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Empowerment of Chinese (English as a second language) youth through popular theatre Lam, Angelo 1993

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EMPOWERMENT OF CHINESE (ENGLISH AS A SECOND LANGUAGE) YOUTHTHROUGH POPULAR THEATREbyANGELO LAMB.A., The University of British Columbia, 1987B.S.W., The University of British Columbia, 1990A THESIS SUBM1TI’ED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF SOCIAL WORKinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES(School of Social Work)We accept this thesis as conformingc uircd standardTHE UNWERS1TY OF BRiTISH COLUMBIASeptember 1993©Angelo Lam, 1993In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)_________________Department of Sc-- .JzicThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate ic. 1 93DE-6 (2/88)ABSTRACTThis study examines theories of delinquency and the history Of the Chinese communityin Vancouver in recognition of the fact that they are important to the development andestablishment of effective programs for Chinese ESL (english as a second language) youth.Without a clear understanding of how we have arrived at the current situation in youth work,it is difficult to separate the symptoms from the problems as they pertain to Chinese ESL youth.Existing programs focus on approaches to “integrate” and “incorporate” youth into Canadiansociety, yet it is not always clear if the goals of “integration” and “incorporation” are a help orhinderance to Chinese ESL youth.Programs targeted at “transformation”, such as popular theatre, may be more effectivesince they deal with problems at a socio-political and historical level. Such an approach alsodeal with the concept of power and analyzes the “covert institutional violence” that exists insociety and strives for long-term changes at a structural level. The hypothesis put forward inthis study is that a popular theatre program would have a positive effect on the self-esteem ofChinese ESL youth.The research uses a pre-test - post-test design. One group of 15 participants from asingle Vancouver high-school was referred to the popular theatre program by school personnel.The Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory was administered at the beginning and the end of theprogram to provide quantitative data on the change in self-esteem level of participants.Interviews with 3 of the participants were conducted and transcribed to provide qualitative data.It was found that the change in general, social and overall self-esteem was significant at the0.005 level while other self-esteem sub-categories did not show a statistical significance at the0.10 level. Analysis of the qualitative data obtained from the interviews identified 3 themes inthe responses given by the interviewees concerning the popular theatre program: a) opportunitiesfor expression; b) shared life experiences; and c) learning new ideas in order to take action. Theresults were consistent with the quantitative data as well as the ideas and techniques of populartheatre. The results suggest that programs targeted at “transformation” are effective at raisingthe self-esteem level of Chinese ESL youth.11TABLE OF CONTENTSAbstractTable of ContentsList of Tables ivList of FiguresAcknowledgementChapter 1 Introduction 1Oppression in Saltwater City 1The Development of Institutional Racism 2Exclusion and Adaptation 6The Post-War Period (1947 Onward) 7Chapter 2 Literature Review iiTheories of Delinquency 16Power, Oppression and Delinquency 27Popular Education (Paulo Freire) 28Popular Theatre (Augusto Boal) 31Chapter 3 Research Design and Method of Approach 34Introduction 34Participants 34Measures 36Procedure 37Chapter 4 Findings 40Chapter 5 Discussion, Recommendations and Conclusion 46Discussion 46Recommendations 51Conclusion 52Bibliography 54AppendicesA - Popular Theatre Program 58B - Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory 65C - Interview Schedule 66D - Pre-test - Post-test Raw Data 67111LIST OF TABLESTable 111-1Summary of Gender and Country of Origin of Participants 35Table IV-1Self-Esteem Inventory Categories and Calculated Statistics (X,S2,S)- Pre-test 40Table IV-2Self-Esteem Inventory Categories and Calculated Statistics (X,S2,S)- Post-test 41Table IV-3Comparison of Pre-test Scores with Post-test Scores (t-test) 42ivLIST OF FIGURESGraph 11-1Number of Chinese Immigrants to British Columbia Compared to 14Total Number of Immigrants to British Columbia From 1986-1992Photographs Forum Theatre in Action 48Photo 1: Canadian-Born Chinese Youth and Chinese ESL YouthPlaying Out a Scene of ConflictPhoto 2: The Scene Reaches a Climax as the Conflict Becomes 48Physically ViolentPhoto 3: A Member of the Audience Replaces One of the Youth 49and Tries an InterventionPhoto 4: Another Audience Member Tries an Intervention 49VACKNOWLEDGEMENTI am indebted to my thesis advisor, Dr. Frank Tester for his many helpful suggestionsand continued encouragement. In addition, I would like to acknowledge my colleagues at theUnited Chinese Community Enrichment Services Society (S.U.C.C.E.S.S.)for their tremendousinterest and care.Finally, there are several individuals who deserve special mention due to their manypersonal sacrifices prior to and during the course of my academic pursuits. Mr. Jason Chan,who never stopped believing in the value of my work. Ms. Janet Tan, a tremendouslyencouraging person to ‘bounc&t ideas off of and who endured the many moments of frustrationassociated with being around someone often too involved in his own endeavours to notice thesupport being given. And of course, Mr. Gee Fong Lam, Mrs. Sui Ling Lam and Ms. Ho Nuiwho had the wisdom to instill in me, during my youth, the perseverance to ask further questionswhen the answers presented did not satisfy my curiosity.viCHAPTER 1INTRODUCTIONOPPRESSION IN SALTWATER CITYExamining the history of the Chinese in Vancouver is vital to understanding the currentissues relating to Chinese youth and the overall Chinese community. It is only throughexamining the history of the Chinese that the oppression and personal problems that exist in theChinese community can be understood as being the result of the covert institutional violence (i.e.structural, political, historical and economic factors) as opposed to some inherent quality withinthe individual or the community.Vancouver, over thirteen decades of Chinese immigration, continues to be known as“Saltwater City”, a nickname given by the early settlers because of what was considered to bethe incessant rainfall. Despite the long history of immigration to Canada, Chinese Canadiansremain a foreign population in Canada in two ways. First, as recently as 1986, 71% of ChineseCanadians were born outside of Canada, and of these, 85% arrived in Canada after 1967(Census of Canada: 1986, Public Use Microdata File on Individuals). Second, from theperspective of the Canadian public, Canadians are usually equated with caucasians, whileChinese Canadians and other non-white Canadians are seen as foreigners. These two factors -one based on fact, the other on prejudice - colour the general public’s view towards ChineseCanadians. Immigrants in general and Chinese in particular are often blamed for social ills suchand unemployment and housing costs (Li: 1992, p. 264; Li: 1979, p. 70-77).From a socio-political perspective, the best way to understand the history of the Chinese1in Vancouver is to view it as three periods corresponding to the major shifts in Canada’s civilrights and immigration legislation affecting the Chinese. The first period covers a time span of65 years from 1858, when the Chinese first immigrated to Canada, to the passage of the ChineseImmigration Act in 1923. The second period of 23 years, from 1924 to 1947, was an eracharacterized by exclusion due to the Chinese Immigration Act which stopped the immigrationof Chinese to Canada. The third period covers 1947 onward with the repeal of thediscriminatory laws against the Chinese, increase in civil rights for Chinese Canadians alongwith the improved social status. A common theme throughout the three periods is that theCanadian government’s policy towards the Chinese and the social reception accorded themlargely determined the structure and direction of the Chinese community. In this sense, thedistinction between periods has less to do with any natural process of change within the Chinesecommunity than with broader forces within Canadian society to which the Chinese communitywas compelled to adapt (Li: 1992, p. 265).THE DEVELOPMENT OF INSTITUTION RACISM (1858-1923)Not unlike other ethnic groups who have migrated from their homeland, the migrationof Chinese from their native land was brought about by both “push” and “pull” forces. The“push” came from foreign invasion and internal revolts. Between 1839 and 1900, Britain,France, Germany, Austria, Japan, the United States and Russia engaged in a series of wars withChina in her territories and succeeded in securing unequal trading rights and privileges from theCh’ing government of China. (Wakeman: 1975, pp. 3-10; Hsu: 1970, pp. 3-24). As anexample, China was defeated by Britain in the Opium War (1839-42) over rights to trade opium2in China. In addition to the problems of war, there was the declining farm productivity andincreasing population forcing the migration of many Chinese from Guangdong and Fujianprovince overseas (Yerbury and Faith: 1993, p. 244). The “pull” came from the industrialdevelopment of Western Canada in the latter half of the nineteenth century which requiredmassive labour power unavailable in Canada (Timlin: 1960, pp. 517-532). The overseas supplyof Chinese labour at a minimal cost became attractive to railroad contractors, manufacturers andemployers in Canada.It was clear from the outset that the Chinese were considered useful to the developmentof Western Canada but not desirable as citizens. The Chinese were considered so “uncivilized”that it would be impossible for them to successfully integrate into Canadian society. Prior tothe completion of the railroad, Prime Minister John A. Macdonald frankly put it to the Houseof Commons in 1883, ‘It will be all very well to exclude Chinese labour, when we can replaceit with white labour, but until that is done, it is better to have Chinese labour than no labour atall” (Canada, House of Commons Debates: 1883, p. 905). It is, therefore, no surprise that thefirst federal legislation against the Chinese was passed in 1885, when the Canadian PacificRailway was completed. It came in the form of a “head tax” of $50 applied to virtually everyChinese entering the country (Statutes of Canada, 1885, c. 7). This was raised to $100 in 1900,and to $500 in 1903 (Statutes of Canada, 1900, c. 32, c.8).The Chinese were welcomed as cheap labourers in situations where other labour was notavailable. As long as they were willing to accept menial positions without complaint andavoided competing with white workers for higher-paying jobs, the Chinese were tolerated intimes of need. This made for a tenuous relationship between the Chinese and white workers.3As labour disputes erupted the Chinese became the target of racially-based attacks because it wasbelieved by white workers, without any proof, that Chinese labourers were causing all kinds ofeconomic and social woes. For example, many white businessmen vowed to discourage Chinesefrom locating in Vancouver, to refuse them employment or trade, and to boycott whites whohired them. Fundraising was done by some people to buy out Chinese property owners. Ananti-Chinese league was formed and the league circulated about 500 display cards reading:Vancouver Anti-Chinese PledgeTo appreciate freedom we must prohibit slave labor. Theundersigned pledges himself not to deal directly or indirectly with Chinese or any person who encourages them bytrade or otherwise (Ward: 1978, p.45).The daily press called for measures to prevent the province from being over-run by the Chineseimmigrants. Labour journals were equally agitated.Is nothing to be done to stop the influx of mongols intothis province? What is in store for us as an Anglo-Saxoncommunity? With the mongols in our mines, workshops,forests, and on railroads, and tilling our farms, what isto become of our white labourers, miners and mechanics?The workers of British Columbia may be forced to give thegovernment to understand, once for all, that they intendthis community shall remain Anglo-Saxon (Industrial Businessas cited in Ward: 1978, p. 56).The number of laws passed against the Chinese between 1875 and 1923 by the LegislativeAssembly of British Columbia clearly reflected the State’s notion that the Chinese were aninferior race (Li, 1988). In 1884, a bill was passed that prohibited Chinese from acquiringcrown lands and diverting water from natural channels. 1890 saw the Coal Mines RegulationAmendment Act which prevented Chinese from working underground. The Provincial Home Act4of 1893 excluded Chinese from admission to the provincially established home for the aged andinfirm; they were prohibited from being hired on public works in 1897. According to the LiquorLicense Act of 1900, they were not entitled to hold a liquor license. A hand-logger’s licenserequired that an individual be on the provincial voter’s list, but since the Chinese were excludedfrom such a list, obtaining the license was not possible. The professions of pharmacy and lawwere prohibited as careers for the Chinese. Finally, the 1920 Provincial Elections Actreaffirmed that all Chinese were disqualified from voting (Yerbury and Faith: 1993, p. 247).After the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1885-1923, four statutes werepassed by the Canadian Parliament to regulate Chinese immigration, culminating in the ChineseImmigration Act, the most comprehensive legislation to exclude Chinese from entering thecountry and to control those already in Canada (Statutes of Canada, 1923, c. 38). The Actstipulated that entry to Canada for persons of Chinese origin, irrespective of citizenship, wouldbe restricted to diplomats, children born in Canada, merchants and students; all other Chinesewere excluded. The Act also required every person of Chinese origin in Canada to register withthe Government of Canada within twelve months and to obtain a certificate of such registration.The penalty for failing to register was a fine of up to $500 or imprisonment for up to twelvemonths. In addition, all Chinese in Canada who intended to travel abroad and return at a laterdate had to give the Canadian government written notice before departure, specifying the foreignport to be visited and the route to be taken. After registration, the individual must return withintwo years. In essence, the Chinese Immigration Act stopped Chinese immigration to Canadauntil its repeal in 1947.5EXCLUSION AND ADAPTATION (1923-1947)This period in Canadian history was a most difficult one for the Chinese community inCanada. Prior to the introduction of the Chinese Immigration Act in 1923, Chinese immigrantshad already paid to the Canadian government $22.5 million for entering and leaving the country;most of it in the form of a head tax (Li: 1988, p. 54; Munro: 1971, PP. 42-51). It was clearby 1923 that the Chinese were second-class citizens in Canada. Institutional racism against theChinese was entrenched in economic and political institutions; unequal treatments were legallyand officially sanctioned. The Chinese became marginal to Canadian society.The institutional racism, in addition to producing a hostile social environment in whichthe Chinese fought to survive, resulted in numerous consequences of which some can still bereadily seen today. The many restrictions placed on the type of professions the Chinese wereallowed to enter meant being excluded from the core labour market. In order to deal with suchbarriers, the Chinese retreated into their own community and thrived on marginal businessessuch as laundry and restaurants. These areas became the main sources of employment for theChinese through to the Second World War. The residual effects of this still can be seen todaywith many second and third generation restauranteurs.A second consequence was a dearth of family life for the predominantly male Chinesecommunity. The economic hardships, in conjunction with the imposed head tax, made itfinancially impossible to bring family members over prior to the repeal of the ChineseImmigration Act. For those with the financial means, social hostility and rampant discriminationagainst the Chinese tended to discourage them from bringing over family members. The antiOriental riots of 1887 and 1907 in Vancouver’s Chinatown were reflections of just how strong6the hostility was. The riot in the summer of 1907 vented racial tensions which had beenbuilding for several weeks. Although the white protesters acted spontaneously and lacked anydisciplined organization, the targets of the attack were selected carefully. The windows ofbuildings which Orientals occupied were broken while neighbouring white-owned businesses,with the exception of one or two, were left untouched. Along Powell and Hastings streets theday following the attack, the Chinese and the Japanese boarded up their store fronts for a weekand braced themselves for another assault (Ward: 1978, pp. 71-71).A third consequence was the development of voluntary associations along the lines ofcommon locality of origin, common surnames, principles of fraternity or common Chineseheritage. These associations, some of which can still be seen today in Vancouver’s Chinatown,helped many immigrants deal with a hostile social environment and gave the necessary supportin the absence of any family life. They also kept the Chinese in touch with the affairs of thehomeland, helped the workers to send money back to China and, in some cases, they transportedthe bones of the deceased back to China for suitable burial (Gee: 1982, p.5). It has beenbelieved by many outside the Chinese community that such business and voluntary associationswere transplanted from an old world culture. In reality, they were a response to institutionalracism and legislative exclusion.THE POST-WAR PERIOD (1947 ONWARDS)During the Second World War, many Chinese Canadians made contributions to theCanadian war effort and China was also a Canadian ally during the war. Politically, the ChineseImmigration Act became an embarrassment to the Canadian government. In 1947, the7Parliament of Canada repealed the Chinese Immigration Act, ending twenty-four years of noChinese immigrants. This was quickly followed the same year in British Columbia with theChinese being granted the right to vote (Li: 1988, p. 24). Despite the change in immigrationpolicy, Chinese immigrants were still a long way from being considered by the Canadiangovernment as equals of European and American immigrants. While there was relatively freemigration for people from Europe and the United States, admission of Asians was limited tospouses and minor unmarried children until a policy change in 1962. Even with the changes in1962, the policy still had a discriminatory clause, restricting the range of sponsorship allowedfor Asians as compared to Europeans and Americans (Hawkins: 1988, pp. 10-15). Finally, withthe adoption of the universal point system in 1967, there was the same criteria for all potentialimmigrants. With more Chinese immigrants after 1967, the Chinese community’s characteristicsbegan to change. There was the emergence of a new middle class consisting of immigrantprofessional and technical workers along with second-generation Chinese Canadians, who hadmoved up to managerial and professional occupations. However, the earnings of ChineseCanadians still lagged behind those of white workers, even after differences in schooling, ageand other factors had been taken into account (Li: 1987, p. 102-113; Li: 1990 pp. 187-194).Income discrimination in the labour market continued to be a problem (“Chinese Canadians FightRacism: Glass Ceiling Blamed For Stopping Workers’ Advancement to Management Ranks”,Globe & Mail, April 16, 1991, p. A7).In addition to problems in the labour market, there continued to be social obstacles. In1979, the CTV public affairs program W5 depicted Chinese as foreigners taking away universityplaces from white Canadians. More recently in 1991, CBC Radio produced a series of short8stories collectively known as “Dim Sum Diaries” which presented stereotypical views of Chineseimmigrants. The result was intense lobbying in both cases, concluding with the respectivenetworks issuing apologies.Despite the advances made by the Chinese community towards equality, the futureremains uncertain. With the change in Canadian immigration policy to accommodate businessimmigrants, there is little doubt that Hong Kong immigrants have been the major supporters ofthe business immigrant program. In 1990, 455 immigrant visas were reported to have beenissued to Hong Kong residents as entrepreneur immigrants. Their aggregate net worth was $658million (“The Asia Factor’1,The Province, July 21, 1991, pp. 35 & 38). As Chinese immigrantsincrease their presence on the west coast, they have also become the target of a new racialantagonism. In British Columbia there presently exists a stereotype that all Chinese immigrantsare wealthy business people who are buying up all the real estate and taking over the province.The more recent Chinese immigrants are blamed for destroying the traditional neighbourhoodsof Vancouver by building what are referred to in the media as “monster houses” (“CurbingMonster Houses”, The Vancouver Sun, November 14, 1989, p. A9; “One Man Wields UniqueSword at ‘Monster’ Houses”, The Vancouver Sun, May 25, 1990, pp. B1-2; “How We SavedShaughnessy From Monsters”, The Vancouver Sun, June 23, 1990, pp. D1O-11). In addition,recent immigrants have been blamed for driving housing prices up (Angus Reid Group: 1989,p. 14). As Canada struggles through the current period of economic and social difficulties, theprevious examples illustrate that immigrants are once again the target of racially-based attacks.This reflects the fact that the Canadian attitude towards immigrants has fundamentally changedvery little since the arrival of the first visible minority to Canada. The persisting attitude has9resulted in over a century of scapegoating because it has obscured the root cause of society’sproblems.As illustrated in this chapter, the Chinese community in Vancouver has endured thirteendecades of social, political and economic inequality. Both covert institutional violence and theimportance of power in the designation of what is “deviantt’continue to be neglected as attentionis consistently diverted by the media, politicians, and police towards the symptoms that resultfrom institutional violence such as unemployment, poverty, racism, “atrisk youth”, youth gangs,and so on. In terms of Chinese ESL youth, the consequence of this has been the developmentof numerous programs that may effectively deal with the symptoms, but which fail to addressthe more important underlying factors. To deal with such factors, exploration of alternativeapproaches to youth work are necessary. The philosophical approach of popular theatre- whichreveals oppression and personal problems at the structural and political/historical level - providesone such alternative. Before examining popular theatre/education, we need to consider thepresent approach of youth work and the manner in which it has arrived at its present state.10CHAPTER 2LITERATURE REVIEWThe recent media focus on the issue of Asian youth gangs in metro Vancouver hasheightened public awareness of youth gangs. Politicians, law enforcement officials, schoolpersonnel and social service agencies are all involved to some extent in seeking ways to dealeffectively with Asian youth gangs. In seeking solutions to any problem, it is important todistinguish the symptoms from the problem. The planning and implementation of effectiveinterventions must begin with having first distinguished between symptoms and problems becausesymptom relief does not necessarily lead to problem resolution. Symptoms are signs of theexistence of a problem. Problems, on the other hand, are unsettled matters that demand solutionor decision because they cause trouble or distress. For example, their is currently a strongmovement towards a neo-conservative agenda that is calling for stronger penalties for criminals,drug addicts, prostitutes, etc. because it is those ‘deviantst’that represents what is wrong withsociety in the 1990’s. In reality, those “deviants” are not the problem but rather the symptomsof a society that neglects conditions of inequality, powerlessness, oppression, persecution, andsuffering. Stronger penalties may provide symptom relief, but would do very little in terms ofproblem resolution.Neither symptoms nor problems occur in a vacuum. They are embedded in a context.Without a fundamental understanding of the context, it is easy to confuse symptoms as problemssince both are related parts of a dilemma. On the issue of Asian youth gangs, many individualsand organizations involved in seeking solutions have been quick to assume “gangs” are theproblem as opposed to being the symptom of a deeper malaise. The result of this has been a11tremendous allocation of resources toward dealing with the symptoms while neglectingpotentially more effective strategies that deal with the root causes.Most of the focus in the provision of programs to deal with Asian youth gangs is on theprevention of new immigrant Asian youth from joining or becoming recruited into gangs. Toaccomplish this, the target of such programs has been Asian youth of high-school age (13-18years old) for whom english is a second language (ESL). The content of each program variesdepending on the process favoured from organization to organization but a common theme is todevelop ways to “integrate” and “incorporate” ESL youth into Canadian society. Integration,in this case, can be defined as a situation in which a group retains its cultural integrity and atthe same time moves into an integral position within the larger society. Incorporation can bedefined as the same as integration with the added component of pressure (where the largersociety pressures a group towards integration). Examples of such programs include employmentcounselling, clinical counselling and english language training. The rationale is that when suchprograms are unavailable or when ESL youth reject such programs, the immigrant youth become“at-risk” of joining gangs because they are caught up in an environment not conducive topromoting self-esteem and competence. In other words, the youth begins to feel alienated fromthe “mainstream” society.The key assumption that accompanies the rationale of “integration” and “incorporation”is that there exists a “good, organized, and just” society that harbours an environment conduciveto promoting self-esteem and competence--- a society that those youth who are “at-risk” oralready in gangs have forsaken. The argument made in this thesis is that it is precisely thisassumption that is the shortcoming of existing ESL youth programs. It has become increasingly12apparent over the last three decades that the growing concentration of corporate power at homeand the extension of transnational company activities into Third World countries only benefit aprivileged few. The majority of individuals have experienced a deterioration in economicprospects as well as quality of life with a growing sense of powerlessness (Arnold, Barndt andBurke: 1985, p.13). The goal should not be to “integrate” and “incorporate” youth into anoppressive and exploitative socio-political structure but rather to work with the youth in truesolidarity to transform the existing structures. Transformation, in this thesis, is defined as theprocess of critically examining the present situation with the goal of changing those factorswhich restrain groups and individuals from growing fully.One such approach is the use of popular education/theatre. Participants in such programscome to recognize oppression in their own lives and see how common such feelings andexperiences are. This growing sense of solidarity with each other in dealing with difficultsituations from their own lives is empowering for the participants, as personal concernsgradually become community concerns. In other words, these concerns become somethingeveryone can relate to and resolve. As a result there is an increased awareness of the power intheir personal relationships, to their community and their families.The exploration of new approaches in working with new immigrant Asian youth is ofextreme importance if one considers the motivation behind the Canadian government’s Five YearImmigration Plan (1991-1995) and the projected immigration pattern to British Columbia (seeGraph 11-1). The motivation behind the Canadian government’s immigration plan is based onthree strategic needs: (a) the declining fertility rate; (b) economic need; and (c) an agedbalanced population.13GRAPH 11-1Number Of Chinese Immigrants To British Columbia Compared To TotalNumber Of Immigrants To British Columbia From 1986- 199232,02330,00330,000— LEGEND28,723Total Chinese25,33525,000 —23,20420,000 —18, 91310,000 0/ 0/ 0/ 7,380 // --15,000- 12,5521/ 6,803 0s,ooo 0Ø1982Ø 111987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992YEAR (Jan - Ott)13,97610,8374,6571986I-14The fertility rate is a hypothetical figure representing the total number of children bornon average to each woman. Canada’s fertility rate has steadily declined since 1971. It isprojected by demographers that to maintain a steady population the fertility rate would have tobe 2. 1 (the replacement level). Nineteen seventy-one was the last year that the replacement levelwas achieved (Lee: 1991, p. 4). Thus, immigration is the means to maintain a steady statepopulation for Canada. Immigration is a necessity rather than a luxury or purely humanitariangesture.In an economy that is in recession, the funds provided by business and investmentimmigrants are significant in providing new jobs, businesses, and capital. It is expected, by theCanadian government, that the funds provided by business immigrants will increase yearlybetween 1991 and 1995. Immigration provides, from an economic perspective, a tremendousboost to the Candian economy. In addition to the investment of funds, it is expected that thecurrent immigration policy will allow for the selection of immigrants based on labour marketshortages and the need for technical expertise.Besides a declining fertility rate, Canada also has an increasingly aging population. Thissituation has led demographers to estimate that increased immigration is required to bolsterCanada’s population and smooth out the large age imbalances. The dependency ratio isprojected to rapidly increase around 2010 as people born during the baby boom start turning 65.The same projections indicate that by 2030, 55% of the dependent population will be aged 65and over while just under 45% will be aged 15. As part of the Canadian government’simmigration plan to deal with such projections, 250,000 children below the age of 15 will beallowed to immigrate to Canada over the next five years (Lee: 1991, p.5). It is clear from such15projections that the social and economic implications of the declining fertility rate and increasingdependency ratio is a barrier to a prosperous and vital Canada.As for the situation in British Columbia, approximately 38,000 immigrants arrived herein 1992 and this figure is expected to remain fairly stable through to 1996 (Lee: 1991, P. 8).If past settlement patterns persists, the lower mainland will continue to be the major centre inBritish Columbia for new immigrants. For example, in 1990 the percentage of visible minoritieswas approximately 80% of the total new arrivals in the Vancouver area (Lee: 1991, p.8). Themajority of these new Canadians were members of visible minorities from South East Asia.As stated previously, it is easy to confuse symptoms as problems unless one has afundamental understanding of the context in which we are working in. To do this, we need toexamine how the provision of services for Asian ESL youth has reached its present state byreviewing the theories on ‘at-risk or “delinquent” youth that have dominated and continue todominate the field of youth work.THEORIES OF DELINOUENT BEHAVIOURThe literature on theories of delinquent behaviour is both extensive and diversified. Earlytheories focused on biological or bio-social explanations (McCord: 1958, pp. 12-15). Physicalcharacteristics associated with delinquent behaviour were claimed to include a longer jaw,flattened nose and low sensitivity to pain. Over the years, the focus has changed to the effectof the broader environment on the individual (i.e. social and cultural forces). The socio-culturalperspective of delinquency is quite diversified in terms of focus. In order to give a sense of thediversity, the following sketch of some of the dominant socio-cultural theories of delinquent16behaviour is provided. As each of these is reviewed, it is important to consider the sociopolitical context in which the theories were developed and the assumptions on which the theoriesare based. The following theories have been selected because the concepts continue to form thebasis for many of the present programs for youth. Two common themes appear repeatedlythroughout the theories. The first is that a lack of “integration” and “incorporation” into societyis a key factor leading to youth being “at-risk” or “delinquent”. Second, each ensuing theoryattempts to improve on anomie theory - as adapted by Robert K. Merton for criminology fromthe sociological work of Emile Durkheim - while adhering to the principle of “integration” and“incorporation” (or the term “conforming” as used by some theorists).Robert K. Merton (Merton: 1957, pp. 131-194) attempted to explain delinquent behaviourby examining social and cultural influences.Our primary aim is to discover how some social structuresexert a definite pressure upon certain persons in thesociety to engage in nonconforming rather than conformingconduct (Merton: 1957, p. 131).Merton’s anomie theory claims that delinquent behaviour is the result of a situation in whichsociety prescribes goals of individual success - such as the attainment of wealth and power - butthe opportunities for reaching such goals are not equally accessible to all. The assumption hereis that if an individual has assimilated society’s emphasis on success, but has failed to find asatisfactory legal means for achieving success, the individual may resort to illegal means. Forexample, a youth attempting to achieve the goals which he or she perceives to be those mandatedby society, may become a delinquent. An obvious shortcoming of anomie theory is that it isunable to explain why many young people who grow up in the same adverse living environmentsas those of delinquents do not turn to crime and why some who grow up with a full range of17opportunities become delinquents. There are numerous examples of both cases. An exampleof the latter occurred on October 6, 1991 when 25 to 45 youths, armed with baseball bats andhammers, wreaked havoc at a Scarborough flea market and fled with about $100,000 worth ofjewelry. Many of the youths involved were middle-class youths who did not need to steal tosurvive but who viewed such violent activities as a form of entertainment (“Teens RampageThrough Flea Market”, Globe & Mail, October 7, 1991, pp. A1-2).In an effort to build on the work of Merton and to deal with the shortcomings of anomietheory, Edward H. Sutherland (Sutherland: 1958, pp. 77-83) developed the differentialassociation theory. In developing his theory, Sutherland made the following assumption:A generalization about crime and criminal behaviour can bereached by logically abstracting the conditions andprocesses which are common to the rich and poor, the malesand the females, the blacks and the whites, the urban- andthe rural-dwellers, the young adults and the old adults,and the emotionally stable and the emotionally unstable whocommit crimes (Sutherland: 1958, p.T1).Differential association theory contends that criminal behaviour is learned through interactionwith persons who have intimate ties with each other. There are two important points Sutherlandmakes:a) when persons become criminal, they do so because ofcontacts with criminal patterns and because ofisolation from anti-criminal patterns;b) lawful or unlawful behaviour developed in earlychildhood may persist throughout life.What this means is that the socialization process within the family, the friends and the18neighbourhood environment are important factors that have a potential influence on development,leading to delinquent behaviour. Differential association theory would explain a higher crimerate in one location as due to a greater prevalence of delinquent subcultures in that area. Thereare, however, at least two weaknesses to the theory of differential association. The first is thatit makes no attempt to answer the question “What are the root causes of delinquency?”. Thetheory really only attempts to explain how delinquency is perpetuated. Secondly, it makes noattempt to explain why individuals form the associations they do.In an attempt to combine the anomie and differential association theories, RichardCloward and Lloyd Ohlin formulated the theory of differential opportunity (Cloward & Ohlin:1961, pp.l64.-l76).Apart from both socially patterned pressures, which giverise to deviance, and from values, which determinechoices of adaptations, a further variable should betaken into account: namely, differentials in availability of illegitimate means (Cloward & Ohlin: 1961,p.167).They hypothesize that there are two avenues in which an individual can attain what societyprescribes as success (i.e. the attainment of wealth); the legitimate and illegitimate opportunitystructures. For a youth to become a delinquent, two factors need to be present:a) push factors - limitations on the accessibility tocultural goals by legitimate means;b) pull factors - availability of illegitimate meansto attain cultural goals.The delinquent subculture is perceived to be a specialized form of adaptation to the discrepancybetween the prescribed goals and the accepted means of achieving them. The hypothesis, then,19is that an individual who is denied the legal means to achieve his/her goal might not commitdelinquent acts unless s/he gains access to the delinquent opportunity structure. There areseveral weaknesses to differential opportunity theory. The first is that very little is said aboutthe process of how youths move from being non-delinquent to delinquent. It only states that ifboth the push and pull factors are present, a youth is likely to become delinquent. Secondly,the theory ignores the fact that sexual, physical and/or emotional abuse are the “push factors”for some youth, not the attainment of culturally prescribed goals.Two other influential theories- control theory (Riess: 1951, pp. 196-207) andcontainment theory (Reckless: 1961, pp. 131-134) - will be discussed together since the latteris in reality an offshoot of the former. The assumption in these two theories is as follows:there is a containing external social structure whichholds individuals in line and there is an internalbuffer which protects people against deviation of the socialand legal norm... When they are absent or weak, the person islikely to deviate from accepted and legal norms, and isvulnerable for committing an unofficial (unreported) and/orofficial (reported) delinquency or crime. When the twocontaining systems are strong, the individual will notdeviate from the legal and social norms and will not be anofficial or unofficial offender (Reckless: 1961, pp. 131-132).More specifically, it is the failure of personal and social controls to produce behaviour inconformity with the norms of the social system to which legal penalties are attached. Personalcontrol consists of factors such as positive self-concept, well developed superego, highfrustration tolerance, and high sense of responsibility. Social control is the structural buffer ina person’s immediate social world which is able to hold him/her within bounds. Weakening ofeither personal or social controls will allow the opportunity for delinquent behaviour to develop.20The problem with such an explanation of delinquency is how the boundaries between what isdelinquency and non-delinquency are established is not clear nor is there an explanation as tohow such boundaries change over time (unless the theory assumes that the norms of the socialsystem are static).A vast number of research projects have been developed to test the aforementionedtheories, in order to determine their applicability in explaining the delinquent behaviour ofyouths from various economic, social and cultural backgrounds. With the steady increase inethnic youth violence over the last decade, ethnicity has become a focus of an increasing numberof studies Such studies examine the effects of factors such as racial segregation, ethnicinequality or ethnicity in general on the crime rate, types of crime committed, etc (Logan &Messner, 1987; Fishman, Rattner & Weiman, 1987; Blakwell, 1990).Although the aforementioned theorists have made important contributions in the area ofcriminology, it is unfortunate that the theories continue to be so dominant in the field of youthwork. This is due to the fact that key elements have been missed in the explanations.(1) Close examination reveals that writers of this field have neglected to relate the phenomenonof “deviance” to larger social, historical, political, and economic contexts. The emphasis hasbeen, and continues to be, on the “deviant” and the “problems” s/he presents to oneself andothers, not on the society within which the individual emerges and operates.(2) The overwhelming focus on “deviance” and “delinquency” has resulted in the neglect ofmore serious and harmful forms of “deviance” - covert institutional violence. Violence ispresented as though it were some exclusive property of the poor in the slums, the minorities,and street gangs. But if we take the concept of violence seriously, we see that much of our21political and economic system thrives on it. In violence, a person is violated- there is harmdone to a person’s psyche, body, dignity, and ability to govern oneself (Liazos: 1985, p. 382).Seen in this way, a person/group can be violated in many ways; physical force is only one ofthem. A person/group can be violated by a system that denies specific persons a decent job,consigns people to slums, causes the individuals from certain groups to suffer physical damagedue to near-starvation during childhood, or manipulates a specific person/group through the massmedia, and so on endlessly (Liazos: 1985, p. 382).(3) The importance of power in the designation of what is deviant” is ignored. There is aprofound unconcern with power and its implications. The really powerful - the upper classesand the power elite - are left essentially unexamined by the sociologists, criminologists andpsychologists who study deviance.As mentioned earlier, the theories of Merton, Sutherland, Cloward & Ohlin, Riess, andReckless continue to influence the field of youth work. In June 1989, the British ColumbiaMinistry of Attorney General established an Interministry Committee to examine the issues oforganized criminal gangs and to develop strategies to deal with the problem. Of particularconcern was the vulnerability of youth and their families, some of whom were new Canadians.The task of the Committee was to develop an integrated and cooperative approach to issuemanagement, policy development and funding of programs aimed at reducing gang related crime.The Committee included representation from all levels of government: municipal (City ofVancouver), provincial and federal, as well as from school boards and police from the lowermainland. Members included the following:Ministry of Attorney GeneralMinistry of Solicitor General (Provincial)22Ministry of EducationMinistry of International Business and ImmigrationMinistry of Social ServicesMinistry of Provincial SecretaryEmployment and Immigration CanadaSecretary of StateSolicitor General (Canada)Correctional Services (Canada)City of Vancouver Social Planning DepartmentPolice:Coordinated Law Enforcement Unit (CLEU)Vancouver Police DepartmentRoyal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP)School Boards:Vancouver School DistrictBurnaby School DistrictRichmond School DistrictSurrey School DistrictB.C. Teachers FederationVancouver Community CollegeB.C. TransitIn June 1990, a background report on youth and criminal gangs in the lower mainland wasreleased in preparation for a planning workshop on the topic of youth and criminal gangs.Included in the report was a profile on ‘Who Are Youth At Risk?”. The profile was based ona compilation of information collected from members on the Committee in addition to aliterature review. Factors included the following (Carriere: 1990, p. 3):Socio-economic Status:- economic and/or socially marginal (not part ofthe existing societal structure)- social and economic underclass- often from traditional lower income families23- background of povertyEmployment. Job Prospects:- unemployed or underemployed- lack of job skills- few employment prospects (could be due to language andcultural barriers)Education:- dropped out or have been expelled from school- cultural and language barriers in school: a sense ofpowerlessness- often transferred from school to school- described as learning disabled- illiterate (both in English and first language)• - unfamiliar with the Canadian school system- difficulties in school, conflict with authorityFamily Situation:- support and guidance not available from family members,turn to peers- parents speak little English leading to role reversal,24power struggles and alienation- family conflict around cultural issues- strong familial pressure to succeed academically andfinancially- parents unfamiliar with education and social servicesystem- identity and cultural conflicts in the family- often single parent familiesLife Experience:- may come from a background of trauma, violence,sexual abuse, physical abuse- encounter discrimination and racism- insecure and little confidence in the future- 12-18 years of age (not likely to be prosecuted)- lack of feeling of responsibility for actions- may be runaways- single parent families- cultural differences (rural/urban, old/new world)- exposure to television portrayal of violenceIt is clear from the list that the focus is on shortcomings of the individual and/or family and theirinability to “integrate’ appropriately into society. The list simply perpetuates the ideas advanced25by Merton and the theorists who later expanded on the theory of anomie. Blame is placed onthe youth and the family while the larger social, historical, political, and economic contexts aredownplayed. In fact, situations of covert institutional violence are completely ignored. The lackof any specific analysis of the role of power in the labelling process, the generalizations which -even when true - explain little, the fascination with “deviants”, and the reluctance to study the“deviance” of the powerful has left the field of youth work confusing symptoms as problems andneglecting the conditions that are the causes of society’s problem.Before moving on to an examination of popular theatre/education in light of what hasbeen presented so far, it is important to note that the majority of theories on delinquency arebased on studies of males that purport to be works on criminality in general. Femaledelinquency has been a neglected area of study. However, it is important to consider thetheories available since such theories have had an influence on programs designed for femaledelinquents.The majority of those who have written on female crime and delinquency have been menwho based their theories on classist, ‘racist and sexist assumptions to justify what has been inreality merely a defence of the existing patriarchal society. Done Klein (Klein: 1973, pp. 3-30)put in summary a number of the historically significant theories of female crime anddelinquency. W. I. Thomas (Thomas: 1907, p. 245) points out that poverty might prevent awoman from marrying, whereby she would turn to prostitution as an alternative to carry on herfeminine service role. Kingsley Davis (Davis: 1961, p. 286) discusses prostitution as a parallelillegal institution to marriage. Otto Pollak (Pollak: 1950, p. 10) discusses how women extendtheir service roles into criminal activity due to inherent tendencies such as deceitfulness.26Sigmund Freud (Freud: 1933, PP. 183-189) saw any kind of rebellion in women as the resultof a failure by the individual to develop healthy feminine attitudes and adjustment to herappropriate sex role.She is aggressively rebellious, and her drive toaccomplishment is the expression of her longing for a penis;this is a hopeless pursuit, of course, and she will only endup ‘neurotic” (Klein: 1973, p. 17).Many writers well into the 1970’s continued to apply Freudian thought to the problem of femaledelinquency. In the ensuing decades, those offering feminist critique have slowly chiselled awayat the long-standing traditionalist school of thought. The early theorists saw women asatomistically moving about in a social and political vacuum. By neglecting the importance ofsocial and political factors, the early theorists have inadvertently underlined the importance ofunderstanding the link between personal and socio-political factors. It is precisely the ability tolink personal and social-political factors that forms the foundation of popular education/theatre.POWER, OPPRESSION AND DELINQUENCYAs suggested in the previous section, the shortcoming of delinquency theory is its limitedscope in attempting to explain the causes of delinquent behaviour. The literature on populareducation/theatre complements the theories of delinquency in the sense that it moves theexamination of delinquent behaviour from the level of personal explanations to the socio-politicallevel. By moving to a different level of explanation, we also move to an alternative approachto working with Chinese ESL youth. One such approach to popular theatre, developed by27Augusto Boal, is to use theatre as a vehicle to implement the philosophical ideas of Paulo Freire.In order to understand the purpose behind the techniques employed in popular theatre, it isnecessary to begin with a review of popular education from which the work of Augusto Boal isbased.POPULAR EDUCATION (PAULO FREIRE)Paulo Freire was born in Recife, Brazil in 1921. Recife was the centre of one of themost extreme situations of poverty and underdevelopment in the Third World. When theeconomic crisis of the United States in 1929 began to effect Brazil, Freire’s middle class familyfound themselves sharing the plight of the poor and the oppressed of Brazil. His earlyexperiences of living with the poor led him to discover what he would later describe as the“culture of silence” of the dispossessed. Freire came to realize that the ignorance and lethargyof the poor were the direct product of the whole situation of economic, social, and politicaldomination - and of the paternalism - of which the poor were victims. Instead of beingencouraged and equipped to know and respond to the concrete realities of their world, the poorwere kept “submerged” in a situation that made critical awareness and response practicallyimpossible. It thus became clear to Freire that the education system was one of the majorinstruments for the maintenance of the “culture of silence”. By engaging in a process of studyand reflection, and in the struggle to liberate men and women for the creation of a new world,Freire developed a perspective on education that seeks to respond to the concrete realities ofthose submerged in the “culture of silence”. Although the language used by Freire would beconsidered sexist by today’s standards, and his writings tend to focus more on theory than on28ways of implementing his ideas, they provide an approach that examines oppression from aneconomic, social, and political perspective.Paulo Freire operates under one basic assumption: while both humanization anddehumanization are real alternatives, only the first is truly the human vocation. As humanbeings our ontological vocation is to be a subject who acts upon and transforms our worldthereby moving towards ever new possibilities of fuller and richer life individually andcollectively. Any situation in which “A” objectively exploits “B” or hinders that ipdividual’spursuit of self-affirmation as a responsible person is one of oppression. Regardless of whethersuch a situation includes fake generosity, the situation itself constitutes violence because itinterferes with an individual’s ontological and historical vocation to be more fully human. Therewould be no oppressed had there been no prior situation of violence to establish theirsubjugation. Violence is initiated by those who oppress, who exploit, who fail to recognizeothers as human beings - not by those who are oppressed, exploited, and unrecognized.It is not the unloved who initiate disaffection, but thosewho cannot love because they love only themselves. It isnot the helpless, subject to terror, who initiate terror,but the violent, who with their power create the concretesituation which begets the ‘rejects of life’. It is not thetyrannized who initiate despotism, but the tyrants. It isnot the despised who initiate hatred, but those who despise(Freire, 1990, p. 41).From the perspective of the oppressors, it is always the oppressed who are labelled as violent,barbaric, wicked, or ferocious when they react to the violence of the oppressors. Applied to thesituation of youths, the common labels are delinquents or at-risk.Based on his wide range of experiences as a popular educator, Freire states with29conviction that every human being, regardless of how ‘ignorant” or submerged in the “cultureof silence” s/he may be, is capable of critically examining the world in a dialogical encounterwith others. Unfortunately, society uses the banking concept of education which perceivesindividuals as adaptable, manageable beings. The more that individuals accept the depositsentrusted to them, the less they are able to develop the critical awareness necessary to changethe existing conditions (ie. status quo). The existing condition, as explained by Freire, is neithera static and closed order nor a given reality which individuals must accept and adjust to; rather,it is a problem to be worked on and solved. Oppressors use the banking concept of educationin conjunction with a paternalistic social action apparatus within which the oppressed becomelabelled as “welfare recipients”. The oppressed are seen as “marginals” who deviated from thegeneral configuration of a “good, organized, and just” society, as “incompetent and lazy”individuals who need to change their mentality, and as marginal people who need to be“integrated” and “incorporated” into the healthy society that they have “forsaken.” But the truthis that the oppressed are not “marginal” living outside a “good, organized, and just” society.They have always been inside the structure, a structure that is dehumanizing and oppressive.The goal should not be one of “integration”, but to transform an oppressive structure. However,the transformation must begin with the oppressed and those who are truly in solidarity withthem. Assistance by the oppressors almost always manifests itself in the form of false generositybecause in order to express their “generosity”, the oppressors must perpetuate injustice as well.The transformation, Freire argues, must be initiated by the oppressed because they are bestprepared to understand the terrible significance of an oppressive society and are the ones whohave suffered the effects of oppression. Although this summary of Freire’s thinking does not30do justice to the richness, depth and complexity of his work, it does provide the basicinformation necessary to link the information presented in the previous chapters with therationale behind this research project.POPULAR THEATRE (AUGUSTO BOAL)Based on the ideas of Paulo Freire, Augusto Boal developed an approach that usestheatrical techniques and exercises to facilitate the empowerment process of the oppressed asthey move towards the transformation of an oppressive structure (as Freire puts it, win back theright to say his/her own word, to name the world). The procedure and activities for eachworkshop are similar, but the work that is developed is as varied as the participants involved.There are a variety of “Theatre of the Oppressed” games and exercises that are drawn on foreach workshop (See Appendix A). The first half of each workshop is spent on games andexercises that introduce participants to the dynamics of working together. This allowsparticipants to become comfortable with each other by drawing more on each participant’s innatewillingness to play than on specific personal experiences. These games also enable theparticipants to develop a non-verbal way of communicating with each other which becomes thestarting point in the journey of using theatrical images to discuss the issue of concern ofparticipants.During the second half of each workshop, feelings of oppression arising from incidentsin the participants’ own lives are explored through theatrical exercises that draw out deep inneremotions. In this way, participants come to recognize oppression in their own lives and see howcommon such feelings and experiences are. They begin to, as a group, look at oppression31beyond the personal level and begin to analyze oppression at the structural and political/historicallevel. This growing sense of solidarity with each other dealing with difficult situations fromtheir own lives is empowering for the participants, as personal concerns gradually becomecommunity concerns. In other words, these concerns become something everyone can relate toand try to resolve. As a result, there is an increased awareness of the power in their personalrelationships, to their community and families. The underlying assumption is that if participantsare able to see and recognize incidents of clear oppression, where both the oppressor. andoppressed can be identified, then participants have taken the first step towards understanding theeffect it has on their lives and move towards making positive changes.As discussed earlier in the chapter, the theories on delinquency and the youth programsdeveloped from the theories focus on the need to “integrate” and “incorporate” youth intosociety. In the case of Chinese ESL youth, the focus is to develop ways to “integrate” and“incorporate’ them into the Canadian society so the youth can live in an environment that isconducive to promoting self-esteem and competence. However, the ideas forwarded by PauloFreire suggests that self-esteem can only come with a sense ofpower. The power to be a subjectwho acts upon and transform the world towards new possibilities of a richer and fuller lifeindividually and collectively.Presented so far in this thesis are: a) what is known about the history of the Chinese inVancouver; b) the current situation regarding the Chinese youth and the Chinese community inVancouver; c) the rationale behind existing programs for Chinese ESL youths which focus on“integration” and “incorporation”; and d) the work of Augusto Boal in popular theatre. Basedon what has been presented, it is argued in this thesis that a popular theatre program that focuses32on “transformation” can have a significant positive effect on the self-esteem of Chinese ESLyouth because it deals with the issue of power and how it is related to covert institutionalviolence. To test this, a research project was set up in a Vancouver high-school and the detailsare outlined in the following chapter. The project examines the effect of a popular theatreprogram on the self-esteem of 15 new immigrant Asian youth currently attending a secondaryschool in the Vancouver school district. The goal is to try and determine whether an ESL youthprogram that focuses on “transformation” as opposed to “integration” and “incorporation” canhave a significant effect on the self-esteem of program participants.33CHAPTER 3RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHOD OF APPROACHINTRODUCTIONThe problem of delinquency, the shortcomings of the major theories around it and theproblem of the case work approach as outlined in the previous chapters suggested that an ESLyouth program focusing on “transformation”, by not downplaying the larger social, historical,political and economic context, could greatly facilitate the empowerment of the youth. So, whena Vancouver school requested a program to assist some Chinese ESL youth adjust to theCanadian school system and improve the self-confidence of the youths, it was suggested by theresearcher that a popular theatre program could benefit the youth if lack of self-confidence wasindeed the problem. A self-esteem inventory could be used in a pretest- post-test researchdesign to determine the effect of the program. Arrangements were made with school personnelto establish facilities and meeting times to conduct the program. Details of the project arepresented in the following sections.PARTICIPANTSThe group consisted of 15 Chinese youths ranging in age from 14-17 years. Of the 15,there were 10 females and 5 males. Eight of the participants were immigrants from Hong Kong,6 from Mainland China and 1 from Malaysia (See Table 111-1). All participants immigrated toCanada under the Family Class category. The sample for the study was obtained throughpurposive sampling. All participants attended the same high school and were referred to the34popular theatre program by school personnel.TABLE 111-1SUMMARY OF GENDER AND COUNTRY OF ORIGIN OF PARTICIPANTSCOUNTRY OF ORIGINMAINLAND HONG KONG MALAYSIA TOTALCHINAGENDER MALES 0 5 0 5FEMALES 6 3 1 10TOTAL 6 8 1 15The criteria used by school personnel to refer students into the program was as follows:(i) must be currently attending ESL (English as a Second Language);(ii) must be of Chinese descent;(iii) in the opinion of the ESL teachers, seems to lackself-confidence.A total of 15 referrals was made. All were accepted into the program and all completed theprogram. It is difficult to form any generalizations from the group since it can only be statedthat the 15 participants represent 15 youth attending the same school and possessing theaforementioned characteristics. Although school personnel claim that the 15 participants would35be fairly representative of many ESL youth in the school district, such a generalization cannotbe made at this time without taking samples from other schools in the same school district.MEASURESThe measure chosen for the study was the Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory (Battle,1981). There were a number of factors that led to the choice of this particular inventory overseveral others. It should be made clear at the outset that, in the opinion of the researcher,. it isimpossible for any measure to be absolutely culture free. Those who design measures comefrom a particular cultural context that has an effect on how questions are worded and whatquestions are chosen in the final version of the measure. Since all the participants in this studyhad english as their second language, the ability of the measure to be readily translated was akey consideration. The Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory was chosen because the researcherfelt that this particular measure was the easiest to translate without having to significantly alterthe meaning of the questions due to the differences between the English and Chinese vocabulary.The scales of the inventory are intended to measure an individual’s perception of self,providing insight into a client’s subjective feelings. Low self-esteem, on this scale, is equatedwith a negative perception of self (ie. low score) with high self-esteem being the opposite. Theinventory is administered once at the beginning as a pre-test then re-administered at a later dateat the discretion of the researcher (See Appendix B). Administration can be done individuallyor in groups, orally or non-verbally (ie. written), and in a language other than English. TheCulture Free Self-Esteem Inventory contains 60 questions and is broken down into:36a) General self-esteem (20 questions)b) Social/peer-related self-esteem (10 questions)c) Academic/school-related self-esteem (10 questions)d) Parental/home-related self-esteem (10 questions)e) Lie items (10 questions)The purpose of the lie item is to identify defensiveness.The scale has a test-retest correlation of 0.91 for high school respondents (0.93 for boysand 0.89 for girls). In terms of content validity, Alpha coefficients for the four subscales rangefrom 0.66 for the social/peer-related self-esteem to 0.76 for the parents/home-related self-esteem. Concurrent validity with the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory shows a correlationfrom 0.71 to 0.81. Similar correlates are found with Beck’s Depression Inventory and theMinnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory.Although the Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory could provide quantitative evidence,the inventory could not provide qualitative information as to the experiences of the participantsas they went through the program. To accomplish this, an interview schedule was used (SeeAppendix C). The contents of the interviews were transcribed, analyzed and prevalent themespicked out.PROCEDUREThis study employs an exploratory design to determine how the popular theatre program(independent variable) affected the level of self-esteem of the group of ESL participants37(dependent variable). Due to constraints of funding and availability of participants, the researchdesign selected was a pretest - post-test one-group design (before-after design).0 X 0201 first observation of dependent variableX = independent variable02 = second observation of dependent variableIn addition, an interview schedule was used to interview 3 participants, selected at random tocollect qualitative data that could provide a sense of the actual process that took place that ledto the results of the Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory. Time and resource considerationslimited the feasible number of interviewees to 3.Four weeks prior to the beginning of the popular theatre program, a meeting was heldwith the school counsellors and teachers in the ESL department of the school. The purpose ofthe meeting was to discuss the program content and to arrive at, through consensus, a criteriafor participation. The program was designed to run for 5 training days of 4-5 hours each witha two hour performance on the sixth day (See Appendix A for program schedule and content).Each training session consisted of twd halves and the predominant language used was Cantonese.The first half consisted of games and exercises that allowed participants to become familiar witheach other while simultaneously learning the necessary skills that would later be used to producea play. The second half of each session consisted of exercises that helped participants critically38examine the covert institutional violence that exists around them and the importance that powerplays in determining who are oppressed and who are the oppressors. Throughout the sessions,the role of the facilitator was to plan and implement exercises that create a working environmentconducive to: a) the development of full and equal participation of all involved in discussion,debate, and decision-making; and b) the empowerment of all participants to act for change.Although great efforts were made to be as faithful as possible to the techniques developed byAugusto Boal, it cannot be denied that some changes may have taken place in the researcher’s‘transportation’ of an approach developed in a South American context and applying it to animmigrant group in a Canadian context. However, it was expected that if such a program trulyaddressed the issue of power, a positive change in the self-esteem of participants would bedetected by the self-esteem inventory. In addition, the reason for the change in self-esteem levelcould be determined through interviews with several of the participants.The Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory pre-test was administered at the beginning of thefirst day and the post-test administered at the conclusion of day six. The interviews wereperformed one week after the commencement of the program as that was the first convenient dayfor the interviews. It should be noted that due to the difficulties participants had with the englishlanguage, both the Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory and the interview were administeredorally in Chinese, with the inventory administered in a group format.The 5 days of training took place at the school in the drama room. The performancetook place in the school auditorium and was open to the general public.39CHAPTER 4FINDINGSTables TV-i and IV-2 summarize the Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory pre-test andpost-test scores respectively.TABLE TV-iSelf-Esteem Inventory Categories and the Calculated Statistics(X, S2. S) - Pre-testCalculated Statisticsx S2 SGENERAL 9.80 4.77 2.18SOCIAL 4.93 1.07 1.03SELF-ESTEEM ACADEMIC 6.47 0.69 0.83INVENTORYCATEGORYPARENTS 6.40 0.69 0.83LIE 0 0 0TOTAL 28.00 14.29 3.7840TABLE IV-2Self-Esteem Inventory Categories and the Calculated Statistics(X, S2 S) - Post-testCalculated StatisticsX S2 SGENERAL 13.87 2.42 1.55SOCIAL 7.20 0.60 0.77SELF-ESTEEM ACADEMIC 6.67 0.38 0.62INVENTORYCATEGORYPARENTS 6.73 0.49 0.70LIE 0 0 0TOTAL 34.47 6.29 2.51In the previous two tables: X represents the mean (measure of central tendency; the sumof all the scores divided by the number of scores); 2 represents the variance (measure ofdispersion; the standard deviation squared); and S represents standard deviation (descriptivemeasure of dispersion; square root of the sum of squared deviations of each score from the meandivided by the number of scores). The higher mean scores in Table IV-1 as compared to TableIV-2 for the categories of General Self-Esteem, Social Self-Esteem, and Total/Overall selfesteem indicates an improvement between the pre- and post-test. This can likely be attributedto the popular theatre/education program that intervened between the time of the pre-test and thetime of the post-test. The values for S2 and S indicate that in both the pre- and post-test, thedispersion of scores was relatively small. This means that the scores obtained in the Culture41Free Self-Esteem Inventory from all the participants were grouped closely together (i.e.participants all had similar levels of self-esteem). The consequence of having such a smalldispersion is that a relatively small change in the mean can result in a difference that isstatistically significant. The values for S2 and S for the lie scale was 0 since an overall groupscore of 0 was obtained during both administrations of the Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory(See Appendix D for raw data).A t-test was performed on all the scores to determine whether the changes werestatistically significant. The results are presented in Table IV-3.TABLE IV-3Comparison of Pre-test Scores with Post-test Scores (t-test)t-scores COMMENT (df= 14)GENERAL 5.90 Sig. at .005 LevelSOCIAL 8.12 Sig. at .005 LevelACADEMIC 0.71 not Sig. at 0.10 LevelPARENTS 1.18 not Sig. at 0.10 LevelLIE N/A N/ATOTAL 5.53 Sig. at .005 Level42The t-tests indicate that the difference in the scores for the categories of general self-esteem, social self-esteem and total/overall self-esteem was statically significant at the 0.005level while the other sub-categories did not show a statistical significance at the 0.10 level.These results are not surprising if we recall the section on popular theatre in Chapter 2. Thetechniques of popular theatre are designed to help participants develop a growing sense ofsolidarity with each other such that personal concerns gradually become community concerns.In other words, these concerns become something all participants can relate to and try to resolve.That being the case, an increase in peer-related self-esteem should be expected. In terms of theacademic and parental self-esteem categories, the fact that neither issue was brought up byparticipants for examination in this project could explain why the results were not statisticallysignificant.As for the interviews, a number of themes seem to prevail. The opportunity forparticipants to express their concerns was one common theme.I think the workshop and performance gave lots of chances for me to express myself.What I liked the most was the many different ways we all got to do things. .. like usingimagery and intelligent clay. (Respondent #1)it was like we were no longer afraid to express ourselves. No longer afraid peoplemight laugh at you when you say things like in school when kids make fun because wespeak with an accent or when we speak Chinese.(Respondent #2)It gave me a chance to express things that I have kept to myself for a long time. Thereare things you can express here you can’t say to your parents, teachers or counsellors.Like when other kids make fun of me because I am in ESL. (Respondent #3)In addition to having the opportunity to express concerns and feelings, those interviewedidentified that participants seem to share similar life experiences.43Where I found it (the program) helped me the most was tofind out others in the group have the same experience I had.For example, when I was doing the pilot/co-pilot, the groupcould guess the situation and my feelings exactly.. .Thenwhen I saw other people’s imagery, I could guess how theyfeel too. (Respondent #1)So many of our experiences are the same. You know.. .somany of the images are the same. When I see it, I know whatthe person is trying to say. (Respondent #2)When we were doing imagery- pilot/co-pilot- many of theincidents are the same. It is like seeing other people beme in the imagery. Many of the feelings are the same.(Respondent #3)Having shared similar life experiences was an important part of the popular theatre programsince it was from these common experiences that the piece of theatre is developed forperformance. The performance seemed to also generate some common experiences for theparticipants.The performance was very helpful. There were manyinteresting ideas from the audience and some were veryfunny. I don’t know if the ideas will work for real butthere were some good ideas there. (Respondent #1)I feel confident that I can do more when I have a problem.From the performance, I learned that there are so manythings I can do. The audience thought of many ideas Iwould have never thought of by myself. (Respondent #2)I think the performance gave me some ideas to deal withthe problems instead of getting angry all the time.(Respondent #3)The interview seems to indicate that the themes of opportunity for expression, shared lifeexperiences, and learning new ideas in order to take action are consistent with all threeinterviewees. The themes appear to be consistent with the ideas and techniques proposed by44Augusto Boal with respect to popular theatre (explained in Chapter 2 and Appendix A). Theresults of the interview also seem to be consistent with the results of the Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory. For example, being able to identify with the issues raised by otherparticipants facilitated a sense of solidarity among participants which was reflected in a positivechange in the peer-related self-esteem inventory score. Also, having learned new possibilitiesto deal with personal problems seems to affect the sense of power and self-confidence ofrespondents which is reflected in the increased general and total self-esteem scores in theinventory.45CHAPTER 5DISCUSSION. RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONDISCUSSIONThe results suggest a link between popular theatre and self-esteem (specifically general,social and overall self-esteem). It seems that the use of popular theatre can improve the self-esteem of Chinese ESL youth. Whether other types of popular theatre programs can improveself-esteem in the areas of academics and parental relations is unclear since the programdesigned for this study focused primarily on the ESL youth’s social and general self-esteem.As mentioned in the Chapter 2, numerous factors have been considered to be crucial in predisposing a youth to delinquency. Almost all, as suggested from criminological theories, arein some way connected to low self-esteem that results from a lack of “integration” and“incorporation’. Self-esteem, itself, is a general term that can be divided into a number of subcategories (i.e. social, academic). In this study, the focus was on the social aspects which stillleaves at least the academic, parental and peer sub-categories unexamined. But there is at leastsome evidence from this study that a link does exist between popular theatre and some subcategories of self-esteem.What seems to link popular theatre with self-esteem is the concept of power. A senseof power is crucial to the development of self-esteem. As stated in the presentation of PauloFreire’s ideas, “human beings have a basic need to be a subject who acts upon and transformshis/her world thereby moving towards new possibilities of a fuller and richer life individuallyand collectively”. The ability to create new possiblities is necessary for an individual to have46a positive self-image. To be an object that is always acted upon by external forces while notbeing able to create any new possibilities will ultimately result in a negative self-image. Aspresented in the first two chapters of this thesis, the Chinese community in Vancouver hasendured thirteen decades of social, political and economic inequality. The community has beenthe target of covert institutional violence. In response to the institutional violence, some youthsin the community have responded in ways deemed by the dominant society as delinquent. Toexplain the delinquency, society focuses on the perceived shortcomings of the individual and/orfamily and their inability to “integrate” appropriately into society. Blame is placed on the youthand family while the larger social, historical, political, and economic contexts are downplayed.The philosophy and techniques of popular theatre are designed to address the concept of powerby helping participants understand the institutional violence that exists (i.e. structural, political,historical factors). In this study, by taking the daily experiences of the participants (an argumentbetween an older sister and her brother over the brother not completing his homework), criticallyanalyzing the scenes to develop a play based on the analysis (the sister’s anger stems fromhaving to work two part-time jobs and perform the house chores because both parents are busyworking long hours to help support the family due to the income discrimination that visibleminorities continue to face in Canada), and playing out interventions from the audience as ameans of both increasing the repertoire of potential responses and developing strategies to dealwith issues of power affecting personal life. The opportunities to express issues of concern incombination with the ability to develop strategies for intervention (i.e. new possibilities) seemto give the participants a tremendous sense of power thereby resulting in a positive effect oncertain aspects of self-esteem.47FORUM THEATRE IN ACTIONr..—INTERNATIONAL CON]CHINESE IMMIGRAElCanadian-born chinese youth and chinese ESL youth playing out a scene of conflictThe scene reaches its clima.’ as the conflict becomes physically violent48___________•%__INTERNATIONAL CONFER]CHINESE IMMIGRANT/iOTH)HI S 4’ ‘* lb 4’.P .U-C.C-ES.A member of the audience replaces one of the youth and tries an interventionAnother audience member tries an intervention49This link is important to social work in that it provides a possible addition to therepertoire of techniques available to social workers in the field of youth work. Given thenumber of youths that one worker is able to work with within the limited time available, thisapproach is also cost effective. At the same time, this approach might be useful in addressingthe heavy workload problem by requiring fewer working hours per client.Although the t-tests do indicate that a change in self-esteem has occurred between pre-testand post-test, the small sample size in this study precludes the use of any inferential statistics.There are a number of other limitations to this study that need consideration. The first is thatthe sample consists of students from one single high school. How representative this group maybe of students from other schools is unclear. Any generalizations must be made with greatcaution. Secondly, using the pre-test - post-test one group design may have affected test resultsin that the experience of taking the pre-test may have carried over to the post-test. Without acontrol group, this possibility cannot be ruled out. Third, history may have also played a rolebecause some event (i.e. problem at home or school) may have occurred in the period betweenthe first and second administration of the Culture Free Self-Esteem Inventory which could havenegated or enhanced the effects of the intervention. Fourth, how long the effects will last isuncertain without follow-up tests. It is possible that the positive results only lasts for severaldays with the net effect in the long-term being no change or even change in the oppositedirection. Finally, there is the danger of reactive effects. Since all participants were aware thatsome sort of program evaluation was taking place, it could have affected their behaviour.Despite the limitations, a number of recommendations can be made with respect to youthwork.50Recommendations1) The field of youth work needs to consider from what level ofanalysis it is using in defining the factors that may predispose a youth to delinquency. Often, the focus is onpersonal or family factors. The broader socio-politicallevel is often overlooked and the issue of power, whichlinks both personal and social factors is ignored.2) As stated in the literature review in chapter 2, the focusof current programs for ESL youth has been to develop strategiesto “integrate” and “incorporate” youth into the Canadian society.As indicated by the growing public outcry over youth crime and thelimited financial resources available to deal with the problem,current programs may neither be the most efficient nor effectiveapproach to youth work. Although the results of this study are farfrom being conclusive, a non-traditional approach such as populartheatre needs to be considered as a possible supplement,if not alternative, to the existing approaches.3) When working with youth from a visible minority, the historyof the ethnic group needs to be considered. In this study,the history of the Chinese in Vancouver reveals51a series of social, political and economic barriers thathave stemmed from the development of institutional racismthat coincided with the arrival of the first Chineseimmigrants. As mentioned in chapter 1, these barrierscontinue to exist today. The Chinese community continuesto be the target of “institutional violence” and ifsignificant change is the goal of youth work, then the“institutional violence” must be dealt with. Effectiveyouth work must go beyond the level of personal problemsand take into consideration socio-political and historicalfactors.CONCLUSIONFrom this study, it is clear that there is a need to place greater focus on the sociopolitical and historical factors if effective programs for Chinese ESL youth are to be designedand implemented. Many programs are built around the concepts forwarded in influentialcriminological, sociological and psychological theories that tend to explain symptoms rather thanexamine the more significant socio-political and historical perspective. This has resulted in afailure to examine the continuing problem of “covert institutional violence” that exist inCanadian society. Instead, programs continue to focus on approaches to “integrate” and“incorporate” Chinese ESL youth into an oppressive and exploitive social structure which is52more likely to exacerbate the phenomenon of Asian youth gangs as opposed to dealing with iteffectively. Programs like popular theatre provide one possible avenue to address the issuessurrounding Chinese ESL youth. Such programs: a) take common everyday issues and analyzethem at a socio-political level; b) considers historical factors in order that participants understandhow and why issues have arrived at their present state; and c) focus more on “transformation”than on “integration” and “incorporation”.Overall, the results of this study are encouraging and raise a number of future researchquestions. The first is whether the results obtained in this study would be comparable if thestudy was performed at another school and with youth of a different cultural background. If theresults are similar, it would be of further interest to see if changes could be made in theprograms to improve the sub-categories not significantly affected by this program. Finally, itwould be useful for social work to consider to what degree improving self-esteem has ondecreasing the level of delinquency.53BIBLIOGRAPHYAngus Reid Group, Immigration to Canada: Aspects of Public Opinion,Report Prepared for Employment and Immigration Canada, 1989.Arnold, Rick, Deborah Barndt & Bev Burke, A New Weave: Popular Education in Canada andCentral America.Ontario: CUSO Development Education and Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1985.Blakwell, James W., “Ethnic Inequality and the Rate of Homicide”, Social Forces, September1990, 69(1):53-70.Battle, J., Culture free Self-Esteem Inventory.Texas: Pro-Ed Inc., 1981.Baureiss, Gunter, “Discrimination and Response: The Chinese in Canada” in Rita M. Bienvenueand Jay E. Goldstein, eds., Ethnicity and Ethnic Relations in Canada.Toronto: Butterworth & Co. Ltd., 1985.Boal, Augusto, Theatre of the Oppressed.New York: Continuum, 1978.Carriere, E., Background to Planning Workshop on Youth and Criminal Gangs.Vancouver: Interministry Committee on Criminal Gangs, 1990.Census of Canada, Public Use Microdata File on Individuals, 1986.Cloward, Richard & Lloyd Z. Ohlin, “Illegitimate Means, Differential Opportunity andDelinquent Subcultures,” in Delinquency and Opportunity.Illinois: The Free Press, 1961.Davis, Kingsley, “Prostitution” in Robert K. Merton and Robert A. Nisbet, eds., ContemporarySocial Problems.New York: Harcourt Brace and Javanovich, 1961.Fishman, Gideon, Arye Rattner & Gabriel Weimann, “The Effect of Ethnicity on CrimeAttribution”, Criminology, Vol.25 No.3, 1987, pp.507-524.Freire, Paulo, Pedagogy of the Oppressed.New York: Continuum, 1983.Freud, Sigmund, New Introductory Lectures on Psycholanalysis.New York: W.W. Norton, 1933.54Gee, J., Chinese Canadian Community,Ontario: Ministry of Culture and Recreation, 1982.The Globe and Mail, “Teens Rampage Through Flea Market,’ October 7, 1991, p.A1-2The Globe and Mail, “Chinese Canadians Fight Racism,” p. A7, April 16, 1991.Grinnell, Richard M. Jr., Social Work Research and Evaluation, 3rd. ed.Illinois: F.E. Peacock mc, 1988.Hawkins, Freda, Canada and Immigration: Public Policy and Public Concern, 2nd. ed.,Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988.Hope, Anne, and Sally Timmel, Training for Transformation: A Handbook for CommunityWorkers,Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1989.Hsu, Immanuel C.Y., The Rise of Modern China,New York: Oxford press, 1970.Huang, Evelyn, and Lawrence Jeffery, eds., Chinese Canadians: Voices From A Community,Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1992.Klein, Doris, “The Etiology of Female Crime: A Review of the Literature”, Issues inCriminology, 8(2), 3-30, 1973.Kwok, Amy W.H., Report on the Factors Contributing to Juvenile Gangs in the ChineseCommunity.Solicitor General of Canada, 1987.Li, Peter S., The Chinese in Canada,Oxford University Press, 1988.Li, Peter S., Ethnic Inequality: In a Class Society.Toronto: Wall & Thompson, Inc., 1988.Li, Peter S., Essay: “The Chinese Minority in Canada, 1858-1992: A Quest For Equality”,1992.Liazos, Alexander, “The Poverty of Sociology of Deviance: Nuts, Sluts, and ‘Perverts.”Social Problems, No. 1, 1972.Logan, John R. & Steven F. Messner, “Racial Residential Segregation and Suburban ViolentCrime”, Social Science quarterly, Vol. 68, 1987, pp. 510-527.55McCord, William, ‘The Biological Basis of Juvenile Delinquency” in Joseph S. Roncek, ed.,Juvenile Delinquency.New York: Philosophical Library, 1958.Merton, Robert K., “Social Structure and Anomie, American Sociological Review, Vol. 31,Oct. 1958.Munro, J., “British Columbia and the Chinese ‘Evil’: Canada’s First Anti-Asiatic ImmigrationLaws,” Journal of Canadian Studies, Nov. 1971, pp. 42-51Pollak, Otto, The Criminality of Women,Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1950.The Province, “The Asia Factor,” pp. 35 & 38, July 21, 1991.Reckless, W.C., The Crime Problem, 4th ed.New York: Appleton, 1961.Riess, A.J., “Delinquency as a Failure of Personal and Social Controls”, American JournalReview, Vol.16, 1951, pp.196-208.Statutes of Canada, An Act to restrict and regulate Chinese Immigration into Canada. Chapter71, 1885.Statues of Canada, An Act respecting and restricting Chinese Immigration, Chapter 32, 1900.Statutes of Canada, An Act respecting Chinese Immigration, Chapter 38, 1923.Sutherland, Edward H., Principles of Criminology, 7th ed.Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1955.Thomas, W.I., Sex and Society,Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1907.Tienhaara, Nancy, Canadian Views on Immigration and Population: An Analysis of Post-WarGallup Polls.Ottawa: Department of Manpower and Immigration, 1974.Timlin, Mabel, F., “Canada’s Immigration Policy, 1896-1910”, Canadian Journal of Economicsand Political Sciences, 29, pp.5l7-5Y2, 1960.The Vancouver Sun, “Curbing Monster Houses,” p. A9, November 14, 1989.56The Vancouver Sun, “One Man Wields Unique Sword at ‘Monster’ Houses,” pp. B1-2, May,25 1990.The Vancouver Sun, “How We Saved Shaughnessy From Monsters,” pp. D10-11, June 23,1990.Wakeman, Frederic Jr. ,The Fall of Imperial China,New York: Free press, 1975.Ward, Peter W., White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy Toward Orientalin British Columbia.Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University press, 1978.Yerbury C. and K. Faith, Minorities and the Criminal Justice System, Simon Fraser University,1993.57APPENDIX APOPULAR THEATRE PROGRAM(TAKE II DRAMA)CIRCLE TIMEFunctions: - set up rules- assess the mood of the group before eachworkshop- evaluate the progress of each workshop throughthe mouth of participants- affirm that everyone’s opinion is respected- can set time limits for the whole groupIt is not necessary to have circle time in every session. However, it is preferable to have oneat the beginning and end of the first session, provided the time is adequate and the emotionalenergy level is high. After the group builds up its group norms, the circle time can be skippedto accommodate busy schedules.First Circle Time:Facilitators (F) introduce themselves and the purpose of the program to the group. It is madeclear to the participants that the script will be developed by them. All games and exercisesrequires great respect, concentration and quietness.Circle Time After Each Workshop:Form a big circle and sit on the floor. F presents a symbol of importance, ie., something thathas special meaning to him/her and places the symbol in the middle of the circle; it may be apiece of jewellery (ie. a ring). The person who wishes to speak first picks up the ring. Withthe ring in hand, they must speak in a precise and concise manner about his/her feelings towardsthe workshop. Participants are not allowed to discuss, elaborate or comment during anotherparticipant’s turn. After s/he has finished speaking, the ring will be passed on to the personbeside him/her. Participants who do not wish to speak may pass up their turn.Last Circle Time:It should be stressed that:- the job of the Fs is to teach the members skills to58express their feelings and to address their issues ofconcern. They are encouraged to make use of this newlydeveloped skill.- another purpose of the project is to create a positiveenvironment in which members experience mutual respect,care and concern for one another.GAMESFeel the Body Weight#1: Pair up. Participants face each other. Put hands on eachother’s shoulders. Step one step backward. Feel eachother’s weight.#2: Pair up. Stand side by side and shoulder to shoulder. Leanagainst each other. Feel each other’s weight.#3: Pair up. Participants face each other. Hold hands, standtoe to toe and lean back slowly. Find a balance point.Support each with one’s body weight.Knot#1: All participants form a circle and hold hands. F leads onelink of the circle and F moves in and out of the circleto make knots. F will then ask the group to try and untiethemselves. This is to be done in silence.#2: All participants form a circle and stand with their handsup in the air. All participants move towards the centre ofthe circle and hold the hands of two people not adjacent tohim/her. When everyone backs away, a knot is formed.F will ask group to untie themselves. This is to be donein silence.* *It is possible that the knot may be too difficult to untie.Hypnosis#1: Pair up. Participants face each other. One person placesthe palm of his/her hand six inches away from the face ofthe partner. The person who place the palm of his/herhand from the face of the partner will be the hypnotist.The hypnotist will move his/her palm slowly to guide thepartner safely around the room.59#2: Same as above, reversing roles.Mirror#1: Pair up. Participants face each other. One partner makesgestures in slow motion. The other person acts as a mirrorimage and tries to imitate his/her partner’s gestures.#2: Same as above, reversing roles.Reverse Side of a Mirror#1: Pair up. Participants face each other. One partner makesgestures in slow motion. The other person acts as an exactimage as opposed to a mirror image (ie. right hand to righthand).#2: Same as above, reversing roles.Blindness#1: Everyone find a safe place in the room. Participants are tostand straight with their hands at their sides, with theirheads up and their eyes closed. Participants move aroundthe room. If they are in danger of colliding with anything,workers are to guide them to safety.#2: Pair up. Find a safe area in the room. Participants are toclose their eyes and stretch their arms until they touch theshoulders of his/her partner. Take one step back and thentake one step forward to try and find your partner. Continueby increasing one step at a time within thelimitations of the size of the room.Get in BetweenPair up. Participants face each other and place hands on partner’s shoulders. One pair will playthe police and the thief. The police tries to catch the thief and the thiefescapes by standing in between any other pair. At that point, the person whom the thief hashis/her back to becomes a new thief. If at any time the police catches the thief, the roles arereversed as in a game tag.Come Back to Me60#1: Pair up. One partner closes his/her eyes. Same as hypnosis,the difference is that the hypnotist guides by a sound.#2: Same as above, but increase the distance between partners.#3: Same as above, reversing roles.Three Points on the Ground#1: Pair up. One partner places the person in gesture where threepoints of his/her body is always touching the ground.#2: Same as above, reversing roles.Empty ChairForm a big circle. Stand very close to each other. Everyone turn 90 degrees so that the circlefaces either clockwise or counter clockwise. Sit down on each other’s lap and support eachother.IntestineForm two parallel lines facing each other. Stand fairly close to each other. Hold hands out atwaist level with palms up. One person enters the line at one end by lying down and beingsupported by the members forming the parallel lines. As a team, they slowly pass the personfrom one end of the line to the other (ie. like food going through the intestine).The Slowest the WinnerEveryone pretends they are running in a race but moving in slow motion. Everyone mustcontinue moving at all times. The last one across the finish line is the winner.The WinkPlace chairs in a circle (the number of chairs must be one more than half the total number ofparticipants. One participant stands behind each chair at a distance of one foot with arms attheir sides. Every chair has a participant sitting in it with the exception of one. The participantwith the empty chair tries to steal a person already sitting to fill his/her empty chair. This isdone by winking at the participant to come over. As the person tries to leave the chair, theparticipant standing behind that particular chair tries to stop the process by touching the“escaping” person with both hands. If successful, the person will stay, if not, the person will61go to the other chair.EXERCISESImage CreationAll participants stand in a circle, then one person walks to the middle and forms a static image.The other participants observe the image for a few seconds and then a second person can chooseto join in and complete the image. At this point, the first person can withdraw and anotherperson must now complete the image. This can be continued varying the numbers required tocomplete the image.Intelligent Clay#1: Pair Up. One person is the artist, the other is the clay.The artist shapes the clay as he/she wishes. No talking isallowed.#2: Same as above, reversing roles.Intelligent Clay in GroupsSame as above but performed in groups with an opportunity for other participants to try andguess what the image represents.Pilot/Co-PilotPair up. One person is the pilot, the other is the co-pilot. The two of them share an experienceof oppression that has occurred within the last year in Canada. After the sharing, they both havethe opportunity to create their own scene as well as their partner’s scene, using intelligent clay.Other participants may be used as well. The pilot is the person’s story that is being represented.The co-pilot is the person attempting to create a parallel image of the pilot’s story. Each partnergets to play both roles.STORY CREATIONFirst stage - relaxationEveryone lies down on the floor with eyes closed. The facilitator presents images that help theparticipants relax. Then the participants are asked to recall an experience of oppression, and62focus on the feeling. Picture an image of the scene and the sound that goes with it. Participantsare then asked to stand up, form the image and produce the sound out loud. Similar soundsgroup together and a short scene is created through conversation.Second stage - creating the storySame as above but with assistance of the facilitator to produce the actual play.ACTUAL PERFORMANCERehearsal before the actual performance.Actual Performance:All members are invited to go onto the stage and introduce their names to the audience. thenthe facilitators introduce the nature and characteristics of Take II Drama.Rules of Take II Drama:The story will be played the first time. Usually it lasts a few minutes. Then the story will beplayed the second time. Whenever any audience see any character on the stage is oppressed,he/she can yell stop. The action on the stage is stopped immediately. The audience can go upto the stage and do the following things:1. Replace the character of the oppressed.2. Add or take away any character, but not theoppressor, to improve the situation of theoppressed.3. Choose when to intervene.After the intervention, facilitators will ask the audience to:1. introduce his/her name2. explain the purpose and expected outcome of theintervention3. comment on the actual outcome, whether it improvesthe condition of the oppressed.The facilitators then can get feedback from:1. other characters2. other audience, preferably, invite the audience to63to come and act out his/her version.After the Intervention:Group members stay on the stage and allow some time for the audience to raise questions.64APPENDIX BPlease mark each statement in the following way. If the statement describes how you usually feel, makea check mark (if) in the yes column. If the statement does not describe how you usually feel, make acheck mark (vi) in the no column. Please check only one column (either yes or non) for each of the60 statements. This is not a test, and there are no right” or ‘wrong auaweis.yes no1. I spend a lot of time daydreaming C C2. Boys and girls like to play with me_______________________C C3. I like to spend most of my time alone__________C C4. 1am satisfied with my school work_________________ C C5. I have lets of fun with my mother___________________ C C6. My parents never get angly with me_C C7. I wish I were younger C C8 I have only a few friends_________________________________ C C9. I usually quit when my school work is too herd C C10. I have lots of fun with my father C C11. lam happy most of the time C C12. lamnevershy______________C C13. I have vety little trust in myself C C14. Most boys and girls play games better than 1 do C C15. Ilikebeingaboy/Ilikebeingagirl C C16. lam doing as well in school as I would like to_____ _C C17. Ihavelotsoffunwithbothofmyparents C C18. 1 usually fail when I try to do important things________________ C C19. I have never taken anything that did not belong to me____C C20. I often feel ashamed of myself______________________ C C21. Boys and girls usually choose me to be the leader____________ C C22. I usually can take care of myself__________________________ C C23. Lam a failure at school_____C C24. Ifindithardtomakeupmymindandsticktoit C C25. My parents make me feel that lam not good enough_________ C C26. I never get angiy___ __ __C C27. Ioftenfeelthatlamnogoodatall C C28. I have many friends about my own age C C29. Most boys and girls are smarter than Lam___________________ C C30. Most boys and girls are better than Lam_____________________ C C31. My parents dislike me because Lam not good enough C C32. I like everyone I know___________________________________ C C33. Children pick on me very often____________________ C C34. I like to play with children younger than lam_________________ C C35. Iliketobecalledonbymyteachertoanswerquestions_C C36. I would change many things about myself if I could_C C37. There are many times when I would like to run away from home C C38. Iamashappyasmostboysandgirls C C39. Icandothingsaswellasmostboysandgirls C C40. I often feel like quitting school____________________ C C41. Iworryalot________________________________ C C42. My parents understand howl feel____________________ C C43. When! have something to say, I usually say it________________ C C44. I never worry about anything_____________________ C C45. 1am as nice looking as most boys and girls C C46. Other boys and girls are mean to me_C C47. 1 know myself very well C C48. Iamdoingthebestschoolworkthatlcan C C49. People can depend on me top my promises____________ C C50. My parents thilam a failure C C51. I always tell the truth C C52. 1 need more friends C C53. I always know what to say to people C C54. My teacher feels that! am not good enough C C55. My parents love me____________________________ C C56. I never do anything wrong C C57. Most boys and girls are stronger than I am C C58. Lam proud of my school work C C59. 1 often get upset at home_C C60. 1 am never unhappy__C C65APPENDIX CINTERVIEW SCHEDULE1. In what ways did/didn’t you feel that the workshop andperformance gave you opportunities to express yourexperiences of oppression?2. In what ways did/didn’t you feel that the workshop andperformance helped you better understand your experiencesof oppression?3. In what ways did you/didn’t you feel after the workshop andperformance if you are any better prepared to deal with yourexperiences of oppression?4. In what way has/hasn’t there been any change in the way youperceive yourself since the workshop started?5. Any comments you wish to make?66APPENDIX DPRE-TEST DATAI.D. # GENERAL SOCIAL ACADEMIC PARENTS LIE TOTAL01 7 4 6 6 002 8 5 7 6 003 13 6 6 6 0 3104 6 3 5 6 0 2005 11 5 6 6 006 10 4 7 7 0 2807 13 6 7 5 0 3108 9 5 6 7 0 2709 12 6 7 6 0 3110 11 5 6 5 0 2711 13 7 8 7 0 3512 10 5 6 7 0 2813 13 6 7 8 0 3414 11 5 5 6 0 2715 9 4 7 7 0 2767POST-TEST DATAI.D. # GENERAL SOCIAL ACADEMIC PARENTS LIE TOTAL01 12 7 6 7 002 13 7 7 6 0 3303 13 6 6 6 0 31.04 12 7 6 7 0 3205 14 8 7 6 0 3506 12 6 7 7 0 3207 15 8 6 7 0 3608 14 7 6 7 0 3409 16 8 7 6 0 3710 14 7 7 6 0 3411 17 8 7 7 0 4012 12 6 8 8 0 3313 15 8 8 8 0 3814 15 8 6 6 0 3515 14 7 7 7 0 3568

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