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Anglos with feathers: a content analysis of French and English media coverage in Québec on the Oka crisis… Keller, Elizabeth Andrea 1996

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ANGLOS WITH FEATHERS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH MEDIA COVERAGE IN QUEBEC ON THE OKA CRISIS OF 1990 b y ELIZABETH ANDREA KELLER B. Arts (Honours), Concordia University, 1994 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Political Science We accept this thesis as conforming t^he requirer^ tandard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1996 © Elizabeth A/Keller, 1996 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Potjkcojj S6iHMf Q J The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) 11 Abstract All articles, editorials and letters to the editor written by The Gazette and La Presse during the Oka Crisis of 1990 are measured and compared in order to determine which of the two major newspapers in Quebec was more sympathetic in its coverage of the Oka Crisis. The method used is content analysis, with 1674 pieces written by the two newspapers being analyzed from the seventy-eight day period which has been characterized as the Oka Crisis (July 12 to September 26, 1990). The study will be divided into several parts, as follows: theory and literature review, chronology of events at Oka, methodology, presentation of findings and discussion of the relevance of these findings. In particular, six areas of theory helped lay the foundation for the hypothesis: non-Aboriginal attitudes towards Aboriginal peoples and protest, studies on newspaper coverage of the Oka crisis, studies on differences between French and English media, studies on the FLQ crisis, communications theory and Aboriginal peoples as portrayed by the media. Chapter two describes the history of the Mohawk land claim, divisions within the Mohawk community and a chronology of events at Oka. Chapter three outlines the methodology and explains that content is placed into seven categories: law and order, death of Lemay, native perspective, Mohawk rights and claims, mixed or other, criticism of the S.Q. or provincial government, and criticism of the army or federal government. They are then further classified as either positive, negative or neutral. The findings show that La Presse was less sympathetic than The Gazette towards the Mohawks, and that La Presse emphasized the need for law and order, while The Gazette gave greater attention to the Native perspective. Both newspapers however, tended to have negative front page and editorial coverage. The final chapter discusses the results and points to some possible reasons for the differing coverage: the sovereignty movement in Quebec, the historic relationship between the English and Aboriginal peoples and the French and Aboriginal peoples, and the fact that the Mohawks were English speaking which facilitated reporting for The Gazette. A summary of the literature and the findings is presented at the end of chapters one and four. Table of Contents A B S T R A C T H T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S m L I S T O F T A B L E S I V L I S T O F F I G U R E S V I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 C H A P T E R 1: T H E O R Y A N D L I T E R A T U R E R E V I E W 4 N O N - A B O R I G I N A L C A N A D I A N S ' ATTITUDES T O W A R D S A B O R I G I N A L P E O P L E S A N D PROTEST 4 SPECIFIC STUDIES O N NEWSPAPER C O V E R A G E OF T H E O K A CRISIS 8 STUDIES O N T H E D IFFERENCES B E T W E E N F R E N C H A N D E N G L I S H M E D I A 12 . STUDIES O N T H E F L Q CRISIS 14 C O M M U N I C A T I O N S T H E O R Y A N D T H E C O V E R A G E OF C O N F L I C T 17 A B O R I G I N A L P E O P L E S AS MINORITIES P O R T R A Y E D I N T H E M E D I A 21 S U M M A R Y OF T H E L I T E R A T U R E 23 C H A P T E R 2: A B R I E F H I S T O R Y O F T H E O K A C R I S I S 25 H ISTORICAL C O N T E X T OF L A N D C L A I M AT O K A 26 DIVISIONS W ITHIN T H E M O H A W K 29 E V E N T S A T O K A 30 C H A P T E R 3: M E T H O D O L O G Y 37 C H O I C E OF NEWSPAPERS 38 SELECTION OF CATEGORIES 39 UNITS OF A N A L Y S I S A N D T H E V A L E N C E C O M P O N E N T 41 C O D I N G S C H E M E 47 D A T A C O L L E C T I O N A N D P R E - T E S T 49 C H A P T E R 4: P R E S E N T A T I O N O F D A T A A N D F I N D I N G S 50 W H I C H NEWSPAPER WAS M O R E S Y M P A T H E T I C IN ITS C O V E R A G E ? .52 H o w DID T H E M A T I C C O N T E N T DIFFER B E T W E E N T H E TWO NEWSPAPERS? 56 H O W P A G E N U M B E R A N D L E N G T H OF A R T I C L E A F F E C T V A L E N C E 59 S U M M A R Y OF F INDINGS 61 C H A P T E R 5: D I S C U S S I O N 62 R E S E A R C H FINDINGS A N D T H E I R S IGNIFICANCE 62 F U R T H E R POSSIBLE REASONS BEHIND T H E DIFFERING C O V E R A G E A T O K A 71 C O N C L U D I N G C O M M E N T 73 B I B L I O G R A P H Y 74 iv List of Tables T A B L E 1. P E R C E N T A G E D IFFERENCES OF V A L E N C E B Y N E W S P A P E R 52 T A B L E 2. S U M M A R Y STATISTICS O N V A L E N C E A C C O R D I N G TO N E W S P A P E R 53 T A B L E 3. T O T A L N U M B E R OF A R T I C L E S , EDITORIALS A N D LETTERS TO T H E EDITOR B Y NEWSPAPER 54 T A B L E 4. C O M P A R I S O N OF V A L E N C E IN E A C H NEWSPAPER B Y T Y P E OF A R T I C L E 55 T A B L E 5. P E R C E N T A G E D IFFERENCES OF T H E M E S B Y NEWSPAPER 57 T A B L E 6. M E A N D IFFERENCES OF V A L E N C E B Y P A G E N U M B E R W ITHIN NEWSPAPER . 59 T A B L E 7. L E N G T H OF A R T I C L E A C C O R D I N G TO V A L E N C E B Y NEWSPAPER 60 V List of Figures F I G U R E 1. E X A M P L E S OF N E G A T I V E V O C A B U L A R Y USED IN A R T I C L E S , EDITORIALS A N D LETTERS O N T H E O K A CRISIS 45 F I G U R E 2. C O D I N G S C H E M E 48 V 1 Introduction The greatest propaganda in the world is our mother tongue, that which we learn as children, and which we learn unconsciously. That shapes our perception for life. That is propaganda at its most extreme form. - Marshall McLuhan1 Since the late 1960s, the Canadian political scene has been changing with the 're-awakening' of Aboriginal identities in Canada. While self-government may be moving at an excruciatingly slow pace for most Native peoples in Canada, power is slowly manifesting itself in their hands once again. Elijah Harper's vote against the Meech Lake Accord attested to the power of one Native voice, whereas the creation of Nunavut attests to a long struggle for an entire people and the formation of their own homeland. The Oka Crisis of 1990 however, will remain the most vivid example in recent history of Native peoples struggling to be heard and showing that they are willing to die for that right. This reality shook our perceptions of democracy and forged a new direction for Aboriginal politics in Canada. However, were the Mohawks, and the Aboriginal peoples across Canada and the United States who supported them, terrorists or freedom fighters? Were they fighting the injustice of building a golf course on traditional land or were they skirting democracy? For seventy-eight days these questions were debated in newspapers across 1 Marshal l M c L u h a n , as quoted in George Sanderson & Frank M c D o n a l d (eds.) Marshal l M c L u h a n : The M a n and His Message (Golden, Colorado: Fulcrum Inc., 1989): 32. 2 the country, and the Oka Crisis and Aboriginal politics in general became everyone's business. Not surprisingly, depending on which newspapers were read, there were different views offered of the same situation. In particular, a trend started to appear in the Montreal newspapers, which were closest to the crisis: the English newspaper, The Gazette, appeared to be more sympathetic towards the Mohawks, and the French newspaper, La Presse, appeared to be less sympathetic to the Native cause. Was this appearance the reality, and if the two newspapers differed consistently, why was this so? These questions will form the basis of this study, with the primary focus being on whether, the two major papers in Quebec differed in their coverage on the Oka Crisis. The method used will be content analysis, with all articles, editorials and letters to the editor of both The Gazette and La Presse being analyzed over the two and a half month period of the Oka Crisis (luly 11-September 26, 1990). The study will be divided into several parts. The first chapter will examine the existing literature and explain how it helped shape this study. Chapter two will provide a brief historical description of the Oka Crisis, and the of events and land claims leading up to it. The third chapter will take a more scientific and descriptive approach, as it will outline the methodology of the study and explain its particular parameters. Chapter four will discuss the concrete results of the content analysis of The Gazette and La Presse, and finally, chapter five will explain the relevance of these findings. It is important to add that some studies have already been conducted with regard to the media coverage of the Oka Crisis, but it is necessary to emphasize that none have included the dimension of language or included French newspapers in their analysis. 3 This study therefore hopes to provide an addition to the previous literature and add to the understanding of media coverage on conflict in general, and Aboriginal conflict in particular. Given that Oka was a pre-cursor to other conflicts which arose across Canada between Aboriginal peoples and government, such as at Gustafson Lake in British Columbia and Ipperwash Provincial Park in Ontario, it is important to study how the media creates the playing field for dealing with such situations,. and as McLuhan said, how language can affect the way in which situations are perceived. 4 Chapter 1: Theory and Literature Review There are six topic areas which have helped shape this study and lay the foundation for its hypothesis and assumptions: 1. non-Aboriginal Canadians' attitudes towards Aboriginal peoples and protest 2. specific studies on newspaper coverage of the Oka Crisis 3. studies on the differences between French and English media 4. studies on the F L Q crisis 5. communications theory and the coverage of conflict 6. Aboriginal peoples as minorities portrayed in the media. /. Non-Aboriginal Canadians' Attitudes Towards Aboriginal Peoples and Protest There have been numerous studies conducted over the last two decades which outline non-Aboriginal Canadians' views towards Aboriginal peoples (Ponting & Gibbins 1981, Berry & Wells 1990, Berry et al 1977, Berry & Kalin 1993, CROP 1979, Reid 1990, and Ponting 1990). However, for the purposes of this literature review, only the 1981 and 1990 Ponting & Gibbins studies, and the 1990 Berry & Wells study, will be used, as they relate directly to the assumptions made in this study about English and French newspapers towards Aboriginal peoples. Ponting & Gibbins, 'The Reactions of English Canadians and French Quebecois to Native Indian Protest (1981) The main purpose of the Ponting & Gibbins' study on reactions of English and French Canadians towards Native Indian protest (Ponting & Gibbins, 1981) was to assess the extent to which Canadian Indian protest of the mid-1970s generated an 5 attitudinal backlash in the non-Indian Canadian mass public. While the study optimistically portrayed most Canadians as exhibiting low levels of backlash towards Aboriginal protest, it also found that anglophones were significantly less approving of Indian protest assertiveness than francophones (Ponting & Gibbins, 1981, p. 223). In addition,' Ponting's second study using 1976 and 1986 data (Ponting, 1990) also found that Canadians on the whole tend to be more sympathetic than antagonistic toward Native peoples, and Quebec was again found to be the most supportive province towards Native peoples (Ponting, 1990, p. 296). These findings would thus initially seem to contradict the hypothesis under consideration that English newspapers were more sympathetic towards the Mohawks than were the French newspapers. However, there are a few plausible explanations for the apparent discrepancy. First, the initial Ponting & Gibbins study is now twenty years old, and as postulated in their study, confrontations have been a recurring feature of Aboriginal politics (Ponting & Gibbins, p. 223). Moreover, confrontations have become increasingly more violent, which would have the effect of evening the 'sympathy gap' between the English and the French, as coercion or violence is said to meet with disapproval by both groups (Ponting & Gibbins, p. 226). Second, it was stated that "[t]he frequency distributions show clearly that Canadians are not characterized by high levels of awareness of Indian protest, as not even one radical tactic nor one militant name was cited by a majority in either subsample" (Ponting & Gibbins, p. 225). This reality has surely changed in the 1990s, and I would posit that most Canadians would mention Oka, Gustafson or Ipperwash if asked the same question today. Thirdly, the added dimension of separation has grown stronger in 6 Quebec since the 1970s, and it could be assumed that it is less politically affordable today for French-speaking peoples (and thus their newspapers) in Quebec to be sympathetic towards Aboriginal peoples, and particularly to Aboriginal claims to part of the Quebec territory. Given that the French and English subsamples are both unsympathetic towards Aboriginal protest involving coercion or violence, there are some other interesting qualifications made in the study which must be noted. Ponting & Gibbins also found that francophone Quebecers are less aware of Indian protest than are anglophone Canadians. The authors maintain that this is due to the fact that much of the Indian protest at the time of the study was occurring in the West and thus reported in English, but also that the attention of the French Quebecois had been preoccupied with English-French relations, French-immigrant relations and labour-management relations; the authors conclude, "thus Indian militancy may not be able to command French attention unless the threat component of the Indians protest message is both pronounced and aimed at the French-Canadian collectivity" (Italics added, Ponting & Gibbins, p. 230). Given that the Oka Crisis was posited by La Presse as being aimed against the collectivity, this factor would help explain why the French media in Quebec was not as sympathetic as found in the Ponting & Gibbins study. Berry and Wells, 'Attitudes Towards Aboriginal Peoples and Aboriginal Self-Go vernment in Canada' (1994) N The Berry & Wells study (1994) supports Ponting & Gibbins in that they found no substantial hostility in Canadian attitudes toward Aboriginal peoples (Berry & Wells, p. 215). However, Berry & Wells contradict Ponting & Gibbins on another 7 fundamental point, in that Berry & Wells did not find that French Canadians were more positive in their attitudes towards Indians than English Canadians in repeated studies (Berry & Wells, p. 223). Berry & Wells also found that both English and French Canadians tend to include Aboriginal peoples in their own 'cluster', and that both rate Indians as high as English Canadians and French Canadians on the dimension of 'Canadian' (Berry & Wells, p. 224). However, Berry & Wells also note a change in Canadians' attitudes since Oka; they mention a study done by Angus Reid, which stressed that Canadians believe less in the inherent right of Aboriginal peoples towards self-government, and believe more in the need for self-responsibility and self-reliance on the part of Aboriginal peoples (Berry & Wells, p. 226). Berry & Wells also stress that it is only in the context of first contact that contemporary attitudes can be understood (Berry & Wells, p. 218); and they emphasize the different relationships between the English and the Aboriginal peoples, and between the French and the Aboriginal peoples. The English relationship with Aboriginal peoples tended to be a colonial type of relationship, which revolved around the English desire for settlement and agriculture, which in turn displaced the Indians. The English military arrangement with the Iroquois is emphasized as well. The French on the other hand, had a more symbiotic relationship with Aboriginal peoples due to the fur trade (Berry & Wells, p. 218). Given these relationships, the attitudes of the British with regard to the Iroquois evolved positively due to the military alliance, whereas the attitudes of the French towards Aboriginal peoples became negative when Aboriginal peoples failed to assimilate the French culture (Berry & Wells, p. 218-9). 2. Specific Studies on Newspaper Coverage of The Oka Crisis To date, there have been three studies conducted (two of them published) with regard to the Canadian newspaper coverage of the Oka crisis, but as has been mentioned, the two published studies failed to include French newspapers in their analysis, while the unpublished paper failed to provide a proper quantitative analysis comparing English and French newspapers. However, all three studies provide a basis of understanding for formation of the present study, and point to some interesting observations. M. Grenier, 'Oka and the English Canadian Press' (1994) While M . Grenier's study, 'Oka and the English Canadian Press', only focuses on The Gazette's coverage of the Oka crisis, it nonetheless offers some valuable insight. First, Grenier makes the point that Native Indians tend to be portrayed by the Canadian mass media as strange, unpredictable threats to social order, and as heavily engaged in emotive and largely deviant forms of conflict (Grenier 1994, p. 313).2 Second, Grenier clearly shows that newspapers (at least The Gazette) were mainly interested in Native stories that involved conflict; he demonstrates that before the violence began, on luly 12, 1990, Oka-related news was not even a remotely significant factor in Canadian Native-Indian coverage by the sample newspaper (94% 2 For reference purposes, Grenier also points to the following studies done on the subject: Berelson & Salter 1946, Kerckhoff 1951, Greenberg & Kahn 1970, Fielder 1973, Hartmann & Husband 1974, Baptista-Fernandez & Greenberg 1980, Lucas 1980, Martindale 1986, Johnson 1988, Lichter et al 1988 and Thibodeau 1989. 9 of stories on Oka occurred after July 12, while only 6% occurred from March to July after the first blockades were put up, with no stories being written prior to March, thus showing that peaceful, non-deviant forms of Indian protest were not considered to be news before then). Moreover, he found that 47% of headlines related to Oka contained conflict-based terms, a fact which helped shape the image of Native-Indians as unreasonable, bent on hostility and a threat to the established order; in essence he depicts a situation of "Indians vs. non-Aboriginal Canadians" (Grenier, p. 328). As for the causes of this bias on the part of The Gazette, Grenier uses the power-structure thesis to explain that the sample newspaper is first and foremost a business enterprise concerned with advertising and marketing revenues and for this reason uses sensationalism, in the form of Native conflict at Oka, as a way to increase sales, and hence profits from advertisements placed in The Gazette (Grenier, p. 332-3). So while Grenier's study does not offer a comparison with other newspapers, it does give a clear picture of one of the newspapers used in the present study, and shows that even for a Montreal newspaper situated close to the conflict, Oka-related news only became a contentious, and hence reportable, issue after the violence began. W. Skea, 'The Canadian Newspaper Industry's Portrayal of the Oka Crisis' (1993) Skea's study offers the cross-newspaper comparison which Grenier's lacks, but only includes English newspapers, and then only during a one-week period (July 16-20, 1990). However, as previously mentioned, some important clarifications regarding the coverage of Oka are made. 10 Skea begins by explaining that it would be incorrect to assume newspapers depict what actually happens, and adds that Oka represented an exercise in public relations and public opinion management for the federal government, with the army alone hiring over twenty public relations experts at a cost of over $1M (Skea, p. 16). His study goes on to test three factors which could affect newspaper coverage at Oka: the corporate structure (the larger the structure the more anti-native it is), the source (native or non-native), and the region (testing Ponting & Gibbins theory that Quebec and Ontario would be more sympathetic). Interestingly, none of the hypotheses were proven to be significant (Skea, p. 28). However, Skea did notice some incongruities in the existing theory, namely that Ponting & Gibbins findings that Quebec was more sympathetic, is questionable given that The Gazette had one of the highest percentages of anti-native articles. It is important to note that because none of Skea's hypotheses were proven to be significant, that the hypothesis emerged for this particular study; that maybe language was a factor which could explain the differing coverage at Oka. Syed Ahsan, 'The Oka Mohawk Crisis in Quebec: A Content Analysis of Media Ethnic Biases' (1994, unpublished) Given that Ahsan's paper, 'The Oka Mohawk Crisis in Quebec: A Content Analysis of Media Ethnic Biases', has as its main hypothesis that 'English newspapers were more sympathetic than French newspapers' which is the same as that of the present study, it is necessary to demonstrate why Ahsan's study was unsuccessful. While the conclusions are similar to Skea and Grenier's in that Ahsan does not find Quebec more sympathetic as a region, and he finds French newspapers even less 11 sympathetic than the English dailies, his study is highly unreliable for a number of reasons. First, it is inconsistent in using different newspapers in different tables thus rendering comparison difficult if not impossible. Second, its categories are not exclusive and they overlap. Third, most sample sizes are less than twenty, a fact which renders generalizations highly tenuous, and there is also no demonstration of intercoder reliability. Most importantly, only percentage differences are given, and no statistical measures, such as significance levels, are used; hence there is no quantitative validity to the study's assertions. Furthermore, as a conclusion, Ahsan states that the English newspaper in Quebec (The Gazette) was more sympathetic than the French (La Presse), but his assertions are contradicted by his percentages given in the appendix: they show that 16% of articles written in The Gazette were favourable, whereas 19% of La Presse's were. While Ahsan's paper cannot be relied on as a quantitative content analysis study, he does bring up two points which are of interest. First, he mentions the author Robin Philpot's argument that there was an English-Canadian media conspiracy to demonize Quebecois nationalism, and that the crisis at Oka was exaggerated to discredit the independence movement in Quebec (Ahsan, p. 2). It was from Philpot's comments that the title of this thesis arose, for he claimed that the Mohawks were simply anglophones with feathers. Second, Ahsan hypothesized that the Quebec francophone majority's nationalist posture would make the English media sympathize with a non-francophone minority in Quebec, and conversely, French newspapers in Quebec would tend to support the Quebec government vis-a-vis the natives, because by supporting the native cause, the 12 French media would weaken Quebec's own nationalist position (Ahsan, p. 8). While the sovereignty issue and the minority viewpoint are compelling arguments, there are some problems with sweeping generalizations like these. First, this assertion does not account for the negative portrayal of the Mohawks in The Gazette as found not only by Ahsan himself, but Skea and Grenier as well. Second, it assumes that all French journalists, editorialists and newspapers in general are pro-sovereignty, and fails to look deeper into the historical relationship between the Mohawks with the French and the English alike, bringing all reporting down to one factor - sovereignty. While sovereignty and being a minority within Quebec are definitely factors in the coverage at Oka, the present study will attempt to show that a historical reference is also useful in explaining media differences. 3. Studies on the Differences Between French and English Media A few facts on newspapers' audience as taken from a 1978 Statistics Canada survey provides helpful background for the present study3: • 83% of people aged 15 and over read newspapers and spend an average of 42 minutes on this activity per day. • Canadians living in Quebec and the Atlantic provinces (except P.E.I.) read less than those living in Ontario and the western provinces. The Quebec-Ontario border appears to be the dividing line; 80% of the population east of the line read newspapers as compared to 85% west of the line. 3 Arthur Siegel (1983) Politics and Med ia in Canada (Toronto: M c G r a w - H i l l Ryerson Ltd . ) , 102. 13 • persons with higher education read more newspapers than those with less schooling: 94% of people with a university degree read newspapers, 90% who completed high school read newspapers, and only 70% of people with one to eight years of schooling read newspapers. • anglophones read newspapers more often than francophones; 87% of anglophones read newspapers as compared to .77% of francophones. Ten percent of. anglophones in Quebec read French newspapers as compared to 3 % of French Quebecers who read English newspapers. Before approaching the differences between English and French media, it is important to note their primary similarity, which is, as Siegel maintains, that serving the economic interests of the owners is the primary motive for their operation, and not the owner's politics, ideology or religion which influence coverage (Siegel, p. 104). However, beyond this primary reason for existence lie some fundamental differences. The sociologist Frederick Elkin once, explained that the content of English and French media, "although basically following similar lines, often reflect different cultures" (Siegel, p. 207). Other studies have noted differences as well, with the Senate Study on Mass Media stating "the traditions, the audience preferences, the mythologies, the economics of publishing and broadcasting - all are shaped by the French Fact, to the extent that [Quebec's] media cannot be viewed simply as part of the Canadian whole" (Siegel, p. 207). The 1981 Royal Commission on Newspapers concluded that Quebec journalists were "deeply engaged in the socio-political transformation of Quebec", and that "the practice of French-language journalism differs in a number of respects from the norms of English speaking Canada" (Siegel, p. 208). However the most striking difference was noted by the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, which discovered that English journalists saw their 14 primary function as straight-news reporting, whereas French journalists felt interpretation was a large part of their reporting, especially when the story related to Quebec nationalism or Canadian federalism (Siegel, p. 209). In Movements and Messages: Media and Radical Politics in Quebec, Marc Raboy provides some insight as to where this penchant for interpretation came from on the part of French journalists, and details how La Presse underwent a major transformation in the opening years of the Quiet Revolution, and became a symbol of Quebec change at that time. Egged on by competition from Le Nouveau Journal, La Presse became a "pioneer in political journalism", in which "political coverage began systematically to go beyond the surface of events to analyze their implications" (Raboy, p. 43). Even after La Presse became the largest daily in Quebec, it still was described as an atypical newspaper; "La Presse is not just a commercial enterprise. It's a public service, since it is both an essential means of information in the democratic process and a virtual monopoly, the only big French-language daily paper in the province" (Raboy, p. 45). Interpretive journalism versus straight reporting are similar themes in both the FLQ crisis and the Oka crisis, and will be examined further below 4. Studies on the FLQ Crisis The F L Q crisis of 1970 is remarkably similar to the Oka crisis in that both situations occurred in Quebec, both crises precipitated the deployment of armed troops to the area, and both situations involved the death of an authority figure (however, in 15 one case it was kidnapping while the other was not pre-meditated). It is thus important to understand what observations have been made with regard to the F L Q crisis to consider whether they are relevant to the Oka crisis. A. Siegel, 'Politics and the Media in Canada' (1983) Siegel maintains that a crisis situation provides an excellent opportunity to observe the basic characteristics of our social and political systems, given that institutions are confronted with an abnormal situation and that their response tends to reveal latent characteristics which are normally hidden in peaceful times. He adds, In other words, a crisis situation precipitates a moment of truth for the political system. It is also a moment of truth for the mass media. Communications studies have shown that in time of crisis, coverage tends to become more alike, and the many differences are submerged with the filtering out of unimportant political details. The focus is on the common interest and the differences that do show up are seen as being fundamental in nature.4 Furthermore, - in his content analysis of media coverage on the FLQ crisis, Siegel makes a critical observation; namely that two distinct patterns of coverage emerged, which meant the crisis looked different to English and French readers (Siegel, p. 214). English papers tended to focus on the themes of 'manhunt', 'security', 'War Measures Act' and 'parliament'. French newspapers on the other hand, emphasized 'negotiations', 'civil rights' and 'protest movements'. In essence, French newspaper articles suggested more opposition to authority than English ones, placed more 4 Ibid., 210-11. 16 emphasis on background stories to the crisis, and involved more interpretive journalism than did the English newspaper articles (Siegel, p. 214). In terms of editorials, a similar pattern emerges. English editorials were more hostile to terrorism and the F L Q , provided stronger support for both the Ottawa and Quebec governments, endorsed the War Measures Act and maintained support for Canadian unity. French editorialists on the other hand, negotiations, exhibited low levels of support for Canadian unity, did not relate separatism to terrorism, and concentrated heavily on the issue of civil rights in Canada (Siegel, p. 215). Moreover, French dailies stressed the historical and contemporary social and economic injustices that French Canadians had had to suffer, and highlighted the position of a cultural minority which sees itself as disadvantaged economically. English dailies on the other hand, highlighted the cost of the crisis (Siegel, p. 219). Another relevant point raised by Siegel was that French newspapers tended to project an 'image of self-importance' by making frequent references to media and journalists, by having the editorials written in the first person which were signed by recognized media intellectuals, and by having much of the editorial background contributed by leading academics (Siegel, p. 220). French dailies also maintained a fixed editorial position, a circumstance indicating that their views may have been derived from a larger perspective that went beyond the crisis. This suggests a high involvement on the part of an intellectually oriented group, who may be removed from the newspapers' readers (Siegel, p. 220). English newspapers on the other hand, tended to take a more objective approach, with much more depersonalized coverage (Siegel, p. 220). 17 G. Holdrinet, 'Editorial Reactions of Ten Dailies to the FLQ Crisis of 1990 (1971, unpublished) Holdrinet's unpublished thesis findings reflect to a large extent what Siegel later found in his more in depth study. However there are some subtle differences which should be emphasized. While Holdrinet found that the English newspapers tended to accentuate the need for law and order, he also noted that the English newspapers also criticized the federal government in their invocation of the War Measures Act in terms of the inadequacy of the government's stated reasons for invoking it (Holdrinet, p.39) This differs from Siegel's study which found that all English dailies applauded the War Measures Act (Siegel, p. 215). However, Holdrinet qualifies his findings by stating that the English newspapers might not have necessarily disagreed with the federal government's actions, but may have simply wanted more openness on its part (Holdrinet, p. 39). Holdrinet also remarked on how language affected the amount of editorial reaction on the crisis, with French newspapers in Quebec devoting more space to the crisis than The Montreal Star (Holdrinet, p. 38). 5. Communications Theory and the Coverage of Conflict An often stated assumption of communications theorists and political scientists alike is that the media is not objective, and reality is manipulated to suit the needs of the sender. The next question then naturally becomes, if the media is manipulated, then how, and by whom? While it is beyond the scope of this study to examine the 18 various forces which enabled two Montreal newspapers to report the same event in startlingly different ways, a brief sketch of theoretical perspectives may help frame the coverage as a natural response by the newspapers instead of an anomaly. Therefore, it is hoped that this case study can be used to add to existing or future theory. There are five basic theoretical perspectives with regard to content research in the media5: 1. Content reflects social reality with little or no distortion (mirror or null effects approach) 2. Content is influenced by media workers' socialization and attitudes (communicator-centered approach) 3. Content is influenced by media routines (organizational routines approach) 4. Content is influenced by other social institutions and forces (market or social responsibility approach) 5. Content is a function of ideological positions and maintains the status quo (hegemony approach) While it can be said that La Presse and The Gazette's depiction of Oka resulted from a combination of the above, one can assume that both sought to sell more papers (and hence the 'war zone' images on both front pages all summer long) while maintaining their ideological positions (as will be shown by the consistency in their articles and editorials in the presentation of findings in chapter four). The market and hegemony approaches are thus useful for this analysis. Gertrude Robinson and Claude-Yves Charron suggest, however, that the 'distortion-free' hypothesis (mentioned above as point one) fails to account for the 5 Pamela Shoemaker & Stephen Reese, 2nd ed. (1996) Mediating the Message; Theories and Influences on Mass Media Content (White Plains, NY: Longman Publishers Inc.), 6-7. 19 ideological role of media in the reconstruction of public events.6 They posit three types of media involvement, Among these are the media's selective construction of social knowledge which provides a frame of relevance through which different social groups come to understand their own and others 'lived reality'. A second type of ideological labour is involved in presenting an inventory of values, goals, and lifestyles that are currently available in modern industrial society. A third, and even more difficult function of the media is the fashioning of public consensus on major issues of the day.7 The third point, about fashioning public consensus, is particularly relevant to the topic of Oka, for definite messages on how to view the Mohawks were being sent out by English and French newspapers alike. In this sense the newspapers were potentially responsible for forming peoples' opinions on Oka; a quote by Raboy highlights this reality: The media shape our symbolic universe. If, it is too dramatic to state they make us what we are it is certainly true that they have a good deal to do with how we see the world - not only in terms of 'news' or information, but in a much larger cultural sense.8 The coverage of 'deviance' in communications theory is highly relevant to this discussion, as the treatment of political deviance is central to any analyses of the ideology of the press. Shoemaker & Reese (1996) explain that one way the media tell 6 Gertrude Robinson & Claude-Yves Charron "Television News and the Public Sphere: The Case of the Quebec Referendum" in Rabbi, Marc & Peter Brack, eds. (1989) Communication For and Against Democracy (Montreal: Black Rose Books), 147. 7 Ibid., 147. 8 Marc Raboy & Peter Brack, eds. (1989) "The Challenge of Democratic Communication" in Communication For and Against Democracy (Montreal: Black Rose Books), 13. 20 us what is normal is by showing us what is deviant, giving importance to some powerful people frequently and marginalizing others by ignoring them or presenting them as outside the mainstream.9 While 'deviant' behaviour tends to get more coverage than 'commonplace' behaviour, the so-called deviant groups are given less favourable treatment and their legitimacy is more likely to be questioned.10 More specifically, [...] we observed that the powerful receive news coverage routinely whereas those with less power must break into the news via deviant acts, such as protests, strikes, or crime. Considered in the context of deviance and social change, the media act as a key control mechanism in society. The normal is reaffirmed by being presented routinely and in juxtaposition to the deviant, which competes at the boundaries for attention. Ironically, when many political groups are shut out of the media spotlight, they may become even more shrill and radical, confirming the original deviant label.11 While the Oka crisis was not the first 'deviant' act by Aboriginal peoples across Canada, it was the most serious in decades, involving the Canadian armed forces and resulting in the death of a police officer. Moreover, it was a catalyst for other crisis situations in Canada, and changed the way Aboriginal-government relations are conducted in this country, given its effectiveness as a bargaining tool for the Mohawks. Most importantly, it does not appear that Aboriginal peoples will soon change their tactics; indeed, Ovide Mercredi, leader of the Assembly of First Nations, has recently 9 Shoemaker & Reese, 46. 1 0 Ibid., 225. 11 Ibid., 226. 21 advocated the increased use of civil disobedience by Aboriginal peoples across Canada as a way to be heard.12 Anticipated Aboriginal behaviour (continued civil disobedience and perhaps violence) is thus in sharp contrast to English and French media, which is said to maintain the status-quo and label Aboriginal peoples as deviants. In essence, the media and our institutions show people how to conform. As the Chilean critic Ariel Dorfman put it, We are not only taught certain styles of violence, the latest fashions, and sex roles by television, movies, magazines, and comic strips; we are also taught how to succeed, how to love, how to buy, how to conquer, how to forget the past and suppress the future. We are taught, more than anything else, how not to rebel.13 6. Aboriginal Peoples as Minorities Portrayed in the Media The media are not known for their favourable depictions of Native peoples in Canada. Aboriginal peoples tend to be stereotyped as either trouble-makers or pathetic wards of the state. The popular view of Aboriginal peoples is, as Fleras & Elliot (1992) explained, that they are a ' social problem', or are 'having social problems' that cost the Canadian taxpayer, and 'creating problems' that threaten Canada's social Gordon Gibson "Mercredi is on the Trailing Edge of His Cause" Globe and Mail. July 16, 1996, B3. Raboy & Brack, 13. 22 fabric.14 Moreover, the media tend to use endless cliches and romanticized stereotype images of Native peoples. As an American Newswatch commentator put it, Native Americans face a particularly pernicious predicament in their relationship with the media. First, Indians most often show up in the news not as real people but as metaphorical cliches, especially in the headlines, in stories that have nothing to do with Indians. Phrases such as "circle the wagons," "smoke the peace pipe," "off the reservation," and "the cavalry is coming," are now idiom for columnists, analysts and especially headline writers.15 Perhaps Canadian journalists are not as blatant in their use of cliches in every-day reporting. Yet Paul Tennant aptly details a similar situation on the west coast only five or so years before Oka, where politicians were highly negative and used the media in the debate over negotiations of land claims in British Columbia, Smith and Gardom [politicians at the time] provided classic examples of white North Americans whose perceptions suggest a generalized and pejorative image of native Indians [...] Implicit in [their] statements was an image of Indians who were: insincere, if not devious and hypocritical, in falsely claiming pre-contact ownership; unsophisticated, in accepting misleading guidance from Indian politicians and outside advisors; ignorant, in leaving aside important social and economic problems in order to pursue the futile land claims; venal, in being concerned with money rather than historical truth and fairness; underhanded, in disguising their real intentions; untrustworthy, in being unlikely to live up to agreements; and selfish and unrealistic, in seeking extensive control over provincial resources and over non-Indian British Columbians.16 1 4 Fleras, Augie and Jean Leonard Elliott (1992) The Nations Within: Aboriginal-State Relations in The United States, and New Zealand (Toronto: Oxford University Press), 9 [ S Centre for Integration and Improvement of Journalism (1995) Newswatch: A Critical Look at Coverage of People of Color (San Francisco State University), 48. 1 6 Paul Tennant (1990) Aboriginal Peoples and Politics: The Indian Land Question in British Columbia, 1849-1989 (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press), 232. 23 It appears then, that Aboriginal peoples will have to maintain an ongoing battle not only between themselves and the government, but with the forces and fancies of the media as well. Summary of the Literature The design of research is also the practice of research, believes David Bositis, who states, "while abstract design principles delineate the logic of causality and generality, the actual design material is a composite of theory and hypothesis joined with subject and context"17. To this end, it is hoped that the literature as described in this chapter will complement the methodology, findings and discussion to follow in subsequent chapters. To summarize this chapter, it can be stated that: • There is a growing number of recent studies which suggest that French Quebecers may not be more sympathetic than English Canadians as suggested by Ponting & Gibbins. Both populations, however, are said to be unsympathetic towards protest involving violence or coercion. • While the existing literature tends to assert that Canadians exhibit no substantial hostility towards Aboriginal peoples, the support for self-government is waning while the need for self-responsibility and self-reliance on the part of Aboriginal peoples is now being voiced by more and more Canadians. Moreover, the image of Aboriginal peoples continues to be largely negative in the media. David Bositis (1990) Research Designs for Political Science: Contrivance and Demonstration in Theory and Practice (Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press), 61. 24 • Historical relationships between the English and the Iroquois tended to evolve positively because of their military alliance against the French, whereas the French viewed the Iroquois negatively because of this alliance and the fact that the Iroquois resisted assimilation into the French culture. • Studies conducted on newspaper coverage of the Oka crisis indicate that the media tended to portray Native peoples negatively during the crisis, were only interested in Native stories when they involved conflict, and tended to sensationalize coverage in order to sell more newspapers. All studies show that The Gazette was more negative than other English dailies. Corporate structure, source (native versus non-native) and region all proved to be insignificant with regards to influencing content on the Oka Crisis. • Numerous studies demonstrate that French and English media coverage differ, especially with regard to stories involving Quebec nationalism or Canadian federalism. Generally, French journalists are said to be more interpretive and English reporters are more oriented toward straight-news. • Conflict situations are said to bring out fundamental differences in the media. Studies on the FLQ crisis demonstrate that two distinct patterns of coverage emerged: with the English dailies emphasizing the themes of 'manhunt', 'security', 'War Measures Act', and 'parliament' and the French dailies stressing the themes of 'negotiations', 'civil rights', and 'protest movements'. English dailies also equated the F L Q with terrorism, emphasized the cost of the crisis, and were said to have more de-personalized coverage. French dailies did not associate the F L Q with terrorism, concentrated on the past injustices towards French ,Canadians and the issue of civil rights, and involved leading French academics to a higher extent than did the English newspapers. • It is largely assumed by communications theorists and political scientists that the media are not objective and that content is shaped by numerous forces (the market ideology, socialization patterns, organizational routines, etc.). Theorists also tend to stress how the media maintains the status-quo and encourages conformity by reinforcing what is normal, and by negatively portraying what is said to be deviant. Having examined the relevant existing theory, I shall in the next chapter give a brief outline of the Oka Crisis before proceeding in the next chapters to present the methodology, findings and discussion of the study. 25 Chapter 2: A Brief History of the Oka Crisis The Mohawks form the largest Aboriginal group in Quebec with a population of 12,229,18 but do not fall under any agreements such as the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement or the Northeastern Quebec Agreement which effectively grants self-government to the Cree, Inuit and Naskapi of the north. The Mohawks are part of the Iroquois Nation (also called League of Five Nations, League of Six Nations or Six Nations Confederacy) which is formed of the Mohawk (Kanienkahaka), the Tuscorora, the Onondaga, the Oneida, the Seneca, and the Cayuga. The Iroquois Confederacy is said to have one of the oldest constitutions in the world, known as the Great Law of Peace. The Mohawks in Canada total 39,263 persons, and are divided among seven communities: Kanesatake, Kahnawake, Akwesasne, Tyendinaga, Wahta, Six Nations at Ohsweken and Oneida of the Thames.19 The crisis began in the town of Oka, which is situated on Lake of Two Mountains, north-west of Montreal. Kanesatake borders the municipality of Oka, and is in the unique position of not being a legally defined Indian reserve, but rather a checkerboard of federal crown lands (sometimes interspersed with the municipality of Oka) reserved for the Mohawks' sole use. The Kanesatake Mohawks are classified as Indians under the Indian Act and have an Indian Act Band Council. They have a total 1 8 Ontario Native Affairs Secretariat (1995) Overview of Aboriginal Relations in Quebec (Corporate Policy and Planning Branch), 2. . 1 9 Canada. House of Commons (1991) The Summer of 1990: Fifth Report of the Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs. (Chair Ken Hughes), 3. 26 population of 1,591 people, 838 of whom are full-time residents.20 Kahnawake is a Mohawk reserve situated south of Montreal across the Mercier bridge. Out of solidarity, the Kahnawake Mohawks joined the Kanesatake Mohawks in protest, set up barricades and closed the Mercier bridge. While the ownership of the area has been in dispute for well over a century, the specific crisis of 1990 occurred when the municipality of Oka decided to add on another nine holes to its existing nine hole golf course. While technically the municipality owned the land, it would have to destroy parts of a forest that was planted by the Mohawks around 1910 to prevent erosion at Oka 2 1, and to take control of an area which had come under traditional use by the Mohawks - a spiritual place known as The Pines. Historical Context of Land Claim at Oka The Oka Crisis of 1990 was the result of an unresolved land claim issue dating back centuries. The history of Oka is further complicated by the fact that Kanesatake was never declared an official Indian reserve, and jurisdiction thus fell to various levels of government. Moreover, Mohawk governance at Kanasetake has always been in question, and many Mohawks have consistently resisted being brought under the Indian 2 0 Canada. House of Commons (1991) The Summer of 1990: 3. 2 1 The historian Michel Girard testified to the House of Commons that the forest is unique in North America as it was planted by the Mohawks not row by row as in the European manner, but in bunches, whereby it resembled much more closely a natural growth forest and was capable of supporting its own eco-system. Canada. House of Commons (1991) The Summer of 1990, 16. 27 Act elective system, preferring traditional band custom. Nonetheless, they were forced to accept the band council system in 1899.22 Prior to the arrival of the Europeans, the territory around Lake of Two Mountains was inhabited by the 'St. Lawrence Iroquoians', who, according to some scholars, abandoned the area to a variety of Algonkian people somewhere between the time of the explorations of Cartier and Champlain.23 However, the Algonkians, being nomadic, were said to not have permanently occupied the lands, and the Sulpicians were granted the land in 1717 by the French crown. The Sulpician mission at Oka was intended to be a refuge for a mixed group of Aboriginal peoples (Nipissing, Algonkian and Mohawk) that had fallen under the Sulpicians' administration. The Mohawks reluctantly moved from the island of Montreal to Sault au Recollet, and then eventually to Oka because of European settlement. By 1743, there were said to be roughly seven hundred Indians (mostly Iroquois and Huron, but also Algonkian and Nipissing) at the mission. It did not take long before a dispute arose over title of the land, which the Sulpicians were originally granted for the use and protection of the Indians. In 1781, 1787 and 1795, the Oka Indians presented their claims for the land to British authorities, as the Sulpicians were allowing the cattle of non-Indians to graze on the land and were gaining revenue from it. 2 4 Unfortunately, in 1788 the British abruptly rejected the Indian's case stating, "That no satisfactory Evidence is given to the 2 2 Ibid.,3. 2 3 J.R. Miller (1991) "Great Father Knows Best: Oka and the Land Claims Process" Native Studies Review 7 (1): 25. 28 Committee of any Title to the Indians of the Village in Question, either by the French Crown or any Grantee of that Crown". 2 5 Various disputes continued to arise between the Sulpicians and the Indians. By the 1870s, J. R. Miller states, "there was a well established governmental tradition of trying to solve the Oka problem by [either] relocating the Indians or resolving the dispute by litigation".26 However, the federal government had already become wary of dealing with the situation head-on, for fear of setting precedents which would make it difficult for the new settlers in British Columbia to take control of Aboriginal land there, and for fear it might also anger the province of Quebec, which was already sensitive about questions of religious and provincial rights.27 While the Mohawks continued complaining to Ottawa, the Sulpicians began selling off parts of the land. In the 1930s, some of the land went to the province of Quebec as repayment of debt; the province later granted this portion to the municipality of Oka for one dollar, and some of the other land went to a Belgian company.28 The result of these sales is the checkerboard municipality of Oka and Kanesatake that exists today. In 1959, a private member's bill was passed in the Quebec legislature allowing the municipality of Oka to build a golf course on land traditionally used by the Mohawk. Naturally the Mohawks objected, but to no avail. The Mohawks attempted Ibid., 27. Ibid., 28. Ibid., 30. Ibid., 31. Ibid., 36. 29 comprehensive and specific claims, both of which failed in the 1970s and 1980s because they could not prove that the Mohawks had occupied the land since 'time immemorial', and could not disprove that any Aboriginal title that may have existed had been extinguished first by the French crown and then by the British.29 In 1986 however, Ottawa conceded that "there is a historical basis for the Mohawk claims related to land grants in the 18th century and [Ottawa] is willing to consider a proposal for alternative means of redress".30 This redress took the form of land consolidation, and Ottawa attempted to patch up the checkerboard that had evolved at Oka. However, no land purchases were made until the conflict erupted in 1990, when finally some land was purchased, including the troubled area known as The Pines.31 To this day, the federal government apparently remains intent on following through on its promises, and assembling a unified land base at Kanesatake.32 Divisions Within The Mohawk Within the Mohawk community, a debate has been raging on over what form of governance should be adopted by the Mohawks themselves. Under the 1951 Indian Act, Indian bands have the power to use band custom to select their band council system.33 However it was not until 1969 that Kanesatake chose to change the elected Canada. House of Commons (1991) The Summer of 1990, 9. Miller, 43. Canada. House of Commons (1991) The Summer of 1990, 10. Ibid., 11. Ibid., 4. 30 system to a system of 'traditional chiefs', in which chiefs are chosen by, and can be replaced by, clan mothers. This system is not to be confused with the Longhouse system, which is also clan-based, but does not acknowledge a grand chief or clan mothers.34 Moreover, the Longhouse people assert a sovereign status for the Mohawk nation and thus do not recognize federal authority over the Mohawk nation. At the heart of the debate, one can find two principal groups within the Mohawk community: those that favour a modern, elected system (these are in turn divided into those who would like to see a radical change in the Indian Act system and those who would like to maintain the status-quo) and those that favour traditional, Longhouse form of government (these are further divided between those who favour the traditional Confederation of Six Nations Chiefs and those who back the militant, Warrior Longhouse tradition).35 Events at Oka The conflict over the extended golf course began when Jean Ouellette, the mayor of Oka, announced the plans to town council in March 1989. While jurisdiction over the land had been a contentious issue even that year, with Mohawks denying access to municipal employees who wanted to prune trees in the area, the mayor decided to go ahead without the Mohawks consent, stating, "you know you can't talk 3 4 Ibid., 5-6. 3 3 Gerald Alfred (1991) "De mal en pis: la politique interne a Kahnawake dans la crise de 1990" Recherches Am6rindienne au Quebec 21 (3): 30. 31 to the Indians".36 Townspeople and Mohawks alike were outraged, and a petition against the expansion with over nine hundred signatures was forwarded to the Quebec government. Unbelievably, the golf club's board of directors ignored all the controversy, and scheduled a symbolic 'tree-cutting' ceremony to kick off the expansion on August 1, 1989. When the Mohawks showed up and disrupted this activity, Pierre Phaneuf, the president of the expansion committee, exclaimed to reporters, "we only want to cut down twenty-two acres out of seventy".37 The provincial and federal governments finally got involved and attempted to create a framework through which the Mohawks and the municipality would have to work out their jurisdictional disputes. However, the federal government would only buy the land on which The Pines was situated if the Mohawks first settled their disputes over the title of the crown-owned plots of land throughout Oka. In other words, if the Mohawks living on crown-owned land started to obey the municipal by-laws of Oka as if they were not on a reserve, then the government would not allow the municipality to raze The Pines.3i Needless to say, this was unacceptable to the Mohawks, and negotiations broke down. In January 1990, Kanesatake itself was involved in a leadership crisis, which created a void in dealing with the golf course issue, and by March 1990 the mayor of Oka had once again decided to go ahead. The situation had finally come to a head, and on March 10, 1990, the Mohawks set up a barricade on a dirt road going into The Pines. 3 6 Geoffrey York & Loreen Pindera (1991) People of the Pines: The Warriors and the Legacy of Oka (Toronto: Little, Brown and Company): 45. 3 7 Ibid., 47. 32 While the mayor of Oka appealed throughout the spring to the Quebec government to have them send in the Surete du Quebec to dismantle the barricades, the Public Affairs Minister Sam Elkas resisted, "I don't want to send in anyone'to play cowboys over the question of a golf course".39 However on June 30, when the Quebec Superior Court ruled that the Mohawks had to clear the area and dismantle the barricades, the minister had to ask the Mohawks to adhere to the court decision or deal with the resulting government action. With the Mohawks' consistent refusal to abandon The Pines, the stage was set for the tragic events of July 11, 1990. The Surete du Quebec (S.Q.) moved in, and when it was again established that the Mohawks were not going to move, the S.Q. started to advance, sparking a gun battle. Corporal Marcel Lemay was fatally shot by the Mohawks40, and the S.Q. withdrew. Mohawks at Kahnawake quickly heard about the raid, and blocked all roads into their reserve, including two highways and the Mercier bridge, in order to dissuade the police from attempting another raid. The S.Q. and the government created their own barricades and sealed off the two reserves. The Oka crisis had officially begun. In the opinion of political scientist Gerald Alfred, a Kahnawake Mohawk himself, the summer of 1990 brought the tensions within the Mohawk community to new heights over what approach they should take to support the Mohawks at 3 8 Ibid., 49. 3 9 Ibid., 67. 4 0 It was not until a formal inquest that it was determined that the bullet that shot Lemay was not used by the S.Q.; up until that point the Mohawk denied vehemently that they had fired the fatal shot. It was never discovered however, which Mohawk was responsible for the death. 33 Kanesatake. According to Alfred, the Mohawk Warrior Society, which is a faction associated with the Longhouse at Kahnawake, erected the barricades and led the armed conflict without the consensus of the majority of residents at Kahnawake.41 When the Quebec government was seeking to undertake negotiations with the Mohawks, it chose to deal with the Warriors who had erected the barricades, and not the elected band council! This had the effect of granting legitimacy to a group that was not supported by the majority of the community and did not have the right to speak for them. However, many in the community actually hoped that this situation could work for the better, and felt that the Warrior Society and Longhouse had a chance to put much division to rest by using their temporary leadership position to create a broadbased negotiating team consisting of all the various factions that would finally have the ability to bring the Quebec government to its knees.42 However, this did not occur, and the Warrior Society chose a negotiating team composed solely of its most radical supporters, and hence managed to disillusion and alienate the rest of the Mohawk community. Attempts at negotiations began once again; however, Mohawk spokespeople refused to come outside the barricades to negotiate, and the Quebec Native Affairs minister, John Ciaccia, refused to negotiate inside an armed camp.43 Tensions were obviously high by this point, and the federal deputy minister of Indian Affairs Harry Swain added to them, on July 23rd, by stating that the Mohawk Warriors were Alfred, 30. Ibid. 34 common criminals who were sabotaging the negotiating process.44 Meanwhile, water, food and medical supplies were not being allowed to get to the Mohawks. The division between the various Mohawk factions was beginning to appear, which did not help the negotiations. Prime Minister Brian Mulroney finally became involved when he announced plans to send the Canadian Armed forces in on August 8th. Interestingly, this came at the request of Premier Robert Bourassa, who had also been in power when the War Measures Act was evoked during the October Crisis of 1970. When it was announced that the army would not attempt to clear the barricades immediately, violence began to break out in nearby Chateauguay, where two dozen non-Aboriginals were placed under arrest after hurling rocks and molotov cocktails at the police.45 Further incidents of violence in the neighbouring communities between police and non-Aboriginals became a regular feature of the conflict. Formal peace talks accompanied the army officially moving in on August 20th. However, the Warriors presented some demands that went far beyond solving the problems in The Pines. Beyond calling for Mohawk ownership of the disputed land, a condition that had already been accepted by the federal and provincial governments early on in the negotiations, the Warriors also demanded that the authorities agree to the creation of a Mohawk homeland spanning the areas of Ontario, Quebec and New York State, and also demanded that the provincial authorities stop prosecutions 4 3 Cra ig Maclaine & Michael Baxendale (1990) This Land Is Our Land: The Mohawk Revolt at Oka (Montreal: Optimum Publishing International), 34. 4 4 Ibid., 35. 35 regarding the high-stakes bingo at Kahnawake, which exceeded by five-fold the permissible winnings under Quebec law. The last two demands were obviously rejected as they went beyond Quebec and Canadian jurisdiction, and would have also allowed Mohawks to break specific Quebec law with regard to gambling. By now, even the most sympathetic government negotiators were becoming enraged, and accused the Mohawks of negotiating in bad faith. The army slowly began to close in, and glaring contests between the army and the Mohawks continued. Finally, on August 27th, the army announced it would move in and Premier Bourassa declared, "[w]e Quebecers and Canadians cannot tolerate groups of citizens living in Quebec choosing which laws they want to respect and which they want to ignore".46 A convoy of Mohawk elderly, women and children was organized and left Kahnawake; however, not enough military support was provided, and they were met by angry whites across the Mercier bridge who pelted the cars with rocks. Several Mohawk were injured, one elderly Mohawk man died as a result of a heart attack he suffered during the crossing, and the disgusting images were flashed on television screens across the country. On August 29th, the Mohawks finally backed down as the army was just about to move in, and both sides began dismantling the barricades. It would take several days to re-open the bridge and peace talks continued. A couple of dozen Mohawks (and some accompanying journalists) were still holding out at the treatment centre in Kahnawake, but the Mercier bridge re-opened on September 6th. It would not be until Ibid., 49. 36 September 26th when the last warriors would walk out, and a 'unilateral cessation of hostilities' would be called. The Pines had been saved, and there was nothing to be gained by holding out any longer. The Oka Crisis was over. With the advancement of the army, the Warriors essentially left the elected council to clean up the situation as it now existed: strained social and political relations with the communities around Kahnawake, a loss of Mohawk territorial jurisdiction given the continued presence of the Canadian armed forces, a divided Mohawk community and a full-blown leadership crisis.47 What could have turned out to be a 'golden opportunity' according to Alfred, nearly destroyed the community because of its inability to denounce the Warriors' extremism.48 Beyond the bare-bones outline of events above, lies the description which the Quebec media provided, which is the point of this study. The next chapter will outline the methodology used to analyze the coverage of the media throughout the Oka Crisis, and demonstrate how content analysis was used to investigate bias on the part of journalists and media alike. Ibid., 60. Alfred, 36. Ibid. 37 Chapter 3: Methodology The analysis of content is a central topic in all of the sciences dealing with man. The capacity for speech is man's most striking characteristic, and language is bound up with rational thought, the emotions, and all of the distinctively human parts of man's eternal life...Rightly viewed, content analysis is a core problem in the study of man, and to work at solving it could alter the social and behavioral sciences in fundamental ways, -David Hays' Content analysis dates back to the early 1600s when the Catholic Church, worried about the spread of non-religious matters through newspapers, applied the method for its own purposes.50 However, it was not until WWII that content analysis became popularized, in the examination of propaganda, and from there spread to numerous academic fields as a research tool for understanding communications content. Content analysis is said to be, "a research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from data [according] to their context"51 or, "a research technique for the objective, systematic, and quantitative description of the manifest content of communication".52 Two fundamental components of content analysis are reliability and validity; for as Gunnar Andren has indicated, the content analyst must always ask, "are 4 9 As quoted in Ole Holsti (1969) Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities. (Don Mills, Ontario: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company Inc.), 1. 5 0 Klaus Krippendorff (1980) Content Analysis: An Introduction to Its Methodology. (Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications Inc.), 13. 5 1 Ibid., 21. 5 2 Berelson quoted in Holsti, 3. 38 the measurements correct and are the results true?".53 'Reliability' refers to the capacity of another to repeat the same test on the same data and achieve similar results, thus demonstrating objectivity.54 'Validity' on the other hand, refers to the extent to which an instrument is measuring what it is intended to measure.55 In accord with both these requirements, a series of steps completed the research design for testing whether the major French and English newspapers in Quebec differed in their treatment of the Oka Crisis: 1. A choice of newspapers was made given both resource and time constraints. 2. A set of categories was devised to encompass all the major types of reactions to the crisis. 3. The units of analysis were decided upon, as well as the direction (valence) component. 4. A coding scheme was devised to reduce all data to a numerical form. 5. Data were collected, coded, and then analyzed by computer to determine any statistical relevance (first as a pre-test and then in full). Steps one through four will be fully described below, while step five will be briefly discussed and then further elaborated upon in chapter four with the presentation of findings. 1. Choice of Newspapers Given that the research parameters were limited to the province of Quebec, and that it was necessary to choose established, metropolitan dailies to facilitate comparison 5 3 Gunnar Andren "Reliabil ity and Content Analys is" in K a r l E r i k Rosengren (ed.) (1981) Advances in Content Analysis (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications Inc.), 49. Holsti, 135. 39 to other previous studies (and to focus on papers people read on a daily basis and to eliminate underground, sensationalistic or inconsistent newspaper coverage which would tend not to reflect the typical, average Quebec attitudes), the choice was already narrowed. There is only one English newspaper in Quebec which fits within these parameters, and that is The Gazette. La Presse was then the obvious choice for language comparison, for it has similar readership levels to The Gazette and is based in Montreal as well. 5 6 It was further decided that all articles, editorials and letters to the editor would be included in the study so as to derive as many observations as possible from the analysis. Given the relatively short period of the Oka Crisis, it was also decided that the entire period would be analyzed, thus circumventing the need for sampling. In total, 1674 pieces were analyzed; 945 pieces from La Presse, 729 from The Gazette. 2. Selection of Categories Holsti stresses that categories should reflect the purposes of the research, be exhaustive, mutually exclusive, and derive from a single classification principle.57 In addition, if possible, the use of categories from previous studies is to be encouraged, as it enables the new study to build on previous work. In the present case, Holsti's "Ibid., 142. 3 6 The Gazette boasts Monday to Friday sales of 148,777 while La Presse puts their sales at 190,623. Both are classified as broadsheet dailies. Figures taken from 1995 Canadian Almanac, 26. 3 7 • Holsti, 96. 40 criteria are fulfilled by building upon Warren Skea's categorization scheme58, but with a different independent variable, in this case, language. Skea's four categories (or dependent variables) of 'law and order', 'death .of Lemay', 'native perspective', 'Mohawk rights and claims' are again used, with the additional categories of 'mixed or other,' 'criticism of S.Q. or provincial government,' and 'criticism of army or federal government,' being created to encompass all types of response. As explained by Skea, his four categories divide into three valence categories: pro-native (sympathetic), neutral, or anti-native (unsympathetic).59 The 'law and order' theme, which encompasses articles calling for paramilitary or government intervention to end the Mohawk blockade, frequently contained phrases such as 'Mohawks are terrorists' or 'Mohawks are criminals', and communicated an anti-native tone. The second theme, 'death of Lemay', while appearing to be neutral, often conveyed government and police rhetoric, and aimed at portraying the Mohawks as violent and criminal - communicating an anti-native tone. The third theme, 'native perspective' was a pro-native theme in that it contained articles which were aimed at telling the Native side of the story, be it problems faced at Oka or their particular way of seeing things. The fourth category, 'Mohawk history and claims', was pro-native in that these articles sought to explain the history of the land claim and showed that Oka did not simply arise in 1990. 5 8 Warren H. Skea (1993-1994) "The Canadian Newspaper Industry's Portrayal of the Oka Crisis" Native Studies Review 9 (1): 15-31. 5 9 Ibid., 19-20. 41 The other three themes were added for purposes of this study; 'mixed or other' would classify those articles which really did not fit easily into the other categories, and 'criticism of S.Q. or provincial government', and 'criticism of army or federal government' would possibly identify any further biases on the part of the media. It was assumed that The Gazette (because it was thought to be more sympathetic towards the Mohawks) would criticize the S.Q. or provincial government more than would La Presse, and that both newspapers would criticize the army or federal government, although for different reasons. The Gazette would do so because it was more sympathetic towards the Mohawks and would not want to see military intervention, while La Presse would do so to strengthen the nationalist position (as in claiming that the federal government did not send in the army as quickly as possible, or that the federal government was intervening once again in a provincial matter that the S.Q. could handle). 3. Units of Analysis and the Valence Component One of the difficulties in formulating the research design in content analysis after the categories have been selected is in deciding on the recording unit. The recording unit is that specific segment of content that will be placed in a category; it can be a single word or symbol, a theme, a character, a sentence or paragraph, or an entire item (film, book, article).60 For the purposes of this research design, the theme Holsti, 116. 42 was thought to offer the most insight into this particular research problem for three reasons. First, it was soon realized that a single word, symbol, character or sentence would simply be too time consuming considering the huge amounts of data requiring analysis. Second, the literature on content analysis highlights the effectiveness of thematic analysis in dealing with this study's research problem (attempting to uncover certain newspaper's attitudes towards the Mohawks). For example, Holsti emphasizes that, "for many purposes, the theme, a single assertion about some subject, is the most useful unit of content analysis. It is the most indispensable in research on propaganda, values, attitudes, beliefs, and the like."61 Thirdly, other studies on newspaper portrayal of the Oka crisis have used thematic analysis, and so for purposes of comparison and adding to the previous literature, using the theme as the unit of analysis is highly appropriate. Once the recording unit has been selected, it is then necessary to specify what context unit will be used. The context unit is the largest body of content that may be searched in order to find the recording unit.62 In other words, it must be specified whether one wants to use the sentence, paragraph or entire article as the context in which the expressed attitude (now in the form of a category or theme) will be found. Again, for the purposes of this particular research, it was decided that the article would be used as the context unit. While it was clear that the pieces on Oka could not be analyzed sentence by sentence, it was difficult to know whether the paragraph or article would offer more as the context unit, for there was a concern about losing some Ibid. 43 amount of subtlety by classifying the entire article in one category. Again though, the literature highlighted several key points which helped in the decision. Holsti emphasizes that the decision rests on two questions; first, which units will best meet the requirements of the research problem, and second, which units give satisfactory results with the least expenditure of resources?63 He further adds that while the units would not change the direction of any bias (for example in editorials), they may affect the apparent extent of that bias.64 On the other hand though, he also admits that some studies using both methods have shown little difference in results, but that analyzing paragraph by paragraph is extremely time-consuming and difficult.65 Given all this information, it was decided that using the paragraph as a context unit would not only be more time consuming, but would not provide that much more clarification than the article on whether differences existed between the two newspapers. Furthermore, it was assumed that most articles, editorials or letters to the editor were written with the author's intention of making an assertion with regard to the Oka crisis (e.g., what the Mohawks are doing is bad because..., or what the government is doing is good because... etc.), and that due to the nature of the crisis, most writers were quite clear on how they saw the situation. For the most part then, it was expected that the majority of opinions held by various authors would fall into the categories devised, and if there was an article which clearly held more than one category, it would be classified as 'mixed or other'. Given the amount of pieces analyzed (1674 articles, Ibid., 118. Ibid. Ibid. 44 editorials and letters), the differences would in all likelihood still clearly emerge even if some pieces fell into the 'mixed or other ' category. An added precaution taken in this study, after categorizing all the pieces, was to further classify the article, letter or editorial's valence (its direction), that is, whether it was positive (sympathetic towards the Natives), negative (unsympathetic) or neutral (truly objective information pieces). This component of the research entails a certain amount of difficulty in implementation, as stressed by Budd et al, Determination of direction in content analysis is probably one of the most frustrating problems facing the researcher, because it is one area in which the element of subjectivity is difficult to eliminate entirely. At the same time, content analysis can be most productive when it is able to show direction - or the lack of it.6 6 At this point, it should be specified what is meant by positive, negative or neutral. Generally, articles were taken to be positive if they showed any degree of sympathy towards the Mohawks: they could disagree with the tactics used by the Mohawks but did not call for armed intervention by the army or the S.Q. to solve the problems at Oka, they could stress the importance of Mohawk rights or claims, express distaste for the actions of the government, the army, or the S.Q. against the Mohawks, or stress the need to allow food and medicine through the barricades. Negative articles on the other hand, were any that were unsympathetic towards the Mohawks: they could denounce the moves of the Mohawks and call for armed intervention by governmental 6 5 Ibid., 118-119. 6 6 Richard Budd, Robert Thorp & Lewis Donahue (1967) Content Analysis of Communications. (New York: Macmillan Company), 50. 45 forces, characterize the Mohawks as terrorists and a threat to civil security and safety, and generally insist that the Mohawks were criminals, bandits, thugs or trouble-makers whose claims were unwarranted. Lastly, neutral articles were those seen to be balanced in their content (i.e. presenting both sides of the story), simply factual, or devoid of controversial material. Beyond the general impression that the article provided, which for the most part, due to the nature of the conflict, was quite apparent, the particular use of vocabulary was also examined as a means of determining the direction of the article, editorial or letter. As was shown in Grenier's study on Oka (covered in chapter one), the use of conflict-based terms (terrorists, bandits, masked criminals, armed warriors, etc.), often denoted negative views of the Mohawks. A short sampling of negative vocabulary which would denote the direction of an article is listed in Figure 1. Figure 1. Examples of Negative Vocabulary used in Articles, Editorials and Letters on the Oka Crisis English Media - The Gazette • Mohawks actions are revolting, • . Warriors true interests lie in illegal intolerable activities • arrest Mohawks, they are despicable, • armed warriors intolerable • government has been "had" • gang of criminals • government is condoning illegal acts • they have a gun to our heads • Mohawks making unrealistic and • warriors are criminals unacceptable demands • Indian organized crime • professional terrorists • Indians are like Lepine • masked criminals 46 • they should ban Indian schoolchildren forever • threatening civilian population • hiding behind women and children • they wear bizarre and frightening masks • they ransack houses French Media - La Presse • veritable cancer • gardent la population comme otages • Mohawks sont comme Rambo • mort de Lemay n'est pas un accident mais homicide • radicaux armes jusqu'au dents • terrorisme, du chantage • pas un qui parle francais • illegaux, bandits, terroristes • vindictive, aggressives, anti-democratic • groupuscules illegitime • couteau sous la gorge, si les blancs faisait cela... • menace de fusil • warriors sont les soldats d'une future republique incluant File de Montreal • menace, otages • guerriers fascines par la mort • terreur, humiliation • menace, meurtre, peur • terroristes • et si c'etait des warriors francophones a Toronto? • bande de criminels • les Indiens peuvent avoir une reele existence sans reserves • menacent la paix sociale • terroriste, illegale • interresses par les gains criminels • terroristes Anglais • hors la loi, armes • massacre, sauvages • show a gun slinging defiance • foul-mouthed exhibitionists • vandals • some whites are just warrior sympathizers • militant warriors • chantage des Mohawks • minorite de terroristes • warriors Anglais • regime de terreur • avocats de langue anglaises • attitudes irresponsables • negocier avec un revolver sur la tempe • mettre les guerriers a leur place • bandits et terroristes • guerre de nerfs • defient les pouvoirs publics et tiennent en otage les citoyens • terreurs criminels • otages, armes, terroristes • alliance Anglo-Iroquois contre nous • infrastructure de guerrillas • nous sommes engages a defendre notre pays • guerrilla • minorite d'agiteurs • radicalisme opportuniste • ayatollah indigene • pris en otage • fraternizer avec des bandits • c'est sur qu'on s'est fait avoir • chomage est a cause des Amerindiens • Mohawks sont comme les 'Hell's Angels' • criminels, terroristes armes 47 • Afin d'amener les rebelles a la table • c'est difficile de defendre la democratie face a des gens qui n'y croient pas de negotiation pour les convaincre de • contre respect du droit • l'Etat Quebecois ete deshonnore • aveuglement anglo-Canadien • Mohawks ont destabilises le Quebec • Canadiens-Anglais prennent position renoncer ce chantage terroriste, ils contre le Quebec ont traversee la vallee de 1'humiliation It is crucial to note that some negative articles in La Presse portrayed speaking English as negative in itself. Some examples are included above; however, unless the article was found to be negative on some other level (such as the Mohawks are 'English terrorists' or 'English warriors'), simply noting that the Mohawks were English did not qualify the article as being negative. Similarly, a term which came up about a dozen times and which has not been heard since pre-Confederation is 'Anglo-Iroquois alliance', most widely used in the context of an alliance against Quebec. The issue of what language the Mohawks spoke was definitely emphasized fully in La Presse (of course much more blatantly in letters to the editor than in the actual editorials), and often as an insinuation that English-Canada was behind the uprising. 4. Coding Scheme In order to be able to analyze results by computer, it is necessary to reduce all the data to numerical form. The coding scheme is shown below: 48 Figure 2. Coding Scheme Category Specification As^xMM coding number S O U R C E La Presse The Gazette 1 2 T Y P E article editorial letter to the editor 1 2 3 R A N K this is the unique number attached to each individual article, editorial or letter 1-1674 D A T E specified by day and month starting at > 12/07 and ending at 26/09 STORY N U M B E R refers to story number on given page ranges from 1-10 (for example, page A l could have three stories on it) P A G E specified by section and page number (where front page, A l , is coded as 11) 11-113 (Al toB13) T H E M E law and order death of Lemay Mohawk/Native perspective Mohawk rights and history mixed or other criticism of S.Q. or government criticism of federal government 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 L E N G T H specifies length (area) of article in square mm. V A L E N C E pro-Native (sympathetic) anti-Native (unsympathetic) neutral/simple facts 1 -1 o 49 5. Data Collection and Pre-Test As one could guess, the data collection aspect of the research design was the most tedious and time-consuming task, with all 1674 articles, editorials, and letters to the editor having to be read, analyzed, measured, coded, and then finally entered into the computer. As a precaution, a pre-test was conducted after roughly one third of the data had been collected to see if the research design was functional and whether the hypothesis was indeed showing any promise. Five hundred and sixty articles, editorials and letters to the editor were analyzed, and run through the computer. The pre-test results initially proved the hypothesis true in that significant differences were found (significance levels were well below .05) between La Presse and The Gazette. 50 Chapter 4: Presentation of Data and Findings The findings of this study will be presented in this chapter, accompanied by supporting tables and statistics. It will first be shown that significant differences between the two major newspapers' coverage on the Oka crisis in Quebec existed, and that furthermore, the two newspapers' coverage differed in their articles, editorials and letters to the Editor according to valence (positive, neutral or negative), and thematic content. Seven tables outline the major findings, and a summary of these findings is presented at the end of the chapter. The importance of Oka as a news story to Montreal newspapers during the summer of 1990 in both newspapers is important to emphasize before more subtle differences between the two newspapers are described. The collection of articles for this study dating from July 12 to September 26, 1990, show that 99.9% of the time Oka made the front page of La Presse6'', and 99.6% of the time it made the front page of The Gazette.6* Both English and French Quebecers then, were highly informed about what was transpiring at Oka that summer. However, whether they were receiving the same information will be analyzed shortly. The purpose of this study was to test the hypothesis that The Gazette was more sympathetic than La Presse to the Mohawks during the Oka Crisis. The results of the 6 1 Oka was the front page story for La Presse every day that summer except for September 23, when the crisis had died down and the Gulf War was starting to be the top story. 6 8 Oka was the front page story for The Gazette every day during the summer of 1990, except September 22,23 and 25. 51 content analysis prove that this hypothesis is true; indeed The Gazette was significantly more sympathetic in its coverage during the Oka Crisis towards the Mohawks than La Presse was. Therefore, it is clear that English and French readers in Quebec were being provided with different versions of Oka on a daily level. 52 Table 1 . Percentage Differences of Valence by Newspaper La Presse The Gu»ett« Bow Total Anti-Native / Unsympathetic 431 206 637 45.6% 28.3% 38.1% Neutral / Simple Facts 310 264 574 32.8% 36.2% 34.3% l*ro-\'athc / Sympathetic 204 259 463 21.6% 35.5% 27.7% Column Total 945 729 1674 56.5% 43.5% 100.0% Chi-Square Value DF Significance Pearson 62.87 2 .0000 Likelihood ratio 63.51 2 .0000 Mantel-Haenszel test for linear association 7.42 1 .0065 Which newspaper was more sympathetic in its coverage? The evidence that The Gazette was more sympathetic in its coverage is presented in Table 1. The significance levels are shown to be well below .05 (in fact they are .00, .00, and .0065), which means the null hypothesis can be rejected and that a definite difference exists between the two newspapers which is not due to chance. This difference is quite apparent in the two columns for La Presse and The Gazette; La Presse's coverage (articles, editorials, and letters to the editor combined) was anti-Native or unsympathetic 45.6% of the time, whereas The Gazette's coverage was 53 unsympathetic only 28.3% of the time. In terms of neutral coverage or the provision of simple facts, the newspapers were more similar in their coverage: La Presse's coverage appeared to be neutral 32.8% of the time, and The Gazette's coverage 36.2% of the time. Again though, with regard to pro-Native or sympathetic coverage, a major difference between the two newspapers appears: La Presse was pro-Native only 21.6% of the time, whereas The Gazette was pro-Native 35. 5% of the time. Table 2 . Summary Statistics on Valence According to Newspaper La Presse The Gazette Within Groups Total Mean -.2402 .0727 -.1039 Std. Dev. .7842 .7959 .7893 Sum of squares 580.4720 461.1468 1041.6187 Total Cases 945 729 1674 In terms of an overall picture, Table 2 compares the combined mean (or average) of all articles, editorials and letters to the editor for both newspapers. The two columns show clearly that La Presse's average coverage was negative (with a mean of -.2402), while The Gazette's average coverage was found to be slightly positive (with a mean of .0727). v 54 Table 3. Total Number of Articles, Editorials and Letters to the Editor by Newspaper Type La Presse The Gazette %xm Total Article 808 585 1393 85.5% 80.2% 83.2% Editorial 24 33 57 2.5% 4.5% 3.4% Letter to the Editor 113 111 224 12.0% 15.2%. 13.4% Column Total 945 729 1674 56.5% 43.5% 100.0% Chi-Square Value DF Significance Pearson 9.42406 2 .00899 Likelihood ratio 9.34932 2 .00933 Mantel-Haenszel test for linear association 6.24858 1 .01243 Min. Exp. Frequency = 24.823 A breakdown of the numbers of articles, editorials and letters to the editor can be found in Table 3. La Presse published far more articles on the Oka crisis (808 compared to only 585 in The Gazette), but fewer editorials than The Gazette (24 compared to 33 editorials in La Presse). The total number of letters to the editor that was printed was virtually the same (113 for La Presse, 111 for The Gazette). 55 Table 4. Comparison of Valence in Each Newspaper by Type of Article La Presse The Gazette Row Total Type mean std.dev cases mean std.dev cases case*> articles -.2413 .7712 808 ,0479 .7749 585 1393 editorials -.7500 .4423 24 -.5758 .6139 33 57 letters to the editor .8877 113 3964 .8122 111 224 all types combined -.2402 .7842 945 ,0727 .7959 729 1674 With the type of article specified (whether it is an article, editorial or letter to the editor), further differences can be seen between The Gazette and La Presse. While on average articles in La Presse were negative (with a mean of -.2413), and articles in The Gazette were positive (with a mean of .0479), editorials in both newspapers were negative on average; however La Presse's editorials (with a mean of -.7500) were more negative than The Gazette's (with a mean of -.5758). In terms of letters to the editor however, a large difference is evident between La Presse and The Gazette, with La Presse's correspondents having written more negative letters (with a mean of-. 1239) than the readers of The Gazette (with a mean of. 3964). 56 How did thematic content differ between the two newspapers? On another level, the classification of the data according to theme or category reveals some significant findings. Comparing columns in Table 5 shows that the need for law and order was stressed more by La Presse than by The Gazette, and concurrently, that the Native perspective was given greater attention in The Gazette than in La Presse. Contrary to expectations though, the death of corporal Lemay was not emphasized very much in either paper, and coverage related to it formed only 1 % of the stories covered by both newspapers. Mohawk rights and claims were covered more.in La Presse than The Gazette. It must be observed however, that coverage was not necessarily sympathetic in La Presse, as many stories emphasized that Mohawk rights and claims were unwarranted, whereas The Gazette's stories tended to show the historical Mohawk claims in a positive light. Table 5. Percentage Differences of Themes by Newspaper Theme La Presse The Gazette Mm T«ta! Law and Order 178 106 284 18.8% 14.5% 17.0% Dealh of Lemay 9 7 16 1.0% 1.0% 1.0% Native Perspective 96 108 204 10.2% 14.8%* 12.2% Mohawk Rights and Claims 119 79 198 .12.6% 10.8% 11.8% Mixed or Other 364 228 592 38.5% 31.3% 35.4% Criticism ol S.Q. or Provincial 119 130 249 Government 12.6% 17.8% 14.9% Criticism of Army or Federal 60 71 131 : Government 6.3% 9.7% 7.8% Column Total 945 729 1674 56.5% 43.5% 100.0% Chi-Square Value DF Significance Pearson 32.61511 6 .0001 Likelihood ratio 32.53396 6 .0001 Mantel-Haenszel test for linear association 5.85499 1 .1553 Table 5 reveals that The Gazette tended to criticize the provincial government and the S.Q. more than La Presse (17.8% in The Gazette as opposed to the 12.6% found in La Presse). The Gazette also criticized the federal government more than La Presse, but this is not surprising considering that The Gazette was more sympathetic towards the Mohawks and consequently could be expected to be less approving of federal initiatives involving the army. It is important to note that apart from the 'mixed or other' category, which was the largest for both papers, The Gazette's largest theme 58 was 'criticism of the provincial government or the S.Q.' (17.8%), whereas La Presse's largest concern was ensuring law and order (18.8%). Furthermore, the category of 'Native perspective' came in very slightly higher in The Gazette than did its concern for law and order (14.8% compared to 14.5%). The significance level of .0001 shows that these differences did not occur by chance. All the percentages found in the categories further confirm the hypothesis that The Gazette was more sympathetic than La Presse in its coverage of the Oka crisis. The distribution and valence of articles, editorials and letters to the editor throughout the two newspapers supports some assumptions made earlier. Table 6 separates the two newspapers by page, and demonstrates the general presentation pattern of the two by showing their mean valence according to the page. It is very telling that both newspapers tended to have negative coverage on their front pages. While it is clear that La Presse's front page coverage was more negative than The Gazette's (having a mean of -.4476 as compared to The Gazette's mean of -.0561), it is intriguing The Gazette, whose overall coverage was generally positive, presented front page coverage that was generally negative. This finding will be further discussed in the next chapter, suggests some element of truth in the market or profit approach that has been noted by some authors, in which sensational, negative stories on the front page are intended to sell more newspapers. 59 Table 6. Mean Differences of Valence by Page Number Within Newspaper La Presse The Gazette Row Total Page mean std.de v cases mean std.dev cases eases 11 (Al) Front Page +.4476 .6355 143 •.0561 .8336 107 250 12 (A2) -.4000 .6325 15 -JIM .8324 18 33 13 (A3) -.3164 .7629 275 -.0408 .7895 49 324 14 (A4) -.0569 .7389 123 ,nm .7199 100 223 15 (A5) -.0500 .8098 80 .(Ml 7 .7666 96 176 16 (A6) -.0625 .5737 16 ,0725 .8629 69 85 17 (A7) -.5833 .6686 12 .mo .7055 42 54 18 (A8) -1.000 1 .1389 .7983 36 37 19 (A9) .0000 1.4142 2 ,0000 .5345 15 17 21 (Bl) -J224 .9044 49 -.5000 .5774 4 53 22 (B2) Editorials .8711 95 .8306 119 214 23 (B3) Letters(LP) -.1124 .8847 89 Mm .8489 68 157 24 (B4) ! -.1250 .8345 8 \ -.5000 .5774 4 12 Total 908 727 1635 How page number and length of article affect valence Table 6 shows that generally both newspapers' coverage became more positive further into the newspaper, at least until the editorial pages (although La Presse's coverage never became positive). While the table suggests that the editorial page of The Gazette was positive, it must be noted that The Gazette tends to print letters to the editor on the editorial page, which in this case, because the letters were quite positive, tended to hide the negative editorials. La Presse however, tended to spread letters to 60 the editor on pages B2 and B3. If one takes into account that more readers tend to concentrate on the front page and the editorials, as opposed to reading through the whole newspaper from start to finish, it could be concluded that there was indeed' a planned approach by the newspapers to sell more newspapers by sending out a consistently negative view of the Mohawks. Table 7. Length of Article According to Valence by Newspaper La Presse The Gazette Row Total Valence mean std.dev. cases mean std.dev. cases cases Anti-Native / Unsympathetic 9258.00 13633.65 431 7908,76 4433.19 206 637 Neutral / Simple Facts 7971.63 4569.84 310 7406.40 4531.18 264 $74 Pro-Native / Sympathetic 7890.20 5874.51 204 6078.47 4369.11 259 463 Total 945 729 1 M74 Further manipulation of the data reveals that the length of article, editorial or letter to the editor (given in square mm.), varied according to its valence. Table 7 shows that in both newspapers, negative articles are longer than either neutral or positive articles (the means of negative articles in La Presse and The Gazette are 9258.0 sq. mm. and 7908.8 sq. mm. respectively). Positive articles were shorter than either negative or neutral articles (neutral articles averaged 7971.6 sq. mm. in La Presse and 7406.4 sq. mm. in The Gazette), whereas positive articles averaged 7890.2 sq. mm. in La Presse and 6078.5 S.Q.. mm. in The Gazette). Thus even further credence is given to the significance of the profit motive in both newspapers (i.e., using negative 61 coverage to generate more sales), and of the hegemony approach (i.e. supporting the status-quo and depicting deviant behaviour in a consistently negative light). Summary of Findings • The hypothesis that The Gazette was more sympathetic than La Presse in its coverage during the Oka Crisis of 1990 is proven to be true. • La Presse was more negative than The Gazette in articles, in editorials, and in letters to the editor. • La Presse presented more articles on the Oka crisis than did The Gazette, but fewer editorials. Roughly the same number of letters to the editor were printed in both newspapers. • On average, articles in La Presse were negative and articles in The Gazette were positive. However, editorial coverage in both newspapers was negative, with La Presse's editorials being more negative than The Gazette's. A large difference existed between the letters to the editor of the two newspapers; the letters in La Presse were generally negative while the letters in The Gazette were generally positive. • In terms of thematic content, La Presse tended to emphasize the need for law and order, whereas The Gazette highlighted the Native perspective and tended to be more critical of the provincial government and the S.Q. Neither paper concentrated on the death of corporal Lemay to any extent. La Presse did more stories on Mohawk history and claims than The Gazette, and The Gazette criticized the federal government and the army more than La Presse. Overall, the thematic analysis strongly supports the hypothesis that The Gazette was more sympathetic towards the Mohawks than was La Presse. • Front page coverage tended to be negative in both newspapers, although La Presse is more negative than The Gazette's. Both newspapers coverage tended to get more positive further into the newspaper, at least until the editorials began. • The length of an article tended to vary according to its valence; negative articles in both newspapers tended to be longer than both neutral and positive articles. Positive or sympathetic articles were the shortest in both newspapers. 62 Chapter 5: Discussion The crucial factor that makes communication 'political' is not the source of the message, but its content and purpose.69 Now that the findings have been presented and the hypothesis that The Gazette would be more sympathetic than La Presse has been shown to be true, it is important to discuss the significance of these findings, in terms of this thesis and in relation and to the existing field of Aboriginal politics. This concluding chapter will discuss the findings and explain their significance, point to, some possible reasons of explanation for the differing coverage, and finally discuss the shortfalls of this particular study. Research Findings and Their Significance What do the findings tell us, and do they contradict any of the findings presented in the literature review. What the findings tell us, as no other published study has proven, is that there were significant differences between the two major French and English Quebec newspapers on the Oka Crisis. Prior to this study, it had only been established that coverage was generally negative on the part of most Canadian newspapers, and particularly on the part of The Gazette, which was the only 6 9 R. Denton and G . Woodward as quoted in Brian M c N a i r (1995) A n Introduction to Polit ical Communicat ion (London: Routledge Inc.), 3. 63 Quebec newspaper that had been included in these studies. If one were not from Quebec and did not read the newspapers first-hand throughout the crisis, one could have assumed that French newspapers would be quite sympathetic towards the Mohawks for several reasons. Firstly, studies such as Ponting & Gibbins' single out Quebec as the most sympathetic province towards Aboriginal peoples, and second, there is the fact that Quebec was the first province to grant effective Aboriginal self-government (in 1975 under the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement). Moreover, Quebec boasts higher living standards for Aboriginal peoples than does any other province.70 Despite appearances though, Quebec-Aboriginal relations have been plagued by a strong undercurrent of hostility and tension. The struggle of the James Bay Cree against the Hydro-Quebec mega projects spanned roughly twenty-five years, and the Quebec government capitulated only in 1995 after the Cree had encouraged American states not to buy the cheap electricity. Mohawk-Quebec relations had also always been strained: land claims went unanswered, jurisdictional disputes became commonplace because of the lack of reserve status, and the Mohawks continued their demand for sovereignty continued (unlike the Cree, who wanted self-government but never demanded complete sovereignty). Oka was not unusual in terms of Aboriginal-government relations then, and resulted from tensions being exacerbated to the point where they became aired in public forums, one of which was provided by the daily 7 0 Aboriginal peoples in Quebec have the highest average annual income of any province, Quebec has the highest proportion of employed Abor ig inal peoples than any other province, has the highest proportion of high school and university graduates, and the highest proportion of Abor ig inal peoples 64 newspapers. In this sense, the point made by Siegel, referred to in chapter one, sheds some light on the situation; he observes that conflict situations bring out latent characteristics which are normally hidden in peaceful times, thereby turning the focus to the common interest. So while it may not be surprising that La Presse was less sympathetic towards the Mohawks, the question arises as to whether this finding contradicts those appearing in the literature. On the whole it does not, as many studies since Ponting & Gibbins 1978 study have tended to question whether Quebec is indeed the most sympathetic (Berry et al, Grenier, Skea, and others). Moreover, the findings of this study do not really contradict those of Ponting & Gibbins, in that they noted that violence or coercion (such as the events at Oka most definitely were) met with the disapproval of both French and English Quebecers, and as hypothesized by them, the situation would change if the Indians' protest message was both pronounced and aimed at the French-Canadian collectivity.71 Although La Presse coverage tended to indicate that Mohawk protest was taken as a direct attack on Quebec, in fact, the Mohawks at Oka never singled out the Quebec government or people, and instead aimed their message at various levels of government, such as the municipality of Oka, the federal government that had consistently neglected their claims, and the Quebec government that had not stopped the golf course construction at Oka. The numerous references in articles, editorials and letters to the editor to an Anglo-Iroquois alliance, or an English Canada-being taught in their mother tongue. Ontario Native Affairs Secretariat (1995) Overview of Aboriginal Relations in Quebec(Corporate Policy and Planning Branch), 1. 7 1 The Ponting & Gibbins study is discussed on page 3 of this study. 65 Mohawk conspiracy, implied that French journalists had felt that the protest was aimed at the Quebec collectivity, and this in turn left no room for La Presse to be sympathetic towards the Mohawks. This last point deserves qualification as it goes to the core of the Oka dispute itself. Unlike other Aboriginal-government disputes, Oka was the only one so far that included the extra dimension of language. That is, the Mohawks were predominately English and found themselves in dispute with the S.Q., the provincial government, the surrounding neighborhoods who were denied access to the Mercier bridge and the province of Quebec, all of whose majority language is French. Language became an issue, with La Presse publishing photos of Chateauguay residents carrying flags stating "Alliance Anglo-Iroquoise contre nous,"72 and publishing letters by renowned authors such as Robin Philpot, who claimed that the rest of Canada was willing to grant recognition to the Mohawks but not to Quebec, and that if the situation had occurred outside of Quebec, the response of Canadians would be different, Qu'arriverait-il si 200 Warriors, armes et masques, ne parlant que le francais et conduisant des autos immatriculees au Quebec ou au Etats-Unis, a bloquait l'autoroute Don Valley a Toronto et occupait une partie d'Oshawa par example [...] ces Warriors seraient en prison avant meme d'eriger leurs barricades [...] En fait, on demande que les [Mohawks] soient reconnus comme des nations au sein du Canada, mais quand il s'agit de la nation Quebecois, c'est un NON categorique.73 72 La Presse, 15 August, 1990, A2. 7 3 Robin Philpot as quoted in La Presse, 21 July 1990, B3. 66 The S.Q. also got involved in the language debate, and faxed letters to the English media, accusing them of taking the Mohawks side at the expense of the S.Q. It even went as far as to state that this supposed 'bias' on the part of the English media resulted from Quebec's rejection of the Meech Lake Accord, "[l]a presse anglophone agit de la sorte avec la Surete du Quebec depuis les discussions et l'echec de 1'accord du lac Meech"74. This was even too much for La Presse reporters who denounced the S.Q.'s actions, not because they believed that the English media was not biased, but because it was not the S.Q.'s role to become involved in debates on media coverage. For example, Lysiane Gagnon of La Presse launched a scathing attack on the S.Q. for these actions, stating that the S.Q. completely put their foot in their mouth and had no business accusing the English media of being hard on them.75 However, in a previous article, she herself had also identified the "verbal inflation" used in the English media and stated they were unduly hard on the S.Q. 7 6 Another example of the reference of language, to the debate during the Oka crisis was Alain Dubuc's editorial in La Presse entitled 'L'aveuglement anglo-Canadien'77 (the blindness of English-Canada). Unlike Gagnon, Dubuc claimed without hesitation that naturally there would be a difference in media approaches, stating that the English media would be more sympathetic given that the Mohawks were English and formed part of the 'anglo-Montreal culture' (that is went to the same 7 4 Patrick Grandjean "La S.Q. d6nonce les m6dias anglophone" La Presse, 7 September 1990, A4. 7 5 Lysiane Gagnon "Les French SS" La Presse, 6 September 1990, B3. 7 6 Lysiane Gagnon "Une police politique?" La Presse, 11 September 1990, B3. 7 7 Author's translation of direct quote from Allan Dubuc "L'aveuglement anglo-canadien" La Presse, 8 September 1990, B2. 67 schools, watched the same T V shows, etc.), and that moreover, because the Mohawks were a minority in Quebec, anglophones would "spontaneously manifest their solidarity for another minority because of bill 178" (the language law).78 What Dubuc could not understand however, was why other provinces sympathized with the Mohawks; he believed that it was just because the rest of Canada was taking the opportunity to express its anti-Quebec attitude; and that there would have been less sympathy had crisis happened in Toronto.79 At this point it is important to add that The Gazette was being criticized by the Mohawks as well as La Presse, who claimed Gazette reporters were being too hard on them, where Mohawk Warriors disallowed them from entering the barricaded area, and let other reporters in. 8 0 It is thus of fundamental importance to note that while the Mohawk actions at Oka were obviously at the forefront of the coverage, the issue of language was also a focus for the media. While the literature on the F L Q crisis examined in chapter one did not specify whether language was ever discussed as a 'bias' issue by reporters during the crisis, the media studies on the F L Q crisis did outline the thematic differences in coverage between the English and French newspapers.81 It will be recalled that the situation was somewhat reversed back in 1970, in that the so-called 'terrorists' or 'protesters' (depending on what newspaper was read), were French speaking, and were resorting to 7 8 Ibid. 7 9 Ibid. 8 0 Mar ie-Claude Lortie "Quatre journalistes expulses de 1'enceinte barricad6e d 'Oka" La Presse, 2 August, 1990, A 3 . 8 1 The literature on the F L Q crisis and the media was covered in chapter one, pp . 11-15, and summarized on p. 22. 68 violence and coercion to draw attention to their cause. In that case, the English media tended to concentrate on the 'law and order' themes more heavily and tended to characterize the F L Q as terrorists, whereas the French media tended to give the FLQ's perspective more attention, concentrating instead on the 'negotiations', or 'civil rights' themes, and did not associate the FLQ with terrorism. The findings in this study are thus significant, as the situation reversed itself for the two major newspapers. This shows that a definite framing of events occurs, and that ideological perspectives were guiding the coverage during the Oka crisis just as they were during the F L Q crisis. In this sense, Canada's two solitudes seem to be ever-present, and this circumstance cannot help but influence coverage of crisis situations in Quebec. The findings on the average mean valence of all the articles, editorials and letters to the editor (chapter four, table 4) point to some interesting observations. As mentioned, the editorials in both newspapers tended to be negative, with La Presse's editorials being more negative than The Gazette's. The difference though, between the valence in the editorials, and the valence in the letters to the editor is much larger in The Gazette (difference in The Gazette is .9722, whereas the difference in La Presse is .6261). This suggests that the editors for The Gazette were more out of tune with their readership (at least as revealed in the letters), and that even though The Gazette was accused of being biased in favour of the Mohawks, it could not completely abandon the conservative 'law and order' theme in all coverage, and allow itself to be favourable in the editorials. Readers of The Gazette reacted to the negative editorials by writing letters which reflected more sympathy for the Mohawks. La Presse then, in maintaining negative coverage throughout the editorials and articles 69 appeared to be more in tune with its readers. Of course causality may be questioned. In this situation, did the readers in La Presse write negative letters on the whole because this is what they truly believed, or did their letters simply reflect the negative coverage that they read in La Pressed This point is worthy of more study. A final point to emphasize about the findings is that they establish that coverage of the Oka crisis was essentially negative in both major English and French newspapers in Quebec. While The Gazette was more sympathetic than La Presse, The Gazette was still negative in its editorials, and front page coverage (probably the two most read pages of any newspaper), and in both newspapers negative articles tended to be longer than positive ones.82 These findings accord with those of previous studies done on media coverage of the Oka crisis, for Skea and Grenier both found that The Gazette was highly negative both in its use of conflict-based terms and as compared to other Canadian newspapers. There are two possible explanations for the negative coverage by the supposedly 'sympathetic' newspaper. First, given the proximity factor, English Montreal reporters were just as inconvenienced by the Mohawk's blocking of the Mercier bridge as their French counterparts, thus they would lose their sympathy faster than other English Canadian reporters who were witnessing the events from afar. Gazette reporters, being closer to the event and having more exclusive contact to the Mohawks, were also more aware of the reality of the situation, and were in a better position to distinguish its more subtle aspects, such as factionalism and the fact that the Warriors were not necessarily 70 speaking on behalf of all Mohawks. These reporters were thus more apt to write the good with the bad, and point out the inconsistencies, instead of covering the situation by reporting superficial facts. Secondly, these findings suggest that the theoretical perspectives with regard to content as mentioned in the literature, particularly the market and hegemony approaches, contain some validity. Naturally, given the proximity to the event and the relevance of the issue to Quebec, both newspapers kept Oka as the top story the entire summer, and both newspapers depicted sensational war-type images on their front pages for the entire duration of the conflict. The theory of the market approach would tend to be validated in that even The Gazette, which was supposed to be sympathetic according to La Presse editors, depicted the Mohawks as threatening and defiant on its front pages, perhaps in order to sell more newspapers. While the profit figures for newspaper sales during the summer of 1990 have not been checked, it is clear that Oka provided a marketing bonanza. Furthermore, the findings show that the ideological positions of both newspapers remained consistent, as shown in the thematic analysis and the valence component; therefore, the hegemony approach (which assumes that content is a function of ideological positions and a desire to maintain the status quo) is to this extent confirmed. La Presse sought to safeguard Quebec's majority interests, whereas The Gazette sought to maintain its viewpoint as the voice of a minority within Quebec society. Oka therefore provided an extension of the sovereignty debate, on the part of 8 2 Unfortunately, the whole aspect of photos and front page photo coverage could not be approached in this study, but again, photos on the front page o f both newspapers tended to be sensational war-type 7 1 reporters and editorialists alike. The Mohawks and politicians in turn understood this, which is why understanding the media approaches at Oka is so important. Further Possible reasons behind the differing coverage at Oka While the point of this study was to discover whether any differences existed between English and French media, and not to explain why these differences existed, it is still possible to point to some explanation for purposes of discussion. While the combination of factors which affects the way reporters and editors see events is a field of study in itself and cannot be approached in a brief discussion, three obvious reasons for the difference between English and French media coverage on the Oka crisis can be posited. First and foremost is the Quebec sovereignty movement and the issue of the inviolability of Quebec borders. Second is the historic relationship between the French and the Mohawk, which was permanently changed by the British-Mohawk military alliance. Third is the fact that the Mohawks are English speaking, a circumstance that gave English reporters an edge not only in receiving more information, but also in being able to comprehend the Mohawk perspective more readily. Jean-H. Guay emphasizes the first point in his article on the paradoxes of Quebec following the Meech Lake Accord; he explains that because the sovereignty movement has become so strong in Quebec, Quebec cannot afford to be sympathetic images of masked Warriors brandishing weapons, etc. 72 toward Mohawk land claims, as this would open up the possibilities of losing territory to all kinds of Native groups, Nous nous trouvons ici dans une situation singuliere: le Quebec constitue une partie du Canada, tout comme les terres revendiquees par les Mohawks constituent, pour l'essentiel, une partie du territoire Quebecois. Si le gouvernement du Quebec en venait a demander sa pleine souvereinete, ne se trouverait-il pas a reclamer ce qu'il a meme refuse aux Amerindiens? Et si le palier federal decidait d'agir ici comme le Quebec agit a l'endroit des Amerindiens, les Quebecois ne seraient-ils pas les premiers a crier a 1'injustice [...] Si le gouvernement du Quebec avait cede aux Mohawks leur souvereinete, il aurait ete oblige de reconnaitre les meme droits aux autres nations autochtones revendiquant egalement des terres, et de ce fait il aurait cede les trois quart du territoire Quebecois aux autochtones.83 Quebec has been consistent in maintaining the inviolability of its borders as it is obviously crucial to the independence movement. This was seen during the referendum when the Cree and the Inuit maintained they would separate if Quebec decided to separate from the rest of Canada, whereby this was categorically refused by the Parti Quebecois. The second factor (the historic British-Iroquois military alliance playing a part in Quebecers views of Mohawks) was commented on in chapter one, and need receive only brief mention here. As noted, historic views of the Mohawks evolved differently among the French and the English due to the military alliance; even until very recently, Mohawks were still depicted in French high school history books84 as savages and 8 3 Jean-H. Guay (1991) "Les Paradoxes du Quebec au Lendemain de M e e c h " Possibles 15 ( l )Hiver : 31. 8 4 This is in the author's experience, no quantitative survey has been conducted on this topic. 73 scalpers who terrorized the first Europeans. These negative depictions cannot help but form the views of the French in Quebec about Mohawks today. The third possible reason for the differences in coverage between The Gazette and La Presse is that language could have been a barrier for French reporters at Oka. In other words, English reporters simply had better access to stories and Native sources simply because the majority of Mohawks, including the Warriors and the Mohawk negotiators, spoke only English. Furthermore, while at certain points, all media were banned by the army from the area surrounding Oka, there were Gazette reporters who were able to stay behind the barricades at all times. Insinuations that Gazette reporters were struck with the 'Stockholm syndrome' arose out of this decision on the part of certain reporters, but their inside position certainly gave them the advantage over French reporters. Concluding Comment Having reached the end of the research report, it is my hope that the study will enhance the understanding of the Oka crisis and add to the literature on the topic of media coverage of Aboriginal politics and crises in particular. It is anticipated that crisis management will continue to be an expanding area of Canadian Aboriginal-government relations in the future, and that the media will continue to play a pivotal role in the way Canadians view Aboriginal peoples in times of peace as well as crisis. 74 Bibliography Ahsan, Syed Aziz-al (1994) "The Oka Mohawk Crisis in Quebec: A Content Analysis of Media Ethnic Biases" (unpublished paper) CPSA Annual Meeting. Alfred, Gerald (1991) "De mal en pis: la politique interne a Kahnawake dans la crise de 1990" Recherches Amerindienne au Quebec 21 (3): 29-38. Berry, J.W. & M . Wells (1994) "Attitudes Toward Aboriginal Peoples and Aboriginal Self-Government in Canada", in John Hylton (ed.) Aboriginal Self-Government in Canada: Current Trends and Issues Toronto: Purich Aboriginal Series. Bositis, David (1990) Research Designs for Political Science: Contrivance and Demonstration in Theory and Practice Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press. 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Grenier, Marc (1994) "Native Indians in the English-Canadian Press: The Case of the Oka Crisis" Media , Culture & Society 16: 313-336. Guay, Jean-H (1991) "Les Paradoxes du Quebec au Lendemain de Meech" Possibles 15 (1) Hiver: 27-35. 75 Holdrinet, G. P. (1971) Editorial Reactions of Ten Canadian Dailies To The FLQ Crisis of 1970. (unpublished M A Thesis) University of British Columbia. Holsti, Ole (1969) Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities. Don Mills, Ontario: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company Inc. Hornung, Rick (1991) One Nation Under the Gun. Toronto: Stoddart Publishing Co. Hylton, John H . , ed. (1994) Aboriginal Self-Govemment in Canada: Current Trends and Issues Toronto: Purich Aboriginal Series. Jhappan, Radha C. (1990) "Indian Symbolic Politics: The Double-Edged Sword of Publicity" Canadian Ethnic Studies 22 (3): 19-39. Kidder, Louise & Charles Judd (1986) Research Methods in Social Relations New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc. 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(1994) The Iroquois Cambridge, Mass: Blackwell Inc. Tennant, Paul (1990) Aboriginal Peoples and Politics: The Indian Land Question in British Columbia, 1849-1989 Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Weber, Robert P. (1985) Basic Content Analysis. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications Inc. Wright, Ronald (1992) Stolen Continents: The 'New World' Through Indian Eyes. Toronto: Penguin Books. York, Geoffrey & Loreen Pindera (1991) People of the Pines: The Warriors and the Legacy of Oka Toronto: Littie, Brown and Company. 


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