP] .  In  p o s i t i o n occupied  by  [Spec  passive  initial  derived  an  landing position  is  the  p r e - I P A'  NP  is  subject position.  grammatically  Four d i a g n o s t i c t e s t s f o r  i n S e c t i o n s 4.2.1  a this  t o 4.2.4.  argued can  bind  by a  Li  (1990) , o n l y  anaphor.  Thus  we  a  subject have  the  but  not  a.  Tom,  'Tom,  fuqin-i_  kuayao  zijij_.  father  boast  self  h i s father-L b o a s t e d about  a  following  contrast :  (37)  its  Reflexive Binding  was  topic  an  argue  c l a i m are d i s c u s s e d  sentence  passives  that  a sentence  words,  passive.  e s t a b l i s h t h a t t h i s movement i s  is  initial  active  that  movement;  I will  an share  follows  movement  a  movement  that  structures,  intransitive  himselfi.'  b.*  Tom-L, f u q i n  kuajao  father  In  the  bound the by  above by  case,  the  boast  an  subject  t o p i c Tom  as  in  ziji-L. himself  anaphor fuqin  ziji  'father'  ( b ) . T h a t an  'self  can  only  be  as  (a) , n o t  by  in  a n a p h o r c a n n o t be  a t o p i c i s t r u e i n E n g l i s h , as e x e m p l i f i e d i n  (38)  The  * J o h n i , Mary l i k e s  ungrammaticality  of  (38).  himselfi.  (36)  and  (35b)  i s due  to  Binding  C o n d i t i o n A w h i c h r e q u i r e s a n a p h o r s t o be  A-bound.  Now  i n a jbei  initial  be  the  examples are  (3 9)  of  a  c i t e d below  the  zijij^  de  he  bei  s e l f poss  friend  T h u s , we  h u r t by h i s own  pengyou hurt  is  in  an  A  o f NP  o r a n A' p o s i t i o n .  illustrating  hai  le.  ASP  c l a i m t h a t the  position.  another t e s t f o r determining landing site  can  friend.'  have e v i d e n c e f o r the  passive  The  NP  ( L i 1991:155).  bei  was  sentence  reflexive.  Taj^  'He  a  construction,  antecedent  bound  the  I  will  now  subject  in  turn  to  s y n t a c t i c s t a t u s of  the  movement, w h e t h e r i t i s an A p o s i t i o n  4.2.2 As  you  'there'  Insertion  d i s c u s s e d i n Huang  'there'  insertion  subject,  as  in  (1982:54)  there  (1993:311),  takes place only before (40). In  occurs preceding a topic,  (4 0) Y o u  a n d Qu  contrast,  an  you  you  indefinite  'there'  never  a s shown i n ( 4 1 ) .  sange  ren  xiang  qu.  three  men  want  go  'Three men w a n t e d t o g o . '  (41)*You  haixian,  wo  xihuan  seafood  I  like  there  longxia. lobster  *'There a r e seafood I l i k e  If  the i n i t i a l  subject,  NP  i n a jbei  t h e i n s e r t i o n o f you  be e x p e c t e d .  (42) Y o u  sentence 'there'  i s taken  t o be  a  i n a p a s s i v e would  T h i s p r e d i c t i o n i s borne o u t :  sange  there  lobster.'  three  ren  bei hai.  men  bei  hurt  'Three men w e r e h u r t . '  4.2.3 In  VP-ellipsis  Chinese,  elements  following  following adopted  an i n s t a n c e o f V P - e l l i p s i s  the  f r o m Qu  topic  the as  (1993).  subject shown  as in  applies  only to  in  (43) ,  but  not  (44) .  This  test  is  (43)  Wo  [jingchang  I  often  youyong], t a swim  he  ye  yiyang.  too  same  'I go swimming o f t e n , and so does him.'  (44) * Y i n g w e n , English,  [wo  h u i shuo].  Fawen, y e  I  can  French  •'English,  Specifically, subject In  in  (43), the constituent  [jingshang  youyong]  'I can speak'  Turning  to a  constituent [ye  too  same  I c a n speak. French, t o o . '  (44), the constituent  shou]  by  speak  yiyang.  swim'  following  c a n be e l i d e d .  the topic  [wo hui  c a n n o t be t h e t a r g e t o f e l l i p s i s .  passive  sentence  [bei da le]  yiyang]  'often  following the  'the  as g i v e n  i n (45),  'was hit ASP' c a n b e s u b s t i t u t e d same  too'.  This  constitutes  a d d i t i o n a l evidence f o ri d e n t i f y i n g the constituent da le]  'was hit ASP'  Tom  [ b e i da jbei  an [bei  a s a VP, a n d t h e s e n t e n c e - i n i t i a l  NP Tom a s a s u b j e c t .  (45)  the  l e ] , Henry  h i t ASP  ye  yiyang.  too  same  'Tom was h i t , a n d s o was H e n r y . '  4.2.4  Negation  A s shown b e l o w , a n e g a t i o n m a r k e r meiyou immediately  (4 6) Wo I  a f t e r a s u b j e c t , but not a  meiyou  shuo  not  say  'I d i d n ' t t e l l  (47)  'not'  can  occur  topic.  huang. lie  lies.'  Yingwen,  wo  meiyou  English  I  not  xue. learn  'I d i d n ' t l e a r n E n g l i s h . '  (48)*Yingwen, English  meiyou  wo  not  I  xue. learn  'I d i d n ' t l e a r n E n g l i s h . '  Negation  has  expected  i f the  subject,  NP  before  the  i n passives. This i s  negation  a s shown i n (49) a n d ( 5 0 ) .  (4 9) Tom  (50)  t h e same d i s t r i b u t i o n  meiyou  bei  ren  not  jbei  man  qifu. bully  'Tom  wasn't b u l l i e d by o t h e r s . '  Tom,  qianbao  meiyou  bei  wallet  not  jbei  'Tom,  tou.  h i s w a l l e t i s not s t o l e n . '  stolen  marker  i s the  (51)*Tom, m e i y o u not *'Tom,  All  the In  b e i tou.  wallet  bei  not h i swallet  t h e above  ('there')  qianbao  tests,  insertion,  stolen  i s stolen.'  that  i s reflexive  VP-ellipsis  and  negation  subjecthood of the s e n t e n c e - i n i t i a l accordance  with  UTAH,  binding,  i t entails  you  suggest  NP i n p a s s i v e s . that  a  thematic  o b j e c t i s a d e r i v e d subject i n passives i n Mandarin.  4.3 The Morpheme Jbei i n P a s s i v e s The  syntactic  i d e n t i t y o f jbei h a s b e e n t h e t o p i c  debate and has remained u n c l e a r . is  hard  to  traditional it,  establish  view  i t s syntactic  i s that  when t h e r e  jbei i s a p r e p o s i t i o n ;  Jbei  i s  a  particle  descriptively treatment preposition  (as  that  two  Jbeis  and  identical distributions  Bei  has been  modal put  i n Tsai  forth  modal.  by  treated  in  there  identical  Wang  (1957) ) . this  i s a particle.  functions  f o r being  L i (1990) r e m a i n s i n c o n c l u s i v e  One  i s  is a  an agent the verb.  (1989)  fails  either  This  However, t h e  i n occurring after  (1993) , b u t jbei o b v i o u s  following  bifurcation  i n licensing  i n Cheng  The  following,  a r e two J b e i ' s .  as a verb  L i (1991)  identity.  i s a n NP  However,  and t h e o t h e r  have  things, i t  when t h e r e i s no NP  correct.  entails  Among o t h e r  o f much  and a  all  tests  a verb  or a  as t o whether  Jbei  is  a passive  morpheme  comparable  i t i sa passive  in  theta-role  argued  that  morpheme, i t d o e s n o t p l a y  o r case  jbei  -en or a  t o E n g l i s h by. S h e s u g g e s t s  p r e p o s i t i o n comparable if  t o English  assignment.  Recall  any r o l e  that  i s not a preposition earlier  that  I have  i n Chapter  3.  BJR's  (1989)  paper  o f f e r s some i n s i g h t i n t o s o l v i n g t h e  problem  of thestatus  central  claim  passive  o f jbei i n M a n d a r i n  i s that  morpheme  Chinese.  cross-linguistically  there  thus,  i sa  ( E n g l i s h -en, f o r e x a m p l e ) i n a p a s s i v e  c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d t h i s morpheme i s t h e e x t e r n a l which,  Their  has  not  been  suppressed  argument,  under  this  analysis.  The  morpheme j b e i seems t o b e a p a s s i v e  following sentence shown  reasons. from  a passive  i n 4.1.  require  First,  what  distinguishes  an a c t i v e  one i s t h e p r e s e n c e  o f jbei a s  Secondly,  the syntactic  morpheme f o r t h e  subject-oriented  presence  of  a  subject.  requirement i s s a t i s f i e d by t h e presence o f jbei. shown b y t h e f o l l o w i n g  (52) men  dakai  contrast.  l e .  door  push-open  ASP  'The  d o o r i s open.'  modifiers This  This i s  (53) *men door  guyi  dakai  l e .  deliberately  push-open  ASP  *'The d o o r d e l i b e r a t e l y p u s h e d o p e n . '  (54)  In  men  bei guyi  dakai  door  deliberately  push-open  'The  d o o r was d e l i b e r a t e l y p u s h e d o p e n . '  a sentence  ASP  i n v o l v i n g an e r g a t i v e  ungrammaticality NP  l e .  results  verb  a s (53) , t h e  from the absence o f an a g e n t i v e  f o r a s u b j e c t - o r i e n t e d a d v e r b t o m o d i f y . On t h e o t h e r  hand,  the grammaticality  presence satisfy  jbei  of this  makes  Given  that  passives,  bei  agentive  NP  Therefore,  nowhere  i t s only  the  the agentive  else  other  function  Consequently,  and c l a i m  that  available to  i s  i t i s n a t u r a l t o assume t h a t  morpheme.  proposal  (54) e n t a i l s  NP  present.  occurs  i.e.,  passivization, passive  an  requirement.  must be s y n t a c t i c a l l y  of  jbei  that  we  must  will be  than to  Jbei  mark i s the  follow  analyzed  i n  BJR's as an  a r g u m e n t . H o w e v e r , a p r o b l e m r e m a i n s : j b e i i s i n no s e n s e an  NP. M o r e o v e r ,  phrase  under  BJR's  analysis, the overt  i n E n g l i s h i s an adjunct:  i t i s o p t i o n a l and i s  r e a l i z e d as a p r e p o s i t i o n a l phrase, is  Case  contrast,  marked  and t h e t a  i n Mandarin  marked  Chinese,  jby-  a jby-phrase  (i.e.  i t  by a p r e p o s i t i o n ) . I n t h e agent  NP  i s  not  realized  as  an  adjunct.  following  examples,  first  This  i s evidenced  observed  by t h e  b y Xu and Langendoen  (1985) .  (55) T a he  b e i Mingming z a i j i a l i  pian  le.  bei  cheat  ASP  at  home  'He was c h e a t e d b y M i n g m i n g a t home.'  (56) *Ta he  bei zai jiali  pian  le.  bei  cheat  ASP  at  home  'He was c h e a t e d a t home.'  If  Jbei i n (56) i s a f u l l  maximal p r o j e c t i o n  t h e u n g r a m m a t i c a l i t y o f (56) i s u n e x p e c t e d . from  t h e above  contrast  that  there  ( i . e . NP) , I t i s clear  i s an  adjacency  r e q u i r e m e n t b e t w e e n Jbei a n d t h e v e r b .  I will When  assume t h a t this  NP  i s not overt,  licensed  by  category  i s base  with  t h e r e i s always  t h e morpheme  an o v e r t  generated  NP,  a n NP f o l l o w i n g  i t i s a n empty  Jbei.  Given  and t h a t  i t i s natural  that  jbei.  category  this  empty  i t can alternate  t o assume  that  this  empty c a t e g o r y i s i d e n t i f i e d as a p r o .  Syntactic category  evidence i s that  f o r the presence  i t can bind  of  an anaphor  this  empty  a s shown i n  (57)  Fangzi  bei  house  bei  proi  *'The h o u s e was  In  the  which  case,  requires  a  in  category  empty  category  himself  The  act  a  as  binder.  has  *The h o u s e was  In  contrast  with  ungrammaticality Binding by  an  given  to  of  the  NP  sentence  in  A  as  the  i s ungrammatical,  is no  the  from  a  is  always  However, I d i f f e r  whthis  does  not  the of  bound  corresponding  English  BJR's s t r u c t u r e f o r  passives  follow  syntactically f r o m BJR  or  i s not  will  agent  NP  violation  In  I  empty  equivalent,  d i r e c t l y transferred to  follows,  a  Paul-^.  i n E n g l i s h c a n n o t be  what  any  such an  above  a n a p h o r himself  p o s i t i o n . As  to  f o l l o w i n g example:  Chinese results  of  ungoverned,  t o h i m s e l f - [ by  (58)  condition A  As  be  However,  its  anaphor,  s a t i s f i e d by  there  h o l d f o r E n g l i s h , as shown f r o m t h e  (58)  i s an  p o s i t i o n according  that a  PRO pro.  pro.'  wellformedness  entails  and  is  by  requirement i s not  to  involved  A  le. ASP  'himself  i n an  here.  present  is  to  taziji  Chinese  trace  allot  binder  category  sentence  taziji^  NP  Theory. This  lexical  gei  a l l o t t e d to himself  above  Binding  fen  BJR  in  present  i n proposing  Chinese.  assuming in  that  passives.  that i n Chinese,  when  t h e agent  it  i s overt,  i s still  i n argument  p o s i t i o n and i s not an adjunct.  Given that itself bei  there  i s an argument f o l l o w i n g Jbei,  i s n o t a n i n d e p e n d e n t NP a r g u m e n t . F u r t h e r ,  jbei  this  NP i s n e v e r r e a l i z e d a s a n a g e n t .  Now we c a n a c c o u n t f o r t h e u n g r a m m a t i c a l i t y explanation  i s  passivization.  jbei  that  i s  I t licenses  a  affiual  nature,  t o something  overt,  a s i n t h e c a s e o f (55) , bei a t t a c h e s  is  between  jbei  no  Jbei  other  and t h e verb. home'  Note  i s widely  generated  sentence-initially  subject position.  to  or adjoins  the verb  constituents  'at  (55)  i t has t o  When t h e f o l l o w i n g NP i s  adjoins  zaijiali  the  c a n be  NP. I n t h e c a s e o f ( 5 6 ) , w h e r e t h e a g e n t  not l e x i c a l ,  Consequently,  denoting  NP, w h i c h  attach  thelexical  lexical.  o f ( 5 6 ) . The  morpheme  an agent  o r p r o . Due t o j b e i ' s  overt  to  then  that  c a n be  inserted  t h e PP  assumed  to  o r immediately  I tcan surface  'cheat'.  adjunct be  base  following  i n a p o s i t i o n as i n  as a r e s u l t of scrambling.  4.4 G e n e r a t i n g P a s s i v e s The there  above  discussion  i s a passive  similar  to  Li's  o f jbei  morpheme (1991)  amounts  to claiming  i n a Chinese  suggestion,  that  passive, but  i t i s n o t an  a r g u m e n t . The a c t u a l a r g u m e n t i s l i c e n s e d b y t h e p a s s i v e  morpheme. passive that  argument  being  external the be  Consequently,  argument  passive' sentence  a  Case  i n Chinese s u c h as  following  o f BJR.  in a  F o l l o w i n g BJR,  Accusative  NP  i n the sense  t h e t a - r o l e and  verb. the  an  the  Case  there  shown  in  as  the  follows  i t requires assigned  I assume t h a t t h i s given  is  I t then  passive,  structural  jbei  an by  Case has t o  i s no  ' impersonal  (17) . F o r  a  passive  (59), the u n d e r l y i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i s  as g i v e n i n ( 6 0 ) .  (59)  X i a o h o n g b e i Mingming da l e . jbei  hit  ASP  ' X i a o h o n g was h i t b y M i n g m i n g .  (60)  ASPP  /  \ ASP' / \ le VP / \ bei VP / \ Mingming V' / \ V NP  I  hit  As  mentioned  structure particular. a  in  Chapter  assumed Aspect  above  I  Xiaohong  2,  the  follows  analysis Cheng  of  phrase  (1991) .  In  heads a maximal p r o j e c t i o n , w h i c h i s  p r o j e c t i o n o f ASP,  not  INFL  or tense.  The  Aspectual  since  i t i s an a f f i x .  assumed  t o be  The p a s s i v e  generated  i n adjoined  Chinese p a s s i v e s are mono-clausal  In  t h e above  configuration  linguistically, assigns  an  under  external  B JR ' s  jbei  i s  position  as  morpheme VP  ( L i 1990).  and  i n passives  analysis,  theta-role  to  cross-  the verb  the  'hit'  structurally  h i g h e s t V P - i n t e r n a l argument. I n t h i s r e s p e c t , a p a s s i v e sentence  does  not differ  However,  passive  from  and a c t i v e  an  active  differs  sentence.  i n one  crucial  r e s p e c t : C a s e a s s i g n m e n t . Whereas i n a n a c t i v e Accusative verb, NP  Case  i s assigned  i n a passive.  f o l l o w i n g Jbei.  Xiaohong,  Accusative As a r e s u l t ,  r e c e i v i n g an i n t e r n a l  from t h e verb, violation,  remains Caseless.  Case  following the  i s assigned  the logical  NP  t h e t a - r o l e ( i . e . theme) To a v o i d a C a s e  a v a i l a b l e i s [Spec A S P P ] ,  N o m i n a t i v e C a s e f r o m ASP.  to the  object  i t h a s t o move t o a C a s e p o s i t i o n .  such p o s i t i o n  up  t o t h e NP  sentence.  Consequently,  which  The o n l y receives  NP Xiaohong  a s a d e r i v e d s u b j e c t , a n d ASP l e l o w e r s  Filter  ends  t o the verb  b e c a u s e i t i s a b o u n d morpheme. Thus a l l t h e p r o p e r t i e s of  passives  is  analyzed  f o l l o w i f t h e NP i m m e d i a t e l y as  an  argument,  f o l l o w i n g jbei  a n d i f we  adopt  BJR's  p r o p o s a l about Case assignment i n p a s s i v e s .  Finally, (1990)  l e t us r e t u r n  pursued  the idea  t o t h e exact  nature  of analyzing passive  o f jbei. L i morphemes  Finally, (1990)  l e t us  pursued  as v e r b s . is  to  the  morphemes  as  of  given  languages,  and  that  a  passive  i t lacks  independently  the  of The  ability  shows  to  morpheme c r o s s - l i n g u i s t i c a l l y for  Japanese,  analysis affix,  be  from  here,  Jbei  is  as  the  in  are  some  verbal. verbs  Hoshi a  as  w h i c h l i c e n s e s an a r g u m e n t i n p a s s i v e s .  a  passive  in  (1993) passive  a verb.  identified  One  provide  that  Li  passive  argument cannot  where i t i s i d e n t i f i e d  pursued  of  other  Case.  idea  i s an  grounds.  identical  assign  the  jbei.  morphemes  to  morphemes  differs  that  is  morphemes and  causative  morpheme  two  analysis  other  can  of  passive  on  BJR's  they  that  nature  analyzing  causative that  exact  i s motivated  arguments.  account  the  of  some p r o b l e m s  morphemes,  Still,  to  idea  This proposal  save  unified  return  a  In  hold the  verbal  PASSIVIZABILITY IN MANDARIN CHINESE  Having e s t a b l i s h e d the existence of passives let  us c o n s i d e r t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n :  can  be  that  permitted  assign  Chomsky  this  objective  have  chapter  that i s , which  to passivize. In English,  and L a s n i k  passives  i n Chinese,  Case  can  1992, P e s e t s k y  a more l i m i t e d i s precisely  be  a l l verbs  passivized  (1991).  distribution.  verbs  In  (see  Chinese,  The g o a l o f  t o propose an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r  t h e more r e s t r i c t e d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p a s s i v e s  i n Mandarin  Chinese.  5.1 B a s i c F a c t s Verbs  break  down  their eligibility in  three  classes  forpassivization.  with  respect  to  L e t u s e x a m i n e them  turn.  5.1.1 bei In  into  obligatory  the f i r s t  exemplified  class, below.  t h e p r e s e n c e o f bei i s o b l i g a t o r y a s  (61)  Mingming b e i (Xiaohong) p i p i n g jbei  criticize  ' M i n g m i n g was  This  'forgive',  gipian  'appoint',  verbs  caiyi and  such  as  'suspect',  zhua  'arrest',  piping kuanshu among  •  verbs i n t h i s  English  ASP  (by X i a o h o n g ) . '  includes  'cheat',  zhiding  others.  The  criticized  c l a s s of predicates  'criticize',  le.  in  that  'criticize' 'dance',  can  with  class pattern exactly with passives  in  only  exemplified  by  verbs  as  transitive  passivize.  only  one  verbs  Intransitive  argument  such  corresponding to  the  e x t e r n a l argument, cannot p a s s i v i z e .  (62) * M i n g m i n g b e i ( X i a o h o n g ) t i a o w u l e . jbei * ' I t was  5.1.2  bei  ASP  (by X i a o h o n g ) .  impossible  In the second This  danced  dance  class,  t h e p r e s e n c e o f jbei i s i m p o s s i b l e .  t y p e o f c o n s t r u c t i o n i s p e c u l i a r t o C h i n e s e , as i t s  equivalent  i n E n g l i s h i s ungrammatical.  (63) a . J i a o z i  c h i duo l e .  dumpling  eat  much ASP  * ' D u m p l i n g was e a t e n t o o much.' b. * J i a o z i  b e i c h i duo l e .  dumpling  bei  eat  much ASP  * ' D u m p l i n g was e a t e n t o o much.' c. J i a o z i  bei chi  dumpling  bei  eat  le. ASP  ' D u m p l i n g was e a t e n . '  (64) a. M i n g m i n g de q i a n  hua  Pass.money  spend  guang  le.  all  ASP  * ' M i n g m i n g ' s money was a l l s p e n t . ' b. * M i n g m i n g de q i a n b e i h u a  huang  le.  Poss.money  all  ASP  bei spend  ' M i n g m i n g ' s money was a l l s p e n t . ' c. M i n g m i n g de  q i a n b e i hua  poss.  money b e i s p e n t  ' M i n g m i n g ' s money was s p e n t . '  (65) a . Zhang battle  da  fightover  'The b a t t l e b.*Zhang battle  wan l e . ASP  i s finished.'  b e i da  wan  bei f i g h t over  'The b a t t l e  i s finished.'  le. ASP  le. ASP  c. Z h a n g  bei  da  b a t t l e bei  le.  fight  ASP  'The b a t t l e i s f i n i s h e d . "  In  t h e above  paradigms,  the verbs  i n (a) do  not a l l o w  a l t e r n a n t s w i t h Jbei a s shown i n (b) .  It  comes a s  are  not  below,  'spend'  he  we  chi  le  eat  ASP  hua  he  with  see  c a n a l s o be  'He h a d some  (67) Ta  that  a r e not always  sentences  (66) Ta  surprise  compatible  predicates  and  a  sentences bei,  in  (65)  fact  these  i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h jbei.  In the  that  and  i n (63) t o  p r e d i c a t e s such  as  'eat'  transitive.  jiaozi. dumpling dumpling.'  qian  le.  spendmoney  ASP  'He h a s s p e n t t h e money.'  The a b o v e p r e d i c a t e s a r e t r a n s i t i v e . agents listed zhong  In these  sentences,  i m p l i e s causer. Other p r e d i c a t e s of t h i s type are as  follows:  'plant'.  sentences  weichi  Thus,  the  does not r e s u l t  'keep',  zhuang  ill-formedness from  'fix', of  the  and (b)  a property of the verb.  Instead, the  the i l l - f o r m e d n e s s  p r e d i c a t e , a s we  5.1.3  the  third  Besides  za  bowl  b. Wan Jbowl 'The  following section.  (i.e.  passive  le.  jbei  jbreaJc  ASP  a n d caina  4,  this  inchoatives. version  the  class (68a)  of  to  the  (34b)  transitive  of verbs is  framework  'adopt'.  let  whereas  both  intransitive transitive  (68b)  (agentive)  is  the  sentence  (34d).  us  first  i n English. of  the  allow  causative  accounting f o r the d i s t r i b u t i o n  alternations  si  i s broken.'  corresponding  Chinese,  include  ASP  za  corresponding to  Before  'pass'  type  optional.  le.  i n Chapter  of  this  bei  ergative)  sentence  of  is  i s broken.'  bowl  and  occurrence  tongguo  jbreaJt  'The  passives  verbs  za  jbowl  the  t h e AP  argue l a t e r i n t h i s  jbei's  'occupy',  (68) a. Wan  argued  class,  'break',  ' t e a r ' , zhan  in  to  Jbei optional  For  As  will  i s due  As  argument  examine this  of some  discussion  structure  passivization transitivity i s based  developed  by  on  Hale  and  Keyser  (1993),  an  i n t r o d u c t i o n of  in  order.  5.2  Argxunent structure  The  model  Keyser  of  argument  (1993)  structure syntax  assumes  i n the  lexical  with  as the  heads'  p r o j e c t i o n of lexical  relations  Keyser  thematic  by  to  be  projected  by  1993:55).  This  semantically-based N,  A  and  P  are  Under  entirely derived  the  lexical  'is  primitives.  r o l e s are  determined  V,  and  argument  i s known as  structure  including  Hale  of  structures  and  linguistic  by  level  s y n t a c t i c s t r u c t u r e and  as  conception,  level  argument  (Hale  framework i s  proposed  structured  syntactic  categories  recognized  a  l e x i c o n . This  (1-syntax)  identified  structure  this  categories  this  from  and  the  their  projections.  The  1-syntactic  representation  (i.e.  the  argument  s t r u c t u r e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a g i v e n verb) i s a representing only  elements  present, cannot external the  a  full  internal  functional appear  projection  at  subjects  to  of  the  categories  this and  representation  internal  simple  transitives  of and  the  category  lexical  head  The  external  are not  head  V.  unergatives  is  As  can  be  between  drawn  internal The  V.  arguments  distinction  subjects  claim that external subjects  lexical  the  and  level.  structure  from  to  the  subjects  of  are  external  subjects,  r e l a t e d to t h e i r verbs at S-structure  predication. to  appear  In contrast,  in  illustrate,  the  given  below  (69)  [Spec  an  E n g l i s h v e r b put  position  1-syntactic a s i n She put  in  are  forced  1-syntax.  representation  for  the books  shelf  on  the  To the is  (1992:70).  \ VP / \ NP V book / V put  In t h i s There  \ PP / \ P NP on shelf  representation, are  no  representation, external  t h e a g e n t NP  functional hence,  no  she  has  projections  status.  in  f u n c t i o n a l head  S t u d i e s on T r a n s i t i v i t y A l t e r n a t i o n s Hale  and  alternants:  causative called  no  1-syntax  to license  an  argument.  Following  Keyser  the  alternant, the  sentence, This  subjects  V /  two  VP]  (Hale and K e y s e r  V  5.3  internal  through  transitive and  i s not  is illustrated  sentences  in  alternants  while  (63a)  one  which  alternant. necessarily  In  (64a)  verb  has  i s called  the  one,  which i s  a  causative  a volitional  i n (70). Given t h i s and  English  ergative  the i n t r a n s i t i v e  inchoative  there  (1992) , an  in  are  agent.  assumption, the  t h e s e n t e n c e s i n (66) a n d  the  inchoative (67)  are  the  causative and  hua  alternants 'spend'  Under H a l e and  of  the  same p r e d i c a t e s  Keyser's proposal,  captured  by  structures  i n 1-syntax. S p e c i f i c a l l y ,  inchoative  predicate  causative situation effect'.  an  the  involving  inchoative  assigning  event'  (Hale  sentence  This  s y n t a c t i c a l l y by  them  as  (63a)  and  'involves  (66)  'depicts  two  subevents:  semantic  complexity  an e x t r a VP  projection.  the  D-structures  of  an  verb i n English  for  got  on  the  wall.  IP  /  \ I'  NP  \  / I  VP  / NP mud  \ V / V get  \ PP on  the  the  i s given  K e y s e r 1993 : 88) .  Mud  causative  wall  a  simple  In c o n t r a s t , a a  is  syntactic  a sentence with  as  illustrate,  a  different  Keyser 1993:86).  To  (70)  d i f f e r e n c e between  and  c o n s i s t i n g of  ergative  'eat'  respectively.  sentences  single  chi  an and a  more  complex  cause  and  is  two below  an  captured  alternants (Hale  and  (71)  The p i g s  g o t mud  IP / NP the p i g s  on t h e w a l l .  \ I' /  \ VP  I  /  \  V  VP  /  \  Vi get  In  the  inchoative  lexical  subject  satisfy  the  predicate. argument of  the  place. in  blocked  5.4  the pigs extra  Spec as  (70) ,  [Spec  VP]  to  agreement  case  of  the  raising [Spec  of  IP]  requirement  causative,  projection,  of  the  VP  external  incorporation  receive  projection Case  from  to the  to the  result takes  the r a i s i n g of the inner subject  higher  i t can  verb  the  is  i s g e n e r a t e d i n [Spec I P ] . A s a  VP  of  \ PP on t h e w a l l  Spec  IP  mud is  incorporated  get.  Towards an  I will and  the  V / ti  as  and  Accordingly,  the  verb  case  Case  \  V NP mud  from  In  /  Explanation  assume t h e same d i f f e r e n c e h o l d s b e t w e e n  causative  inchoatives structure  i n Chinese. occurring  Thus, t h e u n g r a m m a t i c a l i t y  with  representation.  ergative  jbei  results  from  their  of D-  An i n c h o a t i v e  sentence  such as  {63a) h a s t h e  underlying  s t r u c t u r e shown i n ( 7 2 ) .  (72)  ASPP \ ASP' / \ ASP VP  / NP  I  /NP \ V I / AP\ jiaozi V  le  'dumpling'  \ chi 'eat '  A  duo 'much'  By  assumption.  and  thus  Aspect  surfaces  [Spec VP]  as  l e lowers (60a) .  In this  p o s i t i o n undergoes  the underlying  structure  t o verb  final  case,  NP movement.  f o r the causative  In  position  t h e NP i n contrast,  alternant  of  a n e r g a t i v e v e r b a s (66) i s r e p r e s e n t e d a s f o l l o w s .  (73)  ASPP  /  \  NP  ASP  1  \  /  ta 'he'  ASP  VP  / le  \ VP  V  / \ Vi  I chi 'eat' In  t h e above  position  case,  / V  NP  \ V  I I jiaozi t i 'dumpling' t h e NP  i s the external  'he' a p p e a r i n g argument  of  i n Spec  ASPP  t h e whole  verb  phrase. Case  The NP  from  i n S p e c VP p o s i t i o n , r e c e i v i n g  the incorporated  argument  of  between  'dumpling'  verb  the t r a n s i t i v e  'eat' i s the  predicate.  VP  consists  sub-events: such  difference  (72) a n d (73) i s t h a t t h e f o r m e r i s d e r i v e d  a verb which d e p i c t s a s i n g l e event. the  The  internal  o f two  a cause  a predicate  shells  dumpling  because  i t depicts  and a r e s u l t i n g s t a t e .  i s eligible  place, g i v i n g r i s e to surface  (74) J i a o z i  In the l a t t e r  from case, two  Consequently,  f o r p a s s i v i z a t i o n t o take forms  bei  ta  chi le.  bei  he  eat  as i n ( 7 4 ) .  ASP  ' D u m p l i n g was e a t e n b y h i m . '  By  the  same  line  o p t i o n a l presence  of  argumentation,  in  underlying  representations.  5.1.3.  actually  ASPP  \  / NP  ASP'  / ASP  \ VP  / le  NP wan 'bowl '  results  from  The D - s t r u c t u r e  t a k e s t h e f o l l o w i n g forms.  (75)  seemingly  o f bei i n t h e t h i r d t y p e o f p r e d i c a t e s  discussed  (68b)  the  \ V V za •break'  distinct  o f (68a) a n d  Subsequently,  theinchoative  'break'  i n (a) s u r f a c e s i n  a sentence without  t h e presence o f jbei.  (b)  a n NP i n [Spec VP] p o s i t i o n ,  sentence, with  eligible can  In contrast, the  f o r p a s s i v i z a t i o n because t h e i n t e r n a l  i s thus argument  g e t C a s e VP i n t e r n a l l y v i a Spec h e a d a g r e e m e n t .  This  i s how (68b) i s d e r i v e d .  Crucially,  I propose  jbei  (i.e. verbs  impossible)  lies  selects  an ' i n t e r n a l  describe which  t h e event  in  t h e argument (72) .  postverbal is  This  he  type I I optional)  obligatorily  as proposed by  (64a) f o r e x a m p l e : t h e AP  the predicate,  takes  does n o t s i m p l y  but also  place.  t h e manner i n  Further,  t h e manner  o f an e r g a t i v e p r e d i c a t e  i s internal  structure of thepredicate  a s i s shown  internalness  i s  However, t h i s  represented  manner A d v e r b  i n a sentence c o n t a i n i n g  c h i duo eat  component'  Take  evidenced by the following  (76)*Ta  ( i . e . Jbei  III  of eating,  position.  not allowed  differentiates  I I predicate  manner  with  t h e event  component m o d i f i e r to  type  (1992).  'much' t o g e t h e r  what  and type  i n that  Hale and Keyser duo  that  l e  much ASP  example.  jiaozi. dumpling  'He a t e t o o much d u m p l i n g . '  i n  a  Phrase  a causative eat  Further, the  note  following  the contrast example.  incompatibility  shown b e t w e e n  To e x p l a i n  o f manner  adverb  this  t h e above a n d  contrast  a n d theme,  I  of the propose  t h a t t h e m a n n e r component i n t r a n s i t i v i z e s t h e p r e d i c a t e . Thus,  a complex  transitive  verb  'much', wan  (77) T a he  intransitive and  'over',  a  predicate  manner  a n d hao  AP,  i s formed  by a  f o r example,  duo  'set'.  c h i duo l e . eat  much ASP  'He a t e t o o much.'  The i l l - f o r m e d input  s e n t e n c e i n (76) i s t h u s n o t a n e l i g i b l e  to passivization.  structure following  So  f o r (77). Accordingly, form w i l l  (78) * J i a o z i dumpling *'Dumpling  i s derived  predicate  a  impossible  sentence  D-  of the  n o t be d e r i v e d .  bei  ( t a ) c h i duo l e .  bei  (he) eat  much ASP  was e a t e n t o o much ( b y h i m ) .  The a b o v e c a s e i s a n i n s t a n c e it  (76) i s a n  from  chi duo  o f impersonal p a s s i v e s as  passivization  'eat much'.  o f an  intransitive  H e n c e we  are  of  i n t e r n a l manner component  a  VP  o f an  5.5  i n a p o s i t i o n to propose that  ergative  above  the  three  correspond  v e r b s i d e n t i f i e d i n Cheng  Under Cheng's t y p o l o g y , with  respect  class For  does  not  second  alternate Verbs mai  of  this  'buy'.  The  type  middle  There  of  include  chen  only  o r nan have  classes  to  of  dao  'fall'.  can  freely  i n t r a n s i t i v e use. chi  'eat'  and  o f v e r b s w h i c h show  only  been  first  transitivity.  'sink',  'hard'.  verbs  The  that  an  of  when i m m e d i a t e l y  alternations  predicate  class  The  followed  fourth  class  when t r i g g e r e d  Sentences analyzed  by  containing  by  Cheng  as  constructions.  is  my  verbs  d i r e c t i o n a l verbs.  'easy'  four  'jump' and  class consists  some  overlap  between  Cheng's t y p o l o g y . L e a v i n g the that  respect  t r a n s i t i v e and  transitivity  m o d a l s rongyi this  or  four  tiao  includes  third  the  predicates  alternations.  with  alternations  resultative  shows  there are  'like',  class  of  (1988a).  alternate  between a  types  l a r g e l y to  transitivity  class  transitivity by  to  e x a m p l e , xihuan  The  passivization  T r a n s i t i v i t y A l t e r n a t i o n s i n Chinese  coincidentally,  outlined  blocks  presence  verb.  Typology of  Not  the  analysis  my  classification  d e t a i l s aside,  d i f f e r s r a d i c a l l y from  and  i t is clear  that  of  Cheng  (1988a) . B a s e d difference causative their  work  between  distinct  of  the  alternant  intransitive VP]  on  Hale  of  the  the  p o s i t i o n i s not  Keyser  inchoative  structures.  the  and  the  results  from  Hence  theme o r i g i n a t i n g  represented  (1992) ,  alternant  same p r e d i c a t e  underlying  use,  and  from  for the  the [Spec  as t h e u n d e r l y i n g  object  of the p r e d i c a t e . Consequently, the apparent r e v e r s a l of the  postverbal  place  under  difference encoded argument  NP  to  my  analysis.  i n the  in  the  NP  and  preverbal  behavior  On of  underlying the  p o s i t i o n does the  the  a  result,  proposed improved. simply  a  the  extra  by  typology  Cheng  This  is  is  two  VP  shell.  of  the  Consequently,  the  and  since on  that  the  alternations need  to  be  typology  is  other  hand,  e f f e c t of t r a n s i t i v i t y a l t e r n a t i o n s i s captured i n my  An  the  directly  typology.  argument  approach  in  such  Affectedness structural in  is  apparent.  problematic  descriptive listing;  of verbs  the  p o s i t i o n of  transitivity  desirable  take  hand,  types  structural  t r a n s i t i v i t y a l t e r n a t i o n i s only  As  other  not  favor as  of  that  Constraint terms.  Jaeggli  generalization.  The (1986)  my  analysis  of  by  can  be  over  Cheng captured  Affectedness expresses  is in  Constraint the  a  lexical  that  the  syntactic proposed following  (79)  The A f f e c t e d n e s s C o n s t r a i n t  (Jaeggli  I f a complement o f X i s u n a f f e c t e d , impossible  to eliminate  1986:607) i t is  the external  theta-role of  X.  Syntactically, that  the  only  assume t h a t  the  directly  theta-role  amounts  of  realized. affectedness  structural  of X  means t h a t  One  claiming  X  can  be  i s affected.  I  the element need not  advantage of  constraint  terms, s i n c e  to  predicate  i f t h e complement  'eliminate'  overtly  that  generalization  external  eliminated  be  this  my  can  proposal  is  stated  in  be  an a f f e c t e d argument i s  a l w a y s r e p r e s e n t e d i n Spec VP.  5.6  P r e v i o u s Analyses on  The  traditional  occurs  Cheng  passives  are  and  associated  Li  a meaning of  an  not  passivization  'adversity' In other  adversative  historically,  'suffer'.  does  of  (1991)).  with  i s true  generalization  where  the notion  (1989)  generalization  verb with based  regarding  i s to utilize  (1957),  This  view  Passivizability  But t h i s  hold  (Wang words,  reading.  a s bei  was  semantically-  synchronically  more. My v i e w i s s u p p o r t e d b y t h e f o l l o w i n g e x a m p l e s .  (80)  Ta  de  caigan  he  poss.  'His  ability  ability  bei  shangji  bei  boss  i s appreciated  a  kanzhong. appreciate  by h i s boss.'  any  (81)  Zhebu z u o p i n  bei  y i  this  bei  t r a n s l a t e into  work  cheng Yingwen. English  'This work i s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h .  It  i s c l e a r t h a t t h e r e a r e no n e g a t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n s  one's  ability  being  translated  are  numerous.  being  recognized  into  another  by o t h e r s language.  with  o r one's  work  Cases l i k e  this  CHAPTER 6 PASSIVES IN COMPLEX STRUCTURES  In  this  chapter,  examined. as  two t y p e s  The f i r s t  'retained  type  object  o f complex  i s referred  passives'.  p a s s i v i z a t i o n w i t h double object  6.1 'Retained The  Object  so-called  suggests, object in  Goodall  'retained  (1993), object  type  i s  constructions.  object  passives'  i n Mandarin  i n postverbal there  Chinese.  where  been  analysis  A s t h e name  there  i ss t i l l  p o s i t i o n . As  are basically  passives'  have  a movement  i n t h i s type o f c o n s t r u c t i o n ,  NP o c c u r r i n g  second  Passives'  'retained  Jbei-construction  i n the literature  The  argued as t h e best evidence against of  structures are  three  a  discussed cases o f  NP movements d o e s n o t  seem t o b e a t w o r k . L e t u s t a k e t h e s e c a s e s i n t u r n .  6.1.1 S e r i a l i z a t i o n The  first  case  involves  serialization, exemplified  sentence o f t h e f o l l o w i n g form  (Goodall  1993 ( 8 b ) ) .  by a  (82)  Xuesheng b e i l a o s h i  gan chu  student  force  bei  teacher  'The t e a c h e r  At as  first  sight,  pointed  le  leave  ASP  e x p e l l e d the student  there  out  by  Goodall  (1993  No  apparently  exist,  as  by t h e f o l l o w i n g i l l - f o r m e d  force  (84) * L a o s h i teacher  (85) * L a o s h i teacher  structures  chu  le  leave  sentences.  xuesheng  xuexiao.  student  school  ASP  gan  chu  le  force  leave  ASP  gan  chu  le  xuesheng.  force  leave  ASP  student  The i l l - f o r m e d n e s s o f  involved  (lib)).  evidenced  teacher  from s c h o o l . '  (9b),  underlying  gan  school  seems t o be no movement  eligible  (83)*Laoshi  xuexiao.  (83) s u g g e s t s  xuexiao. school  that  the passive of  a d o u b l e o b j e c t c o n s t r u c t i o n c a n n o t be d e r i v e d f r o m (79) since (84)  (79) i s u n g r a m m a t i c a l . F u r t h e r m o r e , i t i s shown i n a n d (85) t h a t n e i t h e r o f t h e NPs c a n be d r o p p e d . I f  there  i s no way  to derive  (82) , t h i s  s e r i o u s p r o b l e m f o r a movement  case would pose  analysis of passives.  However, an a l t e r n a t i v e a n a l y s i s e x i s t s in  (82) :  i t  could  be  a  analyzed  as  f o r the sentence a  serial  verb  construction,  with  the underlying  structure depicted i n  (86) .  (86)  ASPP / \ xuesheng-[^ ASP ' / \ le VP / \ bei VP / \ laoshi V / \ VI VP  / NP ti  \ V / V2 gan  \ VP / \ V3 chu  NP xuexiao  The a b o v e s t r u c t u r e f o r s e r i a l v e r b c o n s t r u c t i o n f o l l o w s t h a t o f Cheng V  (1989).  i s formed w i t h  'leave  school'.  'force'  is  corresponding  In particular,  the verb The  an  raising  instance  active  gan  also  a complex p r e d i c a t e  'force' of  of  a n d chu  the verb  involves  first  Laoshi  gan  xuesheng  teacher  force student  chu leave  verb  gan  movement.  The  serialization,  as  shown b e l o w .  (87)  xuexiao  xuexiao. school  Under  t h e above  passives' verb  c a n be d e r i v e d  movement,  active active  from  case  an  'retained  b y NP-movement (86) .  for this  The  type  identical  from  of the that  of passive  i n [Spec  an  c a n be  structure  representation,  i s t h e NP  object (87) a n d  existence  underlying  G i v e n an u n d e r l y i n g  passivization  of  o f (87) e n a b l e s u s t o c l a i m  counterpart  passives.  a  yielding  counterpart  generated  for  analysis,  for  the target  VP] p o s i t i o n  as  shown i n ( 8 6 ) .  6.1.2 The  Complex V-0 C o n s t r u c t i o n  second  case  involving  part/whole  following  (88)  t o be c o n s i d e r e d  example  i s a passive  relationship.  (Goodall's  bei ta  chi le  five roll  bei  eat  *'Five  Apparently  two  r o l l s were e a t e n two b y h i m . '  there  i s no  gap  f o r one  f r o m i n (88) a s t h e o b j e c t  the  eat i s f i l l e d  problem a r i s e s  Specifically,  insight sentences  t h e NPs t o  t h e NP  following  two. T h e r e f o r e  a  o f p a s s i v e s i f NP  a s seems t o b e t h e c a s e i n ( 8 8 ) .  A recent study of control offers  by  of  position  f o r a movement a n a l y s i s  movement h a s n o t a r g e t ,  (1992)  the  liangge.  ASP  originate verb  Consider  (8c)).  Wuge m a n t o u  he  sentence  i n complex p r e d i c a t e s into of  solving  this  type  the are  b y Huang problem. called  a  'complex  V-0  construction'  they  have  ba-construction  have  counterparts  morphemes ba. as  there  f o l l o w Huang a  dummy  (89)  marker  Ta  ba  wuge  mantou  he  ba  five  roll  *'He  I n a c o m p l e x V-O Note a  rolls'  and  of  the  i n English.  (1991) i n a n a l y z i n g ba as  S-structure.  f o r (88) i s g i v e n  chi  I as The  i n (89) .  l e liangge. two  two.'  c o n s t r u c t i o n , two o b j e c t s a r e i n v o l v e d .  i n particular,  possessive  i s , they  the presence  eat ASP  ate five r o l l s  as  i s p e c u l i a r i n Chinese  inserted  jba-construction  (1992)  that  correspondent  (1990) a n d Cheng  Case  corresponding  construction  wellformed  Huang  counterparts:  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  This  i s no  following  t h e two NPs  r e l a t i o n s h i p . They  liangge that  'two' NP  do n o t n e c e s s a r i l y b e a r are  wuge  i n t h e above  'five r o l l s '  mantou  case.  the  intuition  two  t h e t a - r o l e s , the f o l l o w i n g underlying  and  (89) i s p o s t u l a t e d f o l l o w i n g Huang's  To  'five capture  i s associated form  with  f o r (88)  proposal.  /  \  NP ta  ASP' \  / le  VP  /  \  NP  V  / wuge m a n t o u  \  / V chi  NP liangge  I n t h e a b o v e s t r u c t u r e , NP wuge mantou the  V  object  phrase liangge.  relationship mantou  chi liangge. Crucially, holding  and t h e r e s t  affected  theme  structurally. relation liangge two the  holds  in  there  between  chi a l o n e  i s a constant  the external  o f the sentence: the  event  In addition,  a  filter. Jba, t h u s  and whole  One  o b j e c t NP wuge mantou i s to  yielding  get  wuge i s an  the  semantic object  There a r e to satisfy  i t Case-marked  the surface  VP  form  by  i n (89) .  o t h e r way i s t o move t h i s NP t o [Spec ASPP] p o s i t i o n  under p a s s i v i z a t i o n .  T h i s i s how (88) i s d e r i v e d .  Thus t h e d e r i v e d s t r u c t u r e o f p a s s i v e s is  by  f o r t h e two o b j e c t N P s . The i n n e r  ways f o r t h e o u t e r Case  semantic  the l a t t e r  described part  has i t s  object  r e c e i v e s a P a t i e n t r o l e from t h e verb.  inserting The  The v e r b  i s the object of  shown i n ( 9 1 ) .  u n d e r my a n a l y s i s  / wuge mantou-j_  \ ASP ' /  \  le  VP /  \  bei  VP / ta  \ V / ti  \ V  / V chi  T h e r e i s an that  is  a c t i v e counterpart  the  no  longer  Turning  NP liangge  for this  jba-construction.  identification  \  The  type of  s i g n i f i c a n c e of  i s that retained object  are  problematic.  to  the  third  case,  consider  a  sentence  (Goodall's  (92)  Taizi  bei  ta  da  le  la.  table  bei  he  apply  ASP  wax  'The  as  in  (8a)).  t a b l e was  Goodall  a p p l i e d wax  (1993) n o t e d , t h i s  by  Ta  ba  taizi  da  he  ba  table  apply  'He  a p p l i e d wax  le ASP  f o r the  him.'  sentence can  Jba-construct i o n :  (93)  this  constructions  (92)  As  passive,  la. wax table.'  be  related to  similarly, the  this  pair  above a n a l y s i s  c a n be  o f c o m p l e x V-0  structure  i s g i v e n below.  (94)  ASPP / \ ta  accounted  f o r by  adopting  constructions.  The  D-  ASP' \ VP / \ NP V taizi / \ V NP da l a  / ASP le  In  t h e above  an  affected  wax'  structure, theme  role  compositionally,  realizations passive  target  of  possible  6.2 The  phrase  the Goal  NP la  in  is  [Spec  VP]  passivization.  da  la  'apply assigned  'wax'. U n d e r t h i s a n a l y s i s ,  derived  This  i s assigned  theta-role  of a single underlying  argument.  represented  the V  object  and a b e i - c o n s t r u c t i o n  counterpart  affected  by  and  to the i n t e r n a l object a jba-construction  the external  by  position, V  surface  representation.  argument  The  a r e two  movement is which  of  The the  structurally i s the  i n t e r n a l NP  only  i s not  a  target.  P a s s i v i z a t i o n of the Double Object C o n s t r u c t i o n s prediction  passivizability  drawn i s that  from  my  analysis  concerning  t h e a f f e c t e d a r g u m e n t i s t h e one  t h a t g e t s p a s s i v i z e d . L e t us see w h e t h e r t h i s p r e d i c t i o n is  true  i n a double object  construction.  Consider  the  following sentences.  (95)  Zhuxi  shouyu  ta  liangmei  jinpai.  director  award  he  two  gold  medal  'The d i r e c t o r a w a r d e d h i m two g o l d m e d a l s . '  (96)  Tom  gaosu  le ta  tell 'Tom  The  two  told  ASP  he  naci that  shigu. accident  him about t h e a c c i d e n t . '  objects  i n each  s e n t e n c e e x h i b i t an  asymmetry  u n d e r p a s s i v i z a t i o n a s shown f r o m t h e f o l l o w i n g p a i r s .  (97)  Ta  bei  shouyu  liangmei  jinpai.  he  bei  award  two  gold  'He was  a w a r d e d two g o l d m e d a l s . '  (98) * L i a n g m e i j i n p a i b e i z h u x i  (99)  medal  gold  'Two  g o l d medals were awarded  him.'  Ta  bei  he  bei  Tom  told  bei  shouyu  two  'He was  medal  director  award  gaosu  le  naci  tell  ASP  that  the a c c i d e n t by  Tom.'  le ta. ASP  he  shigu. accident  (100)*Naci  shigu  t h a t accident  bei bei  we  can  indirect  see  in  of  which  undergo p a s s i v i z a t i o n . structurally  t o l d him  i n each  object,  the  a  constructions, pointed  out  recent  the  answer  i n Lefebvre  construction,  'the  is  i s the  my  for  the  goal  and  analysis  not the  the  theta-role  can  represented question  In in a  double  object  particular, double  conclusion predicates  as  object  a f f e c t e d argument of  conformity  is  only  natural  on  (1993:397),  Goal  that  A  yes.  the  Note  Goal  study  Therefore,  structures.  example,  i s an a f f e c t e d a r g u m e n t .  construction.' with  Tom.'  position.  a  ta.  he  T h i s G o a l argument i s  [Spec VP]  to  by  bears  le ASP  above  r a i s e d w o u l d be w h e t h e r t h i s NP According  gaosu  tell  'That a c c i d e n t was  As  Tom  is in  the in  simplex  i n applicative constructions, i t the  passivization.  In  the  underlying  structural  the  f o l l o w i n g form:  theme  spirit  of  that  i s the  a  Larsonian  representation  for  target  for  analysis, (95)  takes  \  /  ASP  /  \  le  VP  /  \  v /  \ VP  V  /  \  NP ta  V  /  \  V shouyu  This  structure  f o r double  from  t h e one f o r E n g l i s h  NP liangmei  object  jinpai  constructions  differs  advanced by Larson  (1988) a n d  The g e n e r a l i z a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g p a s s i v i z a b i l i t y  i n complex  follows  Cheng  structures of  (1988b).  i s that  the affected  p a s s i v i z a t i o n . The a f f e c t e d  argument argument  i s the target i s represented  i n t h e p o s i t i o n o f [Spec V P ] .  6.3 Remaining Problem However,  there  exist  sentences  that  run counter  above p r e d i c t i o n . They a r e s e n t e n c e s i n v o l v i n g gei  'give'  a n d i t s synonym  song.  to the  predicate  (102) Wo I  gei/song  le  ta  naben  give  ASP  he  that  shu. book  'I gave h i m a book.' (103) *Ta he  bei  wo  gei/song  le  naben  shu.  bei  I  give  ASP  that  book  'He was g i v e n a b o o k b y (104) N a b e n  shu  that  bei  book bei  me.'  wo  gei/song  le  ta.  I  give  ASP  he  'That b o o k was g i v e n t o h i m b y  It  i s not  such the  clear  peculiar  t o me  why  behavior.  To  underlying structure  following  this  me.'  pair  of verbs  d e r i v e t h e above  must  be  assumed  to  display  sentences, take  the  t h a t proposed  for  form:  (105)ASPP  / wo  \ ASP' / \ le VP  /  \ V  /  \  V  VP  /  \  NP V naben shu / \ V NP gei ta  Note t h a t t h i s all  structure  differs  from  t h e o t h e r above c o n s t r u c t i o n s . As I c o u l d n o t f i n d  principled explanation to derive this peculiarity,  a  I can  only  speculate  properties 'grive'.  double  i t i s because  o f the verb  I t poses object  constructions there  that  grei  of the idiosyncratic  a n d song,  a problem  which  into  source  a s i n L i (1990) . I h a v e  i s no d i s t i n c t i o n i n t h e b e h a v i o r  only  The  explanation  one between p r e d i c a t e  investigation.  mean  f o rthe c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of  constructions  but  both  for this lexical  'give'  and  goal  shown h e r e  that  o f t h e two t y p e s and a l l o t h e r s .  exception  needs f u r t h e r  CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION  This thesis presents  a syntactic analysis of passives i n  M a n d a r i n C h i n e s e w i t h i n t h e f r a m e w o r k o f GB.  First  of a l l , starting  passives I  a  comparative  study  that  the latter  i n E n g l i s h . Hence,  has t h e p r o p e r t i e s  of the  the jbei-construction should  be  d e r i v e d b y NP movement, a s i s t h e c a s e w i t h  in  E n g l i s h . The a c t u a l a n a l y s i s t h a t  BJR  of  i nE n g l i s h and t h ej b e i - c o n s t r u c t i o n i n Chinese,  argue  passive  from  I adopt  passives  i sthat of  (1989) . My a n a l y s i s o f t h e J b e i - c o n s t r u c t i o n , t h u s ,  confirms  BJR's  passives  cross-linguistically  That  proposal  i s , i t i s an  represented  that  argument  the passive  morpheme i n  i s syntactically that  e v e n when i t i s n o n - o v e r t .  i s  active.  syntactically  However, I d i f f e r  f r o m them i n p r o p o s i n g  that  not  marker, b u t t h e element l i c e n s e d  simply  thepassive  i n Chinese t h i s  argument i s  by i t .  A second goal of  what  types  of this  t h e s i s i s t o address t h e question  of predicates  can p a s s i v i z e .  I  have  proposed verbs  that  we c a n c o r r e c t l y p r e d i c t  are e l i g i b l e  framework  of  is  the  this  consistently  represented  f o r p a s s i v i z a t i o n o n c e we  argument  (1993) . U n d e r  model, the  semantic notion  alternations result  structure  by  affected  of  from  'affected  Given  my  verbs  different  Hale  the target  and  which  VP] p o s i t i o n .  analysis,  the  respect  underlying  Keyser  for passivization  a r g u m e n t ' c a n be  with  of  adopt t h e  argument,  s y n t a c t i c a l l y i n [Spec  syntactically.  which classes  to  i s  Hence  captured apparent  transitivity  thematic  structures.  T h i s i s s u p p o r t e d b y UTAH, a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h , d i f f e r e n t thematic  relationships  identical  underlying  proposal  f o r projecting  lexicon  to  compatible Chomsky  The  structures.  surface  with  are not  to  be  Hale  argument syntactic  the Minimalist  structure  prediction  verb constructions,  program  from  the i s  initiated  regarding  affected  constructions. had  discussions,  the  predicates  with for  arguments including  c o m p l e x V-0 c o n s t r u c t i o n s  passivization  Goodall  (1993)  representation  f o r p a s s i v i z a t i o n i n complex s t r u c t u r e s  evidence  and Keyser  by  by  (1993) .  same  object  represented  As  not  the  been  consistent recognized  seemingly  hold serial  and d o u b l e pattern  in  for  previous  unpredictability  of  r e s p e c t t o p a s s i v i z a b i l i t y was a r g u e d a s base-generating  (1992))  or  making  bei-constructions  passivizabiity  a  (cf. lexical  p r o p e r t y o f p r e d i c a t e s a s i n Cheng w h i c h NP c a n p a s s i v i z e i n t h e s e that  jbei-constructions  l e x i c a l l y derived  However, song,  should  explaining  with their  passivization.  By e x p l a i n i n g  s t r u c t u r e s , t h e argument be  base-generated  or  disappears.  further research  both  (1988).  the  into  the property  meaning  exceptional  o f gei  and  'give'  is  needed  in  behavior  with  respect  to  BIBLIOGRAPHY  B a k e r , M.  (1988) Incorporation:  Function  Changing,  Chicago  A Theory  of  Graitmatical  C h i c a g o : The U n i v e r s i t y o f  Press.  B a k e r , M., K. J o h n s o n , a n d I . R o b e r t s (1989) A r g u m e n t s R a i s e d , ' L i n g u i s t i c Inquiry  'Passive  20, 2 1 9 - 2 5 2 .  C h e n g , L. L . - S . (1988a) T r a n s i t i v i t y A l t e r n a t i o n s i n M a n d a r i n C h i n e s e , MIT, Ms. C h e n g , L. L . - S . (1988b) D a t i v e C o n s t r u c t i o n s i n M a n d a r i n a n d C a n t o n e s e , MIT Ms. C h e n g , L. L . - S . 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