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The 1986 election of W.N. Vander Zalm as leader of the B.C. Social Credit party McCarthy, William P.J. 1994-12-31

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THE 1986 ELECTION OFW.N. VANDER ZALM AS LEADER OF THEB.C. SOCIAL CREDIT PARTYbyWILLIAM P.J. McCARTHYB.A., Simon Fraser University, 1983A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment of Political ScienceWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAApril 1994©William P.1. McCarthy, 1994In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of therequirements for an advanced degreeat the Universityof British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall makeit freely available for reference and study. I furtheragree that permission for extensive copying of this thesisfor scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It isunderstood that copying or publication of this thesisfor financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.Department ofPolitical ScienceThe University of British Columbia1956 MainMallVancouver, CanadaV6T 1Y3Date21ZZ /99fDE—6 (3/81)11ABSTRACTThis thesis is a review and analysis of the selection of William N. Vander Zaim as the thirdleader of the British Columbia Social Credit party on July 30, 1986. It examines in detail theevents and circumstances which allowed the last candidate to enter the most contested leadershiprace in Canadian history to win the convention.This thesis incorporates an overview of the British Columbia Social Credit party, its traditions,leaders, and criteria for selecting its leaders. The sixty-nine day campaign is chronicled and theother eleven candidates and their campaigns are examined. In addition to reviewing the publicand private record on these matters, several interviews were conducted. This thesis also benefitsgreatly from the analysis and articles on the Social Credit leadership contests produced by theUniversity of British Columbia’s Political Science department. Personal observations are alsoincorporated into this paper, as the writer was a voting delegate. (I have been a Social Creditparty member since 1981. At the leadership convention I supported Vander Zalm on all fourballots. While I readily acknowledge my political biases, I nevertheless have endeavoured towrite a balanced academic account of this event).The Vander Zaim victory contradicts much of the conventional wisdom on the organization andconduct of successful leadership campaigns. The Vander Zalm campaign effort was poorlyorganized with no real strategic planning. The campaign finances were modest. The candidatehad little caucus support and no endorsements from the party elites. Furthermore, the candidatedid not enter the contest until it was half over and eleven other candidates were already in therace. How then did he win?In this thesis, I argue that the Vander Zalm victory was the result of four factors, all linked andall essential to his success. First, Vander Zalm himself offered a populist style and personamany delegates found attractive. Second, the party’s antiquated constitution provided only onedelegate category, those selected directly by the membership. This not only preventedmanipulation or control of delegate categories (as seen in other party contests), but ensured thatseveral long-time party activists who were predisposed to the Vander Zalm candidacy wouldemerge as delegates. Third, Vander Zalm’s candidacy was boosted greatly by polls during thecampaign showing him to be the party’s best hope to lead them to victory in the upcomingprovincial election. And finally, many delegates saw a vote for Vander Zalm as a means torepudiate the modernization and isolation of the party and government seen during the last yearsof outgoing Premier W.R. Bennett, and return the party to its populist origins.111TABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT . iiTABLE OF CONTENTS iiiLIST OF TABLES vACKNOWLEDGEMENT viINTRODUCTION 1CHAPTERI THE BRITISH COLUMBIA SOCIAL CREDIT PARTYAND ITS LEADERSHIP SELECTION . . 71. The British Columbia Social Credit Party and the Bennetts of Kelowna . . . 82. The Social Credit Party Constitution 143. The Party’s 1986 Leadership Campaign Guidelines andDelegate Selection Process 174. The 1986 Social Credit Leadership Convention Delegates 20II WILLIAM VANDER ZALM ANDTHE VANDER ZALM ORGANIZATION AND CAMPAIGN 371. William N. Vander Zalm: Background and Politics 382. The Broadest Appeal: Vander Zalm Enters the Race 503. The Vander Zalm Organization: Personnel, Structure and Finances . . . 534. The Vander Zalm Campaign: Policy, Strategy, Performance 64III THE 1986 BRITISH COLUMBIA SOCIAL CREDIT PARTYLEADERSHIP CAMPAIGN AND CONVENTION 811. The Campaign: The Competition 822. The Campaign: The Caucus Liability 923. The Campaign: Howe Street vs. Main Street 954. The Campaign: The Media Alliances and Speculation 975. The Convention: Whistler, July 28-30, 1986 1016. The Convention: The Speeches 1067. The Convention: First Ballot 1128. The Convention: Second Ballot 1219. The Convention: Third Ballot 12410. The Convention: Fourth Ballot 128ivIV CONCLUSIONS AND EPILOGUE.137BIBLIOGRAPHY 152APPENDIX 1 Chronology of the personal and political career ofWilliam N. Vander Zalm 1934 - 1991 158APPENDIX 2 Summary of William N. Vander Zalm’s political career 177APPENDIX 3 1986 Social Credit Leadership ConventionDelegate Selection Process 181APPENDIX 4 Summary of Votes: 1986 Social Credit Leadership Convention . 182APPENDIX 5 1986 Social Credit Party Leadership Convention Programme . . . 185APPENDIX 6 William N. Vander Zalm 1986 Campaign Material 199APPENDIX 7 The Selection and Election ofSocial Credit Party Leaders 1952-1993 231APPENDIX 8 British Columbia Provincial Election Results 1952-199 1 236VLIST OF TABLES1. Results of the 1952 B.C. Social Credit Party Caucus Vote for Leader 102. Results of the 1973 Social Credit Leadership Race 123. Delegates by Region 154. Revised Delegates by Region (Based upon a Minimum 25 Delegates per M.L.A.) 165. Structure of Delegate Representation at B.C. Leadership Conventions 186. Partisan Activity Among B.C. Leadership Convention Delegates 207. Demographic Profile of Social Credit Party Delegates to the 1973 and1986 Leadership Conventions 228. Policy Consensus Among Social Credit Activists249. Factors Influencing a Delegate’s Vote 2810. 1986 Social Credit Leadership Candidate Personal Data 9111. Caucus Support and Potential Delegate Support of Candidates 9412. Vancouver Sun First Ballot Estimates (July 10) and Actual First Ballot Results(July 30) 9913. Candidate’s Forum, July 29, 1986 10514. Order of Candidate Speeches, July 29, 1986 10715. Results of the First Ballot (Votes and Percentage Received) 11516. Reasons for First Ballot Vote 11917. First Ballot Support by Region12118. Results of the Second Ballot (Votes and Percentage Received)12119. Results of the Third Ballot (Votes and Percentage Received)12520. Delegate Movement by Candidate12721. Results of the Fourth Ballot (Votes and PercentageReceived) 128viACKNOWLEDGEMENTI wish to acknowledge and thank those people who contributed in assorted ways tothe completion of this thesis, including those who granted interviews and are cited in thebibliography. William Vander Zaim was especially forthcoming when interviewed and thiswork has benefited from his candor. I also wish to acknowledge the assistance of TrishAlford, Janet Bayer, Paul Keenleyside, Jake Koole, Steven McGavin, Egon Nikolai, AngelaSzabo, Sheila Veitch, Elva Williams, the Burnaby-Willingdon Social Credit constituencyassociation and all members of the 1989 - 1991 Social Credit party board of directors andthe then head office staff. Special thanks and appreciation are due Mona Tasler who typedthis manuscript. Sincere thanks and gratitude are given to my mother Alice and my wifeDolores, both of whom supported and endured the time and effort necessary to complete thiswork.I have been most fortunate to have as my thesis advisor Dr. R.K. Carty, whoseadvice, suggestions and support of this project was essential. I also wish to acknowledge theacademic efforts of Dr. Carty and his colleagues Dr. Don Blake and Dr. Lynda Erickson.These professors have made considerable contributions to the analysis and understanding ofBritish Columbia politics and in particular provincial leadership contests. This thesis hasbenefited greatly from their work. Dr. Blake also reviewed various drafts of this thesis, andI thank him for his constructive comments. I also thank Dr. Paul Tennant who served onthe examination committee for this thesis.Finally, I wish to acknowledge and thank my friend, the late Elwood Veitch, whowas the Member of the Legislative Assembly for Burnaby-Willingdon for twelve years anda cabinet minister for most of this time. Elwood is the finest person I have known inpolitics, and I respectfully dedicate this thesis to him.1INTRODUCTIONIn the summer of 1986, followingthe most contested party leadershipselection inCanadian history,the BritishColumbia Social Credit party,the governing party in theprovince for all but three of theprevious thirty-four years,met in convention for only thesecond time in its history to selecttheir leader. On July30, 1986, at Whistler, BritishColumbia, convention delegates electedWilliam N. Vander Zaim onthe fourth ballot tobecome their party’s third leader.“No decision is more importantto a Canadian political party than the choiceof itsleader.”(2)Our parliamentarysystem allows the leader of the governingparty tremendouspower and authority. The leadersymbolizes the party and what it standsfor. The successor failure of a party is largelydependent on the public’s perception of the leader,and theconfidence he or she inspires.“Our platform is our leader,and our leader is our platform” issometimes openly avowed, and it isa maxim that is almostalways accepted in practice.It follows, therefore that theleader is the master of theplatform, and tends to accept it asa general indication of the way in which theparty would likehim to move when andif he finds it desirable to do so.The election of Vander Zalmas their party’s leader was also a result of many SocialCredit party activists effectively using the party’s opendelegate selection process to cast theirballots for the candidate they perceivedas most likely to win the next general election whilealso repudiating the modern political style of WilliamR. Bennett and return the party to itspopulist beginnings.The 1986 Social Credit leadership race began on May 22, 1986 when WilliamR.Bennett, party leader since November 24, 1973and premier since December 22, 1975,surprised the province when he announced that in orderto give his party an opportunity torenew itself and win re-election,he would resign as party leader once a successor had beenselected.Despite his failing popularity and that of his government,the pending resignation of2Bennett caught the Social Creditparty and the provinceby surprise. Many could not readilyimagine the party lead by anyoneother than a Bennett. (The party’s firstleader, andpremier from 1952 - 1972 was W.R.Bennett’s father, William Andrew Cecil Bennett).With the pending retirementof W.R. Bennett, the B.C. Social Creditparty founditself choosing between candidatesaligned with the populistmembership-oriented feel of theW.A.C. Bennett era, or with the increasinglycentralized and elite driven partyof W.R.Bennett. In addition to this fundamentaldecision on the party’s direction,the exactly 1,300delegates would also have to selectat the same time a candidate capable ofwinning the nextprovincial election - somethingquite uncertain at the time of W.R.Bennett’s resignationannouncement.Therefore, in such a crowdedfield, with such a brief campaign,and with minimalcampaign organization, how couldVander ZaIm, the last man toenter the race (a full monthafter Bennett’s resignation announcement),and who was an anathema to much ofthe thenthirty-five member Social Creditcaucus, win the convention?There are four basic and fundamentalreasons for the Vander Zaim victory.First,the man himself had long beenconsidered by the rank and file Social Creditmembership asmost representative of the party’spopulist traditions and policies embodiedby the image andaction of W.A.C. Bennett.Second, the leader would bechosen by delegates who would be selected attheconstituency level througha very basic and democratic process outlined in the party’s seldomreferred to constitution. Combined withsuch a short campaign period (which resthcted thesigning up of new members), this processfavoured Vander Zalm who was extremely popularand respected by those most likelyto be chosen delegates - the long time activist partymembers.Third, the Social Credit Party was welldown in the polls at the time of Bennett’sresignation announcement. Re-election, the primarygoal of any governing party was farfrom certain, and indeed unlikely ifa leadership change did not occur. When subsequentpolls throughout the leadershipcampaign, especially one published on the eve of theconvention, repeatedlyand consistently pointed to Vander Zaim as the one to lead the partyto victory in a general election,his election prospects were further enhanced.3Fourth, manyof the Social Credit delegates saw the 1986leadership campaign asperhaps their final opportunity to halt W.R. Bennettand his political inner circle’s effortsto transform the grass roots Social Credit party intoa modem political organization, at theexpense of its populist traditions and direction.In their detailed and ground-breaking analysisof the 1986 contest(4),University ofBritish Columbia Political Scientists Donald Blake,R.K Carty, and Lynda Erickson state thatthe race to succeed an increasing unpopularPremier W.R. Bennett was:(A) battle for succession in the partyinvolved subtle andsometimes not so subtle efforts bycandidates to distancethemselves from Bennett and the record of hisgovernment.But observers of the contest also saw a strugglefor control ofthe party between advocates of closer tiesto the ProgressiveConservative party and those wishing to preservethe traditionof federal neutrality; between the inheritorsof the party’spopulist tradition and modem organizationmen and women;and between neo-conservatives and centrists.The selection ofWilliam Vander Zaim appearedto represent, in part at least,a repudiation of the Bennett style, aspects of hispoliticalagenda, and some of his attempts to modernizethe partyorganization.Without all of these four factors present, there is no wayWilliam Vander Zaim couldhave emerged victorious. Indeed, a review and analysisof his campaign structure andstrategy will show that had Vander Zaim relied on his campaignorganization and effortsalone, as is so often the case in leadership contests, he would have lost,and lost decisively.Therefore, the William Vander Zalm victory at the 1986 Social Credit leadershipconvention defies much of the traditional logic and wisdom of Canadian political leadershipchange. Vander Zaim won the campaign because of who he was and what he had done yearsin advance of the actual contest, and due to factors wellout of his control, such as the timingof the campaign, the delegate selection process, and the state of the party at the start of thesuccession process. In this case, prevailing wisdom that a strong leadership organization andcampaign can make the difference duringa campaign and on voting day is irrelevant. It isunlikely that any other successful candidate electedto lead a major governing political partyin Canada had ever run a worse campaign and still won.4In terms of democratic theory theVander Zaim victory can be called a victory bythose advocating participatory democracy overthe elite theory of democracy:The struggle apparentlybecame on of ins versus outs, betweenparty professionals and grassroots,between non-populists andpopulists, and the latter won.Out of a field of twelve, Vander Zaim had not only been the lastto declare hiscandidacy, but his entire campaign organization and strategywas an “amateurish-lookingpopulist campaign promising simple government, few experts,more consultation with peopleand basic values”.(7)The Vander Zalm effort stood in stark contrastto those of the otherleading candidates to succeed W.R. Bennett, and tothe expensive and high-tech campaignsseen elsewhere in Canada in recent years.The first chapter of this thesis will reviewthe British Columbia Social Credit partyand its leadership selection. By providing a brief overview ofthe party’s history and its firsttwo previous leadership selections, thestage can be set to review the party’s constitution andhow this brief document outlined in a few seldom readparagraphs the process by whichdelegates would be selected to a Social Credit leadership convention. It isby analyzing theactual delegates themselves one can readily see how predisposed they were towards theVander Zaim candidacy and message.The second chapter focuses first on the unique political style and record of WilliamVander Zalm, and then on his 1986 leadership organization and campaign. This chaptershows that Vander Zalm’s standing with the Social Credit party prior to the actual 1986leadership convention was more important than his performance during of the actualleadership contest. Clearly, had Vander Zalm’s political fate been left in the hands of hisleadership campaign organization and structure - he would have lost. The fact that VanderZaim ran a campaign more often associated with an also-ran or fringe candidate and stillwon, made the four elements of his victory all the more crucial and essential.The third chapter reviews and analyzes the actual leadership contest and convention.This chapter opens with a review of the competition Vander Zaim faced, the largest field ofcandidates to contest a leadership in Canadian history. “With no obvious successor, or5agreement on the direction the party oughtto take a record twelve candidates emergedtofight the short two month campaign.” Itappears that rather than hinder Vander Zaim, thelarge number of participants infact helped, as they provided thedelegates a wide personaland political contrast betweenthese candidates and Vander Zaim.This final chapter alsoanalyzes the events during both thesixty-nine day campaign and thethree day convention.Again, unlike several other previousleadership selections, it willbe shown that theconvention itself mattered little to theeventual outcome, as the foundation ofthe VanderZalm victory was laid well in advanceof the actual voting day.The final chapter provides finalanalyses and conclusions on the events reasons forthe Vander Zaim victory. Theepilogue concluding this paper discussesthe eventual fate ofthe twelve leadership candidates,and in particular the consequences ofthe Vander Zaimvictory to both himself and theSocial Credit party.To complement the narrative ofthis. thesis, extensive appendices are also provided.These include a detailed chronology ofthe political career of William Vander Zaim, VanderZaim’s political career, SocialCredit leadership vote summaries, the 1986Social Creditleadership convention delegate selectionprocess, convention literature, Vander Zaim’scampaign literature, and provincialelection results during the Social Credit era.This thesis is based upon four majorsources of information and data. First, thewriter was a Burnaby-Willingdon constituencyassociation delegate at the leadershipconvention. (While a Vander Zalm supporter throughoutthe four ballots, much effort hasbeen given to ensure that this account is both analyticaland balanced in its presentation).Second, several interviews were conducted with assortedparticipants at the campaign,including William Vander Zaimand five other leadership candidates. Third, assorted books,academic papers, magazines, and newspapers were read and analyzed.And finally, theUniversity of British Columbia’s Departmentof Political Science has produced invaluabledata on leadership campaigns in general and this Social Credit campaign inparticular. Theirwork has provided an essential point of departurefor this thesis, which attempts to shedsome light on the fascinating subject of leadershipselection in Canada, a revealing andintegral part of our democracy. Anyshortcomings with this work are of course the soleresponsibility of the writer.6Introduction Footnotes‘Donald Blake, R.K. Cartyand Lynda Erickson, GrassrootsPoliticians, Vancouver,U.B.C. Press, 1991, page 92-93.2George Perlin (ed.), PartyDemocracy in Canada: The Politicsof National PartyConventions, Scarborough, Prentice HallInc. 1987, page 1.3R. MacGregor Dawson, The Governmentof Canada (4th Edition), Toronto,University of Toronto Press, 1963,page 472.4The University of British Columbiapolitical scientists (Drs. Blake,Carty andErickson) analysis is based uponthe results of a detailed survey mailedto the delegates fromall provincial constituencies (exceptDelta) during the weeks following theSocial Creditconvention. The departmentreceived 340 completed forms (27%),and this sample ofdelegates “appears to be representativeof the convention”. (More returned surveys mayhave been received had not SocialCredit party president Hope Wotherspoon senta letter toall 1,300 delegates on August15, 1986 stating “the party board feels it wouldbe serving theparty’s best interest if we ignored thequestionnaire.”) This survey and its results formedthe basis of the academic paper Ratificationor Repudiation, as well as sections of their bookGrassroots Politicians.5Donald E. Blake, R.K. Carty andLynda Erickson, “Ratification or Repudiation:Social Credit Leadership Selection inBritish Columbia”, Canadian Journal of PoliticalScience, September 1988, volume XXI:3,pages 513-514.6lbid., page 534.7lbid., page 526.8lbid., page 524.The writer has been on the board of directors of the Burnaby-Willingdon SocialCredit Constituency \ssociationsince 1984. At the time of the convention he served asvice-president, and is the current president. He also served from 1989 - 1991 onthe SocialCredit party board of directors as the elected representative fromthe Burnaby and NorthShore region. The writer has chronicled the entire group of Burnaby-Willingdondelegatesduring the leadership campaign in the following paper “A Constituencyin Convention: AnAccount and Analysis of the Burnaby-Willingdon Delegatesto the 1986 Social Credit PartyLeadership Convention.” This paper was for theUniversity of British Columbia PoliticalScience 503 course, May 1987.7CHAPTER ITo review and analyze a politicalleadership campaign and conventionin Canada, onemust first understand the political partyitself. While there areoften similarities betweenpolitical parties, all have theirown distinct traditions,personalities, policy focus andelectoral record.This opening chapter providesa brief overview of the British ColumbiaSocial Creditparty from the time of its firstelection as government in 1952,to the 1986 convention.The British Columbia SocialCredit party has many distinctions.First, since 1952and until a new leader wouldbe elected on July 30, 1986, the partyhad been led bymembers of one family -the Bennetts from the city of Kelowna.The father, WilliamAndrew Cecil Bennett, had beenparty leader from 1952 - 1973 and premier from1952 -1972. His son, William Richards,who succeeded him as party leader, hadbeen Premiersince the end of 1975.Second, the party had enjoyed tremendouselectoral success in the province, winningten of eleven general electionsbetween 1952 - 1986 and being out of power only threc years(1972 - 1975) during this period(see appendices).Third, and perhaps most importantlyto the party members, the British ColumbiaSocial Credit party was as muchas a centre-right coalition of members and supporters as itwas a party. One of the party’scornerstones was that it was not in any real sense affiliatedto a federal party. Accordingly, theparty played up this independence, running and winning8elections on a B.C. first and only platform.Included in this introductorysection is a review of the British Columbia Social Creditparty’s previous two leadership selections.In 1952 W.A.C. Bennett, the de facto leader ofthe party in the preceding general election, waselected following a vote of the newlyelected nineteen member caucus. In 1973, in morea coronation than a contest, Bennett’sson and favoured successor won the party’sfirst leadership contest on the first ballot.The second and third sections deal with the party’santiquated constitution, whichoutlined the process by which theactual Social Credit delegates would be selectedto the1986 leadership convention itself. It wouldbe this delegate selection process, with its singletrack election process, that provided accessto the convention for supporters of WilliamVander Zalm.The final section, which is based largely onthe University of British Columbiapolitical science department survey of the 1986 leadership delegates,shows how closelyaligned many of the delegates were to Vander Zaim politically, andhow intent they were torepudiate the modernization of their party during the last years of WilliamR. Bennett.These delegates instead wished to return their Social Credit party to its populist form andappearance as seen during the W.A.C. Bennett era.The British Columbia Social Credit Party and the Bennetts of KelownaThe British Columbia Social Credit party’s initial electoral victory and subsequentemergence as the province’s governing party for almost forty years was largely the result ofone man, William Andrew Cecil Bennett.Born in New Brunswick in 1900, Bennett moved to Edmonton, Alberta, at age9nineteen where he began a successful careerin the hardware business. When the depressionbegan, Bennett moved his young familyto the city of Kelowna, which is situatedin thefertile Okanagan Valley of BritishColumbia.As his business ventures flourished, Bennett alsobecame increasingly active inpolitical affairs, eventually being elected in 1941 asthe Member of the Legislative Assembly(MLA) for South Okanagan (a seat hewould hold for thirty-two years).Bennett was a populist, who livedby and championed free enterprise. He was alsoan ambitious man, who ranunsuccessfully as a Member of Parliament, andtwice lostattempts to become the leader of theprovincial Conservative party.Bennett also had sharp political instincts. In 1951he left the governing Conservative-Liberal coalition to sit as an independent.By the time of the 1952 election, Bennett who hadjust joined the fledgling British Columbia SocialCredit league(2),was regarded as thegroup’s de-facto leader. An effective speaker, who broughta measure of credibility to hisnew party, Bennett was able to lead his group to victory in oneof the most unusual andcontroversial elections i provincial history.Despite this inauspicious beginning, W.A.C. Bennett would govern the province fortwenty consecutive years, winning seven general elections, while averaging 42% of thepopular vote and 62% of the seats in the legislature.(4)W.A.C. Bennett’s formal election as the Social Credit party’s leader took place in aroom at the Hotel Vancouver on July 15, 1952 - two weeks before the final provincialelection results were known.By previous arrangement, the eighteen presumed elected Social Credit MLAs as well10as member from the Alberta Social Credit party were entitledto vote for leader (SocialCredit had been in power in Alberta since1936 and had assisted with the British Columbiaparty’s campaign). The winner would haveto achieve 50% plus one of the votes cast towin.In addition to Bennett, who with his electoral experienceand abilities was the obviouschoice for leader, three other MLAs were also nominated,as well as the candidate of theAlberta party. The three other new MLAs, Thomas Irwin,Philip Gaglardi, and J.A. Reid,received one vote each (likely their own), whilethe Alberta choice, Peer Paynter, receivedtwo. W.A.C. Bennett received the other fourteen.(5)TABLE 1Results of the 1952 B.C. Social Credit PartyCaucus Vote for LeaderW.A.C. Bennett 14 (74%)Philip Gaglardi 1 (5%)Thomas Irwin 1 (5%)Peer Paynter 2 (11%)l.A. Reidj.(5%)19SOURCE: Mitchell, David, W.A.C. Bennett and the Rise of British Columbia,Vancouver, Douglas and McIntyre, 1983, page 165.The political leadership Bennett so coveted was now his. Power was consolidated inhis hands and outside influences eliminated. The British Columbia Social Credit partybecame Bennett’s alone.The W.A.C. Bennett years were ones of growth and development for the province.A populist who was fiercely supportive of the free enterprise ethic and system, Bennett11would say that his versionof Social Credit “means just one thing:that which is physicallypossible, desirable, and morallyright must be made financiallypossible.“On otheroccasions, even though he hadnationalized aspects of the province’sresource andtransportation section, Bennett wouldremark that Social Credit simplywas the “opposite ofsocialism.”m(This was a sentimentthat attracted supporters andvoters to the partythroughout its years in power.)The Bennett era remainsthe period of British Columbia’sgreatest development and growth:Bennett was a seminalforce in the modem development ofthe Province; secondonly to the ice age, he wasthe forcethat did the mostto sculpt the face of B.C. He left hisrecord not so muchin the statute books, but in the milesand tons of asphalt,concrete and steel.But in the summer of 1972, the72 year old Bennett lost the governmentto the socialistNew Democratic party who wona massive majority of the seats with just 39.2%of thepopular vote.(10)Bennett had stayed one electiontoo many. Just three years earlier,voters had given him his highest popularvote ever (46. 8%) in what many thought wouldbe his retirement victory.Following his defeat, Bennett made it clearto his party that his youngest son,William Richards Bennett, was his favoured successor. OnSeptember 7, 1973, threemonths after his father resigned hisseat, William R. Bennett won the by-election tosucceed him as the member forSouth Okanagan. Shortly thereafter, he announced to thesurprise of no one, that he would seek theparty’s leadership. The party’s first leadershipconvention was held at thesame Hotel Vancouver where twenty-one years before hisfather was elected party leader.12The campaign, whichended with the voting on November 24, 1983 saw“nosuspense in the father-to-sonsuccession.” Toensure this, W.A.C. Bennett hadworked behind the scenes onhis son’s behalf. Taking nochances, the W.R. Bennettcampaign was “the best organized,the best financed, the most sophisticatedand leastpopulist.”(12)By comparison, MLAJim Chabot, who estimateshe spent $500.00 on hiseffort “had no slogan, no band,no button, no son.“°The results were a decisive firstballot victory for Bennett, whowon 56% of the vote.V TABLE 2Results of the 1973 Social Credit LeadershipRaceW.R. Bennett833 (56%)Bob McClelland269 (18.1%)Harvey Schroeder204 (13.72%)Jim Chabot97 (6.52%)Ed Smith 74(4.98%)James Masonj.(.67%)1,487Source: Official Social Credit Party RecordsWithin 172 days of W.A.C. Bennett’s resignation, hisson William R. had run forand been elected in the by-election to succeed hisfather, served a session in thelegislature, and been elected the party’s leader. Injust over two years he would bepremier.Unlike his father, William RichardsBennett, was determined to retire, not beretired from public life. On May 22, 1986, whenthe younger Bennett stunned the13province with his decision to leavepolitics, he commented on his father’s loss and thedifficulties involved in rebuildinga defeated political party. Premier W.R. Bennettwhose almost 4,000 days as premier were onlyexceeded by Richard McBride and hisfather, left the premiership, “convinced there mustbe political renewal, there must bepolitical change within parties.W.R. Bennett had come reluctantlyto public life, and had never been comfortableunder the spotlight of media attention. Nevertheless,he was a firm leader, whoperformed best under pressure. While, like his father, he wasa builder, perhaps BillBennett’s two greatest moments occurred when he faced the greatest odds. First wouldbe his revitalizing of his father’s free enterprise coalition, when the neophyte politicianwas able to convince the non-socialist majority that onlya revised Social Credit partyunder his (still unproven) leadership, could stop the New Democrats from forminggovernment. Second would be his come from behind victory in the 1983 provincialgeneral election.”5 While history will ultimately judge both Bennetts achievements, itis likely that the often maligned Bill Bennett will emerge as a forceful leader of both hisparty and the province:Bill Bennett governed during the most tumultuous decadeof B.C. ‘s history. His accomplishments in 10 years arearguably greater than his fathers in 20.“Commenting about William R. Bennett, he officially turned the premiership over toWilliam Vander Zalm, Vancouver Sun, Victoria columnist Vaughan Palmer wouldcomment that, “I have never met a politician less interested in the ego gratification”“14The Social Credit Party ConstitutionThe most important feature of the 1986 SocialCredit leadership campaign werethe rules and regulations governing the race in general,and the selection of delegates inparticular. As a result, the campaign and convention became“democracy run amok.With only one leadership change in thirty-four years, andthat one being fatherto son, the party simply did not have either a detailed or expansive set of leadershipcampaign regulations, nor any practice in staging such events. Instead, followingpremier Bennett’s May 22 announcement of his intent to relinquish the Social Creditleadership, the party’s board of directors had to scramble to expand the criteria for theselection of their party leader outlined in their “band aid constitution.”a9)(A constitutionseldom amended since the days of W.A.C. Bennett).The British Columbia Social Credit party affairs were governed by a twenty-onepage, fourteen section constitution. These fourteen sections included by-law 11 “PartyLeadership”, which contained five sub-sections. These sections deal with how aconvention can be called (vote of the provincial convention, death or resignation of theelected leader) and who is eligible to run for the leadership (party members who areeligible to vote under the British Columbia Provincial Elections Act.) The actualregulations for selecting delegates and the convention balloting are contained in two otherby-law sections. (See Appendix 3 for Delegate Selection Criteria).It is in Section 10 “The Provincial Convention”, subsection C, that the delegateselection procedure is outlined. No complicated procedures, nor ex officio delegatestatus categories, nor quota systems are used:The Provincial Convention shall be open to all members of theParty. Voting delegates shall be twenty-five (25) votingdelegates for the first one thousand (1,000) members orfraction thereof in a Constituency and one (1) additional votingdelegate, for each one hundred (100) members thereafter, as ofrecord, thirty (30) days prior to the date of the AnnualProvincial Convention.(2fl(Nine of the fifty constituencies would have extra delegates due to their membership15exceeding 1,000 by varying degrees).(22)The following tables show thatdespite the province’s population being concentratedin the Lower Mainland region,the distribution of conventiondelegates was basedgeographically,according to the electoralmap, and not according to census data. This factwould ultimately benefit the VanderZalm campaign, the only major candidateto havesignificant delegate support provincewide. This same format would also hurtthe candidacyof Grace McCarthy, whose powerbase was the city of Vancouver and its surroundingsuburbs, many of which received only25 delegates despite being two memberconstituencies.This was pivotal, as McCarthywould not only be trying to attractsimilar delegates asVander Zaim, she was the only candidateclose to Vander Zalm in terms of party popularity.TABLE 3Delegates by RegionLower Mainland (12 ridings)306 (23.54%)Vancouver City (5 ridings) 125(9.62%)Vancouver Island (9 ridings) 225(17.3%)Fraser Valley (4 ridings) 117(9.0%)Southern B.C. (11 ridings) 292 (22.5%)Central-Northern B.C. (9 ridings) 235 (18.0%)1,300 (100%)Source: Based upon Social Credit Party records.The following table shows the contrast in the delegates by regions (includingVancouver city). If each of the Province’sdual member ridings were apportioned twentyfive delegates for each MLA position, not just forthe constituency itself. Based upon this16revised delegate system, the 1986 SocialCredit leadership would have had a minimum ofan additional 125 delegates in attendance(plus additional delegates based upon thoseconstituencies with over 1,000 members).TABLE 4Revised Delegates by Region(Based upon a Minimum25 Delegates per M.L.A.)Lower Mainland (12Ridings) 300 (21.5%) (1)Vancouver City (10 Ridings)250 (17.5%) (2)Vancouver Island (10 Ridings)250 (17.5%)Fraser Valley (5 Ridings)125 (8.8%)Southern B.C. (11 Ridings)275 (19.3%)Central-Northern B.C. (9 Ridings)(15.8%)1425 (100%)NOTES:(1). The Lower Mainlandconsists of all suburban ridings, lessVancouver city, and theFraser Valley, in southwest BritishColumbia.(2). All of Vancouver’s fiveconstituencies were dual member ridings, Victoria(Vancouver Island) and Surrey(Fraser Valley).Source: Based upon 1986 provincial election boundaries.The results of adding an additional twenty-fivedelegates for each dual member riding wouldhave most likely benefited Grace McCarthy,as a further 125 delegates would have beenadded to her Vancouver city power base. The other main beneficiarywould probably havebeen William Vander Zalmas further delegates would have been added in his own FraserValley power base and in central and northern BritishColumbia, where his support was alsostrong.17Would these extra delegates havechanged the eventual outcome of this leadershiprace? Most likely not, as subsequentsurveys of the actual regional strengths ofthe candidatesshows that not only did WilliamVander Zaim have the broadestrange of support of anycandidate throughout the province, he wasalso well positioned as the second choiceof manyof the other candidates.However, if on the all importantfirst ballot, where Vander Zaimreceived 367 votesto McCarthy’s 244, if McCarthyhad the benefit of extra Vancouverdelegates and was asa consequence much closer to VanderZalm, she may well may have replaced BrianSmithas Vander Zaim’s opponenton the final ballot, something that greatlyworried Vander Zaimand his supporters. The fact thatthe dual member constituencieshad actually only fiftypercent delegate representationat the convention was the most obvious andsignificant flawof the party’s constitutionand delegate selection process.The Party’s 1986 Leadership CampaignGuidelines and Delegate Selection ProcessThe Social Credit party’s simple democraticsystem was in sharp contrast to eitherthe federal Conservatives, Liberals,or NDP, whose entrenched elites had created 23, 18and5 delegate categories respectively. Many of these werelargely self-serving and status quopreserving delegate categories for the partieselites. While not as blatant as their federalcounterparts, the following tableshows the contrast in the delegate categories at recentleadership conventions in British Columbiabetween Social Credit and the New Democratsand Liberals:18TABLE 5Structure of Delegate Representationat B.C. LeadershipConventions (Vertical Percentages)Social Credit NDP LiberalConstituency delegates 100.0*87.783.0*Party executives/officials2.5 11.4Affiliated members7.5Others 1.4*5.7NOTE: Categories marked withan asterisk include MLAs. TheLiberal constituency delegate categoryconsists of 45.5% fromprovincial and 37.5% from federalconstituency associations.SOURCE: Blake, D.E., Carty, R.K.and Erickson, L., Grassroots Politicians:PartyActivists in British Columbia, Vancouver, Universityof British Columbia Press, page 89.With constituency delegate statusbeing the only route to voting at the convention,the only possible way for candidates and their organizersto even try to “stack” constituencyslates with their supporters was to move very quicklyand identify possible supporters alreadywithin the riding, and sign up newparty members. This, however, proved difficult to do.Two weeks after Premier Bennett’s May 22nd resignation announcement,the party executiveissued the following verdicts: July 7th was thefinal day for candidates to declare and thatJune 27th would be the cut-off datefor new members to join the party to be eligible fordelegate status, or to vote at delegateselection meetings (this was 30 days prior to theconvention). Furthermore, all delegateswould be selected between June 30th and July 9th.19As the campaign progressed, andcandidates entered the race, the party’s executivewas charged with writing the guidelinesand planning the convention virtually from scratch.Eventually the seventeen member leadership conventioncommittees chaired by W.A.C.Bennett’s former Attorney General Les Peterson, established eight specialcommittees.(2The campaign theme selected was “Choosingthe Future”, and the party’s proposed campaignbudget was priced at $430,500.00,which after revenues (registration fees) were extracted,would still leave the party with a net lossof $230,500.00. Throughout the campaign, theleadership committee and the party’s executive met frequently.Special meetings, to resolvepossible disputes and clarify regulations,were also held with the official agents of thecandidates. At one of the first of these meetings withthe candidate agents, the partypresented them with a thirty-one page eighteen section campaignguideline, which alsoincluded procedural matters for at the convention itself.As a result of the simple and democratic nature of the delegate selection process, thefinal voting results would be largely determined in advance during the tenday period whenrank and file party members selected from amongst themselves, the delegates to choose theirnew leader and the province’s new premier. As a subsequent survey would show, 49.4%of the delegates made their decision on who to support when that particular candidate enteredthe race. These results show how little importance the actual convention was. They alsoshow that Vander Zaim did not unduly harm his prospectsby being the last candidate toenter the race.20The 1986 Social Credit Leadership Convention DelegatesThe most important phase of a leadershipcampaign is the delegate selection process.During the 1986 Social Credit campaign, this phasewas both short and intense. Neithercandidates or delegates fully knew what to expect or howthe process would unfold, andother than the expected partisan activity the selection of delegates went relatively smooth,with few complaints about the procedure.(31)Not surprisingly, with their party’s future at stake, delegates chosenby the rank andfile membership had been long standing, active members, whose commitment to their localconstituency was extensive.(32)Fully 77% of the delegates considered themselves part of the“party’s central group in (their) constituency.” The following table showsthe partisanactivity of the 1986 Social Credit leadership convention delegate. This table also showssimilar levels of involvement and partisan activity of the delegates was also present at recentprovincial New Democrat and Liberal conventions:TABLE 6Partisan Activity Among B.C. Leadership Convention Delegates(Percentages)SocialCredit NDP LiberalJoined before 1975 51.7 45.8 48.9Constituency executive member(past or present) 60.0 72.1 63.3Helped raise funds for party 66.8 87.4 73.3Attended an annual party convention 66.8 70.2Worked in campaign for party candidate 83.5 98.9 84.4Part of central group in constituency 77.1 75.1Actively involved in local politics 65.0 68.4 42.7SOURCE: Blake, D.E., Carty, R.K. and Erickson, L., Grassroots Politicians: PartyActivists in British Columbia, Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, page 92.21The delegates were also politically active federally,with 61 % of the surveyeddelegates reporting membership in a federalparty. While the Social Credit partywasconsidered a free-enterprise coalition,90% of those indicating membershipin a federal partywere Progressive Conservatives.(35)Most importantly though,only 6.5% thought formalassociation with the federal conservativeswas desirable. Vander Zaimwould repeatedlyemphasize his commitment to keepthe B.C. Social Credit partseparate and distinct from anyfederal affiliation. This strategywas obviously in tune with theparty membership.While there were manywomen delegates at thisSocial Credit convention, (32%compared with the 23% at the 1983Progressive Conservative convention,(3),this trend wasreversed dramatically with regardsto youth delegates (those under thirty yearsof age). Only5 % of these delegates emerged fromthe constituency selection process to become SocialCredit delegates. In 1983,for example, Young Tories useda multiple of delegatecategories available to them to accountfor 30% of the delegate total. (A keyconfidantof Brian Mulroney, (himself a formerYoung Tory activist), would comment that at the 1983convention, their well-trained youngtories “saved our ass.”) An average composite ofthose who would emerge from the SocialCredit delegate selection process would be:The average delegate was the sort of middleaged, welleducated, relatively affluent individual normally seen at partyconventions in Canada. Half were 46 or older, two-thirds hadsome post secondary education, and over forty per cent hadafamily income of greater than $50,000.00. Further, full halfreported their employment status as self-employed. More thananything this latter characteristic marks theparty off as acollection of aggressive individualists, suspicious of mostgovernment activity and bureaucratic organization.(41)22When all delegates were finallyselected, there were exactly 1,300 of which 886 weremen (68%) and 414 were women (32%).42)The following table provides and contrasts thedelegates to both the 1973 and 1986Social Credit leadership conventions:TABLE 7Demographic Profile of Social CreditPartyDelegates to the 1973 and1986 Leadership Conventions1973 1986Male 64.269.3Over 55 years 33.135.7BC-born 33.3 42.6> 15 years resident87.7RELIGION - none 6.718.5Catholic 10.012.4United/Anglican 48.5 31.6other 34.8 37.5University-educated 17.3 28.7Self-employed 50.6High income 23.0 42.3MEMBERSHIP/INVOLVEMENTtrade union 17.0 8.7professional assoc. 11.6 56.2ethnic group 14.1NOTE: Figures are in percentages. The ‘high income’category in 1973 was over $20,000;in 1986 it was over $50,000.SOURCE: Blake, D.E., Carty, R.K. and Erickson, L., Grassroots Politicians: PartyActivists in British Columbia, Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, page 26.In terms of political beliefs, the 1986 Social Creditdelegates were opinionated andconservative in their outlooks. Veteran campaign organizer,John Laschinger, who describeshimself as Canada’s “only full time campaign manager”(43)(and was serving as Bud Smith’s23in 1986), would later be quoted as observingthat:The (Social Credit)party out here is further to theright thanany place I’ve seen.”Laschinger measured conservatives ona one-to-ten ideologicalspectrum (one being left, ten theextreme right). Whereas theaverage federal Tory could befound just to the right ofcentre, at about 5.5 on the scale, inB.C., Laschinger discoveredthat the average Socred sawhimself as a 6.6. In theirperception of particular candidates,these same Socreds sawVander Zalm and McCarthy to theright of themselves (at 7.5and 6.9 respectively), and the Smithtandem just a hair to theother side (at 6.4). Contrasted tonational figures like PrimeMinister Brian Muironey (at 5.7)and the moderate ExternalAffairs Minister Joe Clark (at 5.0),the Socred frontrunners wereperceived as solid right-wingersby people who saw themselvesas firmly in a similarideological position.Laschinger’s analysis was furthersupported by subsequent surveys conductedby membersof the University of British Columbia politicalscience department. This information wouldindicate that delegates viewed Vander ZaImas the candidate most in tune and with their ownopinions.The following Table 8 shows the policy opinionsand consensus of those delegateswho would be selecting the next Social Credit partyleader - and premier of the province:24TABLE 8Policy Consensus Among SocialCredit ActivistsPer cent Consensusagree indexDon’t spend tax dollars on sick6.0 44.0Should have freer trade with U.S.92.9 42.9Unions are too powerful91.7 41.7People should rely on selves not government91.2 41.7Cut red tape in government90.2 40.2Government should help women13.8 36.2Government should negotiate native landclaims 14.2 35.8Foreign ownership threatens independence17.3 32.7Government should guarantee standard of living 24.625.4Reduce size of government72.0 22.0The community should support seniors28.1 21.9Many welfare programs are unnecessary68.0 18.0Government should favour BC companiesfor contracts 34.315.7Government regulation stifles initiative 64.1 14.1Should trust down-to-earth thinking61.0 11.0Grassroots could solve problems better 57.2 7.2Preserve independence even at cost ofcut in standard of living 44.4 5.6There should be a law requiring balanced budget 44.55.5Unemployed could find jobs if they reallywanted to 54.9 4.9Restraint program was not well implemented 51.2 1.2NOTE: The consensus index can range from 50 (completely united)to 0 (completely split).For exact question wording see the Appendix.SOURCE: Blake, D.E., Carty, R.K. and Erickson, L.,Grassroots Politicians: PartyActivists in British Columbia, Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, page 39.25If delegates were looking toreturn the party to itspopulist and moralistic origins,they would be disappointed withthe attitudes and performance of severalleadershipcandidates and caucus members. Duringa leadership race, a candidate’s personality andpersonal life receives more scrutiny than theirpolicies. On several moral questions the manycandidates were perceived to have strayed from thetone set by W.A.C. Bennett.Of those questioned on abortion,candidates Campbell, Couvelier, McCarthy, Nielsen,Rogers, and Brian Smith duckedthe political hot potato by stating abortionis “not aprovincial issue”. Bill Ritchie wouldconsider it “only when there is a life at stake”while Reynolds, Wenman andVander Zairn were opposed.(4Vander Zalm was the mostdirect, stating, “I’m pro-life and I make no bonesabout it.”The candidates were equally mixed in their viewson gambling. McCarthy wouldtighten up the regulations, while Reynolds wantedto form a provincial gaming commission.Also wanting some form of regulation were Campbell, Couvelier, Nielsen,Reynolds, Ritchieand Rogers. Bob Wenman opposed gambling, while Vander Zaim, who doesnot gamble,“doesn’t personally object to others doing so”.(49)On Sunday drinking, the party of fiercely anti-alcohol W.A.C. Bennett, who toastedthe swearing in of the first Social Credit cabinet with “ovaltine”, had become considerablymore tolerant. Only Ritchie, Vander Zalm and Wenman opposed Sunday drinking. JohnReynolds said the opening of bars was okay, while Campbell and Couvelier wantedindividual communities to decide. Theother candidates wanted to see the results of the Expo86 “experiment” which allowed limited Sunday drinking in public houses.26With regards to religion, while SocialCrediters are sometimes portrayedas religiouszealots, that image seems overdrawn.“The party’s constitution continuesto state as aprinciple and objective of the society,“to foster and encourage the universallyrecognizedprinciples of Christianity in humanre1ationships”.52> While belonging to anorganizedreligious body was not crucial, visible adherenceto Christian principles is still regardedasimportant by the party grassroots.Of the candidates, Campbell would not discussherreligion. McCarthy is an Anglicanand “strong believer” but “rarely goes.” Nielsen calledhimself a “Christian” and believedactions are more powerful than words, Ritchie considerthe topic “personal”, Reynoldsattended the United Church “occasionally”. Rogerswas anAnglican but “not a church goer” although hewas “interested” in the subject. Bob Wenmanrepeated his adherence to“Judo-Christian” (sic) principles, and attended a fundamentalistcongregation.(53)William Vander Zaimis a devout Catholic who could not remembermissing a Sunday Mass in his life, and summed up hislife’s blessings as:I have a wonderful wife and family. Through my church Ihave spiritual peace. Together they give me strength. Becauseof this support, and faith I am content in all I do.A stable marriage and home life is politically advantageous. Both W.A.C. Bennettand W.R. Bennett had strong and supportive wives who never caused embarrassment orconcern to their husband or his party. Of the twelve candidates, only half, Couvelier,McCarthy, Nielsen (whose adultery became province wide news), Bud Smith, Wenman andVander Zalm were with their original spouses. Three candidates were separated: Ritchie,Rogers and Brian Smith. Those divorced and remarried were Michael and Reynolds (for the27third time). Kim Campbell was divorcedbut engaged to be married. Someof the new eraof Social Credit leadershipcandidates would likely not havebeen invited into the cabinet ofW.A.C. Bennett, who upon meeting withhis inaugural cabinet for thefirst time cautionedthem:That if he were walkingout at night with a woman,to makesure it was his wife- and to walk under the streetlamps sothat everyone couldsee she was his wife.At Whistler, almost a quarter ofdelegates were married to one another.Many of these,long term party activists, andmuch of the party’s general membershipwanted the new leaderto have a stable homelife and tobe able to project a positive upstandingimage to the votersin the next general election.Indeed, so critical was a candidate’s personalcharacter andintegrity to the voting delegates,that as the following table shows, no factorother than acandidate’s ability to win the next electionwas considered as important:28TABLE 9Factors Influencinga Delegate’s VoteVery Not NoImportant Important ImportantAnswerCandidate’s ability to lead theparty to victory in the next election 84.113.5 1.2 1.2Candidate’s personal character andintegrity83.5 13.8 0.9 1.8Candidate’s ability to keep the partyunited 72.623.5 2.1 1.8Candidate’s policy positions 70.6 25.01.5 2.9Candidate’s experience in elected office 54.7 30.3 12.6 2.4Candidate’s understanding of my regionof the province 51.2 32.913.2 2.6Candidate’s past service to the party 43.8 40.9 13.2 2.1Personal charisma of the candidate 30.3 48.2 19.1 2.4Personal friendship for the candidateor someone working for him/her 16.2 15.9 65.6 2.4The delegates were asked to rate how important the following were in determining your firstchoice? (1 = very important, 2 = somewhat important, 3 = not important). The questionresults have been placed in the order of which the delegates rated a factor as being “veryimportant”.SOURCE: University of British Columbia, British Columbia Leadership Study 1986,Summary Results, Section E, Question 7.29And so, the political events and timingof the 1986 Social Credit party leadership couldnot really have been moreadvantageous for Vander Zaim.And the party’s constitutionensured party memberspredisposed to him would haveexcellent opportunities to gaindelegate status, something manyactively pursued.Subsequently, these activists-delegatescast their ballots in increasing numbers forVander Zaim, the candidate they felt mostrepresentative of the party’s populist rootsandtraditions and who was mostclosely aligned to their own political and philosophicalbeliefs.30Chapter I Footnotes‘See Bibliography for selected bookson the British Columbia Social Credit partyand its leaders.2The Social Credit name was derivedfrom economic theories devised by MajorC.H. Douglas, a British soldier and engineer.These theories argued that whilecapitalism remained the best economicsystem, citizens need a financial bonus, or SocialCredit to offset the discrepancies between purchasingpower and expense charges. Asmonetary matters are the responsibility of the federal government,such theories werenever implemented by an elected Social Creditgovernment, and remain a forgottencomponent of a generally conservative philosophy.3For the only time in provincial history,a single transferable ballot was used.This ballot allowed the voter to mark in order of preference theirchoice for MLA. Theelection would be held on 12 June 1952,but final results were not official until July 3 1st.Social Credit won 19 seats and 30.18% of the vote.The CCF 18 and 34.3%. Theformer conservative and liberal coalitionpartners were reduced to minor roles in theprovince’s political process for most of the next forty years.4Averages taken from official provincial statements of votes.Best Social Creditfigures in this period were: 39 seats in 1956, and 46.8% popular vote in 1969. Otherthan the 1952 results, the party’s poorest showing was: 28seats in 1953, and 38.3%popular vote in 1960.5David Mitchell, W.A.C. Bennett And the Rise of British Columbia, Vancouver,Douglas and McIntyre, 1983, page 165.6David Humphreys and Roger Keene, Conversations with W.A.C. Bennett,Toronto, Methuen Press 1980, page 40.7Paddy Sherman, Bennett, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1966, page 306.8”There is ample evidence that many Social Credit voters support the party simplybecause of their opposition to socialism and the NDP, not because they are attracted toSocial Credit ideology in any positive fashion or because they share any other commonpolitical attitudes.” Blake, D.E., Carty, R.K., and Erickson, L., “Ratification orRepudiation”, Canadian Journal of Political Science, page 519.9’The father’s determined son”, Western Report, 2 June 1986, page 11. Thisquote is by David Mitchell, W.A.C. Bennett’s biographer.31The NDP won 39.2% ofthe popular vote and 38 seats. Social Credit wasreduced to 3 1.8% and only 10 seats.The Liberals won 5 seats, the Conservatives 2, buttogether they poiied 28.8% of thevote.““I’mmyown man - Bennett”,Vancouver Sun, 25 November 1973.‘2lbjd‘3”Bennett faced do - or diesituation in 1973”, Vancouver Sun, 26 July 1986.‘4”I’m stepping down,Bennett declares”, Vancouver Sun, 22 May 1986, page 115Bennett campaigned on the needfor ‘restraint’, beginning with the provincialgovernment. Barrett in turn said hisNDP government would abolish any such plans.As a result, many voters already waryof Barrett’s financial acumen abandoned anythought of supporting him. Bennettdescribed his entry into public life and hissubsequent service during a speechin Vernon shortly after the Barrett comments. Itbecame known as “The Debt I Owe” speechand this was used as the title of a BritishColumbia Television special on the BillBennett era. Social Credit won 49.7% of thepopular vote and 35 seats. The NDP won 49.94%and 22 seats. After three straightlosses to Bill Bennett, Dave Barrett announced his resignation.‘6”End of the Bennett Era”, Western Report, 2 June 1986,page 4. This commentwas made by David Mitchell, W.A.C. Bennett’s biographer.‘7”Being Premier was simply duty”, Vancouver Sun, 6 August 1986.‘8Comments of David Mitchell on the CBC during balloting at the 1986 SocialCredit leadership convention, 30 July 1986. The writer video-taped the candidatespeeches (July 29), and the voting (July 30).‘9Comments by former party executive Lorne Valensky, 22 September 1987.Constitution and Bylaws of British Columbia Social Credit Party effective 25October 1985.2tIbid.22The nine constituencies and their bonus delegates (in addition to the automatic25) were: Central Fraser Valley 15, South Okanagan 12, South Peace River 6, Surreyand CaribOO each with 4, Boundary-Similkameen 3, Dewdney, Okanagan North, andWest Vancouver-Howe Sound each with 2 additional delegates.32In one of the subsequent ironiesof the 1986 leadership convention results, thenpremier Vander Zalm carried out on hiscampaign promise to eliminate double-memberridings. To this end premier VanderZalm initiated the Judge Thomas Fisher RoyalCommission, whose report at the endof 1988 would lead to the drawing of new andmore democratic electoralboundaries for the province, the increasingof theconstituency’s from 69 to 75, andthe final elimination of the dual-memberridings.24Concerned that some MLAs mightnot have been elected delegates by their ownconstituency members, the SocialCredit party board did passa motion grantingautomatic delegate status to all governmentM.L.A.s.The fifty Social Creditconstituency associations held their delegate selectionmeetings within a brief ten day periodbetween June 30 - July 9, 1986. (Duetoregistration irregularities the Deltaconstituency would have their initial meetingrescheduled to July 16, 1986). Thedelegate selection meetings schedule isas follows:Day One: Monday. June30. 19861. Atlin2. Columbia River3. Langley4. North VancouverCapilano5. Vancouver Point Grey6. Vancouver SouthDay Two: Tuesday. July 1. 19867. Central Fraser Valley8. Okanagan SouthDay Four: Thursday. July 3. 198615. Alberni16. Burnaby Edmonds17. Burnaby Willingdon18. Cowichan Malahat19. Vancouver Little MountainDay Five: Friday. July 4. 198620. Chilliwack21. ComoxDay Six: Saturday. July 5. 1986Day Three: Wednesday. July 2. 19869.*KootenayNanaimoNorth Peace RiverNorth Vancouver SeymourWest Vancouver Howe SoundMacKenzieSaanich and the IslandsSkeenaVancouver Centre22.23.24.25.*Meeting was postponed until July 16, 1986.33Day Seven:Sunday. July 6. 1986 DayNine: Tuesday. July8. 198626. Burnaby North37. Coquitlam Moody27. Cariboo38. Esquimalt Port Renfrew28. North Island39. Nelson Creston29. Yale Lilloet40. Prince George North41. Prince George South42. South Peace RiverDay Eight: Monday. July7. 1986 43. VancouverEast30. Boundary SimilkameenDay Ten: Wednesday. July9. 198631. New Westminster32. Oak Bay GordonHead 44. Dewdney33. Omineca45. Kamloops34. Richmond46. MaillardvilleCoquitlam35. Rossland Trail47. Okanagan North36. Surrey48. Prince Rupert49. Shuswap Revelstoke50. VictoriaSource: B.C. SocialCredit party 1986 Leadership CampaignGuidelines.Having so many meetings, insuch a short period of time and throughoutthe provincestrained the resources and efforts ofall twelve campaigns. As a result, theprocessneutralized much of the effortsof the major campaigns. Thus VanderZaim’s simplestrategy to attend and be seenat as many delegate selection meetings aspossible was notonly practical, but proved to be productiveas well.Peterson had once been W.A.C.Bennett’s choice to succeed him as leaderfollowing the defeat of the Social Creditgovernment in 1972. Peterson however had losthis own seat and was at the time in poorhealth. He would retire from elective politicsand return to his legal practice.The 1986 Social Credit leadershipcommittee structure and chairs, were:CHAIRMANLes PetersonPARTY PRESIDENTHope WotherspoonPARTY VICE-PRESIDENTEd KislingPARTY TREASURERDavid StonePRINCIPAL SECRETARY TOTHE PREMIER Jerry LampertCONVENTION MANAGERBill AugheySECRETARY TO THE CONVENTIONCOMMITE’EE Ken TolmieMEDIA RELATIONSCraig Aspinall34CHAIRMAN, ELECTIONRULES Allan WilliamsCHAIRMAN, CREDENTIALSBill EsselmontCHAIRMAN, CANDIDATELIAISON Bruce Strachen, MLACHAIRMAN, STAGINGLynne UptonCHAIRMAN, MEDIAStuart HendersonCHAIRMAN, FINANCEMichael BumsCHAIRMAN, ACCOMMODATION& TRAVEL Gary HustonCHAIRMAN, SPECIAL EVENTSBruce RozenhartRECORDING SECRETARYKaren WardSource: B.C. Social Creditparty 1986 Leadership Campaign Guidelines.The net loss of $230,500.00for staging the leadership campaign isbased upona proposed “Leadership 86” budget,which was included in a fund raising lettersent toall Social Credit party memberson 10 June 1986.The election rulescommittee was chaired by the respectedformer attorneygeneral Allan Williams. The officialcandidates package included nominationprocedures,signage, regulations, speech format,and various balloting procedures.30University of British Columbia, BritishColumbia Leadership Study 1986,Summary Results, SectionE, Question 8.3tThe Delta constituency delegate selection meeting,was postponed andrescheduled following complaintsabout the release of the notice of the meeting, themembership list, and other procedural matters. (Othercandidate organizations wererightfully concerned that the constituency’s president,Charles Giordano, did not take aleave of absence from his position,as he was also at the time a co-chairman of theVander Zaim campaign). Other complaints about the delegateselection meetings includedsome campaigns trying to impose slates of declaredsupporters of a candidate on themembership, as well as several members themselvesbeing upset about either being leftoff a slate list, or included on one without any knowledge ofor their consent to be onit.32Donald Blake, R.K. Carty and Lynda Erickson, Grassroots Politicians:PartyActivists in British Columbia, Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1991.This book reviews and analyzes the party activistsand their attitudes, and theleadership selection process of theSocial Credit party, New Democratic Party andLiberal party of British Columbia.33University of British Columbia, British Columbia Leadership Study 1986,Summary Results, SectionC, Question 5.353ibid., question9.35Ibid., question9Ibid., question 13.37Ibid., Section F, Question 1.See Blake, Carty and Erickson’s, Grassroot Politicians,to review the 1986Social Credit delegates and Martin, Greg and Perlin’s Contenders,to review the 1983Progressive Conservative delegates.39Blake, Carty and Erickson, “Ratificationor Repudiation”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 517.Comment made by a former president ofthe federal young tories who in the1986 Social Credit contest was an organizer for Bob Wenman’scampaign.41Blake, Carty and Erickson, “Ratificationor Repudiation”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 517.42Official Social Credit party records.43John Laschinger and Geoffrey Stevens, Leaders and Lesser Mortals: BackroomPolitics in Canada, Toronto, Key Porter Books Limited, 1992,page viii.44Stan Persky, Fantasy Government, Vancouver, New Star Books, 1989, page 44.45”Socreds speak on Moral Issues”, Vancouver Sun, 18 July 1986.Ibid.47Ibid.“Vander Zaim”, Vancouver Sun, 18 July 1986.49Stan Persky, Fantasy Government, Vancouver, New Star Books, 1989, page 44.50David Mitchell, W.A.C. Bennett and the Rise of British Columbia, Vancouver,Douglas and McIntyre, 1983, page 174.365Blake, Carty,Erickson, “Ratification or Repudiation”,Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 517.52British Columbia SocialCredit Party Constitution (1985).531’Religion Low Key in this Campaign”,Vancouver Sun, 18 July 1986.Prior to announcing hisdecision to run, Vander Zaim requestedand then hada meeting with James Carney, theRoman Catholic Archbishop of GreaterVancouver.“I just wanted to let the Archbishopknow I was seriously considering enteringthe race.Archbishop Carney wished mewell”. (Interview with WilliamVander Zaim, 27September 1987).35William Vander Zaiminterview, 27 September 1987, Richmond,B.C.Sherman, Bennett,page 123.“Blake, Carty, Erickson, “Ratificationor Repudiation”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 517.37CHAPTER IIThis Chapter begins bychronicling and examiningthe personal and politicalbackground and accomplishmentsof William Vander Zaim. Thisreview is essential, asit would be Vander Zaim’s statuswithin the Social Creditparty that was a key factor inhis eventual success in the leadershipcontest.Much of the Vander Zaimmystique and populist appealis based upon his risefrom an immigrant child to firsta successful businessman then a populist politician.Thefirst section provides an overviewof Vander Zaim’s personal, professional,and politicalcareer.Vander Zalm’s political careerbegan in 1964 when he contested and losta racefor municipal office. Despite thisinitial setback, Vander Zaim became inthguedby thecampaigning, power and prestige ofpolitics. Between 1964 - 1984 Vander Zaimran intwelve elections, including six municipalcampaigns, three provincial campaigns, afederal election. In 1972, fourteenyears before contesting for the leadership of theSocial Credit party he ran for the leadershipof the provincial liberal party.While Vander Zaim wouldlose four of these twelve contests, he would show overthe years a resiliency and style which saw him become a favourite withmuch ‘of theSocial Credit party membership - many who wouldbe delegates at their party’s 1986leadership convention.The second section, entitled “The Broadest Appeal”, isabout the three year periodbetween 1983 - 1986 when Vander Zaimwas out of elected politics and involved in38private business and various organizationsand events that caught his attention,(includingseveral Social Credit partyfunctions). This period, whichhe called his sabbatical,provided Vander Zaim withboth the opportunity to distancehimself from theincreasingly unpopular Bennettgovernment, but still remain inthe eye of the public andthe Social Credit party members.As a result, when the unexpectedleadership race wascalled, rather than have faded fromview, Vander Zaim still had thebroadest appeal andsupport within a party not eagerto endorse as their new leaderany member of agovernment they felt was increasinglyisolated from the membership.The final sections in this chapterreview and critique the leadership campaignofWilliam Vander Zaim. Thisanalysis clearly shows how littlehis campaign contributedto his victory. Indeed, in anera when political campaigns are increasinglyreliant onhigh-technology, big money,and paid consultants, Vander Zaim’s victorywithout anyof this is remarkable.William N. Vander Zaim: Background andPoliticsMuch of the 1986 Social Credit leadershipcampaign was about a truly uniquepolitician, William Vander Zaim. Inthe province, regardless of where people stoodpolitically, most had an opinionof Vander Zaim. Even opponents grudgingly admiredhis conviction and determination. TheVander Zalm persona, together with the opendelegate selection process would prove aninsurmountable combination his opponentswould face in the leadership campaign.Wilhelmus Nicholaas Theordoros Maria VanderZalm was born 29 May 1934 inthe town of Noordwykerhout inthe Zuid Province of The Netherlands. The fifth ofseven children, Vander Zalm’s fatherwas a nurseryman and bulb salesman. When theSecond World War broke out,the senior Vander Zaim was stranded in Canada while hisfamily endured the Germanoccupation, often relying on tulip bulbs for nourishment.39In 1947 the family rejoined theirfather in Canada, settling in the fertile Fraservalley of BritishColumbia. It was after attending highschool, when his father suffereda heart attack, that WilliamVander Zalm, equipped witha drivers licence and hisfather’s gardening and salesmanshipskills, and his mother’s work ethic, took over thefamily accounts and became atravelling nursery product salesman.From early on,Vander Zalm had impressed upon himthe value of individual enterprise:“It isn’t the specificexperiences you have that dictateyour lifestyle, but the attitudeyou adopt to them. I was broughtup towork hard, not out.I’m tied in, like it or not, withthe oldwork ethic.”(I)While in Kelowna on a salestrip, Vander Zaim would gazeat a photo of a prettyyoung girl in a photography studioand tell himself he would marry her.He did so threeyears later when he married eighteenyear old Lillian. Their obviously strong marriageanddevotion to one another,and Lillian’s love of campaigning wouldprove to be a tremendouspolitical asset for Vander Zaim throughouthis career.A year before his marriage, Vander Zaim had formedArt Knapp’s Nurseries Ltd.(Vander Zalm had boughtthe original business from Art Knapp, who wasa well knownnurseryman in B.C. and Alberta, for$3,200.00). Vander Zaim, who had sold bulbs andplants with Knapp throughoutthe province from the back of a pickup truck or trailer,retained the name to ensure customerloyalty for a thriving chain of nurseries.In the 1960s the Vander Zaim family, now consistingof four young children settledin the Port Kells district of the municipality ofSurrey. Vander Zaim’s daily routineconsisted of working from 7:00 a.m.to midnight, the entire week, a regime that kept his5’ 11” frame at 175 pounds for 25 years without thebenefit of a formal exercise routine. Hewould go decadesof without seeing a movie and his only indulgences would be a glass of40wine with dinner and his pipe. Work, talking to his customers,and politics were hishobbies. Lillian would usually be at his sideas well, cheerfully helping customers. Thechildren too began to participate in thefamily’s growing business. As babies, their motherwould often put them in a wheel barrowso she could watch over them while she worked.As they grew, they continued to work inthe nursery business, something they alldo thisday.(2)The political career of William VanderZalm began in 1964, when he was encouragedby his neighbours to run for Surrey council.3 VanderZaim had been instrumental in theneighbourhood’s unsuccessful attemptto prevent the municipality from convertinga localpark (beautified with donated Art Knappplants and trees) into a gravel pit. Vander Zalmran and polled 2,522 votes, 87 short ofelection.4 On December 11, 1965, a year afterfalling in his first electoral contest byonly a few votes, the quick learning and energeticcandidate polled 4,702 votes, the second highest totalthat year, to win a two year term oncouncil. Two years later Vander Zalm wouldbe re-elected for another two years, this timetopping the polls with 78% of all votes cast.After completing four years on council, the 34 year old Vander Zaim set hissightson the mayor’s chair, which he won in December 1969, polling 62% of the vote anddefeating the incumbent. Vander Zalm would be re-elected mayor in 1971 and 1973 by hugemargins. While suffering defeats outside the municipal arena, Vander Zaim’s ten years onSurrey council became the foundation on which his future political triumphs would be based.Municipal politics are the most difficult to contest. Voter apathy is high, public41and media interest low. If elected, the responsibilities arewide-rangingand affect the dayto day lives of the citizenry. Thehours are long, while the remunerationis poor. Despitethis, municipal politics is the perfecttraining ground fora politician, especially a populistlike Vander Zaim. His gardenshop customers becamehis supporters and campaignvolunteers, the Surrey people andelectorate his power base.William Vander Zaim’s runfor the Social Creditleadership was his second bidatgaining control of a provincialpolitical party. In the late 1960’sand early 1970’s, WilliamVander Zalm, usually paintedas an extreme conservativewas an active Liberal. Inexplaining his membershipand candidacies in and forthe Liberals, Vander Zaim wouldexplain the involvement bystating this family, in particularhis father, had been Liberalsupporters, and as a dutifulson, “you go with who you know.No doubt my politics weremore suited for Social Credit.”In the 1968 Federal general election,despite “Trudeaumania”, Vander Zalm ranandlost as the Liberal candidate in Surrey.In May of 1972, still as a Liberal, Vander Zaimlost the leadership of the provincial Liberalparty. Three months later he lost again asaLiberal candidate in the provincialgeneral election.While these defeats didnot diminish his popularity or credibility with the Surreyvoters, political observers speculatedthat Vander ZaIm’s political ability and future beganand ended with Surrey council. Suchtalk intensified when Vander Zaim added to hisambitious, maverick reputationby seeking the leadership of the provincial Liberal party.During the weekend of 20 -22 May 1972, William Vander Zalm, the 38 year oldnurseryman and mayor of Surrey challengedDavid Anderson for his party’s leadership.42Many Liberals and media observers thoughthe should not have been inthe race, that hewould embarrass himself and the party,and thereby lose the opportunityat seriouslychallenging the NDP and the agingSocial Credit governmentof W.A.C. Bennett. Outgoingleader Pat McGeer and the fourother Liberal MLA’s hadendorsed the 34 year oldAndersonfor leader. Anderson, the Memberof Parliament forEsquimalt-Saanich, spoke FrenchandMandarin, had a law degree,an Olympic silver medalwon for rowing, had been intheforeign service. He hadrecently made headlinesfor opposing super oil tankerstravellingdown the pacific coast.Despite the credentialsof his opponent Vander Zalmwent toPenticton and “provided the onlyreal colour to an otherwiselacklustre convention,” in his“appeal to the party’s right wing”.Vander Zalm out-hustled Anderson,and in his firstleadership race, Vander Zaim“waged a campaign reminiscent ofthose staged in 1968 bycandidates for the nationalleadership of the Liberal party.”In this speech Vander Zaim, whohad already made national headlineswith hiscrackdown of welfare abuse in Surrey,furthered his right-wing reputationby calling for thereturn of the lash for drug traffickers,and warning that the:continued use of band-aid approachto solving society’sproblems, will destroy us morally,socially, physically,mentally, economically and leadus to certain rebellion orcommunism.(II)Not expected to get 100 votes, VanderZaim polled 171 to Anderson’s 388. ExplainingVander Zalm’s loss, then Liberalparty president and future Social Credit leadershipcandidate Mel Couvelierstated:43He was unsuccessful in thatquest primarily as a result of theintensive lobbying done forthe eventual winner, DavidAnderson by Federal M.P.‘s, Cabinet Ministers and influentialmembers of the B.C.Liberal Establishment.02)Vander Zaim’s better than expectedshowing revealed his populist attractionwhileraising his political profile. He also had theopportunity to meet several then Liberal, soonto be Social Credit colleagues, includingJack Davis. Davis, another maverick sort, defiedthe party establishment to vote forVander Zaim, who in his learned opinion showed“bounce, energy, and definite leadershipqualities.”°On May 31, 1974, while the New DemocraticParty floundered in their first everterm as government, William VanderZaim joined the rejuvenated British Columbia SocialCredit party. On December 11, 1975,Social Credit won the provincial general election.Vander Zalm was elected in the Surreyconstituency with 53.4% of the vote.04)Eleven dayslater he would be sworn in as the province’sHuman Resources Minister. Vander Zaimimmediately gained headlines when he stated, “ifanybody is able to work but refuses to pickup the shovel, we will find ways of dealing with him.” And thus the shovel becametheVander Zaim trademark. (Over the years, Vander Zalm would have silver shovel lapelpinsmade, and Social Credit gatherings would auction offsigned shovels, bringing in anestimated $65,000.00 to party coffers).°6Vander Zaim’s NDP predecessor in the ministry had greatly over-runhis budget°,and Vander Zaim’s disgust with welfare abusers andthose lacking his work ethic fuelled hisdesire to halt such waste of tax payer’s money. TheNDP leader Dave Barrett may havebelieved that “money is the only knowncure for poverty”,°but William Vander Zalm44believed that the money should come fromyour own sweat, not government largesse. In histwo years in office, Vander Zaim’s ministryhad a $108 million surplus the first year, and$25 million the second. Opponents claimedthese cuts accentuated suffering for societies’most needy, and were overly vindictive.The target of violent protests, editorials, andpolitical cartoons,09>Vander Zaim stoodfirm, convinced his tough action was correct forthe province, and those individualsdirectly affected. To his critics VanderZaim replied“it’s better to be a red-neck thana yellow belly.’>William Vander Zaim, the man whooften said what the grassrootswasthinking saw his steadfastness increase hisstature amongthe Social Credit leadership.On 4 December 1978 Vander Zaimwas moved to the Ministry Municipal Affairs.Here he continued his attack onbureaucratic red tape, and together with another formerLiberal Jack Davis (who had recentlybeen dropped in disgrace from cabinet) began todevelop the plans for Advanced Light Rapid Transit,now known as Skytrain. (Finishedafter he left office, Vander Zaim would proudlystate that “1 planted the seed and someoneelse nurtured it to fruition.”)‘>It was, however, his controversial 165 Section Land UseAct that his tenure in the ministry is remembered for. A bill to centralize severalplanningand developing functions with the minister, Vander Zaim called his act“a one stopdevelopment shopping concept.” First tabled in December 1981, the bill died on theorder session on July 27, 1982.An outraged Vander Zalm who, after seeing his perceivedattack on local bureaucracy killed by his cabinet colleagues’ lack of support, called them“gutless”.When Vander Zaim was appointed tohis final ministry, education, on 20 August451982 many thought premier Bennettwas punishing both the militantB.C. Teachers’Federation and Vander Zaim atthe same time. Relations betweenVander Zaim and theFederation’s hierarchy werestrained from the beginning. VanderZaim, who had once calledQuebec Premier Rene Levesquea frog(24,received a “welcome” letter fromthe Federationwritten in French. He respondedin Dutch.Vander Zalm again went to workin his new ministry. He reduced hisbudget anddemanded school districts “becomemore cost effective”. He discussed thepossibility ofreplacing school boards withappointed governing bodies, andhe requested that provincewide exams be implemented.Again politically active teachersresponded, sending him deadflowers and a bottle of Tylenol (when tamperedbottles of the drug had caused severaldeathsin the United States) and finallywith bumper stickers reading “stop Vanderlismin theschools.” Despite such personalabuse, Vander Zalm never failed to attend a meeting orachance to debate or defend his actions:My number one beef about society today is its phoninessandlack of truthfulness. Politicians and leaders have becomelikeplastic products that surround us. They can be molded tofitwhatever, right or wrong. They will respond on the basis ofwhat people would like to hear rather than whattheythemselves believe.Through his actions and attitude, William Vander Zaim had become the most popularmember of the Social Credit caucus.Not only was he the most sought after speaker forparty fundraisers or at annual meetings throughoutthe province, he won thousands ofconverts and supporters by attending hundreds of such meetings,regardless of how busy hewas.46At Social Credit annual conventions,while Premier Bennett always receivedwarmand respectful applause, William VanderZaim’s response was prolonged. Manycabinet andcaucus members were openly jealousof Vander Zaim andthe attention he received. Othersconsidered Vander Zaim a poorteam player. Vander Zaimsimply had too much goingforhim - and they were constantly remindedon it. Vancouver Magazinereported:Aside from being thebest-looking and possibly the wealthiestmember of the cabinet,Bill Vander Zaim works the longesthours.Eventually many would avoidtheir headline gatheringseat mate. Even a strong individuallike premier Bennett was reportedthreatened by Vander Zalm’s popularity,and “many ofhis cabinet colleagues avert theireyes when they pass his door andpray-sometimes out loudthat he would go back to growingshrubs full time”.(2Unbeknownst to them, Vander Zalmhimself was tiring of his currentrole in government.On April 1, 1983, William VanderZaim appeared on radio stationCKNW’s GaryBannerman show for their traditionalGood Friday gardening show. He opened theshow bytelling the listeners that after eight straightyears, he would be taking a “sabbatical” frompolitics. While not totally unexpected,it was a surprise move nonetheless. Social Creditmembers pleaded with him tostay, expecting a difficult fight with the NDP in the upcomingelection. Many former caucusmembers called him a “deserter”, while his opponents saidhe was jumping from a sinking ship.The media was vindictive:With his loose tongueand knee-jerk responses, Mr. VanderZaim has for 7 1/2 years been the symbolof all that has beenarrogant, overbearing, and uncaring aboutthe Social Creditgovernment.47Many believed Vander Zaim leftbecause he thought that ifSocial Credit lost theupcoming provincial election, he wouldbe in the position to eitherlead the Socreds afterBennett, or a new coalition party.However when Bill Bennettled his party to victory onMay 5, 1983, Vander Zaim wasforced to remain onsabbatical.Rather than being a time forrelaxation and refreshment,Vander ZaIm’s 1,216 daysabbatical saw the now ex-politicianbusier than ever:One of the problems witha person that has my personalitymy approach to things... is that it is difficult to turndown achallenge. Everythingis measured in challenges.Vander Zaim wrote the best sellingNorthwest Gardeners’ Almanac, a gardencolumn invarious papers and hosted agardening program on radio CKNW.He set a target of fortyArt Knapp Garden Centres operatingby 1986. When the Catholic Archbishopof Vancouver,James Carney (who Vander Zaimonce served as an alter boy), asked Vander Zaimto helporganize the Papal Mass of 12 September1984, the devout Vander Zaim quickly acceptedand began preparing the 1,200 acreAbbotsford Airport site for the crowd of 200,000.During this period Vander Zalmalso renewed his traditional small business communityconnections. He allowed his name to be usedto assist citizens against no fault automobileinsurance. Just weeks before his entry intothe leadership race, Vander Zalm was electedthe president of the B.C. Chamber ofCommerce, an association many of whose memberswere also Social Credit members,and staunch Vander ZaIm supporters.There are two highlightsto the three year and three month Vander Zaim sabbatical.First, he disposed of most ofhis assets to acquire and develop a 21 acre botanical garden48situated on Number 5 Road in Richmond. Renamed Fantasy Gardens, the Vander Zaim’sthrew both their considerable efforts and $7million into creating a display garden and atourist attraction. The site soonacquired an European village motif, complete with ethnicrestaurants and specialty gift shops, a major Art Knapp’snursery, a children’s petting zoo,a miniature railway, and a biblical garden, complete witha replica of Noah’s Ark, life sizestatues of Christ, and all 232 flowers and plants mentionedin the Bible. The garden wouldbecome the controversial passion of Bill and LillianVander Zalm.Throughout 1984, speculatkn grew that despite hisother commitments, Vander Zaimhad decided to re-enter politics. The apparent focus of thisspeculation was the mayoraltyof Vancouver, a city the prospective candidate did not evenreside in. The lure that themayor elected in late 1984 would host Expo‘86 and the city’s centennial enticed VanderZaim, who remarked, “I think it’s a good opportunity for agood profile, and I think I cando that”.Immediately the press, his political opponents and even some supporters attackedwhat they considered nothing more than political opportunism. Still, from January until theNovember election, Vander Zaim stories filled the newspapers. Finally, after seeing PapalMass through, Vander Zaim announced on 3 October, from Fantasy Gardens, that he wouldseek the office of mayor of Vancouver. The campaign was a disaster. Fighting a veteranalliance of social democrats and communists, Vander Zaim’s six week instant campaignnever got focused, something Vander Zaim realized too late:I knew what the odds were. That’s why I waited until the lastminute, hoping someone else would step forward. . . to carrythe free enterprise banner. But nobody did, and somebody hadto.(32)49While he was trounced by the incumbent mayor MichaelHarcourt, who gathered 62% of thevote, the Vander Zalm personality and candidacy didraise the city’s voter turnout to 55%,the highest in half a century.While such a haphazard and presumptuouscampaign would have hurt the credibilityof most politicians, Vander Zalm was able to rebound. He would later defendhis run avirtuous crusade for free enterprise against the entrenchedforces of socialism. Some,including Jack Davis, would see his big city defeatas ultimately being beneficial, especiallyin the yes of the small town and rural delegates to theSocial Credit leadership conventionwho viewed Vancouver and its affairs with suspicion.A review of Vander Zalm’s sabbatical reveals how active he had been duringhisthree year absence from elected politics. He had writtena book and hosted garden shows.He had consolidated his business activities into one massive venture. He had helpedorganize a Papal Mass. He had participated in the no fault insurance debate. He had beenelected the president of the province’s chamber of commerce. He had run for mayor ofVancouver. It was though Vander Zalm had never left the scene. His words were in papershis voice on radio, and his face on television. As before he was a topic of discussion at thedinner table, the bar, and the political backrooms of the left and right. He had retained thehighest political profile in the province, without holding an elected office. (Unlike, forexample, federal Liberal leader John Turner, who stated that during his political sabbatical,he, “made maybe eight real speeches in the last eight years.)(33)When Vander Zalm reentered active politics, he was as smooth as ever and he was the Vander Zaim the partymembership remembered.50The Broadest Appeal: Vander Zaim Enters the RaceAs shown, William Vander Zalmused the period between his departure fromprovincial politics in May 1983 and W.R.Bennett’s resignation announcement in May 1986to concentrate on his business ventures andother activities that temporarily gainedhisinterest, while at the same time keepingboth his name and face before the public.It was also during this period that Vander Zaim,free from the constraints ofbeingpart of the governing party andcabinet, spoke often and spoke out at various Social Creditevents. Usually the first choice forspeaker at constituency events (even while out ofoffice),Vander Zaim seldom turned downa speaking engagement, thus retaining his stronglinkswith the core groups of Social Creditactivists throughout the province.Between the time of W.R. Bennett’s highwatermark, the May 5, 1983 election, andhis resignation announcement threeyears later, much of the Social Credit party (especiallyolder members), who while retaining their loyaltyand respect for W.R. Bennett, alsorejected his efforts to modernize the party. They alsoresented his growing isolation fromthe grassroots. To this group, W.A.C. Bennett’s approachto politics and party organizationwas the preferred way and William Vander ZaImbest reflected this link to the past. Thisnostalgia would grow as Bennett and his government’s popularity plummeted.While Bill Bennett was both W.A.C. Bennett’s son and logical successor in the bleakdays of 1973, William Vander Zaim was the senior Bennett’s natural political heir. Thesimilarities between the original Bennett and Vander Zalm are numerous. Both were“outsiders, loners, . . . and their own advisers not easily influenced by other people.”Both were hardworking, self made men, (Bennett with hardware, Vander Zaim is gardening).51Both not only preached free enterprise, but lived it. Both were moralisticand religious men,who saw public service as a duty to both their fellowman and maker. Once committed toa cause or course of action, they stood firm. Theydespised the politically weak. Bothadhered to W.A.C. Bennett’s favouriteexpression that “you’ve got to stand for something,or you’ll fall for anything.” Both weresteadfast and wanted to create opinion not followit.Above all, W.A.C. Bennett and W.N. VanderZaim had tremendous politicalresiliency. Without it, neither wouldhave become premier. Each had suffered five defeats:Bennett had lost nominations to be a federal and provincialConservative candidate, a federalby-election as a Conservative candidate and twoattempts (1946 and 1950) to unseat HerbertAnscomb as the provincial Conservative leader. Inthe thirteen years since he had firstsought political office, Bennett had won three termsas a provincial MLA, but he had alsosuffered five political setbacks.William Vander Zaim too had perseverance. While unbeatable since1965 as a Surreymunicipal politician, in the eight years, since his first political campaign, Vander Zaimhadlost four times. Besides defeat in his first bid for elected office, Vander Zaim had lostasa federal Liberal in 1968, a provincial Liberal in 1972, and in his attempt to win theleadership of the provincial Liberals in 1972. Within a few years, Vander ZaIm had thedubious distinction of losing at all three levels of our political system. He would lose a fifthtime in 1984 when he ran for Mayor of Vancouver - his last contest before the 1986 SocialCredit leadership contest. However, the Vander Zaim image of success, both personally andpolitically endured. Clearly W.A.C. Bennett and W.N. Vander Zalm were driven men.52Defeat might have deterred them, but itdid not stop them. They set high goals forthemselves, and achieved many of them.During the 1986 leadershipcampaign, several candidates attemptedto presentthemselves as the natural successorto W.A.C. Bennett.Grace McCarthy had natural links,but delegates decided she was toomuch Little Mountain, andnot enough Okanagan, andcould not win the province. BudSmith had much of the seniorBennett’s charm, and wasa son of the province’s interior. BudSmith, however, was taggedas a machine candidate,and one who would possiblymerge the party with theProgressive ConservativesAnother, Robert Wenman whoonce sat in W.A.C. Bennett’scaucus as a 26 year old,referred to Bennett the elder sooften, one delegate commented,“He speaks about the oldman so much you’d think hewas his third son.”9)Only Vander Zaim emerged as thepolitical heir to W.A.C. Bennett.A third of the delegates at Whistlerjoined that partyduring the W.A.C. Bennett years,and if they and others interpreted party renewalas partyrebirth, then Vander Zalmwas their candidate. W.A.C. Bennett himself had alsoconsideredVander Zalm as a possible successor. Whenthey met after the 1975 election, he would tellhis fellow populist:Bill, I got a piece of advice for you. Please (whispering),stayin the middle. Don’t go too far to the right. Stay inthemiddle. Bill, you’re going togo places. But stay in themiddle.(41)It would be this link to W.A.C. Bennett, and withit the belief held by many delegatesthat Vander Zaim would repudiatethe actions and direction the party had been on during thelast half of the W.R. Bennett’spremiership that proved crucial to the Vander Zaim victory.53The Vander Zaim Organization: Personnel.Structure and FinancesAt the time of the 1986 SocialCredit leadership campaign,the consensus among partymembers, other leadershipcontestants, the media andscholars was that the leadershipcampaign of William Vander Zaim wasvery rudimentary, unstructured,and not what onewould expect of an acknowledged leadingcandidate. The succeeding years havenot broughtforward any information to dispute theseinitial assessments.If, as is proposed by this thesis,that the events and circumstances thatled to VanderZaim’s victory were already inplace before he entered the actual race,then it is indeedfortunate for his supporters that VanderZalm needed “only one asset worth speaking of:himself”(42)With his aversion to structureand belief in his ability to sway the delegates,VanderZaim would show little care onwhat form his campaign would eventually take.As a result:Vander Zaim, who only entered the race five weeksbefore theconvention ran an amateurish looking,populist campaignpromising simple government, fewer experts,moreconsultation with the people and basic values. The VanderZaim campaign centred on his personality.(43)Led by dedicated followers and supporters, most notablythe three MLAs whosupported him, Rita Johnston,Bill Reid and especially Jack Davis, on very short notice, aminimal organizational framework wasestablished and a campaign began that was, in thewords of Rita Johnston, “sincerebut amateurish”.On June 20, 1986, only ten days before the firstdelegates were to be selected, BillVander Zaim announced that he was entering the SocialCredit leadership race. At his press54conference, held at Fantasy Gardens, thetwelfth and finalcandidate indicated that he wouldbring to government high moralstandards based on “trueChristian principles.”(45)The 52year old nurseryman and touristattraction owner expressed hisbelief that despite his lateentry, he could still win over thedelegates and the province:I’ve been very up frontwith the people of thisprovince,” hesaid. “I have great philosophies.In short, I have the broadestappeal”.Since premier Bennett’sresignation, Vander Zaim, whowas “once considered a shooin to succeed Bennett.”(4was torn betweena desire to govern the province and hisdemanding financial andtime commitments to his FantasyGardens development. With itpublicly known that his energiesand capital were invested in the project,Vander Zaimwould comment to a keysupporter “it’s like they (party establishment)don’t expect me torun.” As a result, duringthe near month that the reluctantcandidate took to enter therace, both his possible candidacy andFantasy Gardens received tremendous amountsof freepublicity as the media, andthe other candidates waited for Vander Zaim’s decision.Other than his family, the person who wasmost responsible for Vander Zaim finallyentering the leadership race, and theone who then provided much of the semblance ofacampaign structure was MLA Jack Davis.The friendship and political alliance of Jack Davisthe intellectual engineerand Bill Vander Zaim the populist horticulturist seemsan unlikelyone, with the men sharing little more thana passion for politics and its process. Thecontrast between the two men are striking.Davis was a Rhodes Scholar with five universitydegrees, including a doctorate from McGillUniversity. He was an economist-engineer byprofession, though politics was hispassion. First elected to the House of Commons by55citizens from the north shore in 1962, Davis served untilhis defeat in 1974. In this timehe had become federal Minister of Fisheriesand Forestry (26 April 1968), and Canada’s firstenvironment minister (27 November1970). Following his federal defeat, Davisjoined therapidly growing Social Credit movementin July 1975 (before the defection of the provincialLiberal caucus to Social Credit). Running inthe riding of North Vancouver - Seymour,JackDavis was easily elected in the December 11,1975 Social Credit sweep. Davis became firstthe Minister of Transport andCommunications, then less than a year later he hadEnergyadded to his portfolios. Then, onApril 3, 1978, Jack Davis’ political worldfell apart.Charged for converting first classairline tickets to economy and pocketing the difference,Davis was dropped from cabinet. Despiteseeing other Ministers returned to cabinet orretain their posts for worse indiscretions,Davis would never return to the cabinet of W.R.Bennett. Instead, Davis would remain anoutspoken maverick backbencher for eight years,until the rise of Vander Zalm.The Bill Vander Zaim and Jack Davis friendship went backto the 1972 provincialLiberal leadership convention, where Davis supported the outsider. Bothmen adhered tothe brand of Liberalism originated in past centuries, when, as Davis outlined in his book,Popular Politics, the philosophy:emphasized freedom of the individual as its prime purpose insociety. It supported competitive enterprise at home and freetrade abroad. It endorsed representative government as ameans of reducing the arbitrary power of the State. It put theperson ahead of organizations of every kind . . . Due to themodern corruption of the term “liberalism”, the philosophywhich formerly bore that name is now seen as conservatism.Jack Davis had long been impressed by Vander Zalm, and by 1979 he would “see56him as the next premier, and I toldhim this, and that hecould counton my future effort andsupport.”(52)Nor did David forgetVander Zaim’s kindnessor consideration duringDavis’difficulties. Davis, who workedwith Vander Zaimon the Skytrain project said:At first Bill saidhe was too involved withthe (Fantasy)Gardens. He couldn’tsee how he could run.But I keptphoning. Andabout half a dozen timeson my way totheVictoria ferry, Iwould stop in andsee him. We discussedtheleadership developments,and I kept telling him hewas the oneto beat, that we couldput together an organizationand win.Vander Zaim was alsogetting hundreds of othervisitors at the gardens,and a similarnumber of telephone calls.While many wereinfluential politicallyand financially, mostwere party members andother citizens whobelieved in and supportedthe Vander Zalmapproach to politics.During the course ofthe subsequent campaign Daviswould serve as Vander Zaim’sadviser and confidant. Thetwo would discussthe progress of the campaign andtheunfolding leadership contestat least every second day. However,Vander Zaim provedimpossible to keep focusedon any type of timetable orschedule, and did not place muchreliance on his leadership campaign.As Davis recalled:57As a student of politics, Ihad analyzed the recentleadershipcampaigns. I fully expectedthe day to come when Bill wouldrun, so I wanted to utilizeand implement some thoughts andformats I thought wouldbe appropriate. Obviously due to theshort notice givenby Bennett of hisresignation, and Bill’s lateentry into the race, Ithought it critical to modifysome of myideas to at least providethe campaign witha basic structure.Bill would of courselisten, and I am sure eventry to followsome direction, but as therace progressed he prettymuch didhis own thing. Despitethis, I was never worriedabout theother three major campaigns(Grace McCarthy, Brian Smith,and Bud Smith), even whenwe saw the money they werespending. While Ithough they might try to gang upon Bill,I was reassured when thenconstituencies began selecting theirdelegates. We (Vander Zaimcampaign) recognized many aslong time members- Bill’snatural supporters.Davis would also contribute intwo other key ways. First, hewould supply numerouscontacts around the province whocould assist the Vander Zalmcandidacy, especially in theorganizing of supporters ontoslates of delegates to contest the constituencydelegate selectionmeetings. As well, Davis wouldplace members of his energetic andcapable NorthVancouver-Seymour constituencyassociation into key roles within the Vander Zaimcampaign structure. With the possible exception ofElwood Veitch, who supported GraceMcCarthy, no other caucus member contributedmore to their candidates’ success than JackDavis.Besides Davis, Bill Vander Zaim received caucus support fromonly two other MLAs,Rita Johnston and Bill Reid. Both hadsucceeded Vander Zalm as members for the Surreyconstituency, and were committedVander Zaim friends and supporters for almost ageneration. All three backbenchers hadmade independent decisions to support VanderZalm, and until they all arrived at FantasyGardens for Vander Zaim’s press conference58did not fully know what to expect from theircandidate. As Rita Johnston recalled:Up until the night before,we still weren’t sure if Bill wouldrun. He contacted meby phone and indicated hewould runand asked me to meethim the next morningat the Gardens.I was on my way therewith Bill (Reid), who hadn’tbeencontacted by Bill (VanderZaim) the night before and wasunsure what Vander Zaim’sdecision would be. Regardless ofhis statement we would bethere to support him, either way.We were delayed in trafficat the Deas Tunnel when we heardfrom a report on the carradio that Bill’s press conference wasindeed to announce he wasrunning. A few minutes later wearrived and saw Jack Davis.Within moments of theannouncement, hundredsof people who had heard thenews onthe car radio were arrivingat Fantasy Gardens. It wasincredible, and it showedthe remarkable popularity andsupport of the man by thepublic.The personnel involved in the Vander Zalmcampaign came from four distinct groups.First was his Surrey connection,led by Johnston, Reid and Larry Fisher,(a mobile homeoperator who had managed previousVander Zalm campaigns), and businessman CharlesSteacy. The Surrey contingent, which includedhundreds of formal and informal volunteers,many who were Vander Zalm’s oldest andmost devoted backers who spoke in almostrevered tones about their friend andpolitical hero. These grassroots workers weresupplemented by a second group of supporters, thosewho simply wanted Vander Zalm tobe premier and volunteered literally right off theStreet.The third group was the North Vancouver-Seymour constituency association, inparticular the riding’s executive (mostof whom were delegates and Vander Zalm supporters)provided organizational skills. Theassociation’s past and current president, contractorJohn Leyland and consultant, Roberta Kelly were giventhe crucial roles of delegate trackingand office manager. While this group initiallyfollowed Jack Davis to the Vander Zaim59campaign many also became personallycommitted to Vander Zalm’s winningthe leadershipof the party. As JohnLeyland said:We knew Jack (Davis)admired Vander Zalm, and listed hisreasons why. Whenthe leadership campaign beganhe neverpressured us to followhim. But most ofus did on our own.North Van Seymourhad always beena Vander Zaimconstituency.(59The fourth group can bedescribed as personal acquaintancesof Bill Vander Zalm.These included a managementconsultant Bill Goldie (who hadno political experience butserved as the official agent),journalism instructor CharlesGiordano (his press agent), andPeter Toigo owner of (amongstother things) The White Spot restaurantchain, who helpedraise funds.However, as the campaignprogressed, it became apparent thatthe organization lackedfocus and was hurt by the absenceof one all powerful campaign chairman,someone who hadboth the political instinctsand the ability to command therespect of the four campaignfactions. It would not be untilthree days after their candidate declared,Monday, June 23,at a morning session held at the AbercornInn, on Bridgeport Road in Richmond,that theleaders of the campaign would meetfor the first time. While most of the eventual chairmenof the seven Vander Zaim committees(delegate tracking, convention, signs, office, finance,strategy and social events) wereat this meeting, so were “some weird hangers on.”Manypresent were visibly worried at this pointthat it had taken the early campaign leadershipthree days out of an alreadyshort campaign to organize an initial strategy meeting, thentofind half those present of dubiousvalue to the campaign. With such organization, it isnotsurprising that the Vander Zalmcampaign “virtually limped off the starting blocks.”(61)In60hindsight, Vander Zaim would concedethat the lack of a confidant, or groupto meetinformally with was a problem, not onlyduring the campaign, but throughout hispoliticalcareer:I was naive not to havea person or trusted group of advisorsall these years. It would havecertainly helped. During thecampaign I was perhaps tooaccessible and open to peoplegiving me advice andsuggestions - many who I really didn’tknow. When the campaignbegan, I didn’t have a group ofpeople all set to go. Instead peoplejust showed up. Many Iknew, many I didn’t.(62)Nor had Vander Zaim taken morethan a passing interest in the resultsonly of recentleadership contests in Canada.He had not watched on television, norread anything otherthan some newspaper accounts ofthe 1983 federal Progressive Conservativecampaign, the1984 federal Liberal campaign, andthe 1984 British Columbia New Democratic Partycampaign. Unlike his main rivals, GraceMcCarthy, Brian Smith and Bud Smith, all ofwhom were veteran political operators intheir own right, Vander Zalm was neitherinterested or overly concerned about campaign organizationor strategy.Concerning his own run in 1986, Vander Zaim, claimed thathe had “not thoughtmuch about it, and obviously did not plan for it.” VanderZaim further stated:Bill (Bennett’s) resignation really caught me and everyone elseby surprise. He’s (Bennett) a fighter and I thought despite hislow standing (in the polls) he would hang on. That’s howhewon in 1983 (provincial election), and with Expo‘86 going sowell, I thought things would pickup (for Bennett and hisgovernment). I guess in the back of my mind I thought if Iever ran then the people who new me had worked on othercampaigns would help -and that’s what happened. I certainlyhad not given much thought before to organizing a campaign.Like when I ran in 1972 for the Liberal leadership, I knew wehad to have a general organization, and then go Out and meetthe delegates.61After trying to place the initial groupof supporters and volunteers intosome form ofcommittee structure, the first major decisionwas to select a campaignoffice. Again, unlikethe other leading candidates, theykey consideration for the officesite was not its locationor how functional it was, but ratherwhat was convenient to thecandidate. “Bill wanted tobe close to Fantasy Garden. Also, he wanted itin Richmond because he plannedto runwhere he was now living”,commented Rita Johnston. With thiscriteria, the main officebecame the second floor of acredit union on Cambie Road in Richmond(which was just afew minutes north of Fantasy Garden).This office would be run by RobertaKelly, presidentof Jack Davis’ North Vancouver-Seymourconstituency association. Afterwards,and toprevent a minor skirmish between VanderZaim’s original boosters from Surreyand thoseasserting leadership roles in thecampaign, it was decided to open a secondsatellite officein Surrey, “not for any practicalreason, but to show support and maintain the loyalSurreybase.”(67)As a result of these actions, the Vander Zaimcampaign had two offices.However, as a consequence of his late entry into therace, it would not be until near the endof the first week of the campaign before either officehad furniture or telephones (includinga toll free long distance number).Facing this office disorganization were the main offices of Grace McCarthy, BrianSmith and Bud Smith, all of which weresituated within nine blocks of one another on ornear the central Vancouver Street of West Broadway.(The most elaborate of these officeswas McCarthy’s, a four storey building withfifty parking stalls. The campaign occupied thetop two floors, and provided the estimatedvolunteer group of 300 with thirty-eight telephonelines and catered food. The McCarthy campaign workers wereorganized into shifts).62Despite the Vander Zaim campaign’sshaky start, rather than beingseen a some indicationor lack of planning or incompetence,the contrast between the VanderZaim operation wouldbe seen by many as his “grassroots”efforts against the machine dominated styleof the otherfront runners.The one area of the Vander ZaImcampaign that did not meet with thesamedifficulties as the other componentswas in its financing. While theVander Zalm campaigndid not solicit or raise the amountof funds received from the other leadingcampaigns,it also did not budget orspend anywhere near what thesecampaigns did. Commentingonthe campaigns approachto its finances, Vander Zaim, whocontributed “$3,000 or $4,000of his own money to his campaign”‘stated:One thing everyoneon the campaign agreed with was that wewould not spend a dollar untilwe actually had that dollar in thebank . . . not promised, but actuallyin the bank. While wedidn’t really have or followa detailed budget, we were costeffective, and ended the campaign witha surplus (of funds).While there were no spending limitsimposed on the candidates by the Social Credit party,the campaign committee includedin their “General Rules for Campaign Conduct” twowarnings to the candidates:The Convention Committee strongly urges all Candidatestoexercise restraint in campaign expenditures.andThe B.C. Social Credit Party will not in any circumstanceprovide financial assistance to cover all or part ofany deficitthat may be incurred by any Candidate for the Leadership ofthe Party.63Just as important as the amountraised in theleadership campaign is itssource. Mostof the funds received by the campaignwere from individualcontributions. (While VanderZalm did have some majorcorporate backers,such as Peter Toigo anddeveloper MilanIlich, he did not have anywherenear the largebusiness support of the otherthree majorcandidates).One of the most astute movesof the Vander Zaimcampaign was to placea simplead, featuring the candidate’s picturein various newspapers throughoutthe province. Theseappeals provided a bonanzaof funds. This advertisement,which featureda picture ofVander Zalm and a “helpsupport Bill Vander Zaimfor Premier”(74)headline, contained apersonal message from VanderZaim who stated that his campaignwas “not financed by abig special interest political machine.”(75)Instead, Vander Zalm askedthe individual donorto make a “reasonable contribution.”As campaign finance director ErnieSarsfield stated:The response wasincredible. We got thousandsof replies,ranging all the way from$1 up. By the end we have sentoutthousands of receipts for tensof thousands of dollars. Thatsimple ad really touched the grassroots.(7During their forty day campaign,the Vander Zalm organizationwas able to raiseapproximately $140,000.00,(Thmore than enough funds fortheir efforts. They had notplanned to, nor were they preparedto run either a flashy or high-technologycampaign.Their finances were thereforemodest by this contest’s standards, but adequate forthe VanderZaim campaign.As subsequent surveyswould reveal, 62.6% of the delegates feltsome candidatesspent too much money on theircampaigns. So again, without really planningit, theaction of Vander Zalmand his campaign with regards to its finances andspending duringthe campaign was favourablyreceived by the delegates.64The Vander Zaim Campaign: Policy.Strategy. PerformanceThe Vander Zaim campaign did notconcentrate on or make policy statements duringthe brief campaign. All campaignliterature focused on Vander Zalm personally,highlighting his successful business andpolitical endeavours and his stable and loving familylife. It was the candidate’s well known personalbeliefs not specific policies, that the VanderZalm campaign promoted. While other candidatestried to put more focus on policies andissues, Vander Zalm’s simple but sincereutterances, such as, “God gave us the earth, butit’s up to us to pick up the shovel and digit.” had instant appeal to the party’s grassroots,especially since Vander Zalm was preachingto the converted. The aim was to win the votesof a majority of the 1,300 loyal and committedSocial Credit delegates. Vander Zalm hada long and varied record in municipal and provincialgovernment, and delegates could furtheruse this record as an indication of how a Premier Vander Zalm wouldgovern. And so forthe duration of the campaign Vander Zalm would concentrate onhis perceived politicalstrengths of integrity, morality, business acumen, and his belief inGod and the work ethic.Combined with already high standing amongst party members, many who remembered howaccommodating Vander Zalm had been in attending constituency events over the years,Vander Zaim could restrict his campaign comments to the most basic comments:I believe in law and order. I believe in moral integrity. Ibelieve in fairness for all people in society. I believe we musthelp the disadvantaged. I believe we must all work together asproud British Columbians.65Commenting on Vander Zaim’scampaign approach regarding policy. Jack Daviscommented that:People knew where Billstood, and where he was coming from.His openness is consideredrefreshing. Please feel that hishonesty and integrity willallow him to make the right decisionwhen needed. So wesimply let Vander Zalm be VanderZalrn.(81)This decision proved to be correct, especiallywhen it became apparent that the bulkof delegates attending the conventionwould not be longstanding party members,with firmopinions and convictions, most of whomhad met the candidate many times overthe yearsand appreciated the Vander Zalm approach:Bill Vander Zaim promiseda different style of leadership, butwhile different it probably was notnew for many of thedelegates. In appealing to populists, suspiciousof bureaucracyand impatient with delay, and long time partyactivities, manyof whom were attracted to Social Creditduring the W.A.C.Bennett era, Vander Zalm was offering a style with whichtheywere familiar. He may have been criticized foroffering“style” rather than “substance”, but policy-orientedcampaignwould have made the road to victory much rougher.(82)If Vander Zaim and his campaign’s approach to policywas nonchalant, their strategyduring the leadership contest was non-existent.At the first campaign meetings, initial attempts weremade to provide the campaignorganization and candidate with a detailed schedule. (Threedays firm, the next two daystentative). These efforts were quickly ended due to the little timeremaining in the actualcampaign and fifty delegate selection meetings were already scheduledin a ten day period.The lack of a single firm voice in the campaign’shierarchy to reign the candidate in, (andVander Zalm’s own unwillingness to be controlled) alsoprevented much planning. As thecampaign’s delegate-tracking chair John Leyland commented:66He is both the mostfascinating and frustrating candidatepossible to work for. He develops his ownstrategy in his headas he goes along, and withhis personality and skills he getsaway with it. Sometimesyou felt like giving him the delegatelist and a pick-up truck andjust let him go at it.(83)The only stated strategy of the Vander Zaim campaignwas to have their candidatemeet as many delegates before, during and aftertheir selection. To this end, Vander Zalmattended in person as many of the delegate selectionmeetings as possible. As Vander Zalmstated:The delegate selection process was perfect for me. I really didnot pay too much attention to the process untilafter I enteredthe race. Our campaign reviewed the party constitution, andrealized that not only was the selection of delegates really fair,but that even though I waited a while to declare (as acandidate), the other candidates did not have much time to signup new members. It would be the regular party membersgoing to Whistler, and I knew hundreds in everyconstituency.(84)This confidence coupled with a lack of organization saw the Vander Zaim campaign’seffort in putting forward proposed slates of committed delegates forward at the variousdelegate selection meetings run well behind of those of the Grace McCarthy, Brian Smithand Bud Smith teams. Again, Vander Zalm was not as worried as one might think:I realize that the Grace (McCarthy), Brian (Smith) and Bud(Smith) groups put a lot of effort and faith in organizing slatesfor the delegate (selection) meetings - much more than we did.I had my doubts about the slates because I knew most of thedelegates would be long time members. Even if they were onsomeone’s list as a committed delegate, this might not be thecase by convention. Also, other delegates were on listswithout even being asked to be put on. I had all kinds ofdelegates phoning me telling that they had been listed as asupporter of another candidate, but they were actuallycommitted to me from the start.(85)67Despite their candidate’s own doubts about delegate tracking,his campaign did tryto strategically track them. John Leyland, thecommittee chair, did not follow anypredetermined tracking modelor system, instead his committee, keyadvisors, and VanderZalm himself would meet tobrainstorm, both on how to locate potentialsupports, and howto hold them.The key was to locatepossible contacts in the constituenciesand have them quietly formVander Zalm slates to run at thedelegate selection meetings.We got our contacts from peoplephoning or writing in, orJack (Davis) and Bill (Vander Zaim)suggesting names.This system had several faults however. No computerwas available until near theend of the campaign, and an organizercharged with preparing delegate slates in the crucialInterior constituencies was charged withbeing either incompetent or working for anothercampaign or both. Several of theleads suggested to the committee, including many ofVander Zalm himself turned out to be were supporting other candidates. Andfinally, whenseveral Vander Zaim groups and slates in the constituencies were eventuallyorganized, itwas too late as the delegate selection meeting had already been held. By theend of thesedelegate selection meetings Leyland would estimate that:Maybe fifty percent of the constituencies were contacted andreasonably organized. We began to consider the “uncommittedconstituencies” as bonuses. We knew though that the delegateswere smart individuals and open to Bill.Not only was Vander Zalm not overly impressed or concerned with modern campaigntechniques, he even had difficulty following a campaigns most basic routine, the regularlyscheduled campaign meetings. The candidate would comment that:68The campaign committeemet three times a week. Webasically brainstormed and I wouldbe given various reports onour campaign efforts, whatthe other candidateswere doing,and what the membershipand press were saying about us.After a while I wantedto meet the delegates, not attendmeetings”.To this end, concentrating on his majorstrength, his populist charisma, Vander Zalmconcentrated on and attended as manydelegate selection meetings and all candidatefunctionsas possible. The results were alwaysthe same:He enters the hailfor an all-candidates meeting, the last toarrive, and all heads turn to him.No one dares protest as theagenda is shuffled to accommodatehis remarks. Afterward theother candidates move throughthe crowd, searching forsupport. He stands in one placeand delegates flock to meethim.While the Vander Zaim campaignhad difficulties in identifying and maintaining aprovince wide network of supporters, their candidatewas able to draw supporters to himself,perhaps unlike any other politician in BritishColumbia history. As campaign Co-ChairmanCharles Giordano recalled in a vignette that summarizesboth the strength and weakness ofboth Vander Zaim the candidate and his campaign:69People just came out of thewoodwork. They were phoningme at home. And they weredriving Bill crazy. And he wouldsay: “Keep all thosetelephone messages, Charlie! Keep allthose cards! Keep all thosemessage slips!” And every day hewould hand me a greatbig pile of letters and messages. Iwould say: “Bill, whatare going to do with them?”“Well, weed throughthem, Charlie.”He used to mark right on them: “Willhelp.” “Wants to makea donation.” “Has a problemwith his coffee plant.” And I’dsay, “What’s this doing in here?”He’d come into the campaignoffice smoking his pipe and he’dhave an old orange juice box, cut in half, withall his files andletters in it. I’d say: “Bill, haven’tyou got a briefcase?”“Oh, I like this box. It’sjust perfect.”But it was just too much tosee this guy all dressed up, packingthis old orange juice box, with all hispapers in it. And he’dgive me another pile.So we’d go through all of his stuff and we’d separate themessages and phone people. But what happenedwas, therewere so many, and the phones would keepringing, and theywould get mad because you couldn’t respondto them all. Wecouldn’t possibly respond to all these people.Too often the candidate’s own popularity and his personal confidencein his abilityto win the campaign meant that proper planning and organization of the campaign itself werelacking. As a consequence, the overall performance of the campaign was mixed. Whileenough support was provided to safeguard the victory, had the contest been tighter and morereliant on the candidate’s campaign organization and strategy, then Vander Zaim would nothave won.While Vander Zaim would not be coached or controlled like other candidates, latein the campaign the candidate and some confidants began to worry that perhaps the campaignwas indeed out of control. In a move that has been describedas either an insurance policyor a panic move, the Vander Zalm campaign brought in its own local management70consultants. As the convention neared, the Vander Zalm committee heads met with thenWhite Spot president Peter Mainse at the downtown Cambie Street offices of William F.Johnston and Associates Ltd. (who were thebusiness and advertising consultants to WhiteSpot). Several logistical changes in the campaign’smanagement were made, most notablythe remainder of the overall campaign would be guided by this company. Bill Goldie’s roleand authority would be reduced and Richmond lawyer, Al Basile, was added to thetopcampaign level.(9flLong time Vander ZaIm friend and campaignmanager Larry Fisherwould be placed in charge of the crucial three day Whistler convention. Fortunately,for thecampaign, these behind the scenes alterations and uncertaintiesdid not noticeably hinder theVander Zaim campaign nor worry the candidate. While such confusion would impedemostcampaigns, the Vander Zaim campaign was the candidate himself, and William Vander Zalmwas not about to let campaign organizations, be they those of other candidates, or his own,prevent him from achieving victory.In their 1992 book on political party leadership selection and conventions in Canada,political consultant John Laschinger, and newspaper columnist Geoffrey Stevens offer ninerules “for the politician who is determined to seek the prize at the end of the rainbow.”Rule One: A candidate should always operate on theassumption that the convention will go more than one ballot.Rule Two: A candidate should ensure that they have adequatecaucus support.Rule Three: A candidate who waits until a leadershipconvention is called before they start to campaign is too late.Rule Four: Before declaring, a candidate should commissiona poll of party members and delegates to establish issues andstrategy.71Rule Five: A shrewd candidate will understateand overachieve claims of their delegate support.Rule Six: A leadershipcampaign must have a hard-nosedS.O.B. to serve as theorganization’s comptroller. Inadequatefinancial controls will killthe candidate after the convention,if not before.Rule Seven: A campaign mustbe professional, but neverlavish.Rule Eight: Candidates should identifya solid base of earlyfinancial support to begin a campaign.Rule Nine: A candidate must know, andbe able to articulatetheir reason for wanting to be leader.As Bud Smith’s company manager, John Laschinger hadthe opportunity to watch theVander Zaim campaign violate and disregard most of these rules,and yet win convincingly.In fact, the only rules that Vander Zaim and his organizationadhered to at all wereRule One (Vander Zaim expected at least three ballots) and Rule Six(as shown, financialcontrols were based upon not spending any more than had previously been raised and in thebank). With regards to the other rules (or similar ones), the Vander Zaim campaign not onlydisregarded them, they ran contrary to them.Rule two called for strong caucus support. Vander Zalm had only three largelyuninfluential back benchers supporting him. Most of the remaining caucus were either coolor outright negative to his candidacy and leadership skills. Fellow candidate Stephen Rogerseven stated what many candidates were privately thinking and said he would not serve in aVander Zaim cabinet.Not only did Vander Zalm not declare his candidacy before the leadership conventionwas called on May 22, 1986, (Rule Three), he let almost half the campaigning time lapse72before finally entering the race, and after even candidateshad already preceded him.Accordingly to Rule Four, priorto declaring the candidate’s campaign should havecommissioned a poll of party membersand delegates to receive feedback on issues and howto structure their strategy. The Vander Zalm campaigndid not do any polling at anytime.Nor did the candidate have much regard for theirvalue:I always had my doubtsabout too much polling. I think theBennett governmentbecame to reliant on it in its later years.I always preferred to meet directly .‘ithpeople, or talk to themby phone . . . then you reallyget a sense of what theirthinking.(95)Vander Zaim’s own inability to refrain fromspeculating about his results was mostevident when he discussed his possible first ballot strength (RuleFive). This caused hiscampaign considerable concern. As the chairmanof his delegate tracking committeecommented:With no polling or real solid data to base our predictions orprojections of first ballot support, we told all campaignworkers and leaders not to guess or speculate on Bill’s firstballot support. Our strategy was whatever we actuallyreceived, we would say it was great, and more than what heanticipated. Of course, Bill didn’t follow these instructions,and had to speculate with any one who would ask, especiallythe media. When he started talking about up to 500 votes withTV reporters just before the first ballot was announced, andthen only got 367 . . . a lot of us on the campaign thought wewere finished.Rule Seven stated that “a campaign must be professional, but not lavish”. TheVander Zalm campaign was neither.While the Vander Zaim campaign was financially stable, no sources of campaignfunds were identified either before or during the candidate’s entry into the race. “We just73took what people sent us . . . The only solicitationwas our newspaper ad” said thecandidate.Finally, Rule Nine states a candidatemust be able to articulate their reason forseeking the leadership. Other than generalities,Vander Zaim offered no specifics, nordisplayed any deep passion for wanting to be premierat the time.I was increasingly comfortable in privatelife when Bill(Bennett) quit. I was caught totallyby surprise by hisannouncement. Once the race began, thepressure on me fromall sorts of people was unbelievable. Icould do the job, sofinally I said “let’s go”. And if the campaign hadn’tbeen, in1986, I don’t know if I had of returned to politicsfor sometime, certainly not in the next election.Despite the structure and conduct of VanderZalm and his campaign, veterancampaign manager John Laschinger knew three weeks beforethe convention, from theresults of polls he had commissioned for the Bud Smith campaign,that Vander ZaIm “wouldwin on the third or fourth ballot, and that (Bud) Smith would finisha distant fourth.”Laschinger knew that the makeup of the delegates, their attitudes towards thecandidates personalities and policies, and their goals for the image and direction of theirSocial Credit party were key to the convention results.The delegates were very sophisticated with regards to what they wanted, analyzedLaschinger, and they were attuned to both Vander Zalm and his perceived views anddirection he would lead the party. Thus “the personalistic anti-establishment campaign runby Vander Zaim meant that he had to reach around the party’s elected elite to appeal to thedelegates directly”. Without really planning or organizing it, Vander Zaim used the onlycampaign strategy appropriate for his candidacy.74Chapter II Footnotes‘Stan Perskey, Son of Socred. Vancouver, New Star Books,1979, page 173.2At the time of the 1986 leadership convention,all four Vander Zalm children wereinvolved in the nursery and garden business. The oldest child,29 year old Jeffrey ownedand operated Art Knapp stores in Kelowna and Vernon,while 24 year old son Wim had astore in Port Moody. Both daughters, 27 year oldJuanita and 21 year old Lucia worked atFantasy Gardens.3Refer to Appendix 2 for a complete summaryof Vander Zalm’s twenty-six year,fourteen campaign political career.4Surrey election results are taken from the municipality’sofficial statements of votes.slnterviewwith William Vander Zaim, 27 September 1987.6Vander Zalm lost by 4,520 votes to the NDP’sBarry Mather in the Surreyconstituency. To date, the federal level of politics is the only one in which Vander Zaim hasnot been elected to.7Vander Zaim would finish third, well back of the NDP’s Ernie Hall and the SocialCredit candidate. The results are Hall (NDP) 12,574 (52.49%), James Wallace (SocialCredit) 5,877 (24.53%); William Vander Zaim (Liberal) 3,995 (16.68%)81’Vander ZaIm enlivens convention”, Vancouver Sun, 23 May 1972, page 13.9lbid.‘°Ibid., Vander Zalm’s pre-high tech convention consisted of professionally printedplacards, buttons, campaign “newspapers”, a pickup truck with a public address system, anorganized demonstration of support before his speech, and gallons of free coffee.“Ibid.‘2Letter from Mel Couvelier, 4 August 1987, concerning his 1986 Social Creditleadership campaign.13Jack Davis interview, held 13 July 1987 in Victoria, British Columbia.‘4A11 provincial election results are taken from the relevant edition of the Province ofBritish Columbia’s Statement of Votes.75‘5Alan Twigg, Vander Zaim: From Immigrantto Premier, Madiera Park, BritishColumbia, Harbour Publishing Co. Ltd., 1986, page 71.‘6”Some hail him, some hang him”,Western Report, 11 August 1986, page 71.t7This was made public by premier Barrettwhen on 18 September 1974 he revealedthat “an unidentified person in the Human Resourcesdepartment has made a clericalerror . . . of $102.8 million in this years budget.” Twigg,Vander Zalm, page 68.Twigg, Vander ZaIm, page 69.19Vander Zalm would sue cartoonist Bob Biermanover a 22 June 1978 cartoonshowing him smiling as he pulled the wingsoff flies. He won $3,500 from a judge who saidthe cartoon was in bad taste, but lost on appeal whenanother judge ruled that the cartoonwas “fair comment”. Parodies of thiscartoon concerning Vander Zaim’s political careercontinue to this day.“Vander Zaim”, MacLeans,3 May 1976.21Twigg, Vander ZaIm, page 93.9bid., page 85.Ibid., page 86.24During a 1979 Social Credit regional convention in Williams Lake, Vander Zaimsang an anti-Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau ditty, (to the tune of “On Top of Old Smoky”),of which the mostinfamous verse was: “he needed a distraction, a political fog, and out of the Eastcame the sound of a frog.” Twigg, Vander ZaIm, page 234.“Vander Zaim: A Personal Profile”, Vancouver Sun, 15 October 1984.“Vander Zaim”, Vancouver Magazine, April 1983, page 59.z7VanderZalm”, Vancouver Sun, 15 December 1982.“Editoria1”, Vancouver Sun, 2 April 1983.76Twigg, Vander Zalm, page 68.30Vander Zaim had extensive, often controversialdealings with the Richmond planningdepartment over the rapid growth of Fantasy Garden’s commercialand retail space. Whilethe various additions to the complex’s “Europeanvillage” were approved by Richmondcouncil, Vander Zaim received considerable criticismfor occasionally proceeding with theassorted projects without the required building permits.Vander Zaim also would make asuccessful application to the province’s Land Commissionto have the entire Fantasy Gardenssite removed from the Agricultural Land Reserve.It was this possible conflict of interest(the provincial cabinet is the final voiceon such decisions) that Vander ZaIm would mostoften cite as the reason why he delayed hisentry into the leadership race. During the courseof the campaign, Vander Zalm wouldstate that if a conflict of interest were to arise, hewould sell the gardens. Instead, VanderZaim said he would place control over the complexin his wife’s name.31”Vander Zaim ponders run for mayor’s chair”,Vancouver Sun, 27 September 1984.32”Knew the odds Vander Zaim says”, Vancouver Sun,30 November 1984.33City of Vancouver, Statement ofVotes, 1984 election.‘Jack Davis interview, 13 July 1987 in Victoria,British Columbia.35Jack Cahill, John Turner: The Long Run, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1984,page 206.Comments by David Mitchell, on CBC television, 30 July 1986. Mitchell is thebiographer of W.A.C. Bennett.37Twigg, Vander Zalm, page 204.In her 17 June 1986 column, the Vancouver Sun’s Maijorie Nichols insinuated thatBud Smith would likely change Social Credit’s name and eventually merge the party withthe Progressive Conservatives. This blatant attempt to discredit Smith and assist Nichol’schoice, Grace McCarthy, made Bud Smith “madder than at anytime over any thing duringthe entire campaign.” Bud Smith, interview in Victoria 14 July 1987.39Notes taken while a delegate at the 1986 Social Credit leadership convention.4°The University of British Columbia Survey (section C, question 6) reveals thatconvention delegates joined the Social Credit Party during the following periods: 1986(6.5%), 1980-85 (24.1%), 1975-79 (17.4%), 1972-75 (22.4%), and before 1972 (28.8%).41Twigg, Vander Zalm, page 240.7742t’Bill Vander Zalm: TheOne and Only”, Vancouver Sun, 14 July 1986.43Blake, Carty and Erickson,Grassroots Politicians, page 102.Rita Johnston interview,16 July 1987 in Victoria, British Columbia.45”Vander Zaim in the LeadershipRace”, Vancouver Sun, 21 June 1986,page 1.¶bid.47”I’m stepping down, Bennettdeclares”, Vancouver Sun, 22 May 1986, page 2.4John Leyland interview 11 September1986 in North Vancouver, British Columbia.Leyland was responsible for delegate-trackingfor the Vander Zaim campaign.49A11 candidates interviewed statedthat if Vander Zaim had declared earlier, far fewercandidates would have run. MelCouvelier indicated he for one would likelyhave not run.John Reynolds stated that “Vander Zaimcouldn’t have been stopped from the time heannounced”. Cliff Michaels said at anall-candidates meeting in Hope, delegates went toVander Zaim “like bees to honey. I toldmy wife then and there the games over”.50Davis was charged with theft andfraud for pocketing the $1,074 difference in ticketprices. He hoped to receive an absolutedischarge, but was found guilty and fined $1,000.00and placed on two months probation. Davis, had tocontest for his Social Credit nominationfor the 1979 provincial election. He wouldbe nominated and win re-election in the 1979,1983 and 1986 provincial elections.5tJack Davis, Popular Politics, Vancouver, Friesen Printers, 1984,page 228.53Jack Davis interview, 13 July 1986 in Victoria, British Columbia.Ibid.55As discussed in the next chapter, the impact of the caucus was minimal during thiscampaign.In interviews conducted in Victoria in July 1987, Jack Davis, Rita Johnston and BillRei stated that they held no joint discussionsabout supporting a Vander Zaim leadershipcancudacy prior to his own declaration.57Rita Johnston interview, Victoria, 16 July 1987.7858Despite the supportof Jack Davis, it is believed that Vander Zalmdid not receiveall of the North Vancouver-Seymour delegates.Most accounts give Vander Zalm at leastnineteen delegates, with the balance goingto either neighbouring candidate John Reynoldsor Grace McCarthy.59John Leyland interview 11September 1987.9bid.61’The rush for the helm”, WesternReport, 30 June 1986, page 4.62William Vander Zaim,interview, Richmond, B.C., 25 September198763Ibid.TMlbid.9bid.Rita Johnston interview,16 July 1987.67lbid.The main campaign office wasat 210 - 3195 Cambie Road, V6X 1L6 (Tel) 270-9290, while a Surrey satellite office wasat 6922 King George Highway, V3W 4Z9 (Tel)590-1182“Candidate’s Troops get HQs Humming”,Vancouver Sun, 10 July 1986.‘The estimated costs of the twelve campaigns areas follows:Kim Campbell$ 40,000 - 50,000Mel Couvelier$ 70,000 - 100,000Cliff Michael$ 30,000Grace McCarthy$500,000 - 600,000Jim Nielsen$150,000John Reynolds$100,000 - 150,000Bill Ritchie$ 75,000 - 100,000Stephen Rogers$ 52,000Brian Smith$200,000 - 300,000Bud Smith $450,000William Vander ZaIm$130,000 - 140,000Bob Wenman$ 80,000 - 125,000The source of these estimates are from various candidate campaign sourcesas wellas material cited in the bibliography.7971William Vanderzaim interview, 25 September 1993.9bid.“British Columbia Social CreditParty, General Rules for CampaignConduct, 1986.These rules were included insubsequent campaign memoranda andrules and regulations sentto the candidates throughout the campaign.74”Help Support Bill Vander Zaimfor Premier”, advertisement in theProvince,6 July 1986.“Ibid.“Discussion with Ernie Sarsfield,a member of Jack Davis’ North Vancouver-Seymour constituency, who assistedwith the Vander Zaim campaignfinances.“The estimate of $140,000.00 isfrom various sources who worked on the VanderZaim campaign, including the candidate.“University of British Columbia, BritishColumbia Leadership Study 1986, SummaryResults, Section E, Question 10.79Vander Zaim Campaign brochure.Vander Zaim campaign letter toelected Social Credit delegates.81lnterview with Jack Davis13 July 1987.82D. E. Blake, R.K. Carty and Lynda Erickson,“Ratification or Repudiation”,Canadian Journal of Political Science,September 1988, pages 534-535.9ohn Leyland interview, 11 September 1987.Wil1iam Vander Zaim, interview, Richmond, B.C., 27September 1987.Ibid.John Leyland interview, 11 September1987.87Ibid.William Vander Zaim, interview,27 September 1987.8089”Bill Vander Zalm:The One and Only”, VancouverSun, 14 July 1986.David Mitchell, Succession,Vancouver, Douglasand McIntyre, 1987, pages104-105.9Commenting on the role AlBasile played in the campaignafter joining it in the laststages, Vander Zaim commentedthat “Al helped witha lot of the small details. Youknowhe was supposed to be a Bud Smithsupporter, although he personallytold me he believedI was the best choice for the Partyand the Province. You knowmany people in ourcampaign thought he was a BudSmith spy”. These comments,made during an interviewon September 7, 1993, reveal muchabout Vander Zalm’slaissez faire approach to his owncampaign.John Laschinger andGeoffrey Stevens, Leadersand Lesser Mortals: BackroomPolitics in Canada, Toronto,Key Porter Books, 1992,pages 210-213.93William Vander Zaiminterview, 27 September1993.Despite his campaign comments,Rogers quickly accepted VanderZaim’s invitationto join his first cabinet. Forcedto resign over a conflictof interest, Rogers was allowedtoend his sixteen year politicalcareer as Speaker ofthe House, following his appointmentbyVander Zalm.95William Vander Zaim interview,7 September 1993.John Leyland interview, 11 September1987.William Vander Zalm interview, 7September 1993.9bid.Laschinger and Stevens, Leadersand Lesser Mortals, page 86.1Blake, Carty and Erickson, GrassrootsPoliticians, page 102.81CHAPTER IIIThis third chapter chronicles the raceto succeed outgoing Social Credit party leaderWilliam R. Bennett as Social Credit party leaderand to become British Columbia’ twenty-seventh premier. This leadership contest was not onlybrief (sixty-nine days), but had morecontestants (twelve) than any other race in Canadianhistory.Therefore, in an effort to understand why WilliamVander Zaim, and not one of theother eleven candidates won, the first three sections will profilethe strengths and weaknessesof Vander Zaim’s eleven opponents. The middle sections of thischapter review the actualcampaign from William R. Bennett’s resignation (May 22)to the actual leadershipconvention (July 28 - 30, 1986).What is revealed is that the various campaigns and media allowed speculation andpolitical “spin doctors” to dominate the coverage of the contest. It was only when theconvention began, with the 1,300 delegates present together, that the likelihood of a VanderZalm victory began, that the focus of the campaign changed.The final half of this chapter deals with the three day leadership convention atWhistler, British Columbia, it concludes with a ballot by ballot account, ending with WilliamVander Zalm’s July 30, 1986 victory.82The CompetitionWith the person elected Social Credit partyleader on 30 July also becoming thepremier of the province, it was not surprising thatseveral candidates entered the race tosucceed Bill Bennett. That as many as twelve candidates would eventuallyrun, however,was a surprise. (Delegates would split evenly on their being too many candidates)Fully29 days of the 69 day campaign had elapsed by the time allcandidates were in the race.Those seeking to become the first non-Bennettto lead that party included four current cabinetministers, two former cabinet ministers, (one of whomwas no longer in politics), twobackbench MLA’s, two former aides to Premier Bennett,a Progressive Conservative MP,and the mayor of a Victoria suburb.If leadership contests revolve around personalities, and not policy, thenthe SocialCredit party and its delegates had a divergent cast to consider. The following sketches ofVander Zalm’s opponents reveals some reasons why they did not capture the imagination orsupport of enough delegates to defeat Vander Zalm. They are profiled in the order theyentered the race.John ReynoldsFirst in was West Vancouver-Howe Sound MLA John Reynolds, a former twiceelected Member of Parliament who left federal politics to become a radio talk show host, andthen a stock promoter. Thrice married, with seven children aged 1- 23, Reynolds could notshake his wheeler-dealer image. Described as being “always slick as lard on a doorob”,2Reynolds candidacy would make many long-time party members uncomfortable. Few wouldbe moved by his campaign slogan of “follow John . . . you’re following the leader.”83Jim NielsenJim Nielsen, had served in cabinet since theoriginal W.R. Bennett government of1975. At the time of the convention he was administeringhalf the provincial budgetas bothHealth and Human Resources Minister.Nielsen had long been considered a very capableminister, and when he engineered the defection ofdisgruntled Altin NDP M.L.A. AllanPassarell to the Socreds, his political star was rising.Then in January 1986 it was disclosedthat the father of nine (5 of whom wereadopted, including one who was legally blind andanother with Downs Syndrome) had been havingan affair of “some time”(4)with a secretarywho worked in the Legislature. Theaffair had been disclosed after Nielsen was beaten upby the woman’s husband, another civil servant.Despite this, Nielsen would have supportof five caucus colleagues, and many YoungSocreds. Nielsen would still manage to getoff the best line of the campaign when he respondedto questions of both his candidacy andthat of Bud Smith. Replied Nielsen, who saw himselfas a political Humphrey Bogafl,6“Ididn’t shovel shit in the stables for ten yearsto have someone else come in and ride thepony.”rnBill RitchieMunicipal Affairs Minister Bill Ritchie was the third into the race. The 59 year oldmillionaire feed and grain producer was thought to be running not to be premier, but to raisehis profile enough to retain his party’s nomination in the upcoming election. (His CentralFraser Valley constituency association, the largest in the province, and in the heart of the84“bible belt”, was furious at Ritchie over his separationfrom his wife of 36 years). Ritchiesent Out the most literature during thecampaign (most paid for with his own money)ashe attempted to run a policy orientedcampaign.Bob WenmanWith three uninspiring candidatesso far declared, the fourth candidate in attractedthe first serious scrutiny by thepress and party. Conservative MP BobWenman however,wilted under this examination.The Wenman campaign peaked theSunday afternoon heannounced his candidacy before300 supporters at historic Fort L.angley,part of the FraserValley federal riding he had representedsince 1974. Wenman has been a full-time politicianfor a generation. First elected asa Social Credit member in 1966, the 26 year old Wenmanwas the Province’s youngest ever M.L.A. Wenmanserved two terms before losing hisDelta seat in the NDP sweep of 1972. Wenman thenmoved to municipal politics and served22 months on Surrey council under then Mayor William VanderZaIm. Between 1974 -1993 Wenman was a federal Member of Parliament, living inOttawa. On paper theWenman resume looked impressive. On closer examination, short-comings were quicklynoticed. Other than politics, he had spent a brief timeas a teacher, and during his time inthe provincial legislature, he had become a stock broker because, as he would claim,W.A.C. Bennett insisted he have another source of income. Referencesto W.A.C. Bennettwould be frequent during Wenman’s run. The press wouldsoon comment that “what setsWenman apart is that he’s born again. Not that born again. Wenman isa born againW.A.C. Bennett.”85Wenman listed in his Parliamentary Guide°°biography attendance at fiveuniversities, but showed no degree earned.He had switched churches from the United tothe fundamentalist Langley Christian Life Assembly,because the former was “too liberal”2>.He professed his belief in “Judeo-Christian” principles, but pronouncedit “Judo-Christian”.°3He had served twenty years in politics without achieving eithera cabinet post or significantrecord of accomplishment.Shortly after announcing his entry into the race,Wenman and his entourage arrivedin Victoria where they held court inthe prestigious Empress Hotel. Several caucusmembers, and party elites would heed his summons fora discussion regarding his leadershipefforts. All would leave unimpressed.Soon Bob Wenman’s campaign had little to relyon but the unenthusiastic province’s branchof the Young Tories. Wenman had opened hiscampaign saying he would “spend cautiously”“and his support would be “very significantin real dollar terms,”°.By the campaign’s end, Wenman’s organization would be in debt,and the M.P. the focus of some embarrassing court action.°Bud SmithThe first big name candidate in the race was the former principal secretary to premierBennett, Stuart Douglas Boland Smith, known as Bud. While Smith waged an energetic andskilful campaign, circumstances made a Bud Smith win impossible. The 40 year old lawyerhad never held elected office, and during his tenure in the premier’s office had been bothBennett’s gate keeper and conduit of information, a thankless job involving such personal86tasks as informing a cabinet minister thanthey are about to return to the backbench. Also,rumours quickly spread that Smith wasthe choice of Bennett and the establishment, asituation made worse when Smith’s departure fromthe premier’s office was followed byBennett’s resignation announcement shortly thereafter.When several loyal W.R. Bennettera cabinet ministers and party elites suchas past party president Meldy Harris (who wasalso the widow of close Bennett friend Hugh Harris,generally considered to have led themodernization of the party in the early 1980’s) declaredfor Smith, the rumours wereintensified. These rumors were furthered when then partypresident Hope Wotherspoonstated that renewal meant attracting “Bud Smiths”as new members.Cliff MichaelThe sixth candidate was popular backbench MLA CliffMichael, a former unionofficial and member of the provincial New Democratic Party executive whoswitched partieswhen he moved to the management side. A former school trustee in Salmon Arm, Michaelhad won his Shuswap-Revelstoke seat from a respected New Democrat member Bill Kingin the 1983 general election. He ran because “I’m a new experience, thrill type ofperson, who while being realistic, wanted to show my best.”Mel CouvelierThe former president of the provincial Liberal party and five term Mayor of theVancouver Island community of Saanich was the seventh candidate. Successful in severaldiverse businesses, happily married since he was 18, the 55 year old former accountant Mel87Couvelier had previously declaredhis intention to seek oneof the nominations in his homeconstituency of Saanich and theIslands at the next generalelection. He had made hisleadership decision after several requestsfrom his “circle of acquaintances”.Couvelierwas “convinced that the Social Creditparty must provide a new programwith new facesentirely disassociated from previousgovernment actions.”Stephen RogersStephen Rogers billed himselfas the “experience we need, for the futurewe want.”Unfortunately for one of the heirsof the B.C. Sugar fortune, his brightpolitical career wasdetoured a few months beforethe campaign. Both Rogers andForest Minister TomWaterland resigned from cabinet whenit was revealed that they had not properlydisclosedshares held in a pulp company.Rogers pleaded guilty to the breach and wasgiven anabsolute discharge. Unlike Waterland, however,Rogers was not re-appointed to cabinet.When asked why, the MLA for VancouverSouth since 1975 replied, “let history judge”.Kim CampbellThe ninth candidate was the former chairman ofthe Vancouver school board, andrecent policy adviser to premier Bennett. Kim Campbellran a campaign based “on issuesand imagery, a campaign that wouldbe of value to the party.”(2With no possibility ofvictory, Campbell seemed toenjoy her opportunity to travel the province and present herpolitical thoughts. She was generally wellreceived by the party members. Then, in adisjointed profile carried in the Vancouver Sun,Campbell was quoted as saying:88As an intellectually- oriented person, I like tosocialize withpeople who read thesame things as I do andhave a similarlevel of education,but I genuinely likeorGinary people. Ithink it’s very importantto realize that a lotof people thatyou’re out there workingfor are people whomay sit in theirundershirt and watchthe game on Saturday, beerin handI suppose they wouldfind me as boring asI would findthem.The story, which the 39 year oldlawyer said felt likea “kick in the stomach” did nothingto endear her to many delegatesalready suspicious of her ambitionand agenda.Grace McCarthyFollowing the 1972 electiondebacle Grace McCarthy’s effortsrevived the B.C.Social Credit party. The defeatedcabinet minister had narrowly wonthe party presidency,at the same convention that choseBill Bennett as his father’ssuccessor. Once in office sheworked tirelessly to preservethe coalition. By the 1975 election,the party’s membershiphad grown from 4,000 to 75,000.A senior cabinet minister and one timedeputy premier,McCarthy’s hard work, idealismand boosterism earned her the title “AmazingGrace” fromthe party faithful.Despite being an obviousfront runner, McCarthy faced two obstacles in herbid tobe Canada’s first female premier.First, if Bill Vander Zalm entered the race, thetwofavorites of the party’s grassrootswould be competing for the same delegates - many ofwhom perceivedthe populist Vander Zaim more electable province-widethan the statelyMcCarthy. Second, premier Bennetthad fixed the perimeters of the campaign around“renewal”, something the58 year old McCarthy, who had been first elected in 1966, would89have to address. Instead, her campaignfocused on two themes: attack the politicalmachines operated by the Smiths (whoboth used veteran Ontario organizers in theircampaigns), and to call for a return of theparty to its grassroots, away from the recent eraof pollsters and consultants. While sucha strategy had much merit, it would soon seemsomewhat hypocritical when it was revealedthat McCarthy too was utilizing membersofOntario’s “big blue machine” while runningthe most expensive and lavish campaign of therace.Brian SmithWith the benefit of a well organizedcampaign, Brian Smith campaigned hard forleadership. Directed by PatrickKinsella, the self proclaimed “best political hack in thecountry” the respected attorney general wastransformed from a rumpled, frowningsomewhat aloof character into a semi-polished performer. Smithhad his hair cut and newsuits ordered. He smiled more, learned some speaking mannerisms andgestures, andinjected humour into this speeches. Within the two month campaign, the Honourable BrianR. D. Smith,Q.C., became, “Brian! . . . The best we can be!“.The new image coupledwith his proven abilities and the demise of the other campaigns would allow Smith to be onthe convention’s final ballot.While eleven candidates had now declared the media, the public, and the SocialCredit party itself wondered if Vander Zalm would indeed run. One week before VanderZaim entered the race, radio station CKNW’s Garry Bannerman, the top rated talk show host90in the province, (and a personal friendof Vander Zaim), commentedthat there were toomany candidates, most with nochance of winning and whowere instead making “fools ofthemselves by being public nuisances”. Bannerman further remarked:If Bill Vander Zalm runs . .. He has extraordinary popularappeal around this province, andhas paid his dues. He’s beeneverywhere. He hasspoken at just about every kindof groupimaginable in B.C.When he runs, he’ll deliver somethingthatBud Smith is going to haveto take notes. To learn whatpopular appeal really means,being well-liked by large numbersof people, what that means,being hated by large numbers ofpeople too. But that’s what leadersattract, real leaders, theyinflame passions, positive andnegative.While the eleven other candidates had varyingdegrees of personal, professional and politicalaccomplishments, none wouldlikely have Vander Zalm’s first ballot strength, includinghissupport in all regions of the province.Combined with the loyalty of his delegates and hisperceived electability, the number of candidateswould not harm the Vander Zaim campaign,and instead may have assisted it as it preventedan effective coalescing against his candidacy.TABLE 101986 Social CreditLeadership Candidate Personal DataMaritalCandidate Status!Professional Political B.C. Cabinetand A2e Children EducationCareer CareerExperienceK. Campbell Divorced BachelorLecturer, Lawyer Vancouver39 years old 0 children & LawDegrees Political AdvisorSchool BoardM. Couvelier Married Cert.General Accountant,Mayor of55 years old 37 years AccountantBusinessman Saanich3 childrenG. McCarthy Married High SchoolFlorist Parks Corn.(3) Human Resources,58 years old 38 yearsBusinesswoman 17 yrs.MLA Tourism, Provincial2 childrenSecretaryC. Michael 2nd Marriage HighSchool Union leader,School Trustee52 years old 0 childrenBusinessman 3yrs. MLAJ. Nielsen Married HighSchool Broadcaster11 yrs. MLA (4) Environment,47 years old 25 yearsConsumer &9 childrenCorporate, Health,& Human ResourcesJ. Reynolds 3rd Marriage HighSchool Salesman,6 yrs. MP44 years old 7 childrenBroadcaster 3 yrs. MLAB. Ritchie Separated HighSchool Businessman 7 yrs. MLA (1) MunicipalAffairs56 years old 4 childrenS. Rogers Separated Community Pilot11 yrs. MLA (3) Environment,44 years old 2 children CollegeEnergy, HealthBrian Smith Separated Bachelor, LawyerAld. & Mayor (3). Education,52 years old 2 children Master & Lecturerof Oak Bay, Energy, AttorneyLaw Degree 7years MLA GeneralBud Smith Married Bachelor & Lawyer40 years old 14 years Law Degree PoliticalAsst.3 childrenW. Vander ZaIm MarriedHigh School Businessman AId. & Mayor (3) Human Resources52 years old 30 yearsof Surrey, 8 Education, Municipal4 children yrs. MLA AffairsB. Wenman Married Teaching Teacher6 yrs. MLA46 years old 23 years Certificate Stockbroker2 yrs. Surrey4 children Politician Alderman,12 yrs. MPCompiled by the Writer from Bibliographical Sources,Source: Candidate Information and Canadian Parliamentary Guides92The Caucus LiabilityOf the front running candidates,the so called “big four” of Grace McCarthy, BrianSmith, Bud Smith, and Bill Vander Zaim,it was Vander Zaim who had the least caucussupport of his leadership. Far frombeing detrimental to the Vander Zalm campaign,thislack of caucus support may well have beenbeneficial to his campaign, for it appears that theparty members and convention delegates were notonly prepared to repudiate the politicalstyle of Premier W.R. Bennett, but hiscaucus and cabinet as well.As in other leadership campaigns, the 34 member SocialCredit caucus split amongstthe candidates. Only five members didnot indicate a preference. (Premier Bennett votedat the convention but refused to say how. Speaker of theHouse Walter Davidson was theonly MLA to decline delegate status, statingthe traditional impartiality of the Speaker’soffice. And finally, MLAs Bruce Strachan and Harvey Schroeder andEnvironment MinisterAustin Pelton did not declare a preference due to their serving on convention organizingcommittees).Half of the candidates had no caucus support. (See Table Eleven). Federal M.P. BobWenman, Saanich Mayor Mel Couvelier and former Bennett aide Kim Campbell could notpersuade any sitting MLAs to back their candidacy, nor could Cliff Michael, John Reynolds,or Bill Ritchie convince their fellow caucus members to support them. The six candidatesthat obtained caucus backing ranged from Stephen Rogers, who was supported by hisVancouver South running mate and Minister of Post-Secondary Education Russ Fraser, toGrace McCarthy, who had seven members backing her. However, with less than 9% of thedelegates considering a candidates endorsement by other MLAs very important, caucussupport had little impact on this campaign.93In terms of pure votes, it is readilyapparent that once balloting began, few M.L.A.shad control over their own constituencydelegates. Three examples of this stand out. Healthand Human Resources Minister Jim Nielsen,who won only two additional delegates otherthan himself in the Richmond constituencyhe had represented since 1975, had thesupportof three fellow ministers and twobackbenchers. These sixcaucus members ridingscontained 125 delegates. Nielsenmanaged only 54 first ballot votes. Next, Brian Smithwho eventually had half the leadershipcandidates and half the cabinet supporting him on thefinal two ballots could not convince enoughdelegates that real renewal could be achievedbymerely replacing the outgoing premier witha current cabinet minister and the entrenchedcaucus.Finally, Bill Vander Zalm won withthe initial support of only three back benchMLAs; long time friends and Surreypolitical allies Rita Johnston and Bill Reid, (both whohad succeeded Vander Zaim when he didnot seek re-election in the Surrey constituency in1983) and North Vancouver-Seymour member JackDavis, the only one to have served incabinet. Any other possible support, if any, was lost when VanderZaim delayed his entryinto the race. None of the cabinet ministers Vander Zaim once called “gutless”supportedVander Zaim, and only Consumer and Corporate Affairs Minister Elwood Veitch seriouslyconsidered it, although he realized that if he did support Vander Zaim he would be“ostracized” by his cabinet colleagues. As the results would reveal, however, thedelegates were independent thinkers, and not willingto allow their opportunity to re-directthe party to be lost by a brokered convention.94TABLE 11Caucus Support and Potential Delegate Supportof CandidatesPotential Actual Variance (+ I-)Delegates First Between PotentialM.L.A. Cabinet FromM.L.A. Ballot & Actual FirstCandidate Endorsements Endorsements ConstituenciesVotes Ballot VotesKim Campbell14Mel Couvelier20G. McCarthy H. Curtis H. Curtis150 244 +94G. Gardom G. GardomP. McGeer P. McGeerE. Veitch E. Veitch3. KempfD. MowatA. ReeC. Michael25 32 +73. Nielsen A. Brummet A. Brumniet125 54 -71J. Hewitt J. HewittB. McLelland B. McLellandJ. ParksA. PassarrellJ. Reynolds 2754 +27B. Ritchie 40 28-12S. Rogers Russ Fraser 2543 +18Bud Smith A. Fraser A. Fraser 110 202 +92T. Waterland T. WaterlandJ. ChabotD. PhillipsBrian Smith 3. Heinrich 3. Heinrich 100 196 +96C. Richmond C. RichmondT. Segarty T. SegartyW.Vander Zaim J. Davis 54 367 +313R. JohnstonB. ReidB. Wenman 40SOURCE: Compiled by author from the candidate’s campaign information and material cited in the bibliography.95Howe Street Versus Main StreetThe 1986 Social Credit leadership campaigncontest “between the inheritors of theparty’s populist tradition and modern organization men and women,”can be symbolizedby the perceived grasp for control of the partyby the big monied vested interest of thedowntown business community. laying up his populistimage, Bill Vander Zalm would tella Prince George audience (before he was a declared candidate)that the “Social Credit partyhas become more the party of Howe Street.” Thebrunt of this criticism focused on theSentinel Group of companies and the media’s discoveryof the “Top Twenty Club”, acollection of senior business executives, andSocial Credit supporters.42 The roles andinfluence of these bodies would come under intensescrutiny by both the party members andthe general public.During the campaign, most candidates met with the“Top 20” group fOr thirtyminutes. (One memorable television news segment would show fivecandidates duly waitingoutside the meeting place for their own audience). Notableby their absence were GraceMcCarthy and Bill Vander Zaim. Vander Zaim received no invitation (he had only recentlyentered the race, but would not have attended anyway), while Grace McCarthy cancelled anarranged meeting on the day it was scheduled in an apparent effort to affirm her grass-rootscredentials. Instead, McCarthy attacked the Top Twenty and those candidates, especially thetwo Smiths, for their supposed reliance on machines funded by these business leaders. Itwould be the never-elected backroom aide Bud Smith who bore the brunt of McCarthy’sattacks. Besides seeing his candidacy being maligned, Bud Smith called the politicallyexpedient exposure and criticism by other candidates “of such hard working and committedparty supporters as the Top Twenty members, the most disgusting event of the entirecampaign.” When it was revealed that McCarthy herself had benefited during pastcampaigns from the Top Twenty had paid organizers, and that was spending huge sums of96money herself, her grassroots campaign lost much of itslustre.The Sentinel Group revolvedaround three men. Michael Burns, had a consultingcompany known as Sentinel Strategies Ltd. and was theSocial Credit party’s chieffundraiser. Doug Heal, who has been involved ingovernment advertising, ran Doug HealCommunications Ltd. The final operative was pollsterand political strategist PatrickKinsella, who operated Progressive Strategies Ltd. All threewere also major shareholdersin Dome Advertising. All these companies were run outof the Bentall Centre office towers,in the heart of Vancouver’s business sector. Another similarityamongst the three was that:They were all once high ranking governmentinsiders who nowhave lucrative private sector companies thatdo business withthe Social Credit government or party, or both.The Sentinal Group came to represent that elite group ofindividuals who, throughthe use of polls and consulting reports, had gainedtoo much influence over the party’scontrol, direction and style of government. There was also concern that the group had toomuch access to the party’s purse. That Patrick Kinsella was masterminding Brian Smith’scampaign raised suspicions with those delegates who believed that the party was already tooreliant on these pollsters and consultants that this status quo would continue were he elected.Consequently, party activists at Whistler “generally lived up to their reputation for hostilityto bureaucracy, suspicion of experts and faith in grassroots opinion.”(43)By concentrating on the party’s populist membership, and by courting the chamberof commerce level of the business community - his natural constituency, Bill Vander Zaimavoided the negative reaction from delegates for being either too bound to, or dependent onpolitical or business elites. With McCarthy spearheading the attack against the “machines”Vander Zalm could follow in her wake while solidifying his small business links as well asthose delegates suspicious of and antagonistic to the Howe Street crowd.97The Media: Alliances and SpeculationWhen William Vander Zaimspoke to the convention following his selectionas partyleader, he included in his brief remarksan acknowledgement of the media’s participationinthe leadership campaign, thankingyou for “making the public more aware of the democraticprocess and the wonders of Social Credit.” Indeedit can be effectively argued thatVanderZalm and the party rode the wave of media attention,much of it very positive, all the wayfrom the resignation of premier Bennettto their massive victory in October,a period ofexactly five months.All media forms covered the campaignin detail. As John Reynolds, the firstdeclaredcandidate said, “we could get it(media coverage) anytime we wanted it.”Thenewspapers, especially the VancouverSun carried reports of delegate selection meetings andother significant developments, including fullpage profiles of all twelve candidates. Theirpolitical columnist Marjorie Nichols and VaughanPalmer provided their perceptions on thecampaign almost daily. (Palmer would produce 55 campaigncolumns during the 69 dayrace). Radio hotline shows, especially those on CKNW(the province’s top rated station) hadseveral segments on the campaign, and frequent interviews,and “open-line” sessions callers’questions), with the candidates. And throughout, television news followedthe unfoldingcampaign daily. At the convention itself, theCanadian Broadcasting Corporation televisionstation would broadcast live the tribute to Premier Bennett, the speeches, and theactualballoting.With such extensive media coverage, the questionto be asked is “did the mediainfluence the actual convention outcome?” With the exception of a pre-convention pollindicating Vander ZaIm was the most electable candidate, the answer would appearto be no.The reasons for this would appear to be twofold. First the 1,300 delegates “were very smartpeople, who knew what they were doing and would not be easily swayed from their decision98by either the media or the candidate campaigns.”(49)And secondly, “the media are morelikely to reinforce delegate perceptions that create them.”A review of the media coverage of the campaign revealstwo general themesdominated the press. First was almost daily speculationon where the twelve candidatesranked according to momentum and actual delegatesupport. Second, the media createdcandidate alliances that they insisted would emerge at the convention.Certain members ofthe media also promoted their personal favorites. Onboth accounts, the media’s effortswould largely be superficial, and lacking any actualevidence.With regards to candidates delegate totals, the reported totals wouldbe only partiallyaccurate, especially with regards to the big four candidates.On July 10, 1986 theVancouver Sun published the following estimate of first ballotsupport.99TABLE 12Vancouver Sun First Ballot Estimates (July10)And Actual First Ballot Results (July 30)ESTIMATEACTUALDIFFERENCE*McCarthy 250 244-2%Bud Smith 217202 -7%Vander Zaim 200367 +84%Brian Smith 95196 + 106%Ritchie 3528 -20%Reynolds 3554 + 54%Nielsen 2554 + 116%Rogers 2545 +80%Couvelier 2520 -25 %Michael 2532 +28%Wenman 20 40+100%Campbell 1414 -*The difference is the % that is + or - between the candidate’sestimated and actual vote.For example, McCarthy’s actual vote was2% less than the Vancouver Sun estimate.Source: Compiled by Author.From: Vancouver Sun 10 July, 1986, and compilations extracted fromreports from individual delegate meetings.The above estimates, taken twenty days before the actual leadership vote, reveal somesignificant discrepancies in the perceived first ballot support of the candidates. The mostimportant figures are those of Brian Smith and Bill Vander Zalm, the two eventual finalballot contestants. While estimates of McCarthy’s and Bud Smith’s delegate total are fairlyaccurate, the media severely under estimated the strength of Brian Smith and Bill VanderZaim. Too often accounts of these delegate selection meetings were based upon various“spins” presented by campaign members and their political consultants. As a result, littledetailed analysis of the mood or preferences of the delegates was done before or during theconvention.100It was however, in the creation of candidate alliances thatthe media performed badly.During the course of the campaign three allianceswere forged by the press. None of themmaterialized. One included a possiblejoining of forces of McCarthy and Vander Zaim.This “Mc Zaim” alliance would be the vehiclefor the party’s grassroots. Such speculationdid not fully consider that bothcandidates would have tremendous first ballot support(finishing one, two, with a combined 47% of the totalvotes) and that Vander Zalm wouldhave a clear lead on McCarthy.The second alliance, while not initially thecreation of the media, was built up bythem to significant proportions. Thiswas the so called “caucus five” coalition, consistingof MLAs Michael, Nielsen, Reynolds, Ritchieand Rogers. The alliance had been struckprimarily as a result of fear about Vander Zaim’spopularity, a dislike of Bud Smith, concernthat they would lose any influence or roles in the new government, andas a possible meansof avoiding embarrassment if they finished poorly. The deal was consummatedin a roomat the Best Western Hotel in Coquitlam. The members met following an all candidatesdebate during the home stretch of the campaign. The conversation lasted twenty minutes,and then the group departed. No handshake cemented their deal, because they “were allfriends and didn’t have to.” The caucus five, which the members believed at times tohold a block of well over three hundred votes would end in a trailer outside the conventionhall at Whistler after the first ballot, its destruction being the result of egos and animositybetween some members, and only 211 votes (16.2% of those cast) between the five.The worst speculation however, was with regards to the so-called (“Smith Brothers”)“coughdrops” alliance. (Smith Brothers is the name of a cough drop brand). From almostthe start of the campaign, the media assumed and perpetuated the myth that at some timeduring the convention Brian Smith and Bud Smith would merge their campaigns. Thereasoning was that both were federal Conservatives and both were guided by high profile101charter members of the Ontario Conservative party “big blue machine”. While the twocandidates’ managers may have believed the two Smiths and their delegates would join forcesand support the front runner in subsequent ballots, this wasbased on two false premises.First, s. .raI Bud Smith delegates considered Bill VanderZalm their natural secondchoice.55 Second, Bud Smith himself never once fuelled the rumoursof a Smith-Smithalliance, and found the continued discussion of it “irritating,because every time I said therewas no such deal, the press would ignore mystatement and carry on talking about the‘coughdrop’ thing.Whistler: The July 28-30. 1986 ConventionThe original announcement that the upscale ski resort ofWhistler had been chosenby the Social Credit executive to hold the leadership convention was controversial. Theconvention committee had been considering Duncan, Kamloops, Kelowna, Penticton, andVictoria, before narrowing their choice down to Prince George, Vancouver, and Whistler.Prince George was eliminated because of its remoteness and was impossible to book thenecessary amount of rooms needed to accommodate the anticipated 3,000 delegates,alternates, party volunteers, observers, and media expected to attend the convention. WithExpo ‘86 underway in Vancouver, there was also a shortage of rooms there. The remainingchoice of the party executive was the ski village of Whistler. Situated 120 kilometres fromVancouver, Allan Fotheringham would inform eastern observers that Whistler was “the sex,drugs, and rock n’ roll capital of Canada.” Ironically, the actual convention would beheld within the Whistler convention centre. “the $13-million development rescued frombankruptcy by the government two years ago.”The real controversy surrounding the selection of Whistler concerned the manner inwhich the party was able to obtain the required 600 rooms needed by those attending theconvention. One week after premier Bennett’s resignation, party president Hope102Wotherspoon announced that the party was exchanging the arrangements ithad previouslymade with the Hotel Vancouver for the party’s annual convention tobe held in November,with the July 28-30 reservations madeat Whistler by British Columbia Hydro, who werescheduled to hold an energy conference at the resort.The switch as approved by Hydrochairman Chester Johnson, a long time friend ofthe Bennett family and who had beenappointed to his position by W.R. Bennett two yearspreviously. Buh the press andcandidates would cite the Whistler arrangementas further evidence that others were privyto Bennett’s retirement plans. Attempts to confirmor deny this with the party executivewere met with a smile and “nocomment”.While it is unlikely that the actual amountsspent by all twelve candidates will becomeknown, the media and assortedpolitical observers attempted to calculate how much thoseseeking the premiership were able to raise and willingto spend, especially at the actualconvention. Stephen Rogers who disclosedthat “a low budget all volunteer, grassrootscampaign costs $54,000,” was the only candidateto release his budget. Most estimatesranged from the $30,000 spent by Cliff Michael campaign up to the $400,000 rangespentby the Smiths’, to the well over half million dollars spent by the supposedly grassroots effortof Grace McCarthy.(61)Many Social Credit delegates would in turn be shocked anddismayed by the extravagance shown at Whistler. Two-thirds of those surveyed stated thatsome candidates had spent too much money on their campaigns and that fifty-seven percentfelt that the party should place limits on campaign expenditures.(6Z)During the convention, Whistler village consisted of three parts. Firstly, the villageitself echoed with the candidate’s songs and was covered by their signage. (Bud Smith, forexample, paid the owner of his headquarters, Tapley’s Hotel, which had the prime locationof being beside the convention centre,$3,500 to post his signs). All candidates had eitherrented discos, bars, restaurants, or hospitality suites inthe hotels, while the major campaigns103had all of these. Here the convention population,especially delegates, identified by photoidentification tags with blue trim wornaround their necks, could eat and drink for free.(The cuisine ranged from chips and beerat the Nielsen provided Longhorn Pub, to Frenchcuisine and liqueurs served by the McCarthy campaign at Chez Joel’s).While the village proper was the focal point duringthe evening, during the day the“tent city” erected by the candidates on the resort’s golf drivingrange. Here the delegatescould both see and compare the various campaigns side by sidefor the only time during thecampaign. The contrast was startling. Bud Smith had the largesttent, Grace McCarthy hadthe best stocked, while Michael, Reynolds, Ritchie,Rogers, and Brian Smith had more thanadequate accommodations. Jim Nielsen’s young organizers put some Social Creditmemorabilia in their tenant and erected a banner proclaiming it the “Pavilion of Pride”, atitle that drew some sarcasm considering Nielsen’s personal difficulties. Speculation grewregarding the possible withdrawal of the Campbell and Couveliercandidacies before theactual balloting when they were seen sharing a small tent. Both persevered, and KimCampbell continued to serve homemade Rice Krispie squares cut into “K’s”, while theMcCarthy camp served unlimited quantities of both salmon and sirloin steaks one hundredmeters away. Only one candidate did not have a tent-of any size. Bob Wenman’s campaignwas shown to be in serious trouble, both in terms of financial and delegate support longbefore Whistler. By failing to have a tent and running his convention from a second storypizza restaurant isolated from any other activity, the demise of the Wenman candidacy wasvisible two days before the voting began.Most of the comments regarding the amateurish nature of the Vander Zaim campaignrevolved around his convention tent, and those who were in it. Delegates wandering incould see hula dancers, listen to a “hillbilly” singer and accordion player, an “oomph-pa-pa”band, or the juke box which played Dean Martin and Elvis records, while enjoying popcorn104and pop. While some worried about Vander Zaimand his supporters appreciation of modemtechnology, others found his home-styleapproach refreshing. The Vander Zaim tent wasbeside the McCarthy one, and reinforcedthe belief that Vander Zaim did nothave to spendmoney to either create or alter his image.His style and practice was clearlydefined andknown long before the Whistler convention.The third part of the convention sitewas where the actual selection of the new leaderwould take place. The conventioncentre (seating capacity 3,200) waswhere the speechesand voting day activities would takeplace. The site was further supplementedby hugetrailers parked on the south side of thecentre. These were used by the major candidatesascommand posts. To the north stooda huge tent, where the actual voting wouldtake place.(See appendix 5 for a site plan of theconvention locale).Monday 28 July, consisted primarilyof registration and the Party’s tribute to W.R.Bennett. The following day, the twelvecandidates moved between the convention centreatrium, the hail itself, and the tent (wherethe voting itself would be held), where for fifteenminutes they would have the opportunity to addressand then answer questions on economy,social policy, and leadership. The format and schedule forthe policy forums was as follows:105TABLE 13Candidates’ ForumJuly 29, 1986Social PolicyLeadership EconomyTime (Tent)(Atrium) (Convention Hall)0930-0945 Jim Nielsen Bud SmithStephen Rogers0945-1000 Grace McCarthy John ReynoldsBob WenMan1000-1015 Cliff Michael Brian SmithBill Ritchie1015-1030 Kim Campbell Mel CouvelierBill Vander Zalm1030-1045 Bud Smith StephenRogers Jim Nielsen1045-1100 John Reynolds Bob WenmanGrace McCarthy1100-1115 Brian Smith Bill RitchieCliff Michael1115-1130 Mel Couvelier Bill Vander ZaimKim Campbell1130-1145 Stephen Rogers Jim NielsenBud Smith1145-1200 Bob Wenman GraceMcCarthy John Reynolds1200-12 15 Bill Ritchie Cliff MichaelBrian Smith12 15-1230 Bill Vander Zaim Kim CampbellMel CouvelierSOURCE: 1986 Social Credit Leadership Convention GuidelinesThese forums provided no real insight, nor were the candidates overly specific intheir remarks. With most of the delegates attention focused on the candidates speeches laterthat night, the major observation to be made was that where ever Vander Zalm spoke theattendance was the largest. With the forums over, the candidate’s speeches that night wouldbe their final opportunity to influence the next days voting.On the Thursday and Friday before the convention, the Vancouver Sun phoned 402men and women of voting age throughout the province. The respondents were asked elevenquestions, eight of which were related directly to the candidates contesting the Social Creditleadership.(6The questions concerned which candidate was best able to manage the affairsof the province and provide strong leadership. Finally, the key questions was asked, “whowould have the best chance of winning the next election?” Vander Zalm won convincingly,106with 50.2% Grace McCarthy trailed badly at 23.4%, while Brian Smith gathered 7% andBud Smith 5.2%. The remaining eight candidates managed but 13.37%between them. Theresults were similar for the other eight questions: Vander Zaim with a sizable lead followedby McCarthywith at least doubledigit responses, then well back Brian Smith and BudSmith. The remaining candidates received usually less than 1% each.While these pollsmeasured little more than name recognition (in factVander Zaim “won” half the polls,“don’t know, etc.”, the other half), they helped foster the growing feeling thatVander Zalmwas indeed the candidate to win the province. Asone northern delegate said, “the man inthe street wants Vander Zaim, and we’d be crazier thanhell if we didn’t give them him.“The Vander Zaim campaign was quick to flaunt the poll results, including them intheir handouts and the “premier” edition of the “Vander Zaim Leader”,their four pageconvention tabloid. While the Vander Zaim supporters may have been critical of theproliferation and reliance on pollsters and polls by the outgoing regime, they neverthelesscapitalized on this extremely beneficial Vancouver Sun poll published two days before thevoting.The SpeechesThe candidates had previously determined their speaking order by the draws of lotson July 18. The order for the July 29 speeches would be:107TABLE 14Order of Candidate SpeechesJuly 29, 19865:00 p.m. - 5:20 p.m.Jim Nielsen5:20 p.m. - 5:40 p.m.Bill Ritchie5:40 p.m. - 6:00 p.m.Bob Wenman6:00p.m. -6:15p.m. BREAK6:15 p.m. - 6:35 p.m. Bud Smith6:35 p.m. - 6:55 p.m. Cliff Michael6:55 p.m. - 7:15 p.m. MelCouvelier7:15p.m. -7:35p.m.StephenRogers7:35 p.m. - 7:55 p.m. GraceMcCarthy7:55 p.m. - 8:15 p.m. JohnReynolds8:35 p.m. - 8:55 p.m. Brian Smith8:55p.m. -9:15p.m. Bill VanderZalmSOURCE: 1986 Social Credit LeadershipConvention GuidelinesWhile most delegates had decided upon whoto support well before the conventionitself the main speeches (preceding the ballotingby just a few hours) presented one finalattempt for the candidate to sway a delegates vote. On Tuesday night, for almost five hours,preaching before the converted, the twelve candidates would strive for the votes that wouldeither mean a real chance at victory, or for most,a “moral victory”, and enough votes so asnot embarrassment when the ballots were tallied.The rules stipulated that each candidate would have twenty minutes in which to stagea “demonstration” of candidate support, be nominated, accept nomination, and finally speak.The candidates would not only be speaking to the convention, but the province via livetelevision. Not surprisingly, the candidates tailored their words to the ears of the partyfaithful:108Common themes ran through allthe speeches: a love ofeverything BritishColumbian that isn’t socialist,theimportance of party unity, thevirtues of free enterprise, andthe need for a strong B.C.voice in the free trade talks.(7Jim Nielsen spoke first, after beingguided into the hail by the “Indiana Jones” movietheme and his loyal band of young Socreds. Afterexplaining why he felt compelled tobein the race, an obviously bitter Nielsenattacked the front runners, saying that, “there is nobig machine driving Jim Nielsen andthere are no backroom boys or image makers makingdecisions for me, or even cutting mysideburns”. In his only reply to his personalproblems, Nielsen quickly mentioned thatthere are “no perfect candidates”(Th•He spokeas if he was resigned to the fate that wouldbe assigned to him by the delegates the next day.Bill Ritchie entered the hall tobag pipes and girl gymnasts. He again described hispet project, P.R.I.D.E. (profit returns in developing excellence),and stated that he wouldserve as his own education minister if elected premier.Ritchie also had copies of his speechdistributed for delegates, but few would either seriously absorb his deliveryof it or botheredto re-read it before voting. He received polite applause.Next up was Bob Wenman, desperately trying to revive a campaign that never reallydeveloped. He failed miserably. Although a professional politician for twenty yearsdelegates and observers were shocked at his high, hard to follow speaking voice and woodenmovements at the podium. When he tried to lower his voice and almost whisper for effect,many in the audience began to talk. Despite calling himself the “renewal with experienceunity candidate,”(74)and mentioning W.A.C. Bennett four times, Wenman’s performanceanswered the question for those wondering why he was a permanent backbencher.109After listening to threealso rans, delegates sat up when Bud Smith’s enthusiasticsupporters and delegates entered the hail.Introduced by Don Phillips, who reminded thedelegates that he had nominated the inexperiencedW.R. Bennett for the party’s leadershipalmost thirteen years ago, and that if indeedlegislative experience was all that was necessaryto be a good leader “Dave Barrett wouldhave been one hell of a premier”,(75)it was Bud’sturn. He performed well. His speechwas well crafted, using phrases such“mainstreet,mainstream B.C.”,(76)and describing the Partyas being “centre-forward” politically. Withthe television continually ona smiling Premier Bennett, Smith toldthe delegates and doubtersthat once in the premier’s chair,“this only experience that really matters isthe experiencethat you can get by only serving theoffice itself.” For those who hadrelied on thenewspaper for their image of BudSmith, his performance was surprising,as well asencouraging to his supporters.After being led into the hall bythe Vernon Girls Trumpet Band, Cliff Michaelproudly declared his campaign to be “on target andon budget.” It was the first of severalgenuine rounds of applause for the candidate who said he had “not oneenemy in theParty.“°Michael summed up his “issues and ideas based campaign” withthis his pledgeto adhere to W.A.C. Bennett’s philosophy of “pay asyou go and you’ll never owe.”Next up was “the town pump kinda guy”,Mel Couvelier, realizing he could notstage a vigorous floor demonstration he simply appeared on stage to the sounds ofthe Expo86 theme, “Somethings Happening Here.” Couvelier spoke well and was received politelyby the delegates who realized he would be a formidable candidate for the party’s nextelection.The final six speakers were led by Stephen Rogers, who was heralded in by atuxedoed brass quintet. Wearing hisby then coveted “dark horse” lapel button, Rogers,usually one of the party’s liveliest and wittiest speakers, was somewhat flat,as though he110was conceding any possible chance at creating an impacton tomorrow’s vote. GraceMcCarthy reinforced the image of her high-tech, bigbudgeted, “operation grassroots”campaign when she again used her speech toassail the “machines” (five suchreferences) - after following an introductory videopresentation estimated to have cost at least$25,000.00. (Delegates received video tapes from McCarthyand Jim Nielsen and audiotapes from John Reynolds and Brian Smith). Her commentsthat the party should “continueto be party beholden to none but the people of B.C.“, received applause, as did hercomments and efforts to accentuate hertraditional role of being a “positive thinker, apossibility thinker.”John Reynolds’ twenty minutes failed to alleviatedelegate’s concerns about his image.He opened with too much family on stage with him andfailed in his attempt to create theallusion that because he had ten delegates from tenregions nominate him his candidacy hadhe massive province wide support. He spoke too fast andover played his three electionvictories. (Two of the twelve candidates also had three political victories, while six hadmore. His frequent referrals to his electoral performance alsoraised two concerns: manyfelt he had abandoned his federal seat for a radio “hotliners” salary, and the perception thathe had highjacked the safe West Vancouver-Howe Sound seat from a young candidateendorsed by the respected outgoing MLA lingered.) When Reynolds proceeded to talk aboutthe maligned Vancouver Stock Exchange, many winced. His well-financed campaign failedto attract the established membership who feared his “wheeler dealer” image. The careersalesman was unable to sell himself to his new party.Kim Campbell also played up her ethnic roots and was piped into the hall. Herspeech was well written and delivered smoothly. She created a minor stir when sheaddressed the front running Vander Zaim and stated “charisma without substance is adangerous thing,” which would become the most controversial and lasting quote of the111entire campaign. Like Michael, Campbell would receive warmapplause, and like Couvelier,delegates seemed pleased she would bea candidate in the next provincial election.Before the eleventh speakerbegan, the convention hail darkenedand then was quicklyfilled by lasers and the Brian Smithcampaign song. Smith, despite appearingas though hismotions and cadence were not yet comfortably rehearsed,spoke effectively, even generatingthe best laugh of the evening when hefollowed his boast about ridding the West End ofVancouver from hookers with hispledge to be a “hands on premier.” Smithhadrehearsed his best lines that morningat the candidate’s forums, including his attack ontheNDP’s forest policy that would leavethe province’s economically crucial timber suppliesalone until the “year 2100 . . . whereit would remain in ecological reserves for littlesocialists to look at.” His addresssuccessfully down-played his reputationof being dourand cold, enough so that followingthe speeches, many were anticipating a Vander Zaimversus Brian Smith showdown, with the anti-VanderZaim forces coalescing around theattorney general.With the unexpectedly strong performance ofBrian Smith concluded, delegatesanticipated a vintage performance from Vander Zalm, perhaps thebest stump speaker in theprovince. And while still an effective presentation, Vander Zalm’s somewhat flat anduneven effort surprised many. The reason for this was that unlike hisusual ad-libbing,Vander Zalm delivered a prepared speech:The speech was the thing I regret most about my entirecampaign. I should have just winged it, like normal . . . butmy campaign was afraid I would say something controversial,like I did when I ran for the Liberal Leadership and called forthe lash to be used on drug dealers. So to calm them down, Iwrote the speech I finally delivered. I felt awkward reading itto the convention.(90)112Despite this, Vander Zaim still managedsome familiar lines:If I had viewed theproblem bureaucratically, I would still behoeing daffodilsas I did at the age of 12. Instead I was ableto take a loan of$3,200.00 that I took out at the age ofseventeen and build what’snow the greatest, largest nurserychain in Canada, thelargest lettuce greenhouse growingcomplex in Canada,and we’re building the finest touristattraction in westernCanada.Vander Zalm then attacked the pollsters, telling theparty members that “my best pollingcompany will be you.” Next he reiterated his statementthat he was not part of any deals,stating firmly that a cabinet post ora consulting job won’t be traded, it willbe earned.”Finally, and wisely, Vander Zaimaddressed his primary fear, a “stop Vander Zalm”coalition. Reminding delegates that Premier Bennetthad recently stated that if he had notwon the 1973 convention on the first ballot, hemay have fallen to a stop Bennett alliance,Vander Zaim told the delegates thathe “could be faced with a similar problem”, and that,“this Bill also needs that first ballot,” because “the firstballot is the most important, it setsthe trend.” Depending on whether or not you werea supporter, Vander Zaim’s plea waseither a call for unity and possible first ballot victory, or concern about hisdelegate strength.First BallotOn Wednesday, July 30, 1986, the seventy day campaign would conclude with theselection of the party’s third leader. After being deluged by phone calls, candidate literature,invitations to social events, and the extravagance of Whistler, thirteen hundred delegatesalone would approach a ballot box and deposit their interpretation of renewal.William Vander Zalm began the day with several brief meetings with other candidatesor their representatives. He also met for half an hour with Grace McCarthy. The twowould talk in general terms, but Vander Zalm left the meeting fully expecting that the oneof them who was trailing on subsequent ballots would move to support the one who was in113a higher position. “It’s what Grace and I had agreedto before I entered the leadershiprace”, commented Vander Zalm.’Premier Bennett, determinedto see the party leave its dynastic originsunited andfunctioning, called the twelve candidatesalone to his hotel suite for a pre-voting breakfastof bacon and eggs. While they ate, theirsupporters were already massingoutside theconvention centre, waiting to bolt intothe hail when the doors were openedand stake Outthe most advantageous sites to hangsigns and hold pickets.Voting was scheduled to begin at 10:00a.m., but began half an hour late. From hissimple eight-foot by ten-foot stage, whichwas elevated two feet,Bill and Lillian VanderZaim, like royalty seeing troops off tobattle, shook hands and kissed the pink clad delegatesas they filed past to vote. (Vander Zalm’scampaign colours were pink). For one hour thedelegates voted. For another one hundredminutes they waited while the charteredaccountant firm of Dunwoody and Company talliedthe votes.Both the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC)and the radio station CKNW (theprovince’s largest) were carrying the convention live. In their effortsto fill the time betweenthe balloting, their reporters began reporting and commenting on manydevelopments,regardless of their relevance, with most of the focus being in the possibility ofan allianceto stop the acknowledged front runner, William Vander Zalm.About forty minutes before the first ballot results were announced, and in responseto a CBC’s reporter’s question on who he expected to win on the first ballot, and about thepossibility of an alliance against him, Vander Zaim replied:I think we’re going to make a great showing on the first ballot,and I think we’ll see some majors coming over to Bill VanderZaim perhaps even before the second ballot. So I have nodoubt that on the second ballot we’ll do okay - and I’m notblowing my own horn, I’m saying I’m tremendously optimisticfrom the feel I get here among the crowd. My gut feeling tellsme we’re doing great.114When the reporter againtried to focus on the alliance of the other candidatesand thegovernment caucus against him,Vander Zaim was perceptive about the actions andattitudesof the delegates.I don’t think they cando it. I think there could be a caucuscoalition perhaps amonga few I’m not sure how many.. . butits not really going to effectthe outcome. The people knowhow they want to go. . These are real, independentpeoplethey’ve done their homeworkand know where they wantto go. They’ve got their mindsmade up and so its lookinggreat.Following this response, VanderZaim then showed his impulsive nature,and withoutbeing prompted offered specificpredictions for his first ballot results:Well, I said I wasgoing to have 438 (votes), maybe myestimate was a bit pessimistic.My optimistic was 480 . . . soif that’s it I think that perhapsthe next contender will be about150 behind. . . so it’sa good gap.Not only would Vander Zaim’spessimistic and optimistic predictions bothbeconsiderably off (short by 71 and 113 votesrespectively), but his anticipation of being atleast 150 votes ahead of the nextcontender (who would be Grace McCarthy) was shortby27 (367 to 244 votes). By setting his targetsso high, Vander Zaim, and his organizerswould temporarily be demoralized and panic-stricken followingthe announcement of the firstballot results. Fortunately for Vander Zalm, however, he was correctreading theindependence of the delegate on subsequent ballots.When the first ballot results were finally announced,the audience remained silent fora few moments, trying to digest and comprehendthe significance of the numbers:115TABLE 15Results of the First Ballot(Votes and Percentage Received)Vander Zaim367 (28.36%)McCarthy244 (18.86%)Bud Smith 202(15.61%)Brian Smith 196(15. 15%)Nielsen 54(4.17%)Reynolds 54(4.17%)Rogers 43(3.32%)Wenman40 (3.09%)Michael32 (2.47%)Ritchie 28(2.16%)Couvelier 20(1.55%)Campbell14(1.08%)1,294SOURCE: Official Social Credit partyrecords.One set of dynamics of a leadership race occur afterthe first ballot when the initial impactof the totals sink in. In this case, the first surprisewas how poorly the bottom eightcandidates had done. Collectively they had managedbut 22%, and they would each losetheir $2,500.00 deposit, and some, their reputations. KimCampbell, who received the exactfourteen votes pledged to her by her Vancouver Centreriding was the only candidateofficially eliminated. She quickly moved to Brian Smith, “lawyer to lawyer,” commentedJack Davis.(101)Bill Vander Zaim was able to counter this when Mel Couvelier declared for“the man who can win the next election.”°When asked when he had decided uponsupporting Vander Zalm, Couvelier responded, “two seconds ago.”The Campbell and Couvelier moves were almost immediate. The attention now turnedtowards the other also ran. Once the first ballot results were known, Nielsen, Ritchie,Reynolds, Rogers, and Bob Wenman met in one of their trailers parked beside the116convention centre. Cliff Michael missed the meeting by a fewminutes. The discussion wasfrank, the questions simple: “Do we support one ofour own, as planned?” “If so, who?”“Do we go en masse to one of the front runners, andagain if so, who?” No consensus couldbe reached.° Despite pledges of solidarity, builtupon years of workingtogether ascolleagues, the “caucus five”, the creation of theirown allusions of importanceand themedia’s speculation, disintegrated in a trailerat Whistler. As one delegate said, “theothercandidates hated themselves more thanVander Zaim.”“°As a result, seemingly obliviousto the futility of their entire campaigns, Jim Nielsenand John Reynolds, each with but 54votes stayed on the ballot.John Reynolds, who expected between125-175 first ballot votes stayed onto “provea point”°°although he did not elaborate on thisstatement. His fellow caucus mates hadbeen stubborn in refusing to supporthim on the second ballot, so Reynolds would fight onto have the personal satisfaction of finishing fifth.This was assured when Cliff Michaeldeclared his personal support for Reynoldsin a move based upon a gentleman’s agreementmade when Reynolds offered Michaela ride in a plane he had chartered to take him froma delegate meeting in Campbell River to one in Williams Lake. (The agreement was thatwhoever placed higher, the other would support). Michael, who hadgained at least eightvotes other than his own constituency, (if all voted for him) kept his word, although headmitted that just about all of his own constituency delegates were moving to VanderZa1m.°Jim Nielsen’s decision to stay on for another ballot despite having but 54 votes wasas difficult to understand as his decision to enter the race inthe first place. Even with thesupport of five members of caucus (three of whom were long serving cabinet ministers),Nielsen could manage but a handful of the delegates from these constituencies. His decisionto fight another ballot was foolish as was his comment that “the silly tie” might still allow117“John or Ito pick up themiddle ground.” Nielsen the fighter declared that“I’m not goingto give it away, (the premiership), letthem earn it.”The remaining members ofthe “caucus five” weredetermined to stop Vander Zaim.There was too much antagonismtowards Bud Smith,and while they respected her, theydidnot think McCarthy could winthe election. That leftBrian Smith, whose momentumhadbuilt throughout the campaign,culminating with hisspeech the night before.To his platformwent Ritchie, Rogers and Wenman.Wenman’s actions surprised theconvention. Hisdelegates, especially from theFraser Valley, were natural VanderZalm supporters. If hewas not supporting Vander Zalm,then most thought he surelywould have supportedMcCarthy who Wenman hadentered the provinciallegislature with in 1966, and whowasalso godmother to one of his children.Bud Smith, who knew sometimebefore the convention that his candidacy wasstalled,finished well below his anticipated240 votesom•Grace McCarthy was second,as expected, but 123 votes behind VanderZaim, whosedelegates were also her most likelysupporters. Despite her constant attacks on“machines”and “backroom operators”,McCarthy held a private meeting with Bud Smith afterthe firstballot at his suite above Tapley’sHotel. Any chance of a Bud Smith Grace McCarthyalliance ended when anangry McCarthy told Smith that it “was highly inappropriatethat hewas in the race in the first place.”(112)Outwardly confident, Vander ZaIm supporterswere devastated by the 367 vote total.While talk of a first ballot victoryor 500 plus votes could be dismissed as being overlyoptimistic, Vander Zalm himself had saidon television about an hour from the vote beingannounced his originalguess of 438 votes was “perhaps pessimistic”, and that 480 mightbemore realistic. Behind the scenes,Vander ZaIm’s organizers were horrified. Chief delegatetracker John Leyland felt “wewere finished.”“‘Only after returning to their own118command post trailer was Leyland againoptimistic. “Our projections said that largenumbers of delegates had voted with theirhearts on the first ballot and that they would usetheir head on the second and come to us.I kept telling myself that these were smart peoplevoting.”(114)The Vander Zaimdelegate trackers assumptionswere well founded. Assubsequently revealed by the Universityof British Columbia surveyand analyses:Amongst Socred delegatesone pattern stands Out. Delegatesfreed early in the convention(after the first ballot) were morelikely to flee than followtheir candidate’s signal, while thereverse was true for thosereleased later in the process.Vander Zaim himself showed nosigns of despair following the first ballotresults:Even when I saw theconcern of my supporters, I just did notbelieve I would lose, althoughI do remember standing on mystage looking over the entire conventionand thinking even ifthings did not work out (andI lost), I had a wonderful and fulllife to go back to - unlikemany of the others candidates.°1If there was to be no concerted post-firstballot effort to stop Vander Zaim, then trying todo so after future ballots wouldbe impossible. Again, it was the delegate selection processthat prevented such an event fromhappening. The independent and individualistic delegatesused their own judgement in selecting their leader, eliminatingthe possibility of non-electedparty power brokers most opposed to Vander Zaimanointing another candidate. Otherleadership conventions reveal how non-elected delegatescan effect the outcome:Ex officio delegates are especially well placed to manipulatethe convention . . . if constituency delegates exhibit scatteringand uncoordinated preferences, collusion in ex officiorankswill give the latter group influencefar out of proportion to itsnumbers.If indeed Bud Smith wasthe choice of the outgoing party establishment, and if caucusmembers feared the thoughtof a Vander Zaim victory, there was nothing they could do,other than try to persuade enough of the1 ,300 democratically elected delegates to take their119advice, something most delegates had repeatedly declined to do.The following table, whichshows the reasons behind a delegate firstballot vote show that Vander Zaim’s supporterswere both impressed by his personal qualitiesand public appeal (including electability), thestrongest reasons to stay with him onsuccessive ballots.TABLE 16Reasons for First-BallotVoteCandidateBud Brian VanderAllReasons for voteMcCarthy Smith SmithZalm candidatesPersonal qualities 36.241.7 34.1 49.535.9Personal ties 6.98.3 7.3 4.2 8.5Party benefits 10.313.9 4.9 8.4 7.5Personal/regional benefits 3.45.6 0.0 1.1 4.9Policy/philosophyof candidate 1.713.9 19.5 5.2 10.5Experience/ability 41.319.4 43.9 14.7 28.1Public appeal 17.25.6 4.9 37.9 17.6Negative/strategic reason 0.02.8 0.0 2.1 2.3Other 1.711.1 2.4 15.8 9.5(N) (58)(36) (41) (95) (306)NOTE: Percentages exceed 100 because as many as three reasonsfor vote were recorded for each respondent.Source: D.E. Blake, R. K. Carty, L. Erickson, “Ratification or Repudiation”, Canadian Journalof PoliticalScience, September 1988, page 531.In retrospect, the period between the announcing of the first ballot results and thestart of the next ballot may have been the only opportunity, however slight, for thoseopposed to Vander Zalm to stop his election.While Vander Zaim was in first place,both he and his key advisers were shocked bythe results. Not only were his 367 votes almost 20% below his own guessof 438 votes, itwas well short of his campaign organizers’ estimate ofclose to 500 first ballot votes.However, the abysmal showing of the bottom eight candidates meant that theirinfluence or impact on the convention either as candidates or king makers was virtually nil.120As for Grace McCarthy (second place with 18.86%of the votes), Bud Smith (thirdplace with 15.61% of the votes), and Brian Smith (fourth placewith 15.15% of the vote),all were aware from their own polling thatthey would face a monumental task to overtakeVander Zaim, despite his lower thanexpected first ballot result. Nevertheless, none ofthesestrong-willed individuals were open to, nor preparedto assist another become leader, evenif it meant the eventual selection of Vander Zaim.These personal factors preventingany real coalition against Vander Zalm weresupplemented by physical factors.There was only thirty minutes betweenthe first ballotresults and the start of the second balloting.Also, the size and layout of the Whistlerconvention center was prohibitivefor either any of the usual dramatic soliciting of othercandidate’s supporters, or endorsements whereone candidate and their supporters move toother’s platform. With so many delegates, observersand media in such a small structure(and with a low ceiling), the delegates had difficulty receiving anyinstructions from theircandidates respective campaign organizers,or in viewing the actual events on the conventionfloor.However, even if these delegates were able to communicate freely withtheirorganizations, subsequent information reveals that the delegates were largely independentthinking in their voting decisions, and that Vander Zaim was also the second choice for manydelegates after their initial vote. Also confirmed by an analysis of the voting results, whichin turn confirmed initial speculation and analysis, was that Vander Zaim had the widest rangeof support throughout the province on the first ballot, making himself virtually unassailableto a coalition attack, and instead, and extremely well positioned to grow on the next ballot:121TABLE 17First Ballot Supportby Region(Horizontal Percentages)LOWER FRASERINTERIOR! NORTH!ISLAND MAINLANDVALLEY KOOTENAY OKANAGAN PEACER.Candidate:McCarthy 15.3 52.5 --6.8 16.9 8.5Brian Smith 47.8 10.9 --17.4 15.2 8.7Bud Smith 10.5 10.5 --7.9 44.7 26.3Vander ZaIm 17.0 27.0 9.013.0 27.0 7.022.5 31.1 4.310.2 21.8 10.2SOURCE: D.E. Blake, R.K. Carty and L. Erickson,Grassroots Politicians: Party Activists in BritishColumbia, Vancouver, University of British ColumbiaPress, page 103.Second BallotAt 3:45 p.m. the second ballot results were announced:TABLE 18Results of the Second Ballot (Votes and Percentage Received)Vander Zalm 457 (35.70%)McCarthy 280 (21.88%)Brian Smith 255 (19.22%)Bud Smith 219 (17.11%)Reynolds 39 (3.05%)Nielsen (2.34%)1,280SOURCE: Official Social Credit party records.Vander Zaim had gained 90 votes and grown 25%. McCarthy 36 votes (15%), Brian Smith59 (30%), and Bud Smith 17 votes, or 8%. The figures told the story. Vander ZaIm wasfar from dead, in fact he had moved .177 ahead of second place McCarthy, and was 183122votes from victory. McCarthy had essentiallystalled, as had Bud Smith. Only BrianSmithhad made a significantgain. While Brian Smith washeading towards a final ballotshowdown with VanderZaim, several delegates and mostmedia over estimated his 30%growth and its ramifications.Former Social Creditcabinet minister turned radio“hotliner”Rafe Mair, who favoured his formercampaign manager BudSmith, declared Brian Smithas good as elected despite his being202 votes behind VanderZaim. Such assumptionswere based on the “coughdrop”coalition actually occurring andthe candidates and caucusmembers supporting Brian Smithbeing able to attract and holddelegates. When Jim Nielsenwas finally forced off theballot and his remainingcaucus supporters moved to BrianSmith,the attorney general’scramped stage contained half theleadership candidates and almost one-third of the government caucus.Instead of this solidarity beingbeneficial, the caucusliability factor again cameinto effect. To most, BrianSmith and his new supporters did notappear to represent renewal, especiallyto these delegates who in effect were seekingchangesnot only in premier’s office,but also within caucus and cabinet,both of which containedmembers whose personal and politicaljudgement had harmed the party.In terms of delegates, it wasapparent from the migration to Brian Smith after the firstballot that those candidates movingto him were coming without the bulk of their supporters,or that of their caucus supporterswho were unable to control even their own ridings. Thefour candidates who movedto Smith on the second ballot garnered 125 first ballot votes.On the second ballot, Smith’svote total rose only 59. If the leadership candidates and theircaucus supporters had been ableto bring even their home constituency delegates with them,Brian Smith may have won on thethird ballot.While media commentatorswere electing Brian Smith, The other Smith was meetingwith his “true and trusted friends”Ul9in his Tapley’s Hotel suite. There Bud Smithdisclosed to his campaign executive whathe had told his wife alone one week before:123I knewbefore the conventionthat it was over. It was now mydecisiongo to the other “outsider”, Vander Zalm.I explainedmy reasonsand they all agreed.The only decision was“do Iwalk thefloor?” My gut instinctsaid yes.Smith re-entered the hall, reassembledhis group around hisstage, then made the trek toVander Zaim, a fifty meter walk Smithsaid felt like “intenseslow motion,”2I)especiallywhen he became concerned forhis wife’s safety asVander Zaim delegates mergedwithSmith’s. Once on Vander Zalm’splatform Smith wasgreeted by a bear hug he “wasn’texpecting”°from the candidateSmith claimed the partygrassroots demanded lead them.Vander Zalm himself wasnot as surprised by BudSmith’s decision as others were:I sensed alot of Bud’ssupport was similar to mine. Webothwere strong in the Okanagan andNorth. While I didn’t knowBud well before the campaign,we hit it off well together whenwe were at the same events.In fact, I enjoyed his company somuch that if I had to sharea parachute with any of myopponents, it wouldbe Bud.Bud Smith’s walk providedthe big surprise of the convention.Countless mediastories had conditioned observersto expect a Smith-Smith alliance. Even thetwo candidate’smanagers were openly predictingsuch an outcome. As Bud Smith began hismove to VanderZaim, Brenda Kinsella, the wifeof Brian Smith’s campaign manager PatrickKinsella,angrily said, “that’s the politics ofbitterness. That f--cker!”24)When Bud Smith spoke tothe media immediatelyafter the excitement, he said, “for fifty-two daysI have been sayingno deals with Brian Smith. NowI hope you guys in the media will believe me.”°Quickly the somewhat embarrassedmedia tried to explain why they had been sowrong. Some claimed Bud Smithwas still upset with Patrick Kinsella over his boast thatthe government’s restraintprogram of the 1980s was more aresult of his personaltransformation of Bill Bennettinto “tough guy” out of political expediency, not economicnecessity.°Also cited was the fact that so much ofa caucus that was largely anti-Bud124Smith was now on Brian Smith’s stage. Few wouldconsider his explanation of grassrootswisdom and his decision to support Vander Zalm.Rafe Mair said either his friend had somesort of deal (including the right to run in the South Peace Riverby-election) in place or else“Bud Smith is a fool.”Veteran New Democratic Party campaignmanager Yvonne Cooke called the moveand the imminent election of Vander Zaim “suicide”°for the party. Grace McCarthy,resigned to her fate said “who can understand it?I don’t.”°Her only possible hope, andthat of Brian Smith, was that Bud Smithdelegates would not go to Vander Zaim - something72% would do.°Third BallotWith the death of any perceived Smith alliance,Bill Vander Zalm was assuredvictory. Bud Smith’s decision to publicly declare for VanderZaim as much a symbolicgesture as it was transferring of actual votes. Most ofhis delegates were already in theVander Zaim camp. The arrival of John Reynolds and Cliff Michaelat this point, regardlessof their earlier professed support of Vander Zaim was seenas opportunistic, althoughMichael had Stated on television after the first ballot that he would eventually wind up withVander Zalm. While Brian Smith had the bulk of the government caucus and cabinet withhim, he had not convinced enough delegates that his victory would indeedbe party renewal.Grace McCarthy continued to retain the support of her fiercely loyal followers, but with hernatural source of delegate growth already with Vander Zalm, she knew her campaign wouldsoon end.125TABLE 19Results of the Third Ballot(Votes and Percentage Received)Vander Zaim625 (49.14%)Smith 342(26.89%)McCarthy3Q5(23.98%)1,272Source: Official Social Credit party records.Vander Zaim had grown 168 votes,an increase of 37% over the last ballot.Smith hadgrown 34%, but had actuallygained only 62 votes. McCarthy whohad increased 50 votes,or 9% was forced off the ballot,a ballot made necessary by Vander Zaim being12 votesshort of victory.After the third ballot results were announced, withVander Zaim certain of victory,the convention and media focused on Grace McCarthy,who had just been eliminated.Would she make a political statement by movingto and endorsing either Vander Zaim orBrian Smith? While the subsequent release of herdelegates seemed in keeping with publicpronouncements, Vander Zaim, privy to information no othershad, expected somethingdifferent:I had told everyone that prior to my entering the leadershiprace, I had talked with Grace, and she had encouraged me torun. What I didn’t reveal that a few days before I made mydecision, Lillian and I went to Grace’s (Vancouver) house andtalked about the race with her and (husband) Ray. We spokefor three and a half hours. Grace was very concerned aboutthe two Smith campaigns, especially their organizations. Shewas afraid that unless I ran and siphoned off votes and tooksome focus off the Smiths, she would be caught in the middle,and lose. She obviously thought she would beat me. I left thatmeeting telling Grace that if I ran, I would run to win, but thatif she was ahead of me in the standings, or vice versa wewould support one another. She agreed.03D126Vander Zaimalso stated he met with McCarthy for about half an hour on the morningof the vote, in advance of the candidates breakfast with Premier Bennett. “While we didn’ttalk about the upcoming vote, and Grace seemed down. Enoughwas said that I assumed ourarrangement would still be in effect” When thethird ballot was over and McCarthyreleased her delegates, Vander Zaim wasincredulous:I was very, very disappointed Gracedidn’t come to me as wehad talked. I consideredmyself honour bound to move to herif the results were reversed. I don’t knowwhy she did whatshe did. We never discussed this matteragain, but thingsbetween Grace and I were not the same afterthe campaign.While Vander Zaim was surprised anddisappointed in McCarthy’s failure to endorsehim after the third ballot, then McCarthy herselfmust have been stunned by not only howthe day’s voting had gone, but the entire campaign.For if she had indeed encouragedVander Zaim to enter the race in the first placeto thwart the campaign organization and votepotential of Brian Smith and Bud Smith, then McCarthyhad made the political blunder ofher career.If the media driven Smith-Smith alliance was the McCarthy campaign’s greatest fear,and they thought Vander Zaim’s candidacy would assist theirs, then they had made amonumental political blunder. It appears that the great sums of money expended on hercampaign did not include either any polling or analysis into the political attitudes and votingintentions of the potential delegates to the leadership contest, for if they had done so, theMcCarthy campaign would have known that many of their potential supporters were evenmore predisposed to vote for Vander Zaim. With this critical information, Grace McCarthy,who was often lauded for her own political instincts, would have wanted William VanderZalm to have remained at Fantasy Gardens, not contesting for the leadership she so coveted.127This ballots resultsfurther confirm that “once theballoting started the candidate’sendorsements had littleimpact”. Theindependence of the Social Creditdelegates wasevident throughout the fourballots, as they“knew who they wantedto win and, having casttheir first vote for a host ofpersonal andother local reasons, moveddirectly to their realchoice”.(‘35)The following table shows thedelegate movement betweenthe first three ballots.Itreveals how little impacta candidate’s endorsementof another candidate had onthe delegatesactual voting pattern:TABLE 20Delegate Movementby Candidate(Horizontal Percentages)SupportersCandidateMoved to FollowEiBallots 1- >2CampbellBrian Smith 25.075.0 (8)Couvelier VanderZaim 37.562.5 (8)Michael Reynolds100.0 (4)Ritchie BrianSmith 16.783.3 (6)Rogers BrianSmith 53.8 46.2 (13)Wenman BrianSmith 64.3 35.7 (14)Ballots 2- >3Nielson Brian Smith80.0 20.0 (5)Reynolds Vander ZaIm62.5 37.5 (8)Bud Smith Vander Zaim72.3 17.6 (47)SOURCE: Blake, D.E.,Carty, R.K. and Erickson, L., Grassroots Politicians: PartyActivists in BritishColumbia, Vancouver, University of BritishColumbia Press, page 106.The fact that the bottom eightcandidates only received 285 (22%) of the valid votesfurther reduced these candidates abilityto influence events, especially as their control over128their delegates was by in large restrictedto the first ballot furtherreduced their role in theconventions outcome.The Fourth BallotWith Vander Zaim’s victorynow inevitable, the onlyissue was whether Brian Smithand his followers would cross the floorprior to the fourthballot to acclaim Vander Zaimthevictor in a show of party unity. Thisspeculation was quickly dismissedwhen Smith statedthat his supporters deserved theopportunity to go down fighting.The additional ballot toconfirm the Vander Zaim victorytook two hours:TABLE 21Results of the FourthBallot (Votes and PercentageReceived)Vander Zaim 801(63.8%)Smith42(36.18%)1,255Source: Official Social Creditparty records.Vander Zaim’s additional 176votes gave him 64% of the conventiondelegates. (He hadstarted with 28% on the first ballot).Despite the hopelessness of his cause, Brian Smithstillgained 112 delegate votes. Forty-five delegatesrefused to vote, either not casting or spoilingtheir ballot. When theresults were announced, Vander Zaim exclaimedwhat became histrademark comment,“Fantastic”•At 8:13 p.m. on July30, 1986, William N. Vander Zaim became the third leader ofthe British Columbia Social Creditparty. On August 6, he would be sworn in as BritishColumbia’s 27th premier.129Chapter III Footnotes‘A survey of the delegates showed44.4% agreed that there were too many candidates,while 44.7% disagreed. Universityof British Columbia Departmentof Political Science,“British Columbia Leadership Study1986 Summary Results”, SectionE, Question 10.2”Speeches didn’t meet the Stars”,Vancouver Sun,30 July 1986.3John Reynolds campaign material.4”Nielsen: He’s nofront runner but cabinetminister comes out swinging”,Vancouver Sun, 11 July 1986.5The young socreds would providethe balance of support and energy forthe Nielsencampaign. Half of the twenty-fivemember Nielsen campaign organizationwere youngsocreds - whose vice-president was thecandidate’s son Darin.6”His character (HumphreyBogart) exemplified what I admire inpeople, he wasstraightforward, he was honest,he didn’t smile very much but hestuck to his word”,commented Nielsen in a writtenintroduction to a Humphrey Bogart filmretrospective hiscampaign hosted at Whistler.(Nielsen also bore a resemblance to the actor).7David Mitchell, Succession,Vancouver, Douglas and McIntyre, 1987,page 95.8Bill Ritchie also hoped to secure somedelegates from the Vancouver Island ridingof Esquimak, for which he was the Social Credit“Buddy-MLA”. (Ridings represented bythe opposition were covered-off by SocialCredit MLAs who were to support and assist thelocal Social Credit constituency association).9The writer was a delegate to the convention, and retainedall campaign mailouts.‘°“MP sees himself as Living Legacy of W.A.C. Bennett Era”, Vancouver Sun,7 July1986, page Bi.“Pierre Normandin (ed.), 1985 Canadian Parliamentary Guide,Ottawa, 1985.‘2”MP sees himself as living legacy of W.A.C.Bennett Era”, Vancouver Sun, 7 July1986.‘3”Hustler unsettles Socreds”, Vancouver Sun, 4 July 1986.‘4Discussion with Vancouver Sun Victoria bureaureporter Keith Baldry, 16 July1987.‘3”Wenman Jumps into Socred Race”, Vancouver Sun, 28 May 1986.13016Ibid.‘7An indication of how poorly hiscampaign had gone was a reminder issued on July20, 1986 to Wenman from the Social Credit campaign committeethat his nomination paperswere not acceptable as he had yet to signup 100 valid party members. This was only eightdays prior to the start of the convention.Wenman would have to rely on assorted fund-raisers organized by his supporters,as well as the mortgaging of his hometo pay off hiscampaign debts.18Shortly before his departure as Premier Bennett’sprincipal secretary, it was BudSmith, not a MLA who was assigned by the Premierto meeting with younger members oflocal constituency associations in an effortto recruit new party members. Critics would latercharge that Bennett was trying to introduce Smithto key constituency members in an effortto gain their confidence and support priorto the start of the campaign.‘9Bud Smith’s campaign was endorsedby MLAs (and Bill Bennett loyalists) JimChabot, Don Phillips, and Tom Waterland,as well as former party Presidents PeterHyndman and Meldy Harris.“Remark Spurs Socred Furore”, VancouverSun, 28 May 1986.21Michael defeated the incumbent NDP MLA BillKing, who had served as labourminister in the Barrett government. Kingwould finish third in the NDP’s 1984 provincialleadership contest.Interview with Cliff Michael, 15 July1987, Victoria, B.C.Letter to the author from Mel Couvelier, 4 August 1987.Ibid.Stephen Roger campaign literature.Interview with Stephen Rogers, 14 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.27lnterview with Kim Campbell, 14 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.“Intel1ectual lawyer sees her politics as a chance to enlighten”, Vancouver Sun, 3July 1986.Interview with Kim Campbell, 14 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.30Blake, Carty, Erickson, Grassroots Politicians, page 6.31There would be some discussion (usually from other campaigns) that McCarthy wasactually two years older, which would make her 60 at the time of the convention.3ZWhileexact campaign costs are not known for all the candidates, all reviews put theMcCarthy campaign first with expenditures in the $500,000.00 - $600,000 range.13133Considered dulland uninspiring, Brian Smith’s concerted effort to liven his imageand speaking style was one of the major surprises of thecampaign.Patrick Kinsella was one of thegroup of political operatives recruitedby premierBennett from the Ontario Progressive Conservative partyin the early 1980s. Kinsella wouldalso serve as Bennett’s deputy premier in1981-82.351’Brian! . . . the best we canbe!” was the Brian Smith campaign slogan.“Garry Bànnerman Show”, Radio Station CKNW,20 June 1987.“Ibid.University of British Columbia, BritishColumbia Leadership Study 1986.SummaryResults, Section E, Question 7.39Discussion with Elwood Veitch 15 July 1987, Victoria,B.C.Blake, Carty and Erickson, “Ratificationor Repudiation”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 513.4Twigg, Vander Zaim, page 163.‘2Named for twenty swing ridings in British Columbia,twenty seats critical to SocialCredit’s ability to form government,the so-called “Top Twenty” group was formed byPremier Bennett and his new group ofparty operatives following the party’s near defeat inthe 1979 provincial election (Social Credit won31 seats to the New Democrat’s 26. Therewas only a 2.3% difference in the popular vote).Approximately sixty prominent business people comprised the Top Twenty. Eachmembercontributed at least $5,000.00 annually to the party, which met periodicallyfor lunch andother meetings with the Premier and other cabinet ministers.For a list of the 1986 Top Twenty group members, and their occupations,see DavidMitchell’s Succession.43Bud Smith interview, 14 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.“Power and Money Behind the Socreds”, Vancouver Sun, 24 June 1986.45Blake, Carty and Erickson, “Ratification or Repudiation”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 523.“Leadership Drive Begins in Earnest”, Vancouver Sun, 21 June 1986.41John Reynolds interview, 15 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.In addition to the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, radio station CKNW, theProvince’s largest, also provided live coverage of the convention.13249Comments ofR.K. CartyonRadio Station CKNW, 10 July 1987.°Ibid.511n particular CKNW radio talkshow host RafeMair (a former Social Credit cabinetminister), extolled the candidacyof his former campaignmanager, Bud Smith, whileVancouver Sun newspapercolumnist Majorie Nichollsfavoured Grace McCarthy.524’First Ballot Support”, VancouverSun, 10 July 1986.53This account of the Coquitlammeeting of theso-called “caucus five” was providedby Stephen Rogers during an interviewon 14 July 1987. It wasconfirmed by membersofthe other involved campaigns.54The meeting of thecaucus five candidates and campaign,held in a trailer outsidethe convention centre after the firstballot, was contentious. Oneattendee, who asked notto be identified stated “thatthese former political big shotswere in shock, firstlyabout howbadly they had all done, andabout how little influencethey might have either overtheconvention - or in the partyafterwards”.55That most of Bud Smith’sdelegates considered WilliamVander Zaim as their secondchoice was subsequently confirmedby the University of British Columbia surveyof thedelegates.Bud Smith interview, 14July 1987, Victoria, B.C.57”Fundamentally Lotus Land”,MacLeans, 11 August 1986.“Whistler Socred Conventionsite”, Vancouver Sun, 26 May 1986.59Lorne Valensky interview, 20 September1986.Stephen Rogers Campaign literature distributedat Whistler.6tSee Chapter II, Footnote 70 forestimates of the various campaign expenditures.62University of British Columbia,British Columbia Leadership Study 1986, SummaryResults, Section E, Question10.63Canadian Broadcasting Corporation“Social Credit Party Leadership ConventionTelevision Coverage”,30 July 1986.The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’sBritish Columbia region carried live on theirtelevision channel much ofthe Social Credit party convention, including the candidatesspeeches on July 27, 1986,and the entire July 30, 1986 election day. The writer videotaped these events. All cited quotationshave been extracted from these tape recordings.TMBoth mentioned the possibility ofwithdrawal to the author (Kim Campbell duringher 14 July 1987 interview, and Mel Couvelier inhis letter of 4 August 1987).133MAccording to the restaurantproprietor, Wenman paid $1,000 per day forthe use ofthe restaurant as his campaign headquarters.6Tickets to the two hour tribute toPremier Bennett cost $50.00. Bennett was salutedby B.C. Hydro Chairman Chester Johnson, Cabinet Minister Don Philips, businessman andExpo ‘86 chairman Jim Pattison, and Alberta PremierPeter Lougheed. The Social Creditparty presented Bennett with a speed boat and the1975 Chevrolet car he had used since 1975for government business.67e402persons asked 11 questions in MarktrendPoll”, Vancouver Sun, 26 July 1986,page 1.Ibid.Author’s notes taken July 29, 1986 whileat the convention.700n1y 18.5% of delegates said they made their decisionon who to support once atthe convention; 49.4% decided whenthe candidates announced; 24.9% between theirselection and the convention; and 6.8% whenthey were selected as a delegate.University of British Columbia, BritishColumbia Leadership Study 1986, Summary Results,Section E, Question 8.71”A-G Smith Upstages his Rivals”, Vancouver Sun, 30 July 1986,page 13.“Social Credit Leadership Convention: Candidate Speeches”, CanadianBroadcastingCorporation, 29 July 1986.Ibid.74Ibid.75Ibid.76Ibid.77Ibid.Ibid.Ibid.Ibid.81Ibid.9bid.83Ibid.134Author’s notestaken 29 July 1986 while at the convention.85”Candidate Speeches”,Canadian BroadcastingCorporation, 29 July 1986.9bid.87Ibid.9bid.9bid.90William Vander Zaim interview,7 September 1993, Ladner, B.C.91”Candidate Speeches”, CanadianBroadcasting Corporation, 29 July1986.9bid.3Ibid.Ibid.95William Vander Zaiminterview, 7 September 1993, Ladner,B.C.Other candidates had far more elaboratestage setups. Grace McCarthy’s resembleda fortress, while both Brian Smith andBud Smith’s had an elevation device so that thecandidate could be raised along with hissubsequent vote totals.“Socia1 Credit Leadership Convention: ElectionDay”, Canadian BroadcastingCorporation, 30 July 1986.9bid.9bid.1Section 12(C)(ii) of The Social Credit Party Constitution outlined the process wherecandidates are eliminated from future ballots.‘°‘Jack Davis interview, 13 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.102”Election Day”, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation,30 July 1986.‘°3lbid.!o4StephenRogers interview, 14 July 1986, Victoria, B.C.Author’s notes 30 July 1986.t9ohn Reynolds interview, 15 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.. Reynolds did not wish to135elaborate on what point we was trying tomake.‘°7Cliff Michael interview, 15 July1987, Victoria, B.C.‘°“Election Day”, CanadianBroadcasting Corporation, 30 July 1986.‘9bid.“°Ibid.“Bud Smith interview, 14 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.“2lbjd“3John Leyland interview, 11 September1987, North Vancouver, B.C.“4lbid.“5Blake, Carty and Erickson, “Ratificationor Repudiation”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, pages 528-529.Wi1Iiam Vander Zaim interview, September 7,1993, Ladner, B.C.“7George Perlin (ed.), Party Democracy inCanada: The Politics of NationalConventions, Scarborough, Prentice Hall Inc., 1987,page 207.“8”Election Day”, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 30 July 1986.“9Bud Smith interview, 14 July 1987, Victoria, B.C.‘Ibid.‘2’Ibid.‘9bid.‘Wi11iam Vander Zaim interview, 7 September 1993, Ladner, B.C.Twigg, Vander Zaim, page 197.‘“E1ection Day”, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 30 July 1986.See Allen Garr’s Tough Guy.‘27”Election Day”, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 30 July 1986.‘Ibid.‘Ibid.136°B1ake, Carty and Erickson,“Ratification or Repudiation”,Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 529.William VanderZaim interview, 7 September 1993,Ladner, B.C.‘32Ibid.‘33Ibid.Blake, Carty and Erickson,Grassroots Politicians, page 106.‘35Ibid.“Election Night”, CanadianBroadcasting Corporation,30 July 1986.137CHAPTER IVCONCLUSION ANDEPILOGUE:ANALYSIS OF THE VANDERZALM VICTORY AND ITSCONSEQUENCESTO THE BRITISHCOLUMBIA SOCIAL CREDITPARTYConclusionOn the final ballot the delegatesto the 1986 Social Credit leadershipconvention werepresented with a clear choicebetween two candidates with distinct personaland politicalstyles, a choice that “came downto a choice between VanderZaim, a millionaire workingclass hero, and Brian Smith,a remote Victoria lawyer, who personifieda remotegovernment.”“While these delegates respectedand admired the personal efforts of PremierW.R. Bennett, they wantedto halt the course he had set for their party:The selection of William Vander Zaimappeared to represent,in part at least, a repudiation of the Bennettstyle, aspects ofhis political agenda, and some attempts to modernize thepartyorganization.(2)More than anything, this leadership convention wasabout the future form and direction theSocial Credit party would take, either back to W.A.C.Bennett’s populism or a continuationof the modern machine style practiced in the lastyears of W.R. Bennett’s tenure. There wasan obvious fear amongst delegates that once W.R. Bennettrelinquished the reins of power,and the Kelowna dynasty formally ended, theunique and politically independent nature ofthe Social Credit party would be lost. For many delegatesif the centralization of the party’sleadership and agenda proceeded, thenthe grassroots input and influence that had marked138the party’s origins would be gone forever.It was this fear of downtown concrete pavingover the grassroots that led the delegatesaway from the future and back to themorecomfortable past.In order to reassert themselves, theparty’s membership needed the largelyopen anddemocratic delegate selection process.While very few were awareof it at the time of W.R.Bennett’s resignation, the party’s existingconstitution outlined rules for delegateselectionprovided just such a mechanism. Inthe party’s thirty-four year history,party leadershiprules were seldom considered, andthe guidelines used in 1986 had neverhad a real test run.The party had always been led bya Bennett, and the current Premier wasonly 53 years old.(His father had been 73 when he finallyresigned). While no one expected theson to matchthe father’s longevity, few thoughthe would leave so abruptly.When W.R. Bennett did resign, partymembers, scholars, the media, and potentialleadership candidates and their supporters weresent scrambling to the party’s seldomreferred to constitution. There onpage 12 Bylaw 10(c) the voting procedures stated clearlywho could vote for delegates(party members deemed to be in good standing) and the totalnumber of delegates permitted at the leadershipconvention itself. (Minimum 25 perconstituency, one extra for each 100 members over1,000 a riding had). Nothing more.Those wishing to become Social Credit delegateshad but one route available, and thisrequired the approval of their fellow constituencymembers. If the party’s leadership ruleshad of been manipulated to includevarious delegate categories, then Vander Zaim, theoutsider running against the bulkof the party’s establishment and definitely against thewishes of the existingcaucus, would have had little chance of success. While several of his139grassroots loyalists would have emerged through some of thedelegate categories to be in aposition to support him, this block of voteswould have been countered by delegates fromthe other categories, especially the ex-officio ones, whowould be most concerned aboutretaining their current positions and power. Instead, withan open convention, Vander Zalmknew that with even half the campaign over and littleorganization or strategy in place hecould still enter the race and win:The delegate selection process turned out to be thekey. WhenI attended some candidate’s meetings before I declared and sawthe support I was getting, and when I received hundredsofphone calls and letters from around theprovince also urgingme to run, I knew that the grassroots were still withme.When I realized these were the people who wouldbe voting atWhistler, not the big shots, I knew I had a very goodchance.Without the delegate (selection) process, I would’ve beendeadin the water.(4)The 1986 Social Credit leadership campaign was largely about one man, WilliamVander Zalm. All of the Vander Zaim’s perceived attributes, self-discipline, work ethic,morality, and populism, the most familiar adjectives used when describing the man, wereusually lumped into one word, style. While this style was not easy to describe, the SocialCredit delegates were comfortable enough with it that even previous blunders or concernsabout the man’s depth were put aside.Since he was seventeen Vander Zaim had been a salesman. First as a nurserymanthen as a politician. Whether he was selling flowers or himself, he has been very, verygood. As his campaign press agent Charlie Giordano, who witnessed Vander Zaim’s styleand its results on delegates and voters throughout the province, stated:140He’s the ideal candidate.His charisma is sincere and whenpeople see that face and hear thatvoice they believe what hesays.(5)While being often criticized by the press andother candidates for providing “charismawithout substance”, enough delegates felt otherwise. To them hissuccess in the freeenterprise market place and his efforts at actually implementing party policyand opinionwhen in office was the practical substance these voters couldappreciate. Vander Zaim’scharismatic approach to politics and policy was something thedelegates were comfortablewith:In appealing to populists, suspicious of bureaucracy andimpatient with delay, and long time party activists, many ofwhom were attracted to Social Credit during the W.A.C.Bennett era, Vander Zalm was offering a style with which theywere familiar.(6)By simply being himself Vander Zaim captured the mood of the convention and its delegates.Those candidates who tried to create the illusion of leadership and image by spendingexorbitant sums of money themselves for charges of being artificial and controlled bypollsters and consultants. Far from allowing them to compete with Vander Zaim, these high-tech, high finance campaigns instead highlighted Vander Zalm’s self reliance.The delegates attending were smart people who knew what they were doing. Thefirst priority of the Social Credit delegates was to select a leader they had confidence in andwho could win the next election. The I ,300 Social Credit delegates had been given141enormous responsibility and power. Theyseized this chance to determine the destinyof theirparty. They were not about to lose thisopportunity. As political commentatorDalton Camphas stated, leadership selection isone of the few remainingareas where party activists canhave influence over their party:Now that the parties don’thave any influence left in the policyarea, the only power left toa party is to elect a leader and theonly power left to theconstituency organizations is to say whogets nominated if you takethat away everyone becomes aeunuch.()It is somewhat ironic that outgoingPremier W.R. Bennett coupled his resignationwith a clear call for partyrenewal. While each of the twelvecandidates claimed to be justwhat the Premier had inmind, it seems apparent that the W.R.Bennett era establishmentequated renewal with more modernizationand new faces. Their political revitalizationincluded the political gadgetry of thecomputer age, constant poll taldng, consulting reports,and networking. Even the party presidentsaid Social Credit was looking to attract the “BudSmiths”, of society. What happened insteadis irony. Premier W.R. Bennett began to relyheavily on polls and paid organizers in the early 1980’sin an attempt to keep Social Creditin power after the close call of the 1979 provincialelection. Before this election, during hisfirst term in office, the same Bennett had once remarked:I don’t need polls to tell me what the guy in the beer parlor isthinking. I just walk down the halls and talk to VanderZalm.Polls over populism marked the style ofthe last years of the W.R. Bennett142government. Without Vander Zaim incabinet and with a premier who was neverabacksiapping campaigner, insteadconsumed by projects such as Expo86 and northeast coal,the government grew distant from itsroots. The 1983 electionwas a personal triumph andvindication for W.R. Bennett. He hadseveral pians for his last term inoffice and with hisconvincing mandate he intended to govern.While party membersand the general publicmay have agreed with many of hisgovernment’s policies, they quite often haddifficulty withhow it was presented.In summary, the Vander Valmvictory was due to four factors.First, Vander Zaim’s personaand political record earned him theloyalty of theparty’s grassroots and distinguishedhim from his eleven competitors.Second, the simple and open delegateselection process and the short campaignprevented either any influx of new memberswho may have diluted Vander Zaim’s coreconstituency, as well as the manipulationof multiple delegate categories (as witnessedinseveral other party conventions).(10)Third, the delegates and partyas a whole wanted to select the candidate with the bestchance to change their then political fortunesand win the next provincial election. Variouspolls and surveys during the campaign consistentlypointed to Vander Zalm as their best hope(which it turned out wastrue).And finally, besides wanting to win the next election, these delegates saw theselection of Vander Zaimas their best way to repudiate and halt the modernization effortsof W.R. Bennett and in effect returnthe party back to its populist traditions.143For those delegates predisposed to the Vander Zaimcandidacy, they would not onlyhave the opportunity to vote for the candidate theypersonally admired and who they werepolitically aligned with, but who could also rejuvenatethe party and win the upcomingprovincial election:(But) as in other Canadian party systems,electoral competitionin British Columbia focuses much on thepersonalities andcharacter of the party leaders. And partymembers know it.When asked to indicate the importance ofa series of factors indetermining their choice for leader, delegatesat the 1986Social Credit leadership convention chose ‘abilityto win thenext election’ more often than any otherfactor; personalcharacteristics of the candidates were second.(WFor Vander Zaim to have won, all of these four factors had to either occur or be inplace. As they were a candidate with little organization and less strategy, with minimalcaucus support, and who did not enter the campaign until eleven others had done so and afterthe race was almost half over, won convincingly. Politics revolve around personalities, andin British Columbia in 1986 this meant Vander Zalm:The grassroots of British Columbia’s Social Credit reclaimedtheir party and their government last week, kicked out thecoterie of imported Ontario bureaucrats and power pedlars whohad come to surround it, lifted a defiant middle finger to thenation’s media and intellectual elite, declared war on unionism,legislated biculturalism, socialism, and Ottawa-packagedpatriotism, and proclaimed to the world that, in BritishColumbia anyway, Social Credit is once again a movement.In other words, they named as premier-designate of theirprovince a man who in the space of a 17-year political careerhas figuratively mooned just about every icon on the liberalaltar. His name is Bill Vander Zaim.(12)144EpilogueThe election of William Vander Zaimas the third leader of the British ColumbiaSocial Credit party began one of the most tumultuous tenuresa Canadian political leader hasendured.During the five and a half year period fromthe resignation announcement of W.R.Bennett until the 1991 provincial election,both Vander Zaim and his party met withsignificant political triumphants and ultimatelygreat political failure.On August 6, 1986, one week after his selectionas Social Credit leader, WilliamVander Zaim was formally sworn in as BritishColumbia’ twenty-seventh premier.On October 22, 1986, and despite running a campaignas disorganized as hisleadership bid, Vander Zaim led Social Credit to a decisive victoryin the provincial generalelection. Enough voters were either enamoured with, or trusting enough of Vander Zaimto give Social Credit their second highest popular vote ever (49.7%) and their third highestpercentage of seats (47 of 69 seats, or 68%). What was most impressive about this victoryis that exactly five months earlier when Premier W.R. Bennett announced that he wasretiring, the party appeared headed for defeat at the next election.(14)The 1986 Social Credit general election victory was waged under a campaign slogancalling for a “fresh start”. For over a year after their win, it seemed that the unorthodoxVander Zalm would provide just that for both his party and the province.145This was not to be the case. Vander Zalm’s inabilityto refrain from speaking hismind (especially on abortion), considering in advance the consequences of his commentsoractions, and his poor selection of government officials and friends led toa steady erosionof his public and party support that neither would be able to recover from.The final years of the Vander Zaim premiership were ones which sawa leaderincreasingly besieged by internal party strife and a public tiring of the same populismit hadonce found appealing.In the end, it was Vander Zaim himself who brought about his own downfall.Despite stating throughout his leadership campaign and his subsequent term as premier thathe would sell his Fantasy Garden development so as to avoid any political conflict ofinterest, Vander Zalm continually delayed doing so. Finally, when he did manage to sellthe gardens, (at the start of his fifth year as premier), a subsequent investigation initiated bythe Premier himself found him to be in conflict of interest over the actual sale eventsthemselves.On April 2, 1991, the day the investigative report on his sale of Fantasy Gardens wasreleased, William Vander Zaim became the first premier in Canadian history forced to resignover a conflict of interest.On July 20, 1991, in the third and last Social Credit leadership race contested underthe same rules and processes that had led to Vander Zalm’s victory,Rita Johnston, (whohad been elected by the Social Credit caucus as their interim leader on the dateVander Zalm146resigned), was elected by party membersas their fourth leader, defeating Grace McCarthyon the second ballot.Unlike 1986, this leadership change didnot provide an electoral boost for the troubledparty. Rather, the party was clearlydivided and polarized before, during,and after theconvention. On October 17, 1991, in aprovincial election held only five daysless than fiveyears after the Vander Zalm triumphant,the once omnipotent party was humiliated,finishinga distant third in the standings. As of thispapers submission, the future of the party remainsvery much in doubt.There has been much written and saidabout the rise and fall of William Vander Zaimand his political career. What cannotbe disputed is that on July 30, 1986, the last candidateto enter the most crowded leadership race in Canadian history, whobegan running only afterthe race was half over, and who ran perhaps theworst campaign ever conducted by thewinner of a major Canadian leadership contest, tookfull advantage of the timing, process,and available delegates, and won the leadership of the Social Credit party,and with it thepremiership of British Columbia.No matter what has been written on, or may yet be written about William VanderZalm,°8he cannot be denied his moment on July 30, 1986 at Whistler, British Columbia.147Chapter IV Footnotes“An electoral shock”, Maclean’s,11 August 1986, page 2.2Blake, Carty and Erickson, “Ratificationor Repudiation”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 513.3A11 leadership candidates interviewed expectedW.R. Bennett to run again. Whilesome indicated an electoral victory wouldbe difficult, most thought, like the 1983 campaignwhere the party trailed up until the finaldays, the Bennett led Social Credit party wouldagain win a majority government. William VanderZaim was “shocked.. .1 thought Bill(Bennett) would run once more”.4William Vander Zalm, interview inRichmond, 25 September 1987.5”Vander Zaim: Outspoken populistsays he wants to cut government red tape”,Vancouver Sun, 18 July 1986, page Bi.6Blake, Carty and Erickson, “Ratificationor Repudiation”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, page 534.7Lynch, Charles, Race for the Rose, Toronto, Methuen,1984, page 98.81’The Coughdrops’ fatal flaw”, The Province,3 August 1986, page 31.perhapsthe best example of the W.R. Bennett’s government’s poor handling of agovernment policy is with regards to “restraint”, the issue the party campaigned on duringthe 1983 campaign. According to the U.B.C. delegate survey (SectionA, question 2), 55%of the delegates rate the government’s performance with regardsto restraint “very good”,while another 35.6% stated “fairly good”. Section B, question I indicatesthat 51.2% of thedelegates thought “the provincial restraint program was well intentioned but not wellimplemented”.‘°Courtney, John, “Leadership Convention and the Development of the NationalPolitical Community in Canada”, in Carty, R.K., and Ward, W. Peter, National Politics andCommunity in Canada, Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1986. Also,Patrick, Grey, and Perlins, Contenders, vividly chronicles the abuses of the 1983 federalProgressive Conversation Leadership campaign delegate selection process.“Blake, Carty and Erickson, Grassroots Politicians, page 86.‘2”The Vander Zaim Zap”, Western Report, 11 August 1986, page 6.148The only Social Credit election victories witha higher popular vote than the 1986Vander Zaim victory of 49.32% was the 1983 totalof 49.76%.The only victories with a higher percentage ofSocial Credit seats attained than the 1986total of 68% were the 1956 (75%) and 1969(69%) totals.‘4David K. Stewart and R.K. Carty, “Does Changingthe Party Leader Provide anElectoral Boost? A Study of Canadian Provincial Parties:1960 - 1992”, Canadian Journalof Political Science, June 1993, Volume XXVI:2, pages313 - 330.In this article, the authors review, analyze, and revealseveral interesting trends andconclusions with regards to provincial election results followingchanges in partyleadership. This paper shows that the mere change ofleadership is far from a guarantee ofsucceeding electoral success nor are they a panacea for an unpopular governingparty”. (page329) Furthermore, the paper shows that “of all scenarios,a competitive convention and aquick election are most conducive to electoralsuccess. New premiers who fight hard to wintheir jobs, and quickly ask the public for anendorsement, have the best change ofsweeping the electorate off its feet”. (page 330)Vander Zaim’s selection and thesubsequent Social Credit party victory in the 1986provincial election is a case in point.‘5E.N. Hughes, Revort of the Honourable E.N. Hughes.O.C.. on the Sale of FantasyGarden World Inc., Victoria, Province of British Columbia, April 2, 1991.‘6Many opponents of William Vander Zaim within the Social Credit party, includingseveral failed leadership candidates, blamed the party’s then leadership selection processwith providing Vander Zaim with an advantage. This discontent, whichwas most evidentat subsequent annual conventions of the party, saw Social Credit amend its constitution toimplement a universal ballot procedure for future selection of their leaders. (What manyof Vander Zaim’s critics fall to realize, or refuse to accept, is that it is equally likely thatVander Zaim would have won in 1986 even if the universal ballot had been in place).The subsequent fate of the twelve 1986 British Columbia Social Credit leadershipcandidates reveals the unpredictability and surprises that are so often associated withpoliticians and leadership candidates.149KIM CAMPBELL - The twelve and lastplace finisher, who won but 1 .08% of thevotes at Whistler, was elected an MLAin the Vander Zalm led victory of 1986,a Member of Parliament in 1988, and leader ofthe federal Progressive Conservativeparty. Following her election asConservative leader, she served as Prime Ministerof Canada for four months before leading the partyto a massive defeat in the 1993federal election.MEL COUVELIER - The eleventh place finisher was electedan MLA in 1986.He would subsequently resign from Vander Zaim’scabinet in 1991 and run in thatyear’s Social Credit leadersnip race. Not acandidate in the 1991 general election,he would return to private enterprise asa small business consultant.WILLIAM RITCHIE - The tenth place finisherwould retire from politics in 1986.(It was unlikely he would have been re-nominatedas the Social Credit candidate inhis former riding).CLIFF MICHAEL - The ninth place finisher would winre-election in 1986. Hewould be a member of Vander Zaim’s cabinet until forcedto resign over combininghis political office with personal businessinterests. Michael did not seek reelection in 1991.ROBERT WENMAN - The eighth place finisher did not run provincially for SocialCredit as he had indicated. Instead, he would be re-elected for the ProgressiveConservatives in the 1988 federal election. Wenman, who was forced to sell hishome to pay off debts from his ill-fated leadership campaign would close his twenty-seven year political career when he did not run in the 1993 federal election.STEPHEN ROGERS - The seventh place finisher would, despite his earlierstatements to the contrary, serve in the Vander Zaim cabinet. He would end hissixteen year political career as Speaker of the Legislature. Not a candidate in the1991 general election, Rogers would return to his pre-political career as an airlinepilot. He would unsuccessfully run for the presidency of the Social Credit Party in1993.JIM NIELSEN - The sixth place finisher retired from politics in 1986. Despitenominating Vander Zalm to succeed him as the candidate in Richmond constituency,and later accepting a $200,000.00 a year appointment from him as head of theprovincial Workers Compensation Board, Nielsen would become a bitter andoutspoken critic of Vander Zalm. Leaving the WCB after less than two years,Nielsen works as a political commentator and consultant.150JOHN REYNOLDS - After finishing fifth,Reynolds was re-elected in 1986.Initially appointed Speaker, Reynolds wouldalso serve as environment minister,before resigning late in the Vander Zaim mandate.Defeated in the 1991 election,Reynolds moved to Scottsdale, Arizona, and is involved invarious business and stockventures.BUD SMITH - The fourth place finisher won a seat inthe 1986 election and wasappointed Attorney General in 1988. His seemingly brightpolitical future wasderailed when a relationship with a female reporter wasrevealed. Smith completedhis only term on the backbench. He did not run in the1991 election, and returnedto private life in Kamloops.GRACE McCARTHY - The third place finisher wouldbe re-elected in the 1986election, but resign from Vander Zalm’s cabinet in 1988(and henceforth be a focalpoint for growing dissent against the Premier). McCarthywould run in the 1991leadership race, finishing second to Rita Johnston. She would not seek re-electionin 1991. She was elected leader of the Social Credit party inNovember 1993.BRIAN SMITH - The runner-up was re-elected in 1986 and served as AttorneyGeneral. Differences with Vander Zalm would see Smith resign his cabinet seat in1988. He would later resign his seat in 1989, accepting an appointment from primeminister Muironey to become chairman of Canadian National Railway with an annualsalary in excess of $200,000.00.WILLIAM VANDER ZALM - Elected the third leader of the B.C. Social Creditparty on July 30, 1986, Vander Zaim was sworn in as the province’s twenty-seventhpremier one week later. Vander Zaim would lead his party to an overwhelmingelectoral victory on October 22, 1986. Forced to resign as premier and party leaderon April 2, 1991 due to conflict of interest involving his Fantasy Gardendevelopment, Vander Zalm would remain an MLA until the October 17, 1991provincial election, which saw the Social Credit party decimated. Following a courtcase concerning criminal breach of trust (again over the sale of Fantasy Garden),which was dismissed, Vander Zaim returned to various business matters. He wouldresign as a member of the Social Credit party in 1992. In November 1993 he joinedthe fledgling Family Coalition Party.1518The interest on and impact of WilliamVander Zalm on British Columbia politicscan be seen in the number of bookswritten on or about him.W.A.C. Bennett, party leader for twenty-oneyears and premier for twenty, had two majorbiographies written about him (PaddySherman’s Bennett, 1966 and DavidMitchell’sW.A.C. Bennett, 1993). There arealso three other books, which arereminisces byassociates. (Ronald Worley’s 1971Wonderful World of W.A.C. Bennett,photographer JimRyan’s 1980 My Friend, and RogerKeene and David Humphrey’s1980 Conversations withW.A.C. Bennett).William R. Bennett, party leader forthirteen years, premier for eleven, wasprofiledin three books (Stan Perskey’s1989 Son of Socred and 1983 Bennett II,and Allen Garr’s1985 Tough Guy). There have alsobeen two books by academics reviewingthe W.R.Bennett years (The New Reality, publishedin 1984, and After Bennett, which wasissued in1986).William Vander Zaim, who was SocialCredit leader and premier less than fiveyears, hashad six books written about him and hisgovernment. (Graham Leslie’s Breach ofPromise,1991; Gary Mason and Keith Baidrey’sFantasyland, 1989; David Mitchell’s Succession,1987; Stan Perskey’s Fantasy Government,1989; Alan Twigg’s Vander Zalm: FromImmigrant to Premier, 1986; and formerVander ZaIm assistant, Bill Kay’s The Zaim and,1994). There is an autobiograpicalbook (written with community newspaper journalistPaul Nielsen) ready for print, ifa publisher can be secured.152SOURCES CONSULTEDBooksBlake, Donald Two Political Worlds:Parties and Voting in BritishColumbia.Vancouver: Universityof British ColumbiaPress, 1985.Blake, Donald, Carty, R.K., andErickson, Lynda. GrassrootsPoliticians.Vancouver: U.B.C. Press,1991.Boyles, T. Patrick. ElectionsBritish Columbia II. Vancouver:Lions Gate Press, 1986.Province of British Columbia,Statement of Votes: GeneralElections 1941-86.Victoria: Queens’ Printer.Cahill, Jack. John Turner:The Long Run. Toronto:McClelland and Stewart, 1984.Carty, R.K., and Ward,W. Peter. NationalPolitics and Community in Canada.University of BritishColumbia Press, 1986.Courtenay, John. The Selectionof National Party Leaders in Canada.Toronto: Macmillan, 1973.Dawson, R. MacGregor,The Government of Canada, Toronto,University of Toronto Press,1963.Davis, Jack. Popular Politics.Vancouver: Friesen Printers,1984.Elkins, David and Simeon, Richard.Small Worlds: Provinces and Partiesin CanadianPolitical Life. Toronto: Methuen,1980.Garr, Allen. ToughGuy. Toronto: Key Porter, 1985.Hoy, Claire. Margin of Error. Toronto:Key Porter Books, 1989.Hurmuses, Paul. Power WithoutGlory. Vancouver: Balsam Press Limited, 1976.Humphreys, David, and Keene,Roger. Conversations with W.A.C. Bennett.Toronto: Methuen Press,1980.Jackman, Michael. Crown’sBook of Political Ouotations.New York: Crown Publishers,Inc., 1982153Kavic, Lorne, and Nixon, G.B. The 1200Days.Coquitlam: Kaen Publishers, 1978Laschinger, John and Stevens, Geoffrey. Leaders& Lesser Mortal.Toronto: Key Porter Books Limited, 1992.Leslie, Graham. Breach of Promise. Madiera Park,B.C.: Harbour Publishing, 1991.Lynch, Charles. The Race for the Rose.Toronto: Methuen, 1984.MacDonald, L. Ian. Muironey: The Makingof the Prime Minister.Toronto: McCleIland and Stewart, 1984.Martin; Patrick; Greg; Allan; Perlin; George. Contenders.Scarborough: Prentice Hall Inc. 1983.Mason, Gary and Baidrey, Keith. Fantasyland. Toronto:McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1989.McGeer, Pathck. Politics in Paradise.Toronto: Peter Martin Associates 1972.Mitchell, David. WAC Bennett and the Riseof British Columbia.Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1983.Mitchell, David. Succession. Vancouver: Douglas& McIntyre, 1987.Morely, J.T.; Ruff, N.J.; Swainson, N.A.; Wilson, R.J.; Young,W.D. The Reins ofPower. Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre 1983.Normandin, Pierre, ed. Canadian ParliamentaryGuide.Ottawa: 1979, 1982-83, 1985, 1991 and 1992 editions.Perlin, George, ed. Party Democracy in Canada: The Politics of National PartyConventions. Scarborough: Prentice Hall Inc. 1987.Persky, Stan. Son of Socred.Vancouver: New Star Books 1979.Persky, Stan. Bennett II.Vancouver: New Star Books, 1983.Persky, Stan. Fantasy Government. Vancouver: New Star Books, 1989.154Robin, Martin. Pillars of Profit.Toronto: McClelland andStewart 1973.Robin, Martin. Canadian ProvincialPolitics. Scarborough, Ontario:Prentice-Hall of Canada, Ltd.,1978.Sherman, Paddy. Bennett. Toronto: McCleIIandand Stewart 1966.Simpson, Jeffery. Discipline of Power. Toronto:Personal Library 1980.Sullivan, Martin. Mandate ‘68.Toronto: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1968.Treleaven, G.F. The Surrey Story.Surrey: Surrey Museum and Historical Society,1978.Twigg, Alan. Vander Zalm: FromImmigrant to Premier.M iiera Park, British Columbia:Harbour Publishing Co. Ltd. 1986.Webster, Daisy. Growth of the NDP inB.C.. Vancouver: New Democratic Party, 1970.Woodcock, George. BritishColumbia. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1990.ArticlesBlake, Donald; Carty, R.K.; Erickson, Lynda “Leaders,Parties and Polarized Politics:British Columbia.” Conference on Parties and Party Leadership in theProvinces,Vancouver, April 1989.Blake, Donald; Carty, R.K.; Erickson, Lynda “Ratification or Repudiation:Social CreditLeadership Section in British Columbia,” Canadian Journal of PoliticalScience,21:513-37, 1988.Blake, Donald; Carty, R.K.; Erickson, Lynda, “Federalism, Conservationand the SocialCredit Party in B.C.”, B.C. Studies, 81:3-23, 1989.Carty, R.K., “Campaigning in the Trenches: The Transformation of ConstituencyPolitics”,George Perlin, ed., Party Democracy in Canada: The Politics of NationalConventions, Scarborough, Ontario, Prentice-Hall, 1988.McCarthy, William, “A Constituencyin Convention: An Account and Analysis of theBurnaby-Willingdon Delegates to the 1986 British Columbia Social Credit PartyLeadership Convention”, Term Paper. Political Science 503, University of BritishColumbia (Dr. R.K. Carty), May 1987.155Stewart, David K. and Carty, R.K. “Does Changing the PartyLeader Provide an ElectoralBoost? A Study of Canadian ProvincialPartys: 1960 - 1992”, Canadian Journal ofPolitical Science, June 1993, VolumeXXVI:2, pages 313 - 330.InterviewsCampbell, Kim (M.L.A. and leadership candidate), interviewJuly 14, 1987, ParliamentBuildings, Victoria, B.C.Couvelier, Mel, (M.L.A. and leadership candidate)witten response byletter dated August 4, 1987Davis, Jack (M.L.A. and Vander Zaimcampaign organizer and supporter)Interview July 13, 1987, ParliamentBuildings, Victoria, B.C.Johnston, Rita (M.L.A. and Vander Zaim campaignorganizer and supporter)Interview July 16, 1987, ParliamentBuildings, Victoria, B.C.Kelly, Roberta (Vander Zaim campaign organizer)Interview August 12, 1987,Vancouver, B.C.Leyland, John (Vander Zaim campaign organizer responsiblefor delegate tracking)Interview September 11, 1987, North Vancouver, B.C.Michael, Cliff (M.L.A. and leadership candidate), InterviewJuly 15, 1987,Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.Reid, Bill (M.L.A. and Vander Zaim campaign organizerand supporter)Interview July 13, 1987, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.Reynolds, John (M.L.A. and leadership candidate), Interview July 15, 1987,Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.Rogers, Stephen (M.L.A. and leadership candidate), Interview July 14, 1987,Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.Smith, Bud (M.L.A. and leadership candidate), Interview July 14, 1987,Parliament Buildings, Victoria, B.C.Valensky, Lorne, (Interim Social Credit party executive director), interviewed throughoutSeptember 1987.156Vander Zaim, William, (M.L.A. and leadershipcandidate),Interview September 25, 1987, Richmond,B.C.Interview September 7, 1993, Ladner,B.C.Veitch, Elwood (M.L.A. and Grace McCarthycampaign organizer and supporter)Several interviews and informal discussionssince 1986.NOTE: The author of this thesis hasbeen a member of the Burnaby-Willingdon SocialCredit constituency board of directors since1983 and president since 1987. I also servedon the Social Credit Party of British Columbia’sboard of directors (representing the Burnabyand North Shore constituencies) fromOctober 1989 - January 1992. During this periodseveral formal and informal discussionsand interviews with Social Credit M.L.A.s, partyofficials and members have occurred,and many insights and perspectives contained withinthis thesis, are derived from thesesessions.Province of British Columbia ReportsChief Electoral Officer Province of BritishColumbia, Statement of Votes (Provincial GeneralElections Report Since19521, Province of British Columbia, 1952-1991.Fisher, Honourable Judge Thomas K.Fisher, Commissioner, Report of the RoyalCommission on Electoral Boundaries for British Columbia,Victoria, Queen’s Printer,December 1988Hughes, E.N., Report of the Honourable E.N. Hughes.O.C.. on the Sale of Fantasy GardenWorld Inc., Victoria, Province of British Columbia, 1991.Ombudsman of British Columbia, An Investigation into theLicensing of the Knight Street,Public Report No. 12, Victoria, Province of British Columbia,August 1988.Owen, Stephen (Inquiry Commissioners), Discretion to Prosecute Inquiry,Volumes One andTwo, Province of British Columbia, 1990.Supreme Court of British Columbia Rulings:Ron Gray, David Donovanand 208 others (herein referred to as the “Grassroots”), thePetitioners, and Nicole Parton and the British Columbia Social Credit Party, theRespondents, Supreme Court of British Columbia, October 25, 1990.157Van Nurseries Inc., Petitioner and Faye Leunget al, Respondents, Supreme Court of BritishColumbia, June 25, 1992.Her Majesty the Queen against William Vander Zaim,Supreme Court of British Columbia,June 25, 1992.158APPENDIX 1Chronology of thePolitical Career of William Vander Zalm1934- 199 1PART ONE: 1934 - 1985 THE RISE OF WILLIAM VANDER ZALM1934 On May 29th, Wilhelrnus Nicholaas Theordoros Maria VanderZaim is born inNoordwijkehovit, Zvid, Holland.1947 Vander Zaim arrives with his mother and siblings in Canada.His father, hadbeen separated from his family during the Second World War and had spent thewar in Canada. The family settled in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia,where they established a nursery and related businesses.1952 Vander Zaim becomesa Canadian citizen.1956 On June 27th, Vander Zalrn marries Lillian. Four children are born: Jeff (1957),Juanita (1959), Wirn (1962), and Lucia (1965).1956 Vander Zaim purchases from Art Knapp a nursery, which he expands into severalstores and other business ventures.1964 In December, in his first political contest, Vander Zairn narrowly losesa Surreyaldermanic seat.1965 In his second campaign Vander Zairn wins a seat on Surrey council, finishingsecond. He is re-elected two years later topping the polls.1968 In the June 25th federal general election, Liberal candidate, Vander Zalm isdefeated by the NDP candidate in the riding of Surrey.1969 In December, at age 34, William Vander Zaim is elected mayor of Surrey. Hewill serve three terms until his election in 1975 to the provincial legislature.1972 In May, Vander Zalm loses his first contest for the leadership ofa B.C.provincial political party as David Anderson defeats him to become leader of theB.C. Liberal party.1591972 On August 30th, after twenty years in office and seven straight election victories,the Social Credit government of W.A.C. Bennett is defeated by the NewDemocratic Party, led by new leader David Barrett. In Surrey, running for theLiberals, Vander Zalm is defeated. (Provincial election results: New DemocraticParty 38 seats; Social Credit 10 seats; Liberal 5 seats; Progressive Conservative2 seats).1973 On June 5th, after 32 years as the MLA for South Okanagan, and twenty aspremier, W. A. C. Bennett resigns.1973 On September 7th, William R. Bennett is elected in a by-election, succeeding hisfather as MLA for South Okanagan.1973 On November 24th, in the Hotel Vancouver (where nineteen years earlier the firstSocial Credit caucus formally elected his father as leader), William R. Bennettis elected leader by delegates to the first Social Credit party leadershipconvention. Bennett received 56% of the vote, winning the leadership on thefirst ballot.1974 On May 31st Vander Zaim joins the British Columbia Social Credit party.1975 On December 11th, as Social Credit wins the provincial general election, VanderZalm is elected as the Member of the Legislative Assembly for Surrey. (Provincialelection results: Social Credit 35 seats; New Democratic Party 18 seats;Liberal 1 seat; Progressive Conservative 1 seat.)1975 On December 22nd, Vander Zalm is appointed Minister of Human Resources inthe first cabinet of premier William R. Bennett.1978 On December 4th, Vander Zaim is appointed Minister of Municipal Affairs.1979 On February 23rd, in his 79th years W.A.C. Bennett dies in Kelowna.1979 On May 10th, the Social Credit party wins the provincial general election.Vander Zaim is re-elected MLA for Surrey. His running mate in the dualmember riding is defeated. (Provincial election results: Social Credit 31seats; New Democratic Party 26 seats).1982 On August 10th, Vander Zalrn is appointed Minister of Education.1983 On April 1st, Vander ZaIrn announces he will not be a candidate in the pendingprovincial election and instead will take a “political sabbatical”.1601983 On May 5th, despite initial forecasts indicating defeat, the Social Credit party isre-elected government following the provincial general election. Having basedhis campaign on the need for restraint, Premier Bennett then acts, instituting aseries of related policies. (Provincial Election Results: Social Credit party 35seats; New Democratic Party 22 seats).1984 Out of politics less than a year, speculation abounds that Vander Zalm willbe a candidate in either the pending federal election (which was held on September4th) or in the November municipal elections. While not a resident of the city,nor with significant business interests therein, Vander Zaim and his supportersencourage speculation that he will run for mayor of Vancouver.1984 On May 20th, Alberni MLA Robert Skelley, 41, succeeds David Barrett as theleader of the British Columbia New Democratic Party. Skelley wins on the fifthballot, having not led on the previous four.1984 In his most public venture since the 1983 provincial election, Vander Zalm assistswith organization of the Papal visit of Pope John Paul II.1984 On November 17th Michael Harcourt defeats Vander Zalm for the mayoralty ofVancouver.1984 Through one of his companies, Vander Zalm purchases for $1.7 million a 8.5hectare botanical garden in Richmond, B.C. The property is renamed “FantasyGardens”. From the time of its purchase until his return to provincial politics inmid-1986, the gardens will become the focus of the Vander Zalm’s time,attention, and capital, as the botanical garden is expanded, and additional landconverted to parking lots, a retail development, a conservatory (for banquets), aminiature zoo, a railway, and a biblical theme park.1985 With the pending openings of Expo ‘86, Skytrain, and the apparent wind-downof the restraint program, Vander Zalm hints he may consider a return toprovincial politics.1985 On December 11th, the tenth anniversary of his government’s first electionvictory, Premier William Bennett officially inaugurates “Skytrain”, the lowermainland’s elevated rapid transit system.PART TWO: 1986: THE HIGH WATER MARK OF WILLIAM VANDER ZALMFebruary During the first weeks of the new year, premier Bennett meets individually withhis cabinet ministers. During these discussions, Bennett inquires about theirpersonal plans to seek re-election. In February he makes his final cabinet shuffle,including the removal of long term and loyal members Jim Chabot and DonPhillips (both who will not seek re-election).161May 2 At B.C. Place Stadium, premier Bennett hosts the Prince and Princess ofWales, prime minister Muironey and 60,000 others at the opening of Expo ‘86.May 16 Premier Bennett, in a yellow convertible, cruises down the first phase of theCoquihalla highway, officially opening the newest and fastest route from thelower mainland to the Okanagan. On this day, William R. Bennett most clearlyfollowed his father’s path in linking the Province’s diverse regions and economiesby highways. The fact that the Coquihalla’s northern terminus was the Bennett’sKelowna home was all the more reason to savour the moment. On this day, thePremier stated “I can now die happily”. (Mitchell, David, Succession, page 75)THE 1986 SOCIAL CREDIT LEADERSHIP RACE:May 22 Premier Bennett stuns the province and the Social Credit party by announcing hewill step down as party leader and premier in the summer. Bennett states he isleaving because he has accomplished all he set out to do, and that the mood ofthe province was positive. He also states that “there must be political renewal(and) there must be political change within parties”. When asked who he thoughtmight succeed him, Bennett states he “could think of 20 candidates”. (VancouverSun,May 22, 1986). Immediate speculation that William Vander Zalm will tryto succeed Bennett begins. Other potential contenders, party members, MLAsand media agree that Vander Zaim would be a formidable candidate.May 23 Social Credit party president Hope Wotherspoon creates the first majorcontroversy of the campaign when she states that the renewal of the party willinclude attracting new members, she refers to as the “Bud Smiths”. Smith theformer principal secretary to premier Bennett is expected to shortly declare hiscandidacy and Wotherspoon’s comments lead many to believe that he is thepreferred choice of both Bennett and the party insiders.May 26 The Social Credit party announces that the leadership convention will be heldJuly 28 - 30 in the ski village of Whistler, 90 miles north of Vancouver.May 28 Former Progressive Conservative Member of Parliament and current SocialCredit, MLA John Reynolds, 44, becomes the first declared candidate to succeedPremier Bennett.June 4 Jim Nielsen, 47, MLA for Richmond, and a cabinet minister since the inauguralWilliam R. Bennett cabinet, becomes the second candidate to declare for theleadership.June 6 Municipal Affairs Minister, William Ritchie, 59, becomes the second cabinetminister and third candidate to declare his leadership intention.June 7 The Social Credit party announces that there will be no spending limits on theindividual leadership campaigns.162June 9 Robert Wenman, 46, Member of Parliament for Fraser Valley West since 1974,and former Social Credit MLA (1966 - 1972) becomes the fourth candidate forthe Social Credit party leadership.June 9 Stephen Rogers, MLA for Vancouver South, and until recently, a cabinetminister, becomes the fifth declared candidate.June 9 Bud Smith, 40, the declared Social Credit candidate for the Kamloopsconstituency for the next provincial election and former principal secretary topremier Bennett, becomes the sixth candidate for the Social Credit leadership(and third this day).June 10 Cliff Michael, 52, a former member of the New Democratic party and currentMLA for Shuswap-Revelstoke becomes the eighth candidate.June 10 Mel Couvelier, 55, the mayor of Saanich for the past ten years, and formerpresident of the Liberal party of British Columbia, becomes the ninth contestant.June 12 Kim Campbell, 39, a senior policy advisor in premier Bennett’s office, andformer chair of the Vancouver School Board, becomes the ninth candidate, andfirst female, to announce her leadership candidacy.June 14 At a Social Credit leadership forum held in Prince George, attended bycandidates John Reynolds, Bud Smith and Bob Wenman, non-candidate BillVander Zalm receives the loudest cheers.June 13 Grace McCarthy, 58, MLA and cabinet minister for seventeen of the pasttwenty years, and the person most synonymous with the Social Credit Partybecomes the tenth candidate for the party’s leadership.June 17 Attorney General, Brian Smith, 52, MLA since 1979 for Oak Bay - GordonHead becomes the fourth cabinet minister and eleventh candidate for theleadership of the Social Credit party.June 18 With mounting speculation that he will formally enter the leadership race, BillVander Zalrn says that with the possibility of conflicts of interest, concerning hisFantasy Gardens project, he may not run. “I’m not sure my business wouldget a fair break if I place myself in a position where I was continually beingscrutinized”, Vander Zaim comments. (Vancouver Sun, June 18, 1986).June 20 Almost a month after Premier Bennett’s surprise resignation announcement,William Vander Zalm, 52, becomes the twelfth and final candidate to succeedhim. With the actual vote only forty days away, Vander Zalm’s entry leadsfellow candidate Jim Nielsen to state, “I think its fair to say the real campaignbegan this week”. (Vancouver Sun, June 21, 1986).163June 30 The 50 Social Credit party constituency associations officiallybegin theleadership convention delegate selection process. Each constituency will sendat least 25 delegates to the convention, with additional constituency delegateseligible from ridings with memberships in excess of 1,000.In the subsequent delegate selection meetings individual campaigns will attemptto run slates of delegates, who are supposed to support their candidate. Whilesome efforts are successful, many are not as these slates often exclude (andalienate) long-term party members, while others incorrectly include delegates whoare not committed to their candidate.July 7 On the same night Vander Zaim wins all 27 delegates from the Surreyconstituency, he also wins 21 of the 25 delegates from Richmond, leaving thesitting MLA, Jim Nielsen with only one additional delegate other than himself.July 10 The Vancouver Sun projects that after 49 of 50 delegate selection meetings, thatGrace McCarthy leads the race, with Bud Smith and William Vander Zaim in “aclose battle for second place, well ahead of the other nine Social Creditleadership candidates.” (Vancouver Sun, July 10, 1986).July 11 The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation announces they will cover live, ontelevision the leadership convention from Whistler, British Columbia.July 16 With all delegate selection meetings completed, there are exactly 1,300 delegateselected to vote at the leadership convention. Of these delegates, 886 (68%) aremen, while 414 (32%) are women.July 18 The speaking order at the leadership convention is determined by drawing lots.William Vander Zaim will speak last.July 19 In Kelowna, at the last of his annual garden parties, Premier Bennett hosts 15,000well-wishers and nine of the leadership candidates. William Vander Zalmgathers the most attention of the candidates present.July 22 In a meeting with the editorial board of the Vancouver Sun, William VanderZalm states that if he is elected party leader he will likely sell Fantasy GardenWorld.July 22 Jim Nielsen becomes the second leadership candidate in two days to state hewould be reluctant to serve in a William Vander ZaIm cabinet. (StephenRogers had also stated he would not serve with Vander Zalm).July 23 The Vander Zalm campaign unveil their theme song. “The Growing Sensation”is both written and sung by Vander Zaim’s 26 year old daughter, Juanita.164July 26 The Vancouver Sun endorse either Brian Smith or Grace McCarthy for SocialCredit leader. (Vancouver Sun, July 26, 1986).July 27 On the eve of the leadership convention, the Vancouver Sun prints the leadstory, “Vander Zaim tops Sun Poll as People’s Choice for Leader”. Vander Zaimis the clear choice of the 402 people poiied in dealing with relevant issues, and,most importantly, winning the next provincial election. Vander Zalm is the choiceof 46.5% of the respondents to lead the Social Credit party (Grace McCarthy issecond at 18.7%), while 50.2% state Vander Zalrn has the best chance of anycandidate to win the next election. The other front runners, Grace McCarthy(23.4%), Brian Smith (7%), Bud Smith (5.2%) are well back. (Vancouver Sun,July 27, 1986).THE LEADERSHIP CONVENTIONJuly 2810:00 a.m. The leadership convention officially opens at Whistler, British Columbia.Delegates and observers can tour the candidate’s village (huge tenants set up ondriving range) or other outlets set up throughout the village. Of themajor candidates, the Vander Zaim tent and venue is the least extravagant.8:00 p.m. A formal tribute to retiring premier William Bennett is held.July 296:00 a.m. In its editorial, the Toronto based Globe and Mail newspaper endorses Bud Smith.Even Smith’s supporters agree this development will not help and will add to thesuspicion that their candidate is the choice of the Ontario based “big bluemachine” of the Progressive Conservative party.7:00 a.m. A candidate’s breakfast is held in the village square.8:00 a.m. Delegate registration opens and will go until 9:00 p.m.9:30 a.m. For the next three hours the candidates will rotate to three forums on theeconomy, social policy and leadership.5:00 p.m. The candidate speeches begin. Of the four leading contenders, Brian Smith andBud Smith delivered better than expected, while Grace McCarthy and WilliamVander Zaim efforts are solid, but not as effective as expected.165July 306:00 a.m. The Vancouver Province does not endorse a candidate, but runs beside theirEditorial a cartoon of Grace McCarthy in robes stating “Madame Premier is soformal. A simple your Grace will do”. (Vancouver Province, June 30, 1986).7:30 a.m. Premier Bennett and the twelve leadership candidates have breakfast together.Bennett again stresses that the unity of the party prevail after the day’s voting.0:30 a.m. Thirty minutes late, convention chairman Les Peterson, announces the start of thevoting.1:40 p.m. The first ballot results are announced:W. Vander Zaim 367Grace McCarthy 244Bud Smith 202Brian Smith 196Jim Nielsen 54John Reynolds 54Stephen Rogers 43Bob Wenman 40Cliff Michael 32Bill Ritchie 28Mel Couvelier 20Kim Campbell 14The top four candidates have received 78% of the votes cast. The remaining eightlose their $2,500.00 deposits by failing to receive a minimum 100 votes.Under the party’s election rules Kim Campbell is eliminated. She endorses BrianSmith. Stephen Rogers and Bob Wenman both withdraw from the race and moveto Brian Smith’s box.Mel Couvelier withdraws and endorses Vander Zaim.Jim Nielsen and John Reynolds reject any alliance, and both stay on the Ballot.Cliff Michael withdraws and endorses John Reynolds.Bud Smith and Grace McCarthy hold a pre-arranged meeting. Their talk is heatedand ends in five minutes.In the most overblown event of the convention, Vander Zalm supporters PeterToigo and Edgar Kaiser (Bank of B.C. Chairman) meet with other candidatesand managers in a kitchen meeting room beneath the convention hail. Duringthese brief talks, Toigo and Kaiser urge the other candidates to support VanderZalm.1663:45 p.m. The second ballot results are announced:W. Vander Zairn 457 (+90)Grace McCarthy 280 (+ 36)Brian Smith 255 (+59)Bud Smith 219 (+23)John Reynolds 39 (-15)Nielsen 30 (-24)The top four candidates now have 97% of the votes cast. John Reynolds and JimNielsen are eliminated. Nielsen immediately moves to and endorses Brian Smith.Brian Smith is now supported by half of the leadership candidates and over a thirdof the Social Credit caucus. Media commentator and former Social CreditMLA Rafe Mair predicts a Brian Smith victory.John Reynolds and Cliff Michaels endorse Vander Zalm.In the most unexpected move of the entire leadership race, Bud Smith withdrawsand endorses Vander ZaIrn.6:00 p.m. The third ballot results are announced:W. Vander Zalm 625 (+ 168)Brian Smith 342 (+ 62)McCarthy 305 (+50)Vander Zairn is twelve votes short of victory.Grace McCarthy is eliminated. She releases her delegates without endorsingeither of the two remaining candidates.8:15 p.m. The fourth ballot results are announced:W. Vander Zalm 801 (+176)Brian Smith 454 (+ 112)Vander Zalm takes 64% of the vote to Smith’s 36%.As runner-up Brian Smith makes the traditional motion to make the decisionunanimous, he states “we will all be together, Bill,” while Grace McCarthy says“the NDP must be eating its heart out right now.” (Mitchell, David, Succession,page 123).167Premier of British ColumbiaAugust 6 William Vander Zalrn is sworn in as British Columbia’s twenty-seventh Premier.Vander Zaim speaks of introducing “a spirit of cooperation” and states that“mistakes will be made, there will be errors, but I tell you now they will behonest errors.” (Mitchell, Succession, pages 142-143).August Throughout the month of August, Vander Zaim (often only with his wife Lillianand a few aides), tours the province. Election speculation mounts as “VanderZalm mania” continues to grow.September 24 Listening to his pollsters and advisors, but mostly his own instincts, Vander Zaimcalls a provincial general election for October 22nd.The Social Credit party’s campaign slogan is “A Fresh Start”.The Social Credit campaign is based entirely on the Vander Zaim persona. NDPleader Robert Skelley perhaps conducts the worst campaign in recent provincialhistory.October 22 Seventeen minutes after the polls close, British Columbia Television declaresSocial Credit the election winner. Social Credit captures 49.32% of the popularvote and 47 of 69 seats, while the NDP receive 42.2% of the vote and 22 seats.Vander Zalm, who put his prediction of 47 Social Credit seats in a sealedenvelope on election eve, says on election night, “there’s just one way to describeit. Faaantastic!” (Mitchell, Succession, page 159).December 31 As his year of triumphs end, Vander Zaim and his government retain most of theirpopularity.PART THREE: 1987 - 1991 THE FALL OF WILLIAM VANDER ZALM1987March 2 Environment Minister Stephen Rogers, resigns over a conflict of interestconcerning the ownership of shares in a pulp mill company.March 6 Vander Zalm fires Minister of Forests, Jack Kempf, over irregularities concerninghis expenses.168April 8 Businessman and close Vander Zaim friend Peter Toigo learns he isunderinvestigation by the RCMP concerning his relationship with the Premier andwhether he received preferential and confidential information concerning pendingbids to purchase the former Expo ‘86 lands. (He will ultimately be cleared,but the perception of favouritism from Vander Zalm lingers).April Vander Zaim invites some reporters to his office to watch him watcha video onAIDS which is scheduled to be shown in Vancouver high schools. Vander Zaimcalls the video the world’s “longest condom ad” and says it should not be shown.While his religious convictions are well known to the public, Vander Zalm’smixing of religion with politics will upset many.April 12 Former Vancouver mayor and current MLA, Michael Harcourt is acclaimedleader of the New B.C. Democratic Party, replacing Robert Skelley who hadresigned.April 15 Senior cabinet minister Grace McCarthy announces Hong Kong businessman LiKa Shing has won the bid to purchase the Expo ‘86 lands. The transaction,regarded as extremely favourable to the buyer, is poorly received by the public.June 2-3 Vander Zaim and his fellow premiers prepare their amendments to theMeech Lake Constitutional Accord. The Accord is not well received in B.C.July 1 A one-day general strike is held by 200,000 union members in protest to Bill 19,the Vander Zairn government’s new Industrial Relations Act.July 21 Social Credit MLA and former Speaker of the House, Walter Davidson, isfound guilty of unlawfully counselling the owner of a printing company to commita forgery during the 1986 provincial election. While disgraced, Davidsoncompletes his term as MLA (It is later disclosed that Vander Zaim authorizesthe use of some Social Credit party funds to cover Davidson’s legal bills).July 24 Widely respected Advanced Education Minister, Stan Hagan, resigns when it isrevealed that he has technically breached the premier’s new conflict of interestguidelines when his cement company wins a provincial contract.October While there are noticable strains in government, Vander Zalm is warmly22-24 received at the Hotel Vancouver as the Social Credit party holds its firstconvention since 1985. Policy is secondary as the party celebrates thefirst anniversary of its election victory.November 12 Transportation Minister Cliff Michaels resigns when it is revealed he discussedhis personal business interests with members of a business delegation.1691988February 6 Just before midnight, after returning after a vacation in Hawaii, Vander Zaimarrives at Vancouver International Airport. In an impromptu conference, and inresponse to the Supreme Court of Canada’s January 28th decision to throw outthe country’s existing abortion law, the premier states, “I will recommend tocabinet tomorrow that the government no longer pay for any abortions, save thosein emergency situations . . . I want to free taxpayers from abortions. Abortionsdiminish society’s respect for human life.” (Mason and Baidrey, Fantasyland,page 180).Perhaps more than any single issue contributing to his fall, Vander Zaim’scontinual mixing of religion with politics, and the way (without consultation andreview) in which he announced his government’s abortion policy, began the slideof his support towards the point of no return.June 8 The Social Credit party lose the Boundary-Similkameen riding in a by-election.For the first time in the riding’s history the party loses as the NDP wins taking53% of the vote to Social Credits 35 %. The Social Credit vote total is down10,000 from the 1986 election.June 28 Attorney General Brian Smith resigns stating he can “no longer carry out myduties as I clearly do not have the support of the premier and his office, who donot appreciate the unique independence that is the cornerstone of the attorneygeneral’s responsibilities in a free parliamentary democracy.” (Mason andBaidrey, Fantasyland, page 253).June 29 The British Columbia legislature ratifies the Meech Lake Accord as both theSocial Credit government and NDP opposition support it. Despite this legislativeapproval, the accord is not popular with the B.C. (or Canadian) public. Inparticular, many Social Credit members and supporters are dismayed by PremierVander Zaim’s prompt endorsement without public consultation of the accord.July 5 Economic Development Minister Grace McCarthy resigns over the role of DavidPoole in the government and her dissatisfaction with Vander Zalm. She warnshim that he will lead the party to defeat if he does not adopt a consultativeapproach to the administration of the Government. It is the first time thatMcCarthy will be absent from a Social Credit cabinet since her election as anM.L.A. in 1966. McCarthy’s resignation is the most serious blow to the Premieras she is the only other Social Credit member capable of drawing and retainingsupport and loyalty similar to Vander Zalm. It will be McCarthy loyalists andpatronage recipients who begin in earnest the dissent movement against VanderZaim.170July 11 Former Vander Zaim cabinet minister Russ Fraser becomes the first SocialCredit MLA to call for a review of Vander Zaim’s leadership. Fraser statesthat seven other MLAs (Graham Bruce, Kim Campbell, Carol Gran, GraceMcCarthy, Dave Mercier, Stephen Rogers and Brian Smith) agree with him.August 17 Ombudsman Stephen Owen, releases his enquiry into the licensing of the KnightStreet Pub. The report is extremely critical of long time Vander Zalm friend andadvisor Charles Giordano, friend Peter Toigo, (who had a financial stake in thepub) and principal secretary David Poole. This report destroys Vander Zaim’sprevious claims that political favouritism will not occur during his tenure.August 22 David Poole, the beleagured principal secretary to premier Vander Zaim resignsfollowing the negative fall-out of the ombudsman’s Knight Street Pub enquiry.Outrage will occur seven months later when it is finally disclosed that Poole’sseverance package for two years service is worth $172,500.00. (In one of themany ironies concerning Vander Zaim aides and friends, David Poole will brieflyhold a senior executive position in Ontario with a Peter Toigo business. Shortlythereafter, Toigo will fire Poole who in turn will sue for wrongful dismissal andthe size of his severance package. Eventually Poole will move back to B.C.,where the man previously called the most powerful civil servant in provincialhistory declares bankruptcy).October 1 Prime Minister Muironey calls a federal election for November 21st. SocialCredit MLA (Vancouver-Point Grey) Kim Campbell, who had challengedVander Zairn for the party’s leadership and had become one of his primeantagonists, resigns her seat to run for the Progressive Conservatives inVancouver Centre. The Conservatives will win their second consecutive majority,while Campbell will win her seat by 269 votes (out of 63, 429 cast), defeatingNDP president Joanna den Hertog, who had been campaigning for the past twoyears.October20 - 22 The Social Credit party annual convention in Penticton reveals the growingopposition within the party to Vander Zaim. These opponents, most oftenreferred to as dissidents, fail in their efforts to have the traditional vote ofconfidence in the leader done by secret ballot.While not given the attention at this convention by party members or the media,the delegates do vote to establish a committee to review and amend the party’sconstitution and bylaws. While no one knows it at the time, this process will goon for four years, and have significant consequences.November 19 The Social Credit party loses its second straight by-election as the NDP retaintheir Alberni seat. (Former NDP leader Robert Skelley had resigned and laterran successfully for parliament).1711989March 15 The Social Credit party loses by-elections in the white collar riding of Vancouver-Point Grey and the blue collar riding of Nanairno.July Vander Zalm carries out his pledge to reform B.C. ‘s election system. Followinga royal commission the entire province is redistributed into 75 newconstituencies (which will be contested at the next election). Gone are all of theprevious two-member seats and much of the gerrymandering (both actions willfurther hurt Social Credit re-election chances).September 20 The Social Credit party loses their fifth straight by-election, this time in theirpreviously thought to be unbeatable stronghold of the Cariboo.September 20 Minister of Tourism and Provincial Secretary William Reid resigns over thegranting of provincial lottery funds to two friends and campaign workers for theimplementation of a recycling program.October26 - 28 For the first time the Social Credit party holds its annual convention at theVancouver Trade and Convention Centre. While opposition to Vander Zaimgrows within the party, there is not the visible animosity seen at the previousyear’s convention in Penticton.December 13 The Social Credit party loses their sixth straight by-election to the NDP inVancouver Island’s most conservative riding, Oak Bay-Gordon Head. Followingthe election results, Vander Zalm announces he will reflect on his future, leadingto speculation that he will soon resign.1990January 17 In a province-wide television address the one which many speculated he wouldannounce his resignation, Vander Zalrn outlines his government’s achievements,then concludes by stating, “I ran for office to do a job, not to get a job. I’m nota quitter. I never was a quitter and I never will be a quitter. I’ll quit when thejob is done.” (Transcript of an address by Premier William N. Vander Zalm,January 17, 1990, Province of British Columbia).The speech is vintage Vander Zaim, whose popularity rises temporarily, haltingmuch of the dissent within his own party. It will be the last major highlight ofhis premiership.172July 12 Attorney General Bud Smith resigns when his actions in the handling of potentialcharges in the William Reid affair is disclosed by the release of taped cellularphone calls by NDP MLA Moe Sihota. While Bud Smith is cleared of anywrong-doing, (charges against Sihota for disclosing personal conversations arerecommended but not pursued), the married Smith’s political career is finishedwhen other taped phone calls indicate a personal relationship with a news reporter.August 1 The premier and Mrs. Vander Zaim meet for the first time the proposed purchaserof Fantasy Gardens, Tan Yu. Also in attendance at the Bayshore Hotel meetingis realtor Faye Leung, who had introduced the parties.August 2 Tan Yu and his entourage tour Fantasy Gardens.August 3 In a meeting that lasts from 7:00 p.m. to 3:00 a.m. the following morning, theVander Zairn’s and Tan Yu conclude the basics of the sale agreement. TanYu has changed the deal significantly from their initial agreements, and in theprocess making it far less attractive for the Vander Zalms, who neverthelessaccept the offer.September 6 The Vander Zalms escort the Tan Yu party (including Faye Leung) to Victoriavia ferry. While in Victoria, Vander Zalm arranges a meeting for Tan Yu withFinance Minister Mel Couvelier. He later hosts a luncheon for the Party atGovernment House.September 7 Lillian Vander Zairn announces the sale of Fantasy Gardens in a public contractsigning. Tan Yu is represented by his daughter. The sale will close on October17th.October11 - 13 The Social Credit party holds its annual convention at the Vancouver Trade andConvention Centre. While the Vander Zalm opposition is present, the mood ofthe convention is low-key, as most attendees anticipate that with the partyapproaching the fourth anniversary of its mandate, they will have Vander Zalmagain lead them in the next election.October 25 A B.C. Supreme Court Justice rules that due to possible irregularities at the firstnomination meeting held August 27, 1990, another nomination meeting must beheld in the riding of Burnaby-Edmonds. While high profile candidate (andnewspaper columnist) Nicole Parton again wins the second nomination meeting,she will eventually quit as a candidate.November 21 Ombudsman Stephen Owen, releases his report concerning the decision not toprosecute William Reid for his involvement in the granting of provincial lotteryfunds to his friends. While no formal charges are laid, the public are appalledby this latest case of favouritism and misuse of public funds.173November Those Social Credit members opposed to the leadership of William Vander Zaimbegin what is referred to within party circles as the dissent campaign. Theobjective of this group is to force Vander Zalm to resign on his own, or failingthis, to use the two avenues to this end available under the party’s constitutionand bylaws to force a leadership convention. (A leadership convention can becalled by either the party board of directors convening a leadership convention,or at least ten constituency associations an extraordinary party convention to voteon holding a leadership convention).1991January 29 Just over a year since his last province-wide television address Premier VanderZalm again speaks to the citizens of B.C. announcing the “taxpayer’s protectionplan”. However, unlike the previous year’s address, Vander Zalm’s speech isfollowed by a live question and answer session with selected reporters who focusmost of their attention on Fantasy Garden. While the 1990 television addressrecharged Vander Zaim and buoyed his supporters, his 1991 performance showsa leader in distress.February 14 Premier Vander Zalrn hastily convenes a press conference where he states thatE.N. Hughes, former deputy Attorney General and acting Conflict of InterestCommissioner will undertake an investigation of the sale of Fantasy Gardens.February 15 Hughes confirms he has accepted the job only after Vander Zalrn gives hisassurance that no general election will be called during the investigation. Hughesalso consults with leader of the opposition, Michael Harcourt, who also approvesof the investigation.March 6 Stating he cannot sit in cabinet while the premier is under investigation, FinanceMinister Mel Couvelier resigns.March 22 While the Hughes inquiry is still in progress, Faye Leung’s then attorney releasesa taped telephone conversation between Vander Zalm and herself in which a$20,000.00 cash payment from the garden’s purchaser, Tan Yu, is mentioned.March 27 Commissioner Hughes announces his report will be released April 2, 1992.March 29 On Good Friday, premier Vander Zairn announces he will resign as premier assoon as the Social Credit party can elect his successor. (Under the Social Creditparty constitution, a minimum 60 days).April 2 At 11:15 a.m. Commissioner Hughes presents premier Vander Zalm and MikeHarcourt with the first copies of his report, which finds Vander Zalm in a conflictof interest over the sale of Fantasy Gardens.174At 1:45 p.m., before his caucus colleagues have received the Hughes report,Vander Zairn informs them he will resign immediately.At 2:00 p.m. copies of the report are made available to the two legislativecaucuses and the media.At 2:15 p.m. at a quickly convened press conference, Vander Zaim informs thepublic he will resign immediately.That afternoon, after four ballots, the Social Credit caucus elects deputy premierRita Johnston as interim leader. The Social Credit party board, which has alsobeen meeting all day in Victoria confirms the decision. At 6:00 p.m. atGovernment House Rita Johnston is sworn in as British Columbia’s 28th Premier.April 3 The Social Credit party board of directors announces that a leadershipconvention will be held July 18 - 10, at the Vancouver Trade and ConventionCentre.April 6 In a futile attempt to become a free enterprise alternative to Social Credit, theBritish Columbia Pacific Party holds its founding convention in Vander Zaim’sRichmond constituency.April 17 After considerable review and pressure to adopt a universal ballot, the SocialCredit party board of directors announced that the pending leadershipconvention and delegate selection procedure will be conducted under the existingformat as outlined in the party’s constitution and by-laws.July 18 The third Social Credit party leadership convention opens. There are fivecandidates for leader, all of whom are sitting MLAs. They are interim partyleader and current premier Rita Johnston, current or former cabinet ministers, MelCouvelier, Norm Jacobsen and Grace McCarthy, and backbencher Duane Crandal.July 20 Premier Rita Johnston comes from behind to win the party leadership on thesecond ballot. The voting results are as follows:BallotsCandidateIRita Johnston 652 941Grace McCarthy 659 881Mel Couvelier 331Norm Jacobsen 169Duane Crandall1,846 1,822The convention has shown the party to be badly polarized, with seemingly moreantagonism directed between fellow party members than towards the NDP, whothey must face within three months in a provincial election.175September 12 In a final blow, former premier William Vander ZaIm is chargedby the Crownpursuant to Section 122 of the Criminal Code in that he “did unlawfully commita breach of trust in connection with the duties of his by using his public officeto assist or promote his personal and financial interest in the sale of the propertyknown as Fantasy Gardens”. (Her Majesty the Queen against William VanderZaim, Supreme Court of British Columbia, June 25, 1992, page 1).September 13 The province launches a lawsuit against former cabinet minister William Reidand his friends in an effort to regain the money Reid had authorized released tothem to start a recycling program.September 19 With only four days left before an election must be called, Premier Rita Johnstoncalls a provincial general election for October 17, 1991. The campaign will bea disaster for the Social Credit party, as they go from crisis to crisis.On this same day, William Vander Zaim makes his first court appearance. (Histrial will take place in Vancouver between May 19 - June 2, 1992. He will beacquitted).September 22 The media reveals that John Ball, the candidate selectedto succeed Vander Zaimin the Richmond East riding has been associated with neo-Nazi Ernst Zundel.This same day Social Credit’s campaign polling reveals that the gap between themand the NDP has gone from 6 to 17 points within the last two weeks. SimilarSocial Credit polling had showed that since March 1988, the average gap betweenthem and the NDP averaged 14 points. This had dropped to six points just beforethe election call, briefly giving the party insiders some optimism. (Ketchurn, Jess,Election Campaign Report to the Social Credit Board of Directors, October 23,1991).September 25 Former cabinet minister and current Social Credit candidate Jack Kempf ischarged with breach of trust and theft. In a very public series of events, PremierJohnston and the Social Credit party board revoke Kempf’s Social Creditnomination, leaving the party without a candidate in Bulkley Valley - Stikine.September 28 The media reveals that Social Credit candidate Rodney Glynn-Morris had beenoffered money if he did not seek re-nomination as the party’s candidate in WestVancouver - Garibaldi. Despite Glynn-Morris’ rejection of the offer, this incidentis seen as another dubious Social Credit affair.October 5 With the campaign half over, Social Credit polling now shows the NDP 24 pointsahead.October 8 Social Credit and New Democratic Party Leaders Rita Johnston and MichaelHarcourt are joined by Liberal party leader Gordon Wilson in a televised debate.(Original debate plans do not include Wilson, as the Liberals had no seats in thelegislature, and were not considered a real factor in the election).176While Johnston barely out performs Harcourt, the surprise is Wilson, whosespirited effort is the story of the evening.October 10 Two days after the debate, Social Credit party polling shows that the Liberalparty, 14 points behind them the day before the debate, are now 8 points ahead.It is apparent that the majority of non-NDP voters who are fed up with the SocialCredit Party, are quickly turning to the Liberals. For the balance of thecampaign, the media will focus on the rise of the previously disregarded Liberals.October 17 Five days short of the fifth anniversary of perhaps their greatest election victory,the discreditted Social Credit party suffers its worst election showing eversince its first victory in 1952:Seats Popular VoteNew Democrats 51 41 %Liberal 17 34%Social Credit 7 24%Despite a virtual free ride as opposition and during the election campaign, theNDP only manages 41 % of the vote (but wins 68% of seats, several as a resultof vote-splitting between the Liberal and Social Credit candidates).Based largely upon a credible performance by its leader in a television debate onlynine days before the vote, the Liberal party becomes the official opposition.Much of the electorate have chosen to punish the Social Credit party, and in theprocess vote for the Liberals, the other free enterprise option on the ballot.As much as anything, the 1991 provincial election is a refendum against a personwho is not even a candidate, but who nevertheless haunts the campaign, WilliamVander Zalrn.177APPENDIX 2Summary of WilliamVander ZalmElectoral RecordAs of October 22, 1986, when he led the BritishColumbia Social Credit partyto victory in theprovincial general election, the electoralrecord of William Vander Zaim isas follows:(A). Municipal Politics:(1). Vander Zalm ran three times (1964,1965 and 1967) for Surrey council. Hewonin 1965 and 1967.(2). Vander ZaIm ran successfully threetimes for mayor of Surrey (1969, 1971,1973).(3). Vander ZaIm ran for mayor of Vancouver in1984. He was defeated by MichaelHarcourt who wins 62% of thevote to Vander Zaim’s 38%.(B). Federal Politics:Vander Zalm has run once for parliament,as a Liberal candidate during the“Trudeaumania” election of 1968. To date,the federal level is the only one in whichVander Zalm has not won elected office.The results of his one federal campaign are asfollows:(1). June 25, 1968 (Surrey Electoral District)Barry Mathers (New Democrat) 16,186(44.6%) XWilliam Vander Zaim (Liberal) 11,666 (32.2%)Ronald Harvey (Conservative) 5,986 (16.5%)Delbert Doll (Social Credit) 2,445 (6.7%)178(C). Provincial Politics:Vander Zaim has run four times for the provinciallegislature (1972, 1975, 1979 and1986). He won all but his first campaign in 1972, when heran as Liberal.(Subsequent campaigns were as aSocial Credit candidate). The election results of hisfour provincial campaigns are as follows. (X denotes elected):(1). August 30, 1972 (Surrey Electoral District)Ernie Hall (New Democrat) 12,574(52.49%) XJames Wallace (Social Credit)5,877 (24.53%)William Vander Zaim (Liberal)3,995 (16.68%)William Reid (Conservative) 1,415(5.91%)Frederick Bianco (Communist) 95(0.40%)(2). December 1, 1975 (Surrey Electoral District)William Vander Zalm (Social Credit) 14,341(53.35%) XErnie Hall (New Democrat) 11,214 (41.72%)Donald Ross (Liberal) 1,257 (4.68%)Frederick Bianco (Communist) 67(0.25%)(3). May 10, 1979 (Surrey Electoral District)William Vander Zalm (Social Credit) 29,693 (24.88%)XErnie Hall (New Democrat) 28,644 (24%) XGarry Watkins (New Democrat) 28,497 (23.87%)Dalton Jones (Social Credit) 26,306 (22.04%)Brian Westwood (Conservative) 5,834 (4.89%)George Gidora (Communist) 204 (0.17%)Josephine Arland (Communist) 183 (0.15%)NOTE: Following redistribution Surrey was now a dual-member counstituency.(4). October 22, 1986 (Richmond Electoral District)William Vander Zaim (Social Credit) 29,762 (30.83%) XNick Loenen (Social Credit) 25,983 (26.91%) XDouglas Sandberg (New Democrat) 16,542 (17.13%)Arthur Kube (New Democrat) 15,580 (16.14%)David Chambers (Liberal) 4,028 (4.17%)Steve Mullan (Liberal) 3,803(3.97%)Clinton Davy (Independent) 822 (0.85%)179NOTE: Followingredistribution, Richmondwas a dual-member constituency.(D). British Columbia Provincial PoliticalParty Leadership Contests:William Vander Zalm has run for theleadership of both the provincial Liberalparty(1972) and the Social Credit party (1986).(1). British Columbia Liberal Party(May 22, 1972 at Penticton, BritishColumbia)David Anderson388 (69%) XWilliam Vander Zaim171 (31%)(2). British Columbia SocialCredit Party(July 30, 1986 at Whistler,British Columbia)Candidate 12 4William Vander Zaim367 (28%) 457 (36%) 625 (49%) 801 (64%)XBrian Smith 196 (15%)255 (22%) 342 (27%) 454 (36%)Grace McCarthy 244 (19%) 280(19%) 305 (24%)Bud Smith 202 (15%) 219(17%)John Reynolds 54 (4%) 39 (3%)Jim Nielsen 54 (4%) 30 (2%)Stephen Rogers 43 (3%)Robert Wenman 40 (3%)Cliff Michael 32 (3%)William Ritchie 28 (2%)Mel Couvelier 20 (2%)Kim Campbell 14 (1 %)— — —1,294 1,280 1,272 1,255180(E). William Vander ZaIm’s Political Career: SummaryMunicipal ProvincialFederal Provincial PartyYear Elections ElectionsElections Leadership1964 Surrey Aldermanic1965 Surrey Aldermanic X1967 Surrey Aldernianic X1968Liberal Candidate1969 Surrey Mayoralty X1971 Surrey Mayoralty X1972 LiberalLiberal Party1973 Surrey Mayoralty X1975 Social Credit X1979 Social CreditX1984 Vancouver Mayoralty1986 Social Credit XSocial Cdit PaxtyX7 contests 4 contests1 contest 2 contests5 elections 3 elections0 elections 1 electionX Denotes electoral victoryDuring the twenty-two years between William VanderZaim’s first political contest (1964 Surreyaldermanic) and his 1986 election as both Social Credit party leaderand premier, he ran infourteen political campaigns, at each of the three levels of our country’s political system.Vander Zaim won nine times (65%).181APPENDIX 31986 Social Credit LeadershipConventionDelegate SelectionProcessEach constituency was responsible forelecting delegates to represent their individual ridings.These delegate selection meetings wereheld in each of local constituencies.In order to stand and be elected a delegate,the individual had to meet threegeneral criteria,as outlined in the party’s constitution andbylaws:1. MEMBERSHIP: Section 1of the party constitution states a delegatemust be at least16 years of age. If of votingage, they must be eligible to vote in a provincialelection.2. GOOD STANDING: Membersmust ensure that their membership is valid andhasnot expired.3. RESIDENCY: Section 2(a) of the party constitutionstates a delegate must qualifyas a resident in the constituency theyseek election from.Each of the provinces 50 ridingswere entitled to send a minimum 25 delegates to theconvention. If their constituency exceeds1,000 members, then they are permitted one extradelegate for every 100 members over thisbase. Nine ridings received extra delegates underthis formula. The number of delegatesthat the constituency association sent to the 1986leadership convention were:Central Fraser Valley 40 delegatesSouth Okanagan 37South Peace River 31Surrey 29Cariboo 29Dewdney 27Okanagan North 27West Vancouver-Howe Sound 2741 Constituencies (25 each) 1.0251,300 Total DelegatesOf these 1,300 delegates, 68% were men (886), while 32% were women (416).The geographic breakdown of the delegates was:Lower Mainland (17 tidings) 431 (33.2%)Vancouver Island (9 tidings) 225 (17.3%)Fraser Valley (4 tidings) 117 (9.0%)Southern B.C. (11 tidings) 292 (22.5%)Central-Northern B.C. (9 tidings) 235 (18.0%)182APPENDIX 4Summary of Votes1986 Social CreditLeadership ConventionPremier W.R. Bennett resigns1. John Reynolds2. Jim Nielsen3. William Ritchie4. Stephen Rogers5. Bud Smith6. Robert Wenman7. Cliff Michael8. Mel Couvelier9. Kim Campbell10. Grace McCarthy11. Brian Smith12. William Vander ZalmVoting DayMay 22, 1986May 28, 1986June 4, 1986June 6, 1986June 9, 1986June 9, 1986June 9, 1986June 10, 1986June 10, 1986June 12, 1986June 13, 1986June 17, 1986June 20, 1986July 30, 1986W. Vander ZaImG. McCarthyBud SmithBrian SmithJ. Nielsen3. ReynoldsS. RogersR. WenmanC. MichaelW. RitchieM. CouvelierK. CampbellDelegates Voting: 1,299Spoiled Ballots: 5Accepted Votes: 1,294367244202196545443403228201428.36%18.86%15.6 1%15. 15%4.17%4.17%3.32%3.09%2.47%2.16%1.55%1.08%Candidates Entry into the Leadership ContestCandidateDate EntersCampaj2nDay ofCampaign17141619191920202223273070First BallotVotes % of VotesKim CampbeLl is eliminated. She endorses Brian Smith.William Ritchie, Stephen Rogers, andRobert Wenman withdraw and endorse Brian Smith.Mel Couvelier withdraws and endorses William Vander Zaim.Cliff Michael withdraws and endorses JohnReynolds.183Second BallotVotes % of Votes Vote IncreaseW. Vander Zalm457 35.70% +90G. McCarthy 28021.88% + 36Brian Smith255 19.92% +53Bud Smith219 17.11% + 233. Reynolds39 3.05% - 15J. Nielsen30 2.34% - 24Delegates Voting: 1,297Spoiled Ballots: 17Accepted Votes: 1,280Jim Nielsen and JohnReynolds are eliminated.Reynold and Cliff Michael endorseVander Zalm, while Nielsen endorses BrianSmith.Bud Smith withdraws and endorsesWilliam Vander Zaim.Third BallotVotes % of Votes Vote IncreaseW. Vander ZaIm 625 49.14% + 168Brian Smith 342 26.89%+ 62G. McCarthy 305 23.98% +50Delegates Voting: 1,294Spoiled Ballots: 22Accepted Votes: 1,272Grace McCarthy is eliminated. She releases herdelegates without endorsing either of thetwo remaining candidates.184Fourth BallotVotes % of Votes Vote IncreaseW. Vander ZaIm801 63.8% +176Brian Smith 454 36.18%+ 112Delegates Voting: 1,275Spoiled Ballots: 20Accepted Votes: 1,255Ballot by Ballot SummaryBallot and Votes CastCandidate 123 4William Vander Zaim 367457 625 801Brian Smith 196 255 342454Grace McCarthy 244 280305Bud Smith 202 219John Reynolds 54 39Jim Nielson 54 30Stephen Rogers 43Robert Wenman 40Cliff Michael 32William Ritchie 28Mel Couvelier 20Kim Campbell 14 — — —1,294 1,280 1,272 1,255William Vander Zaim is elected Leader of the British Columbia Social Credit party.185APPENDIX51986 SOCIAL CREDITPARTYLEADERSHIPCONVENTIONPROGRAMMESHIPIG186LIADERSHIPIGFROM THEPREMIERDear Friends:Over the pasttwelve anda half years. havehad the honourandpleasureto serve you asLeader of theBritish ColumbiaSociai CreditParty.With the supportand encouragementof so many decentand unse!fisBritish Columbians.we wereable togetherto return our Provincetogood government,and steer anoptimistic andresponsible coursefrthe future.Our dedicationto our belief thata healthy, free enterpriseeconomy is___________________________________the best assuranceof continuedand expandedsocial programshasgiven us anenviable recordof introducingand maintainingqualityservices forour people duringgood times andbad.We have seizedopportunities withvigour and facedproblems withcourage.-L.Today, I believe,we are ata turning point inour Provinceshistory.Increasingly, peoplefrom allwalks of life inBritish Columbiaarerecognizingthe signs ofrenewal in oureconomy —and appreciatingthat our coursehas been theright one.Because we haveremained steadfastto our commonideals and vision.we are today ina position to moveforward rapidlyinto the excitingchallenges ofa new kind of industrialrevolution.Together, wecan workto build a new BritishColumbia, aProvincewhich presentsour families andour communitieswith unparalleledopportunitiesthrough the applicationof new technologiesandknowledge thatwill betterthe lives of all.As we takepart in this excitingconvention, andmove towardsachallenging newera for Social Credit,let me thankyou all from thebottom ofmy heart for yourwarmth and kindness.Your loyalty andfriendship arelegacies I willalways rememberandtreasure.187SHIP’BEFROM THEPRESIDENTFor morethan 30 years,the Bennettfamily havebeen dedicatedto alife of publicservice whichhas benefited allBritish Columbians.Now, Bill Bennetthas called onus to selecta new Leader,one whowill value thefoundation hehas built anduse it wisely forour futurewell being.To that end,we havegathered inConventionfrom all parts oftheprovince,drawn fromall walks oflife, representingall BritishColumbiansdedicatedto the principlesof individualinitiative andequalopportunity.The personwe choose asour Leaderand Premiermust be responsivenot only tothe wishesof Party members,but alsoto the needs andaspirationsof all ourcitizens.The Bennettshave shownus how to meetthose responsibilitieswithcourage, withoptimism andwith pride.We thank themfor that.FROM THECONVENTIONCHAIRMANI am pleasedto report thatwith theable assistanceof staff andmany,many volunteers,we are preparedto carry out theimportant agendaofthis LeadershipConvention.As you know,it was the Premier’swish thatwe meet in Conventionassoon as possibleafter his retirementannouncementin recognitionofthe importanceof a speedytransfer of responsibilitiesin thecontinuingoperation ofGovernment.My congratulationsto the Party staffand volunteers,to the Chairmenof the ConventionSub-Committeesand their membersand to theLeadershipCandidateson a job well done,within veryrestricted timelimitations.May I alsotake this opportunityto express myappreciation forthehonourof Chairingthis, perhapsthe most importantConvention in ourParty’s history.Finally, mythanks andvery best wishesto Bill and AudreyBennett.Their senseof duty andservice standsas an inspiring examplefor allto emulate.188HIPIGB.C. SOCIALCREDIT PARTYBOARD OFDIRECTORSHon. Bill BennettPremier & Party Leader140P VheSpC0PresidentMeldy HamsPast President(on leave)Ed KislingVice PresidentDavid StoneTreasurer ComptrollerDarn NielsenYoung Socred President(on leave)Danny Reddinglmen’s AuxiliaryPresidenl (on leave)Jerry LampertPrincipal Secretaryto the PremierCIII? MIchaelCaucus Liaison (on leave)Joan DickinsonDirector. Region IGary HustonDirector, Region2GICIgS littlerector. Region3Ron StewartDirector, Region 4Ray FeenstraDirector, Region5rector, RegionSPhil BrooksDirector °eq’on 70ev OIlyDirector egion8DennIs JacksonDirector. Region9Gail TOmPSOnDirector. Region toPaula AndersonDirector. Region11 (on leave)H.T. GalbreathDirector, Region12Ella HembroffSecretarySOCIAL CREDITCAUCUSHon. 8)11 BennettHon. TonyBrummetJim ChabotHon. Hugh CurtisHon. ¶.Witer DavidsonJack DavisHon. Alex FraserHon. Russ FraserHon. Garde GardoniHon. Jack HeinrlchHon. Jim HewittRita JohnstonHon. Jack Kemp?Hon. Grace McCarthyHon. Bob McClellandHon. PatrIck McG.erCliff MichaelDoug MowatHon. Jim NielsenJohn ParksAl PassarellHon. Austin PattonAngus FieeBill ReidJohn ReynoldsHon. Claude RichmondHon. Bill RitchieStephen RogersHarvey SchroederHon. Terry SegartyHon. Bflan SmithBruce StrachanHon. Elwood WitchHon. Tom WatertandPremierOkanagan SouthMInister of Energy,Mines & PetroleumResources . . NorthPeace RiverM.L.AColumbia RiverMinister of FInanceSaanich & the IslandsSpeakerDeltaM.L.AN. Vancouver-SeymourMinister of Transportation& HighwaysCanbooMinister 01 Post-SecondaryEducationVancouver-SouthMinister of IntergovernmentalRelationsVancouver-Point GreyMinister of ForestsPrince George-NorthMInister of EducationBoundarySimilkameenM.L.ASurreyMinister at Lands.Parks & HousingOminecaProvincial Secretary&Minister of GovernmentServicesVancouver-Little MountainMinister of naustry& Small Business DevelopmentLangleyMinister of )nternatlonalTrade, Scienceand InvestmentVancouver-Point GreyM.LAShuswap-RevelslokeM.L.AVancouver-Little MountainMinister 0? Health & HumanResourcesRichmondM.LAMaillardville-CoquitlamM.L.AAtlinMinister at EnvironmentDewdneyM.L.AN. Vancouver•CapilanoM.L.ASurreyM.L.AW. Vancouver-Howe SoundMinister of TourismKarnloopsMInister of MunicipalAffairsCentral Fraser ValleyM.L.AVancouver-SouthM.L.AChilliwackMinister of LabourKootenayAttorney GeneralOak Bay-Gordon HeadDeputy SpeakerPnnce George-SouthMinister of Consumer& Corporate AffairsBurnaby-WillingdonMinister of AgricultureYale-Lillooet189SHIPB!LEADERSHIPCONVENTIONCOMMITTEECHAIRMANLes PetersonPARTY PRESIDENTHope WotherspoonPARTY VICEPRESIDENTEd KislingPARTY TREASURERDavid StonePRINCIPAL SECRETARYTO THE PREMIERJerry LampertCON VENTION MANAGERBill AugheySECRETARY TO THECONVENTION COMMITTEEKen TolmieMEDIA RELATIONSCraig AspinallCHAIRMAN, ELECTIONRULESAllan WilliamsCHAIRMAN,CREDENTIALSBill EsselmontCHAIRMAN,CANDIDATE LIAISONBruce Strachan,MLACHAIRMAN, STAGINGLynne UptonCHAIRMAN, MEDIAStuart HendersonCHAIRMAN, FINANCEMichael BurnsCHAIRMAN,ACCOMMODATION &TRAVELGary HustonCHAIRMAN, SPECIALEVENTSBruce RozenhartRECORDING SECRETARYKaren Ward0190SHIP’IIBALLOTING PROCEDURESAlt De1egas to the British Columbia Social Credfl PartyLeadership Convention are hereby advised Thatthe following procedures shall goxern the balloting processat the Leadership Convention. It is theresponsibllty at each voting Delegate to be familiar witttthe rules and procedures governing theballoting process and to ensure they follow this process.No exceptions shall be made.Delegates and Alternates are to gather at the ConventionHall not later than 930 am. onWednesday. July 30. 1986. (Please note that it may be a longday dress comfortably.)2. Al 9:45 am, the Convention Chairman shall openthis session and Inform me Convention of thenames of the Candidates eligible on the first ballot.3. The Convention Chairman will Then read the rulespertaining to “leetlen it Candidates on lii.C.mpWten of Each Baet — flglby W SubsiqireetBallets” which detail the process by whichCandidates will be elIminated front subsequent ballots.4, The Convention Chairman will theninstruct the Convention on the procedure Delegates must taketo vote. These procedures an, as follows:a) You are to proceed to the South Exit (Main Exit) anti circleto the left of the ConvenlionCentre until you reacit the entrance to the voting tent.b) Only Delegates may go beyond This po.nt anduiy if they exhibit The Delegate badge whichwas received at registration.c) When Inside the voting tent you shall go to tile votIng line which correspondsto the first twodigits on your Delegate badge.d) An Elections Official stationed at the beginning of each line willcheck your badge to ensureyou are In ttti proper voting line.e) At the end of each line an Elections Official will again check your badge and then allow you torocee one at a time, to theapproonate table stalled by a Deputy Returning Officer and af) At this table the ORb shall again check your badge and authorize the Poll Clerk to issueaballot If your name is on the voters list. Each delegatemust sign the poll book betorereceiving a ballot.g) You must then proceed to an empty voting booth ata table which corresponds to the line youwere in.h) In the booth please mark a cross “Xiii the square opposite tire name at theCandidate forwhom you wish to vote. Vote for only one Candidate.I) It you use any other mark than a cross X”, vote for more than oneCandidate, place anymark outside the square opposite a Candidates nan• or make iy mark whichmay identitythe voter, the ballot will be decLared spoiled.j)It you spoil your ballot you may return to the ORb at the table correspondingto your votingtine number, surrender the spoiled ballot paper and receivea replacement ballot afterre-signing 1h Poll Book.k) Altvyouhavemai’lcedtheballoq,prcceedtotheballotboxwhlchcorrespondstoyourlinenumber and hand your folded ballot to the Auditor at that Dcx. Before placing yourballot inthe box, the Auditor shall check your badge number to ensure youare at the proper box.Please remain at the box until the ballot has been placed in the box.I) After completing the voting process, please leave the voting tent at the marked exits.m) Delegates may not carry or distrIbute any pamphlets, brochures, tabloids, signs or anyotherdistributable materill In support of any Candidat.or promote any Candidate while in thevoting tent.n) It is your responsiblllty to return to the Convention Hall In time Jar the beglnmngof the nextba (it necessary).STATUS UPGRADE PROCEDURE1. The purpose of thIs procedure is to ensure that all constituencies exercise their lull votingentitlement while at the sante time respecting the order of priorityof Alternates.2. Ills the responsIbIlIty of Individual Alternates to apply to have their status upgraded to that ofDelegate.3, Any Alternate who wIshes to request that their status be upgraded must complete an Applicationfor Status Change and hand It in to the CredentIals CommIttee at the Assistance Desk in theRegistration building. All Applications must be received by the Committee before the close ofregistration on Tuesday, July 29 al 9:00 p.m.4. The CredentIals Committee will meet Tuesday night to review the Applications received andauthorize those Applications which are to be upgraded.5. On Wednesday, July 30. from 8:00 am. to 10:00 am., registered Alternates may come to theRegistration building to see if their Application for Status Change was approved by the CredentialsCommittee. If the ApplIcation was indeed approved, tile Alternate will turn in their Alternate badge.receive a Delegate badge card with the newly assigned voter number, and have a new phototaken.8. Should tire ApplIcatIons approved not be picked up by the Individual Alternates by 10:00 am, OnWednesday, July 30. that Delegate position will renwin empty.7. The onus is fully on tire Alternates to apply for up-pradlng and present themselves to completethis process.191KIM CAMPBELLPersonal: Aoe 39. Born inPort Alberni. Schooled in Burnaby.Vancouver anc Victoria: cegreesin Arts and Law,University of B.C. CanacaCouncl DoctoralFellowship (1970). Engaged(Howard Eddy, lawyerl.Business? Political science teacher.University of B.C. andCommunity: Vancouver CommunityCollege. Lawyer. LadnerDowns. Founding Mernoer ancSharenoider. BridgesRestaurant.Political: Member. VancouverSchool Board 1980-1983anoChairman. 1982-1983. Social Creoitcandidate inVancouver Centre. May. 1983 ExecutiveDirectorOffice of the Premier, 1985-1986 withresponsibilitiesfor policy developmentMEL COUVELIERPersonal: Age55. Born in Vancouver. Ecucatedas a Certif:edGeneral Accountant. MarrieoMillyl. three childrenBusiness? Senior Cost Accountantwith Crown Zelleroach.Community: Owner of Maplewood PoultryProcessors. Victoria.since 1960. Member Islands‘86. Business ano!noustrial Deveioment Commissionof Vrc:ora.Political: Entered municipaloolitics in 1974: fiveterms asMayor of Saanich Executive memberof Union of B.C.Municipalities. Greater Victoria LabourReiationsAssociation, Association of VancouverIslandMunicipalities. Federation ofCanadian Municioaiities.Urban Transit AuthorityGRACE McCARTHYPersonal: Age58 Born and educatea in Vancouver Maruieo(Ray). two children.Business? Owner and Presidentof Grayce Florists Ltd. untICommunity: 1978 Advisory Board,Salvation Army DirectorCanadian Council of Christians andJewsPolitical: First electedas a Vancouver Parks BoaroCommissioner in 1961. ElectedM L.A for Vancouver-Little Mountain in 1966. Hasserved as DeputyPremier. House Leader. Minister ofTourism. Ministerof Human Resources. Chairmanot the CabinetCommittee on EconomicDevelopment, Director of theinsurance Corporation of B.C.Currently ProvincialSecretary and Minister of GovernmentServices, andMinister Responsible for B.C. Transit.CLIFF MICHAELPersonal: Age 52. Born in Lashburn Saskatchewan RaiseOand educated in Port Alberrri. Victoria. Graduate of tneBanff School of AdvanceO Management. MarriedlDilysl. four children.Business! Served as Business Agent and Financial Secretary ofCommunity: Local 1-4 17 of the International Woodworkers ofAmerica. 1959-65 before joining Federateo Co-ooLimited in Salmon Arm as odustrial RelationsManager. Active in Scouts. Rotary. ChamOer ofCommerce. Minor Hockey.Political: First elected to the Shuswap School Board n :978.Chairman 1980-83. Elected M L.A. for ShuswaoRevelsoke in 1983. Serves as Parliamentary Secretaryto the Minister of Forests and Chairrr,an of te SocialCredit caucus.Age 47 Born in Moose Jaw. Saskatchewan EducatecMoose Jaw and Richmond. Married iJeanl. ninechildren.Radio news director and commentator from1960-1975.Progressive Conservative candidate :n BurnacySeymour in 1974 Federal Election. EFec:eO M L.A forRichmond in 1975 Has served as Minister ofEnvironment. Minister of Consumer ano CoroorateAffairs Currently Minister of Heaith ano Mnister of-luman Resources.Deouty House Leaner anoMinister Responsible for the insurance Corocratior. ofB.C.JOHN REYNOLDSPersonal: Age 44. Born in Toronto. Educated in Toronto andMontreal. Married (YvonneI. seven chnorenBusiness! Sales and marketing career in buidin sys:ems.Community: greeting card incustry ano rneOicai suopl:es °.aCiohost.19781983ano currently active as an nvestcrentreDreneur A founding memoer ann Charman ofthe Gordie Howe Foundation for Dsab!ed AtnetesServed as Progressive Conservative MemOer ofParliament for 8urnaDy-ichmono-Deta. 1972-78Elected M.L.A. for West Vancouver-Howe Souna in1983. Has served as Chairman of the AgricultureCommittee and member of the Public AccountsCommittee. Currently Parliamentary Secretary to theMinister of Health.192JIM NIELSENPersonal:Business!Community:Political:I. -Political:193BILL RITCHIEPersonal: Age 56. Born and educated in Glasgow. Scotland.Served with the Royal Navy in World War Two.Emigrated to Canada in 1952 and B.C. in 1957.Married (Maud), four children.Business! President of Ritchie-Smith Feeds Inc. Has been activeCommunity: in the Canadian Feed Industry Association, CanadianTurkey Marketing Agency. B.C. Poultry IndustriesCouncil. Active in Rotary, Chamber of Commerce andFraser Valley College Council.Political: Elected M.L.A. for Central Fraser Valley in 1979.Appointed Minister of Municipal Affairs in 1983.Responsible for the Provincial-Municipal PartnershipProgram. Serves as Minister Responsible for B.C.Buildings Corporation.Age 44. Born and educated in Vancouver. Graduate ofRCAF Central Officers’ School (Flying), Ontario.Diploma in Finance and Investment from VancouverCity College. Separated (Margaret), two sons.Joined Air Canada as a pilot in 1966, until his entryinto politics.Elected M.L.A. for Vancouver South in 1975. Hasserved as Deputy Speaker, Minister of Environment.Minister of Energy, Mines and Petroleum Resources,Minister of Health. Has served as MinisterResponsible for B.C. Place: and on the boards of B.C.Hydro, B.C. Petroleum and B.C. Utilities Commission.Age 52. Born and educated in Victoria. Arts and Lawdegrees from University of B.C. Masters in Historyfrom Queen’s University. Two children.Business! Civil and criminal lawyer. 1964-79. Part-time lecturerCommunity: at University of Victoria and a founder of theUniversity’s law school.Entered municipal politics in 1969: served as Mayorof Oak Bay 1973-79. Elected M.L.A. for Oak Bay-Gordon Head in 1979. Has served as Minister ofEducation and Minister of Energy, Mines andPetroleum Resources. Currently serves as Attorney-General.STEPHEN ROGERSPersonal:Business!Community:Political:BRIAN SMITHPersonal:Political:194BUD SMITHPersonal: Age 40. Born inKamloops. Arts degree (PoliticalScience and Urban Geography) trom University ofVictoria: Law degree from University of B.C. Married(Daphne), three children aged 7.5 and 3.Business! Lawyer with Mair. Janowsky andBlair, Kamloops.Community: Director, Mortgage Investment Corporation:Directorand Officer, Property Management and HouseConstruction Corporation.Political: Campaign manager for RateMairI1975 ana c:auoeRichmond (1981). Campaign Tour Director torPremierBennett (1983). Servedas Principal Secretarv to thePremier 1984-86: ana a Director of BC. DevelopmentCorporation.BOB WENMANPersonal: Age 46. Born in Maidstone. Saskatchewan TeachingCertificate, Saskatoon. Married (Donna). fourchildrenBusiness! Career as a high school teacher and later, aCommunity: stockbroker with Pemberlon Securities before enteringfederal politics.Political: Elected Social Credit M.L.A. for Delta in 1966.Elected Alderman in Surrey. 1972. Sat as ProgressiveConservative Member of Parliament. 1974-1986Served as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minster ofDefence. 1985-1986.BILL VANDER ZALMPersonal: Age 52. Born in Holland and educated in Holland.Bradner. Mt. Lehman and Abbotsford Married(Lillian), four children.Business! President of Fantasy Garden World ana Secretary ofCommunity: Art Knapp Nurseries Ltd. Presicent of theB.C.Chamber of Commerce. President of Western ettuceNow Inc. and an active member of tne Kinsmen.Lions Club, Kiwanis Club. Knights of Coiumous andthe Council of Canadian Unity.Political: Served as an Alderman in Surrey. 1965-69. Mayor ofSurrey from 1969-75. Elected M L.A. for Surrey in1975. Served as Minister of Human Resources.Minister of Education and Minister of MunicipalAffairs. In order to devote his time to the familybusinesses, he did not seek re-election in 1983... ..U =IIIi———MAINTENT=196PROGRAMMONDAY, JULY2510:00 a.m.-i0:00 p.m.8:00 p,m.-9:00 p.m.9:00 p.m-i :00 am.TUESDAY, JULY297:00 a.m.-9:O0am.Afternoon4:00 p.m.5:00 p.m.•9:00 p.m.EveningWEDNESDAY, JULY308:00 a.m.-l0:00 am.10:00 am.am/p.m.EveningRiglatritlo. NeorsMonday, July 28Tuesday, July29FunctionRegistrationFormal Tribute toPremier BennettConvention Centreopens for seatingCandidates’ NominationSpeeches andAcceptance SpeechesCandidates’ ActivitiesStatus Upgrading,Alternates and DelegatesConvention Chairmanopens voting session10:00 am, to 10:00 p.m.8:00 am, to 9:00 p.m.Myrtle Philip ElementarySchool,across the highwaywest 01 theConvention Centre.Open seating in theMain Hall,Atrium and RainbowTheatre on afiret-comi. first-servedbasis. Pro.purchased ticket rsqwt.dfor eatny.Tribute will be relayedlive to videoscreens in the Alnumand RainbowTheatre.Main Tent on parkinglotadiacenl toConvention Centre.Village SquaresMyrtle Philip ElementarySchoolSimultaneous in Main Hall.Atriumand Main rent. SeeBulletin Boardsfor Schedule.Hospitality suites: andCandidates’Village located on drivingrangebelow Delta Hotel,Accua to Main Hallrestricted toDelegates and Media.PltoteIdentIfication musthi wore.Proceedings will be relayedliveto video screens inthe Atrium.Rainbow theatre and MainTent.Candidates’ Villageandhospitality suites.Myrtle Philip ElementarySchoolMain Hall Accessrestricted toDel.gates, AIt.rnatemd Media.Photo Identification mustbe worn.0bserers and spouseshave accessto the Atrium and RainbowTheatre.Photo identificationmust be worn.Balloting will continue untila newLeader is elected.Candidales’ Village openall day.Main Tent, immediatelyfollowingelection of new Leader[HSHIPIG8:00 a.m.-9:00p.m.9:30 a.m.-12:30p.m.Tribute PartyCandidates’ Breakfast—sponsoredbyBlackcomb MountainRegistrationCandidate ForumsCandidates’ ActivitiesCandidates’ activitiesNew Leader’s PartyF—You musthave registered before9:00 p.m. Tuesday eveningin order to participate inWednesday’s events.Status UpgradingOnlyWednesday, July30 8:00 am. to10:00 am.1’C., -l I m I C) m m C) -4 C) -C198SHIP’!!WHISTLER VILLAGE FACILITIESEmergency Services:932-5111Police (RCMP) 932-2044Medical Services:A First Aid Station is located in theConvention Centre. An ambulanceservice and medical clinic are located offVillage Gate Boulevard at thenortheast side of Whistler Village.Dr. Rob BurgessOr. Christine RodgersPublic Health UnitAmbulanceDentalTransportation:The Party is providinga shuttle bus service from accommodations Outside the main Village area. Aschedule is available from the Party of-ice in the Conference Centre.Avis car rentals 932-4870Parking:Public parking is available at the municipallots located on the northeast side of the Village. The parkinglots immediately adjacent to theConvention Centre are reserved.Activities:LFire932-3977-5338-4911-3044/4233-3677IWater slide and spa 932-2340 Fishingtours 932-5850Whistler Golf Course -4544 Helicoptertours -4105Mini-golf -3434 Riverrafting -3784Bicycle rentals -3928 Bustours -3290Canoe/kayak rentals -3389 Trailrides -3033Chair lift rides -3434Booking service: Leisure Connection:932-5850199VARichmondHeadquarters270-9290LZALMMIERSurrey Satellite590.1182APPENDIX6WILLIAMN. VANDERZALM1986CAMPAIGNMATERIALBILNDERFORPREWe inviteall membersof theSocialCredit Partyto unitetogetherto support formerMLA andCabinetMinisterBill VanderZaim to becomeour nextPartyLeader andPremier ofour Province.B.C. needsa Premierand a Cabinetwith the desireandexperienceto put ourProvinceon theroad to the future.WENEEDBILLVANDERZALM!1 -800-663-0897oozc..J cxC’Jc3 0)14-) CJ(D cDQ) (Dt-.J (014czüjO) LILLJ L4C) LL cD uJaL/)DearDelegate...CongratulationsonyourelectiontoourSocialCreditPartyLeadershipConventionatWhistler.I’mlookingforwardtomeetingyouthere.IfIdon’tgetthroughtoyoubeforehand(facetofaceoronthetelephone),Ihopeyouwillcallme.Icanusuallybereachedat1-800-663-0897or270-9290.i%.tJtP-{a-,PUt03/i34L--,L-t-,&c,v(/1-ge7OurProvinceneedsastrongleader.rtIcanbethatleaderçt202AVANDERZALM“The Growing Sensation”Bill VanderZalm — Campaign‘86There comes atime in this land ofours whenwe’ve got to choosesomeone new.We need someone,who’s not afraidto speak what’sreally true.I know a man,who’ll take the leadto make thisprovince run.Re makes thebest of it, no matterwhat yousay of it, thismanis number one!CHORUSHe’s a growingsensationIt’s a new generationBill VanderZaim — He’s our man!I know he seemsto make the crowdsfollow him whereeverhe does.And if he’s hada bad day his smile won’tlet it show, so,Come on my friends,the time is now to makethis party grow.We need a manwho’ll take the lead,he’s someone weall know.CHORUS-LRe’s a growingsensationIt’s a new generationBill VanderZa].m — He’s our man!(Repeat all threelines)Bill VanderZaim — Bill VanderZaimBill VanderZaim — He’s our man!203-LVANDERZALMBILL VANDERZALMIS:*happily marriedto his wifeof30 years, Lillian.Born in Hollandon May 29,193I, BillVanderZalm wasraised andeducated in B.C.As a longtimemember ofthe SocialCredit party,he has solidgrass rootssupport throughoutthe province.*an experiencedpoliticalleader.He servedthreeyears asMinisterof MunicipalAffairs,two yearsas Ministerof Education,three yearsas MinisterofHuman Resources,six yearsas Mayorof Surrey,andfour yearsas Aldermanin Surrey.*recognizedas one ofBritish Columbia’smost popularpoliticians.*a personof integritywhose abilityto “digIn andget the jobdone” iswell knownthroughoutB.C.*a conscientiousbusinessmanwho hasthe capabilityto utilizerealistic marketingstrategiesto ensurethe futurefinancialsuccess ofB.C.*a dynamic,forceful, thought—provokingand entertainingspeaker.*a man whosemoral convictionshave causedhim to returnto publiclife.*a politicianwho travelslight withouta wad ofI.O.tJ.’s.His campaignteam isa groupof hardworking SocialCredit volunteers.*not controlledby any backroommanipulators.*a leaderwho bringsa refreshingnew approachto government.*a parentwho recognizesthat the bestinvestmentin ourfuture isin our children.*a sensitivelistener whois able torespondto the needsof peoplein everyregion ofthe province.*able tofully comprehendthe challengingproblemswhich needto be resolved.*convincedthat the leastamount ofgovernmentis the bestgovernment.He believesin decentralizationof governmentto bringdecision—makingcloser tothe peopleof B.C.*committedto the revitalizationof all ofBritish Columbia.*the BestChoice forthe positionof Premierof BritishColumbia.204Welcome to Whistler and to a challengingiexciting time in Social Credithistorc ByWednesday night. yOU will have selected ipar leader and the next Premier of BnrsJ!You will be consideringtwelve dedicatedindividuals. Each of usbelieves, of course howe are the candidate best suited to provide ticleadership required to win the next generalelection and govern in the nameolfreeenterprise in this province.It is your responsibility and, in fact. votrs •lar and compelling priority to chooset1in‘idual with the proven abilit to resrxmissues with decisive and effective action. Inthese hours before the criticalfirst ballot. Iurge you to absorb, reflect, read, andsearchout as much information as possible on eachof us. Then, at some pointbefore the vote ,‘isome quiet time to do two things.First, decdefor yourself which one ofus most deservesyour support. Second. reflect that ourdemocratic process can, andwil!, yield thebest individual; then, commit to standbehindthat person for the greater benefit ofthe Parr’.and the Province. With thisperspective, weare all assured a bright and prosperousfutureDear Friend:Columbia.Sincerely,205Bill VanderZaimJ have a long experienceingovernment and I’ve alsohadthe advantage of beingawayfrom government for three,vears, takingcare of mybusinesses, signing payrollcheques, and generally dealingwith those concerns facingbusiness throughout BritishColumbia. It’s an addedperspective that many othercandidates do not share.”E Born in Holland, May29, 1934E Married 30 years to Lillian; four childrenEducated in AbbotsfordZ Started business career selling shrubs byauction from the back of an oldtruckE Built Art Knapp Plantland to a businesswith 18 stores in British ColumbiaE Established Western Lettuce, WesternCanada’s largest with eight acresofgreenhousesOwner of Fantasy Garden World inRichmond, one of North America’sfinest tourist attractions after only twoyears of operationE Served four years as Alderman in SurreyF layor of Surrey for six yearsLi Three years as B.C. Minister of HumanResourcesfl Three years as Minister of MunicipalAffairs and Transit Authority (Madethedecision on the SkyTrain ALRT)Li Two years as Minister of EducationLi Served on many Boards andCommissions over the years206...On Social CreditThe Social CreditParty servesthe needs ofallthe peopleofBritish Columbia,whatevertheir economicstatus.Under our leadership, the broadestrangeof social programs available in Canadahave been implemented. We haveamongthe highest, if not the highest, standardofhealth care. And, we have fosteredanenvironment that encourages thegrowthof business in the province.There are challenges stillto be met. Theneeds of our two and ahalf millinn peopleway out west beyondthe mountains” arenot considered asoften as they should beby the central government.As BritishColumbjans, we need a strong voice inOttawa to convey our uniqueprovincialmessage.The British Cilumbia Social CreditParty isthe vehicle. The Partymust be a broadprovincial movement, not the extensionofa federal party,because we are a provincewhere the opposition holdsover 40% ofthe vote — possiblythe highest percentageof any province inCanada. We mustencompass the concerns of allof the freeenterprise people of the province.We mustwork toward fuller Party participationindeveloping effective provincial goalsandobjectives to promote theseneeds....On FreeEnterpriseFree enterpriseis thesystem whichaffordsthe individual thegreatestopportunity tocontribute economicallyto the peopleandthe welfare ofthe province. Itrecognizesthat the individualis society’sgreatestasset, andthat when giventhe freeopportunity to realizehis or her dreams,it is thecommunity as awhole that willper.The role ofgovernment isto be a guidingand governingforce, ratherthan a bodythat takes overand may evenget intocompeting situationswith the entrepreneur. It isbureaucratic rigiditythatbreaks the camel’sback of freeenterprisein this province.It is ourjob to remove thestumbling blocksand cut thered tape.Government mustcreate a climatewhichallows things tohappen becausepeopletake the initiative, notbecause it isimposed from above.Ifyou believein free enterpriseyou fight forit, even whentheodds appearto be againstyou.207...On EmploymentBritish Columbiais a resource provinceand thereforedependent on majorindustries. Yetthese have to be balancedwith smallbusiness. It isthe little businessthat gives useconomic stabilityin the longrun, “hangingin” even when timesaredifficult. We haveto open up employmentopportunitieslay encouragingsmallbusiness and byproviding the resourceand assistancethey need to makethingshappen.Don’t be dupedby those who say thesimple solutionto employment is justbetter educationand retraining. That’spartof itbut onlypart. The employmentproblem ishere. . right now. Weneedmore jobs fortiüners, for farmers, formiliworkers.. as weH as jobs forthosewithspecialized training. Andthe solutionto that iseconomic growth inthe privatesector.Employmentopportunities willcome witha governmentthat emphasizes thedevelopment ofnew markets, freertradeand more tradingpartners, more resourcesavailable to smallbusiness, lessbureaucracy andred tape, a commitmentto work togetherwith the unionsand,ultimately, thepromotion of a positiveentrepreneurialattitude in the Provinca’...OnLabourRelationsIn a healthyeconomy, we allenjoy ahigher standardof living. Bothlabour andmanagement benefit.No one benefitsfromunemployment. .. whateverthe cause.And, no onewhether government,business, or labourshould bullyits way att! :xpense ofothers — especiallyat theexpense of BritishColumbia.I want peopleworking, unionor nonunion. Workingtogether, workinginconcert for thebenefit of a stable,healthyeconomy in BritishColumbia. Duringthelast severalyears, many havesufferedmuch fromuncertainty anddispute. Whatis needed in thisprovince issomeone whocan bring the issuesto the tablein a spiritof cooperation,dealing fairlyandforthrightly withall interests— with theinterests of thepeople of BritishColumbiaat heart.Employment issuesin theProvince are ournumber onepriority!I intendto makeit my priorityto bring allsidestogether toassure thegreatestpossibledegreeof labourpeace, withasmany aspossibleworking.208...On The Governing ProcessDecisions withrespect to thedevelopment oflegislation,andregulation ofpolicyingovernment, shouldreally comefrom the grassrootsup — ratherthan from thetop down.If we dothat, with good input, then we’llget legislation whichhas a body ofsupport right from the outset. Andin thefinal analysis,of course, it’s the wholegovernment — not just the Premier— whogets ittogether and brings about results.When governmentis flexible, it worksbetter for everyone. We haveto recognizeregional opportunities.There is a need forus to decentralize and, infact, haveeconomic initiatives which haveimpactthroughout the province.Each area differsin its needs. Someare tourist-oriented,others are agricultural,and others mig’‘egreat areasfor forestry. Unfortunately, toomany decisions affectingthe economy ofthe regions are stillbeing made centrally.I think thebest decision-making can comefrom the concerned area. As aresult, weneed better relationships withthemunicipalities.Similarly,Ottawa is developingeconomicprogramsin isolation from theprovince)and our particular needs. We needto workwith both the federal and local levelsofgovernment to bring about aneconomicstrategy that is coordinated betweenall ofthe players. I cant stress enoughtheimportance of good intergovernmentalrelations...n you’ll find governmentusing abulldozer where a lawnmowerwill do.With all-encompassing,“big umbrellalegislation, things canget tied up to thepoint where nothing happens.We needless bureaucracy andmore flexibility. Veryoften these abuses aren’t in theact, the’/rein the application of the act.That’s wherethe problems are with legislationat alllevels.We need more open government, morepartnerships with the regions, and widei lines of communication between thegOvernment and labour and business. Weall have to re-assess our roles. It’s timeto put democracy back into the governingprocess.209...On SocialProgramsThe numberone priority, as faras I’m concerned,is the basicsfructure in society— thefamily.Programs adoptedby government shouldbe geared to first providean opportunityfor people to care for individuals— anymember of the familyin need of assistanceat home.Secondly, we should be viewing manysocial support programs as things whicFcan frequently be deliveredlocally, or froma community level rather than fromVictoria or Ottawa.Thirdly, if things can be done privatelyinvolving the community chances are theywill be more humane and done withgreater feeling.And while I believe that we should have abroad range of programs they should bei that people dont develop anunnecessary dependence on them. Rightnow, too many programs are operated in away that does make people too dependent.210...On EducationI’m izot convincedthat weshould be coizcentrating solelyon funding, as hasbeen theemphasis recently.The often asked question is whether weshould pump more money into education.Tm not suggesting for the momentthatsomehow there needs to be a continuedfreeze. It may be that things oughtto beloosened up when the economy permits it.The education system deals withtwothings: fact and opinion, and oftentimesopinion is taught as fact, and this presentsa problem. I think it’s what we teach, andhow we tech it, that becomes important.The comnunity should havesomeopportunity to give priorities to whatit isthey ‘would want to see taught in theirparticular areas. And we should giveyoung people the choice to detemiinehether it’s an academic course or avocational route which the1/d prefer totake. There ought to be enough flexibilityin the educational system to permit this tohappen. And as it exists today, this isn’talways the case..1• ..... “..:1.211...On EconomicGrowthEconomicgrowth hasto come,in part,through theprocess ofdecentralization.Too many decisionsare made fortheprovince in Victoriaand downtownVancouver, withoutdue considerationofwhat the manysmall needs are inthe areaswhere they could makea big difference.British Columbiais the size of westernEurope andit’s governed from onecornerof the provincewithout enough consideration tothe different concernsof thevarious regions. Sensibleeconomic gro.can only be thoughtout and brought aboutat the local levul.If you go into acommunity like Smithersand ask thepeople themselveswhat is neededto gettheir community working,they have somegood suggestionswhich might not havebeen readily apparentfrom Victoria.Another thing we’regoing to have todo isget out and marketthis province.Not justsell. . . not just takeorders, but actuallygetout in the worldand develop new marketsand develop opportunitiesfor the selling ofour resourcesand products.We also haveto provide opportunitiesforsecondary manufacturing.There arethousands ofsmall entrepreneurswhohave good ideaswhich never cometofruition. Why?Because they are eithertooremoved fromthe central scene,or they donot have the resourcematerial to make. ithappen. We musthave a bank ofinformation andresources for thesepeopleavailable. As a government,we should bea facilitator.. . making things availablethat can lead toeconomic growth....On LeadershipAt thistime in histoiy,it is mostimportantthat we selecttheleader whois best abletocommunicatethe message to allof the people.People generallyin our country havebecome distrustfulof government; they’veheard politicianssay things and yet neverreally come throughwith what they’vepromised. Aleader is needed whoisdecisive and convincedof that which theya rying to do; a personwho is willing tocarry through withthe knowledge thattheend result and thehonesty of the attemptwill overcome anytemporary differencesthat exist. Duringdifficult times you’vegot three choices: youcapitulate, youcompromise, oryou act decisivelyand seethings done.I’ve always believedin action. I think thatone of the problemswith most people inpolitics is that once theyget involved theyget overpowered by thebureaucratic viewthat everything isso complicated.I haven’tchanged my viewthat the basicshaven’tchanged — it’s justthat the bureaucracy,the consultants, andall the people whostand to gain fromthe complicationstendto elaborate them.The job of governmentshould be to openup the process, makingit more accessibleto the grassroots, and toencourageipation. Decisiveleadership willen..re that the teamis in place to achievethis.212Vander ZaimAnd we need theParty of free enterprisetoremain inpower. Our ability to helpbringabout a betterBritish Columbia requiresaleader who cangain the support ofa clearmajority amongall B.C. voters.More than anyother candidate, Ibelieve thatI couldbring together the widestcross-seeofpeople in British Columbiato lead the - .rtvto victory.We need astrong leader. One who canprovide a visionand motivation for the peopleofBritish Columbia. one whocan bring aspirit of cooperationto balancing the needs ofdiverse groups;one who can see through thecomplexities ofissues and mobilize thegovernment intoaction; one who will listentoall the people.. . not just special interestgroups. I believeI am that leader.(LIZ-1-—?L—Cd=2•:9:;:;-= ‘.- >- Ca9.21—Ca -=:;=$-.—Ca’-Ia, a, c__a --a,<=Ea= ca = = -= ==C. .=ca c.=- aa,= Caa, —a, = =Caa, I-= i—-= = _a— ca -1—-= == ._,Ca =,a,—,•— = -,.=- = ca ---= a,a,-==.Ca —=,•©ca-.9-= C.3• ca — = ,. .Ca c.-=,a, a,;I> -= =--E-==9= C,,LL c.2 .. .a,=a) —a,-= =1..,a)— =- a,== ca= == =>-C.., —C,, .a .__J a)J17ItPREMIER EDITIONTHEVANDER ZALMLEADERNUMBER 1JLILY 29, 1986It is 4me for a fresh approachto leading the Social CreditParty in British Columbia.It is time to seekreasonable soIufonsto the problems we are all facing.It is time for this partyto represent the needs and concerns of allits members.I believe that I am the best candidateto serve as your new leader.I know that you will find my approacharefreshing change.Many of you are awareof some of my beliefs: I believein law and order. I believein moral integrity. I believein fairness for all peoplein society. I believewe must help the disadvantaged.I believe we must all worktogether as prouBritish Columbians.The selection of the new leaderrequires your careful consideration.In the midst of all the activities hereat the Convention I hope thatyou will set aside sometime for your own privatedecision making.[v’lVANDER ZALMDear Delegate.Welcome to the Whistler Convention.I look forward to meetingyou and sharing your concerns.Silvd2Bill Vander Zalm216-I.Bill end L,’iIdn leadthe way in a parade to register asdelegates Tuesday. Ladbya is piece band, their parade attracted excellentattention in WhistlerTownSqud e end got the Vender ZaImcampaii off to a rouwrsgstartl/L ---Have you been dwotaghZALM’S Hospitality Tern yet?If you have, you probably sawHerb Weins, who spenta busy weekorganizing and coordinating the Entertainmentdivision for our man ‘BILL’Kicking off the festivities werethe “Vander Jams”, a groupof Itt year studentsfront UBC. who lad Bill endLillian Vander ZaIm’s paradeto registration.These kids are very enthusiastic andare followed everywhere theygo by hugethrongs of Bills supporters. RickColquon, Cam McQueen, Duncan Errtngton.Dave McCormick, Debbie Kerrand Jenie EIy willbe busy “jamming’ for Billat the tent, and throughout the villagefor the next 2 days.So I figure, we electVander ZaIm onthe firstballot and we’vegot all Wednesday to enjoyWhistler”Dear Bill:You have my full support in your campaignfor le”derolthe Social Credit Party. As a divisional chairman at V.V.l.I recall that when you were Minister of Education youvisitec’V.V.I. (Vancouver Community Collegel on two occasions:1. To open the renovated facility and2. To tour the campusYou took the time to assess the situation at V.V.l. sothat you had a thorough understanding ofthe operation of 11wvaried programs.I feel confident that as our new leader you will financally support vocational education inthe future.Good Luck with your campaiars.Dear Mr. Vander Zalm.SincerelyTony WoodRichmond, B.C.1 am a card carryingmember of the N.O.P. Party. Mywife end feel thatyou have the highest morals, integrityandbusiness sense alongwith a true concernfor the people of BC.I want yew to knowthat if you win the leadershipof your Party,that my wife and I willgive up our N.D.P. membershipsand loinyou and your Party. We alsofeel that you will bringnew andexciting ideas to theprovince. I will tellyou, Bill, it sure is niceto agree with my brother,who is a socred — you arethe bestman for the job.Best Wishes and Good LuckMr. & Mrs. T. StewartBurnaby, B.C.As a careerpublic servant for some twentyyears now, Iwas delightedto watch the RCTVnews coverage of youraddressto the Fraser Valleydelegate nominationmeeting recently.Right ont I wholeheartedlyagree that “Big Govern.mans” now so complexand extended thatmuch of our energiesas employees are consumedin needless bureaucratic triviaEspecially withinthe last ten yearsI have witnessed an invasionby middle level managerswho seem intent only in pursuingunrealistic self . perpefuatinggoals and of course paddingtheiradministrative supportsystems.It has nowreached the point wherelust a short timeago I had to remindour local managersthat the public weresuffering andhence our manewas in sharp decline.Consequently,these last weeksI have beenengaged in a “smarten uptalkto our front line staff,reiterating that we arehere to assist andserve the public. funny thingis though . many of ourresourcemanaaers seemto think the licensees,permitees and the publicat large are thereto assist THEMin achieving THEIR variøusmission,’I wish you everysuccess in your endeavours.Yours Truly,Kenneth G. WeirWilliams Lake B.C.21/Deer Bill Vender Zaim,LiVANDER218BILL IS TREMENDOUSLYGOOD NATURED; NOMOODINESSTO HIM AT ALL,HE’S ALWAYS UP; NEVERUPS AND DOWNS.THAT’S NEAT TO WORKWITH PEOPLE WHOARE UP”GRACE McCARTHYVancouver Magazine,April ‘83Bill Vander Zaim seems to be destined to be a leader inBritish Columbia.“Vander ZaIm” means ‘of the salmon’ • an intriguingcoincidence for the mento be our next premier.For all the delegates at Whistler, this is Bill VenderZalm*Happily married to his wife of thirty years. Lillian. Born inHolland onMay 29th, 1934. Bill Vander ZaIm was raised and educated inB.C. As alongtime member of the Sociial Credit Party, he has solidgrass roots supportthroughout the province.*an experienced political leader. He served three years as MinisterofMunicipal Affairs, two years as Minister of Education, threeyears as Ministerof Human Resources, six years as Mayor of Surrey, and four yearsas Alder.man of Surrey.*recognized as one of British Columbia’s most popularpoliticians.*a person of integrity whose ability to ‘dig in and get the job done’is wellknown throughout B.C.*aconscientiousbusinessman who has the capability to utilizerealistic market•ing strategies to ensure the future financial success of B.C.a dynamic, forcefull, thought provoking and entertaining speaker.* a man whose moral convictions have caused him to return to public life.*a politician who travels light without a wad of IOU’s. His campaign groupis a team of hardworking Social Credit volunteers.*not controlled by any backroom manipulators*a leader who brings a fresh new approach to government.*a parent who recognizes the best investment in our futureis in our children.*a sensitive listener who is able to respond to the needs ofpeople in everyregion of the Province.*able to fully comprehend the challenging problems thatneed to be resolved.• convinced that the least amount of governmentis the best government.He believes in decentralization of government tobring decision . makingcloser to the people of B.C.*committed tothe revitalization of all of B.C.• the Best Choice for the position of Premier of BritishColumbia.[j VANDER ZALMJTHE PREMIER EDITIONVANDERLEADERNUMBER1JULY 30, 1986VOTEVANDERZALMFIRSTPOLLSSAY BILLIS NUMBER1BdI Vender Zalm ise poeple’s choice to becomeleader.Thu fact was stronglyevident in the VancouverSun which publishedthe results of a pollconducted by MarketrendMarketing Research Inc.This poll, accurateto within 4.3 percent, clearly statesthat Bill is theone person who canwin the next election,Topis polledincluded the candidatemost trustworthy, most caringfor r, elderly anddis ntaged, strongestleadership, ability to end confrontation,repr tion of B.C.interestsfederally, and ableto deal with organized labor.On every topic Bill Vaer Zalm led by sucha margin that othercandidates clearly are notbeing considered for ttsepowtion of Premierof British Columbiaby the general public.BC. cbnducted theirown survey on Saturday and Sunday.Their quea,.n: Howabout: yourchoice forPremier? The answer: Bill Vander ZaIm 46.7%,Grace McCarthy20.7%, Brian Smith6.1%, Bud Smith 5.3%.The secondquestion in 8CTV’s surveywas “who would you support inan election againstBob Skelly?” 56.8percent of people polled wouldsupport Social Credit,if, and only if. BillVander Zalm was theleader.Good news doesnot come in bits & pieces. The Victoriastraw poll by the VictoriaSocial Creditconstituency asked1050 citizens who they wanted f or premier.The results. VenderZaim ‘ 589.the next closestcandidates, Brian Smith . 178, GraceMcCarthy . 165 (see accompanyingpicture)The message is clear,In every corner of this huge provincecitizens arestating their preferencefor. premier. BillVander Zaim is their choice.Be Smart! Mark Bill VenderZaIm your choice on the first ballot.Win with the winner!a WhIch of the candidates Is the most trustworthy?NarneVwiderZakn30.7IditCaithy16.9Bflan Smith5.0Bud Smith3.7Wenman2.0NIelsen1.7Pgam 1.50.7Couvelier0.5Ritchie0.5Reo02Michael0.0Don knew, etc36.5W B.st at providingstrong Is.d.rshlp for theprovince:NameVender ZaIm50.0McCastfly 16.9Btsait Smith 7.5Bud Smith 3.7Nielsen 1.7Pg 1.5Wenman 1.0Couveber0.5Campbell 0.5Rltchee02Reo 0.2Michael 0.0Don’t know. etc. 16.1s’ Best at managing native Indian claims:hamsVander Zalm 23.4McCarthy 10.9Brian Smith 8.0Bud Smith 32Nielsen 2.0Wenman 1.0Rogere 0.7Ritctiie 0.7Couvater 02Roynolds 02CameU 0.0Michael0.0Dontknow,,tc. 49.5Best at dealing withthe unions:NameVander ZaIm36.8McCarthy92Brian Smith6.2Bud Smith 4.2Nielsen 3.5Wenman 1.00.7Reynolds0.5Rogers 0.502Campbell 0.0Couvelier’ 0.0Don! know, etC. 40.0— Best at r.pr.s.ntlngB.C’s interests with01-tawa:NameVender ZaIm33.6McCarthy1L7Brian Smith7.0Bud Smith52Wenman3.2Nielsen2.5Rogers22RiIct’iie0.5Reynolds0.5Couveber0.2Campbell0.0Michael0.0Donlknow,elc28.3— Best at ending ttssatmosphere of confronts-lion In th. province.NameVender Zaka39.1McCarthy14.9Brian Smuts 7.0Bud SI’TIeI4.5Wenman2.0Nielsen 1.7Rogere 1.7C.atnpbeU0.7Couveuec0.5Peyno 0.5Michael0.5RWu0.5Ocnsknow, etc.28.3riVANDERIMORE POLLS— PAGE 3ZALM2201Nancy GreeneRaine, World CupChampion,Olympic Championand WhistlerMountainresidentand developer knowsawinner. Thisletter toBill VanderZaim showsthekind of feelingsthat Bill generatesfrom the peopleof B.C. whoappreciate hiscontributions andactions in makingour provincebetter.Mr. andMrs. BillVander ZalmSocialCreditLeadershipConventionWhistler,BritishColumbiaDear Billand Lillian:Welcometo ourhotellweare verypleasedthatyouchoseto stayiitis.. duringthis .excitin.gevent.isheartwarmingtobOable to welcomeyou backtoWhistlerwith muchof theVillagenowcompleted.Ithasbeen morethan sixyearssince you,as Ministerof MunicipalAffairs,helpedlaunchthe communitywatersystem whichallowedtheResortMunicipalityof Whistlerto realizeits ‘Village’dream.At thetime whenWhistlerVillagewas stilla vision,we weregreatlyencouragedby yourabilityto seeitspotentialfortourism.Inthosedays therewere veryfewbelieversand youwere oftencriticizedfor yoursupportof a newconceptin resortdevelopment.Weappreciateyourrole inthe birthof Whistlerandwillneverforgettheencouragementand enthusiasmyougave tous duringWhistler’sdarkesthours.Again,welcometo Whistler.We lookforwardtohavingyou bothas ourguests.Sincerely,Aland NancyRaineNancy Greene’sOlympic LodgeP.O. Box280, Whistler, BritishColumbia. CanadaVON IBO Telephone:(604) 932-2221Telex: 04-51208IjvlVANDERZALMJuly25th,1986BCTV POLLSURVEYTAKEN SATURDAY& SUNDAYAMONG THE GENERALPUBLICYour Choicefor Prmter?Bill VanderZelm46.7Grace McCarthy20.7Brian Smith6 1Bud Smiths.iAll others21.2VVho would YOUsupport n art electionaoainst Son Skelly)Bill GraceBrianBudSocred LeaderS6 8 48044939.5Bob Skelly40 1 475 46.850.5Undecided3.1 4.58.3 10.0% Support amongthe NDPBill GraceBrianBud19.1 17,79.0 N/APictured hereare the results of the strawpoll conductedPoll Conducted AmongRepresentative Sample(673) Of The Votingby the Victoria SocialCredit Constituency officePublic In All Arees OfThe Province.asking people whichcandidate they preferredaspremier. Votes forBill were more than3 times__________________________________that of his closeit rivall-t —‘..--The?ander Zaim campaign pickedup more momentumon Wednesday.At acandidates breakfast,Bill & Lillian served coffeeand pancakes& took time out forashort jive!The Vander Zaimcampaign continuedstrong with .nedays largest andbestreceived pariewhich filled thetown centre, with Bill.againleading theway..Even ‘Al’ the alternaterobot candidate got intoti act.Bill’s grassroots supporthave made his campaign- nuge successat Whistler.BILLVANDER ZALM‘DELEGATESMEET THISMORNING@ 8:30 ATTHE VANDERZALM TENTTHIS. IS VERYIMPORTANTSOPLEASE BETHERE. LET’S‘“VOTE’ BILL INON THE FIRSTBALLOT!REMEMBERTO VOTE VANOER ZALMFIRST TODAY!222BILL’S RECORDAS ALEOLATOR AND ADMINISTRATORSPEAKS FORITSELF. DURINGHIS TERM AS MINISTEROF HUMANRESOURCESHE UNDERTOOKTHE FOLLOWINGINITIATIVES:• Proclamation ofthe GAIN Act• Introduction ofa policy of employmentrehabilitation forwelfare clients• lntro’tucsronof an Internal AuditTeam• Introductionof the inspectorsprogramfor the prevention& detection of fraud• Establishmentof the CommunityLivingSociety for the mentallyretardedAs Minister ofMunicipal Affairshe was responsible forthe following:• The ALAT Prefect• The ongoing workon land use regulationreform• Introduction of Part>( of the buildingcode,which helps insure that buildingsare accessibleto the disabled• Conversion guidelinesfor older buildings• Building Safety StandardsAct• Downtown revitalizationProgram• Expansion of conventionaltransit andtransit sersices for thedisabled• The extra homeownergrant forthe disabled• Changed the emphasisfrom child welfareto family support services,with programssuch as the family supportworkers program• Arranged the Continuationof medicalcoverage to assist the handicappedto gainindependence after leavingincome assistance.thereby encouragingthem to seek employmentin the community• Creation of an integratedservice deliverysystem within the ministryof human resourcesAs Minister of Educationhe was responsiblefor• The re-introductionof provincialgovernment examinations• The school districtadministration cotsprogram• The training accessprogram•The deregulationdiscussion paperLEEEIIvlVANDER ZALMVOTEVANDERZALMFIRST223BILLPERSONALDIARYVANDERZALMSOCIALCREDITLEADERSHIPCONVENTIONWHISTLER,BRITISH COLUMBIAJULY 28th - 30th, 1966THE ONLYCANDIDATEWHO CANOVERWHELMINGLYWIN THE NEXTPROVINCIALELECTION!COMPLIMENTS OF:BILL VANDER ZALMSI-I..•.•.‘....•.....-._c.•S•..I U, -H r rnU, -H rn> -Qt) t)225EVENTSEVENTSMONDAY, JULY28th, 1986 TUESDAY,JULY 29th,198610:00 AM - 10:00PM9:00 AM - 9:00PMREGISTRATIONREGISTRATIONSCHOOL GYM7:00 AM - 9:00AMPANCAKEBREAKFASTVILLAGE SQUARELeadership Candidatesare Your Chefs!(This is a Comp(imentarvBreakiast8:00 PM - 9:00PM9:30 AM - 12:30PMPREMIER’STRIBUTECANDIDATES’FORUMSCONVENTION HALLThese wi/I take placesimultaneous/v in3 locations:CONVENTION CENTRE1. THE CONVENTIONHALL2. THE CONVENTION ATRIUM3. THE SOCIAL CREDIT PARTYTENT-L(Candidates will movebetween areas.I12:30 PM - 5:00 PM“FREE” TIMETime to visit Candidates’Village!!9:00PM- 1:00 AMTRIBUTE PARTY5:00 PM - 9:15 PMSOCIAL CREDIT PARTY TENT CANDI DATES’ SPE ECHES(Cash Bar)CONVENTION HALL-LEVENTS226ADDRESSES &PHONE NO.’SWEDNESDAY, JULY 30th, 19864AME8:00 AM 10:00 AMDELEGATE STATUS UPGRADINGSCHOOL GYMADDRESS- NAME_.ADDRESSPHONE___________NAME —ADDRESSPHONE____________10:00 AM - TO COMPLETIONBALLOTINGCONVENTION HALL. TENTNAME —ADORE SSPHONEPHONEAT COMPLETIONLEADER’S PARTYSOCIAL CREDIT PARTY TENTADDRESSPHONENAMEADDRESSPHONE___________(iicJk)> 0 z C)(f-i C -I (1-iADDRESSES& PHONENO.’SNOTESNAMEADDRESSPHONENAMEADDRESSPHONENAMEADDRESSPHONENAMEADDRESSPHONENAMEADDRESSPHONENAMEADDRESS228PHONE____________229-1ITINERARYITINERARYMONDAY, JULY28th, 1986TUESDAY, JULY29th, 19867AMAM___8AM8AM9AM9AMlOAMlOAM___11AM11AMNOONNOON_1PM1PM2PM2PM____3PM___3PM4PM__________________________4PM5PM____5PM6PM7PM7PM8PM8PM___9PMPM...10PM1OPM_11 PM_,11 PM_MIDNIGHT_______________________MIDNIGHT230ITINERARYAUTOGRAPHSWEDNESDAY,JULY 30th,19867 AM__________________________8 AM_____________________________9 AM____________________________10 AM___________________________11AM______________________NOON___________________________1 PM____________________________________2PM3PM4PM______________—__________5 PM6PM____________________-______7 PM_________________________________8 PM_______________________9 PM1 PM_________________________________11PMCOMPLIMENTSOF:MIDNIGHT____________________BILL VANDERZALM231APPENDIX 7The Selectionand Election ofSocial Credit Party of BritishColumbia Leaders1952 - 1993Since the 1952 provincial general election,the British Columbia SocialCredit party haschosen six leaders. The first, fourthand fifth leaders were selectedby their caucuscolleagues, with the fourth havingher selection confirmed at a full party leadershipconvention. To date, the party hashad three leadership conventions, (1973, 1986,1991)where the voting delegate had been electedby their constituency associations. In 1993, theparty leader was elected by universalballot.The six Social Credit party leadershave been selected or elected as follows:THE FIRST LEADER: WILLIAMA.C. BENNETTJuly 15. 1992 (Hotel Vancouver. Vancouver.B.C.)Two weeks before the finalresults of the 1952 provincial general election are known,the Social Credit candidates meetat the Hotel Vancouver to select their Leader. (Theparty had campaigned during theelection without an official leader, although W.A.C.Bennett acted as its de facto leader).The voting procedures are determinedthat day. Unsuccessful candidates cannot vote,but they could be nominated for the position. The winner mustreceive 50% of thevote, plus one.Nominated by their fellow candidates are MLA - elects W.A.C. Bennett(OkanaganSouth), Philip Gaglardi (Kamloops), Thomas Irwin (Delta)and J.A. Reid (SalmonArm). Peer Paynter, an unsuccessful candidatein the provincial election also wasnominated.The voting results, which launched W.A.C. Bennett’s twenty year premiership were:W.A.C. Bennett 14Philip Gaglardi 1Thomas Irwin 1Peer Paynter 2J.A. Reid192322. THE SECOND LEADER: WILLIAM R. BENNETI’November 24. 1973(Hotel Vancouver. Vancouver.B.C.)In the party’s first leadershipconvention, former premier W.A.C.Bennett’s second son, Williamis elected party leaderon the first ballot. The votingprocedures are thoseoutlined in the Social Credit partyconstitution. Thosedelegates selected by theirconstituency associations vote asfollows:William R. Bennett833Robert McClelland269Harvey Schroeder204Jim Chabot97Ed Smith74James Mason101,4873. THE THIRD LEADER:WILLIAM VANDER ZALMJuly 30. 1986 (WhistlerTrade and Convention Centre. Whistler.B.C.’)The Social Creditparty held its second leadership convention in1986, withdelegates again being selectedby their respective constituency associations.Candidate 12 4William Vander Zaim 367457 625 801Brian Smith 196255 342 454Grace McCarthy 244280 305Bud Smith 202219John Reynolds 5439Jim Nielsen 5430Stephen Rogers 43Robert Wenman 40Cliff Michael32William Ritchie 28Mel Couvelier 20Kim Campbell— — —1,294 1,280 1,272 1,2552334. THE FOURTH LEADER:RITA JOHNSTON(A). April 2. 1991(Parliament Buildings. Victoria.B.C.)On the same day that WilliamVander Zaim resigned as premier,Rita Johnston isselected interim leader of theSocial Credit caucus by herfellow MLAs. Thecaucus decision is quickly ratifiedby the party’s board of directors,which wasmeeting in Victoria. That evening,Johnston is officially swornin as premier by theprovince’s Lieutenant Governor.(B). July 20. 1991 (VancouverTrade and ConventionCentre. Vancouver. B.C.)109 days after the Social Creditcaucus elected Rita Johnston theirinterim leader,the delegates at the third SocialCredit party leadership convention electedher asparty leader.For the last time, the party electedits leader by the procedures outlined in the party’sconstitution. (Throughoutthe leadership campaign, there was an active movementto drop the existing leadershipprocedures in favour of a yet to be defined universalballot procedure. While unsuccessfulin changing the rules for the 1991 contest,theuniversal ballot procedure was finallyaccepted by the party at its 1992 convention).The results of the 1991 leadershiprace are as follows:BallotsCandidate1 2Rita Johnston 652 941Grace McCarthy 659 881Mel Couvelier 331Norm Jacobsen 169Duane Crandall—1,846 1,822After the first ballot, Mel Couvelier moved to and endorsed Rita Johnston.DuaneCrandall moved likewise to endorseGrace McCarthy.2345. THE FIFTH LEADER: JACKWEISGERBERMarch 7. 1992(Social Credit party offices. Richmond.B.C.)Following the SocialCredit party’s massive defeat in the October17, 1991provincial general election,the party was reducedto only seven M.L.A.s (forty lessthan their 1986 election results.This number would be reduced to six when MLAPeter Dueck left the caucusto sit as an independent). Among the defeated waspartyleader Rita Johnston, who shortlythereafter announced she would neither trytoretain the party leadership, orbe a candidate in any future leadership race.Following Johnston’sannouncement, MLA and former Cabinet MinisterJackWeisgerber announced that hewould be a candidate for the interim leadershipofthe party. No other candidatesdeclared, and so at a party board of directorsmeetingheld in Richmond on March7, 1992, Jack Weisgerber wasacclaimed by the caucusand other board members as theparty’s interim leader. (Weisgerber sought andreceived confirmationof his interim leadership from the Social Credit constituencyassociation’s at their respective1992 annual general meetings whenthe ridingassociations passed specialresolutions of support).6. THE SIXTH LEADER:GRACE McCARTHYAfter over five years of oftenacrimonious debate, the Social Credit party finallyimplemented the universal ballot process for selectingtheir sixth leader.All party members in good standing (estimatedbetween 40,000 - 50,000) wereeligible to cast a transferable ballot at polling stationsat an advance poll (October 23,1993) or at more than 125, polling stationsin the province’s seventy-fiveconstituencies on the November 6, 1993 electionday.There was no leadership convention for thiscontest. The candidate’s were, however,able to participate in a question and answer session and make speeches at the party’sannual general meeting, held the week before the vote in Kamloops, B.C.There were four contestants in the 1993 contest. Three were former MLAs; GrahamBruce (MLA 1986 - 1991), Grace McCarthy (MLA 1966 - 1972and 1975 - 1991)and Claude Richmond (MLA 1981 - 1991). All had served in cabinet. The finalcontestant was Vancouver businessman Jim Turner. (Widely respected interim leaderJack Weisgerber declined to enterthe race).The transferable ballot allowed party members to vote, in their order of preference,for one of all four candidates. In the event their preferred candidate(s) wereeliminated, and they had stipulated another choice, then their votes would be235transferred to this other candidateon subsequent ballots. A winner would require50% plus one vote to win. Theprocess was somewhat confusing, and it took threeballots and over sevenhours to tabulate the votes before66 year old Grace McCarthywon the party’s leadership,after failing to do so in the last two contests.CandidateSecond ThirdG. McCarthy 7,338 7,3517,790G. Bruce 5,3215,352 6,245C. Richmond 2,083 2,0993. Turner 91Spoiled 182TOTAL 15,015236APPENDIX 8British Columbia Provincial Election Results1952 - 1991Contested by the British ColumbiaSocial Credit PartyJuly 31. 1952 (FinalCounO:PARTYSEATS POPULAR VOTESocial Credit (A)19 30.18%New Democratic18 34.30%Liberals6 25.26%Conservatives 49.66%Labour12. June 9. 1953:Social Credit (A)28 45.54%New Democratic 1429.48%Liberals 423.36%Conservatives 11.11 %Labour 1 0.12%3. September 19. 1956:Social Credit (A) 39 46%New Democratic 10 28%Liberals 2 22%Labour 1 3%4. September 12. 1960:Social Credit (A) 32 39%New Democratic 16 32%Liberals 4 21%5. September 30. 1963:Social Credit (A) 34 41%New Democratic 13 28%Liberals 5 20%6. September 12. 1966:Social Credit (A) 33 45.5%New Democratic 16 33.8%Liberals 6 20.0%2377. August 27. 1969:Social Credit (A) 3846.8%New Democratic 1233.9%Liberals5 19.0%8. August 30. 1972:New Democratic38 39.2%Social Credit (A)10 31.8%Liberals 516.2%Conservatives 212.6%9. December 11. 1975:Social Credit (B)36 49.2%New Democratic 1739.0%Liberals 17.2%Conservatives 14.1 %10. May 10. 1979:Social Credit (B) 3148.2%New Democratic 2645.9%11. May 5. 1983:Social Credit (B) 3549.76%New Democratic 2244.94%12. October 22. 1986:Social Credit (C) 47 49.32%New Democratic 22 42.60%13. 1991:New Democratic 51 40.71%Liberal 17 33.25%Social Credit (D). 7 24.05%NOTES:(A). Denotes elections where the Social Credit party was led by William A.C. Bennett.(B). Denotes elections where the SocialCredit party was led by William R. Bennett.(C). Denotes elections where the Social Credit party was led by William N. Vander Zaim.(D). Denoted elections where the Social Credit party was led by Rita Johnston.Source: Chief Electoral Officer for British Columbia, Statement of Votes for Elections1952-199 1, Province of British Columbia, Victoria.


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