UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Buddhaghosa’s Padyacudamani: as a biography of the Buddha Fernando, Anusha 1994

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_1994-0413.pdf [ 2.34MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0087457.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0087457-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0087457-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0087457-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0087457-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0087457-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0087457-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0087457-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0087457.ris

Full Text

Buddhaghoas PadyacOmar)1 As a Biography of the Buddha By  Anusha Fernando  BA., McGill University, 1992  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in  THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES  (Department of Asian Studies)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1994 Anusha Fernando  In presenting this thesis partial in fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by head the my of department or his by or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  (Signature)  Department of  i4  DIE  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date  ABSTRACT The objective of this thesis is to present the PadyacDdmani, a previously untranslated Sanskrit poem on the life or the Buddha. This text has been ascribed to the Pãli scholar Bhadantcariya Buddhaghosa. My study will focus upon this text as a biography of the Buddha. To do so, I will present only those verses which move the Padyacüdmani’s narrative forward. These verses will be presented within the thesis and recollected in an Appendix. To study the Padyacadamani as a biography of the Buddha I will compare it with the traditional Buddha biographies. These are the Buddhacarita, Lalitavistara and Mahvastu [all Sanskrit works] and the Nidnakathã, the only biography of the Buddha written in Päli. What is illuminated by such a comparison is the striking similarity between the PadyaciJdmani and the Avidüre Nidäna [Intermediate Epoch] of the Nidnakathã biographical account. This similarity is made more interesting by the fact that the Nidnakathã has also been ascribed to Buddhaghosa. However, Buddhaghosa’s authorship of the Nidãnakath has been questioned due to its difference in style and expression from his other works. I will argue that the PadyacOdãmani is also a peculiar work for the Buddhist scholar Bhadantcariya Buddhaghosa, for, it is his only Sanskrit work, his only poem and, unlike his other works, is primarily not a Buddhist work.  I will argue that the association of  Buddhaghosa’s name with the Padyacadamani is not to indicate his authorship of this text but a way of highlighting the relationship between the Padyacüdãmani and the Nidänakath, which has been ascribed to Buddhaghosa.  By presenting the PC as a biography of the Buddha, two avenues for further exploration are illuminated.  Firstly, more research should be done on the relationship between the  PadyacOdmani and the Nidnakath biographical accounts. Secondly, it seems that there are good grounds to question whether the Pãli scholar Buddhaghosa was indeed the author of this text.  11  TABLE OF CONTENTS: PAGE ABSTRACT  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  iii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  V  INTRODUCTION  1  CHAPTER I. SOURCES FOR THE PADYACUDAMANI’S NARRATIVE  6  Autobiographical references in the P1i canon  6 g  Biographies of the Buddha General biography of the Buddha  13  The structure of the PadyacQdãmani  15  CHAPTER II. PRESENTATION OF THE PADYACUDAMANI’S NARRATIVE  16  CHAPTER III. A COMPARISON OF THE BIOGRAPHIES OF THE BUDDHA  51  Dwelling in Tusita heaven  51  Conception  53  The Newborn  56  Youth  60  Marriage  61  The pleasure palaces  61  The display of the bodhisattvas skill  62  The four visions  63  The Pleasure Grove  67  Disenchantment  69  Renunciation  70  Begging for alms  74  Alra K1ãma and Uddaka Rãmaputta  75  Austerities  76 111  Acceptance of the milk—rice  .  79  Preparing the seat for Enlightenment  81  Battle with Mãra  83  CONCLUSION  91  The PadyacUdãmani as a biography of the Buddha The PC’s relationship with the Nidãnakathã Bhadantcariya Buddhaghosa  91 91 94  The legend surrounding Buddhaghosa’s life  94  Buddhaghosa’s works  97  The Peculiarities of the Padyacadmani Why the PC is primarily not a Buddhist work Buddhaghosa’s only poem  98 98 101  Buddhaghosa’s only Sanskrit work  102  Is Buddhaghosa the author of the PC?  104  REFERENCES  106  APPENDIX  112  iv  AKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I wish to express my sincere thanks to my thesis committee—Dr. Ken Bryant, Dr. Jerry Schmidt, Dr. Laurence Preston and Dr. Ashok Aklujkar. I am especially grateful to Dr. Aklujkar for his guidance over the past two years and his careful reading of my thesis. I must also thank Michele Desmarais and Robyn Laba for all their assistance, patience and encouraging words. Thank you also to Chad Dughi, Liii Srossman—Reyes, Steve Holy, Jai Sovinda, Roopa Nair, Jennifer Potter, Valerie Stoker, Sharon McCaffrey, Sophie Frishkopf and Andrea Robinson, who provide me with so much inspiration. A special thanks to my family for their unfailing love and support. Finally, a thank you to Vija Eger and Juli Cantillon in whose memory  dedicate my work.  V  1  INTRODUCTION  The purpose of this thesis is to introduce the Padyacadmani [the crest jewel of verse] a previously untranslated Sanskrit text ascribed to Bhadantãcariya Buddhaghosa. This text presents a lire story or the Buddha divided into ten  cantos[sargas] and written in verse  form. In introducing this text, I have chosen to focus upon it as biography, a cohesive account of the Buddha’s life. My aim will be to present the narrative framework of this text and to compare it with other biographies of the Buddha.  The traditional  biographies which I will be utilizing for my comparison are the Buddhacarita, Lalitavistara, Mahvastu and Nidnakathä The Nidãnakathã was written in Pli. The other three are Sanskrit works. I will also be referring to the biographical and autobiographical material which can be found in the Pli canon 1 I have relied on translations for my knowledge of these earliest sources on the Buddha’s life, specifically, Johnston’s translation of the Buddhacarita [1936], de Foucaux’s french translation of the Lalitavistara [1988], Jones’ translation of the Mahvastu [1949] and Jayawickrama’s translation of the Nidnakath [1990].  For the Pli canonical  literature, I have relied on translations done by the Pli Text Society.  There is a plethora of secondary material written on the Buddha’s life which I have used with caution, for, I have found that it usually falls into two categories. Those studies which aim to create a picture of the Buddha as a god—like being and those which describe him as a completely ordinary man, In a famous work by Emile Senart, entitled, ‘Essaie sur la Legende du Bouddha,’ he treats the Buddha legend as a mass of mythical tales and identifies the belief in the Buddha with the belief in a sun—god. In contrast such works on the Buddha’s life as Rhys Davids’ [1928] and Oldenberg’s [1882] insist that there was lAccording to tradition, the compilation of the Pall canon began immediately after the death of the Buddha about 483 B.C. at the councfl of Rajagaha. It was further developed a hundred years later at the council of Vesäli, the chief cause of which was the cropping up of certain wrong views, which were threatening to undermine monastic discipline. At the third council, under King Asoka [264-227 B.C.], the canon in all its essential parts seems to have been brought to a formal completion. This council was also of Importance on account of the resolution to send missions to neighbouring countries. The tradition is here supported by epigraphical discoveries. Mahinda [Skt—Mahendra, the son of King Asoka] went to Ceylon as the messenger of the teachings of the Buddha. He brought to Sri Lanka the Canon in its Theravãda form [Geiger 1978, 7].  2  nothing extraordinary about the Buddha. They extol the fact that he was a very ordinary man. Rhys Davids begins her study of the Buddha’s life, which she fittingly calls ‘Gotama the man’ with the following statement:  I am the man who is called the Buddha, akyamuni, Bhagavat. I am the man Siddhattha Gotama...I am every man. I am not anything of the nature of a wonder being. [C. Rhys Davids. 1928,  91.  Similarily, Oldenberg states,  What makes a Buddha a Buddha is, as his name indicates, his knowledge. He does not possess this knowledge, like a Christ, by virtue of a metaphysical superiority of his nature, surpassing everything earthly, but he has gained it, or, more strictly speaking, won it by a struggle. [Oldenberg. 1882, 841  The traditional biographies show that both perspectives are limited in what they admit and in what they omit. In Senart’s image of the Buddha it is the human being that is missing; in Rhys Davids’ and Oldenberg’s it is any recognition of the extraordinary aspects of this being. In the traditional biographies there seems to be no problem in stating that the Buddha was both ordinary and extraordinary.  Although there is this tendency toward taking one of these positions on the Buddha’s life, there are nevertheless some noteable and useful studies, in the secondary literature. Oldenberg’s work, entitled, Buddha: His Life, His Doctrine, His Order [18821., should be noted as the pioneering effort in providing a detailed and historical presentation of the Buddha’s life. He bases his study on the biographical material found in the Pãli canon. Another useful study of the Buddha’s life, based on Pãli sources, has been done by E. H. Brewster. It is called The Life of Gotama the Buddha [19261 and is a translation and compilation of all the biographical information found in the Pli canon.  E. J. Thomas’s  work, entitled the Life of Buddha as Legend and History [19271 and A. Foucher’s, Life of the Buddha According to the Ancient Texts and Monuments of India [19491 are also worth noting. Their works draw not only upon the Pli canonical sources but also on the later Buddha biographies and works in Tibetan and Chinese that contain biographical information.  3  Although, this secondary material has been useful for the clarification of details of the Buddha’s life, my focus has been on the primary sources. I am interested in seeing how the PadyacDdmani compares with these traditional biographical accounts.  The edition of the Padyacdmani [PCI that I will be basing my comments and translations on was edited by M. Rañgchrya and S. Kuppusvmi stri in 1921 and printed by the Madras Government Press . It is based on three manuscripts from South 2 India. The first is a copy on paper in DevangarT characters of the ri—tã1a palm—leaf manuscript, belonging to the Palace Library at Tripunitura, Cochin state, and written in Malaylam characters. It contains the work to the end of the tenth canto. The next is a palm—leaf manuscript in Grantha characters which breaks off in the tenth canto, The third is a manuscript written in Telugu characters and complete in ten cantos. This edition is also based on an edition in Pali characters published in 1908 in the Bauddha Granthamala series at Colombo, as its second number. It is reported to consist of forty six pages and contains the work up to the sixteenth stanza of the ninth canto. Unfortunately, I have not been able to get a copy of it. My knowledge of this text has also been greatly aided by the Sanskrit commentary which is included in Rañgächãrya’s and Kuppusvmi’s edition of the text. The commentary was prepared by Pandits K. Venkatevara stri and D.S. athakopchrya. Although it may seem unusual for brahmanical pandits to work on a Buddhist work, we find similar modern commentaries on the Buddhist poet Avaghosa’s epics. The Pandits may be interested in these texts for their poetic value.  That this work has been appreciated as a piece of poetry is evident from the list of similarities between the PC and two famous Mahkvyas [Classical epic poems], the Raghuvariia and Buddhacarita, which have been included in the brief preface to the edition I used. Here, Kuppusvämi and Rañgchrya provide a detailed list of the verses and episodes contained in the PC which correspond with verses and episodes found in the aforementioned poetic works. Current work is also being done on the relationship between this work and the works of Kãlidsa.3 Although, I will not discuss the poetry 1n many places this text prints 2  where other editions have  .  me development of Sanskrit poetry can be viewed In three distinctly separate stages; the Vedic 3 [3000 B.C.], the Epic [1000 B.C.], and the Classical [400 B.C.]. Joshi [1976, 11-33 of Intro] refers to Kãlidsa as the brightest star in the firmament of Classical Sanskrit poetry. Kálidãsa’s dates are  4  of the PC in this thesis, I will briefly mention some of the characteristics of a Mahãkvya [Classical epic poem] in the first chapter or this text where I present the sources for the PC’s narrative. For it is apparent that the narrative of this text is effected by its compliance with some of the rules of this poetic form. An area that has not been explored in previous studies, and which  hope to elucidate by  focusing upon the PC as a biography of the Buddha, is the peculiarity of the PC’s association with the fifth century C.E., Pli scholar, Bhandantcariy Buddhaghosa. In the brief preface to their edition, the editors deem him the author of this work. Buddhaghosa is renowned among the Southern [Theravda] Buddhists of Sri Lanka, Burma and Thailand and has been deemed the foremost commentator on the Pãli canon, the earliest extant source for the Buddhist tradition. In light of the fact that the PC’s manuscripts are confined to South India and in light of its subject matter, presenting a life story of the Buddha, it is not surprising that this association with a famous name in Southern Buddhism has been made. Moreover, the editors suggest that the style of poetry contained in the PC can support this connection. They say,  The PadyacUdmani may well be assigned to the period of Sanskrit poetry and poetics to which Bhãravi, Dandin and Mãgha can be assigned, viz., 5th—7th century, A.D. [from Preface, 5]  These dates would coincide with the dates of Bhadantãcariya Buddhaghosa who is said to have lived in the fifth century A.D.  However, from even a superficial investigation of Buddhaghosa’s other writings, it becomes apparent that the PC is a conspicuosly different work. For, it is unique in being his only Sanskrit work and his only piece of poetry. He is renowned for his commentarial works in Pli which have a very different tone from this text. In my concluding remarks, I would like to illuminate the peculiarities of the PC and thereby, raise some doubts about attributing this work to Bhandantcariya Buddhaghosa. Moreover, in the first chapter of this thesis, where I present the sources for the PC’s uncertain. He has been placed anywhere between the rirst century B.C. and the fourth century C.E. The authentic works of Klidãsa are six in number, three of them being poems and the remaining three plays. The poems are Raghuvaria ‘Raghu’s Dynasty’, Kumãrasambhava ‘Birth of Kumra’ and Meghadhüta ‘Cloud messenger’. The three plays are Màlavikãgnlmitra, vikramorvaya and Abh ii Fnaákuntala [akuntal a for short].  5  narrative, I would like to highlight a connection between Buddhaghosa and the PC which is not that or authorship. To do so, I will introduce the Nidãnakath, the only continuous biography or the Buddha in Pli, as a most important source ror the PC. What will come to light in the third chapter, where I compare the PC with the other Buddha biographies, is its striking similarity with the Nidänakath [NK] account. This similarity is made more interesting by the ract that the NK has also been ascribed to Buddhaghosa. In my concluding remarks, I will argue two points, rirstly, that the author or the PC was probably not the Buddhist scholar Bhadantacariya Buddhaghosa and secondly, that the association or Buddhaghosa’s name with the PC was a way or acknowledging the PC’s indebtedness to the NK account.  6 CHAPTER ONE THE SOURCES FOR THE PADYACODAMANI’S NARRATIVE: According to the editors of the text, the main sources for the PC’s narrative are the biographical material pertaining to the Buddha’s life which can be gleaned from the Pli canonical literature and two Sanskrit works which take as their theme the life of the Buddha, the Buddhacarita [BC] and the Lalitavistara [LV]. From my research, I have found that the PC also draws from a compendium of legendary material called the Mahvastu [MV] and, most clearly, from a text called the Nidnakath [NK], the only continuous biography of the Buddha in Pli.  Authoblographical references from the Pl1 canon The earliest material for the study of the Buddha’s life is found in the Pli canon. 4 In the Sutta and Vinya Pitakas we are presented with scattered, autobiographical statements employed for the purpose of teaching. In these accounts, the Buddha reflects upon his past experience only to exemplify the Dharma [teaching]. Thus, we find references to his disenchantment with worldly life, his renunciation of life as a prince, his struggle for enlightenment, and even his experience of enlightenment. The tone of such references is shown by the following passage from the Ariyapariyesana Sutta of the Majjhima Nikya [MN]:  And I too monks, before awakening, while I was still the bodhisattva, not fully awakened, being liable to birth because of self, sought what was likewise liable  The canon is broken into three baskets [Tripitaka] which contain the Suttas, the Vinaya and the 4 Abhidhamma. The Sutta Pitaka contains the discourses of the Buddha, the Vinaya Pitaka is concerned with the rules and regulations pertaining to the organization of the Buddhist Sangha [community] and the Abhidamma Pitaka provides an impressive systematisation of reality as it is of concern to one’s liberation from suffering. The Sutta [Pitaka] is mainly composed of four collections’ [Nikãya], partly arranged in accordance with the length of the pieces they contain, as is ts the case with the Vedtc hymns. They are the Majjhtma Ntkãya [Middle Length Sayings], Añguttara Nikya [Gradual Sayings], Samyutta Nikãya [Grouped Sayings] and Dighanikãya [Long Sayings] [Renou 1964, 69—70].  7  to birth...Then it occurred to me, suppose that I should seek the unborn, the uttermost security rrom the bonds, Nibbna? [I., 2071 These earliest autobiographical rererences can be round in the Digha Nikya, Añguttara Nikya and Majjhima Nikya [part or the Sutta Pitakal and in the Mahãvagga of the Vinaya Pitaka. In the Anguttara Nikya, the Buddha describes his early lire to his disciples. He mentions that he enjoyed great luxuries but grew disenchanted with them [see Vol.1, No.38]. The accounts in the Majjhima Nikya [see Vol.1, No.26 and 361, describe the Buddha’s search for truth. In the account in the Mahãvagga of the Vinaya Pitaka, he relates the commencement of his ministry. The Digha Nikya contains two important suttas, the Mahãpadãna sutta and the Mahparinibbna sutta. In the Mahpadna sutta, the Buddha describes his lire in relation to numerous other Buddhas. The Mahparinibbna sutta deals with the last weeks of the Buddha’s lire. Autobiographical references can also be round in the Sutta Nipãta [see Padhna Sutta, Nãlaka Sutta and Pabbajj Sutta]  It is in light of the early tradition’s focus on the Buddha’s teachings rather than his life that we can understand the absence or a continous biography in the earliest portions or the canon. According to A.K Warder [1970,44],  The Buddha’s life was evidently inessential for the doctrine or Early Buddhism and did not interest the compilers or the Tripitaka, who were content to record as carefully as they could the words of their teacher, the words which were their ‘master’ once the Buddha was no more.  Oldenberg makes a similar observation in his pioneering work on the life of the Buddha:  The idea of biography was roreign to the mind of that age  To this was added  that, in those times, the interest in the life or the master receded entirely behind the interest attached to his teachings. [Oldenberg 1882, 801. Despite the early tradition’s focus on the Buddha’s teachings rather than his life we can still find evidence, within the canon, of a belief and interest in the remarkable  8  personality or the founder. The Khuddhaka Nikãya5, which is deemed the fifth nikya, is particularly useful for illuminating this growing Buddha legend. In the Buddhavarna of the Khuddaka Nikãya, the Buddha is presented not simply as an insightful teacher but as part of a lineage of extraordinary beings who, through past actions, have become destined for enlightenment. The Buddhavarna describes the Buddha as one in a line of twenty four Buddhas. A similar sentiment is recorded in the Mahãpadna Sutta of the DTghanikya. Here, the Buddha discusses his existence in relation to six previous Buddhas. Such texts downplay the significance of Siddhrtha’s particular life experience and focus on the inevitability of his enlightenment. According to this tradition, the Buddha belongs to a line of chosen men. Thus, he is possessed of thirty two characteristic marks and at his birth there are auspicious and glorious signs. The meritorious acts and deeds which have made Buddhahood inevitable are described in the Jtaka and Apadna [commonly Avadna in Sktl literature and in the Cariypitaka, all part of the Khuddaka Nikya. The Jãtaka literature focuses upon the previous lives of the bodhisattva and describes the illustrious deeds that he performed which resulted in great merit. The Apadna literature, similarily, focuses on the bodhisattva’s heroic feats and the Cariyãpitaka pursues the express purpose of showing how the bodhisattva came to possess thepãramitas or perfections in several of his earlier births. 6 In these accounts, the Buddha’s glory is a glory which is even greater than that of the gods. For, the gods, unlike the Buddha, are not free from raga/Iobha [passion/greed], dosa [hatred] and moha [delusion] 7 [Haldar 1977, 70]. Thus, the gods of Brahmanism are often characterized as subservient to the Buddha.  5 The Khuddaka Nikãya  is a compilation of miscellaneous works which are both small and voluminous.  Winternitz says that these works almost certainly originated from different time periods and were not intended to form parts of a collection. [Winternitz 1983, II., 76] For a discussion of this literature see, Studies in the common Jätaka and Avadna Tales. by Sadhan 6 chandra Sarkar, or, Buddhist Avadãna by Dr. Sharmistha Sharma. Also, see the introductions to the three volumes of Jãtakas translated by E.B. Cowell and Peter Khoroche’s translation of Arya Süra’s Jãtakamàlä. me three principle roots [mOlal which are said to account for all suffering [duhkhal existence are the 7 roots of hatred [dosa], greed [lobha] and delusion [moha]. The term root has the sense of firm support, cause, condition and producer, as well as the conveyor of the nourishing sap; in this light, the originating cause of kamma, our life affirming and rebirth producing, intentional actions. According to the Buddhist tradition, even the experience of the gods is not free from these three unwholesome roots [Akusala MUlal [Nyãnaponika Thera 1986, 98] and [Angaraika Govinda 1961, 91].  9  In the Sakkapañha Sutta of the Dghanikya, the supreme god Sakka [equivalent to Indral asks the Buddha various questions and gains deep insight from the Buddha’s answers. In the Mahsamaya Sutta, thousands of gods are described surrounding the Buddha and his followers, praising them and rejoicing in their practice. [DN, II. 258, 3171  In the  Mahpadäna 5utta, the creator god Brahm is described encouraging the Buddha to preach the dharma after enlightenment. He says, Lord  ,  let the lord teach dhamma, let the well—farer teach the Dhamma. There are  beings with little dust in their eyes who are perishing through not hearing the Dhamma: they will become knowers of the Dhamma. [DN, II. 39, 2141 The suggestion is that Brahm is worried because he understands that his creation will be destroyed without the Buddha’s insight. [Warder 1970, 501 Interestingly, the traditional story of the Buddha’s life, contained in the later biographies of the Buddha, synthesizes these two perceptions of the Buddha gleaned from the Pli canon. For, these texts present the Buddha both as an ordinary being who has insight because he suffers and struggles like everybody else and as an extraordinary being. He is out of the ordinary because, prior to birth, he resides in the Tusita heaven, is immaculately conceived, and is aided by the gods towards his inevitable enlightenment.  Biographies of the Buddha  The two biographies [cohesive accounts of the Buddha’s life] that have been cited as sources for the PC are the Buddhacarita [BC] and Lalitavistara [LV]. The BC is a Sanskrit work written by the famous Buddhist/poet, Avaghosa. Avaghosa is said to have been a contemporary and protege of King Kaniska, which means he was probably alive in the last quarter of the first century A.D. The BC was written in twenty eight cantos and covers the Buddha’s life, from his conception to his death. It also describes the first Buddhist council and reign of King Aoka . Unfortunatly, only 8 cantos number two to thirteen are extant in their entirety in Sanskrit, together with  The complete manuscript or the Sanskrit original does not exist but translations of this text in 8 Tibetan and Chinese have been preserved. It is from these translations that scholars conjecture the length and content or the original.  10  three quarters of the first canto and the first quarter of the fourteenth [Johnston 1984, 191. The extant portion covers the Buddha’s life from his conception up to his enlightenment. The PC is similar to the BC both in its content, being a life story of the Buddha and in its style. The BC is the only other known [1ahkävya written on the life of the Buddha. The characteristics of a Mahãkãvya are described in the eighth century text by Dandin called the Kvyãdara. Here, he highlights the fact that the poet’s objective is to invest an already existing story with intricate description and not to create an original narrative. He says, The subject should be taken from old narratives, not therefore, invented. The hero should be noble and valiant. There should be descriptions of towns, oceans, mountains, seasons, the rising and setting of the sun and moon, sport in parks or the sea, drinking, love dalliance, separations, marriages, the birth of progeny, meeting of councils, embassies, campaigns, battles and the triumph of the hero, though his rivals’ merits may be exalted. [Caitanya 1962, 240]  This focus upon description rather than narration is exemplified by the PC. For, here the narrative is quite secondary to the embellishment of certain events or the elaborate description of places and people. Buddhaghosa utilizes a particularly interesting technique for embellishment. With almost mathematical precision he hangs descriptive verses throughout the narrative structure [see appendix]. In the first chapter, he introduces Kapilavastu [the birth place of Siddhrtha Gautama] and describes it with twenty seven verses. Then, he introduces uddhodhana [the father of 5iddhãrtha] and describes him in twenty verses, then, Queen My [Siddhãrtha’s mother] is described in twenty five verses and so on. Thus, in a poem of 641 verses only 100 provide the narrative of the Buddha’s life. As Buddhaghosa’s objective was to elaborately describe moments in the Buddha’s life, he does not provide a comprehensive rendering of the Buddha legend. His narrative often skips from one event to another without providing the logical connections. He seems to have assumed that his reader would be familiar with the story and capable of filling in the missing details.  Avaghosa is famous for two other works besides the BC. They are the Saundarananda, and the ãriputraprakaranam. The Saundarananda is also a Mahãkãvya. It has for its subject matter the conversion of the Buddha’s half brother Nanda to Buddhism. The ãriputraprakarana is a play describing the conversion of the Buddha’s chief disciples  11  riputra and Maudgalyyana  Avaghosa’s thematic interest in conversion is said to be  a reflection of his own experience, for Avaghosa was a Brahman who converted to Buddhism. His brahmanical background is reflected in his works which draw heavily from brahmanical traditions.  In Johnston’s translation of the BC, he makes the  following point: Avaghosa writes for a circle in which brahmanical learning and ideas are supreme; his references to Brahmans personally and to their institutions are always worded with the greatest respect, and his many mythological parallels are all drawn from Brahmanical sources. [Johnston 1936, 161. We will see that this comment could also be applied to the PC. For, it is clear that the author of this text had knowledge of, and respect for, the brahmanical tradition. In this respect, the legend surrounding Buddhaghosa’s life is fitting. For, Buddhaghosa, like Avaghosa, is described as a brahmin who converted to Buddhism. That the BC was valued not only as a poem but as a Buddhist teaching text is illuminated by the account of the Chinese Pilgrim —Tsing. For, he documents the fact that the BC was widely read and sung throughout India and the countries of the 5outhern sea [the Malay Archipelago, Sumatra, Java and the neighbouring islandsl [Caitanya 1962, 2441. The Buddhist flavour of this poem sets it apart from the PC and other biographies, which tend to simply describe the events of the Buddha’s life and not elaborate upon the insights of the tradition.  Another text which has been cited as a source for the PC is the Lalitavistara [LV]. The LV describes the time from the Buddha’s descendence from the Tusita heaven up to his first sermon to the group of five brahmans at the Deer Park in VrãnasT, in twenty seven chapters which are written in both prose and poetry. It has been described as a compilation from different times and different authors, the earliest material being dated from around the first century CE. [Winternitz 1983, II., 2431. The LV is considered as one of the holiest texts of the Mahyna and described as a Vaipulya Sütra [elaborate teaching text] which is a common term for Mahyna Sütras. The title LV, i.e., the extensive description of the Delightful/Charming, corresponds to the Mahãyãna idea that the life and work of the Buddha on the earth parallels the sport of a supernatural being. In this way, it describes the emerging deification of the Buddha which becomes characteristic of the Mahyna traditions. [Khosla 1991,12] Thus, this  12  biography of the Buddha emphasizes the Buddha’s extraordinary characteristics, Here, his life is adorned with miraculous and supernatural events. Since no satisfactory english translation of the LV is available, my knowledge of this source is based upon a french translation, prepared by P. E. de Foucaux, and summaries found in Khosla [1991] Winternitz [1983] Caitanya [1962] and Krom [1974]. From my own research, I would suggest that two other works should also be mentioned as sources for the PC. The first is the Nidnakath [NK1, literally, ‘the story of the origins’ [or antecedants]. It contains three different types of text. First, there are verses, then a prose commentary and finally, a word commentary. The verses are deemed the oldest layer of the text and the prose and word commentary have been dated from around the fifth century CE. This work serves as an introduction to the collection of stories of the past lives of Gautama Buddha called the Jtaka and is the only connected biography of the Buddha in Pli. The second is the Mahävastu [MV]. The name MV is literally translated as the great subject or story, here referring to the life of the Buddha. [B.T. Rahula 1978, 11 The material for this text was collected from the second century B.C. and not completed until approximately the third or fourth century CE. This text has been deemed the Vinaya of the Lokottaravdins, a branch of the Mahãsñghikas, the earliest Buddhist schismatics. However, this text does not have much to do with rules of discipline and is more interesting as a compendium of legendary material. [MV, I., 11—121 Both the NK and MV divide their narrative into three parts. The first section of the NK narrative is called the Distant Epoch [Dare Nidãnal. This contains the story of how Siddhãrtha Gautama, in a previous life as the ascetic Sumedha, made a vow to become a Buddha himself, rather than join Sumedha’s Buddhist community[sangha] as a monk and attain Nirvana there and then, followed by a list of the ten perfections which must be fulfilled on the path to Buddhahood. The second section, the ‘Intermediate Epoch’ [AvidUre Nidäna], takes the story from the bodhisattva’s descent from the Tusita heaven and birth as Siddhãrtha Gautama to the attainment of enlightenment after his defeat of the evil lord Mra. The third section, called the ‘recent epoch’ [Santike Nidna1, deals with the Buddha’s temptation by Mra’s daughters, his decision to teach and various events in the early days of his teaching, up until the donation of the Jetavana monastary by the great lay follower Anãthapindika.  [ NK, 7—81. The MV similarily divides the  Buddha’s life into three phases. The first section deals with the life of the bodhisattva  13  in relation to earlier Buddhas. The second section is the same as the AvidOre section or the NK, describing the Bodhisattva’s descent into the world, lire as Siddhãrtha Gotama, battle with Mra and subsequent enlightenment. While, the third section narrates the history or the earliest conversions to Buddhism and the origin or the community or monks. [Winternitz 1983, II., 231]. I would suggest that the author or the PC had knowledge or such a tradition or dividing the Buddha’s lire into three sections and, knowingly, restricted the PC’s narrative to the intermediate epoch or middle section or this three section divide. That is to say, that his choice to begin his work with the descent or the bodhisattva rrom Tusita heaven and to end it with the Mãra conrlict berore enlightenment is not simply rrom personal prererence, but in light or a tradition which presented this as one part or the Buddha’s lire story. The only detail included in the PC’s narrative which ralls outside or the boundaries or the Intermediate epoch [AvidOre Nidãna] is the temptation by Mãra’s daughters. This detail is not included in the MV account. However, it is the rirst episode in the recent epoch [Santike Nidãna] or the NK. The PC also corresponds with the NK and MV in including Jãtaka material within its narrative or the Buddha’s lire. The MV utilizes an abundance or Jãtakas and the NK makes rererence specirically to two, the Sarabhañga Jãtaka and Paläsa Jätaka. What will be illuminated in the presentation or the PC’s narrative is that Buddhaghosa was also ramiliar with the Jãtaka literature and, interestingly, included the central details or these two Jãtakas in his narrative. General biography of the Buddha gleaned from the aforementioned sources:  According to these sources, the bodhisattva dwelt, berore his birth, in the Tusita heaven. There, he was entreated by the gods to descend to the earth ror the benerit or human beings. He did so and became the son or Queen My and King uddhodhana. He was named Siddhãrtha because he rulrilled all or their desires, These sources state that King §uddhodhana was the ruler or the kya kingdom. The Pabbajã Sutta or the Sutta Nipta describes this kingdom as subject to the powerrul king or the neighbouring Kosala which lay in the South. Thus, uddhodana was not an all—powerrul king, but more aptly, a wealthy landowner and elected chier or the §ãkya clan [Seth 1990 29]. Queen  14  Mãy is described as having come from Koliya, a city to the east of the kya kingdom. [Sadhatissa 1976, 1319 The capital city of the ãkya kingdom was called Kapilavastu [Kapilavatthu in Pli]. The Buddhacarita relates the name of this city to the famous sage Kapila, the founder of the Sñkhya system. [see 1. 89]. In other places, Kapilavastu,which could mean red place, is related to the city’s characteristic redness of the earth. [see Oldenberg 1882, 99] According to all the accounts, Siddhãrtha’s birth was extraordinary. He was born from the side of Queen Maya in the LumbinT grove. Moreover, this birth was accompanied by miracles and glorious signs. As a newborn, 5iddhãrtha was possessed of the thirty two characteristic markings of a great man. King uddhodana invited a great sage named Asita to read these signs and Asita predicted that Siddhrtha would see certain visions which would cause him to renounce his present life and become a Buddha. To prevent his son from such a fate, the king ensured that Siddhrtha had a carefree and indulged existence, The sources state that King uddhodhana built pleasure palaces for Siddhãrtha in which he could pass the various seasons. Despite such pleasures and comforts, Siddhärtha grew bored and longed to voyage outside the palace grounds. On this excursion, he saw the four signs predicted at his birth. These were the sights of an old man, a sick man, a dead man and an ascetic. These sights provided the seeds for Siddhãrtha’s growing disenchantment with worldly life. He began to reflect upon the reality of duhkha [suffering] and was propelled to renounce the world and dedicate himself to an understanding of this condition. Thus, he fled from the palace, aided by the gods, his charioteer [Channa or Chandaka] and a swift horse [Kanthaka]. On first renouncing the world, he studied with various teachers but found their methods limited. He also partook in extreme ascetic practices but realized that these were not conducive to enlightenment. To regain the strength that he had lost from such mortifications, the sources state that he took milk—rice from a young girl who passed by. This milk—rice provided Siddhrtha with the strength needed to pursue his practice. Thus, he created a seat for himself, under the bodhi tree on the banks of the river  The home of Buddhism lies in what is now South Bihar, west or Bengal and South or the Ganges. This 9 was the country of the Magadhas with the capital at Rjagaha East of these were the Angas, whose chief city was Campä. North or the Magadhas and on the other side or the Ganges were tribes or Vajjis [chief town VesälTJ and still further north the Mallas. West of the Magadhas were the KsTs, whose chief city was Benares on the Ganges. The kingdom of the Kosalas [capital city Sãvatthi or rãvasti1 extended north or the Kãsis as rar as the Himalayas, and on the northern borders were settled the äkyas and their neighbours on the east, the Koliyas. [Thomas 1931, 13 1  15  Nairaijar, and sat with the firm resolution not to rise until he had attained liberation. In his striving, he was attacked by the Evil lord Mra. Siddhãrtha withstood F1ra’s advances and finally, overcame Mra’s forces. Thus, he became known as the Buddha: the one who has overcome all obstacles and attained Nirvana [liberation].  The structure of the PC’s narrative: The narrative found in the PC corresponds to this general Buddha biography. In the first canto, the author focuses upon describing Kapilavastu [here referred to as Kapilã], King uddhodhana and Queen Maya. In the second canto, he describes the gods entreating the bodhisattva to descend to the world for the benefit of others. He ends this canto by describing the bodhisattva entering into Queen Maya’s womb. In the third canto, he focuses upon Queen Maya’s pregancy and the birth and boyhood of Siddhãrtha. The fourth canto describes Siddhartha’s marriage and his new bride. In the fifth canto, the author describes the pleasure palaces built by the king and the various pleasures contained within them. In the sixth canto, he describes Siddhartha’s journey outside of the palace grounds. On this trip, he sees the four visions predicted at his birth: the sight of an old man, sick man, dead man and ascetic.  The seventh canto  focuses upon Siddhartha’s play in a pleasure grove. In canto eight, the author describes the setting of the sun and the rising of the moon. This indicates that Siddhartha has spent a full day at play, In canto nine, he focuses upon the prince’s disenchantment with and renunciation of worldly life, The final canto, canto ten, describes Siddhartha’s battle with, and victory over, the forces of Mara. In the following chapter, I will present a translation of significant segments of the poem, namely, those verses which move the PC’s narrative forward. They will enable one to see the overall structure of the text and to understand better what the author elaborates upon.  16  CHAPTER TWO: THE PRESENTATION OF THE PADYACUDAMANI’S NARRATIVE:  Canto One The PC begins with three salutary verses which identify it as a Mahkvya. A convention in the writing or a Mahkvya is that the author start his/her work with a benediction [ais], a respectful greeting [namaskriyã] or an indication of events to come ,  [vastunirdea] [Shastri 1986 115]. It is in accordance with this convention that the author says,  -oc1N-1-ct,Q-c  I  911 I salute the Relative of the Sun [5iddhrtha is from the lineage of the sun], whose glance has great waves of compassion, who is the mighty cloud at Deluge for the fire of Kandarpa’s pride [I’lãra in his association with Kma].lO, who is the bulb for the root of the wishfulfilling tree”, who is the flower of the plantain tree that is brilliance. [1:11  ii-I’isfr Q%.-.O  ‘.  riii: I  II’l’1 c1c11 1Ic1HM  c4o  NruILll W  11  .  II  ‘OThe c highlights Mára’s association with the god Kãma, who also attacks with flower arrows. In fact, all the names used to describe Mra in this text are also epithets of the god Kãma. Here, we find Mra referred to as Kandarpa, Kãma, Atmayoni, Makaraketu, Makaraketana, cetobhava, etc. Mra, like Kma, is the one who intoxicates beings with desire and distracts them from their practice.  1 ‘One of the  trees of heaven or Indra’s paradise which has the power to bestow anything one desires.  There are five Kalpavrksas In the Deva—loka. The other trees are named Mandãra, Pãrijãta, Santãna and Haricandana. [Mani 1Q8g. 3781  17  My intention is nothing but foolishness to speak [about] that very famous life of the Buddha, about which, even the restrained ones [such as Brahmã, etc.] were not able to speak, even a little portion. [1:2]  --i  d1ii-r-i1i  IIIcI113T 4’ui:  ?ITf --I1IP1Tr  t  1*  ‘-k:1iN.lI  H  Nevertheless, I have become capable to narrate on the strength of devotion pledged [in respect] to him [the Buddha]; because, by resorting to his feet, even dust beautifies men [or bestows wealth/glory on men]. [1:3] According to the PC, Siddhrtha was born in a glorious city called Kapil.  iiiiZfl  J  f  rfwiftr u  ii  There is a certain praiseworthy city named Kapil, the wishfulrilling cow of the subjects, having beheld which, [even] Indra loosens [gives up] the desire to praise his capital. 12 [1: 4].  His parents were King uddhodana and Queen Myã.  a] 2 l  In Indian mythology there are references to both a wishfulfilling cow [Kmadhenu] and a  wishfulfilling tree [Kalpavrksaj. Both of these have the power to bestow whatever is desired. The wishfulfilling cow, variously referred to as Kämadughã and Surabhi is described as the first mother of cattle. She is a goddess with marvellous powers who gives milk whenever it Is needed by the gods and the sages [ Stutley 1977, 140]. Similarily, Kapilã bestows wealth on its subjects. b] lndra’s capital is called Amarãvatl, one possessing/housing immortals. It is said to be situated on the eastern side of Mount Meru.. It is described as 2500 yojanas in length with one thousand gates and a hundred palaces. It is also referred to as Devapura [city of the gods] This verse suggests that Kapilä .  was even more glorious than this glorious city of the gods. [Stutley 1977, 10]  18  -‘1i?1 ca-j’I 9 z{qJQ  Q-fl4  H  fl  in this [city] there was a respected King who was from the ãkya lineage, whose royal glory [or wealth] was constant and, whose conduct was pure through the acquisition which comes from compliance withdharma. [teaching, law, virtue]. indeed, he was fitly named uddhodana. [1:31]  oc4 -:  1 ot,41 ru:  w--n  U (.39 fl  Like a river to the ocean, like a lotus to the sun, like a digit of the moon to the moon, like Laksmii 3 to Visnu and like lightening to a rainy cloud, he had a Queen named Myä [1:51] According to the PC, King uddhodhana and Queen F1y wanted a child but were unable to have one.  cIII  “-i1i  I  -q-y: q: ‘3  H  The King, who was desirous of a son by that Queen, who was resplendent on account of respectable qualities, was devoted to propitiating the gods with such substances as lamps and incense and the ‘ike. [1:77]  visnu’s spouse is Laksmi, or sri, the goddess of good fortune and prosperity. In the Purnas she has 13 no independent identity of her own, but always appears as consort and counterpart of Lord Visnu. Laksm and Visnu sometimes appear to be a single divinity [Dimmitt 1978, 62].  19  11’’1  r  Tm t(4  1i 4-ç-  iri  ii  U  He [the King], together with his Dharmapatni,l 4 bathed in sacred bathing spots, repeated mantras, extended gifts, performed penance, heard religious discourses [dharma] [and] served the good people for the sake of a son. [1:78]  ff  dc4  r1-i  ?3T1T 1 -TT T. U % z: ot,i4-P-j: ‘-i1IcI  U ‘39 H  Although a very long time had passed in performing meritorious actions, the Lord among the Kings’ did not obtain the jewel [best] of sons. Even then, his earnest desire for a son increased because the effort of [real] men does not cease prior to the accomplishment of what is to be done. [1:79]  Canto Two  While King uddhodana and Queen My ruled in Kapil, a great being dwelled in the Tusita heaven . According to the PC, the gods saw certain signs and then, entreated 15 this being to descend into the world for the benefit of humankind.  The meanings of Dharma—patni are varied. This could signify that Mäy was uddhodana’s chief 14 wife. For, it is probable that uddhodana had more than one wife. Or this could suggest that she was his wife for religious and ritual purposes. The title Oharmapatni could also be a means of describing her character, a way of highlighting the fact that she was a dutiful and respectable wife.  15  The Tusita heaven is one of the six heavens of the Deva-loka [world of the gods]. The other five  are the Cätummahãräjika, the Tãvatirñsa, Yäma, Nimmnaratt and Paranimmitavasavatti,. The dwellers of the Tusita heaven are characterized by their generally contented and satisfied states. [Haldar 1977, 22]  20  Ic1  dI  ti-111kc14131I41  Ict41314-Ic4--1VIT: iii: I  rLl4MI1II 9 U In the meanwhile in the world, there were omens. Having seen these miraculous signs, the hosts or immortals assembled. They went to the city of the 6 [preceptor of the gods] called Tusita to say, “This is the right time suragurul for your omniscience.  [ 2. 1]  ?r fqi -wn r 1i1  -  I1W-?1-’l II  U  The hosts of the gods saw that [lord of the gods] stationed there on the throne, which was studded with various precious jewels and the colours of numerous elements, [seated] like a lion on the plateau of the Merul . [2:8] 7 After being entreated by the gods, the great being reflected upon the proper time and place for his entrance into the world.  16 Here,  the author draws from the brahmanical tradition to describe the importance of the  bodhisattva. He is deemed the Suraguru [teacher of the gods].  This tit]e is most often associated  with Brihaspati, the chief priest [Purohita] of the gods who is known for his wisdom and eloquence. [Monier—Williams, 737] Mount Meru Is the central mountain of the earth and the abode of the gods [Basham 1967, 490—91]. 7 l  21  Having heard that unique speech or those [gods], the Treasure or Good Conduct, the One whose Noble Deeds are Celebrated [the bodhisattva], having become momentarily intent upon thinking or the time, etc. [ror his descent into the world][and] having determined indeed all  or  that, replied again to those [gods].  [2:52]  He said,  qg)coq ciiH33TftT  ftp( f-z1dt(fl  ri  w4  opR  X9I*X33tZ(3W( ;fqjQ4 ¶if1 ii  -r-i  ii  “I, having become the son or uddhodana, will inevitably awaken the three . I, previously [in other lives], made much accumulation or merit, having 8 worldsl sought just that [the awakening or the three worlds] with limbs, possessions and even vital breaths. 19, [2:53]  According to the PC, the gods were pleased with his answer and departed rrom the heaven.  18 The three worlds for the classical period are heaven, earth and the lower regions. 19 Here, the author makes a reference to the Jãtaka stories which describe the previous  lives of the  Buddha. In these stories the bodhisattva does various illustrious deeds one of which is the giving up of his own life for the satisfaction of others. This self sacrificial aspect of the bodhisattva is particularly emphasized in the Jãtakamälã, a late, 6th century AD., Sanskrit version of thirty four of the Pãli Jãtakas  .  In the Jãtaka about the hungry tigress the Bodhisattva gives up his body to satisfy  the animal’s hunger and by doing so, prevents the tigress from eating her cubs. In another Jãtaka, called Maitribala, the bodhisattva gives up his blood to satisfy ogres. In the Jãtaka, entitled Sibi, he gives away his eyes and in the Jãtaka about vivamtara or vessantara he gives away his wife and children.  22  c,(c4[  zr-w  -fa-tr  ‘1ii  -NI-U  II When he, whose promise is true, whose being [or thought] is intent upon the benefit of others, who is stationed on the other [shore] of perfection, had made a promise, they [the gods], whose minds were joyful [and] whose limbs were swept over with clusters of swollen goosebumps [which looked like] sticks, agreeably left. [2:54]  To descend into the world, the great being entered into the womb of Queen Mãyã. The conception is described in the following verse,  Ii.iccn fr-f r -mi:  rr-iii  ii  Then, having spent some days in heaven, that King of gods brought about a contact with the Queen, who was luminous from various vows. [2:551  Canto Three The joy of Queen Mäy’s pregnancy is highlighted by the author:  Wi iiori-th-iii 31RI’i-  9 II That noble Queen acquired the symptoms of pregnancy which were uplifting for the Kings of the kya lineage, which were a joy to the eyes of the female friends [and] which were reassuring for the minds of the good people.[3:l] Fittingly, the foetus was protected with great care.  23  -f4c1*’L  ‘-11  I  r -‘i1w’ii fl  H  The elderly women protected the son, who was stationed in the womb, with various herbal medicines. That very activity [or protecting the son] was also the activity of protecting the three worlds which were afflicted by the attacks or Smara. [Mra in his association with the god Kämal. [3:8] The birth of the child is described in the following way.  q-n?r-k1 1-#Tçr a-<Ri  -i1  q-4-iça. 1cct,-1-III  Like the morning time giving birth to the sun, like the beauty of the evening giving birth to the moon, at the auspicious moment, the lawful wife  [ or chief  wife] of the King gave birth to a son, who was the unique eye of the world. [3:101  Queen rlaya gave birth to her son in a delivery room waited upon by attendants. uddhodana heard the news of his son’s birth from the attendants of the inner quarters and was overcome with joy.  31 c’LlI I 1-j 31 I cl-i  -  -cl  I  jucQ1  IciIc  II 3 II  That lord of men, hearing the unprecedented news of the birth of his son from the attendants of the inner quarters, became dazed and confused as to what he should do. His thoughts were completely crowded with confusion that was bliss. [3:271  24 Apparently, miraculous events took place at the child’s birth.  i-i -ct,NIII 4 31-4  -‘iir  rr c_.o T o1,I II -‘  II  A cloud, whose sound was deep like the ocean, rained although it was not the time for rain. In this way, astonishing actions occurred when the prince, who was at the head of good men, was born. [3:21]  The author highlights the excitement that gripped the three worlds.  II Q. U The entire land [of the three worlds] became starry from the strings of pearls which had broken due to people rubbing against one another. The skies of the three worlds were made to appear beautiful by the fists full of scented powder which were thrown [on each other or in the air]. [3:231  Moreover, this baby was so beautiful his body radiated light. ‘I ci ‘-ci 1 I4-I °t’ <  I °I  c11 ?[t i 4 ‘I’H  -TTrT I  -  ‘ii:  ‘c-?1INI-’d’ci4-II [: II  U  Because of the splendour of his body, which was spreading about and was shining like heated gold, the lamps, stationed in the inner room of the delivery, became comparable to stars at daybreak. [i.e. because of the splendour of the child the lights lost their luster; they paled in comparison]. [3:26] Thus, he was a source of pride and joy for his parents. The following verse describes uddhodana’s affection for his son.  25  3-’g4-T-f1T9  -r  ft11  I  u  i ii  The King or Kings attained contentment, having very much drunk the round [disc—like] race or the suckling infant, which was a receptacle of nectar in the form of striking beauty, with the cup of [his] eyes. [3:31]  The King fittingly named the child Siddhrtha [lit: one who has accomplished his object/goal].  1  [c31c-i’ 4 -c iii  1ijQ1 Z{3Z  dI-Il1-  II He, having completed an extremely impressive birth ceremony for the son with the chief priest, made a name for him which was praiseworthy of the world and which was fitting for no other. [He was named] Siddhãrtha. [3:32].  According, to the PC, 5iddhrtha was also an intelligent child.  1  ri: ‘il1c1I: ‘1ofcI: ot,c’)II1 I 4I14ci1IR1UI  --j  ciiR-frêcii’.i:  u  u  He took in all the sciences and all the arts, being taught by the best of teachers, in no time with his intellect, like the rain cloud takes in the water of the ocean. [3:43]  He became all the more impressive when he became a young man.  26  q  .ff9:  qf :  1I’cl --I c1cI T1it: -I1c’k4 f( -qQ-  fl  IE  H  Like light of the sun, like imaginative expression of a poet, like a flame of light of a lamp, like compassion from a good person, like moon—light from the moon, like nectar from the ocean, his glory of new youth had arisen. [3:461 The King prepared for this accomplished child to take over the responsibility of ruling the kingdom.  -q11-’dN-q-Tm: I NI  i crj-f*  --q:  ir-mr-’-i  if  4’ N  II  II  The King, whose greatness was similar to the King of the gods [Indral [thought] of his son as one whose arms are fitting for the bearing of the bracelet which is just the orb of the earth. He made the coronation of the station of heir apparent with sacred waters which were sanctified with jewels and mantras [and] which were stored in jewelled pitchers, [3:641 Canto Four  At the appropriate time, the King arranged for his son’s marriage.  3Tr 4’NI ‘1I’1  [  c1’-IINI’H  II  II  Then, the King in order to perform the wedding of the prince, who was the elevator of the family, considered, along with his relatives, ‘Who could be that young girl who is suitable for him on the earth?’ [4:11  27  The King of Koliya offered his young daughter as the most suitable bride.  r11I°t’i  ii1:i  i\1?r  iL1fr U  II  .  At that time, the King of Koliya sent a letter to him saying, ‘By all means, I will give my young daughter, whose light is like a jewel in the family, to your son’. [4:21 King uddhodana agreed to his offer and the preparations for the wedding began.  3lIot,u4  -T: fT?jtr: I  3ii1  i’r-dl  clrci  i i Z{:  II  II  Having heard the account from the mouth of the messenger, the King’s mind was contented. In return, he sent a message to him [the King of Koliyal saying, ‘Let the preparations be made by you, accordingly [as you wish].  rfi  1tsf  IArd  [4:31.  ?fT  -u1-: I ot,I’[c ot,4-Ii’LII  ‘:i•t-q’  i-qcp  II Delight arose on his part [on the part of the King of Koliyal, having received the letter. He proceeded to arrange the impressive festival for the vow of marriage of the young girl. [4:4].  Siddhrtha travelled to his bride’s house for the wedding ritual.  28 1tT-4-orcIIcN -c  I 31I_1  opNI:  dII4.1  II  The young prince [for whom] the glory of the pearl umbrella was raised [and] in whose case the service of shaking the choweries was observed, went to the relatives house, having mounted the nuptial royal vehicle. [4:361.  3jdçj  Io--c9  v-qf:  c4I[4,  I II 3 II  4u  The King who governed the Koliya country, having gone afar by his own feet [to greet] that one who had come, who was the light of the kya family, led him to the nuptial hall. [4:37]. In the following verse, the author describes Siddhãrtha’s first sight of his new brid  1 ‘f: ?1 frT 1I--°rI-II  -t-  U  -o-LI1.Ir -II’W-II°1IN U  The Steadfast One [Siddhãrtha] saw the daughter of the king stationed there, her face like the moon. She was shining like LaksmT with a lotus for play held in her hand. [4:38]  ct,i-iii  3icik.i qNu  II  Having crossed over the bank, the ocean of bliss flowed afar for the prince who was observing, with a great deal of affectionate anticipation, the young princess, the princess whose limbs were shaming the glory of the moon. [4:39] Then, the young couple were married.  29  1.?rzr  II11 ‘4’(IIc1I  rcii L5?rfr: qTT: 1’LlIllkl  II  In front or the fire, which was blazing upwards, burning even more with oblations, the priest, who had excercised his mind in respect to marriage rites, joined the young girl and prince. [4:41]  To highlight their extraordinary beauty, the author says that even the ritual fire was observing them.  °1I-’NI t’N1-Ic4  3ii°ti  NI1  3i-tj1 I II  II  The sacrificial fire, having observed the prince and the young girl, whose forms were very attractive, the like of whom were not seen before, made as if the moving of its head with praise with the pretext of the flame trembling to the right. [4:46] [The idea is that the fire’s flame bent to the right as the couple moved to the right in circumambulation. The flame was as if nodding its head in appreciation].  After the marriage, Siddhãrtha returned to his city [Kapilãj with his new bride.  3i’-ii1 .HcI’1  q  3T1T T-c4dI1rJ  iiii-’i1i:  i-ii:  i  rd1.1 iii’kt qfp3flq II ? II The prince, who was united with a wife, having honoured all other classes of relatives, the Most Excellent One, went forth from there to circumambulate his own capital. [He probably wandered through the streets visiting temples and so forth]. [4:54]  Women gathered on the balconies to observe the glorious couple.  30  riii Psr iiir: R-?:T  i1i:  U  U  At that time, passionate acts, initiated by Madana [Mra1, of the women of Kapil, who were intent upon seeing the prince, took place on each terrace.  [4:551  They said,  --W -Ic11’4I,%3nu iii1i&ii.i r1-fl.<41t  [ITT7T I’-1  f do  U  ‘Indeed, did this red—lipped woman gain immeasurable merit in other lives to obtain this young prince as a husband who carries the mountain—like responsibility of the family and who is supremely pleasing 7’ [4:781  After circumambulating his city, the prince entered his lather’s house.  c’L1lr.1-I33WT qt 1:  i13TLwf -‘-ii  ii  u  Hearing the extremely impressive speech [praise] of [i.e. coming from] those women, which was delighting to the ear, the prince, having circumambulated the city, entered the inner chamber of the King. [4:831  31 Canto Five The PC mentions the fact that Suddhodana built seasonal pleasure palaces O for 2 Siddhärtha in which he could pass his time.  ?rr:  ot4.II.1  d-*  9--fq: 71cI114-IIQ1  911 Then the supreme lord of men, whose riches were complete, made three incomparable palaces which were suited to the enjoyment of the seasonal festivals for the prince who was glorious in his youth. [5:11  I  ir1.i: 5  II  U  The Prince, being amused in those palaces, entertained by the attractive and amorous dances of the best of the courtesans, which had very distinctive and diverse placings [of the limbs], passed time. [5:2] The conclusion of this canto describes an episode where Siddhãrtha’s competence in archery is questioned.  31’IcI  -ct1-lI’1t14-l  I  3i  3W :  cIc4I1IaTT  I  15-i1rd II  U  Meanwhile, the lord of the earth, having called the prince, said, ‘0 son, the people long to have a close look at your training in archery.’ [5:561  2 OThis  rererence to pleasure palaces suited for each season provides Buddhaghosa with the  opportunity to insert a lengthy description of the seasons [see vs. 3—551. This fulfills one of the requirements for a Mahkãvya as was specified by Danin.  32  J IcdIIc  3iicotici1 ?fl?f 41NI*1-ft1TT  tr  For his part, having heard that [i.e. his lather’s speech], he, who is an ornament to the lineage of the sun, replied to the foremost of kings. ‘0 lather, Let my competence in archery be observed in a week.’ [5:57]  3PiIdI  ii’<ii  3iI1 I  431IcJI U (3 II  i-  Then, when the end of the week had arrived, the King, together with [his] relatives, occupied the throne with deep interest, for the purpose of observing [Siddhrtha’s] competence in archery. [5:58] Being so impressed with his skill the spectators exclaimed,  t --T ®-f: f*  cflc4cUj1  Ii11TIT I  L1r{T I0F)cr’MI [1411-1-Ii1’Hi1IN  O  fl  ‘Has the god of love 2 [Kma l ] assumed a physical form, or has Indra descended with his bow?.’ In such a way, the doubts of the subjects, whose minds were astonished, manifested itself. [5:60]  Canto Six  The first portion of this canto contains an elaborate description of the spring season . 22 The latter portion describes Siddhãrtha’s journey to the pleasure grove. The author says,  2 ‘Both Kma and  Indra are known for their skill with a bow and arrow and their pleasing appearance.  Vs 1-33 describe the spring season. Once again, Buddhaghosa reveals his poetic inclination. 22  33  QJ i-i rr1dII :  II 1  When the glory or the spring months had commenced, the son of the king became eager to play in the pleasure grove. Having mounted a chariot, he went forth with the women or the harem, [6:341  On this trip, he saw four visions which had been orchestrated by the gods as a means for his awakening.  ?frf:  qfp c1I:  i  II 3 II  Then, the gods showed to him an old man, a sick man and a dead man in the [specified] sequence, in order to awaken [him] saying, ‘This is the time for the awakening of the prince whose glory is like Indra’s’. [6:351  The PC describes Siddhãrtha’s response to the visions in the following way:  4I-t’-l: ‘.1IcThz1:  rii-:  II Seeing those who stood before him in the [specified] sequence, the prince’s mind became exceedingly distressed. He, in whom confusion was placed, asked the charioteers, in front of him, ‘What is this?’. [6:36]  The charioteers were possessed by the gods to aid in the prince’s awakening. They described, in detail, the experiences of old age, sickness and death.  34  rs1i  i31tTT  II  II  They, on their part, were possessed [presided over] by the gods. Gradually, they informed him [Siddhãrtha], of the transformations of old age, sickness and so forth of them [i.e. of the old person etc.] which was to cause the disenchantment of the prince. [6:37]  The prince was distressed by such sights and asked that the horses be turned back.  I  13ici1II  U  Having heard the speech of the [charioteers], the prince’s heart became affected with much disenchantment. His curiosity for sporting in the pleasure garden was arrested. He said to the charioteer, ‘Turn the horses back.’ [6:38] It was upon returning to his palace that he was struck with the sight of an ascetic. 311u-cN ZJ t:  if1  i-iiii?r%1r:  I  U  II  (1’(1,4I4I0t,  I II ?o II Then, an ascetic, whose sorrow was calmed, whose wide eyes have rested on the pinnacle of the waves of the swelling ocean of compassion, whose yellowish body was like heated gold, whose pleasing, reddish, bark garment was like a fragment of the coral tree, whose face was beautiful like the clear and  35  full moon [and], whose heart was overflowing with much affection, was shown in front of him by the foremost of gods. [6:391 Being so impressed, Siddhãrtha asked the charioteers who this man was.  i13iic1oi’  i  1’-II1-I3ldkH’ tJ  T cII’1 ii’1f II 9 II  c  And, having observed that One who was at the head of ascetics, Siddhrtha was astonished. He asked his charioteers who were nearby, ‘Who is that and what is his skill in conduct?’ [6:411 The charioteers replied,  3TZf  qf-J,: gj-io,: -r r1g  I  --  ?‘TT9:  1[-41t: ‘1c1Iifl  o  .  II  ‘He, 0 Great One, is someone whose mind is purified [and] whose conduct is purified. He is a teacher of the highest truth who has got rid of all faults as well as the inclinations for them. He is the foremost of the good.’ [6:421  Z( IftIQ1NaITT??r r?r  II4oFI’<II-cN -1 ‘(“1  iir  I  r 1Q4-IdIdI’  i-  r4II  ‘Whoever has resorted to his teachings, he, in time, having crossed the ocean of birth which breaks into waves of old age, changes, etc., goes to the unsurpassed state of Nirvana.’ [6:431  Despite the impact of these visions, Siddhrtha continued his journey to the pleasure grove.  36  ‘j?9T Tt9T 5j1tim:  i  I-M’I  W3 H Thus, having heard the speech of the charioteers, the means was obtained for his [5iddhrtha’s1 going forth from [renunciation of] worldly life. The prince, whose mind was contented, once again, wished to play in the pleasure grove. [6:451  Canto Seven Arriving at the pleasure grove, 5iddhrtha enjoyed himself amongst its various 23 pleasures,  0 ef  j5Jc  I 31Iot,1Icl 3IcII-1r  3TWf?1II  .  II  Thus, the sun, as if for the observing of the prince, who was sportively enjoying the pleasure garden with the women of the harem, ascended to its highest point in the middle of the sky. [7:221 Siddhãrtha’s play in the garden was followed by a bath in the pool.  -ço’,-tfl  31I0iii?I  I  -*1fkç  Having left behind the mid—day heat on the garden ground, the Protector of the Middle World [Siddhrtha], who was being attended to by women of superior complexion, entered a well for the purpose of playing in the water. [7:271  Verses 1-55 describe Siddhrtha’s play in the pleasure grove. Here, there is no expression of 23 Siddhãrtha’s growing disenchantment with worldly life just an elaborate description of him enjoying himself amongst the various pleasure of the pleasure grove.  37  After his play, he rested in a pavillion where he was entertained by various women and musical enjoyments.  i’45IaT: I  -w  i-irr  1-I’ ‘H  1i  ii  II  Thus, he, whose eyes were like lotuses, having completed his play in the pond with the women of the harem [and] having come out of the pool, entered a house which stood on the bank [and] in which service was done.[7:56]  ?11  vf-  uiI-fJ:  uJ-j- i-iul  i1iiii  T-r- : INtN  II  The Teacher of the Three Worlds, the Beloved of the Earth, passed the remainder of the day in that hail with initiatives in dancing by the dancing girls which were unparalleled in aesthetic sentiment and, with the pleasing sounds of drums, vTnãs and flutes. [7:59]  Canto Eight In the evening , the prince returned to his palace in Kapil. 24  ‘4  tj4 9T5-11  3ir: [-  t-ci’Riot,r1k II h3 II  When evening came, the prince, whose shining ornaments were made by the divine craftsman, once again, approached his own house. He was served by courtesans who held lamps of jewels arround [him]. [8:47]  Canto eight provides a description of the setting of the sun and rising of the moon in forty seven 24 verses. This, once again, reveals the author’s interest in creating a poetic work.  38  Canto Nine  Siddhrtha entered his house and was, once again, entertained by the pleasing movements of dancing women.  3Tftf  {t1.Ic11: t[:  q1P  I  Attractive courtesans proceeded to show the extraordinary and enticing movements or the dance in front of him, [9:3]  This time, Siddhärtha was not interested in his entertainment but was weighed down with his thoughts.  jd  ITh*SfI  rI  I II  dl  II  He, whose heart was not attached to their dramatic dance performance, although it had new songs [and it] was pleasing because of the movements of limbs, inwardly took to pondering. [9:4]  At that moment, the gods and celestial beings fanned and praised him.  dl iidi’  II (3 fl  Then, the prince appeared with the choweries, which were lifted by the gods, like the ocean appears with the waves which are raised by the wind. [9:5]  wii1•  i ii 99 II  The Vidydharas [bearers of knowledge] and Gandharvas [celestial musicians], whose hands were full of vTns, went before him, resounding his previous noble feats. [9:111 According to the PC, it is at that moment that Siddhrtha renounced his worldly life.  39  Upon renouncing his worldly life, he first travelled to a river called Anavam [Anom in Pli].  3icc’1 q  41  I 9 II  131’,1Ic4dIIc3Mc1-1I a1cl4.  In this way, the one who was propitiated by the gods, having crossed over the path which was thirty yojanas , came to the river Anavamã [9:13] 25 The author suggests that Siddhrtha’s crossing of the river on his horse was like the crossing of the ocean of samsra.  ci ii As if for extending a rope [or spreading a net] for the crossing of the great ocean [of Samsãra], he crossed that river [Anom] with a worried horse, [9:18]  After crossing the river, he gave up his worldly possessions and turned back his horse and companion, named Channa.  ‘1’øi  dI31c4ç4  I1c4cu1INI1 cciI PiT  :  cfl5a11.  U 9 II  Having crossed [that river], he descended from the horse onto the bank of the river. Having given up his ornaments and chariot, he turned back Channa. [9:191 He accepted the attire of an ascetic from the lord Brahmä.  iitr--iR1-iiII  o U  The One who is at the Head of Men [5iddhrtha) accepted the attire of the ascetic which arose in the first Kalpa [and] which was brought by the foremost [first] 5rahm. [9:20]  yojana is a measure of distance equal to eight or nine miles [Apte 1965,  7891  40  Then he donned the ascetic’s clothing.  1IcI-1  3I-iI i’1  -.UcNM1 3T-1T  i’i14i f1ii-i  ii 9 Ii  Having taken the ascetic’s clothing, which was woven with the strands or great qualities and, having covered himself with that, he engaged himself in the practice of austerities. [9:21]26  On the following day, he went forth for the purpose of collecting alms and came to the city of 5imbasra . 27  -  o’Lftç  -‘  w fT1 ff-fraR frr: 3T%Ifi  I  .O  D.D  cl1R-’  I  3TJ?f II  N  Then, on the following day, the Supreme Mendicant [or the first mendicant] who was feeling hunger, went forth for the purpose of collecting alms. Having crossed a long path, he came to the city of Bimbasra. [9:35]  ?1 fTf i -i i c ci ?ItPr- [ J-f: i  ri-: II ?.Z II  There [in that city], the Crest Jewel of Those Whose Only Wealth is Austerities, the Distinguished Leader, in order to receive alms, wandered slowly in each street. [9:42]  Having received the alms he took them to a mountain.  26 c3una can mean a thread or a virtue. Here, Buddhaghosa makes a pun on the countless strands of thread needed to weave a garment and the countless strands of virtue which characterize an ascetics garb. This probably refers to Bimbisära. Bimbisra was the King of Magadha and a generous patron of the 27 Buddha. He ascended the throne at fifteen and reigned in Rãjagaha for fifty two years. He was starved to death by his son Ajãtasattu. [Malalasekara 1981, I I. Em—nI, 285—2891.  41  ?[(  icii-frwr: i  11-ucI1  -tuf-  ?iJf  ftr -r--  3ftr1m fl  311  Having received alms at that place, the One Who was Skilled in the Precepts ], immediately turned towards a nearby mountain. [9:45] 28 [Shikspda There, he ate the almsfood.  ciiI’ ?If  1iiQ1:  ‘1IcclI  -cr1ii  I  f?iT ?I-IIc)N fT1r-iN3?[fl ‘-39 ii Siddhrtha, having bathed in a nearby pond of that mountain [and] having stationed himself on a stone slab, experienced the taste of the alms. [9:51] Leaving the mountain, he arrived at a forest where he began to perform strict austerities.  3rrd1c1 rui-ffi  Ia-c1 I I3  -M’141II ‘-3. U  On the following day, having departed from that [mountain], he, having done the injunction of Pindapãta [receiving alms] in another city, reached a nearby forest. [9:52]  4a-.t4  --II’ -q:  [Nfff ii i u  The One whose Heart was Steadfast, performed, in the blessed penance groves, austerities which were difficult to accomplish for the pacification of the 29 of sarhsra. [9: 54] defilements  Sikkhpada [in Paul refers to the steps of training or moral rules. The five moral rules [paicasHa I 28 for lay people are abstaining from killing any living thing, from stealing, from unlawful sexual conduct, from lying and from the use of intoxicants. The monks have five additional precepts [dasasila —  the ten precepts]. They include not eating after midday., no involvement in dancing, singing or music  shows, no use of garlands, scents or cosmetics, no luxurious beds and no accepting of gold or silver. [Nyantiloka 1972, 170] The Defilements [Kilesa in Pãli and Klea in Sanskritl are usually described as a list of ten: greed 29 [lobhal, hatred [dosa], delusion [moha], conceit [mãnal, speculative views [ditthi], sceptical doubt [vicikicchaj., mental torpor [thina], restlessness [uddhaccaJ, shamelessness [ahirika] and lack of moral  42  Siddhrtha realized that these austerities were not conducive to liberation.  ri-  i  (3 U  Having not reached the state or Nirvana [liberation] with actions which are difficult to do [strict ascetic practices], he [Siddhartha] was perplexed, thinking, ‘Sy what method indeed can  attain Nirvana?’. [9:55)  Then, he immediately had five propitious dreams which affirmed that he would attain en] ightenment.  11T  -ri-fk1: ‘r u  At once, the Treasure of Good Conduct saw five dreams at dawn, which revealed the maturation of fortune that is perfection. [9:56]  ivIi-i c1I ‘,ic-ic-1 fJuT:  riii r.4r  Having seen, having woken up and, having understood the meaning of the dreams. The Clear—Sighted—One determined, ‘just today I should obtain peace’. [9:57] According to the PC, Siddhãrtha was mistaken for a tree deity by a young girl who passed by. She offered him milk—rice which she placed in a golden bowl.  1Ta1T-f  oçvj  31IHi-q’  :  %{: qT-14[-1cc: U  He, having done the morning routine [and] having waited for alms time, sat below a fig tree which was honoured through acts of worship.  ir riiøi  3TR.1i5JT ?1  1i-  i-1i-i  ‘-ii’-ii T[T-tRT II  U  dread or unconscientjousness [anotappa]. [Nyanatiloka 1972, 86-87] They are both a characteristic of Samsäric [suffering] experience and promote further Samsàric experience.  43  Then, some large—eyed woman, who was intent on seeking [something], having intended the deity stationed in that tree, placed milk—rice there.  T?  ‘-Ii-IH1I  zj4  c1gIgI’-I  U  0 4 E  U  Suspecting him to be that [tree deity], she gave to him the boiled milk—rice with a bowl. Then, having received it, the Great One went to the bank or the Nairaijar [river]. [9:58—60]  cI’II *olIcclI  IIctRI-IlN ic4u1-t1m-T rr*  I  qf: 9IL1.:.( {: II E9 H  The Learned Sage, having bathed in the water or that river, which was clear like the Autumn night sky, ate the milk—rice which was stationed in a golden bowl. [9:61]  At the end or the day, the bodhisattva approached the bodhi tree O. 3  1IvIHI;: ‘i’ii dcIo  jfj  ?fr[: I  ii-1ei:  U E U  Then, when the end or the day had arrived, with about three hours left, the Revered One, having arisen, reached the Bodhi tree taking lofty strides. [9:69] He prepared a seat to the east of the Bodhi tree from grass which was given to him by the Lord Brahmä.  OThis is specifically described as the Avattha tree. In the Mahäpadäna Sutta, each Buddha is said to 3 come to enlightenment under a different tree. It says —The lord Buddha Vipassi gained his full enlightenment at the foot of a trumpet—flower tree; the lord Buddha SikhT under a white—mango tree; the lord Buddha VessabhO under a Sl tree; the lord Buddha Kakusandha under an acacia—tree; the lord Buddha Kongamana under a fig tree; the lord Buddha Kassapa under a banyen tree; and I became fully enlightened at the foot of an assattha tree. [DN II., 5,200].  44  kr-’.u1i’ii  f?qt  iii-1  1-ki II  i ‘3°  U  Having taken the darbha grass, which was deposited by the Lord Brahm, with his own hand, the Best of the Teachers placed it on the surface of the earth to the east of the Bodhi tree. [9:70] Siddhrtha then mounts the seat of enlightenment.  N3-R’+3wiNj  3iiii°-i rj  [  i.4c4  [N  3T-f411T: I I ‘3  .  5iddhrtha mounted the lofty [and] extraordinary seat, which was verily the l [Mära in his association with Kãma], like the sun, which is 3 enemy of Anañga the awakener of all people, mounts the eastern mountain. [9:72]  According to the PC, the gods praised Siddhãrtha as he sat determined for enlightenment.  31I-1-’I4{-TUf j: I 33{Tftft  N31cI441o1’1-*R1Tfl ‘5  II  The gods proceeded to praise that one 1Siddhrtha1 who had mounted the seat of enlightenment, whose virtue was indestructible [and] who was beyond the realm of speech and mind [i.e. his qualities are so glorious they cannot be described]. Such praises alerted the evil lord Mra 32  3 lAnañga=bodiless.  Kãma is described as bodiless because one day he attempted to distract iva  from his ascetic practice and was turned into ash by the fire shooting forth from iva’s eye [Kma’s wife] pleaded with iva to revive her husband  RatT  iva agreed but added that Kãma could only  exist in a bodiless form. Etymologically the term Mãra is related to the Pli, Maccu and the Sanskrit, Mrtyu which means 32 death. Mãra is the nomen actoris to the root mr. Mãra means, therefore, the one who slays or causes to die, [Boyd 1975, 731 Interestingly, however, the death that Mãra deals is not characterized by the extinguishing of life but the incitement to life, a particular kind of life which ensures one’s bondage to the cycle of birth and death. Mãra is also referred to as Kanha [Krsna—black or dark one], in the sense of obscuring and Pamattabandu [Pramattabandhu—friend or relative of the careless] [ Khosla 1989, 72]  45  r1kf 1t1IQ1-Ui1-I,i T’TJ PNQT: II  .  II  By the praises of those gods, the Mind—Stirrer [Mra] heard about the enlightened one stationed at the root of the Bodhi tree, whose arisal or good qualities was increasing. [9: 821  Mra became distressed and wondered how to distract Siddhrtha from his practice.  iRT 5  WIL  1cIIac1Ic1-II  r-I9i  t 1TS  ‘ii4i -i  irir  ‘.1Ic  II Having heard [the praises], the Mind—Born One [Mra in his association with Kma], whose heart was disturbed, became pained with the fever of his thoughts. Immediately, he said, ‘Indeed by what means on the earth can I conquer that low man, the indifferent Buddha?’ [9:83].  Canto Ten He first attempted to distract Siddhrtha with an army and a menacing elephant.  3dIcI3Tf1UI41aa 3--II*-i 11r-ot,[si  -i-r  I  PII-c’)I1l-I  1d3:  911  The term Namuci is also found as an alternative way of addressing or referring to Mra. In this association, Mãra’s power to actively hold one from the experience of liberation Is emphasized. In Vedic mythology, Namuci was a drought demon who withheld the waters’s he was smitten by Indra’s thunderbolt in order for the rains to be released. In Buddhist demonology, Namuci, with his associations of death—dealing hostility, was taken up and used in order to build up the symbol of Mãra. Mãra is like Namuci, because he threatens the welfare of humankind. However, he does this on a grander scale than the Vedic Namuic, not by withholding the seasonal rain, but by withholding or obscuring the knowledge of truth. [ Ling 1962, 55]  46  Meanwhile, the excited Anañga [Mra as the bodiless one], who was desirous of marching against the best of the ascetics [i.e. the Lord Buddha], who had taken steadfastly to the root of the Bodhi tree, having mounted his rutting elephant called Giri—mekhala, as one who had summoned a troop of soldiers, came out. [i.e. he summoned his troop and departed from his dwelling], [10:1] Mara’s forces caused great noise in the world.  341  1ot1-cIIopt II 99 U  The world [anda=brahmända] resounded with the sounds of the kettle drums which were produced by Mära’s musicians. [This sound was] no different from the deep, horrible, uninterrupted, thundering of the dense rainclouds gathering at the time of the end of a universe cycle [Kalpa]. [10:11] They also caused much dust to be raised which coated the world in darkness.  3T-ci’  wr  I  u  9 U  The raised dust of the army of Makarketana [Mära] [i.e. the columns of dust raised by Mãra’s army] which was [which acted] like Kumbhayoni [Agastya] 33 in robbing the wealth of the ocean, covered the Lord of the lotus plants [the sun] as if out of the anger placed in the heart [thinking], ‘That is the relation of  According to a myth, the gods, who were fearful of the power of the asuras called Kälakeyas, went 33 to Visnu to plead for his protection. Visnu informed them that the Kãlakeyas could not be caught unless the ocean was dried up, and this task could only be performed by Agastya. So the gods approached Agastya and told him what Visnu had informed them. Accompanied by the gods and hermits, he neared the swaying and surging ocean. While all were watching, Agastya brought the ocean into his palm and drank it up easily. Thus, the Kãlakeyas were exposed and killed [Mani 989, 4—9], Hence, the dust raised by Mra’s army acts like Agastya in so far as it drinks up [dries up] the water of the ocean.  47  an enemy of mine’. [10:21  1 [The enemy is Siddhãrtha and this is a reference to  Siddhãrtha being from the lineage of the sun].  As the dust and darkness did not defeat the bodhisattva, Mra approached him with his flower arrows 34. These, however, were also ineffective before Siddhrtha’s great determination and became flowers.  ‘i1ii:  tT?r-WT Nc c1ai I  3iiiic-i  i’iiicvi  133  t*  cj[l  The sharp arrows despatched by Makaradhvaja [Mra], who had recourse to a fully stretched bow, having approached the Buddha, became flowers [also: full of good— mindedness]. What does association with the good not bring about like the divine creeper [the wish—fulfilling tree]? [10:37]  r?r’.Tzr i’ici 3Tfr I1otI11  i1  ri  ii  %  ii  u  Even those arrows of the Mind—born One [Mra] which had been effective elsewhere became useless, having reached that one [5iddhrtha], whose heart was pacified. When Fate turns its face [i.e. when Fate is unfavourable], indeed even the thing in hand [a sure attainment/objective] is lost. [10:39] Mãra’s next plan was to create a great wind.  34  Mãra’s association with the Käma is particularly highlighted in Avaghosa’s Buddhacarita. In the  following verses Avaghosa compares Mãra’s temptation of the Buddha with Kãma’s tempation of iva. He says—But when the arrow was shot at him [SiddhrthaJ, he paid no heed to it and did not falter in his firmness. Mra, seeing him thus, became despondent and, full of anxiety, said to himself— “When ambhu [ival, god as he was, was pierced with this arrow, he became agitated with love towards the mountain—king’s daughter [Prvati). That very arrow causes this man no feeling, Is it that he has no heart or that this is not that arrow?.[l3: 15—16] For the myth of the temptation of Siva by Kma see the iva Purãna and Klidãsa’s Kumãra—sambhava.  48  mf  dIc-PoUI-J  f°1I’-I 4-1I’  i  ?IZt  3ii1i  I-LI  U o U  When indeed all the arrows which were capable of overpowering the three worlds had thus become ineffective, Mãra, whose heart was overpowered by the feeling of enmity, ordered the Great Wind of Dissolution for his [5iddhrtha’s] crushing. [10:401  As even the great wind proved useless he tried the arrows of speech.  c14131I31*41cl’LIN  3QUtt c1vI413?f:  i  -i<1Ii’T I U He said, ‘That [seat] is ours [mine], indeed not yoursl. Having arisen quickly, go away from there immediately. Only by me, the greatest perfection has been completed [achieved]. My large army was a witness to that.’ [10:44]  It was with a mere gesture that Mära was defeated.  iiii4 1I11dII  PI-rq:-q-Tr: I  1fl: øi-ici  ?1?It  1-15(jI  I-T--1 -?jf:  II  II  No sooner had the supreme mendicant [5iddhrtha], whose ascetic power was kindled, begun to speak, having raised a blossom—like [tender] linger from [his] lap, then Mra, who was frightened, fled, together with his great/mighty army, whose umbrellas, chariots, flags and cloths [coverlets] had fallen down. [10:45] After the defeat of Mra’s army, the women of Mra performed a grand dance for Siddhrtha.  49  q-1-q1?1T [: 1c-I  A1IIø1%i  cu  I1131c1cW(4-Ill i1E II  After that [fleeing or Mra], the women or Mära, whose glances were slow [moving], whose bejewelled bracelets and anklets or the root were jingling, immediately, having assembled together, perrormed an extremely powerful dance on the ground in front or him {Siddhrtha]; a dance which had [i.e. used] the four— sided mid—region [or the ground] [10:46] [A square dance of impressive proportions (and of a charged, erotic nature) seems to be intended].  When those delights were not effective, the women approached him with sweet speech:  31Ict-’LI lIct’4131,4-14.II  ui1i[ iuii  dMIr  fft  uj.i1i u  ii  Having observed him, who was attached to the flavour of Samãdhi well—placed in the heart, who was delighting to the kya family and as someone who was unshakeable, the women of Kma [MraJ, whose eyes [i.e.glances] were [invitingly] timid, made speeches which were nectar for the ears and which had compassion— invoking syllables [i.e. words] in them. [10:47]  They said,  \3c’-IIc1 c-i-1T -c4I  ?If  U  How do the elders say that you gave a pair of eyes to a prominent twice—born, having uprooted [the pair from your own body], you, who are unable to do even the placing of the eyes on this woman [i.e. myself] subjected to the attacking arrows of Madana {Mãra] [10:48] [i.e. if you can’t give a glance, how could you have given your eyes]!  50  I4c*H oN1-f-T  ?[f  i’ifi cIc111 ief t,c-I:  o  I  How do the best of the poets speak of you as one who gave his head [to others]?— a head which rendered the enemies ineffective. [Since] having seen our faultless play, you avoid even the shaking of [your] head in praise. [10:50] [i.e. If you do not nod in praise, how could you have given your head?] 35 According to the PC, Mra’s women were also ineffective in distracting Siddhrtha from his practice. Thus, Siddhãrtha overcame all the manifestations of Mra’s opposition and attained liberation. Thereafter, he was known as the Buddha [the enlightened/awakened one]. In the following chapter, I will compare the details of the PC’s narrative with the traditional biographies of the Buddha.  1n these verses, Buddhaghosa makes reference to Jãtakas in which the bodhisattva gave away his 35 head and eyes. Specifically referred to are the Jãtaka’s Sibi and MaitTbala. In the Jãtaka Sibi, the bodhisattva in a previous birth as a King gave away his eyes to a blind man. In the Jãtaka MaitrTbala, the bodhisattva gave away his own body to appease the hunger of ogres. [Khoroche 1989, 10 and 471.  51  CHAPTER THREE: A COMPARISON OF THE BIOGRAPHIES OF THE BUDDHA: Dwelling in the Tuita heaven According to the NK, MV, LV and DN [see Mahpadna sutta], the bodhisattva [the Buddha— to—be] dwelt in the Tusita heaven before descending into the womb or Queen Myã.  The  NK mentions that all bodhisattvas reside in the Tusita heaven before descending to the world and they enter this heaven due to the attainment or the ten perfections [pãramitasi.  These are described as Dana [charity] .TIa [morality], Naiskämya  [abnegationl, Prajfi’ã [wisdom], Virya [exertion], Ksãnti [patience], Satya [truth], Abbisthana [resolution], tlaitri[ good—will] and Upeksä] equanimity], 36 [NK 25—321. It is in this light that the PC describes a great being dwelling in Tusita. The PC, however, does not specify that this being is a bodhisattva. The NK, MV and LV, commonly state that the devas [gods] or Tusita heaven were instrumental in the bodhisattva’s descent into the world. They recognized that the signs were right for the birth of a bodhisattva and implored him to take birth out of compassion for humanity. The NK says,  When they request, they do so at the first appearance of the signs. On this occasion all of them [the godsl..went to the bodhisatta in the Tusita heaven and begged of him  Now Sire, the moment has come for your Buddhahood; the time  has come for your Buddhahood. [p.641  The importance of seeing signs suggests that the occurrence of a Buddha in the world is understood to be a recurring event. This is exemplified in the Mahpadãna Sutta of the DN. Here, the Buddha discusses his life in relation to a number of previous Buddhas. What is illuminated by the sutta is the unoriginality of äkyamuni’s experience. For, despite different names and family situations, all bodhisattvas have pre—ordained life experiences which inevitably result in Enlightenment.  lnterestingly, the Páramitas are not referred to in the four Nikãyas. Here, i1a [conduct], Samädhi 35 [concentration] and PrajFiã [wisdom] are emphasized [Khosla 1989, 3].  52  The PC follows such a tradition when it describes the bodhisattva as being entreated by the gods. Here, the gods recognize the auspicious signs and then, approach this great being with the request for him to enter the world. After being entreated to take birth, this great being is described contemplating the appropriate situation for his birth. Similar deliberations are found in the NK and MV and LV.  The NK says,  Then the Great being, even before giving an assurance to the deities,looked for the Five Great Considerations, which consist of the time, the country, the district, the family and the mother and her age limit. [NK, p. 64] The MV says, Now the bodhisattva at the time of his passing away from Tusita makes his four great surveys, namely, of the time in which he is to be reborn, the place, the continent, and the family. [MV, II., 1].  In the PC, the great being agrees to descend to the world and become the son of King uddhodana.  In the MV, NK and LV, the bodhisattva identifies not only King uddhodana  but also Queen Myä as his suitable parents. The MV says,  This King uddhodana, thought he, is worthy to be my father. He then sought a mother who should be gracious of good birth, pure of body and tender of Passion. [MV II.,  31  According to the LV,  Dans tout le pays des ãkyas, ii est le seul roi qul soit honore...L’espouse du roi uddhodana est Myã Devi. [LV, ch. 3., 271 [In the whole country of the äkya’s there is only one king to be honoured...the spouse of the king is Mãy—devT1  In the PC, there is the suggestion that King uddhodana and Queen My wanted a child but were unable to have one. This fact is not highlighted in the other biographies of the buddha and seems to be drawn from the Raghuvarna. Here, King Dilipa and Queen Sudakshinã are cursed by the divine cow Surabhi and therefore, cannot beget children. In an effort to dissolve the curse they propitiate Surabhi’s daughter, Nandiril. [Kale 1972, canto 1]  53  Conception According to all the sources, the conception takes place in association with a dream. In this dream Queen Mãyã sees a white elephant entering into her womb from her right side.  Before she conceived, she saw in her sleep a white lord of elephants entering her body, yet she relt thereby no pain [BC 4:1] The MV explains the significance or a white elephant: The woman who in her dream has seen a white elephant enter her womb will give birth to a being as select as the elephant is among animals. He will be a Buddha who knows the good and the true. [MV II., 121 Winternitz provides another suggestion; he says that the elephant symbolizes both the strength of the baby and the mother. The bodhisattva is naturally strong and the mother or a bodhisattva has to have the strength of an elephant to carry this child in her womb. [Winternitz 1983 II., 2401 The PC leaves out this vision of an elephant and simply states that the bodhisattva entered into Queen Myã’s womb.  The LV and Mahäpadna sutta of the DN highlight that the bodhisattva’s entrance into Queen My’s womb was in full awareness.  Le Bodhisattva etant descendu de l’excellent sejour du Touchita, ayant le souvenir et la science, entra dans le sein de sa mere; par le flanc droit de sa mere livree au jeune, sous la figure d’un petit elephant blanc...[LV, ch.6.,  551  [The bodhisattva having descended from the excellent sojourn of Tusita, with memory and awareness, entered into his mother’s womb, by the right side, in the shape of a white elephant.] And so, monks, the Bodhisattva descended from the Tusita heaven, mindful and clearly aware into his mother’s womb [DN [Mahãpadna sutta] II. 13, 2031  54  According to all the sources, the conception was accompanied by miraculous events. Such things as flowers railing from the sky and sick people being cured took place at this auspicious moment. The PC does not highlight the significance of the conception but instead focuses upon the miracles that took place at Siddhãrtha’s birth. The length of Queen Mãyã’s pregnancy is not specified in the PC but the other sources commonly state that the duration of a bodhisattva’s stay in the womb is exactly ten months.  “It is the rule that whereas other women carry the child in their womb for nine or ten months before giving birth, it is not so with the Bodhisatta’s mother, who carries him for exactly ten months before giving birth. That is the rule.” [DN [Mahpadãna suttal II. 15, 204]  In the LV, the gods are said to create a palace with precious stones in Queen My’s womb so that the bodhisattva may not be made impure during these ten months. The bodhisattva is described sitting in this palace of precious stones with admirable gentleness. His body is said to shine with splendid beauty causing light to spread for miles from the body of his mother. [LV. ch. 7., 781 The NK, MV and DN mention that Queen My’s womb was protected by four gods.  It is the rule that when a bodhisatta has entered his mother’s womb, four devas come to protect him from the four quarters, saying, ‘Let no man, no non—human being, no thing whatever harm this bodhisatta or this bodhisatta’s mother’. [DN [Mahpadna suttal II. 13, 2031  The NK similarily states, When the bodhisatta had thus taken conception, four deities with swords in hand stood guard from the time of conception over the bodhisatta and his mother to ward off any danger. [NK, 69] Instead of four gods guarding the Queen’s womb, the PC mentions elderly women protecting the foetus with various herbal medicines, The PC corresponds with the other accounts in highlighting the fact that the bodhisattva did not cause pain to the mother as he rested in her womb, but was a source of delight and joy. The MV says,  55  When the bodhisattva has entered his mother’s womb, his mother is comfortable whether she moves, stands, sits or lies down, because or the power or the bodhisattva. [MV, II., 131.  According to the PC, Queen Maya gave birth to the bodhisattva in a delivery room along with attendants. This is different from all other accounts which emphasize that the birth took place in the LumbinT grove. Just before delivering the child, the Queen is described as having had a strong desire to visit her parental home. As she travelled from Kapilavastu, she stopped to rest in a pleasure grove of Sala trees located between the two towns. This was called the Lumbini park. Here, Queen Maya gave birth standing up.  Having walked up to the foot of the hallowed Sãla tree she wished to take hold of a branch. The branch bent low like the tip of a well—seasoned cane and came within reach of the queen’s hand. She stretched out her hand and held it. At that very instant labour pains seized her, Then the people drew a curtain around her and withdrew. As she stood there clinging to the branch of the tree she was delivered of her child. [NK, 5g—70]  The BC, MV, LV and DN add that the birth was from Queen Mãyã’s side and that she suffered no pain or illness. The PC corresponds with all the other sources in describing the birth of a bodhisattva as being marked by miraculous events. Thus, the world was filled with the resounding sounds of drums, shaking mountains, rich scents and starry skies. According to the BC,  At his birth the earth, nailed down as it was with the king of mountains, trembled like a ship struck by the wind; and from the cloudless sky there fell a shower perfumed with sandalwood and bringing blue and pink lotuses. [BC 1: 211 The PC highlights the joy that King uddhodana and Queen Mãyã felt upon their child’s birth. Fittingly, the King organized an impressive birth ceremony for his son and bestowed him with the appropriate name, Siddhãrtha [one who has fulfilled/ accomplished all desires/goalsi.  56  The choice of the name Siddhrtha is explained in the BC: Since the prosperity of the royal race and the accomplishment of all objects had been thus brought to pass, the King named his son accordingly, saying, ‘He is Sarvrthasiddha’ [one who has accomplished all ends/goals]. [BC 2: 171 The MV similarily states, When the chief of all the world was born, all the kings affairs prospered. Hence, he who was the boon of men was named Sarvãrthasiddha. [MV, II., 20] The Newborn  The PC differs from the other biographies in that it does not mention the extraordinary and rather frightening aspect of this newborn. For, according to all the accounts, this baby had the thirty two marks of the Great Man. These characteristic marks are described in the Lakkhana Sutta or the DN. And what are these thirty—two marks? He has feet with level tread. This is one of the marks of a Great Man. On the soles or his feet are wheels with a thousand spokes, complete with felloe and hub. He has projecting heels. He has long fingers and toes. He has soft and tender hands and feet. His legs are like an antelope’s. Standing and without bending, he can touch and rub his knees with either hand. His male organs were enclosed in a sheath. His complexion is bright, the colour of gold. His skin is delicate and so smooth that no dust can adhere to his body. His body—hairs are separate, one to each pore. His body—hairs grow upwards, each one bluish—black like collyrium, curling in rings to the right. His body is divinely straight. He has the seven convex surfaces. The front part of his body is like a lion’s. There is no hollow between his shoulders. He is proportioned like a banyan—tree: the height of his body is the same as the span of his outstretched arms, and conversely. His teeth are even. There are no spaces between his teeth. His canine teeth are very bright. His tongue is very long. He has a 6rahm—like voice, like that of the karavTka bird. His eyes are deep blue. He has eyelashes like a cow’s. The hair between his eyes is white and soft like cotton down. His head is like a royal turban. This is one of the marks of a Great Man. [DN [Lakkhana Sutta] HI. 146, 442  1  57  This baby was also peculiar in that, upon his birth, he took seven steps to the various directions and announced the knowledge that he was the ‘Buddha to be’. The Mahpadna sutta of the DN says,  It is the rule that as soon as he is born the bodhisattva takes a firm stance on both feet facing north, then takes seven strides and, under a white sunshade, he scans the four quarters and then declares with a bull—like voice: “I am chief in the world, supreme in the world, eldest in the world. This is my last birth, there will be no more re—becoming.” That is the rule. [II. 17, 2051 Moreover, all the sources state that just after his birth two streams of water came out of the sky and washed his body and the body of his mother.  It is the rule that when the Bodhisatta issues forth from his mother’s womb, two streams of water appear from the sky, one cold, the other warm, with which they ritually wash the Bodhisatta and his mother. That is the rule. [DN [Mahpadãna suttal 1115, 204, see NK, 701 In the BC, both the streams of water cleanse the bodhisattva.  Two streams of water, clear as the rays of the moon and having the virtue, one of heat, one of cold, poured forth from the sky and fell on his gracious head to give his body refreshment by their contact. [1:161 The ambivalence of the parents to this different baby is nicely captured in the BC. On seeing the miraculous birth of his son, the king, steadfast though he was, was much disturbed, and from his affection a double stream of tears flowed, born of delight and apprehension. The queen was filled with fear and joy, like a stream of hot and cold water mixed, because the power of her son was other than human on the one hand, and because she had a mother’s natural weakness on the other.[l: 28—291  58  Another absence in the PC account which has been recorded in all the other sources for the legend is its failure to mention Queen Mäy’s death. This took place exactly one week after the birth of the bodhisattva. The DN says, It is the rule that the Bodhisatta’s mother dies seven days after his birth and is reborn in the Tusita heaven. That is the rule  [ DN [Mahäpadna Sutta] II. 15, 204]  To explain why Queen My dies, the BC says that she was overcome by joy.  But when Queen Myã saw the vast power of her son, like that of a divine seer, she was unable to bear the joy it caused her; then she went to Heaven to dwell there. [2: 181 The death of the Queen led to Siddhãrtha being raised by his mother’s younger sister, Mahãprajãpati Gautami. 37 The BC says,  Then the queen’s sister, who equalled her in majesty and did not fall below her in affection and tenderness, brought up the prince, who was like a scion of the gods, as if he were her own son, [1:191 The LV mentions that she was selected because she was the most capable of raising the child, In all, thirty—two nurses were said to have been appointed to serve the Bodhisattva, eight nurses to carry him, eight to suckle him, eight to bathe him and the other eight to play with him. [ch. 7., 90-91] All the sources state that one of the first visitors to the King after the birth of his son was a venerable sage named Asita [Kiadeva1a1. Asita was renowned for his wisdom and powers of clairvoyance. The meeting between the Sage Asita and the young prince is described in the Nlaka Sutta of the Sutta Nipãta. To see the prince was to see brightness  —  the brightness of the flames of a fire;  the brightness of the star constellations crossing the night sky; the brightness  Mahäprajãpati is credited with being the rirst ordained nun [Bhikkhunh] and being the first Buddhist 37 teacher who was a woman. (Murcott 1991, 191  59  and clarity of the autumn sun shining on a cloudless day. It was a sight that filled the hermit with joy, and he experienced great delight... The long—haired sage, the ‘Dark splendour’, as he was called, looked at the baby lying on the orange clothes, shining like a golden coin, with the white sunshade held up above him. With great joy he picked him up. Now the lion of the Skyas was in the arms of a man who had waited for him, a man who could recognize all the signs on his body  —  a man who now, filled with  delight, raised his voice to say these words: ‘There is nothing to compare with this: this is the ultimate, this is the perfect man.’ Just then the hermit remembered that he was going to die quite soon  —  and he  felt so sad at this and he began to cry. The Skyas asked him why he was crying: ‘Is the prince in some danger?’ they asked. To settle their worries, the sage explained to them why he felt sad, ‘No’ he said, ‘there will not be any danger or threat to the prince’s life, as far as I can see. In fact, for him there won’t be any obstacles at all. There couldn’t be for him; he is not an ordinary being. This prince will come to the fulfilment of perfect Enlightenment; this prince of supremely pure vision will start turning the wheel of truth out of compassion for the well—being of many. The religious life will be fully expounded. But for me there is a grain of sadness and pain in this. For I will not live much longer now and during his life I shall die. So I won’t be able to see this man of such unparalleled strength teaching how things are  —  and that’s the only reason that I  felt sad’ [SN, 9—16, 801  In order to test Asita’s interpretation, the king summoned eight of the most learned Brahmins in the land. The Nidna Kath says,  Rma, Dhaja, Lakkhana and MantT, Kondaa and Bhoja, Siyma and Sidatta, these were the eight brahmins adept in the six [Vedañgasl who then expounded the science [of reading the signs]. [NK  p.741  Seven of the Brahmins concluded that there were two possible outcomes for his son. Siddhrtha would either remain in the world and become a great emperor, or, renounce the world, seek enlightenment and become a Buddha. But the eighth Brahmin, called Kondaa, was unequivocal-  60  ‘His markings show that his future can go only in one way’ he told the king, ‘a time will come when he will witness four special signs and as a result he will renounce the world and go out to seek enlightenment’  [ NK, 74—761  These four signs are representative of the human condition; an old man, a sick man, a dead man and an ascetic. From fear that his son would indeed renounce the world, the King ordered that no old or sick people, no signs or death nor ascetics were to be permitted near the prince and aimed to give Siddãrtha a lire devoid of such realities, a life where all possible luxuries and delights were provided for him.  The PC leaves out this visit by Asita which highlights the fact that this baby is an extraordinary being. It also leaves out the prophesies by the brahmins, one of whom states that Siddhärtha will see certain sights that will lead him to enlightenment. Without such details, it is not clear why Siddhrtha has been indulged in pleasures and protected from painful and distressing situations.  Youth  The PC corresponds with the other accounts in describing 5iddhrtha as an intelligent and accomplished youth. It mentions that he was educated in all the arts and the sciences by the best of the teachers. The prince’s outstanding intelligence is elaborated upon in the LV. The bodhisattva is described as being skilled in such things as writing, astrology, mathematics, wrestling, archery, riding horses, chariot driving, painting, singing, the game of dice, the signs of birds, knowing the signs of women and so on. [LV, ch.lO, 114—115] In one episode, in the LV, a poor schoolmaster is said to fall to the floor from the brilliance of the bodhisattva. For, the omniscient boy explains sixty—four different kinds of writings including those of the Chinese and Huns. A god raises him [the school teacher] and pacifies him by saying that the Bodhisattva being omniscient and having no need to learn anything, yet following the usual way of the world, has come to school.  [ Caitanya 1g62, 228]  61  Marriage  According to the BC, Siddhãrtha was married at a young age to a beautiful and devoted young princess named Yaéodharã. The PC refers to her as the daughter of the King of Koliya. The LV refers to Yaóodhar as Gop and adds that she is the daughter of akya Dandapãni [LV, ch. 12, 1281. The MV calls Ya€odharã the daughter of the akyan Mahãnãma [MV, II., 701.  The BC describes Yaéodharã in the following way,  Then from a family possessed of long—standing good conduct he summoned for him the goddess of Fortune in the shape of a maiden, Yaodhar by name, of widespread renown, virtuous and endowed with beauty, modesty and gentle bearing [2:261  Interestingly, the NK account, which usually corresponds closely with the PC, only makes a passing reference to Yaodhara. Here, she is described as Siddhärtha’s chief consort and the queen mother of Rhula. [see NK,  771.  The PC distinguishes itself in its lengthy description of the marriage preparations and ceremony, for, this marriage is not elaborated upon in any other biography of the Buddha. The LV, which typically embellishes events, only devotes two verses to the marriage. The BC discusses the marriage in one verse and the NK and MV fail to mention it at all. The PC devotes the entire fourth chapter which has eighty seven verses to this event. The famous description of the young women flocking to their balconies to watch the splendour of the young prince returning from the pleasure garden, found in canto three of the BC, has a parallel in this fourth chapter of the PC. Here, the women gather on their balconies to watch the prince as he returns from his marriage. This episode is very similar to one found in the Raqhuvarna describing the wedding of IndumatT and Aja. Here, the women watch Indumati and Aja as they parade through the streets of the city and praise them in various ways.  The Pleasure Palaces To further ensure his son’s happiness and attachment to worldly life, uddhodhana built three palaces for Siddhãrtha, one for the rainy season, one for the hot season and one for  62  the cold season.  This biographical detail is common to all the sources and recorded in  the Anguttara Nikya [see sutta no. 381. Here, the Buddha describes his past, pleasure— filled experience to his disciples:  Monks, I was delicately nurtured, exceedingly delicately nurtured, delicately nurtured beyond measure. For instance, in my father’s house lotus—pools were made thus: one of blue lotuses, one of red, another of white lotuses, just for my benefit. No sandal—wood powder did I use that was not from Kãsi: of Kãsi cloth was my turban made: of Ksi cloth was my jacket, my tunic and my cloak. By night and day a white canopy was held over me, lest cold or heat, dust or chaff or dew, should touch me. Moreover, monks, I had three palaces: one for winter, one for summer, and one for the rainy season. In the four months of rain I was waited on by minstrels, women all of them. I came not down from my palace in those months. Again, whereas in other men’s homes broken rice together with sour gruel is given as food to slave—servants, in my father’s home they were given rice, meat and milk—rice for food. [I. no. 38, 1281  The display of the Bodhisattva’s skill The conclusion of the fifth chapter of the PC includes an unusual event in the life of the Buddha which seems to be based on similar episodes found in the NK, MV and LV. In this episode, Siddhrtha is called upon to show his competence in archery. The PC gives no indication of why Siddhrtha has been called upon to prove his skill. However, we find some explanation for this episode in the other biographical accounts. According to the NK, Siddhärtha has been accused of indulging in pleasure and neglecting work and hence, his competence in various skills is being questioned.  Whilst he was thus enjoying this great prosperity, one day the following talk arose amongst a group of his kinsfolk: ‘Siddhattha passes his days in the enjoyment of pleasures. He does not learn any of the arts. What will he do if war breaks out?. The king sent for the Bodhisattva and said ‘My son, your kinsmen say, ‘Siddhattha spends his time in the enjoyment of pleasures without learning any of the arts’. ‘What do you think of it when this [accusation] is made?’ ‘Sire, it is not necessary for me to learn the arts. Proclaim in the city  63  by beat or drum that I will display my skill in the arts. Seven days hence I will show my skill in the arts to my kinsmen.’ The king did so. The bodhisattva assembled such archers as would shoot at their targest during a flash or lightening or split a horse’s hair, and in the midst or the assembly displayed to his kinsmen his skill in twelve ways not shared in common with other archers. Then did his kinsrolk dispel their doubts. [NK, 78] The NK says that this episode is based on a particular Jtaka called the Sarabañga Jãtaka. In this .Jãtaka, an archer [identified as the bodhisattva] displays wonderful feats or skill in shooting. He declines the honours orfered to him by his king and retires to a rorest hermitage [Jãtaka, V—VI., 522] The MV also includes such an episode in its narrative.  Here, Siddhãrtha’s skill in  archery is tested as a prerequisite ror his marriage to Yaodharã.  “Your son”, said he [Yaodharä’s rather], “has grown up among the women. He has nowise been trained in the arts, in archery, in skill with elephants, chariots and bows, I shall not give my daughter to him” On hearing this the young prince said to his rather, “Be not vexed, rather. Cause a proclamation to be made in the towns and provinces that the prince will on the seventh day rrom this hold a tournament.” [MV, II., 75]  In this story Siddhãrtha beats his competition and wins Yaéodharã’s hand in marriage. This competition for Yasodharã is similarily described in the LV. [see ch.l2]  The four visions  All the sources state that, despite the diversions provided by the king, the prince relt bored one day and asked his charioteer, Chandaka [Channa], to take him ror a ride to the pleasure gardens which were located outside the palace grounds. Hearing of his son’s decision to travel outside the confines of the palace, the King ordered that all distressing sights should be removed from the surrounding roads. The BC describes the king’s efforts to provide Siddhãrtha with a carefree existence in the following verses:  And reflecting that the prince’s tender mind might be perturbed thereby, he forebade the appearance of afflicted common folk on the royal road.  64  Then with the greatest gentlessness they cleared away on all sides, those whose limbs were maimed, and the wretched, and made the royal highway supremely magnificent. [3:4—5]  Despite the King’s efforts, all the sources mention that it was on this trip and three subsequent excursions, that the prince was exposed to the four signs predicted at his birth: the sight of an old man, a sick man, a dead man and an ascetic. Like the other accounts, the PC states that these sights were orchestrated by the gods. For only the gods could defy the king’s strict command. The PC also mentions that the charioteers were possessed by the gods to cause the awakening of the prince. Hence, they disobey the King and explain to Siddhãrtha that all existence is invariably subject to old age, sickness and death. This possession of the charioteer by the gods is also highlighted in the other biographies.  65  The BC says,  When the chariot—driver was thus spoken to, those very same gods confounded his understanding, so that, without seeing his error, he told the prince the matter he should have withheld. [3: 2]  The PC distinguishes itself, however, in mentioning more than one charioteer. In the other accounts, Siddhãrtha is always accompanied by a single charioteer. The reference to many charioteers is probably a way of highlighting Siddhãrtha’s wealth. However, it takes away the intimacy that Siddhãrtha felt towards Channa which is emphasized in the other sources. According to the NK, when Channa is told of Siddhhãrtha’s decision to renounce his worldly existence, he also decides to become a renunciant. He says,  ‘I too wish to renounce the world.’ The bodhisatta refused him thrice, saying, ‘It is not meet that you become a religious mendicant now; you go back’.  [ NK, 861  Channa’s dedication to the prince is also expressed in the BC. There, he says,  You should not abandon me. For, your feet are my sole refuge. [6:351  The PC is also peculiar in its summary treatment of the witnessing of these four signs, which, in other texts, is marked as the crucial event in the prince’s life. The author’s lack of interest in this episode is highlighted by the fact that just preceding it is an elaborate description of the spring season in thirty five verses. [see verses one—thirty five of Chapter six]. This makes the ten verses dedicated to Siddhãrtha’s sight of the visions and the impact they make on him seem all the more sparse. [see verses thirty —five—forty—five of chapter six.] Instead of portraying four different trips whereby each sight is respectively seen, first old age, then disease and then death and finally the mendicant, the PC presents this as all taking place on one trip. The sources commonly mention that Siddhärtha was deeply impressed by these visions. These sights eroded the defences erected by the King, and gave Siddhãrtha his first understanding of the truth of suffering [dut7kha],.  66  This insight into the reality of duhkha is described in the Añguttara Nikãya, where the Buddha speaks of his own experience to his disciples:  To me, monks, thus blest with much prosperity, thus nurtured with exceeding delicacy, this thought occured: surely one or the uneducated manyfolk, though himself subject to old age and decay, not having passed beyond old age and decay, when he sees another broken down with age, is troubled, ashamed, disgusted, forgetful that he himself is such an one. Now I too am subject to old age and decay, not having passed beyond old age and decay. Were I to see another broken down with old age, I might be troubled, ashamed and disgusted. That would not be seemly in me. Thus, monks, as I considered the matter, all pride in my youth deserted me  [the same insight is articulated with respect to disease and  death]....Thus monks all pride in health deserted me  Thus monks, all pride in my  life deserted me. [I. no. 38, 1281  Although, the PC describes Siddhrtha as being distressed by the four visions, even asking that the horses be turned back, it states that Siddhärtha continued his journey to the pleasure grove. Evidently, upon seeing the mendicant, Siddhrtha became contented and decided to continue his planned outing. This is similar to the NK account. There, Siddhãrtha sees the visions on four consecutive days. After seeing the old man, sick man and dead man, Siddhãrtha’s interest in the pleasure garden is checked and he returns to the palace. On the fourth day, he sees the mendicant and then, continues his journey to the pleasure grove.  Once again, one day when the bodhisatta again went to the park he beheld an ordained monk well—clad and well—draped, presented by the deities, and asked his charioteer, ‘Friend, who is he?’. Even though the charioteer was ignorant as to what a monk was, or what his distinctive features were, as it was not a time when the Buddha had appeared on earth, by the supernatural power of the deities he was prompted to say, ‘Sire, this is a mendicant friar’ and he extolled the virtues of recluseship. The Bodhisatta, cherishing a desire for renunciation, continued his journey to the park that day. [NK, 7(9]  67  According to the DN [see Mahãpadãna suttal, LV and MV, Siddhãrtha sees the four visions, one after the other, and immediately decides to renounce the world. That is to say, there is no mention of his continued journey to the pleasure garden. An interesting difference in the legendary account contained in the BC is that Siddhãrtha does not see the vision of the mendicant until after he has returned from the pleasure garden. It is also unique in focusing upon the experience of the pleasure garden as a lengthy temptation.  What is emphasized is the general lack of interest c3autama feels  for such worldly pleasures. In this way, the pleasure garden symbolizes the necessary test for Siddhãrtha’s growing insight and conviction, This is exemplified by the fact that the charioteer is said to bring Siddhärtha to the pleasure garden despite his command to turn back the horses  Though the king’s son spoke to him thus, he not merely did not turn back but, in accordance with the king’s wishes, went to the Padmasanda grove, which had been provided with special attractions.  [3:431  According to the BC account, such disinterest in the pleasures provided in the pleasure garden leads to 5iddhrtha’s longing for spiritual peace. Thus, he gets permission to journey into the forest. His changing state of mind is beautifully described by one of the experiences he has on this journey.  Desire for the forest as well as the excellence of the land led him on to the more distant jungle—land and he saw the soil being ploughed with its surface broken with the tracks of furrows like waves. When he saw the ground in this state, with its young grass torn up and scattered by the ploughs and littered with dead worms, insects and other creatures, he mourned deeply as at the slaughter of his own kindred.  [5:4—51  It is on this journey to the forest that the Buddha sees an ascetic and thus, is inspired to renounce worldly life. The Pleasure Grove:  In the PC there is no indication that Siddhãrtha was disinterested in the pleasures of the pleasure grove or that he was becoming steadily disenchanted with worldly life. The  68  NK also describes Siddhãrtha as carefree and enjoying himself amongst various pleasures, Here, Siddhrtha’s play in the garden is followed by a bath in the pool. The NK says,  Then he disported himself in the park during the remaining hours of day—light and bathed in the royal pond and when the sun had set, he sat on the stone slab meant for the use of royalty, wishing to have himself dressed. [p. 801 The PC also refers to Siddhrtha playing in a pool after his play in the garden.  The conclusion of Chapter seven of the PC describes 5iddhrtha passing the remainder of the day in a pavillion of the pleasure garden. There, he is entertained by the music and dancing of various women. The NK does not describe the bodhisattva as residing in a pavillion but does highlight the fact that he is being pampered by others. It states,  Then his attendants stood around waiting on him with garments of many colours, with various kinds of garlands, perfumes and ointments ready at hand. [p.801 The PC describes Siddhãrtha returning to his palace at nightfall. It mentions that upon entering he is lavished with the entertainment of musicians and dancing girls. We find a strikingly similar episode in the NK:  As for the bodhisattva, he returned to his mansion in great splendour, ascended it and lay on his couch of state. Almost immediately, women decked with ornaments, proficient in dancing and singing and other arts, as enchanting as heavenly maidens, stood around him with their diverse musical instruments, and engaged themselves in dancing, singing and playing their instruments to entertain him. [p. 82]  69  Disenchantment According to the PC, the prince was not interested in the entertainment placed before him and seemed burdened by his thoughts. Such a sentiment is also expressed in the Nk. It says,  As the Bodhisatta’s mind was detatched from the defilements he took no delight in the dance and so forth and fell asleep for a while. [p.82] The PC gives no indication of the reasons for the sudden shift in Siddhãrtha’s attitude towards entertainment. For up to this point, we have only been given lengthy descriptions or Siddhrtha enjoying himself amongst the various pleasures. In the NK, some explanation is given. Here disenchantment with the world seems to be spurred by two events. The first is the encounter with KisgotamT. She is refered to as MrgT in the MV [ii, p.1531. In that episode, the bodhisattva is described as one returning to Kapilavastu from the pleasure grove in all his glory. He is seen by a young girl who makes the following comment, She says,  Tranquilled indeed is the mother, tranquilled is the father and tranquilled is the woman who has a lord like him. [NK, 811  This comment inspires Siddhrtha to reflect upon what is really necessary for tranquility. The legend says that because KisãgotamT’s words brought the bodhisattva deep insight he gave her the expensive pearl necklace he was wearing as a teacher’s fee. She, on her part, rejoiced at the girt believing it to be a token of love from the young prince, Another cause of disenchantment, highlighted in the NK biography, is the sight of the beautiful turned ugly. In the following episode, Siddhrtha sees a vision of the now ugly bodies of the dancing girls strewn before him.  As the Bodhisatta woke up and sat cross—legged upon the couch he saw those women who had lain aside their musical instruments and were sleeping, some of them with saliva pouring out of their mouths, some with the bodies wet with saliva, some grinding their teeth, some talking in their sleep, some groaning, some with gaping mouths and some others with their clothes in disorder  70  revealing plainly those parts of the body which should be kept concealed for fear of shame. He saw the disorder in which they were and became all the more detatched from sensual pleasures. The large terrace of his mansion, magnificently decorated and resembling the abode of Sakka, appeared to him as a charnel ground full of corpses scattered here and there. The three states of existence seemed to him as a house in flames. He made the inspired utterance. “Alas, this is beset with obstacles  Alas, it is constricted  “  His mind was  greatly drawn towards renunciation. [NK, 821 This image is described in all the Buddha biographies. In the BC, 5iddhrtha returns to Kapilavastu impressed by the vision of the renunciant and convinced of the need to abandon worldly ways. Upon going to his chamber to rest, he sees the unattractive bodies of women, who he had once considered beautiful, strewn around him.  Thus these womenfolk, lying in various attitudes according to their natures, family and breeding, presented the appearance of a lotus—pond whose lotuses have been blown down and broken by the wind. When the king’s son saw the young women lying in these different ways and looking so loathsome with their uncontrolled movements, though ordinarily their forms were beautiful, their speech agreeable, he was moved to disgust. [5:62—631  The MV says,  And when the Bodhisattva saw them one and all lying on the floor in the harem there arose in him an awareness of the burial ground. [II., 155] Due to such disenchantment, at the age of twenty—nine, Siddhãrtha decided to renounce his life in the palace.  Renunciation  This resolution to strive for enlightenment is stated in the following way in the MN [see Mahsaccakasutta1. Here the Buddha is conversing with one of his disciples, Aggivessana. He says,  71  Now, Aggivessana, before my Self—awakening, while I was still the bodhisatta, not fully awakened, it occurred to me: narrow is the household life, a path of dust, going forth is the open, nor is it easy while dwelling in a house to lead the Brahma—faring completely fulfilled, utterly purified, polished like a conch—shell. Suppose now that I, having cut  off  hair and beard, having clothed myself in  saffron garments, should go forth from home into homelessness? [I. 240—241, 2951  The BC describes Siddhrtha approaching King §uddhodhana to tell him of his decision. The King is very upset and attempts to persuade his son to stay in the palace and enjoy the fortunes of his worldy life. Siddhrtha replies by saying he will stay only if he is given a surety against four things.  I will refrain from entering the penance grove, 0 king, if you will be my surety on four points. My life is not to be subject to death. Disease is not to injure my health. Old age is not to impair my youth. Disaster is not to take away this my worldly fortune. [5:341  Of course, the king cannot provide him with these securities and thus, realizes he is powerless to stop his son. The MV, NK state that Siddhärtha had a son, called Rãhula, who was born on the very day that he resolved to renounce the world.  According to the NK, he responded to the news  of the newborn, in the following way:  At that time the great king Suddhodhana, hearing that the queen, mother of Rãhula, had given birth to a son, sent a message saying, ‘Convey by felicitations to my son’. The Bodhisatta on hearing it, said, ‘An impediment [Rãhulal has come into being, a bond has arisen’. [NK, 811  However, to show the human side of the bodhisattva and the difficulty of his decision, the following episode is included in the NK. Here, Siddhrtha is described pausing at the room where his baby and wife are sleeping. He has not yet seen his son’s face and is torn between the curiosity to see his child and his resolve to renounce his present life.  72  Rhula’s mother was sleeping in her bed strewn with flowers such as the large jasmine and the Arabian jasmine; and she was resting her hand on her son. Stepping upon the threshold and standing there the bodhisatta looked at him and thought, ‘if I remove the queen’s hand and take my son into my arms she will wake up and that will prevent my journey. I will come back after gaining Enlightenment and then see him.’ [p.831  The PC like the BC does not mention the birth of Rhula.  In all the accounts, Siddhãrtha flees from the palace attended by his charioteer [Chandaka], and the swiftest horse, Kanthaka.  The PC refers to Siddhãrtha’s charioteer  as Channa. The only other source which describes the charioteer as Channa is the NK.  He rose from his bed resolving. ‘It is meet that I go forth in the Great Renunciation this very day, and went up to the door and called out, “Who is there?.’ Channa, who was reclining with his head resting on the threshold, replied, ‘Sire, it is I, Channa.’ [He commanded: ‘I wish to set—out on my great renunciation to—day. Prepare a horse for me.’ [p. 821. According to all accounts, the gods are instrumental in the bodhisattva’s flight. They unlock the gates and steep all the subjects of Kapilavastu in a deep sleep, Thus, the PC fittingly describes the gods and celestial beings attending to the bodhisattva [fanning him] and singing his praises. Like the NK, MV and LV, the PC mentions that Siddhãrtha and Chandaka first journied to a place called Anomã [Anavamã in Sktl.  Both the PC and NK associate this place with a  river. The MV speaks not of a river, but of a town Anomiya, twelve leagues away among the Mallas. In the LV, Anomã is refered to as Anuvaineya or Anumaineya. It is described as a township six leagues away. These statements seem to point to an actual locality somewhere east of Kapilavastu, which was traditionally, at least, the place to which Siddhãrtha first fled, but, they also point to the absence of any real knowledge of its nature. [Thomas 1g31, 611 The PC specifically refers to the journey being thirty yojanas. This detail is also found in the NK.  73  Proceeding with such splendour, the Bodhisatta traversed three kingdoms in one night and arrived at the bank of the river Anom covering a distance of thirty yojanas. [p. 851 The PC makes an allusion to the crossing of the river Anom being like the crossing of the ocean of Samsãra. This is also round in the NK. Here, upon deciding to renounce the world the bodhisattva speaks to his horse and says,  My good Kanthaka, today, take me across in one night and I will, with your assistance, become a Buddha and take across the inhabitants of the world together with the deities. [p. 831 The PC describes the horse as a worried horse. This is explained in the BC. Here the horse is said to cry from distress after hearing that Siddhrtha will, indeed, renounce the world.  On hearing the speech, Kanthaka, the finest of steeds, licked his feet and shed scalding tears. [6:881 This is elaborated upon in the MV and NK. For, in these texts, Kanthaka is said to die of a broken heart.  But Kanthaka who stood nearby listening to the Bodhisatta’s conversation with Channa, was unable to bear the grief at the thought that he would no longer be able to see his master. And going out of their sight he died broken—hearted and was reborn in Tvatirnsa heaven as the deity Kanthaka. [NK, 871 The MV mentions,  He [Kanthakal starved through grieving for the bodhisattva and died because he could not see him. [II., 183] In all the accounts, 5iddhrtha renounces the world, first by cutting off his hair and then, by abandoning his worldly clothes and ornaments. In the Ariyapariyesana Sutta of the MN, this is done before leaving home. The Buddha says,  74  Then I, monks, arter a time, being young, my hair coal—black, possessed or radiant youth, in the prime or my lire—although my unwilling parents wept and wailed—having cut orr my hair and beard, having put on yellow robes, went rorth rrom home into homelessness. [1.163—164, no. 26, 2071  In the NK and PC accounts, he abandons his possessions on the banks or the river Anomã. Arter doing so, he is said to have dismissed the horse and charioteer. The PC mentions that the bodhisattva then accepted the attire or an ascetic given by a great Brahmä.  We rind a similar description in the NK. Arter discarding his clothes and  possessions the bodhisattva is described as thinking,  ‘These silken garments or mine are not suitable ror a monk.’ Then the Great Brahmã Ghatikra, his erstwhile companion in Kassapa Buddha’s time, with his rriendship not grown cold during one whole Buddha—period, thought, ‘To—day my rriend has gone rorth in the Great Renunciation. I will go to him taking with me the requisites or a monk.’ [p. 671 The legend contained in the BC dirrers rrom the other accounts in that, upon renouncing the world, Siddhãrtha is said to go straight to a hermitage and not to a place called Anomã. There, he discarded his ornaments and clothes and sent back his horse and charioteer. Unlike the other accounts, the BC explores the psychological pain experienced by the ones Siddhãrtha has abandoned. Canto 8 rocuses upon the lamentations in the palace and canto g describes the visit or the prince’s purohita [chier priest] and minister to the hermitage to plead with Siddhrtha to return to worldly lire.  Begging for Alms According to all the biographies, Siddhãrtha’s rirst excursion as a mendicant was to Rãjagaha, the city or King Bimbisra. He is said to have entered ror alms and then taken those alms to Mount Pandava. The PC also includes this event in its narrative. However, the king is named Bimbasara and there is no identirication or the Mountain as Pandava.  75  A detailed presentation of this episode is contained in the Pabbajjã Sutta of the Sutta Nipãta. It says,  The beggar [Siddhrtha1 walked on from house to house watching the sense doors, well restrained, alert and mindful. Soon his bowl was full. When his begging—round was over he set off [for the hills] and made his way towards mount Parava. The messengers now knew that he would stay there. Seeing that he was going to stay there, some sat down and watched while another messenger went back to inform the king. ‘Your majesty’, he said, ‘the monk has settled down on the east side of mount Pandava. He’s sitting there in his mountain lair like a lion or a tiger or a bull!’. Hearing the messenger’s words the warrior king had his special chariot prepared and then set off with the greatest haste to Mount Pandava. [SN [Pabbajjã suttal 9—13, 451 According to all the accounts, King Bimbisära approached Siddhãrtha, who was dwelling on the mountain, to attempt to persuade him back to worldly life. He went so far as to offer him the leadership of his army and other forms of power and wealth. The Buddha refused and explained his conviction in the following way:  I have seen the miseries of pleasures. I have seen the security involved in renouncing them. [Pabbajjã Sutta 20,  471  Aiära Kãlãma and Uddaka Rämaputta  All the sources state that upon renouncing the world Siddhãrtha went successively to two teachers, Aiâra Kãlãma and Uddaka Rãmaputta, who taught him how to attain high meditative states.  The Bodhisattva went in due course on his wanderings to Aiãra Kãlma and Uddaka Rmputta, and evolved the attainments... [NK, 891 These encounters are described in detail in the MN [see Ariyapariyesana Sutta, no. 251, where the Buddha explains his own history of striving to his disciples. The aim of Aiãra’s practices is stated to have been the attainment of Akiflcaflhiäyatana, [the state  76  of nothingness]. Uddaka pursued a doctrine proclaimed by his father, Räma. The point was to attain the state or neither consciousness—nor—unconsciousness [corresponding to the fourthjhäna 38]. 5iddhrtha practiced their methods for liberation and even achieved the, hoped for, exalted states, but, in the end, round such practices limited and hence, not satisfactory. In the Ariyapariyesana Sutta the Buddha says, I, monks, not getting enough from this dhamma [teaching], disregarded and turned away from this dhamma. [I. 154, 209] The PC does not rerer to Siddhãrtha’s encounter with these teachers and thus, leaves out a rormative event in the Buddha’s lire. In the other accounts, it was through such experiences that the Buddha distinguished his own path.  Austeritles  All the sources says that due to the inadequacy or all other methods, Siddhãrtha was forced to rind his own method ror liberation. He is said to have spent six years wandering about the valley or the Ganges, with a group or rive mendicants, submitting himself to rigorous ascetic practices. [see Mahsaccaka sutta or the MN for a detailed description of these austerities.] The PC does not refer to Siddhãrtha’s five companions but does refer to Siddhãrtha’s futile practices. According to the PC, Siddhãrtha reflects upon his practice and realizes that there must be another method for attaining liberation. This reflection is mentioned in all the sources. In the MV, Siddhãrtha says,  Those worthy recluses and brãhmans who undergo unpleasant, bitter, cruel, and severe feelings which assail their souls and their bodies do so to gain perfection, but in no way do they attain it. [MV, II., 125]  Jhãna [Dhyãna in Sktl [absorptionl is a technical term for the progression through certain mental 38 states, the climax of which is a special experience of enhanced physical vitality, usually four stages are distinguished. First, there is the concentration of the mind on a single object. Then, an experience of mental and physical joy and ease, thirdly, just a feeling of ease and lastly, an experience of perfect clarity and equanimity. [Ling 1981, 1151. The Jhãnas are described in the 5ãmañFa—phala sutta of the Digha nikãya. [sutta no.2 of Div. 11  77  According to all the accounts, Siddhãrtha’s change in practice is spurred on by recalling the effective and deep meditation or his childhood seated under the Jambu [rose applel tree at his rather’s ploughing festival [the NK describes the bodhisattva seated in a tent p.  771 In his solitude, he is said to have attained the rirstjhana or meditative  concentration. This rerlection is contained in the MN [see Mahsaccakasutta] where the Buddha discourses with his disciple Aggivessana.  This, Aggivessana, occurred to me: I know that while my rather, the Sakyan, was ploughing, and I was sitting in the cool shade or a rose—apple tree, aloor from pleasures of the senses, aloor rrom unskilled states or mind, entering on the rirst meditation, which is accompanied by initial thought and discursive thought, is born of aloofness, and is rapturous and joyrul, and while abiding therein, I thought: ‘Now could this be a way to awakening.?’ [I. no. 36, 246, p. 3011 The BC similarily mentions,  This is not the way or lire ror passionlessness, ror enlightenment, for liberation. That is the sure procedure which I won that time beneath the Jambu tree. [7:1011  This realization is accompanied by an insight into the importance of regaining strength and taking nourishment for concentration.  This occurred to me, Aggivessana: ‘Now it is not easy to reach that happiness by thus subjecting the body to extreme emaciation. Suppose I were to take material nourishment-boiled rice and sour milk?’ So I, Aggivessana, took material nourishment—boiled rice and sour milk. [MN [Mahsaccakasutta [I. 247, 3011 The BC records a similar reflection:  How can the result to be attained by the mind be reached by a man who is not calmly at ease and who is so worn out with the exhaustion of hunger and thirst that his mind is unbalanced with exhaustion?. [12:1031  78  The PC does not mention such deliberations but states that Siddhrtha’s change in practice was a result or five propitious dreams which indicated the fulfillment or his objective. The NK and MV, also portray Siddhãrtha as having rive dreams berore enlightenment. However, in these accounts the dreams took place arter Siddhrtha had accepted nourishment. The NK states,  The bodhisatta, who had dreamt the rive great dreams that night, arrived at the conclusion, on examining their significance, that without doubt he would become a Buddha that day. [p. 911  The NK and PC do not elaborate upon the content or these dreams. However, we rind the following enigmatic statement in the MV. It says,  Monks, berore the Tathãgata had awakened to complete enlightenment he saw five great visions in dreams. What five? Monks, berore the Tathãgata had awakened to complete enlightenment he dreamt that this great earth was a high vast bed ror him. Sumeru, monarch or mountains, was his pillow. His left arm rested in the eastern ocean, his right in the western, and the soles or his two reet in the southern, This monks, was the first great vision the Tathãgata saw berore he has awakened to enlightenment. When the Tathãgata, monks, as yet had not awakened to enlightenment, he dreamt that the grass called ksTrikã sprouted from his navel and reared up to heaven. This, monks, was the second great vision the Tathãgata saw berore he had awakened to enlightenment. When the Tathãgata, monks as yet had not awakened to enlightenment, he dreamt that reddish creatures with black heads stood covering him from the soles or his feet up to his knee—caps. This monks was third great vision———enlightenment When the Tathãgata, monks, as yet had not awakened to enlightenment, he dreamt that four vultures of different colours came rlying through the air from the four quarters, and having kissed the soles of his feet went away all white. This, monks was the fourth great vision———enlightenment. When the Tathgata, monks, as yet had not awakened to enlightenment, he dreamt that he walked to and fro over a great mountain of dung without being soiled by it. This monks was the fifth great vision———enlightenment. [MV, II., 1331  79  Acceptance or the Milk—rice: According to all the accounts, to gain strength for his meditation, Siddhãrtha accepted milk—rice  [pãyasa] from a young girl. The LV, MV and NK refer to her as Sujãtã. The BC  names her Nandabalã. In the LV and MV, the gods first approached the bodhisattva and suggested that they insert food through his pores. They said,  You can live in full consciousness, for we shall make you absorb divine strength through the pores of your hair. [MV, II., 1261  The bodhisattva refused thinking that he would not be accepting responsibility for his action if he agreed to their offer. Instead, he accepted the milk—rice offered to him by Sujt. Siddhãrtha took the milk—rice Sujtã had prepared and placed in a golden bowl, to the banks of the NairaFjarã river. The BC describes this episode in the following verses:  He [Siddhãrtha] bathed and, as in his emaciation he came painfully up the bank of the NairePijanã, the trees growing on the slope bent low the tips of their branches in adoration to give him a helping hand. At that time on divine instigation, Nandabalã, the daughter of the cowherd chief, went there, joy bursting from her heart. Her delight was enhanced by faith, and her blue—lotus eyes opened wide, as doing obeisance with her head, she caused him to accept milk rice. [12:108—109 and 1111 The NK is considerably different from the other accounts. For, here Siddhãrtha’s meeting with Sujãt is a case of mistaken identity. The bodhisattva is mistaken for a tree deity who has assumed a human form. Sujt is described as daily worshipping a tree—god in return for a boon. On this particular day, approaching the tree to give her daily offering, she sees the bodhisattva gloriously seated under it and mistakes him for her god. Hence, she prepares special milk—rice for him and places it in a most valuable gold bowl.  Overcome with great joy in beholding the bodhisattva, thinking him to be her tree—god she went up to him bowing in a humble manner from the place where she  80  first espied him, and taking down the bowl from her head she uncovered it; and taking, in a golden water—pot, water, perfumed with sweet—smelling flowers, she walked up to the Bodhisatta and stood near him. The earthenware vessel, given by the Great Brahmã Ghatikära, which had remained with the Bodhisatta so long, disappeared at this moment. Not being able to find the bowl, the Bodhisatta stretched out his right hand and accepted the water offered to him. 5ujãt placed in the hand of the Great Being the milk—rice together with the bowl which contained it. [p.92]  According to this account, the Buddha takes this bowl of food to the bank of the NairaFijarã. He eats the food and then, places the golden bowl in the river. Upon doing so, he says,  If I succeed in becoming a Buddha, on this day, let this bowl go upstream; if not, let it go down the current. [NK, 93]  Of course, the bowl is carried forcibly upstream, foreshadowing the bodhisattva’s impending enlightenment. This episode seems to be based on a Jätaka called the Palãsa Jãtaka. Here, a bodhisattva comes to life in the form of a tree spirit and the brahmin who honours this tree spirit is rewarded by the discovery of a buried treasure. [Jãtaka, Ill—I V.,151 We find a strikingly similar episode in the PC. Although, it does not describe the bodhisattva placing the bowl in the river as the confirmation or his enlightenment. According to all the sources, Siddhärtha’s five companions become disillusioned with him, because he has taken nourishment. They leave him and take up residence in the Isipatana park of VãrãnasT.  The five mendicants, holding that he had renounced the holy life, left him, as the five elements leave the thinking soul when it is liberated. [BC 12:114] All the accounts describe Siddhãrtha’s enlightenment as taking place, in solitude, on the banks of the Nairañjarã river. This detail is probably based upon the following excerpt  81  from the MN [see Ariyapariyesana sutta]  .  Here,the Buddha describes to his disciples the  setting for his enlightenment.  Then I, monks, a quester for whatever is good, searching for the incomparable, matchless path to peace, walking on tour through Magadha in due course arrived at Uruvel , the camp township. There I saw a delightful stretch of land and a 39 lovely woodland grove, and a clear flowing river with a delighful ford, and a village for support nearby  So I, monks, sat down just there, thinking:  ‘Indeed this does well for striving’. [I. no.26, 166—167, p. 210—211]  Preparing the seat or Enlightenment: All the biographies state that Siddhãrtha prepared himself a seat made of Darbha grass under a tree, now known as the Bodhi tree [Bo tree], the tree of enlightenment. The BC mentions that he received grass for his seat from a grass—cutter.  Then, after the lordliest of serpents [Kla1 had thus extolled him, he took clean grass from a grass—cutter, and, betaking himself to the foot of the great pure tree, he made a vow for enlightenment and seated himself. [12: 1191  The NK also mentions him receiving grass from a grasscutter and names the grass— cutter, Sotthiya.  At that time a grass—seller named Sotthiya, who was coming from the opposite direction carrying a bundle of grass, offered the great being eight handfuls of grass, impressed with his bearing. [p.91]  The PC differs in mentioning the grass as being deposited by the Lord Brahm. This reference to the god Brahmã bringing grass to the Buddha could be a way of showing the Buddha’s superiority over all beings, over even one of the supreme gods of Hinduism. It could also indicate a different understanding of the Brahm world seen in Buddhist literature. Here, Brahmãs are mentioned; but none of them is regarded as the highest  Uruvi1v or Uruvel in P1i is a locality on the bank of the Nerajarã, in the neighbourhood of the 39 bodhi tree at Buddhagayä. [Mv II., 1191  82  being in all creation. Those who give up their attachments to sense—desires and meditate on Hettã[love], Karunã [compassion], Huditä [sympathetic joy] and Upekkhä [equanimity] are reborn in the 5rahmã world. Thus, the occupants of the 5rahm world are characterized by their interest in, and practice of, meditation. In this light, it seems fitting to have a Brahm support Siddhrtha in his spiritual undertaking. [Story 1972, 26-28]. The PC mentions that the seat or enlightenment faces to the east. The reason for this is explained in the NK. It says,  The seat of meditation of all 8uddha’s is on the eastern side. It trembles not and shakes not. [p.94]  Here, the bodhisattva sits with the firm resolution not to rise until he attains enlightenment.  Then, he took up the supreme, immovable cross—legged posture with his limbs massed together like the coils of a sleeping serpent, saying, ‘I will not rise from this position on the ground until I achieve the completion of my task.’ [8C 12: 120]  Such resolve is similarily stated in the NK. Here, Siddhrtha says,  ‘Let only my skin, sinews and bones remain and let the flesh and blood in my body dry up, but not until  attain the supreme enlightenment will I give up this seat  of meditation’, and he sat down cross—legged on his seat, from which he could not be dislodged even if thunderbolts were hurled at him in the hundreds [pg.941.  According to all accounts, Siddhrtha was praised by the gods as he sat determined for enlightenment.  At this time the deities of the ten thousand world—spheres stood around the Great being singing songs in praise of him. Sakka [Indra], the king of the deites, stood there blowing his conch—shell Vijayuttara. And this shell was two thousand cubits in circumference. When it is sounded once by blowing air into it, its blast lasts four months before the sound finally dies down. The Nãga king  83  O stood singing his praises with over a hundred verses. The Great 4 Mahkla Brahmã stood there bearing the white parasol.  [ NK, 951  The PC also describes the gods praising Siddhrtha before his enlightenment. Moreover, it mentions that these praises alerted the evil lord Mra.  Battle with Mãra What Mãra symbolizes has been discussed at length in the Buddhist tradition. In brief, Mra is symbolic of the hindrances [ãvarana]or obstacles [antarãya] which come in the way of the Buddhist practioner. These can be manifested as internal desires or external nuisances which cause the practioner to stray from the path. l In Barua’s article on 4 Mãra he says,  Mãra represents a particular psychological aspect of man’s nature. What makes a man’s nature particularly human is a certain weakness of the will—power which asserts itself under varying circumstances of human life. This weakness is implanted deep in our nature; it overtakes or is apt to overtake all, though none feel its brunt so strongly as those who try to resist it constantly. It is, thus, through Mra that the Buddhist poets tried to bring the truly human character of the mendicants into prominence. [Barua 1915, 201—2021  It is in this light, that the Buddha associates Mãra’s forces with the mental defilements [KilesasJ These are said to be factors which bring about degeneracy of the human mind and thereby, make more and more remote the prospects of release from the bonds of samsra. [Malasekara 1961, 2531. In the following verses, the Buddha identifies Mra’s forces with these defilements and says,  OAccording to the legend, after eating the milk-rice given by Sujta, Siddhrtha placed the bowl in 4 the river. The bowl then went to the abode of the Nga [serpent] king Mahkãla. Here, it came into contact with the bowls which had been similarily launched by the three previous Buddhas of this Kalpa. [Malalasekara 1Q60, 484] The path refers to the Noble Eightfold Path which leads to the erradication of suffering [duhkhal. Its 41 eight factors are right view, right intention, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness and right concentration. This path is called the middle way between the extremes of indulgence in sense pleasures and self mortification, [Bhikkhu Bodhi 1984]  84  The foremost of your armies is that of Desire, the second is called Dislike, the Third is Hunger/Thirst and the fourth is Craving. The fifth is the army of Lethargy/Laziness and the sixth is Fear. The seventh is Doubt and the eighth is Obstinancy/Restlessness. Then there are also material gain, praise, honour and fame obtained by wrongful means. One may also think highly of oneself and disparage others. [SN [Padhna Sutta] 12—14, 48 This conflict with Mãra under the Bodhi tree is not considered the sole struggle with Mra, for according to the SN [see Mära Samyutta], Mra pursued the Buddha for seven years, six years before and one year after his enlightenment. 42 This encompasses the time after he renounced his worldly life, the time of the struggle for enlightenment, and includes the first year in his career as a teacher, the time he was working towards the establishment of the Dhamma [teaching] and Sangha [Buddhist community]. Mra also visited the Buddha just prior to his death as is recorded in the important Mahparinibbãna Sutta of the DN. Here, he encourages the Buddha to pass into the state or final/complete liberation which is death. He says,  Lord, may the Blessed Lord now attain final Nibbna. Now is the time for the Blessed Lord’s final Nibbãna.... At this the Lord said to Mra—you need not worry Evil One. The Tathãgata’s final passing will not be long delayed. Three months from now, the Tathgata will take rinal Nibbãna. [ii 107, 247] Mãra’s temptations have been elaborated upon in later Buddhist literature. The biographies of the Buddha highlight the extraordinary fortitude and discipline of the Buddha by embellishing Mras forces. Here, distraction is in the form of an army which provides a horrifying opposition to the Bodhisattva. Avaghosa describes this menacing force in the following verses:  The Nlãra Samyutta and Bhikkhuni Samyutta of the Samyutta Nikäya contain the most substantial 42 material on Mära’s temptations in the P1i canon.  85  Having the races or boars, fishes, horses, asses and camels, or the countenances of tigers, bears, lions and elephants, one—eyed, many—mouthed, three—headed, with pendulour bellies and speckled bellies. Without knees or thighs, or with knees as vast as pots, or armed with tusks or talons, or with skulls for faces, or with many bodies, or with half their faces broken off, or with huge visages...[13: 19—201.  According to the PC, Siddhãrtha is assaulted by Mra and his four—limbed army, comprised of elephants, chariots, cavalry and infantry. A four—fold army is also mentioned in the MV. It says,  The wretched Mãra, discomfited, consumed by the sting within him armed his great four—fold army and advanced to the bodhi tree. [MV, II., 264] In the NK, LV and BC, what is emphasized is the magnitude of Mãra’s forces. The NK says,  Mãra’s army in battle array was a column twelve yojanas long in front of him and twelve yojanas each on either flank [to the right and left of him]; behind him it extended as far as the edge of the universe, and upward to the height of nine yojanas. [NK p.95].  The PC mentions that Mra first approached Siddhãrtha on a spectacular elephant called Gin mekhala. The NK is the only other text which associates Mãra with this elephant.  At that time the devaputta Mãra, thinking, ‘Prince Siddhattha wishes to go beyond my control: but I will not give him the opportunity to do so”, went and announced to his forces and marched forward with them uttering the characteristic battle—cry of Mra... The devaputta Mãra, mounted on the elephant called Girimekhala, which was one hundred and fifty yojanas in height, armed himself with diverse weapons creating a thousand hands.  [ p.951  86  According to the PC, Mra used various means to distract Siddhãrtha. First, he caused great noise and dust to disturb the ascetic. Then, he used his flower arrows. When those were ineffective he restorted to a great wind, and finally the arrows of speech. A multi—faceted attack by Mra is also described in the NK. Mra was unable to put the bodhisatta to flight with these nine storms of wind, rain, rocks, missiles, embers, ashes, sand, mud and darkness. He ordered his followers, ‘My men, why do you stand so still? Capture this prince or smite him or put him to flight.’ He, himself, advanced upon the bodhisatta, mounted on the back of Girimekhala, armed with a disc—weapon, and cried out, ‘Rise, Siddhattha, from the seat..,It is not meant for you. It goes to me.’  [ p.971  What is emphasized, in all the accounts, is the complete ineffectuality of such forces on Siddhãrtha’s person. The BC states,  As they stood there in such guise, horrible in appearance and manner, he was no more alarmed by them or shrank before them than before over—excited infants at play. [13:361 Moreover, riara’s forces are said to be transformed when they encounter the bodhisattva. The PC describes Mra’s arrows being turned into flowers. The BC and NK also record such transformations.  But the shower of hot coals, scattered full of sparks at the foot of the Bodhi tree, became a shower of red lotus petals through the exercise of universal benevolance on the part of the best of the sages. [BC, 13:42] Being unable to restrain the vehemence of his temper, Mãra hurled his discus at the Great Being. But it turned into a canopy of garlands and remained above him while he was reflecting on the ten perfections...[NK p.971 The greater and different strength of 5iddhrtha is nicely described in the PC. Here, Mãra’s forces are said to be dispelled by his mere tapping of the earth. This is also highlighted in the MV. It says,  87  He, the Lord of the Bipeds, struck the earth with a hand soft as cotton.... Then, because of the might of the Bodhisattva, Mâra left the neighbourhood of the Bodhi tree.  [ MV, II., 366 1  In the same text, Mãra is said to have been defeated by the sound of 5iddhrtha’s cough.  Mãra, having donned his great armour and coming near to the Bodhisattva was routed by the mere sound of the Bodhisattva’s cough.[ MV, II., 3641 These episodes seem to be based upon a tradition contained in the Mra Samyutta of the SN. Here, Mra is defeated simply upon being known by the Bodhisattva.  Then Mra thought: The Exalted One knows me! The Blessed One knows me!, and sad and sorrowful, he vanished there and then. [SN, I., 1371 Hence, it is the knowledge of Mära and Mra’s forces which render them ineffective. In the later Buddha biographies, the emphasis is not so much on the bodhisattva’s knowledge/wisdom as the means for defeating Mãra’s opposition, but on the bodhisattva being invincible through the cultivation of perfections. According to the LV and NK accounts, the tapping of the earth by the bodhisattva is symbolic of his calling upon the earth to act as a witness to these great virtues.  “Let this great and solid earth, non—sentient as it is, be my witness to the seven hundredfold great alms I gave when I was born as Vessantara ;” and 43 extricating his right hand from underneath the folds of his robe he stretched it out towards the earth saying, “Are you or are you not witness to my having given the seven hundredfold alms in my birth as Vessantara?” And the great earth resounded with a hundred thousand echos as though to overwhelm the forces of Mra, and saying as it were, “I was your witness to it then.”  [ NK, 981  This refers to a very famous Jãtaka describing the Buddha’s last human birth before Buddhahood. 43 Here, King vessantara practiced the perfection of giving [Dna Pãramital by bestowing on his suppliants, not only his wealth, but even his wife and children.  88  The earth responds with great tremblings and these scare Mãra and Mra’s forces. The PC does not include the response of the earth. It simply describes Mra’s army fleeing after the bodhisattva taps the earth. The account contained in the C is slightly different. Here, Mãra’s forces flee after being convinced by ‘Some Great being’ of the futility of their opposition. Then a certain being of high station and invisible form, standing in the sky and seeing that Mãra was menacing the seer, and without cause of enmity was displaying wrath, addressed him with imperious voice: “Mãra, you should not toil to no purpose, give up your murderous intent and go in peace. For this sage can no more be shaken by you than Meru, greatest of mountains, by the wind.” [13:  561. According to the NK and LV, the bodhisattva is lastly approached by beautiful women who tempt him with various pleasures and sensual delights. These women are usually referred to as the daughters of Mra. The C associates them with the psychological phenomena of Discontent [Aratli] Delight [Priti] and Thirst [Trsna]  .  Although  Avaghosa refers to them, he does not describe them tempting Siddhrtha. According to the Lalitavistara, the three daughters are called Pleasure[Rati], Discontent [Arati] and Thirst [Trsnä]. The Pãli canon [see [lãra Samyuttal refers to them as Passion [Ragã], Discontent [Arati] and Thirst [Tanhäj  Here, they approach Siddhãrtha and say,  Is it because you are sunk in grief that you meditate in the woods.? Or, Are you downcast at the loss of wealth? Perhaps, you are desiring wealth.? Or, has some misdeed taken place within the village.? Why don’t you make friends with other folks.? Is there no one with whom you can be friends.? [SN [Mra Samyuttal I. no.5, 156  1  The PC mentions women tempting Siddhãrtha after r1ra’s other forces have failed. They are not, however, identified as Mra’s daughters. In the NK account, the temptation by the daughters of Mra also takes place after Mãra’s opposition has failed. The suggestion is that they feel sorry for their father [Mãral and attempt to do what he has been unable to accomplish. According to this account, the Buddha, after attaining enlightenment, spends seven weeks dwelling under various trees  89  reflecting upon his newfound insights. It is in this context that Mra’s daughters appraoch him.  At that time Tanha, AratT and Rag, the three daughters of Mra, looked for him [rlãra] saying, ‘Our father is not to be seen, where could he be now?’; they saw him, dejected as he was, scratching on the ground. Seeing him, they ran to their father and asked, ‘Father, why are you so sad and down—hearted?.’ My dears, this ereat Recluse, has now passed beyond my control. I have watched for so long, yet have not been able to seen an opportunity to seize him. Therefore, I am sad and down—hearted’. ‘If that be so, do not vex yourself. We will bring him under our power and lead him to you.’ INK, 105]. In the NK, Mra’s daughters tempt the Buddha by taking on the forms of various women:  The daughters of Mãra went up to the Blessed One six times, saying, ‘0 monk, we will attend on you as your wives’, each one having miraculously presented herself in a hundred different guises as virgins, as women who had not borne children, who had given birth to one child, who had two children, or as women in middle age or as elderly women, thinking to themselves, ‘Varied are the expectations of men; some are attracted by virgins, some by women in the prime of youth, some by women in middle age and some others by older women. Let us entice him in all possible ways.’ And the Blessed One paid no attention even to that. [NK, 106, Recent Epoch] This is different from the PC where temptation is in the form of a grand and erotic dance and then, in the form of alluring speeches.  In these speeches, the women make  reference to the self sacrificial quality of the bodhisattva. They refer to his past lives where he gave away his head and eyes for the sake of others. In their attempt at seduction, the women ask Siddhrtha why, when he has been so generous with his being in other contexts, he is now unable to even look at them appreciatively. The NK also mentions this self sacrificial quality of the bodhisattva. Just before being approached by Mra’s daughters, the Buddha is described as having had the following reflection.  90  It is for the sake of this throne of victory that during this long interval I severed my crowned head from my neck and gave it away, gave away my colyrium—painted eyes, tore out the flesh from my heart and gave it away, and gave away to work as slaves for others such sons as Prince Jli, such daughters as Kanhjin and such wives as Princess Madd. [pg. 104 recent epoch NKI The temptation by Mra’s daughters is the first episode in the recent epoch [Santike Nidna] of the NK. This is the only event in the PC narrative which falls outside of the boundaries of the Intermediate epoch [Avidüre Nidna1 as recorded in the NK. Since, the biography of the Buddha contained in the PC ends with Siddhrtha’s overcoming of Mãra, I will not present the details of the Buddha’s life after enlightenment in this work.  This information can be found in the Mahãvagga of the  Vinaya Pitaka and the Majjhima Nikãya [Sutta no.261 of the Sutta Pitaka. 44  According to the legend, after attaining enlightenment the Buddha was unsure whether to teach his 44 new round insights. For, he suspected that the dhamma would be difficult to understand and that people would have resistance to hearing such truths. However, he is persuaded to teach others by  Brahm Sahampati. The legend says, that the Buddha rirst thought of his teachers Alara and Uddaka as suitable to hear the dhamma but was told by the deities that they had recently died. He then thought of his five companions of his wanderings and ascetic practices before his enlightenment. Through his insight he placed them near Vrãnasi [Benaresi in the Deer Park of Isipatana, On seeing him approaching, the ascetics first resolved to treat the Buddha with disrespect, remembering him as the one who had give up strict austerities. However, the five former companions are portrayed as receiving the Buddha with respect, in spite of themselves, and becoming the Buddha’s first disciples.  91  CONCLUSI ON: THE PADYACUDAMANI AS A BIOGRAPHY OF THE BUDDHA: The PadyacOdamani and its relationship to the N1dnakath What comes to light in comparing the PC with these other biographies of the Buddha is its striking similarity to the AvidUre Nidãna [Intermediate Epoch] of the NK account. In fact, it is hard to believe that the author of the PC did not have this portion of the text in hand when composing his work. The following are the similarities between these two texts. The agreement in relatively insignificant details, in details that do not matter much to the central theme [enlightenment] of Buddha biographies is particularly revealing. The NK begins by describing the gods approaching the bodhisattva and imploring him to take birth for the benefit of humankind. This scene is strikingly similar to the one contained in the PC. The NK mentions that, in his youth, the bodhisattva is called upon to prove his skill in weaponry.  We find a similar episode included in the PC. According  to the PC, the bodhisattva continues his journey to the pleasure grove despite seeing the four visions predicted at his birth. This continued journey to the pleasure grove is also included in the PC account.  The NK mentions that Siddhãrtha enjoys himself in the pleasure grove. In this account his mood does not seem to have been effected by the four visions. Similarily, the PC portrays Siddhrtha enjoying himself amongst the various pleasures. Moreover, the NK states that the prince not only plays in a park but also in a pool of the park. The details of his play in both a park and a pool are also found in the PC’s narrative. In the NK, there is a scene which describes the bodhisattva’s disenchantment with worldly life. Here, the bodhisattva is being entertained by the seductive dances of beautiful women and it is at that moment that his disinterest in worldly life is expressed. We find a strikingly similar scene of disenchantment in the PC. The name of Siddhärtha’s charioteer is Channa in the NK. The PC also refers to Siddhrtha’s charioteer as Channa. This deems the PC different from the other Sanskrit biographies [see the BC, MV and LV] where the charioteer is referred to as Chandaka. According to the NK, Anoma, the place to which Siddhartha first flees, is the name of a river, thirty yojanas away. The PC also associates Anoma with a river and specifies it  92  as being thirty yojanas from Kapilã [Kapilavastu]. The NK makes an allusion to the crossing or the river Anom being like the crossing or the ocean or Samsãra. This is also round in the PC. According to the NK, arter abandoning his worldly possessions, the bodhisattva receives ascetic’s attire from a great Brahmã. The PC also refers to a Brahmã depositing the attire or an ascetic for Siddhãrtha. The NK includes the Buddha’s first excursion as a mendicant in its narrative. He is said to have gone to the city of King Bimbisãra. This excursion to Bimbisãra’s city is also present in the PC.  According to the NK, after having received alms in Bimbisãra’s city,  Siddhrtha takes those alms to Mount Pandava. An episode describing the bodhisattva seated on a mountain eating his alms is also included in the PC.  The NK mentions five  dreams that the bodhisattva has before enlightenment. The PC also makes reference to these five dreams. According to all sources, Siddhãrtha receives milk—rice from Sujãtã in order to regain his strength for meditation. The NK contains a peculiar version of this meeting with Sujãtã, which is not found in any other biography of the Buddha. Here, Sujãtã mistakes the bodhisattva for a tree god and worships him with food which is placed in a most valuable golden bowl. A parallel episode is found in the PC. In the NK, the seat of enlightenment is made of grass and is specified as facing the eastern direction. The PC includes both of these details in its narrative. The NK says that the bodhisattva is praised by the gods as he sits determined to attain enlightenment. The PC includes a long description of these praises and also makes reference to Mãra hearing these praises and then becoming aware of the Bodhisattva’s intention. According to the NK, Mãra first approaches the bodhisattva seated upon a magnificent elephant named Sirimekhala. The PC also describes Mãra approaching the bodhisattva seated on this elephant. This elephant is not mentioned in any of the other biographies. In the NK, Mra is defeated when the bodhisattva calls upon the earth to act as a witness to his virtue. This event is included in the PC’s narrative. The NK describes Mãras attack upon Siddhãrtha as a multi—faceted attack.  This is also  highlighted by the author of the PC. According to the NK, when Mära’s forces have failed his daughter’s attempt to distract the bodhisattva. The PC also includes women tempting the bodhisattva after Mra’s troops fail. The NK draws upon various Jãtakas to illuminate the self sacrificial quality of the bodhisattva. In the temptation by Mra’s daughters, contained in the PC, a  93  reference is made to the bodhisattva’s past lives where he gives away his eyes and head for the sake of others. These specific incidents are also mentioned in the NK.  The only narrative detail, found in the PC, which falls outside the bounds of the AvidLire Nidna [Intermediate epoch] of the NK is the temptation by Mra’s daughters. This, however, is the first incident in the Santike Nidna [Recent epoch] and is thematically related to the previous section. The similarity between the NK and the PC is made more interesting by the fact that the prose and word commentaries of the NK have, also, been attributed to Buddhaghosa. However, Buddhaghosa’s authorship of the NK has been questioned because of its very different style from his other works. B.C. Law says,  I have omitted the Jtaka commentary from my list of the works of Buddhaghosa although this may appear to be somewhat astounding to many. A careful comparison or the style and language of the Jtaka commentary with the style and language of the works of Buddhaghosa shows convincingly that the Jtaka commentary was not the composition of Buddhaghosa. [Hazra 1991, 1211.  Winternitz agrees with Law and also questions Buddhaghosa’s authorship of the Dhammapada commentary. He says,  In the case of these two works the term ‘commentary’ is indeed as ill—suited as the expression ‘author’. For, in both these works only very little space is taken by the commentary, i.e. the grammatical and lexical explanation of the verses, whereas stories, more precisely, sermons in the form of stories form the main constituent. [1983 II., 1861  These comments about the peculiarity of style of the Jtaka and Dhammapada commentaries could, all the more, be applied to the PC which distinguishes itself in being Buddhaghosa’s only poem and only Sanskrit work. In the following section I would like to present the legend surrounding Buddhaghosa’s life to give a more clear picture of why the PC would be an unusual work for him. What I would like to suggest is that Buddhaghosa’s name has been associated with the PC, not because Buddhaghosa was the author of this text, but because this text corresponded so closely with the NK account which was ascribed to Buddhaghosa. This  94  name could have been given by the author as a recognition of his/her indebtedness to this work or by someone else who recognized the similarities between these two biographical accounts.  BHADANTACARIYA 8UDDHAGHOSA The legend surrounding Buddhaghoa’s life: Very little is known about Buddhaghosa’s life. The little information that is available comes primarily from two sources, the Mahvarna, [late 5th—6th century AD.], a historical piece on the chronology of the Sinhalese Kings, and the Buddhaghosuppatti, composed in Burma 45 by an elder called Mahãmañgala, probably in the fifteenth century. Both these sources highlight that Buddhaghosa was formerly a brahmin who, upon being impressed by a Buddhist monk Revata, converted to Buddhism.  There was a Brahman student who was born near the site of the Enlightenment Tree. He was acquainted with the arts and accomplishments of the sciences and was qualified in the Vedas. He was well versed in what he knew and unhesitant over any phrase, Being interested in doctrines, he wandered over Jambudipa [India) engaging in disputation. He came to a certain monastary, and there in the night he recited Patajali’s system with each phrase complete and well rounded. The senior elder there, Revata by name, recognized, ‘This is a being of great understanding who ought to be tamed’. He said ‘Who is that braying the ass’s bray?’. The other asked, ‘What then, do you know the meaning of the ass’s bray?.’ The elder answered, ‘I know it’, and he then not only expounded it himself, but explained each statement in the proper way and also pointed out contradictions. The other then urged him, ‘Now expound your own doctrine’, and the elder repeated a text from the  This interest in Buddhaghosa by the Burmese Buddhists is due to the fact that Buddhaghosa is 45 credited with bringing the Buddha’s teachings to Burma. The Burmese tradition says that after  Buddhaghosa finished his work in Sri Lanka he went to Burma. Scholars doubt this as a historical fact. Nevertheless, it is clear that his works, like the visuddhimagga and Atthasãlini, influenced Buddhism in Burma from a very early time [Hazra 1991, 98. Also see Rahula 1956].  95  , but the visitor could not solve its meaning. He asked, ‘Whose 46 Abhidhamma system is this?’, and the elder replied, ‘It is the Enlightened One’s system’. ‘Give it to me’, he said, but the elder answered, ‘you will have to take the going forth into homelessness.’ So he took the going forth, since he was interested in the system  [Mahavmsa, ch.37, vs. 215—47].  The Mahvarna states that after his conversion to Buddhism, Buddhaghosa wrote a book entitled Nnodaya [the arising of knowledge] and then a commentary upon the 47 called the AtthaslinT. He then began to compile a commentary upon DhammasañganT the Paritta, but was advised to go to Sri Lanka, for only there was the commentarial 48 tradition preserved.  [ KR. Norman 160].  Revata says-  Here only the text has been preserved. There is no commentary here, and likewise no Teachers’ Doctrine; for that has been allowed to go to pieces and is no longer known. However, a Sinhalese commentary still exists, which is pure. It was rendered into Sinhalese tongue by the learned Mahinda with proper regard for the way of commenting that was handed down by the three Councils as taught The Theravda tradition deems the Abhidhamma the domain proper of the Buddhas. Its initial 46 conception in the Buddha’s mind, according to the Atthasàlinl, is traced to the time immediately after the great enlightenment. It was on the fourth of the seven weeks spent by the Buddha in the environ of the Bodhi tree that the Abhidhamma was conceived [Nyanaponika 1949, 2—3]. The Dhammasañgani is the first book of the seven books of the Abhidhamma Pitaka. It consists of 47 an enumeration of various possible psychic elements or dhammas and brings together into systematic arrangement terms which occur throughout earlier books of the Sutta Pitaka. [Dharmasena 1963, 5]. The Paritta [in Pãli, Paritrãna in Sanskrlt and Pint [Pirithi in Sinhala] consist of twenty four discourses selected from the five Nikya’s. These discourses are said to give protection to those who listen to them or recite them. [Piyadassi 1975, 12]. The Pitakas or teaching of the Buddha which were being handed down orally were committed to 48 writing in 397 B.E [ 87 B.C I in Sri Lanka. The commentaries on these, composed in Sinhalese, were also committed to writing at this time. Since this period much by way of exegetical work in Sinhalese was added and during the next five hundred years literary activity progressed considerably. By about 896 B.E. [410 A.DI, when king Mahãnãma reigned at Anurdhapura, the fame of Buddhist literature in Sri Lanka was recognized throughout India. Tradition mentions Sinhalese Buddhist monks visiting India, China and other countries and introducing the literature produced in Sri Lanka. Also, monks from India and China were said to have visited Anurädhapura to procure Buddhist books. It was about this time that Buddhaghosa Thera came to Sri Lanka. [Perera 1988, 381  96  by the Enlightened One and inculcated by Sriputta and others. Go there, and alter you have learnt it translate it into the language of the Magadhans . 49 That will bring benefit to the whole world’. As soon as this was said, he [Buddhaghosa] made up his mind to set out. [Mahvarna 37, 2 15—471 Buddhaghosa is said to have arrived in Sri Lanka during the reign of King Mahãnãma [409—431] and stayed at the Mahvihãra monastary in Anurãdhapura [Perera 1985,  391. It  is here that he is said to have worked on his numerous translations of the Sinhalese Atthakaths [commentaries]. The Atthakathãs are best described as exegetical treatises on the texts of the Pli canon. Their main objective was to explain difficult words and obtruse points of doctrine that occur in the texts and also to give additional explanatory information, wherever it was deemed necessary. [Malalasekara 1928, 891 In this light, Buddhaghosa’s role was not to be a original thinker or to create original works, but to faithfully translate those texts which elucidated the teachings of the Buddha. However, in so far as Buddhaghosa selected to leave out materials from the Sinhalese literature, which he felt were unecessary or repetitive, he has also been deemed creative of the Pãli Buddhist tradition.SO Thus, Malalasekara says, Faced often with conflicting views, contradictory assertions, and sometimes incompatible doctrines, he [Buddhaghosal had to expunge, abridge, enlarge, and make new a commentary of his own. [Malalasekara 1928, 93]  The original language of the canon is said to have been MãghadhT, the language of the Magadhans, 49 among whom the doctrine was first spread. But the present scriptures are preserved by the Sinhalese, Burmese and Thai in a dialect known from the time of the commentaries as Pli [lit, text of the scriptures.]. There is no general agreement among scholars as to the district where this dialect originated [Thomas 1931, 191.  OThe old Sinhalese commentaries from which Buddhaghosa drew material for the compilation of the 5 Päli commentaries are occassionally named in his works. The Mahã [or mOlal Atthakathã occupied the foremost position among them while the Mahpaccari Atthakath and the Kurundi Atthakathä were also important. These three major works probably contained exegetical material on all the three Pitakas. Apart from these there were other works like the Sankhepatthakathä, Vinayatthakath, Abhidhammatthakathã and separate commentaries on the four Nikyas. References to numerous other sources like the Andhakatthakathã, the Acariy [or teachers] and the Pornã [or Ancient masters] are also found in Buddhaghosa’s works. Buddhaghosa’s commentaries become all the more important since the old Sinhalese commentaries gradually went out of vogue and were completely lost after the tenth century [ Perera 1988, 40].  97  Buddhaghosa’s works What is highlighted by the legend surrounding Buddhaghosa’s life is his keen interest in the Buddha’s teachings. We are told that upon hearing the dharma [teachings] he was inspired to write and reflect upon these insights. Thus, it is not surprising that he is credited with a great number of works whose objective is the clarification of the Buddha’s words. The works traditionally ascribed to Buddhaghosa are commentaries on the Vinyapitaka [Samantapsãdikã], the DTghanikya [Sumangalavi lãsinT], the Majjhimanikya [PapacasüdanT], the 5amyuttanikya [SratthappakãsinT] and the Añguttaranikya [Manorathaparani]. Perhaps his most famous work is the Visuddhimagga [the path of purification] which serves as a manual for meditation. Moreover in the Gandhavarna, probably written in Burma in the seventeenth century, the commentaries Kankhãvitarani [to the Ptimokkhas], Paramatthakath [to the seven books of the Abhidhamma pitaka] and the commentaries to the Khuddakapãtha, to the Dhammapada, to the Suttanipta, to the Jãtaka and to the Apadna are ascribed to him. [Winternitz 1983 Vol.2, 185] As was mentioned before, the Jtaka and Apadna commentaries have been questioned as authentic works of Buddhaghosa due to their very different style and language.  According to the legend, Buddhaghosa was a Buddhist scholar. That is to say, his primary interest was in elucidating the Buddha’s reflections and teachings. From the presentation of the PC’S narrative, it is obvious that this was not the primary concern of its author. For, the author of this text often leaves out, or scantily mentions, those events in the Buddha’s life which are characteristically Buddhist. We find no reflections on Siddhrtha’s disenchantment with worldly life or his struggle to find a path for liberation recorded in this poem. Furthermore, the author is not concerned with presenting a comprehensive account of the Buddha’s life, for he often excludes important details and formative events recorded in the other Buddha biographies. In the following discussion, I will note what has been exluded or scantily dealt with by the author of the PC. This will support the position that this text should not be considered primarily as a Buddhist work. It also raises doubts as to whether this work is indeed that of the Buddhist scholar Bhadantcariya Buddhaghosa.  98  THE PECULIARITIES OF THE PADYACUDAMANI: Why the PC is primarily not a Buddhist work: According to the Buddhist tradition, a bodhisattva is an extraordinary being. The author of the PC highlights this fact by recording the many miracles that take place at the bodhisattva’s birth. However, he fails to mention many details, included in the other biographies, which exemplify this point, For example, the PC does not mention the dream Queen My had before Siddhãrtha’s conception. In this dream, an elephant enters her side. This incident symbolizes the immaculate nature of the conception. Nor, does the PC mention the length of Queen Myã’s pregnancy which is specified as being an unusual, ten months,  Furthermore, the PC describes the bodhisattva’s birth as taking  place in a very ordinary manner. According to this account, the child is born in the inner apartments of the palace, along with attendants. The other biographies state that Queen Mãy gives birth standing up in the LumbinT grove. The PC also fails to mention the newborn’s extraordinary characteristics. For, he is said to be possessed of the thirty two marks of a great man. This highlights the belief, contained in the Pall canon, that the Buddha is one in a line of Buddhas and hence, can be distinguished by his characteristic markings. Moreover, the PC does not mention that, upon this baby’s birth, he is supposed to have articulated the knowledge that he is the Buddha —to— be. Since the emphasis in the PC is on illuminating the joy that King uddhodana and Queen Mãyã feel at the bodhisattva’s birth, there is no mention of Queen Maya’s death one week after the birth of her son.  According to the tradition, all mothers of bodhisattvas die  one week after giving birth. Due to the absence of this detail, the PC does not mention Mahaprajapati GautamT [the younger sister of Queen Mayai, who is, in the other biographies, given credit for raising the bodhisattva.  A very significant absence in the  PC is its failure to mention the visit by the Sage Asita. Asita is able to read the signs of a great man and, through such powers, prophesied that this newborn will be the saviour of human beings. The PC also leaves out the visit by the brahmins who predict that Siddhartha will see certain signs that will lead him to enlightenment. With these absences, it is not clear why the prince has been indulged in pleasure and protected from distressing and painful situations. Although, the PC’s narrative includes Siddhãrtha’s sight of these four prophesied visions, it only makes a brief reference to this episode and does not investigate the psychological impact these sights may make on Siddhartha,  99  According to the PC, after seeing these visions Siddhãrtha continues his pleasure outing. The author describes, in great detail, Siddhrtha’s play in the pleasure grove. From this presentation it is not apparent that these visions have had any impact on Siddhrtha’s being. For, we find no articulation of disillusionment with these pleasures or any indication of a growing disenchantment with his present state. The PC fails to mention Rhula’s birth, which is said to have taken place on the very day that Siddhrtha decides to renounce his princely life. This episode illustrates the inevitable and human pain involved in the bodhisattva’s committment to enlightenment. The PC briefly mentions that Siddhãrtha became engaged in severe ascetic practices as he forged his path to enlightenment. However, it does not mention such important and formative details as his meeting with his first teachers or his wanderings with his five companion ascetics. Although the PC states that Siddhãrtha was engaged in practices which were not conducive to enlightenment it does not give reasons as to why these practices were ineffective or provide us with any reflections that Siddhrtha may have had as he sought to change his method. In describing the battle with Mra on the banks of the Nairajar which is, according to all the biographies, an event that takes place before enlightenment, the PC simply presents a heroic episode where the army of the Evil Lord is overcome by the fortitude of the bodhisattva. Such a presentation of the Mra—bodhisattva episode is lacking in its Buddhist associations which can be found in the other biographical accounts. Here, the focus is on a horrifying, four—limbed army, comprised of elephants, chariots, cavalry and infantry and not the ten psychological defilements which are. deemed ‘Mra’s army in other texts. The symbol of Mãra is used in a very different way in Buddhaghosa’s other works. For example, in the Visuddhimagga, Buddhaghosa illuminates how Mra can be utilized to explain the characteristics of a Bhagava or enlightened one:  He [the Buddha] can be called this because the following menaces have been abolished by him. He has abolished all the hundred thousand kinds of trouble, anxiety and defilement classed as greed, hatred and delusion, and as misdirected attention, as anger and enmity, as contempt and domineering, as envy and avarice, as deceit and fraud, as obduracy and presumption, as pride and haughtiness, as vanity and negligence, as craving and ignorance; as the three roots of the unprofitable, kinds of misconduct, defilement, stains, fictitious perceptions, applied thoughts, bonds, bad ways, cravings and clingings; as the  100  five wildernesses in the heart, shackles in the heart, hindrances, and kinds of d delight; as the six roots of discord, and groups or craving; as the seven inherent tendencies; as the eight wrongnesses; as the nine things rooted in craving; as the ten courses of unprofitable action; as the sixty two kinds of [false] view; as the hundred and eight ways of behaviour or craving-or in brief the five Mra’s, that is to say, the Mãra’s of defilement, of the aggregates, and of kamma formations, Mra as deity and Mära as death. [Visuddhimagga VII 59]  Here, Mra is fivefold; associated with the defilements, the aggregates l [khandha] 5 Kamma, death and a deity. Such an understanding of Mãra is discussed at length in James Boyd’s book entitled, Satan and Mãra. Here, he draws upon discussions found in the ravakabhiimi of Asañga and the Mahprajipãramitaãstra ascribed to Nagarjuna [see Boyd 1975, 108—111]. Boyd shows how this reference to a plurality of Mãra is a way of highlighting the Buddhist insight into the extent of pain and suffering that characterize samsãric experience. For we are trapped by the Evil lord Mãra through our psychological states [defilements], through our wrong conceptualization of self [the skhandhas], through our actions which further promote suffering experience [kamma], through our adherence to an everending cycle of death and birth, and because most of our experience seems out of our control, that is to say, under the lordship of some evil lord, like Mãra. Thus, Mra becomes an important way of talking about both our suffering experience and the possibility to break from this state. In the following passage, the Buddha teaches his disciples by identifying the conditions for Mra’s power. He says,  The pleasure seeker who finds delight in physical objects, whose senses are unsubdued, who is immoderate in eating, indolent and listless, him Mra [the Evil One] prevails against, as does the monsoon wind against a weak rooted tree. He who perceives no pleasure in physical objects, who has perfect control over the senses, is moderate in eating, who is unflinching in faith, energetic, him  5 ‘What  is illuminated here is the dangers involved with identifying the five khandhas [the five  khandas are the aggregate of matter [rOpakkhandhal, the aggregate of sensations [vedanakkhandhal, the aggregate of perceptions [saññakkhandha], the aggregate of mental formations [sarnkhãrakkhandhal and the aggregate of consciousness [viññãnakkhandha]], with the notion of a permanent and unchanging self. For this identification will inevitably result in suffering due to the inherently impermanent nature of these constituent parts. [Rahula 1959, 2 1—281  101  Mãra does not prevail against any more than does the wind against a rocky mountain. [Dhammapada vs. 7 and 81  In this light, how Mra is understood by the PC may indicate the the unlikelihood or the PC being a text by Buddhaghosa. For, we can see that Buddhaghosa was clearly aware or the Buddhist insights revealed through the Mra symbol. The description or Mãra presented in the PC seems to be strangely physical ror one so well versed in the meanings or the Buddhist tradition. Moreover, the author or the PC does not explore the content or the bodhisattva’s enlightenment or what has been overcome ror enlightenment. He simply states that Siddhãrtha, arter overcoming Mãra, is now rree. Buddhaghosa’s other works are keenly interested in the experience or liberation and what is overcome ror this experience. [see the Visuddhimaggal.  5uddhaghoa’s only poem:  The PC is also peculiar in being Buddhaghosa’s only poem. The poetic rocus or this work is exempliried by the choice or a title ror this work. For, in deeming it the crest jewel or poetry, the author gives us no indication or the subject matter or this work. Instead, he highlights his objective which is to create a superior work or poetry Z 5  .  This dirrers  rrom the other biographies or the Buddha which attempt to suggest the subject matter or the works through the titles. It seems that ror this author there was nothing particularly inspiring about the Buddha’s lire. He simply picked a well known story that had poetic potential. To create his poetry, the author presents Siddhãrtha’s lire as a series or selected and embellished moments instead or a detailed and comprehensive account. He selects those events which he sees as having poetic potential such as Siddhãrtha’s youth, his marriage, his play in the pleasure grove, his battle with Mära, and provides these events with elaborate description, Moreover, he inserts descriptions or the seasons and the setting or the sun and rising or the moon within the narrative or the PC which, although not intrinsic to the Buddha’s lire, are suggested by Dandin as ingredients ror a Mahãkvya.  is possible that this title was given to the work by another person. Nevertheless, the choice of title is significant. It highlights the fact that what was appreciated about this work was its poetry.  102  The objective of such poetry is to range over the whole field of human experience and thus, all the ends of human existence should be explored by the poet. These ends are traditionally refered to as Art ha [wealth, including power], Käma [pleasure], Dharma [virtue] and 1’loksa [release from transmigratory existence]. Warder notes that because of such a convention, the story tends to lose its individual character and to become a general expression of the pursuit of these ideals, a generalized symbol of human endeavour. [Warder 1972, 171  ]. Thus, the author does not simply present the buddha  legend as a story of renunciation but illuminates Siddhrtha in all his youthful glory, in his love for Yaodharã, enjoying himself amongst various pleasures, and in his fortitude against the frightening and powerful opposition of Mra. Correspondingly, because the focus is on the universal experience rather than the particular, it is fitting that the author of the PC has not included too many of Siddhrtha’s personal reflections or specific and defining characteristics in this work. This poetic focus is uncharacteristic of Buddhaghosa’s other works and hence, the PC is abberant in its style and expression.  Buddhagho5a’s only Sanskrlt work: The PC is also unique in being written in Sanskrit, for uddhaghosa is renowned as a Pli scholar. The significance of Buddhagosa’s role in the elevation and revitalization of the Pali language is discussed tangentially, in Steve Collin’s article “On the very idea of the Pli Canon.” Here, he highlights the importance of the rivalry between the Abhayagiri and Mahvihrin monks to the formation of the canon. He shows how the construction of a closed body of literature, like the Pali canon, should be seen as linked to a strategy of self definition and self legitimation by the Mahvihrin monks [Collins 1990, 10].  As it was first used, the term Mahãvihra was appropriately applied to the first great monastary at Anurãdhapura, established by Devnampiya Tissa. The monks residing at the Mahãvihra were naturally called Mahvihravsins, ‘Residents of the Mahvihra’. Originally, all the Bhikkhus [monks] in Sri Lanka, wherever they lived, owed their ecclesiastical allegiance to the Mahãvihra at Anurdhapura; and thus all monastaries were affiliated to the great monastary as its branches. In the course of time, however, the unity of the Buddhistsangha [community] was disturbed. In the first century C.E., we find the rise of the Abhayagiri monks. These monks had begun to study the new  103  Mahäyna ideas from India which were written in Sanskrit. In the fourth century, another dissenting branch called the Jetavana came into view. Thus, the term Mahãvihãrin became particularized. The Mahãvihrin monks, became those monks committed to a strict orthodoxy based on the Pãli language who provided an opposition to the rival monks of the Abhayagiri monastary who publicly studied the new, Sanskrit texts from India. [Rahula 1956, 3031 Buddhaghosa’s association with the Mahavihärin monks is clear, for in all the works that have been accepted as his we find an attached postcript. This postcript mentions the title of the work, Buddhaghosa’s name, and his affiliation with the Great Monastary [Mahãvihãral  .  One can see an example of this in the Visuddhimagga.  This path of Purification [Visuddhimaggal was made by the elder who is adorned with supreme and pure faith, wisdom and energy, in whom are gathered a concourse of upright, gentle, etc., qualities due to the practice of virtue, who is capable of delving into and fathoming the views of his own and others’ creeds, who is possessed of keenness of understanding, who is strong in unerring knowledge of the Master’s dispensation as divided into the three Pitakas with their commentaries, a great expounder, gifted with sweet and noble speech that springs from the ease born of perfection of the vocal instrument, a speaker of what is appropriately said, a superlative speaker, a great poet, an ornament to the lineage of the elders who dwell in the Great Monastary [Mahãvihãral and who are shining lights in the lineage of elders with unblemished enlightenment in the superhuman states that are embellished with the special qualities of the six kinds of direct—knowledge and the categories of discrimination, who has abundant purified wit, who bears the name Buddhaghosa conferred by the venerable ones, and who should be called of Morandacetaka . [p.7421 53  Nãnomoli adds that this postscript was probably appended, presumably contemporaneously, by the Great Monastary at Anurãdhapura in Sri Lanka as their official seal of approval. [F’ianamoli [Visuddhimagga 1991 [5th edl, 291  other readings are Moraridakhataka, rludantakhedaka, and Morandakhetaka. The exact location has 53 not yet been identified. Nãnamoli says this name refers) most probably, to Buddhaghosa’s birth place [visuddhimagge, note 8 of introduction].  104  Thus, Buddhaghosa’s creativity was very closely linked to the mission of the Mahvihrin monks which was to establish Pli as the language of Buddhism and thereby, secure their influence. In this light, it would be almost blasphemous for Buddhaghosa to write in Sanskrit and hence, a text like the PC seems all the more peculiar as his work.  Is Bhadantãcarlya 5uddhaghoa the author or the Padyacaman1? As has been mentioned earlier, there are some reasons to associate the authorship of the Padyacidmani with Bhadantãcariya Buddhaghosa. The editors highlight the significance or the Southern origin or the PC’s manuscripts, for Buddhaghosa is renowned in the Southern [Theravda] school of Buddhism  They also mention that the  style of poetry contained in the PC could coincide with the dates of Bhadantäcariya Buddhaghosa who lived in the fifth century CE. Moreover, from the legend surrounding Buddhaghosa’s life we are told that Buddhaghosa was a Brahmin who converted to Buddhism. This fact could help explain the many brahmanical references found within the PC. However, from this brief discussion it becomes evident that the PC differs, in some significant ways, from Buddhaghosa’s other writings. It differs in style, for it is not a commentary but a piece of poetry.  It differs in language, for it is written in Sanskrit  rather than Pli. It is conspicuosly absent from the traditional list of Buddhaghosa’s works found in the Gandhavarna. It is also devoid of the characteristic postscript appended to his other works which marks the seal of approval of the Mahvihrin monastary. Moreover, what is obvious from the presentation of the narrative of this text, is that the author was not concerned with creating a Buddhist work but a piece of poetry. This attitude is peculiar in light of what we know about the Pli scholar Bhadantcariya Buddhaghosa. For, his other writings focus, primarily, on illuminating the Buddha’s insights. Thus, it would seem that there are good grounds to question whether the renowned Päli scholar, Bhadantcariya Buddhaghosa, was indeed the author of the PC.  As I have state earlier, I think that the association of Buddhaghosa’s name with this work was a way of indicating the author’s indebtedness to the Nidnakath account. This name could have been given by the author himself/herself or by someone who recognized the similarities between these two works. There is also the possibility that  105  there could have been a poet named uddhaghosa who was named after the Pli scholar uddhaghosa. Alter all, it is not unusual for the names of famous people to be given to children.  106 REFERENCES  Primary Sources: Acharya, M. Ranga and 5. Kuppuswami astri. 1921. PadyacUdmani  or  Buddhaghosäcarya.  Madras: Governement Press.  Cowell, E. B. 1895. The Jtaka or stories of the Buddha’s Former Births. 3 Vols. [1990 Edition]. Delhi: Low Price Publications. De Foucaux, P.E. 1988. Le Lalitavistara. Paris: Les Deux Oceans.  Geiger, Wilhelm. 1964. The Mahãvama [the Great Chronicle of Ceylon]. London: Luzac and Col. For the Pall Text Society [reprint].  Guruge, Ananda W. P. 1989. Mahavama. [The Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka]. The Associated Newspapers of Ceylon.  Homer, I. B. 1951. Vinaya Pitaka [the Book of the Discipline]. Vol. IV [Mahvagga] [1962 edition]. London: Luzac and co. [Vol 13 of Sacred Books of the Buddhists] 1954  Majjhima Nikäya [the Book of the Middle Length Sayings]. Vol.1, [1993  edition] Oxford: Antony Rowe Ltd. For the Pali Text Society. Jayawickrama, N. A. 1990. The Story of Gotama Buddha [Jtaka Nidna]. Oxford: Antony Rowe Ltd. For the Pall Text Society.  Johnston, E. H. 1936. The Buddhacarita or Acts of the Buddha. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. [1984 edition]. Jones, J. J. 1952. Mahvastu., Vol.2.  London: Luzac and Co. Vol.18 of Sacred Books of  the Buddhists.  Kale, M. R. 1972. The Raghuvama of Kälidsa, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.  107  Khoroche, Peter. 1989. Once the Buddha was a Monkey [Aryara’s Jtakam1]. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.  Rinamoii [Bhikkhu]. 1991. [5th ed. first published 19641 The Path of Purification [Visuddhimagga]. Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society. Piyadassi [Thera]. 1975. The Paritta [The Book of Protection]. Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society.  Rhys Davids, C. 1952. [first published 1922] Samyutta Nikya [the Book of the Kindred Sayings]. Vol.1 London: Luzac and Co. For the Pali Text Society.  Saddhatissa, H. 1985. The Sutta Nipta. London: Curzon Press.  Speyer, J. S. 1895. Thus Have I Heard [The Long Discourses of the Buddha (DTgha Nikãya)1 London: Wisdom Publications.  Woodward, F.L. 1960. [first published 19321 Anguttara Nikãya [the Book of the Gradual Sayings]. Vol.1 London: Luzac and Co. For the Pali Text Society.  Dictionaries:  Apte, V. S. 1965. [3rd Edition]. The Practical Sanskrit—English Dictionary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.  Ling, Trevor. 1981. A Dictionary of Buddhism. Delhi: K. P. Bagchi and Co.  Malalasekera, 6. P. 1960. The Dictionary of Pali Proper Names [2 Vols.] London: Luzac and Co. For the Pall Text Society.  1961.  Encyclopedia of Buddhism.  Colombo: Government of Ceylon.  Mani, Vettam. 1989, Purnic Encyclopedia. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.  108  Monier—Wi 11 iams, Monier. A Sanskrit—Engl ish Dictionary. 1899. [Reprint 19861. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.  Nyanatiloka. 1972. Buddhist Dictionary. Colombo: Frewin and Co. Stutley, Margaret and James. 1977, A Dictionary of Hinduism. Its Mythology, Folklore and Development. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Secondary Sources:  Barua, B. M. 1915. “Mra” In the Buddhist Review. Vol. VII [Reprint 19681. London: Kraus Reprint Ltd.  Basham, A.L. 1954. The Wonder that was India. New Delhi: Rupa and Co.  Bechert, Heinz. 1991. “The Dating of the Historical Buddha.” In Die Datierung des Historischen Buddha, Part 1.  Bodhi, Bhikkhu. 1984. The Noble Eightfold Path. Sri Lanka: The Wheel Publication, no. 308/311.  Boyd, James. 1975. Satan and Mãra.  London: E.J. Brill.  Brewster, E. H. 1926. The Lire or Gotama the Buddha. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Caitanya, Krishna. 1962. A New History or Sanskrit Literature. London: Asia Publishing House.  1965. Sanskrit Poetics. New York: Asia Publishing House.  Collins, Steve. 1990. “On the Very Idea of the Pli Canon.” In Journal of the P1i Text Society, XV.  109 Dharmasena, C.B. 1963. Aids to the Abhidhamma Philosophy. Kandy; Buddhist Publication Society.  Dimmitt, Cornelia., and J.A.B Van Buitenan. 1978. Classical Hindu Mythology. Philadelphia: Temple University.  Foucher, A.. 1949. The Life of the Buddha according to the Ancient Texts and Monuments or India, Wesleyan University Press.  Geiger, Wilhelm. 1943. Pli Language and Literature. [1978 Editionl. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp.  Geunther, Herbert V. 1976,  Philosophy and Psychology in the Abhidamma.  Berkeley:  Shambala Publications.  Govinda, Anagarika. 1961, [Reprint 1991] The Psychological Attitude of Early Buddhist Philosophy. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.  Haldar, 3. R. 1977. Early Buddhist Mythology.  Delhi: Manohar Book Services.  Hazra, Kanai Lal. 1991. Studies on Pli Commentaries.  Delhi: B. R. Publishing  Corporation.  Ingalls, Daniel H.H. 1972. Sanskrit Poetry from Vidyãkaras Treasury. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.  Joshi, V. P. 1976. The Complete Works of K1idsa. Leiden: E. J. Bri11. Kern, H. 1968. Manual of Indian Buddhism. Delhi: Indological Book House. Khosla, Sarla. 1989. The Historical Evolution of the Buddha Legend.  Delhi: Intellectual  Publishing House.  1991. Lalitavistara and the Evolution of the Buddha Legend. Delhi: Galaxy Publications.  110  Krom, N. J.  1974. The Life of Buddha on the Stupa of Barabudur according to the  Lalitavistara Text.  Varanasi: Bhartiya Publishing House.  Lienhard, Siegfried. 1984. “A History of Classical Poetry Sanskrit—Pãli—Prakrit.” in A History of Indian Literature. Otto Harrassowitz: Wiesbaden. Vol. III, Fasc. 1. Ling, Trevor. 1962. Buddhism and the Mythology of Evil. London: Allen and Unwin. Malalasekera. 1928. The Pali Literature of Ceylon. Colombo: M.D. 6unasena and Co. Ltd. Murcott, Susan. 1991. The First Buddhist Women. Berkeley: Parallax Press. Norman, K. R. 1983. “Pli Literature.” In A History of indian Literature. Otto Harrassowitz: Wiesbaden. Vol. VII, Fasc. 2.  Nyanaponika [Thera]. 1949. Abhidhamma Studies. Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society.  1986. The Vision of Dhamma. London: Rider.  O’Flaherty, Wendy Doniger. 1975.  Hindu Myths. London: Penguin Books.  Oldenberg, Herman. 1882. The Buddha, his Life, his Doctrine, his Order. London: Williams and Northgate.  Perera, H. R. 1988. Buddhism in Sri Lanka: A Short History. Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society.  Rahula, Bhikkhu Telwatte. 1978. A Critical Study of the Mahãvastu. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.  Rahula, Walpola. 1956. History of Buddhism in Ceylon. Colombo: M. D. 6unasena and Co. 1959. What the Buddha Taught. New York: Grove Weidenfeld.  111 Renou, Louis. 1964. Indian Literature. New York: Walker and Co. Rhys Davids, T. W. 1896.  History and Literature of Buddhism. [fifth Edition: 19621.  Calcutta: Susil Gupta Ltd.  Saddhatissa, H. The Life of the Buddha. 1976. London: Unwin Paperbacks, Sarkar, Sadhan Chandra. 1990. Studies in the Common Jtaka and Avadãna Tales. Calcutta: Sanskrit College.  Seth, Ved. 1992. Study of Biographies of the Buddha. Delhi: Akay Book Corporation.  Sharma, Sharmistha. 1985. Buddhist Avadna. New Delhi: Eastern Book Linkers. Shastri, M. C. 1986. Buddhistic Contribution to Sanskrit Poetics. Delhi: Parimal Press. Story, Francis. 1972. Gods and the Universe: Essays in Buddhist Cosmology. Kandy: The Wheel Publication No. 180-81.  Thomas, Edward J. 1931. The Life of the Buddha as Legend and History. London: Kegan Paul.  Warder, A. K. 1970. Indian Buddhism. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.  1972. Indian Kävya Literature. Vol.1 Delhi:  Winternitz, Maurice.  1983. “Buddhist and Jam  Motilal Banarsidass.  Literature.” In A History of Indian  Literature., Vol II. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.  ) 0  cC  d  0  lii Pu  -D  =  m  -l  >  >  z  -I  m  CD U)  CD —3  D  CD  z  >  >1  CI  C-)  >  -  m  -I  1  U) 0  (I) Ill  m xl  #,  6  <  =  I’H  rir  1’H  ‘  •1ll 11,  U) CD  ..  —4  i’  ‘-I  CD  Z3  -o  CD 0)  -,  0  0.  CD  o  Z3• CD  -H  •o  z  Ill  -U  >  113  [The poet describes King uddhodana with twenty verses]  U o3c4  --:  c$,4.fç5c4  [-o]  [cui1: I  [3 irftfi iici -fTT qu1qf][(39•-’3E] [Then the poet describes Queen Mäy with twenty flve verses]  cI’1I  411-1i i1iiI -1q-yii: ‘3”3  II  i-ii ci  4T .1#  jii  T q-uT:  f[  fli  -’Ic”-1I II 4 1  II oI,I  dc4ftf ‘-  T. tf  4’4-11 9i*zrr: ot’i4-1:  ççj  II  114 1i: :  -1ii÷iq c1I E31$c11-I311-Ic4-TU1T *iii: I i i1:i czloh dl-:  q  f-d  1[clIITh4I1I1III 911  [rf-j: q:  c1I91-.jdI  cuq[]  [.-‘1  [Tusita heaven is described in six verses]  fq -T”U  1(t I  n-R-y1 II c::. II wtfi ç q: nf.itf w’iqftj  -  [The poet describes the Lord or Tusita in twenty three verses].  Ii’(’Hi  ‘&14’  cIa-I1 1NT131c?k1 3T1w1r  T: II  3r  .  II  r1-lij[-j [The praise or the gods is described in verses 32-481  3fl4? W111  I  1T’Tt9T  II  H g) Ilk  II ol, II  I’-sA2.Jt i I1h  tJ>.-P 1fltEi ItIInIF—j&F ll &1tI.  fl 7  iIJ,-hQ.k  I b  &)  JF”ftfl F-I  :hJIJIJ I  U I II  t.J-1? IIE  hIh-jh-oIk h-kE  :pJ :h4) II DS)  tIJhhJ1aJJJkJb  k4I  I :IL.- 1 kJIJ mJh  IjIIz i1-JJIc1 k  th±6-IPIh --hI-P4 1-PJI-rh I QJ-th-’Ih 1Ft-.èh-1.%-b IIjb L&hbhJP  II  PJIDPI0  kJ  II  I$J  I j21 h  I)Ipc’-  k11Li:  FtIPP  cIT  116  [99-u] [The events that take place when the bodhisattva enters the world are described in verses 11—26]  ir  i 31I-’44-o111I  G._-.o  -‘  3dj 0t’1-II  •51T1  Y <1 ‘-<1  I  -  4’  cl*1  -  .I I  cj  ‘-‘  II .9 U  I  i-TWT I  ‘rd4’ I---yc?I’.:  Yc-c1II-YIl-II 1rw: II  U  31c-IN3Ic4-h1-,1a-41-cIIc1r  ucQ.t1  ?T-1:  I 1i[  r--i-  -i  I  11°t)-I31I  ift a-ci  1itQ1 13W1  U  II  u  i  dI-YIIIN .  r  U  117  ot,c.Wd;1 I  <i:  [q1-’EJr  ‘4  II  19t:  Ri  1cc4  qf{r r: cc4 imit:  II  i  -c*-1 T-I lTitET  [Siddhãrtha’s youth is described rrom verses 45—63]  I  -j.ti:  E? II :  3TQIt  ,i-ii*i-i  ctIP4ci J  4d  Q-c: I  T1t i’1i iki-T: II 9 II  T  --if-tn:  dld )411R01,i  r÷i 311ct,U4 3i ?1  I-IcdN i-T:  f?it:  i1i’1ciI cc11 q[p %t1: II  ?rifr  i  ?tsfr  rzr  II  II ) H I-k I.r\1p:11 :j1 Icc1o-II-crJ IPII)T :iegJ  H CoII h-llU-L1I k3II-tc  :PIIEtQnc1o  II 2 iIth4 JJ  ii  H  c4oJI] bIP  Lth.tlhb  -J  I  II :.II-tco  II  ict-  :PJhn IIpIEh1  I  tIIhEkcIoQjtIo i’II€  I  II  II  hi  mJ>i  hllt!  h  I :a-?J ihIF  II  II I piI±3J1k b).H-tc1z :kl :t& :I-h--ch  I I 2 II 1ith  JJ1h  :)II-tc jJ Ic1oJ4üjJh I)IIJ  II 9C’ II th-FIp  tJIh  n1.cloIP 4j. WJ4  PDH.DI.bI’  h’chJIFt’h IkhkFt  -4II  ±1h  U :I2h.oIt i2-d.1  : tJI-  IIJ4sd  II  II &Iie1  hiJh i.DI P  I :>hc :___ l.iio pk-J  II  Ih-4  II I I-IDco  611  II o IIIIFth-tJJ  hc4oJ  thJ?  I 1i?± &iIh nHo :1jk-LIJi I--b U  J  Jfl€4Jf U :h JT-hJ & :NII-t zcI  I€hI-t4IInI  -$E  IkInI IrtII.)N  U 2& U Ir  EI-tI.I+II-t  I’h:1ft -).PJhIfr%h -i1I-kI.)-il IpIjC  U  U PJ—k1-  .J  -Ih  fl1J-I-Ihh kL1 IPbIoIFE  I”hIInIb h1f ikI-b :PIoIo-i  II  U JI-tJ jIjIflcP  1o5?J  h :1J. hIE  I Jh-]i IIE  U  fl  :kj>jI  IJ-I-o-FIJ II.tr3IJ  I OZI  121  qt:  iiviii’-I NM-w.1ct,Tff  ii N-1J  U  [spring time is described trom verses 1—331  q  i-n  --:  H ? H oI,’*.I  --frzr:  1wU cJU[  ic1--’5iflc1ii  IaT: U  II  jo1cI: 1Ic’-11: I  1d31I-f1R: Ldç . 4 c  1RQft1H  ai IN31rdI-1  II  U  U aa ll’hn-1Jh-  J-p  Ijj I :PJo1F&UJ J1kb4h :Ih 14  U a Ii’l-  j .h.IrIc$j PJIIh &  6 lflI!C  >.  I  &J U ?. IIII :  EhI.’4NI :h IhI€h-jc1o  :kLIpi  h I..)J cIj -&- .) (ID I :1hJ :(-i&Jb :I-ij klltih hE  a fl kJJ- :hI’ I:I --ie  -?-e  -I3’Ih--Jh- bIIc Lc &I rpI.EIIz?JhI)  I :tNJ I.-bIoH 11  IFEhI  U o) fl I :h-ij--  I :)h--I1-InI.-øI otIh--I.),  U  U :h-IJ-JftJ-.2IoJ  I :bIIP.bW :.h hN-  eiaJ1 U  2 II  tII-  I :hJ-I.J-hIcIoJ 1.h. tIJ ZZT  123  1T 1RTT  rm  -jqTq: 1[q I  iNIh1’i1  Il1(  ii -I 4 1’cj  qri:  -i.<tr {:  -ot,- I 31<i1,31c31i’1Hiic II 14-I, 4 I1c4’  U  [--]  [The pleasure grove is described from verses 1—26]  q4ft tt-: ‘ir:i iN5I dI1: q’< : u  i-Mr  u  Qf o(,4-II.< 131I’I4-I-1-ITt5r: I 31Iot’1Ic 1’--flo  3lIot,Ii-1t’tf  3TT11II  U  3m-Ici3iriciir ?llt 31I014-IIaI’I  -fMrfk  I  3T1I’IQ11{31clIi.i cII4 II  U  124  [Verses 28—31 describe a pool in the pleasure grovel  [T-c’I IcUI9ii ][P] [verses 32—55 describe Siddhrtha’s play in the pool]  ic’I: &J: I  i-iPi1p  \314  i1a1-cIU (3  31ii’31T$:  rr  -  I  3TTQii1i°r’  4jU  44  3T-T(ic’ki II  ?151  NU  (  c1I1Ili  u-9T:  : 1-1t14 o’L{tcj  3i-i:  4:  jIrc1  134-ø-cIdI  -ri  3TTTT—1 311  c-  d  --  d  II 9 U  II  II  125  [Iii-i -i -p4.j i-i] [The setting ot the sun is described] [zI-cju1]  [the rising ol the moon is described] l1-1N1  fà- c  rRJT*{ç 3Tf-T  ir: -T1  31I1dII4-l  I  rfk II  U  o-4-I:  Ict,c11: q: I  3r  31ord-I3I<-41°-I’I 9d  9-1Sf {  Wts  ?fT  I  IN31-cII U  U  -qi3[:I  II 3 U  I  TT[1  U 99 II  q3TrT1-1??t 31’kL1  3QJ  rf4:  T-1i-141I 9  39Ic4d  3rp1f c4I1  rn  uiçj-  [W-9’3} I  c1’cIII 9 II  126  --i  i  dII3jc4c4 [:  iii: r1l1INI  iT  rmi iiU 9$ ii I o  3d3JUft:  31II1 IHIol13M1-T-dIR’-i141I  CI1 3TT o1cic’L1  q  I  I’d  fTt{  1ict,:  II  U  fktff-f:t 3Qpf r  [r[R-r-u1Nj  1I-1’31dIk1U 3 U ] [E 4  [Bimbasra’s city is described from vs. 36- 421  ?f5(  frTT 1Ik1  ?1t-19-IKs4N1T:  I n  i1Rfiio’: ii  fjf pq i  3q  --w  -qf:  31ifm  c’1  II  ffpjft-  II [-(o]  [The mountain is described in vs. 46—501 1IccII  I  34fjd1c  -fff 11 [u  cccU  wr  -iTI (9 U I  II Y  127  1I°1)11°I’  I’1?t  t* 1  r- --i flflf  {ff  if  -o-fl- II 3’iI II  -c-I:  fkfu  33uq T-q  3 II  iij II rcclI 3T11 vi’--HQ cic’-I frivr: i  rrri  -I-’4 fTiii  T-1  3- ii:  3f*TZt ?11  11  c4 IT ?Ft  -9çc: II  II  ‘-ii-i’i qTJ-tJ II  II  ‘4II ‘III141I o-NI-d11 H E° fl  cIcIcI.1 T—ii1  qfr:  ci*’-1I:  i  rirr ‘w-i*i : v  1lcII  [?r?r:  ??rr :  rc?1f-1: q:  ijft.)c)ar  cju1ircj-  E9 II [EqEC]  [A torest of trees is described from verses 62— 6]  rtii  m-m  I  iruifi ‘i yi’ii-1,ii: i  128  t1I1-T1(3Thii1 fr-’ii1i’i fTt1 1Io1,- Y[- itftT-NE1c5 U ‘3° U  3iiii N3WIN31c14-U 3T-t-T: U ii1  U  rT: 33UfT  [3qjf:  ç  U  13  -R1RT-] [-9]  tf:  [vs. 73—81 describe 5iddhrtha being praised by the gods] l:?{Tk1:qf  {q: fl i  r*  ifI1<Ic41  :Ir  51t Z3{T  R4Q-ciI  -P1ilS-Tall ( II  cIN:  r-r13TIdIc4IQ31uIRpV  -ri  1-4 I  [d3W: U 911  [The following verses describe Siddhrtha’s battle with, and victory over Mra’s forces].  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0087457/manifest

Comment

Related Items