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A comparative study of Canadian political party constitutions Miller, Hugh Lloyd 1992

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A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF CANADIANPOLITICAL PARTY CONSTITUTIONSbyHUGH LLOYD MILLERB.A., Acadia University, 1980A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTERS OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES(Department of Political Science)We accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAApril 1992© Hugh Lloyd MillerIn presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(SignaDepartment ofPolitical Science The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDateDE-6 (2/88)iiABSTRACTThis thesis explores the constitutions of Canadian politicalparties. Thirty-seven constitutions were examined, twelve for boththe Liberals and the New Democrats, ten for the ProgressiveConservatives, and one each for the Parti Quebecois, the federalReform party, and the Social Credit party in British Columbia.These documents were collected in 1990, and most were last amendedin the latter half of the 1980's.Several charts were drawn up to summarize the contents ofevery constitution; these charts form a vast pool of data whichthis study seeks to analyze and interpret. Chapter Two endeavoursto realize a sweeping overview of the contents and structure of thedocuments. Chapters Three and Four focuses on two of the mostimportant and widely studied attributes of political parties, theselection of party candidates and the matter of party leadership.The patterns that emerged from this exercise were thenexamined in relation to three analytical perspectives; firstly, onthe basis of the left-right position in the political spectrum,secondly, on a regional political culture dimension, and lastly, onan orientation that can be termed the "size" perspective.The study concludes that in relation to party constitutionsthree patterns appear to be the most significant. The New Democratsare distinct from the other two national parties. Also, parties inboth Quebec and British Columbia stand out as distinct from thoseof the other provinces.TABLE OF CONTENTSAbstract 	 iiTable of Contents 	 iiiList of Charts 	 ivList of Tables  	 vAcknowledgement 	 viChapter One: Introduction 	 1Chapter Two: Major Overview 	 18Chapter Three: Candidate Selection 	 46Chapter Four: Party Leadership 	 61Chapter Five: Analysis and Conclusions 	 74Bibliography of Party Constitutions(Primary Sources) 	 97Bibliography(Secondary Sources) 	 100Appendix A: Major Overview 	 107Appendix B: Candidate Selection 	 139iiiAppendix C: Party Leadership 	 154LIST OF CHARTSMajor OverviewChart 2.1 -Chart 2.2 -Chart 2.3 -Internal Order andOther Party Structures 	 19Membership 	 22Ridings and Conventions	25Chart 2.4 - Constitutional Amendments andSpecial Roles For Target Groups 	 29Chart 2.5 - The "Party" and the Structureof the Document 	 33Chart 2.6 - The "Document": General andthe "Document": Length 	 37Candidate SelectionChart 3.1 - Candidate Selection(a) 	47Chart 3.2 - Candidate Selection(b) 	 52Party LeadershipChart 4.1 - Party Leadership(a) 	 62Chart 4.2 - Party Leadership(b) 	67ivVLIST OF TABLESTable 2.1 - Number of References fromCharts 2.1 to 2.6	 41Table 2.2 - Estimated Length of Constitutionsfrom Chart 2.6(in thousands)	 42Table 3.1 - Number of Candidate Selection Referencesfrom Charts 3.1 and 3.2	 57Table 4.1 - Number of Party Leadership Referencesfrom Charts 4.1 and 4.2	 71Table 5.1 - Number of References fromAll Charts	 75viACKNOWLEDGEMENTThere are many people to whom I am indebted and wish to thank.First, I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Ken Carty, for hisguidance, advice, and patience. Paul Tennet's encouragement andparticipation was generous. The time and knowledge supplied byHel&ne COte and Linda Desormeaux in the translation of the partyconstitutions of the Parti Quebdcois and the Nouveau PartiDdmocratique du Quebec was much appreciated. This thesis wasgreatly approved by the efforts of my friend Maureen O'Malley, whoedited chapters when called upon. The office of every politicalparty contacted supplied a copy of their party's constitution, andtheir acts of kindness and cooperation made this study possible.I also want to extend my gratitude to the faculty, staff andstudents of the Political Science department who made my extendedstay at U.B.C. a pleasant one.I would also like to thank my friends Madeleine Prevost, JohnSheffield, Margo Fallon, Laureen Erlenback, Karen Guttieri, ClemLee, Jasbir Singh, Cynthia Johnson, Louis LeFebvre (and hiswonderful housemates), and John Fossum whose support has beeninvaluable in the completion of this process.I am sincerely grateful to my family and friends in both NovaScotia and Alberta for their love and support. I would like todedicate this work to my dear departed uncle, Lloyd MacPherson.1CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTIONCanadian political parties have been a major area of study inCanadian political science, yet there still remains much unchartedterritory. A comparative study aimed exclusively at partyconstitutions has yet to be completed. This thesis is a surveystudy which examines the constitutions of thirty-seven Canadianpolitical parties. These documents were collected in 1990, and mostwere last amended in the latter half of the 1980's.The research focus is on the principal features of thesedocuments. The purpose of this study is to judge the range ofcontrast and commonality which might exist within and between thedifferent documents. Patterns or trends will emerge which willallow some specific observations about the constitutions and permitsome general comments on political parties themselves. The workthat follows is based upon original research and utilizes sourcematerial of a primary nature.Why study political parties? The most important reason is therole that political parties have come to play in our society; theyhave become the primary actors on the stage of representativedemocracy. They are the socio-political instruments around whichthe arrangement of representation/input and government/polity arelinked. "Since the advent of mass suffrage, political parties havebeen the intermediaries between the citizenry and the government." 1Arguably, political parties are the most significant channel to1 William R. Schonfeld, "Political Parties: The FunctionalApproach and the Structural Alternative", Comparative Politics, 15,4 (July, 1983), p.477.2direct and deflect the demands that individuals and groups make onthe polity. At the risk of sounding trite, political parties areimportant because they are perceived to be important.Why study party constitutions? Political parties arevoluntary, formal organizations and the party constitution is thepremier document of the organization. Party constitutions are theblueprints for party activity and serve as guidelines for theinternal order of the party. Surprisingly, there appears to be onlya limited amount of information on the internal structure andoperation of Canadian political parties. Increasingly the partyconstitutions have become the arena where competing visions dobattle. 2No consensus exists on which approach is best suited for thestudy of political parties and their constitutions. Traditionalresearch into political parties concentrated on the interactionbetween political parties and elections, concerned with who won orwho lost. Moreover, the traditional approach was mostly concernedwith the organizational structure of the parties. 3 This approach2 The case of Michael Levy and the Social Credit constitutionis an excellent example. Mr. Levy, who is Jewish, was a partymember and a defeated Social Credit candidate. He proposed at the1989 annual general meeting that the constitutional clause onChristian principles be dropped. He was booed off the floor andsubsequently quit the party. The press gave very critical coverageand the party was roundly condemned as a reactionary body. Anaccount of the above is contained in, Terry Morley, "Politics asTheatre: Paradox and Complexity in British Columbia", Journal of Canadian Studies, 25, 3 (Fall, 1990), p.23.3 For example, J. A. Corry, Democratic Government and Politics(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1946); R. MacGregor Dawson,Democratic Government in Canada, 3rd ed. (Toronto: University ofToronto Press, 1963).3was criticized for its inability to explain change, for itsdevaluation of human factors, and for an inability to explain torecognize why the actual situations do not reflect the regulations.The old approach was superseded by a new paradigm. The hopefor this new paradigm was that it would make possible a perspectivecapable of analyzing the dynamic element present in politics andpolitical behaviour. In the beginning this new perspective drew onbehavioural approaches; political parties were viewed in terms ofthe behavioural context which emphasized human behaviour and humanrelations. 4 Subsequent research began to explore the links betweenpeople, parties, and institutions; now much of the current researchinto political parties centres on the effects that politicalparties have on the institutions and processes of both state andsociety. 5 This can be termed the political context, and it focuseson the interaction between policy/politics and administration. Thenew social science paradigm succeeded in deepening ourunderstanding political parties, but only up to a point.No argument is being made here that the above approach needsto be dispensed with, rather it is being argued that in order tocreate an even deeper understanding of the nature of political4 For example, F. C. Engelmann and M. A. Schwartz. Political Parties and the Canadian Social Structure (Scarborough, Ont.:Prentice - Hall of Canada, Ltd., 1967); Richard Van Loon andMichael S. Whittington, The Canadian Political System: "Environment, Structure and Process, 2nd ed. (Toronto: McGraw-HillRyerson, Ltd., 1976).5 For example, Peter Aucoin, ed., Party Government andRegional Representation in Canada (Toronto: University of TorontoPress, 1985).4parties, this perspective should be augmented. Much of the researchon political parties concentrates on their role or functions withinthe political system however this emphasis results in the partyitself largely being ignored. Political parties are important andthey deserve to be examined; they are organizations that have anexistence and structure independent of roles or systems.The approach embraced in this study is to concentrate on oneaspect of political parties: their constitutions. The hope is thatthis approach will provide a more general understanding of theoperation of political parties, in particular how constitutionsaddress patterns of activity and behaviour among members of theparty, and so reveal something of the nature of political parties.Since this thesis is a survey study, its atheoretical nature isdeliberate. It is not grounded in any theoretical perspectivearound which a hypothesis is formed. However, the work of sometheorists do shape and inform the nature of the inquiry. Ingeneral, the writings of Michels has provided inspiration 6 ; inparticular, an article by William Schonfeld has exerted a majorinfluence. ? This study shares with Michels and Schonfeld the6 Robert Michels, Political Parties: A Sociological Study ofthe Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracies, 2nd ed., trans.by Eden and Cedar Paul, introduction by Seymour Martin Lipset (NewYork: The Free Press, 1968). Michels' study is a seminal work onparties; it has continued to provoke debate and it still inspiresand guides many inquiries into the field of political parties.7 W. Schonfeld, "Political Parties: The Functional Approachand the Structural Alternative"; Schonfeld goes to great lengths toattack his bate noire, the "functionalist perspective", an approachto the study of political parties which emphasizes the functions ofparties, but ignores their internal operation and structure.5opinion that political parties should be viewed as a structuredsetting for human activity.As Schonfeld points out, most definitions of parties relate tothe function of the party within the political system. As Schonfeldsees it, the basic axiom of the functionalist perspective is, "theassumption that institutions matter because of the effects theyhave,". 8 These definitions, "do not necessarily ignore activityinside the party. But [the activity] is given importance only in sofar as it influences the performance of party roles." 9 Schonfeldmakes a strong case against a functional perspective of politicalparties, primarily because of the serious problems that arise, "byconceiving of the political party partly in terms of its effects onthe surrounding environment. " To underscore this point Schonfeldmakes references to the functional literature of several prominentscholars whose conclusions invariably are that parties do not seemto perform the function(s) being investigated.While not fully sharing Schonfeld's scorn for inquiries thatseek to examine the function of political parties, this studynevertheless agrees that an alternative conception of politicalparties, the "structural alternative", would be most compatible forthis study. While the focus is intentionally non-functional, somefunctions such as providing candidates and potential governmentleaders are dealt with but only in so far as it relates to the8 Schonfeld, p.487.9 Schonfeld, p.479.10 Schonfeld, p.480.6party constitutions and is based on an understanding of the partyas an organization. As stated before, the concentration is ondescribing, explaining, and comparing the formal rules or writtencodes of Canadian political parties.The central conceptualization of this study is the "settingsapproach" which posits that political parties are institutionswhich are individually distinct settings in which human activitytakes place. "Political parties are first and foremost [particularkinds of] persistent collectivities of people with a more or lessextensively shared set of goals. "" Political parties claim thatthey have the capacity to govern, and that this makes them distinctfrom other organizations. This begs the question whether politicalparties need or deserve to have a special theory which explainstheir structure, organization, or behaviour. Political parties area specific type of social institution, but "they may be too narrowin scope to serve as a basis for constructing a general theory. 102The essence of this viewpoint is that although political partiesare organizations with distinct roles, they are not so differentfrom other organizations that they require a special theory fortheir understanding.In regard to political parties Michels' work is a giantcontribution to the field of political inquiry. Michels focused onthe management of parties, the nature of which he termed11 Schonfeld, p.489.Schonfeld, p.491.7"oligarchical". 13 Schonfeld declares that the, "importance ofMichels' work argues for a perspective of the party as a structuredsetting for human activity. " 14 This study accepts the view thatbasic policy and important decisions originate with the elite ofthe party, that party life is based on a bureaucratic model.However, the present study does not attempt to focus on elitedominance, but as an area of further study, an investigation on howparty constitutions address the matter of elite dominance in partyaffairs seems like a natural choice.Since the party constitutions are a blueprint or frameworkthat is agreed upon by the membership for the management of theparty, this study embraces the approach that accepts and recognizesthe organizational aspects of party life. This study seeks to drawup a basis for a comparative organizational analysis by utilizingthe legalistic framework of Canadian political party constitutions.This study further seeks to discover some aspects of the operationof political parties on the basis of their constitutions. UnlikeMichels, this study does not attempt to use these observations totest more general propositions about collective human behaviour.In many ways this is an exercise that utilizes a Weberianconcept: the ideal type. The constitution is the ideal model, anu Michels, Political Parties; indeed the whole of Michels'book is devoted to exposing the oligarchical tendencies of Germansocialist parties and extending the findings to a view that, "Everyparty organization represents an oligarchical power grounded upona democratic basis."; and, "that the power of the elected leadersover the electing masses is almost unlimited.", p.365.14 Schonfeld, p.480.8agreed upon institutional arrangement. The constitution may or maynot be the working rules, indeed a survey of the availableliterature indicates that the working rules of the politicalparties do vary from the constitutional edicts 15 ; nevertheless theyremain as important guides; indicators of potentiality.The study uses many of the research tools and methodology ofcontent analysis, but content analysis of the qualitative ratherthan quantitative sort. 16 The relative simplicity of the study hasbeen determined by the research focus. The path of the study was toread the material, to record impressions or contents, and to makejudgements or inferences on the basis of the impressions.Primarily, this study is of a qualitative nature. However, inkeeping with the demands of a social science discipline, theresearch does attempt to be systematic.The research is directed at one type of document: theconstitution of a political party. The primary instrument is theuse of charts. Copies of the constitutions were collected, theneach constitution was examined. As expected, the extent or scope of15 For the federal Liberals McMenemy et al point out that, "Thestanding committees which are defined by the constitution as vitalare largely defunct, while the truly important committees are notmentioned in the constitution.", p.184 of; John McMenemy, JohnRedekop, and Conrad Winn, "Party Structures and Decision-Making",pp.167-190, in Political Parties in Canada edited by Conrad Winnand John McMenemy (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1976).16 Two works on content analysis that this study used as guidesin the formulation of its approach deserve special mention; RichardW. Budd and Robert K. Thorp, An Introduction to Content Analysis: Including Annotated Bibliography (Iowa City, Iowa: School ofJournalism Publications, 1963); also, Ole R. Holsti, ContentAnalysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities (Don Mills, Ont.:Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1969).9regulations was wide, some constitutions barely touched upon somesubjects while others devoted a large number of articles or clausesto a myriad of matters. This initial reading provided a clearerunderstanding of the possible relationships to be investigated andit generated the questions answered by the charts.The charts have each question arranged on the top in columnsand each jurisdiction or constitution listed on the left side inrows . There is a choice of several notations, "Y" for yes if thematter was dealt with in the document and "R" for no reference ifthe matter was not discussed. These two notations formed the bulkof the responses for these charts. However some questions lentthemselves to more notations than the above pair; if the categorywas dealt with in a distinctly negative manner, then "N" was usedto indicate no. If there was confusion, contradiction or unclearterms on the category then the notation was "U". An "*" signifiesa special or exceptional provision and this discussed in theappropriate appendix. No claim is made here that these categoriesare an inclusive examination of these constitutions.Several Tables were compiled using data furnished by thecharts. The "yes" references ("Y" notations) for each jurisdictionwere tallied. These totals can be viewed as a whole or broken downby party and/or province or region. Taken as an aggregate, thisdata allows an analyst to project a grand mean or average score onthe constitutions as a body. Then it becomes possible to see howeach party and/or region or province deviates from the grand10mean. 17 These Tables represent one method of gauging the level ofcodification of the constitutions for comparative purposes and whatis presented in these chapters is only the beginning of this typeof analysis.The approach is not without its problems. A major difficultylies within some of the terminology. The phrases "number ofreferences" and "positive notations" are loaded terms; instead oftheir benign intention, they could be misinterpreted by some tocarry a beneficial or favourable connotation. These terms are usedonly in relation to the number of "yes" responses that aconstitution has on the questions posed in the charts. No otherpurpose or design is meant for the phrases; the fact that aconstitution has either a lesser or greater number of responses isregarded as neither good nor bad, it simply "is".Another phrase in need of clarification is "the level ofcodification". The essence of this term is its relationship withthe amount of positive notations in the constitutions; if there area large number of "Y" notations or references then the document isdeemed to have a high level of codification. If the constitutionhas a large number of rules then it is viewed as having arelatively high level of codification.17 Each reference or "Y" notation in the charts was counted foreach constitution; these responses were then tallied for eachjurisdiction, and these notations were then divided by the numberof constitutions, resulting in a jurisdictional average. There isa general average for all the jurisdictions, the "grand mean",which when added or subtracted to the jurisdictional or partyaverage results in an average range away from the mean, in otherwords the degree of deviation from the "grand mean".11The analysis is grounded in three common perspectives ordimensions, explained below, which are often used when discussingCanadian politics and political parties. The purpose of thisparticular approach is to see if there is any correlation betweenthe analytical perspectives and the level of codification in theconstitutions as measured by the Tables. This means that some levelof codification will have to be chosen as a reference point, logicdictates that the "grand mean(s)" contained in the Tables canadequately serve such a function.Firstly, the resulting patterns of these Tables will beanalyzed using the left-right political continuum, the prismthrough which Canadian politics is viewed. 18 The conventional viewof Canadian politics places the New Democrats to the left ofcentre, the Liberals closer to the centre, and the ProgressiveConservatives to the right of centre. This can be termed the partyor left-right perspective.The next two analytical positions are geographical, ratherthan ideological, in nature. Although Canada is often viewed on acentre-periphery basis, it may be an, "over-simplification to18 Jean A. Laponce, Left and Right: The Topography of Political Perceptions (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981); and,Roger Gibbins and Neil Nevitte, "Canadian Political Ideology: AComparative Analysis", Canadian Journal of Political Science, XVII,3 (Sept., 1985), pp.577-598. Elkins uses the left-right continuumas a starting point but argues that additional concepts arenecessary in order to adequately describe the structure of Canadianpolitical parties. David J. Elkins, "The Perceived Structure ofCanadian Party Systems", C. J. P. S., VII, 3 (Sept., 1974), pp.504-524. Another study that seeks to reassess the concept is; RichardNadeau and Andrd Blais, "Do Canadians Distinguish Between Parties?:Perceptions of Party Confidence", C. J. P. S., XXIII, 2 (June,1990), pp.317-333.12consider Canada as divided into a politically dominant resource-consuming centre....and a resource-producing hinterland." 19 Theremay be more utility in a view which stresses the importance ofregionalism in Canadian politics. "The core of regionalism is apersisting, territorially-linked diversity that has actual orpotential political implications." 20 Thus it seems logical toexamine the Tables on such a basis.This study proposes to summarily divide the provinces intofive regions, Atlantic Canada, Quebec, Ontario, the Prairies, andBritish Columbia. "Dividing Canada into five regions is commonprocedure for Canadians." 21 Both the federal parties and the YukonTerritory are exempted from this regional orientation.Close to and in addition to the regional perspective anotherpossible analytical angle would be to scrutinize any possiblerelationship between jurisdictional size and the level ofconstitutional codification. The argument can be made that Canada'sthree most populous provinces have societies and political systemsthat are, by virtue of their scale, more complex than the smallerprovinces; hence the constitutions of the political parties ofthese provinces would be more detailed and "bureaucratized" in19 Peter McCormick, "Regionalism in Canada: Disentangling theThreads", Journal of Canadian Studies, 24, 2 (Summer 1989), p.11.20	 p.6.21 Mildred Schwartz, Politics and Territory: The Sociology ofRegional Persistence in Canada (Montreal: McGill-Queen's UniversityPress, 1974), p.7.13order to deal with this socio-political complexity. 22 We mightexpect the three provinces, Ontario, Quebec, and British Columbia,that are the largest, by population and economic activity, to havethe greatest degree of codification. There is an implicit corollaryto this argument, the other provinces have significantly smallerpopulations and their socio-political situations may be such thatinformal rules and conventions are accepted and understood, thus itis not necessary that their party constitutions contain highlydetailed regulations. This will be referred to as the sizeperspective.The two instruments of the study, the charts and the Tables,are quite distinct, yet complementary in that they each revealdifferent facets about party constitutions. The charts are built ona survey of the contents of the documents, questions are asked andthe responses are stored in chart form. These charts are acombination of both qualitative and quantitative approaches to thetopic and they are a fairly systematic method of data compilationand presentation. Judgements about the validity of the questionsand the constitutions' responses rest with the analyst. Thesecharts contain a great deal of data, they reflect the core of theresearch effort, and they were essential in generating the secondinstrument of the study: the Tables.The Tables and their analysis, with their devotion to numbers,22 The inspiration for this analytical dimension is fromreadings of and about Max Weber, whose works often dealt with thelink between societal complexity and bureaucratization; ReinhardBendix, Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait (Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1977).14are easily the most quantitative section. In contrast to thecharts, they are not concerned with what the documents may or maynot say, rather they focus on the patterns that emerge from thenumbers.Considered together, these two formats broaden theunderstanding of, illuminate facts about, and reveal patternsconcerning political parties and party constitutions.There are inherent limitations in such an approach and thismeans that the subsequent interpretation of the data may also beaffected. Care must be taken not to draw too wide conclusions aboutpolitical parties based on this study's findings, and care must betaken to "be extremely cautious in attributing attitudes, motivesor 'states of mind' to the sources." 23Owing to its very nature, the study is ahistorical and static.No attempt has been made to incorporate data that would allow along range appraisal of the changes or developments in partyconstitutions over time; the evolution that these documents haveundergone is not within the boundaries of this study. The study isstatic in the sense that it examines these documents as they existat the moment of the research and writing of the paper.Social science inquiries are quests for causality, usuallyinvestigating some kind of idea of how societies govern themselves.Party constitutions are the blueprints of party life; they orderthe relations among the party members, and they structure therelationship between the different levels of party authority,23 Budd and Thorp, Content Analysis, p.2.15intraparty as well as interparty. However one must be guarded aboutmaking causal connections concerning political parties and theirconstitutions. This data may invite more than one interpretation ofits meaning.This study is not concerned with whether the rules laid out inthe constitutions were followed or not. The constitutions have thepotential of influencing political behaviour; once the rules arerecorded they do become or are potential constraints on behaviour.Formal regulations, for such matters as candidate selection andleadership, appear to be increasing. If someone wants to pursuesome goal, they usually have to go through the rules; the existingrules become a "channel" for the actions and determine what type ofaction is taken under certain circumstances.Much of the political conflict in our societies is based onstruggles about symbols, classifications, and institutions.Political conflict is not purely a struggle of self-interest, it isultimately based on different images of reality. As well asconstraining behaviour, constitutions act as conveyors of meaning;they represent a certain type or way that we perceive reality.Party constitutions are a formalized battleground for forces insidepolitical parties. Constitutions are an inventory of the range ofbehaviour; the more rules that are formalized in constitutionaldocuments, the more strictly defined are the parameters withinwhich this inventory of behaviour is placed.Constitutions are solely concerned with official partystructures. The constitutions are a demonstration that the official16structures are obviously complex. Admittedly, the situation iscomplicated because of the existence of "non-official" partystructures which may duplicate and sometimes supersede the officialstructures. Yet, for anyone interested in the causes andconsequences of party structure a knowledge and an understanding ofparty constitutions are indispensable.As mentioned above, thirty-seven party constitutions form theraw material for this study. The Liberals have political parties inall ten provinces, plus the Yukon Territory, as well as at thefederal level, making a total of twelve Liberal constitutions. Inaddition to the federal level, the Progressive Conservatives havefunctioning parties in the Yukon and eight provinces, Quebec andBritish Columbia are excepted, which makes a total of ten Torydocuments. Although the New Democrats have political parties in allthe provinces, a value judgement was made to include suchjurisdictions as New Brunswick, Quebec, Newfoundland, and PrinceEdward Island even though the New Democrats' presence in provincessuch as these is at best minimal. Those ten provinces plus theYukon and the federal level makes for a total of twelve NewDemocrat constitutions. In addition to the three major parties,this study also examines the party constitutions of the Reformparty, the Parti Qudbdcois, and British Columbia's Social Creditparty.The constitutions of other parties were not considered. Thisdecision may seem somewhat arbitrary, but lines had to be drawn.The Reform Party was chosen because although this party is only in17its infancy it already has had an impact: what began as anotherephemeral protest group has evolved into an institutionalizedentity that is sustained as a reaction to the perceived crises ofparticipation of western Canada in the Canadian federal system.Also, the Northwest Territories were not used as a loci of partyactivity. "There are no political parties in this legislature, noparty whips enforcing discipline, no leader of the oppositionfeeling duty bound to obstruct the government at every pass." 24Clearly this jurisdiction should be excluded from the study athand.This study is composed of three main chapters. Each mainchapter begins with a presentation of the relevant, unrefined chartdata and then each chart is explained in brief. Following this theTables are presented and analyzed with regard to the perspectivesoutlined above. Chapter Two seeks to give a grand overview of thecontents and structure of these documents. Chapters Three and Fouraim to examine in greater depth two of the most important andwidely studied attributes of political parties: the selection ofparty candidates and the matter of party leadership. The finalchapter combines the data of the previous chapters and then usesthe data and its analysis to present some conclusions aboutpolitical parties and their constitutions.24 Stephen Hume, "Government in the Territories Not a PartyAnimal", Vancouver Sun (Feb. 14, 1991) p.E6.18CHAPTER TWO: MAJOR OVERVIEWParty constitutions deal with a wide variety of concerns.Chapters Two, Three, and Four seek to examine matters which partyconstitutions frequently deal with. Chapters Three and Four focuson two specific subjects, candidate selection and party leadership,while this chapter attempts to cover other, less high profilematters. In contrast to the following chapters, this chapter, byvirtue of its broad mandate, cannot focus too sharply on any onearea.There are six charts in this chapter with categories rangingfrom the party's internal structure to the length of theconstitution, and each of these general categories is broken downinto a number of entries. 25 Charts 2.1 to 2.6 contain the rawinformation for this chapter. Thus the flow of the data follows thepath of these six charts; each chart is accompanied by a key whichlays out the chart's questions, then there is a brief discussionand comments on the data in the chart. After the six charts havebeen displayed, an analysis of the charts takes place; thisanalysis is based on the three dimensions raised in Chapter One.Chart 2.1 has two categories, which examine different structuresand organs within the party.25 There are 92 separate entries or questions in these sixcharts and when multiplied by the constitutions, 37, it results ina total of 3404 possible notations. In an effort towards an economyof space, every notation cannot be fully explained; Appendix Acontains all the specific information for each of the 92 entries.19CHART 2.1: INTERNAL ORDER AND OTHER PARTY STRUCTURESOTHERINTERNAL ORDER	 \	 PARTY STRUCTURES abcdefghi	 abcdefgLib	 YYYYYYNYR	 YYYRRRRNfld PC	 Y*YY*YYYNYR	 YRRRRRY NDP	 YYYNYNNNR	 YYRRRYY Lib	 YYYNYNNNR	 RYRYRRRNS	 PC	 YYYYYNNYY	 YRRRYRRNDP	 YYYNYNNNY	 YYYRRRRLib	 Y Y N X Y N N N R	 RYYRYRYPEI PC	 YYYNYNNNR	 YYRRYRY NDP	 YYYNYNNNY	 YYRRYYRLib	 Y*YY*YYNNNR	 YYRRRRRNB	 PC	 YYYYYNNYY	 YRRRRRRNDP	 YNYNYNNNR	 YYYRRRRLib	 NXYYYYYNY	 YYYYRRY Que PO	NXYYYYY*NR	 YYYRRRRNDP	 YYYYYYNYY	 YYRRYRRLib	 YYYYYYNYR	 RYYYRRROnt PC	 YYYNNXNNY	 RYRYRRRNDP	 YNYNYYNNR	 RYRRRRRLib	 YYYYYNY*YR	 RYRRYRY Manit PC	 YYYYYYNYR	 YYRRRRRNDP	 YYYNYNNNY	 YYRRRRY Lib	 YYYNYNNNR	 RYYYYRRSask PC	 YYYYYNNYR	 YRYRRRRNDP	 YNYNYNNNR	 YYRYRYRLib	 NXYNYNNNR	 RRRRYRRAlta PC	 YYNXYNNNR	 YYRYRRRNDP	 YNYNYYNNR	 YRRRRYY Lib	 YYYYYYNYY	 RYYYYRY BC	 SC	 YNNXNXNNY	 YRRRRYY NDP	 YYYYYYNYR	 YYRRYYRLib	 NXYYNXNYY	 RRRRYYRYukon PC	 Y*YY*YYYNYR	 R R R R R R Y NDP	 YYYYYYNYR	 YYYRYRRLib	 NXYYYNNNR	 RYYYRRRFed PC	 YNYNYNNNR	 YRRYRRRNDP	 YNYYYNNNY	 YRRRYRRRef	 NXYYNXNNR	 RYYRRYRLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception CHART 2.1: INTERNAL ORDER ANDOTHER PARTY STRUCTURES(CHART 2.1 QUESTIONS)INTERNAL ORDER; SPECIFIC AUTHORITY STRUCTURES a.] Are the party officers or directors presented?b.] Are the duties/roles of the above clearly defined?c.] Is there an "Executive Committee" level (body with authoritywhich is above officers but below "General Council")?d.] Are the duties/roles of the above clearly defined?e.] Is there a "General Council" level (body with penultimateauthority, above both officers and "Executive Committee", butbelow convention's authority)?f.] Are the duties/roles of the above clearly defined?g.] Are there more structures or levels of authority than the abovethree levels?h.] Are the authority structures and their duties presented withoutany apparent confusion?i.] Does the document include a reference to a person or groupempowered to interpret the constitution?CATEGORY 2: OTHER PARTY STRUCTURES AND FINANCIAL AUTHORITYa.] Is the party director/staff mentioned or dealt with?b.] Are party committees/commissions mentioned or dealt with?c.] Does the constitution discuss a special electoral campaign body(either a committee or a distinct party organ)?d.] Does the constitution discuss a fund-raising body (either acommittee or a distinct party organ)?e.] Is the "signing authority" referred to in the constitution?f.] Does the constitution refer to the "assets and/or liabilities"(of the party not the ridings)?g.] Is the appointment of an auditor mentioned in the constitution?2021INTERNAL ORDERThis category deals with specific authority structures withineach party. Most parties have three general levels of authority andeach level has its own specific responsibilities. As used in thisstudy, the initial level is that of the party officers, the nextlevel is termed the "Executive Committee", and the last level isthat of the "General Council". While some constitutions do use thisterminology, many utilize different terms; these terms have beenchosen for their general descriptive power and their genericapplicability. Question h. is of a subjective nature, which usesthe preceding data to judge whether or not confusion might exist onthe matters of specific authority structures. The final inquiry ofthis category concerns the important point of interpreting theconstitution.OTHER PARTY STRUCTURES This category has four entries which deal with partystructures not dealt with above. For example, the paid staff of theparty are involved in the daily operations of the party and theycan have an effect on the overall direction of the party; someconstitutions deal with this matter and specify under whoseauthority the staff functions, while the documents of other partiesare silent on the matter. The final three subcategories areconcerned with how the constitutions address the matter offinancial authority and responsibility; matters such as the"signing authority", the assets or liabilities of the party, andthe appointing of an auditor.CHART 2.2: MEMBERSHIPMEMBERSHIPabcdefghijklmnoNfldLib Y Y R R R R Y Y	 N	 N	 R	 R	 Y	 N	 YPC Y Y R R R R R X	 X	 X	 R	 R	 R	 X	 XNDP Y Y Y R R Y Y Y	 N	 N	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YNSLib Y Y R R R R Y Y	 N	 N	 R	 R	 Y	 N	 YPC YYRYRRRXXXRRRXXNDP Y Y Y R R Y Y Y	 N	 N	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YPEILib Y Y R R R Y Y Y	 N	 N	 R	 R	 Y	 N	 YPC YYRRYRYYNNRRYYNNDP Y Y Y Y R Y R X	 X	 X	 Y	 Y	 Y	 Y	 NNBLib YYRYRRY*NNNYYRXXPC YYRYRRRXXXRRRXXNDP Y Y Y R R Y R X	 X	 X	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YQueLib Y Y R R R R Y N	 Y	 N	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YPO Y Y R R Y R Y N	 Y	 N	 Y	 Y	 R	 X	 XNDP Y Y Y Y Y Y Y N	 Y	 N	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YOntLib Y Y R R R Y R X	 X	 X	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YPC YYRRRRYYNNRRYNYNDP Y Y Y R R Y R X	 X	 X	 Y	 Y	 Y	 Y	 NManitLib Y Y R R Y Y Y Y	 N	 N	 R	 R	 R	 X	 XPC YYRRRRU*XXXRRYNYNDP Y Y Y Y R Y R X	 X	 X	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YSaskLib Y Y R Y R R Y Y	 N	 N	 R	 R	 Y	 N	 YPC Y Y R R R R Y Y	 N	 N	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YNDP Y Y Y R Y Y R X	 X	 X	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YAltaLib Y Y R R R R Y N	 Y	 N	 R	 R	 Y	 N	 YPC Y Y R R R R R X	 X	 X	 R	 R	 R	 X	 XNDP YYU*YYYYYNNYYYNYBCLib Y Y R Y Y Y Y Y	 N	 N	 R	 R	 Y	 N	 YSC YYRYRYYNYNYYYYNNDP Y Y Y Y R Y R X	 X	 X	 Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 YYukonLib Y Y R Y R Y Y Y	 N	 N	 R	 R	 Y	 N	 YPC YYRYRYU*XXXYRYNYNDP Y Y Y R R Y R X	 X	 X	 Y	 Y	 Y	 Y	 NFedLib YYRRRYYY*NNRYRXXPC YYRRRRYY*NNRYYNYNDP YYYRRYR*XXXYRYNYRef YYN*RRRYNNY*YYYNYLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception 2223CHART 2.2: MEMBERSHIP(CHART 2.2 QUESTIONS)MEMBERSHIPa.] Is there a membership article in the constitution?b.] Are memberships for individuals dealt with in the constitution?c.] Are memberships for groups/affiliates dealt with in theconstitution?d.] Are honourary of life memberships dealt with in theconstitution?e.] Are the rights and duties of the members clearly outlined?f.] Does the constitution contain an "exclusion" clause (nomembership in other political parties is allowed)?g.] Is the age of admission specified in the constitution?h.] Is the age of admission fourteen(14) years or older?i.] Is the age of admission sixteen(16) years or older?j.] Is the age of admission eighteen(18) years or older?k.] Does the constitution mention the possibility of the partyresorting to the discipline/sanction of members?1.] Does the member have the right to appeal such action?m.] Are membership dues or fees included in the constitution?n.] Is the amount of the dues or fees prescribed in theconstitution?o.] Are the dues or fees set elsewhere than the constitution?24MEMBERSHIPRegulations on party membership form the basis of the fifteenquestions for this category. The queries cover a wide variety ofmatters, from the type of membership available to the issue ofparty dues. All thirty-seven constitutions contain some rules onparty membership. However, only the N.D.P. constitutions refer tothe possibility of group or affiliate membership. 26 Excluding partymembers from holding a membership in other parties seems to be moreof a concern to the Liberals and the N.D.P. than the Conservatives.The age of admission is set in a majority of the party documents,the ages fourteen or sixteen were the norm, the only party to bedifferent was Reform who set their age of admission as eighteen.Membership in a political party means that rules may have tobe followed, if not then the party may have to discipline thetransgressors; many parties have such measures, while a lessornumber have procedures allowing the member to appeal such action.State regulation of party fundraising may force the party to havea greater reliance on the membership for raising funds. Thus thecontrol of internal party finances may become much more critical inthe operation of the party, which could conceivably lead toincreased tensions between different levels of the party hierarchy.26 Reform is most emphatic on the subject, Article 2, SectionC of the Reform constitution states that, "Only natural persons maybe members of the Party. No corporations, trade unions, society, orother organization shall be eligible for membership." It should benoted that the participation of special groups or members is dealtwith in Chart 2.4 below.CHART 2.3: RIDINGS AND CONVENTIONSRIDINGS	 \ CONVENTIONSabcdefghi abcdeNfldLib YYRYYRXRR Y Y X Y YPC YRRYNRXRR Y Y X Y YNDP YRYYYRXRR Y N Y Y R*NSLib YRYYYRXRR Y Y X Y YPC YRRRNRXRR YYXNYNDP YYYYYRXRR Y Y X Y R*PEILib YRRRNRXRR Y Y X Y YPC YYRYNRXRR Y Y X N* Y*NDP YRRYYRXRR Y Y X Y R*NBLib YRYYYYNRR YNYYYPC YRRRNRXRR Y Y* X Y YNDP YRRYYRXRR Y N Y Y R*QueLib Y Y Y Y N R X R R YNYYYPO Y Y Y Y X R X R R Y N Y Y Y*NDP Y Y Y Y Y* Y Y R R YNYYYOntLib YRYYNRXYY Y Y X Y YPC YRRRNRXRR Y N Y Y Y*NDP YYYYYRXYR Y N Y Y R*ManitLib YRYYYRXRR Y Y X Y YPC YRYRNYYRY Y Y* X Y YNDP YRYYNYNYR Y Y X Y R*SaskLib YRRRYRXRR Y Y X Y YPC YRYYNRXRR Y Y* X Y YNDP YYYYYYYRR Y Y X Y YAltaLib YRYYNRXRR Y Y* X Y YPC YRYRYRXRR Y Y* X Y YNDP YYRYYYYRR Y Y X Y YBCLib YYRYYRXRY Y Y X Y YSC Y Y Y Y X R X R Y Y Y X Y YNDP YYYYYYYYR Y Y* X Y YYukonLib N* R R R Y* R X R R* Y Y X N* N*PC YRRY*NYYRR Y Y X Y YNDP YYRYYYNYR Y Y X Y YFedLib YRYYXRXRR YNYYYPC YRYYXRXRR YNYYYNDP YRYYXRXRR YNYYYRef YYRYXRXRY YNYYYLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception 2526CHART 2.3: RIDINGS AND CONVENTIONS(CHART 2.3 QUESTIONS)RIDINGS a.] Does the constitution deal with ridings (constituencyassociations)?b.] Is there reference made to the composition of the ridingexecutive in the constitution?c.] Does the constitution refer to any sort of regional groupingsfor the ridings?d.] Does the constitution refer to the subject of candidateselection (please refer to Chapter 3 and Appendix B forgreater detail)?e.] Are federal ridings dealt with in detail (provincial partiesonly)?f.] Is there reference made in the constitution regarding a modelconstituency constitution/bylaws?g.] Is a model constituency constitution/bylaws included in eitherthe body of the party constitution or in an appendix?h.] Does the constitution refer to the recognition of partyactivity in municipal politics?i.] Is the subject of "redistribution"(electoral boundaries)mentioned in the constitution?CONVENTIONS a.] Is the party convention or meeting dealt with in theconstitution?b.] Is this convention/meeting held on an annual basis?c.] Is this convention/meeting held on a biennial basis?d.] Are the delegates to the convention/meeting identified?e.] Does the constitution refer to a leadership convention (pleaserefer to Chapter 4 and Appendix B for greater detail)?27RIDINGS Constituency associations or ridings are the loci of muchparty activity. The constitutions provide a potential blueprint tounderstand the structural relationship between the centre and theperiphery of the party. Some constitutions have very explicitinstructions that ridings seemingly have to adhere to; however,there probably exists, even in these cases, a relatively highdegree of autonomy for ridings as long as they do not antagonize oroffend the political values of the centre. One method of controlfrom the centre is the existence of model constituencyconstitutions or bylaws; whether or not these model constitutionsare followed is beyond the parameters of the present study, sufficeit to state that such rules have the potentiality and capacity toimpact upon the affairs and nature of local riding associations.Typically, the Liberal and Conservative constitutions are notvery specific on the subject of ridings, especially in regards tothe composition of the local riding executive; in contrast, all theN.D.P. jurisdictions plus the other three parties discuss theriding executive.The only exception on the matter of whether the constitutiondeals with ridings is the Yukon Liberals; their constitutiontargets only the federal arena and since there is only one ridingto be concerned with it is only natural that their constitutiondoes not have a section dealing with ridings.CONVENTIONS The party convention is one of the most significant internal28activities that political parties engage in. Conventions are whereall elements and levels of the party can interact. These meetingsare often the site of backroom deals and symbolic gestures. Bids tooverthrow party leaders can materialize in this setting; specialinterest groups or party factions can attempt to pressure theparty, either successfully or not, to adopt new policies; and theconvention is the location where the constitution itself can beamended, either in minutia and unimportant details or whollyrewritten. Every one of these party constitutions deal with theparty meeting or convention.Only three Liberal meetings are held biennially; the othernine Liberal constitutions call for the convention or meeting to beheld annually. The Tories in eight jurisdictions call for an annualmeeting; there are two P.C. documents which specify a biennialconvention. There are five N.D.P. constitutions which call forbiennial meetings; the other seven specify an annual meeting.Social Credit has an annual meeting, while both P.Q. and Reformcall for biennial meetings.In their sections on party conventions, many constitutionsdiscuss the delegates, how they are chosen, and who is eligible tobe a delegate; as well as party conventions, the matter of theleadership conventions is also discussed in a majority of theconstitutions.CHART 2.4: CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS ANDSPECIAL ROLES FOR TARGET GROUPSCONSTITUTIONAL	 SPECIAL ROLES FORAMENDMENTS	 \	 TARGET GROUPS29abcdef abcdefghijNfldLib Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 X	 Y RNNRRYYYRYPC YYNYXY RNNRRNNRRNNDP YYNYXR RNNRRYNYRYNSLib YYNYXY RNNRRYYYRYPC Y	 Y	 U	 U	 U	 Y RNNRRNNYRNNDP YYNYXR RNNRRYNYRYPEILib YYNYXY RNNRRNNRRYPC Y	 Y	 U	 U	 U	 Y RNNRRNNRYNNDP YYNYX	 U* RNNRRYNYRYNBLib YYNYXY RNNRRNNRYNPC Y	 Y	 U	 U	 U	 Y YNYRRNNRRYNDP YYNYXR RNNRRYNRRYQueLib YYNYXY RNNYRYNRYNPO Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 X	 Y RNNYRYYRRYNDP Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 X	 R RNNRRYNYRYOntLib YYNYX	 Y* RNNRRNNRRNPC YYNYXY RNNRRNNYRNNDP YYNYXR RNNYRYNRRYManitLib YYNYXY YYYYRYYYRYPC Y	 Y	 U	 U	 U	 R RNNRRNNRRNNDP YYNYXR RNNYYYNRRYSaskLib Y	 Y	 Y	 N	 X	 Y* RNNRRNNYRNPC YYNYXY RNNRRNNRRNNDP YYNYXR RNNRYYYYYYAltaLib Y	 Y	 Y* Y* X	 Y* RNNRRNNRRYPC Y	 Y	 Y* Y* X	 U RNNRRNNRRNNDP YYNYXR RNNRRYYYRYBCLib Y	 N*UUUY RNNYYYYYYYSC YNNNYY RNNRRYYRRYNDP YYNYXY RNNRRYNYRYYukonLib YYNYXU RNNRYNNYRYPC YYNYXU RNNRRNNRRNNDP YYNYXR RNNRRYYYRYFedLib YYNYXY YYNYYYYYRYPC YYNYX	 Y* YYNRRNNYRNNDP YYNYXR YNYRRYNYRYRef YYNYXY RNNRRNNRRYLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception CHART 2.4: CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS ANDSPECIAL ROLES FOR TARGET GROUPS(CHART 2.4 QUESTIONS)CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS a.] Does the constitution make any reference to the possibility ofamending the document?b.] Is there a distinct article on constitutional amendments, anarticle set aside from other constitutional clauses?c.] Can a simple majority (50% plus 1) amend the constitution?d.] Is a two-thirds (2/3's) majority required to amend theconstitution?e.] Is some other percentage of votes required in order to amendthe constitution (for example seventy-five percent)?f.] Does the constitution refer to a notice of proposed amendmentsbeing forwarded to members or constituency associations?SPECIAL ROLES FOR TARGET GROUPS a.] Does the constitution make any reference to the English/French"fact" (a clause that recognizes the legitimacy of bothcultures and languages)?b.] Are both languages in the same document?c.] Does the constitution state that both the French and Englishversions are equal?d.] Does the constitution refer to an ethnic/multiculturaldimension?e.] Is any reference made on a role in the party for Aboriginalpeoples?f.] Is a "Youth Section" clearly discussed in the constitution?g.] Is a "Women"s Section" clearly discussed in the constitution?h.] Does the constitution either attempt to prescribe gender ratiosor refer to plans which promote gender parity?i.] Is there any reference made in the constitution that wordsemployed in the masculine gender shall include the femininegender?j.] Does the constitution clearly employ "non-sexist" language?3031CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS As mentioned above, the constitution can be amended at a partyconvention. This short category poses a few questions aboutamending the constitution, but its primary concern is with therules on the voting majority necessary in order to amend theconstitution. Each of the thirty-seven party constitutions makessome sort of reference to amending the document, and only twoconstitutions do not contain a distinct article on constitutionalamendments, Social Credit and Liberals in British Columbia. 27The constitutions in three Liberal jurisdictions can beamended by a simple majority (50% plus 1) . 28 There are nine Liberalconstitutions which have the rule that a two-thirds(2/3's) majorityvote is required in order to amend the constitution. Only one P.C.constitution prescribes a simple majority. 29 There are fourConservative documents which are unclear on confusing on the issue27 There are several references to amending the constitutionin various sections of the B.C. Liberal document; a part of "Bylaw2" discusses the amending process, as does sections of "StandingRule 2". However, due to the highly idiosyncratic nature of thisconstitution, it becomes a problematical exercise to categorize thecontents of this document on measures relating to amending theconstitution. For example, Article I, Section A, Subsection 4.] of"Standing Rule 2" states that, "All amendments to the Constitutionrequire a two-thirds vote,". However, "Bylaw 12", Article 6,Section C allows these "Standing Rules to be repealed or amended bythe party executive.28 The Alberta Liberal constitution, Article XII, says that ifa copy of the proposed amendment has been included in the noticecalling the annual convention, then only a simple majority vote isnecessary; however if the proposed amendment was not included inthe notice, then a two-thirds vote is required.29 On this point the Alta. P.C. constitution, Article 15, isidentical to the rules listed above(fn.28) for the Alta. Liberals.32of amending their constitutions. Five P.C. jurisdictions maintainthat a two-thirds vote is necessary. Only one N.D.P. constitutioncan be amended by a simple majority; the other eleven call for atwo-thirds majority vote in order to amend. Only the P.Q.constitution has the rule that an amendment can be passed by asimple majority. Reform calls for a two-thirds majority. SocialCredit is the only jurisdiction of the thirty-seven that hasneither a simple majority nor a two-thirds rule, they call foramendments to pass by a 75% majority.Eleven Liberal, seven Conservative, and one N.D.P. documentcall for proposed amendments to be forwarded prior to the meeting.The constitutions of the three other parties state that theproposed amendments must be forwarded prior to the meeting.SPECIAL ROLES FOR TARGET GROUPS The constitution is often a place to make statements and takemeasures which are meant to appeal to certain segments of society.Whether or not these measures are fully functioning or even viableis not as important as their symbolic dimension. Women, nativeCanadians, ethnic groups, young people, etc. are some commontargets which receive attention in party constitutions.Accompanying this category is a section that focuses on the role oflanguage, as an indicator of sensitivity towards both bilingualismand the presence of "sexist" language.CHART 2.5: THE "PARTY" AND THESTRUCTURE OF THE DOCUMENT33THE "PARTY"abcdefghiYNYYRRRYRN YYYRRRRRYNYYRRRRRN YYYRRRYRN YYYRYRRRYNYNRRRYRN Y*YYRRRYRN YYYRYRYRYNYYRRYRRN YYYRRRYRYNYNRYRRRYNYNRRRRRYNYYRY*RYRYNNNRRYYRYNYYRRRRRYNNYRRRYRYNNYRRRYRYNYYRRRRRYNYYRRRYRN YYYYYRRRYNYYRRRYRN YYYRRRRRYNYYYRRRRYNYYRRYRRYNYYRRRRRN YNYRRRYRYNYYRRYYRYNYYYRRYRYNYYYRRRRYNYYRRRYRN YYYRRRRRYNYYYYRRRYNYYYRRYRYNNYRRRYRN YNYRYRYRYNYYRRRRRYNYNYYRYYTHE STRUCTUREOF THE DOCUMENT abcdefgYXXXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNXXYXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNXYXXXYNYXXXXYNXXYXXYNX X X X Y N Y*YXXXXYNXXYXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNXYXXXYNXXYXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNXXYXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNXXXYXYNX X X X Y N Y*X X X X Y N Y*XXXYXYNYXXXXYNX X X X Y N Y*YXXXXYNYXXXXYNYXXXXYNXXYXXYNXYXXXYNLibNfld PCNDPLibNS	 PCNDPLibPEI PCNDPLibNB PCNDPLibQue PONDPLibOnt PCNDPLibManit PCNDPLibSask PCNDPLibAlta PCNDPLibBC	 SCNDPLibYukon PCNDPLibFed PCNDPRefLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception CHART 2.5: THE "PARTY" AND THE STRUCTUREOF THE DOCUMENT(CHART 2.5 QUESTIONS)THE "PARTY" a.] Is the party constitutionally designated as a "Party"? (or)b.] Is the party constitutionally designated as an "Association"?c.] Is the "name" of the party or association specificallydeclared in the constitution?d.] Does the constitution clearly state the aims/purpose/objectivesof the party or association?e.] Is there a reference in the constitution regarding the party'sor the association's area of jurisdiction or operation?f.] Is the location of the party's or the association'sheadquarters or principal office mentioned in theconstitution?g.] Does the constitution refer at all to the authority of theparty or association over elected representatives?h.] Is there any reference in the constitution on policy forums orinputs, this includes policy sessions or resolutions atconventions?i.] Does the constitution refer to the possibility of polls orreferenda of members?THE STRUCTURE OF THE DOCUMENTa.] What is the structure of the document? Is it only theconstitution, without any accompanying appendices, modelconstituency constitutions, preambles, extra bylaws, etc.?b.] What is the structure of the document? Is it composed of apreamble and constitution?c.] What is the structure of the document? Is it composed of theconstitution plus appendix(ices)?d.] What is the structure of the document? Is it composed of apreamble, constitution, and appendix(ices)?e.] What is the structure of the document? Is it composed of someother structure than those three listed above?f.] Is the structure or format largely "conventional"? (or)g.] Is the structure or format largely "unconventional"?3435THE "PARTY" Although the next four categories do examine some contents ofthe constitutions, they mostly represent an attempt to scrutinizethe constitutions as a document, focusing more on style andstructure rather than substance. These sections are a general grab-bag, asking a variety of questions which did not fit into thecategories above. This section seeks to discover what eachconstitution says about itself and the political party itrepresents.The Liberals in seven jurisdictions use the label "Party";while the other five prefer the "Association" designation. 30 Thereare four P.C. documents that call for the designation to be that of"Party"; the other six use the label "Association". All twelveN.D.P. jurisdictions designate themselves as a "Party". Theconstitutions of the P.Q., Social Credit, and Reform all call forthe "Party" label.The only constitution that refers to the possibility of pollsor referenda of members is the Reform document.THE STRUCTURE OF THE DOCUMENTAs shown, many constitutions contain the same generalinformation, and while some constitutions are similar in structureor layout, no two are completely alike. Structurally, they vary innumber of ways. Some are quite short and relatively30 The case of the name for the Liberals in P.E.I. is unusual;Article I deals with their name, which they designate as "ThePrince Edward Island Liberal Association Inc."; no otherjurisdiction has "Inc." as a part of their name.36straightforward; others are long, involved, and have muchaccompanying material, some of which is central to the constitutionand some of which is not. Therefore, some of the attendant materialreceived from the political parties is not germane to this studyand has been excluded from the survey. The time spent examiningthese constitutions has led to the discernment of four generalstructural models; these four general models are the basis of thissection. The last two questions(e.&f.) are of a purely subjectivenature, seeking, as they do, to render a judgement on whether thestructure is "conventional" or not; while this judgement is theauthor's own, nevertheless it has been generated out of familiaritywith the documents in question and they are judged in relation toone another. 31Of the 37 party constitutions under consideration, only fourwere judged to be "unconventional", the Liberal jurisdictions ofQuebec and British Columbia, the P.C. document for the Yukon, andthe Social Credit constitution.m An illustration of this point would be that the most commonconstitutional format is one which has a consecutive listing ofeach general article and clause, such that of the Nova ScotiaConservatives; an unusual or unconventional format may not includeconsecutive numbering, opting instead for a more idiosyncraticmethod of article listing, such as that of the Liberal party inQuebec.37CHARTTHE2.6: THE "DOCUMENT":GENERAL ANDTHE "DOCUMENT":LENGTH"DOCUMENT":GENERAL \	 LENGTHabcdefghijkl m a bNfldLib N N N N R N R X X X Y X Y 16 4.0PC N N N N R N Y Y N N N Y N 18 3.8NDP NYNNRNRXXXNYN 27 4.0NSLib NNNNRNYNYNYXN 24 3.8PC NNNNYNRXXXNYN 18 2.5NDP NNYNYYYNNYNNN 30 7.8PEILib NNNNRNYYNNYXN 19 2.6PC NYNNRNYNNYYXN 27 4.1NDP YNNNYYRXXXYXN 20 3.0NBLib YNNNRYYNNYYXN 19 4.3PC N Y N N Y N Y N N Y Y X N 20 3.7NDP YNYNRNRXXXYXY 16 2.7QueLib N Y Y Y R N Y N N Y Y X N 195* 10.5*PO NNNNRXRXXXNNN 13 8.0NDP YYYYRNYNNYYXN 27 4.1*OntLib N Y N N R N Y Y N N Y X N 18 9.0PC NYNNYNYYNNYXN 25 7.3NDP NNYNRNRXXXNYN 15 3.5ManitLib Y N N Y Y Y Y Y N N Y X N 16 5.4PC NYYYYNRXXXYXN 16 8.7*NDP NNNNRYYYNNYXN 18 2.6SaskLib NNNYRNYYNNYXN 16 2.4PC NNNNRNYYNNYXN 17 3.1NDP N Y Y N Y Y Y N Y* Y*NYN 21 8.1*AltaLib NNNYRNYNYNYXY 12 2.8PC NNNNRNYNNYYXN 17 3.1NDP N N Y N Y Y Y N Y* Y*NNN 19 6.7*BCLib Y Y Y Y Y U Y N Y N Y X N 16 10.3SC NYNYRXYYNNYXN 18 7.5NDP Y N Y Y Y Y Y Y N N Y X N 18 5.5YukonLib N N N N R N R X X X N N N 10 1.1PC NYYNRNYYNNYXN 24 4.9NDP NNNNYNYY*NY*YXY 16 4.8FedLib Y N N Y R Y R X X X Y X Y 19 6.3PC NYNNYYRXXXYXY 18 4.0NDP YYYNRYYYNNYXY 16 4.8Ref YNNNRXRXXXYXY 13 3.3LEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception CHART 2.6: THE "DOCUMENT":GENERAL ANDTHE "DOCUMENT":LENGTH(CHART 2.6 QUESTIONS)THE "DOCUMENT":GENERALa.] Is a preamble included, separate from the body of theconstitution?b.] Does the constitution include a definition of terms?c.] Are appendices included in the constitutional document?d.] Is there a table of contents or an index contained in theconstitution?e.] Are general appeal procedures mentioned or outlined in theconstitution?f.] Does the constitution state that the constitution of thefederal party is supreme?g.] Is there any reference in the constitution to the "Rules ofOrder"?h.] If the "Rules of Order" are referred to, are they "Robert"s"?i.] If the "Rules of Order" are referred to, are they "Bourinot's"?j.] If the "Rules of Order" are referred to, are they other thanthe above two?k.] In this last amended version of the constitution, is thedate(day and month) specified?1.] In this last amended version of the constitution, is only theyear(not day and month) specified?m.] In this last amended version of the constitution, is the placewhere the constitution was amended specified?THE "DOCUMENT":LENGTHa.] The number of articles in the constitution.b.] An estimation of the number of words(in thousands). Note: a "*"indicates that appendices are included.3839THE "DOCUMENT":GENERALThere are thirteen questions for this section of Chart 2.6;while there may appear to be some duplication with a few questionsfrom previous categories, each question is an important part of theattempt to gain an overview of the constitutional document in ageneral sense. The last several questions of this category(g. tom.) come together in two sections, the first section(g. to j.) isconcerned with the "Rules of Order", the second section(k. to m.)deals with when and where the constitution was last amended.THE "DOCUMENT":LENGTHTwo methods of appraising the length of these constitutionsare presented above (see also Appendix A). The first deals with thenumber of individual articles that each document contains; howeverthis comparison is a weak approach due in part to the wide varietyof formats that these documents display and in part because of alack of coherence as to what might constitute a constitutionalarticle; some documents are so different from the norm thatdeciding what is and is not an article becomes solely judgemental.As seen in Chart 2.6 there is no real congruence between the numberof articles and the estimated number of words; so even though thenumber of articles in each document are presented, they will not beutilized in any of the below comparisons of the constitutions ofChapter Five.The second method with which these constitutions wereapproached in order to judge their lengths uses a much moretraditional means; the number of words in the constitutions (some40appendices are included) were estimated. The estimation for thenumber of words is presented in the thousands. As the informationfrom this category is of a different nature than the abovecategories, it is also logical that the presentation will also bedistinct; thus this category receives its own separate analysis,Table 2.2.ANALYSIS As outlined in the introductory chapter the following Tablesgrew out of the chart notations. The number of "yes" notations foreach jurisdiction on each category were tallied. These totals canbe viewed as a whole or broken down by party and/or province orregion. As discussed in the introductory chapter, this studyproposes to analyze the Tables from three common analyticalperspectives. The resulting patterns of these Tables will first beanalyzed using the left-right political continuum, followed by theregional dimension, and completed by the jurisdictional size orsocietal complexity perspective.TABLE 2.1NUMBER OF REFERENCES FROM CHARTS(SEE ALSO APPENDIX A)2.1 TO 2.641JURISDICTION PARTYP.C. Lib. N.D.P. Other* Average DeviationNfld. 27 38 36 33.37 - 3.22N.S. 26 35 40 33.67 - 3.22P.E.I. 33 31 38 34.0 - 2.89N.B. 29 36 31 32.0 - 4.89Oue. 44 50	 33 42.33 + 5.44Ont. 30 37 33 33.33 - 3.56Manit. 34 47 40 40.33 + 3.44Sask. 34 33 48 38.33 + 1.44Alta. 25 30 46 33.67 - 3.22B.C. 53 51	 39 47.67 +10.78Yukon 36 26 47 36.33 - 0.56Fed. 35 39 40	 35 37.25 + 0.36Party Mean:Deviation:30.9-5.9937.42+0.53	41.67	 35.67	+4.78	 -1.2236.89: GrandMeanNOTE: "mean" = average.Deviation = average range away from grandmean (average spread)."*" refers to - Parti Qudbecois in Quebec- Social Credit in British Columbia- Reform in federal partiesTABLE 2.2CHART 2.6: ESTIMATED LENGTH OF CONSTITUTIONS (IN THOUSANDS)(SEE ALSO APPENDIX A)JURISDICTION PARTYP.C. Lib. N.D.P. Other* Average DeviationNfld. 3.8 4.0 4.0 3.93 - 1.05N.S. 2.5 3.8 7.8 4.70 - 0.28P.E.I. 4.1 2.6 3.0 3.23 - 1.75N.B. 3.7 4.3 2.7 3.80 - 1.18Oue. 10.5 4.1 8.0 7.53 + 2.55Ont. 7.3 9.0 3.5 6.60 + 1.62Manit. 8.7 5.4 2.6 5.57 + 0.59Sask. 3.1 2.4 8.1 4.53 - 0.45Alta. 3.1 2.8 6.7 4.20 - 0.78B.C. 10.3 5.5 7.5 7.77 + 2.79Yukon 4.9 1.1 4.8 3.60 - 1.38Fed. 4.0 6.3 4.8 3.3 4.60 - 0.38Party Mean:Deviation:4.52-0.465.21+0.234.80-0.186.27+1.294.98: GrandMeanNOTE: "mean" = average.Deviation = average range away from grandmean (average spread)."*" refers to - Parti Quebdcois in Quebec- Social Credit in British Columbia- Reform in federal parties4243Tables 2.1 and 2.2 provide us with the basis for making anumber of observations and interpretations. Table 2.1 is devoted topresenting the number of references or positive notations that areprofiled above and in Appendix A below. In relation to the threeaforementioned analytical perspectives, several significantpatterns appear in Table 2.1.Firstly, there appears to be a strong correlation betweenthe average number of references and the position of the politicalparty on the conventional left-right political scale/continuum.The New Democrats have the highest average, the Conservativeshave the lowest average, and the Liberals are the closest to thegrand mean. The average for the other parties is quite close to thenorm, only 1.22 below. The Liberals are only 0.53 above the overallaverage; while the Conservatives, -5.99, are significantly belowthe grand mean. For the N.D.P., who are significantly above thenorm, +4.78, the western jurisdictions have a much greater numberof references than the eastern provinces. However the Quebec NewDemocrats' score of 50 references is considerably higher than thatof Ontario, whose total of 33 is close to the lowest N.D.P. total.In relation to the regional perspective, the notations ofTable 2.1 are not as highly correlated as the political continuumdimension. While Quebec has a high average, 5.44 above the grandmean of 36.89, Ontario's average is 3.56 below the norm, and theprovinces of Atlantic Canada are well below the overall average.However the regional model breaks down for the three prairieprovinces; the Alberta average is significantly below par, while44the Manitoba average is significantly greater than the grand mean.British Columbia stands out with an average far greater than anyother province.There also seems to be only a moderate link between the levelof codification and the "complexity" of the jurisdiction. BritishColumbia and Quebec have the two highest averages and these twoprovinces are two of Canada's three largest provinces. As notedabove in candidate selection, the case of British Columbia isexceptional. Their average, a deviation that is 10.78 above thegrand mean, is significantly greater than any other jurisdiction;this seemingly supports an argument that British Columbia politicsare of a different order than those elsewhere in Canada.Ontario's low average weakens the societal complexity or sizeperspective. However, while weak, there still does appear to besome measure of correlation between the level of constitutionalcodification and this dimension; albeit at a much less intensedegree than appears for the political spectrum perspective.Table 2.2 is a different animal than Table 2.1. It does notrely on positive notations, rather it is concerned with theestimated lengths of the constitutional documents. The informationthat it contains is found in above in Chart 2.6 of this chapter andAppendix A.In so far as the length of the constitutions is concerned, theleft-right perspective is not apparent. Only the three Otherparties have an average length that is significantly higher thanthe overall average, 1.29 above the average. While there are a lot45of variation in individual cases, the three main parties have partyaverages that are remarkably similar; thus their party averages andthe overall average are very close.In contrast to the left-right perspective, there does appearto be a correlation between a regional pattern and the length ofthe document. As for the previous Table, the Atlantic region hasthe lowest averages. Quebec and Ontario have higher averages thaneither their eastern neighbours or the Prairie provinces. BritishColumbia's highest average, 2.79 above the grand mean, throws anysymmetry of a centre-periphery configuration off, however this highaverage does further the view that this province is a distinctregion when compared to other provinces.The wrench that British Columbia throws in a centre-peripheryconfiguration only serves to strengthen the link between socio-political complexity and the need for greater detail in the partyconstitutions. The three largest, and arguably, most "complex"jurisdictions, Quebec, Ontario, and British Columbia, haveconstitutions whose average lengths are greater than any otherjurisdiction. It remains to be seen whether these general patternsalso exist for the specific questions of candidate selection andparty leadership.46CHAPTER THREE: CANDIDATE SELECTIONThe significance to Canadian political parties of candidateselection is beyond debate. 32 Political parties regard theselection of party candidates as private business. Yet the processof selection is important. This process will determine the natureof the people who will represent the political party in theelectoral process, and will also, if they are elected, determinethe nature of the people who will participate in the government orthe "government-in-waiting". While basically similar, theprocedures for the selection of party candidates among the variousparties can be expected to differ in a number of important details.Candidate selection is one of the few areas where the localconstituency has any input into either the party or the polity.This chapter has a structure similar to Chapter Two. The chartis presented and the categories are discussed in general terms; adetailed presentation of the chart data is located in Appendix B.Then the number of references for each jurisdiction are tallied toproduce a Figure which is analyzed in relation to the threedimensions outlined in the introductory chapter.Charts 3.1 and 3.2 ask twenty two questions; these questionscover a wide assortment of rules which pertain to candidateselection.32 Two books which deal with candidate selectionPenniman, ed., Canada at the Polls, 1979 and 1980:General Elections (Washington: American Enterprise1981); and Michael Gallagher and Michael March, eds.Selection in Comparative Perspective: The Secret Garden (London: Sage Publications, 1988).are, HowardA Study ofInstitute,, Candidateof PoliticsCHART 3.1: CANDIDATE SELECTION(a)	CALLING	 A	 PROCEDURES	 SEARCH	 FINANCIALMEETING \ FOR MEETING \ COMMITTEE \ RULES/LIMITS 	a b c	 abcdef	 a	 a 	Lib Y R U	 YYYYRY	 R	 R Nfld PC	 Y R Y	 YYYYRY	 R	 R 	NDP RRY	 N*RRRRR	 R	 R 	Lib R R R	 RYYYYR	 R	 R NS	 PC	 RRR	 RRRRRR	 R	 R 	NDP Y Y Y	YYYYYR	 R	 R 	Lib RRR	 RRRRRR	 R	 R PEI PC	 Y R Y	 N*YYYYR	 R	 R 	NDP R R Y	 RRYYRR	 R	 R 	Lib Y R Y	 R R Y Y*Y R	 R	 R NB	 PC	 RRR	 RRRRRR	 R	 R 	NDP Y R R	 R R Y Y*Y R	 R	 R Lib Y R N*	 Y Y Y Y*Y U	 R	 Y Que PO	Y R N*	 RRYYYR	 R	 Y 	NDP Y Y Y	 RYYYYR	R	 R 	Lib Y R Y	 YYYYYY	 R	 Y Ont PC	 R R R	 RRRRRR	 R	 R 	NDP Y Y Y	 RRYYYR	 R	 R 	Lib RRR	 RRRRRR	 R	 R Manit PC	 Y R Y	 YYYYYY	 R	 R 	NDP Y R Y	 RRYYYR	 R	 R 	Lib Y R R	 RRYYRR	 R	 R Sask PC	 RRR	 RYRRRU	 R	 R 	NDP Y R Y	 RRYYYR	 R	 R 	Lib Y R R	 RRRRRR	 R	 R Alta PC	 RRR	 RRRRRR	 R	 R 	NDP Y Y Y	 YYYYYY	 R	 R 	Lib Y Y Y	 YYYYYY	 R	 R BC	 SC	 Y Y Y	 Y Y Y Y*U R	 R	 R 	NDP Y Y Y	 Y*YYYYY	 R	 R 	Lib Y R R	 RRYRYR	 R	 R Yukon PC	 U R U	 YYYYYY	 U	 R NDP R R Y*	 YRYYYR	 R	 R 	Lib X X X	 XXXXXX	 X	 X Fed PC	 RRR	 RRYYRR	 R	 R 	NDP X X X	 XXXXXX	 X	 X 	Ref Y R Y	 RRYYYY	 Y	 RLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception 4748CHART 3.1: CANDIDATE SELECTION(a)(CHART 3.1 QUESTIONS)CALLING A MEETINGa.] Does the constitution refer to the notice for the candidateselection meeting?b.] Is the timing of the meeting mentioned?c.] Is the Executive of the constituency responsible for thecalling of the meeting?PROCEDURES FOR MEETINGa.] Is there mention made that attendance is necessary in order tovote?b.] Are the voting rules for the candidate selection meetingreferred to in the constitution?c.] Does the constitution state that membership in the party isnecessary in order to participate in the selection process?d.] Is there any reference made concerning a residency criterionfor participation?e.] Is there any reference made concerning a length of membershipcriterion for participation?f.] Does the constitution state that a secret ballot is to held forthe vote on the selection of the candidate?COMPULSORY SEARCH COMMITTEE a.] Does the constitution state that a search committee is anecessary part of the candidate selection process?FINANCIAL RULES/LIMITS a.] Is there any reference to rules or limits concerning thecandidate selection process?49CALLING A MEETINGThe first section is concerned with the constitutional rulesthat govern the convening of the nomination meeting. This categoryis composed of three parts; the notice of the meeting, the timingof the meeting, and lastly, whether the local executive ismentioned as being responsible for calling the meeting.Most striking is the almost complete lack of reference to thecalling of the nomination meeting in the ten Conservativeconstitutions. In contrast, the majority of the Liberal and NewDemocrat documents contain some sort of reference to this matter.Perhaps the most significant piece of information in this categoryis that the P.Q. constitution has the same position as the QuebecLiberals: that the responsibility for calling the local nominationmeeting is specified as beyond the preview of the local executive,and that this responsibility rests with the leadership of theparty. 33PROCEDURES FOR MEETINGThe second category focuses on the constitutional referencesthat concern the rules of the nomination meeting. "Procedures forMeeting", has six sections; the first is whether attendance is anecessity in order for members to vote, next is the matter of theconstitution detailing the voting procedures, then comes thequestion of whether party membership is clearly defined as aprerequisite, fourthly is an inquiry of whether there exists a33 In the opening paragraph of the P. Q. document, Chapter IX,Section 9, the National executive Council, not the local executive,explicitly retains the power to call the nomination "congress".50residency requirement for members to vote at these meetings, nextis the matter of having the length of membership as a criterion inorder to qualify to vote, and lastly, a look to see if a secretballot is called for.There does not appear to be any dominating trend which emergesfrom this category. The Liberal and Conservative constitutions arefairly uniform or consistent in the range of their responses whilethe New Democrat constitutions stress residency and length ofmembership more so than the other parties. Significantly, there arefew references for any of the parties regarding whether the votefor the selection of the candidate is to be conducted by a secretballot, and there are several instances of unclear regulations. 34COMPULSORY SEARCH COMMITTEE This category investigates whether a compulsory searchcommittee is called for in the constitution. Only one document,that of the Reform Party, specifies that such a committee isnecessary. M The constitution of the Yukon Conservatives raises the34 There is no direct reference to having the voting donesecretly in either the constitution or in the more detailed"General Regulations" of the Quebec Liberals; still, a reading ofthe articles on candidate selection does lead one to believe thata secret ballot is inferred. Article 13 of the Saskatchewan Torydocument states, in part, that "The conduct of such NominatingMeeting ... shall follow the order of procedure as listed underArticle 15." Section g. of Article 15 calls for a returningofficers and ballot boxes, but a secret ballot is not directlyprescribed.n The process which Reform's constitution calls "candidaterecruitment, nomination, and development" has four articles, theresult of which is to allow the party's hierarchy, the ExecutiveCouncil, to exercise near complete control over the nominationprocess. A search committee is not specifically called for butSection 4, Article a. directs "Each duly constituted Constituency51possibility of such a body, but fails to state that such acommittee is a necessity.FINANCIAL RULES/LIMITS This section asks if there was any mention of financial rulesor limits for either hopeful nominees or selected candidates. Whatis notable here is that such a reference is contained in only threeconstitutions, the P.Q. and Liberals in Quebec and the Liberals inOntario. That only these three documents refer to such a rule seemsto point to some sort of shared, common concern among these partieson this particular matter.Association shall conduct a thorough search to find the bestpossible candidate to represent the people of that constituency."52CHART 3.2: CANDIDATE SELECTION(b)APPROVAL	 MEMBERSHIP	 VOTESAPPEALS \ BY OTHERS \ CRITERIA \ NEEDED \PROVINCIALFEDERALa b c a abcd a b aNfldLib R R Y R RRRR Y*N* YPC R R R R RRRR Y*N* NNDP Y Y Y R YRRR RR YNSLib RRY R RRRR RR YPC Y R Y R RRRR RR NNDP Y Y Y Y YRRR RR YPEILib Y Y Y Y YRRR RR YPC R R R R RRRR NY NNDP Y Y Y Y YRRR RR YNBLib Y R Y R RRRR RR YPC Y R Y R RRRR RR NNDP RRR R YRRR RR YQueLib Y R Y U YRRY N Y N*PO RRY Y RRRR RR XNDP Y R Y Y YRRR NY NOntLib Y R Y R YYRY NY YPC Y Y Y R RRRR RR NNDP Y R Y Y YRRR NY YManitLib R R R R RRRR RR YPC RRR R YRYY N Y NNDP RRR Y Y R N*R R R YSaskLib RRY R RRRR RR YPC R R R R RRRR NY NNDP Y R Y R RRRR RR YAltaLib RRR R RRRR RR RPC RRR R RRRR RR UNDP Y Y Y Y YYYY N Y YBCLib Y Y Y Y YYYY N Y YSC RRR R Y R Y*R N Y XNDP Y Y Y Y Y Y*R R N Y YYukonLib R R R R YRRR RR N*PC Y Y Y R YRYY N Y NNDP Y Y Y R Y R N*R R R Y*FedLib RRR X XXXX X X XPC Y Y Y R RRRR RR XNDP RRY X X X X X X X XRef R R Y Y RRRR RR XLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception 53CHART 3.2: CANDIDATE SELECTION(b)(CHART 3.2 QUESTIONS)APPEALS a.] Does the constitution mention the possibility of appeals on thematter of the selection of the candidate?b.] Does the constitution detail the procedure such appeals mustfollow?c.] Does the constitution mention the possibility of interventionfrom outside the constituency, ie. party leadership, in thecandidate selection process?APPROVAL BY OTHERS a.] Does the constitution mention that the approval of others, ie.the party leadership, is a necessary step in the candidateselection process?MEMBERSHIP CRITERIA FOR NOMINEE a.] Is it specified in the constitution that the nominee must be aparty member?b.] Is there any reference that the nominee must have been a partymember for a prescribed length of time?c.] Does the constitution mention that the nominee must satisfy aresidency requirement?d.] Is there any other criteria that a nominee must fulfil in orderto stand as the candidate?VOTES NEEDEDa.] In the candidate selection process, does the constitutionspecify that the successful nominee only capture a pluralityof the votes cast?b.] In the candidate selection process, does the constitutionspecify that the successful nominee needs a majority of thevotes cast?PROVINCIAL/FEDERALa] Are the constitutional rules pertaining to candidate selectionfor both provincial and federal ridings?(Note: This categoryapplies only to the three main parties and does not apply tothe constitution of any federal parties.)54APPEALS The category "Appeals" has three sections; the first wondersif appeals are mentioned as possible, the second section inquiresif the constitutions render a detailed procedure for an appeal, andthe last section asks if the intervention of the party brass ispossible in a dispute.What stands out on appeals is the difference between the NewDemocrats and the other parties. Provisions for appeals of disputesregarding candidate selection are much more common in the NewDemocrat documents. Of particular interest is the large number ofconstitutions which present the possibility of intervention by theparty in the candidate selection process; no constitutionexplicitly discounts the possibility of intervention, those eventhose parties whose constitutions contain no reference to thismatter may also allow some manner of intervention.APPROVAL BY OTHERS This category looks at whether the approval of others, such asthe party hierarchy, is a necessary condition for the candidate.Again in contrast to the other two main parties the New Democratconstitutions are much more disposed to make explicit the provisionthat approval for the local candidate must be given by the partyhierarchy, as do the constitutions of both Reform and the P.Q. Ofthe other two main parties the only document that has such astipulation is that of the Liberals in British Columbia.MEMBERSHIP CRITERIA FOR NOMINEE This category is concerned with possible membership criteria55for those individuals seeking the party's nomination and thiscategory has four parts; the initial section asks whether or notparty membership is necessary, the second part inquires if there isa prescribed length of time of party membership, the third sectioncentres on the question of a residency requirement, and the lastsection in this category seeks to find out if there are any otherpossible requirements not mentioned above.The most interesting pattern in this category is the tendencyof the New Democrat constitutions to stipulate that nominees mustbe party members; the majority of constitutions for the otherparties have no reference to such a matter. While only a few of thedocuments call for the nominees to meet a residency requirement,they usually also allow for exceptions to this rule.VOTES NEEDEDThese questions investigate the amount of support, either aplurality or a majority, needed in order to capture thecandidature. Very few parties choose their electoral candidateswith a "first past the post" system. There are only twoconstitutions which allow the candidate to be chosen with only aplurality of the votes cast, the Liberals and Conservatives inNewfoundland, and these two examples only allow this under certaincircumstances. What is the greatest interest in this category isthat the large majority of constitutions fail to refer to thismatter at all. Except for the two cases mentioned above, theconstitutions that do refer to this matter specify that the winningcandidate must capture a majority of the votes cast.56PROVINCIAL/FEDERALThe last category asks if the constitutional rules forcandidate selection are for both provincial and federal ridings; ofcourse the federal parties, the Social Credit party, and the P.Q.are exempt from this category. The most prominent feature thatemerges out of this category is the difference between theConservatives and the two other parties; a majority of the Liberaland N.D.P. constitutions stipulate that the rules on candidateselection apply to both provincial and federal constituencies,while the only Tory document that mentions federal ridings is thatof Alberta, and it is less than explicit. Another significantfeature is that the constitutions of two Quebec parties, theLiberals and the New Democrats, are emphatic that the rules do notapply to the selection of candidates for federal electoral offices.Also, the Yukon Liberals are focused solely on the federal arenaand no mention is made towards territorial politics.TABLE 3.1NUMBER OF CANDIDATE SELECTION REFERENCES FROM CHARTS 3.1 AND 3.2(SEE ALSO APPENDIX B)JURISDICTION PARTYP.C. Lib N.D.P. Other* Average DeviationNfld. 8 9 6 7.67 - 0.39N.S. 2 6 14 7.33 - 0.73P.E.I. 7 0 9 5.33 - 2.73N.B. 2 8 6 5.33 - 2.73Que. 12 12 7 10.33 + 2.27Ont. 3 16 12 10.33 + 2.27Manit. 12 1 8 7.00 - 1.06Sask. 2 5 8 5.00 - 3.06Alta. 0 1 19 6.67 - 1.39B.C. 19 17 10 15.33 + 7.27Yukon 13 4 10 9.00 + 0.94Fed. 5 9 7.00 - 1.06Party Mean:Deviation:5.4-2.667.36-0.7011.0+2.948.66+0.608.06: GrandMeanNOTE: "mean" = average.Deviation = average range away frommean (average spread)."*" refers to - Parti Qudbdcois in Quebec- Social Credit in British Columbia- Reform in federal parties5758Table 3.1 provides this chapter with the basis for making anumber of observations and interpretations. In regards to candidateselection and the three analytical dimensions or perspectivesdescribed above in Chapter One, the patterns appear to besignificant.Firstly, there seems to be a strong correlation between thenumber of constitutional references relating to candidate selectionand the position of the political party on the conventional left-right political scale or continuum. Table 3.1 presents the grandmean as 8.06. In Table 3.1 the Liberal overall average is 7.36, theTories are at 5.4, and the N.D.P. are at 11.0, while the average ofthe three other parties, 8.66, is the closest to the grand mean.According to Table 3.1, the deviation from the grand mean forthe Conservatives is -2.66, for the N.D.P. the deviation is +2.94,and the Liberals are very close to the grand mean, only 0.70 below.For the three national parties it appears that the further apolitical party is to the right of the left-right scale, the lessis the likelihood that the constitution will have a great deal ofcodification on the subject of candidate selection; to the left ofthe scale, the greater the likelihood that the constitution willhave a great deal more to say on the matter of candidate selection;while the middle of the scale means closer to the overall average.Table 3.1 reinforces both the regional perspective and thesize/complexity perspective, although the regional dimension seemsa bit less strongly correlated than the size/complexityperspective. When the British Columbia average is excluded, the59party constitutions of the geographical and political centre of thecountry, Ontario and Quebec, have the highest averages ofconstitutional references on candidate selection. Conversely theAtlantic region and the Prairies have averages significantly lowerthan the grand mean. As with the Tables in Chapter Two, the case ofBritish Columbia deserves special note; the average of thisprovince is significantly higher than any other province orregional grouping. Hence some level of correlation exists betweenthe number of constitutional references on candidate selection andthe analytical position that views Canada from a regionalperspective.British Columbia has the highest average(15.33) in Table 3.1.The average is significantly higher than any other jurisdiction andsome reasons for this will be discussed below in the concludingchapter. Nevertheless this means that the three most populatedprovinces have the highest averages. This fact seems to reinforcethe size/complexity perspective, which investigates if there is anylinkage between the size of the province and the tendency of partyconstitutions to have a large number of constitutional references.When examined jointly, both the size and regional perspectivessuggest that the provincial averages seem to be strongly correlatedto area, a geographical dimension.In conclusion, there appears to be a very strong correlationbetween the number of constitutional references on candidateselection and the three analytical perspectives. That thesepatterns, the apparent link between the number of constitutional60references and the three analytical perspectives, is the situationfor candidate selection is undoubtable. However there may bepeculiar reasons or dynamics which may act to clarify, modify, orexplain these patterns and the concluding chapter will deal withsuch matters. It remains to be seen whether these patterns willcontinue to hold for the other area to be investigated, theconstitutional rules on party leadership.61CHAPTER FOUR: PARTY LEADERSHIPParty leaders are a principal link between the party and thegovernment. Leaders are the standard-bearers of parties; theyrepresent the party in society in general and in the polity inparticular. Party leadership is now regarded as one of the mostimportant elements of party presence, a major determinant for theelectoral success of the party. 36 "Parties have become simply thevehicles for their leaders, and electoral politics becomes imagepolitics, not policy debate." 37 Also, with the "growth ofgovernment and the development of television, elections have tendedto become simply contests between leaders, emphasizing personalityand style,". 38 Studies that focus on election issues make the pointthat for electoral choice, leadership is often as crucial asissues. 39 This chart contains five general categories. Followingthe presentation of the chart the categories are discussed ingeneral terms, and then the number of references are analyzed inrelation to the perspectives outlined in the introduction.36 One such work is that of, Harold Clarke et al, AbsentMandate: The Politics of Discontent in Canada (Toronto: GagePublishing, 1984).37 H. D. Forbes, "Absent Mandate '88? Parties and Voters inCanada", Journal of Canadian Studies, 25, 2 (Summer, 1990), p. 7.38 Forbes, "Absent Mandate '88?", p.16.39 Clarke et al, "Voting Behaviour and the Outcome of the 1979Federal Election: The Impact of Leaders and Issues", CanadianJournal of Political Science, XV, 3 (Sept., 1982), pp.517-552.62CHART 4.1: PARTY LEADERSHIP(a)LEADER'S	 LEADERSHIP	 INTERIMROLE	 \	 REVIEW	 \	 LEADER	 \SEARCHCOMMITTEEabcd abcdef abcd aNfldLib UNXY YNNYYY RXXX RPC UYYY YNNNUN RXXX RNDP Y*Y Y Y YYXXUN RXXX RNSLib NNXY NXXXXX RXXX RPC UYUY YNNYYY RXXX RNDP YYYY YYXXUN YNNY RPEILib UYNY NXXXXX YNNY RPC YYYY NXXXXX YNYN RNDP YYYY YYXXYN YYNN RNBLib UNXY NXXXXX RXXX RPC UYYY YNYXUN Y*Y*Y*Y* RNDP UYYY YYXXUN YNYN RQueLib YUUN YNYXUN YNNY RPO Y*Y Y Y YNNYYN U*X X X RNDP YYYY YYXXUN U*X X X ROntLib UNXY YNNYYN RXXX RPC Y*U U Y YNYXYY YYNN RNDP UYYY YYXXUN RXXX RManitLib UNXY YNNYUN RXXX RPC UYYY YNYXYY RXXX RNDP YYYY YYXXUN YNYN RSaskLib UYUY YYXXYN RXXX RPC Y*N X U YNNYYY RXXX RNDP UYYY YYXXUN Y*N N Y RAltaLib YYUY YNYXUN YNYN RPC UNXY YNYXYY RXXX RNDP YYYY YYXXUN YNNY RBCLib Y*N X N YYXXYN RXXX RSC UUUU NXXXXX RXXX RNDP Y*Y Y Y YYXXYN YNNY RYukonLib \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ RPC UNXY Y Y X X YY Y YNN RNDP YYYY YYXXUN YYNN RFedLib UYYY YNNYYN R X X X RPC UYYY YNYXYY R X X X RNDP YYYY YYXXUN YNNY RRef Y Y Y N* YNNYY Y R X X X RLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception 63CHART 4.1: PARTY LEADERSHIP(a)(CHART 4.1 QUESTIONS)LEADER'S ROLEa.] Is the leader's role in the party clearly specified?b.] Is the leader clearly a member of the "day-to-day" managementteam?c.] Does the leader have voting or decision making privileges forthe above category?d.] Is the leader also a member of the "General Council"(genericterm used to describe a body with authority, but removed fromthe daily operation of the party)?LEADERSHIP REVIEWa.] Are there leadership review provisions in the constitution?b.] Is this review to take place within a set time period, forexample an "automatic review" held every two years?c.] Do the review provisions kick in only after a defeat in ageneral election?d.] Do the review provisions kick in after an election, either adefeat or a victory?e.] Is the vote for a leadership review a secret ballot?f.] Is the wording for the calling of a leadership reviewspecified?INTERIM LEADERa.] Does the constitution make any reference to the position ofinterim leader?b.] Is the interim leader appointed solely by the caucus?c.] Is the interim leader appointed solely by the party?d.] Do both the caucus and the party appoint the interim leader?SEARCH COMMITTEEa.] Does the constitution make any reference to a search committeefor leadership candidates?64LEADER'S ROLE This first category has four sections. The intent of thiscategory is to examine what powers and role the party leader ismentioned as having in the party constitutions. The first questionasks whether or not the constitution clearly specifies the leader'srole; the second, third and fourth questions seek to discover theextent of the leader's acknowledged powers.What is interesting for both the Liberals and the ProgressiveConservatives is, according to their constitutions,the extent ofthe ambiguity of the leader's role in the party. When compared tothe other two main parties, the New Democrats are quite clear onwhat the role and powers of the party leader are. The New Democratleaders are acknowledged as having a wide-ranging leadership rolewithin the party, as is the case for the leaders of both the ReformParty and the P. Q. The P.Q. document has the party leader as theoverall president of party; so the party leader wears two hats,chief parliamentarian and party president. 4°LEADERSHIP REVIEWThere are six sections making up this category. The first ofthese questions queries if the constitution does have leadershipreview provisions. The next three sections concern the timing ofsuch a review. The fifth question seeks to discover if the vote forthe review is conducted by a secret ballot, and the last questionwonders if the wording of such a review is specified.Leadership review provisions are contained in a large majority" Article XII, Section 1.65of the constitutions. While such a provision may be fairly common,concerted efforts on its implementation is usually viewed as amajor crisis for the party. In most constitutions these reviews areautomatic, they take place after elections or at a certain settime, such as annual meetings, and may be easily deflected by theembedded leadership.What is most interesting is that four of the fiveconstitutions that do not deal with this matter are found in thethree Maritime provinces, three of which are Liberal documents andthe other is the constitution of the Tories in Prince EdwardIsland; Social Credit is the fifth party document that has noreference on a review.Half of the constitutions that do address a review alsospecify that the vote be carried out by a secret ballot. The otherhalf are seemingly unclear whether or not a secret ballot isnecessary. While the wording of the review call is contained inseven of the Tory constitutions and the Reform document, only oneLiberal and no New Democrat document have the wording specified.INTERIM LEADERFour sections comprise this category. The initial questionasks if the document mentions the possibility of an interim leader.The other three sections concern whether it is the duty of thecaucus, the party, or both to choose the interim leader.The most outstanding pattern on this matter is the differencesbetween the New Democrats and the other parties. In contrast to allother parties, the constitutions of a majority of the New Democrats66deals with the possibility of interim leadership.No reference to an interim leader is made in either the SocialCredit or Reform constitutions. The P.Q. do have a section on howto replace the leader should the leader leave or die. 41 Yet thisdocument is ambiguous on the matter of an interim leader. However,since the party leader is also the president of the party, it seemslogical that the vice-president would replace the president in theposition of party president and interim party leader. 42 Still, thisis not specifically stated in the constitution, so it may well notbe the case.SEARCH COMMITTEE There is no reference made to such a committee to search foror recruit leadership candidates in any of the party constitutionsunder consideration.41 Article VI, Section 8.42 Article VII, Section 3, Subsection a.CHART 4.2: PARTY LEADERSHIP(b)LEADERSHIP SELECTION RULES67a b c d e f g h i j kNfldLib Y N Y R N Y Y Y Y R RPC N N R R N Y Y R R R RNDP N N Y R N Y Y R R R RNSLib N N R Y N Y Y R R R RPC N N R R N Y R R R R RNDP N N Y R N Y Y R R R RPEILib Y N R R N Y Y R R R RPC N N Y Y Y N X U* Y R RNDP N N Y R N Y Y Y R R YNBLib N N R R N Y R R R Y RPC N N Y R N Y Y R R R RNDP N N Y Y N Y Y R R R RQueLib N N Y R N Y Y U* U* R RPO Y N Y Y Y N X R R R RNDP N N Y U* N Y Y R R R ROntLib N N Y Y N Y Y Y Y R RPC Y Y R Y Y* N X Y Y Y RNDP N N Y R N Y Y R R R RManitLib N N Y Y N Y Y R R R RPC N* N Y N* N Y Y Y R R YNDP N N Y Y N Y Y R R R RSaskLib N N R R N Y Y R R R RPC Y N R R N Y Y R Y R RNDP N N Y Y N Y Y R R R YAltaLib Y Y Y U N Y Y R Y R RPC Y N R R N Y Y R R R RNDP N Y Y R N Y Y R Y R YBCLib Y Y Y Y N Y Y U* U* Y YSC N N Y R N Y Y U* Y R RNDP N N Y Y N Y Y Y R R YYukonLib \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \_ \ \ \PC Y Y Y R N Y Y Y Y R YNDP N N Y Y N Y Y R R R YFedLib Y N Y U* N Y Y* R R Y RPC N N R Y* N Y Y R R R RNDP N N Y U* N Y Y R R R RRef N N Y Y N Y Y Y R R RLEGEND: "Y"- Yes; "R"- No Reference; "N"- No;"U"- Unclear/Confusing; "X"- Not Applicable;"*"- Special Case/Exception CHART 4.2: PARTY LEADERSHIP(b)(CHART 4.2 QUESTIONS)LEADERSHIP SELECTION RULES a.] Is a special or distinct set of rules for the leadershiprace/convention included in the constitution?b.] Are the voting rules clearly specified?c.] Was the matter of "notice" for the leadership vote orconvention referred to in the constitution?d.] Is there a reference in the constitution to a "length ofmembership" regulation, either to select delegates or to votedirectly?e.] Does the election of the new leader occur under the principleof "one-member,one-vote"(universal ballot)?f.] Is the new leader chosen under the rules of a delegatedconvention?g.] Is there reference made in the constitution regarding thecomposition of the delegates who are to go to the leadershipconvention?h.] Does the constitution call for a secret ballot for the electionof the party leader?i.] Is any reference made in the constitution that a majority voteis necessary in order to successfully capture the leadershipof the party?j.] Is a reference made in the constitution concerning financialrules or limits that leadership hopefuls must obey?k.] Is any mention made in the constitution on the possibility ofan appeal relating to the leadership race/convention?6869LEADERSHIP SELECTION RULES There are eleven questions which focus on the constitutionalrules as they concern the selection of the party's leader. Thefirst of these two sections seek to discover whether theconstitutions contain specific rules or procedures for both theleadership race and the vote for the leader. On this matter theLiberal and the Progressive Conservative constitutions differ fromthe New Democrat documents. Not one of the New Democratconstitutions contain special rules for the process of selecting anew party leader. 43In order to have a leadership race the party members must beput on some type of "notice" that a contest is underway.Only a fewTory constitutions address this point, a clear majority of theLiberal manuscripts cover "notice", however all of the New Democratdocuments as well as those of the other three parties refer to thematter.The fourth question concerns party rules which might call fora cut-off date for new party members. Almost half of theconstitutions of all parties refer to some sort of "length of time"regulation; however exceptions to the rules seems possible and somedocuments have rules which are in conflict with each other."Interestingly it is in Prince Edward Island and Ontario where43 The New Democrats in Alberta refer to the procedures to befollowed in electing the Executive Officers, one of whom is theparty leader. These rules are contained in an appendix to theirconstitution. Article 14, Appendix A - "Rules of Order"." Details on exceptions can be located on pp.171-173 ofAppendix C below.70the Conservatives have a system of "one-member,one-vote" to choosethe party leader. 45 Proposed amendments for the Manitoba Toryconstitution called for a variation on this system. 46 The P. Q. arethe only other party with a universal ballot. Since no Liberal orno New Democrat constitutions refer to this system, their partyleadership is decided at delegated conventions. Most of theconstitutions that refer to delegated conventions also detail thecomposition of the delegates.A secret balloting process for the leadership vote isspecifically mentioned in only a few documents. Many constitutionsmake inferences but fail to directly mention that the vote issecret. As with the balloting process, most constitutions do notspecially mention that the leadership is to be decided by amajority of those voting. Also, only four constitutions, threeLiberal and one Conservative, make any reference concerningfinancial rules or limits that leadership hopefuls must obey.Lastly, appeals relating to a leadership race are dealt with inonly a few cases.45 As well as severing ties to the federal party, the mostrecent version of the Alberta Conservative constitution shiftedfrom the delegated leadership convention format to a system whichallows each individual member to vote; "Alberta Tories Break Tieswith Federal Party", Globe and Mail (April 8, 1991), p.A5; howeverthis study refers to the Alberta P. C. constitution which was inforce as of March of 1990, when this study began.46 Article XI, Section 4, Subsections a. and b., and ArticleXI, Section 5 of the proposed amendments, called for a system ofballoting done according to preference and the choices were to betransferable among the leadership candidates. Subsequently, theseproposed amendments failed to get the necessary 2/3's majority.TABLE 4.1NUMBER OF PARTY LEADERSHIP REFERENCES FROM CHARTS 4.1 AND 4.2(SEE ALSO APPENDIX C)JURISDICTION PARTYP.C. Lib. N.D.P. Other* Average DeviationNfld. 6 11 9 8.67 - 1.41N.S. 7 4 11 7.33 - 2.75P.E.I. 10 7 14 10.33 + 0.25N.B. 12 3 11 8.67 - 1.41Que. 8 9 11 9.33 - 0.75Ont. 15 10 8 11.0 + 0.92Manit. 12 7 12 10.33 + 0.25Sask. 9 7 12 9.33 - 0.75Alta. 8 13 14 11.67 + 1.59B.C. 12 15 4 10.33 + 0.25Yukon 15 13 14.0 + 3.92Fed. 10 11 11 12 10.0 - 0.08Party Mean:Deviation:10.4+0.328.45-1.6311.58+1.509.0-1.0810.08: OverallMeanNOTE: "mean" = average.Deviation = average range away from grandmean (average spread)."*" refers to - Parti Qudbdcois in Quebec- Social Credit in British Columbia- Reform in federal parties7172Table 4.1 focuses on the matter of party leadership and isbased on the number of references on this subject that arecontained in the leadership chart, see above and Appendix C.On the matter of the political continuum, the left-rightpattern noted for candidate selection weakens considerably; howeverwhile muted, the pattern still somewhat remains. The N.D.P. has aconsiderably higher average, 11.58, than the other parties, andtheir deviation is 1.50 above the aggregate norm of 10.08. Forparty leadership, in contrast to the situation for candidateselection, the Liberals have traded places with the Conservatives.The Liberals have the lowest average, 8.45, which places theirdeviation 1.40 below the grand mean; while the Tory average, 10.4,is very close to the overall average, a deviation of 0.32 above thegrand mean. The Tories high average may reflect all the leadershipconflicts that have wreaked the Conservatives thus their subsequentsensitivity to the issue. The average for the other parties, 9.0,is once again close to the grand mean.As with the above left-right perspective, the codificationlevel(number of references) on party leadership weakens for theregional and socio-political "complexity" perspectives. TheAtlantic Canada region continues to have significantly loweraverages than elsewhere; however, the previous regional patternsnoted for candidate selection break down for leadership. Quebec'saverage, 9.33, is 0.75 lower than the overall mean while Ontario'saverage, 11.0, is above the grand mean. As seen in Table 4.1, theYukon has the highest average of references for leadership, and73there is some discussion on the Yukon below in Chapter 5. When theYukon parties are excluded the Alberta average is the highest, fora deviation of 1.59 above the grand mean.The linkage between levels of constitutional codification andsocietal "complexity" is likewise muted. As noted above, the partyconstitutions in Quebec have a below average number of positivenotations on leadership, and this is true for all three politicalparties in Quebec. As with the Atlantic region, it appears that thesubject of leadership, when compared to provinces west of Quebec,is not a high priority for the constitutions of Quebec's politicalparties. Also, while the British Columbia average of 10.33 is abovethe grand mean, it is only moderately so, it is identical to thatof Manitoba and well below that of Alberta. The federal parties arevery close to the overall average, only 0.08 below the grand mean.The pattern that appears strongest in relation to partyleadership is an east-west split. The five eastern most provinces,except for Prince Edward Island, have averages that are below thefive western most provinces, excepting Saskatchewan.For the final chapter it will be interesting to note whetherany of the trends or patterns commented upon in the above threechapters will be carried through when the number of references forall the charts are combined.74CHAPTER FIVE: ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS The previous three chapters contain a great deal of data thatdescribe the party constitutions. This chapter is not concernedwith the specifics of what the documents may or may not say; itsfocus is on the patterns that emerge from the numbers.Table 5.1 is a combination of the references from Tables 2.1,3.1, and 4.1. Table 5.1 provides this chapter with the basis formaking a number of observations and interpretations. Patterns haveemerged from these charts which are of great interest to anyonestudying Canadian politics and Canadian political parties. Notsurprisingly, there is a wide range of possible comments to makeabout this data.As with the three previous chapters, this final chapter usesthree analytical dimensions to examine the story presented by Table5.1. The analysis begins with observations for each political partyand concentrates on the left-right perspective. Following the partydiscussion, an examination of Table 5.1 will be attempted inrelation to the perspectives of regionalism and size or socio-political complexity.The concluding section utilizes the stories or patternsuncovered by this study to discuss connections between politicalparties and their constitutions.TABLE 5.1NUMBER OF REFERENCES FROM ALL CHARTS75JURISDICTION PARTYP.C. Lib. N.D.P. Other* Average DeviationNfld. 41 58 51 50.0 -4.32N.S. 35 45 65 48.33 -5.99P.E.I. 50 38 61 49.67 -4.65N.B. 43 47 48 46.0 -8.32Oue. 64 71	 51 62.0 +7.68Ont. 48 63 53 54.67 +0.35Manit. 58 55 60 57.67 +3.35Sask. 45 45 68 52.67 -1.65Alta. 33 44 79 52.0 -2.32B.C. 84 83	 53 73.33 +19.01Yukon 64 30 70 54.67 +0.35Fed. 50 50 51	 56 51.75 -2.57Party Mean:Deviation:46.70-7.6251.92-2.40	63.33	 53.33	+9.01	 -0.9954.32: GrandMeanNOTE: "mean" = average.Deviation = average range away frommean (average spread)."*" refers to - Parti Quebecois in Quebec- Social Credit in British Columbia- Reform in federal parties76ANALYSIS The discussion that follows concentrates on Table 5.1, howeverthe averages and deviations from the other Tables may be referredto in passing. The Grand Mean that is used for Table 5.1 is 54.32.PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVES The Tory average in Table 5.1 is7.62 below the grand mean. The range in the number of references inTable 5.1 is from 33 in Alberta to 64 in the Yukon. One reasonwhich may explain the low Progressive Conservative average is thatit may be directly attributable to the deference the federal andprovincial documents show to local constituencies in matters suchas candidate selection. The Manitoba and Yukon constitutions arethe only Tory documents to include a model constitution forconstituency associations; as noted earlier. Both the Manitoba andYukon constitutions strongly suggest that the constituencyassociations follow the models, therefore these two jurisdictionshave many more articles than the average Conservative constitution.It seems unusual and interesting that the Yukon total of 64positive responses is the highest of the Conservatives. In additionto the inclusion of a model constituency constitution, there aresome other likely reasons which may explain the high number ofpositive notations in the Tory's Yukon constitution.Most importantly are the similarities between thisconstitution's structure and both the constitutions of BritishColumbia's Social Credit and Liberals. The 84 positive responses inthe British Columbia Liberal constitution are the highest in all ofthe 37 constitutions, and the 53 positive notations in the Social77Credit document are close to the grand mean. This is significantbecause the Yukon P.C. constitution has a structure and tonesimilar to both the Social Credit and the British Columbia Liberaldocuments.While this does not prove that the Yukon P.C. constitution isdirectly inspired by or copied from either the British ColumbiaLiberal or Social Credit constitutions, it does neverthelesssuggest the possibility of some sort of linkage, possibly goingback to the evolution of party politics in both British Columbiaand the Yukon. Party politics have only recently become a featureof Yukon politics. It was in 1978 that, "party politics wereformally introduced in the territorial legislature". 47 The YukonTory constitution also contained a great number of unclear orconfusing notations (see Appendices A, B, and C).As to the previously noted patterns of regionalism and socio-political complexity, of the three major parties the ProgressiveConservative documents reflected these patterns the least. A majorreason being of course the absence of Tory party constitutions foreither Quebec or British Columbia, which makes observations onthese dimensions less relevant. Nevertheless, on the matter of thepolitical spectrum, this party has continued and strengthened thetendency for a relationship between the left-right continuum andthe extent of constitutional codification.LIBERALS	 In Table 5.1 the Liberal average is 2.40 below the47 Janet Moodie Michael, "The Yukon", in R. B. Byers, ed.,Canadian Annual Review of Politics and Public Affairs: 1985 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988), p.387.78norm, of the three national parties, they are the closest to thegrand mean. The Liberal constitutions have the widest range in thenumber of positive notations, which is from 30 in the Yukon to 84in British Columbia. The Liberals reflect the above noted patternsin the provincial averages quite sharply. Generally they are highin the centre and low in the peripheral areas. However, BritishColumbia is a special exception, and Newfoundland and Manitoba arealso somewhat out of step in relation to their regions.Provincially and federally, the Liberals have not had a greatnumber of recent electoral successes west of Manitoba. It isinteresting to note that, except for British Columbia, this iswhere their provincial averages are the lowest. Prince EdwardIsland has the lowest number of references for provincial Liberalswhich may be explained by the fact that it is the smallestprovince, and rules or issues surrounding party constitutions maymost likely be dealt with on an informal or conventional basis.The case of British Columbia is interesting. It is such ananomaly for the Liberals that it bears closer examination. Althoughthe Liberals have only recently regained representation in theprovincial assembly, they nevertheless have had a long history ofinvolvement in British Columbia politics. The political coalitionthat has sustained Social Credit in power probably would not havehad the same degree of success if not for the participation of keyLiberal players. This coalition was successful in its aim to blockthe socialist C.C.F. from winning elections, but the Liberal Partyfound itself on the sidelines and, despite considerable effort,79seemed unable to join the game for many years. 48 What is ofinterest is the significant convergence between the BritishColumbia Liberal document and the Social Credit constitution. Theformat and the style are remarkably similar, and one finds phrasesrepeated wholesale in both. While there is little doubt that theshared history and personnel of these parties have acted to helpdetermine this situation, such an historical analysis lay beyondthe perimeters of the study.NEW DEMOCRATS The New Democrat average of 63.33 in Table5.1 is 9.01 above the grand average. As with the Tories, the rangein the number of references is fairly narrow; British Columbia hasthe largest number, at 83, and Newfoundland the lowest, at 51.Overall, these constitutions appear to have the most consistentlevels of codification. Their average is significantly greater thanthe overall average; and, at least as far as the level ofcodification in party constitutions is concerned, the N.D.P. isquantitatively different than the other two national parties. Manystudies stress that the New Democratic Party is quite differentfrom the other two major parties. 49 Since the N.D.P. constitutionsseemingly tend towards a greater deal of formal codification, this° Donald E. Blake, R. K. Carty, and Lynda Erickson, GrassrootsPoliticians: Party Activists in British Columbia (Vancouver: UBCPress, 1991), pp.44-47; in this section these authors examine theparticipation of both Liberals and Conservatives in the SocialCredit party.49 For example, Desmond Morton, N.D.P.: Social Democracy inCanada, 2nd ed. (Toronto: Samuel Stevens and Hakkert and Company,1977); and, Van Loon and Whittington, The Canadian Political System, pp.234-235.80may be an indication that this party is qualitatively distinct fromthe Liberals and the Progressive Conservatives.Like the Liberals, the New Democratic constitutions reflectsome of the patterns noted above. There does appear to be atendency for the larger provinces to have greater degrees ofcodification, however Ontario stands as an important exception tothis pattern. As well as being one of the shortest N.D.P.constitutions, the document of the Ontario New Democrats also hasone of the this party's lowest totals for the number of referencesincluded in the constitution. Given the high degree of politicalactivity of the party in this jurisdiction, both federally andprovincially, one might expect that the Ontario New Democrats wouldhave a much more elaborate constitution; only time will tell ifpolitical success will change this situation.Similar to the patterns found in the chapter on partyleadership, there appears to be an east-west split, with Ontarioand Quebec falling away from the pattern. The average of the NewDemocrats in Quebec is a fair bit higher than the overall N.D.P.average. There is now constitutional recognition of the fact thatthe N.D.P. in Quebec are split into federal and provincial wingsand the provincial New Democrats are no longer associated with therest of the party; the constitution that was used for this studywas thus dated when received, and it remains to be seen whethertheir new constitution will retain the high level of codification.The New Democrat constitutions in Alberta, British Columbia,and, to a lesser extent, the Yukon are at the high end of the scale81for the extent of codification and they present an interestingregional picture.The British Columbia New Democrat provincial total is thehighest. This may be explained in relation to the politicalenvironment of British Columbia. The political climate of BritishColumbia is the most antagonistic (highly polarized) environment inthe Canadian political system." Such conflict between politicalparties might bestow a vitality and passion to internal partypolitics, thus necessitating an elaborate set of rules to governparty behaviour.Although the Alberta New Democrats have never governed thatprovince, they have had some electoral success and, in contrast tothe Maritimes, they have been active in Alberta politics for aconsiderable length of time." It is interesting that the AlbertaN.D.P. constitution is remarkably similar to that of the BritishColumbia New Democrats, and to a lesser extent the same is true forthe N.D.P. in the Yukon. How this commonality evolved is beyond thescope of this study, yet these shared traits are of interest in sofar as they point to a regional grouping.50 describes the political culture of B. C. as"bipolar" and writes that, "there are two sets of politicalbeliefs, mostly in opposition to each other, in which the politicsof the province are discussed, defined, debated, and described."Gordon S. Galbraith, "British Columbia", in David J. Bellamy andothers, eds., The Provincial Political Systems: ComparativeEssays(Toronto: Methuen, 1976), p.62.51 Nelson Wiseman, "The Pattern of Prairie Politics" in HughThorburn, ed., Party Politics in Canada, 5th ed. (Scarborough, Ont:Prentice Hall, 1985), p.258; Garth Stevenson, "Quasi-Democracy inAlberta", Thorburn, Party Politics in Canada, p.278.82OTHER The Social Credit Party occupies the right-of-centreniche and has a constitution whose format or structure is unusual.That the Social Credit constitution is somewhat idiosyncratic isperhaps not surprising. The Social Credit constitution has alreadybeen partially discussed in the analysis of the above threenational political parties. Their high number of positiveresponses, for a party of the "right", helped to push the BritishColumbia provincial average higher than any other. The extent ofthis constitution's codification may in some way be related to itsreputation as a populist party. Also, as noted above, the SocialCredit document shares a great deal in common with the BritishColumbia Liberals and the Yukon Conservatives.While the constitution of the Parti Quebdcois has fewerreferences than either the provincial Liberals or the Nouveau PartiDemocratique du Qudbec, its tenor, but not structure, is close tothat of the Liberals. They both share many of the same rules; forexample, both party hierarchies are granted a great degree offormal control over constituency matters, and party regulations onthe subject of party leadership are remarkably similar. This may insome way be related to the genesis of the P.Q. as a breakaway partyby disaffected nationalists, led by former Quebec Liberal cabinetminister Rend Lèvesque, from the provincial Liberals. 52The Reform constitution, with 56 "yes" references, is above,52 John Saywell, The Rise of the Parti Oudbdcois: 1967-76(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977); Graham Fraser, RendLevesque and the Parti Oudbdcois in Power (Toronto: Macmillan ofCanada, 1984).83but close to, the grand mean. However comparison with other partiesis somewhat problematic for several reasons. Two of the federalparties, the Liberals and the New Democrats, explicitly excludethemselves from the matter of candidate selection. Also, this beingtheir first constitution, there are probably many "holes" that willsoon be filled. Since Reform is only a federal party(at the time ofthe writing of this study), it becomes a case of apples and orangeswhen comparing Reform to provincial political parties. Yet somecomparisons can be attempted.The Reform party positions itself on the right of thepolitical continuum sharing this territory with the Conservativesand Social Credit. On this basis, the Reform constitution appearscloser to the Social Credit document; both documents havesignificantly more positive responses than the Tory average, butthe fact that the Progressive Conservative constitutions range from33 to 64 tends to render such a comparison somewhat empty. Sufficeit to say that the Reform constitution, on many matters, seemsfairly involved. This may be related to this party's desire or needto maintain control and to eliminate deviations in party direction;or to restate the point, having clear constitutional regulationsmay allow the Reform Party to moderate extremist elements whichcould jeopardize the electoral chances of the party.There appears to be a very clear correlation between the levelof codification and the position of the party on the left-rightpolitical continuum, especially for the three main parties; howeverthe three other parties[Reform, Social Credit and the Parti84Qudbecois] do not reflect this pattern, but this may be related tothe somewhat isolated positions they occupy within their politicalenvironments. Perhaps the peculiar character of a partyconstitution is related to the nature and dynamics of the politicalparty which it serves.In conclusion for the left-right perspective, one pattern thathas emerged from Table 5.1's tabulation of references appears to bethe most significant. The pattern that seems to emerge from thisanalysis is the indication that, in so far as the constitutions ofpolitical parties are concerned, the New Democrats are distinct inrelation to the two other major parties.According to Table 5.1, a regional perspective also seems tohold for party constitutions; however, the correlation here issomewhat weaker than that of the left-right pattern. AtlanticCanada once more has the lowest totals and, except for Manitoba,the Prairies are also below the averages of the centre, and again,British Columbia stands out as an anomaly. Manitoba's high average,a deviation of 3.35 above the grand mean, weakens the regionalpattern for the prairies. The Ontario total is almost identical tothe grand mean, at 0.35 above the grand mean, while Quebec is quitea bit higher, +7.68, than either Ontario or the grand mean.The proposition that the larger provinces, in terms of size(economic activity/diversity and population), might haveconstitutional codification levels which reflect their socio-political complexity also seems to be somewhat weaker than theleft-right dimension. Quebec, Ontario, and British Columbia are the85provinces with the largest populations and the largest economies;both Quebec and British Columbia are considerably above the grandmean. However, Manitoba's average is significantly above that ofOntario; two principal reasons for this situation are therelatively high number of references in the document of theProgressive Conservatives in Manitoba and the relatively low numberof references for the New Democrats in Ontario.Two patterns that seem to emerge from this analysis is theindication that, in so far as the constitutions of politicalparties are concerned, both Quebec and British Columbia aredistinct in relation to the rest of Canada.CONCLUSIONS What does this study tell us about party constitutions andpolitical parties? One of the primary goals of the previouschapters has been to demonstrate to what extent party constitutionsdiffer. Three major stories seem to have evolved from this study:(1) the distinctiveness of the New Democrat constitutions fromthose of the other two main parties, (2) the distinctiveness ofparty constitutions in British Columbia, and (3) thedistinctiveness of party constitutions in Quebec.While the study examined parties across the whole country,there should be a recognition of the fact that, "Canada has aregionalized three-party system." 53 The Liberals have minimalelectoral presence in the west, the New Democrats are not much of53 H. D. Forbes, "Absent Mandate '88? Parties and Voters inCanada", Journal of Canadian Studies, 25, 2 (Summer 1990), p.16.86a force in Quebec or Atlantic Canada, and while the Conservativeshave representation across Canada at the federal level they do nothave a provincial presence in either Quebec or British Columbia.However, the relative extent of codification of the partyconstitutions does not seem to reflect this fact. A possibleexplanation for this may be that in jurisdictions where the partyis electorally unsuccessful, intraparty politics, as regulated byparty constitutions, are the only arena in which the party is ableto get a feel for political action and experience. Honing theirconstitutions and debating policy provides a learning platform. Thepolitics of the party becomes the basis for both leadership andcandidate recruitment. Individuals who have distinguishedthemselves within the party are deemed to be prepared to representthe party at large.As noted in the above analysis, there appears to be asignificant difference in the level of constitutional codificationbetween the New Democrats and the other two main parties. It iswidely recognized that the extra-parliamentary organizations of theLiberals and Conservatives impose fewer institutional restrictionson the party leader and his/her closest colleagues. 54 One likelyexplanation for such differences is that,....the N.D.P.'s origin as a movement party and itsphilosophical roots among the mass parties of the leftmay account for its more earnest treatment of the conceptof party membership and the concept of the partyconvention. 5554 Cairns, p.69.55 McMenemy, "Party Structures", p.188.87This major difference in the level of codification, and hencecomplexity, could be in some way related to the notion ofrationalism, the planning concept that pervades social democraticparties.Seemingly, the constitutions of the New Democrats grant thewhole of the party a large degree of control over the parliamentarywing, but Cairns states that,the general perspectives and policy orientations of aparty are likely to be skewed in favour of thoseinterests which, by virtue of strong parliamentaryrepresentation, can vigorously assert their claims. 56Thus it may be that prolonged periods of electoral success forNew Democrats could lead to instances where the nonelected segmentsof the party, such as unions and party activists, will witness arelative decline in their positions within the party vis-a-vis theparliamentary wing. It would be of interest to political scientiststo investigate whether or not this becomes the case.It seems that the New Democrat constitutions are characterizedby higher levels of codification than their Liberal and Torycounterparts; it could be, of course, that this is a reflection ofthe actual functioning and nature of the parties; this explanation,however, seems less compelling than the argument that thedifferences in party constitutions is more a reflection of thefundamental differences in the origins of the parties.To point out the distinctiveness of Quebec seems like anaxiomatic exercise. The Quebec Liberal Party and the P.Q. now56 Cairns, p.70.88define the Quebec party system. In the late 1950's and the earlysixties, at the time of the Quiet Revolution, the party system ofQuebec started to undergo radical changes. These changes, "weredetermined by general changes in the provincial environment and,more specifically, in the Quebec political system. . ." 57Quebec built up an infrastructure of a modern capitalistsociety. It trained a bureaucracy able to administer amodern state and it set up an educational system suitablefor such a state. The government began to take a positiverole in regulating the economy and several [veryimportant] state enterprises were set up. 58The provincial Liberal party in Quebec played an importantrole in the Quiet Revolution. After its victory in 1960, this partyand its government exerted considerable influence over thepolitical environment and was in turn influenced by the QuietRevolution. In light of the political environment in Quebec itshould not be too surprising to have uncovered a distinctivenessfor party constitutions vis-à-vis other provinces.In the case of British Columbia, the distinctiveness for theconstitutions of political parties is even more extreme than forthat of Quebec. The political climate of British Columbia is often57 Vincent Lemieux, "Quebec 'Heaven Is Blue and Hell Is Red'",p.274, in Martin Robin, Canadian Provincial Politics: The PartySystems in the Ten Provinces, 2nd ed. (Scarborough, Ont.: Prentice-Hall of Canada, Ltd., 1978).58 Shelagh Hodgins Milner and Henry Milner, The Decolonizationof Ouebec: An Analysis of Left-Wing Nationalism (Toronto:McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1973), p.167.89typified as highly polarized. 59 Another reason for such an intenselevel of distinctiveness may in some way be related to thisprovince's reputation for populism."Candidate selection and party leadership were two areas onwhich this study concentrated. Candidate selection is the processthrough which political parties choose the individuals who eitherhold or seek to hold public office. It is a function of politicalparties that is functionally specific to political parties, but theprocess can best be appreciated by an understanding of the party asan organization.Once placed in the governmental system, these party leadersand representatives are usually seen as having a great deal offreedom from and even control over the party; this view isespecially common for both the Liberals and the Conservatives,whose, "extra-parliamentary structures...have been extremely weak,59 Elkins moderates this view of B. C.'s political culturesomewhat when he states that, "the major political parties in B. C.partake of a common political culture."; yet he also goes on toemphasize the bipartisan or bipolar nature of B. C. politics. "Toargue, however that the parties share and are rooted in a commonpolitical culture does not rule out profound policy disagreementsor bitter personal rivalries." David J. Elkins, "British Columbiaas a State of Mind", in Blake, Two Worlds, p.54. The pattern ofparty polarization, as it relates to party activists, is analyzedin a recent volume; the authors conclude that even though spatialtheory informs us that with only two parties in active contention,they should both be attempting to claim the political centre, butthat this has not happened in B.C. and that, "the parties haveretained substantial elements of difference,". Blake, Carty, andErickson, Grassroots Politicians, p.15.60 "Populism" is widely seen to be one of the dominantcharacteristics of B. C.'s political culture. Elkins reveals thedifferent facets of populism in B. C. politics and concludes thatpopulism is an important force for both Social Credit and the N. D.P. Elkins, in Blake, Two Worlds, pp.61-64,74.90lacking in continuity, and without any disciplining power over theparliamentary party. " 61 And also, "Despite their power to choosethe leader, Canadian extra-parliamentary party organizations arerelatively weak and loosely organized... gg 62 While not disagreeingwith the above statements, some qualification on this point iscalled for. The party does exert some control over the actions ofboth leaders and candidates; those who hold or seek to hold publicoffice have an interdependent relationship with the party. Ifordinary members feel that their views are not being adequatelyrepresented by the party, they can exercise the exit option, thatis they can easily leave the party. Office seekers or holders, ifthey find themselves in a basic disagreement with some partypolicy, cannot as easily walk away; they depend on the patronage ofthe party.Whatever reservations they might entertain about theprocesses or goals at any given moment, their capacity topack their bags is constrained by their desire to rise toelected positions in the polity. 63However, this being said, there are major differences in theconstitutions of the three main parties which may help to explainwhy the parties regard themselves as distinct from one another.The constitutions illustrate several important features of61 Alan C. Cairns, "The Electoral System and the Party Systemin Canada, 1921-1965", Canadian Journal of Political Science, I, 1(March, 1968), p.68.62 R. K. Carty, Peter James, and Campbell Sharman, "LeadershipSelection Processes and Careers: A Comparison of Australian a n dCanadian Premiers", Political Studies, XXXVIII, 2 (June 1990),p.276.63 Schonfeld, p.492.91political parties; typically the party leadership is given a fairamount of discretion and latitude for action; membership hascertain obligations and entails accepting party discipline;furthermore, there is the tacit recognition that party authority ishierarchically structured, control coming from both the top and thecentre. However these documents also illustrate that the degree ofcontrol is not absolute; party leaders must try to get along withthe various levels of the party's hierarchy or intraparty conflictcould impair the party's electoral capability; members have somefreedom at the constituency level, if they feel disaffected theycan simply leave the party, and since every party needs some kindof membership base, the attitudes and inputs of the lowly membermust somehow be accounted for. Also, the structures of partyauthority may be circumscribed by reality, necessity, or simplehuman wilfulness. What the constitutions also illustrate is that,negotiation between members of distinct strata, localinitiative, and local inertia are widespread features ofcollective life. Automatic, unquestioned obedience andthe absence of autonomy are very rare."As well as the internal order of political parties, this studyof party constitutions also affords an interesting vantage pointfrom which to compare the parties. The system of Canadian politicalparties is organized into branches or provincial subsidiaries;membership is generally held at the provincial level, with eachmember belonging to the particular constituency association withinwhose boundaries they reside.64 Schonfeld, p.494.92The above data and its analysis would seem to support thewidely held view that the governmental structure of Canada affectsthe total political system: this is especially true for politicalparties and their constitutions. Engelmann and Schwartz state that,In Canada the party system and individual parties areaffected by demands arising from three aspects of thesystem of government: the parliamentary system, theelectoral system, and the federal system. 6The parliamentary system, with its emphasis on the cabinet andparliamentary discipline, determines the shape of the governmentalstructures at both the provincial and federal levels. This makesparty leadership of paramount importance and also createssignificant pressure for all party members to close ranks on allparty decisions, which is great for group coherence but definitelydampens the chances for innovative ideas and new approaches to thecomplex problems facing today's societies.The electoral system that is found in all Canadianjurisdictions, single members representing single ridings, hascertainly had a major effect on party constitutions. The party isorganized on the basis of the constituencies and exists to winelections at this level. One can easily agree with Cairns when hestates "...the electoral system has been an important factor in theevolution of the Canadian party system." 66Of course the federal system has also played and continues toplay a determining role in the development of Canadian politicala Engelmann and Schwartz, Political Parties and the CanadianSocial Structure, p.115.Cairns, p.55.93parties and their constitutions. Canada is a federated state; oneof the features inherent in this condition is the constitutionaldivision of power between the provincial governments and thefederal government. Parties exist on both levels and theirrelationship is reflected in their party documents. Therelationship between different parties is also involved because ofthe Canadian habit of electing different parties at both thefederal and provincial levels. One of the inherent conditions ofhaving the Canadian polity organized according to the principles ofa federal system is that there seems to be a fairly high level oftension in the relations between these two levels of government;that this tension is also evident for political parties hardlyseems surprising.The only thing certain in our world is change. Canada appearsto be on the cusp of some major reforms; the federal system may bewhere some significant change manifests itself, or failing that,the possibility of dismemberment is being discussed in somequarters. Whether or not any of this comes to pass, there areongoing societal processes that will no doubt have an impact on thepolitical system and political parties; one can expect that anyeffects that are felt by the political parties will impact upontheir constitutions.In his study of the Canadian party system Cairns has notedthat "there are indications that the extra-parliamentary apparatusof the parties is growing in importance,". 67 He looks to the U. K.67 Cairns, p.68.94and the United States for comparative insights and reasons that,the stimuli resulting from a powerful mass-membershipleft-wing party and by serious restrictions on campaignexpenditures, as in Great Britain are absent in Canada,.... Compared to the United States, Canada also has apaucity of elections and elective offices, and partyspoils have constituted a less attractive inducement toorganizational work for the party. mIf Cairns' reasoning is solid, then there is every possibilityof a strengthening of the extra-parliamentary structure forparties, at least at the federal level. An elected Senate, ifrealized, would provide an increase in elections and electiveoffices, thus increasing party spoils and offering addedinducements to organizational work for the parties. Also, there hasbeen a steady increase in the regulations and supervision ofcampaign expenditures by Elections Canada plus a growth in theinternal party rules on finances, as for leadership races. Shouldthese trends continue, and they show no sign of abating, they couldact as important stimuli on the development of political parties.The various reforms for both the Canadian federal system andthe electoral system that are being proposed by some, would affectthe party system and also the constitutions of the parties. Thejudicial system also has the potential to influence the partysystem, as seen in the recent court challenge on constituencyboundaries in Saskatchewan. 69 Wholesale or profound changes in theelectoral and parliamentary systems, such as those reforms68 Cairns, pp.68-69.69 Jeffrey Simpson, "One-Two Punch: The Court Allows SkewedRiding, Partisan Civil Servants", Globe and Mail (June 11, 1991),p.A14.95commented upon by Smiley and Watts in their volume for the"MacDonald Commission", would result in vastly differentconstitutions for political parties in Canada. 7° No doubt theproposed party reforms contained in the report from the "LortieCommission" would, if implemented, also impact on party structuresand constitutions. 71The constitutions are institutional arrangements consisting ofsets of rules which order the relationships between the variousactors found in political parties; in other words, it appears thatthese documents help to shape the processes of intrapartyrelations. The environment within which political parties operateplaces demands on the party; the constitutions are importantindicators on how the political parties respond to these demandsand these documents provide us with valuable insights into oneaspect of the environment of parties.This study has demonstrated that party constitutions can beused as a basis for comparison. The three stories or patternsrevealed; (1) the distinctiveness of the New Democrat constitutions70 One of the Studies prepared for the MacDonald Commissionexamined several proposals for reforming Canada's electoral system,"Changes in the Electoral System", pp.98-109, in Donald V. Smiley,and Ronald L. Watts. Intrastate Federalism in Canada, Volume 39 ofthe "Research Studies" Prepared for the Royal Commission on theEconomic Union And Development Prospects for Canada (Toronto:University of Toronto Press, 1985).71 Known formally as the Royal Commission on Electoral Reformand Party Financing, this royal commission paid considerableattention to internal party democracy, Geoffrey York and RossHoward, "Royal Inquiry Urges Reforms for Elections", Globe and Mail (Feb. 14, 1992), pp.Al and A4.96from those of the other two main parties, (2) the distinctivenessof party constitutions in British Columbia, and (3) thedistinctiveness of party constitutions in Quebec, are neitherremarkable nor original. However, the method by which these threestories were uncovered had not been previously attempted; so, thefact that commonly held perceptions about political parties inCanada were reinforced through an examination and comparison ofparty constitutions seems both interesting and important.97BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PARTY CONSTITUTIONS(PRIMARY SOURCES) PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVES:Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association of CanadaAs Amended August 26, 1989 in Ottawa.Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association ofNewfoundland and Labrador (This Constitution is to take effectfollowing the Annual General Meeting 1989).Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association of NovaScotia 1988.Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association of PrinceEdward Island (Adopted Nov. 25, 1989).Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick(Enacted at Moncton, New Brunswick, the 7th day of May, 1988to be effective immediately).Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario(Amended Feb. 11, 1989).Constitution of the Manitoba Progressive Conservative Association(Incorporating all Amendments to April 12, 1987).Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan(Amended Nov. 19, 1989).Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association of Alberta(Revised & Adopted March 31, 1984).Constitution and Bylaws (P.C. Yukon Party).LIBERALS:Constitution of the Liberal Party of Canada, amended at theLiberal National Convention held in Ottawa, Nov. 27-30, 1986.Constitution of the Liberal Party of Newfoundland and Labrador as Amended March 5, 1988 - Holiday Inn, St. John's.Constitution and By-Laws of the Nova Scotia Liberal Association(Approved - General Meeting, March 11, 1989).Constitution of the Prince Edward Island Liberal Association "Inc". (As Amended to November 7,1987).N.B.L.A. Constitution (As Amended to May 14, 1988).98The Constitution of the Ouebec Liberal Party (Adopted by theConvention of the Party on Feb. 28,1988).Constitution of the Ontario Liberal Party (as amended April 1,1989).Constitution of the Liberal Party in Manitoba (1989).Constitution of the Saskatchewan Liberal Association (As Amended -April 1989).Constitution of the Alberta Liberal Party Adopted in ConventionDuly Assembled in Red Deer March 4, 5 and 6, 1988.British Columbia Liberal Party Constitution Bylaws and StandingRules (As Amended and Consolidated by the Annual Convention,May 5-7, 1989).Constitution of the Yukon Liberal Association (No Date or Place).NEW DEMOCRATIC:Constitution of the New Democratic Party (As amended by the FederalConvention, Winnipeg 1989).Constitution of the New Democratic Party of Newfoundland andLabrador 1988.Constitution of the Nova Scotia New Democratic Party.Constitution of the Prince Edward Island New Democratic Party (Asamended by Provincial Convention, Feb. 25 & 26, 1989).Constitution of the New Brunswick New Democratic Party (as amendedDec. 1, 1985, Moncton, New Brunswick).Statuts Du Nouveau Parti Democratique du Quebec (Editian provisoirecorrigee, Juin 1988).Constitution of the New Democratic Party of Ontario (as amended atConvention 1988).New Democratic Party Manitoba Section Constitution, May 1988 (Asapproved at the 1988 Provincial Convention).Saskatchewan New Democratic Party Constitution (1988 Convention).Constitution of the Alberta New Democratic Party.British Columbia New Democratic Party Constitution (as amended1988).99Constitution of the Yukon New Democratic Party (As Amended at theAnnual Convention, June 1989 Whitehorse, Yukon).OTHERS:The British Columbia Social Credit Party Constitution and By-Laws(Effective Oct. 22, 1988).Les Statuts Du Parti Oudbdcois (No Date or Place).Constitution of Reform Party of Canada (Adopted at the FoundingConvention Assembled at Winnipeg Oct. 30, 1987).100BIBLIOGRAPHY(SECONDARY SOURCES) "Alberta Tories Break With Federal Party", Globe and Mail, April 8,1991, p. 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Montreal: McGill-Queen'sUniversity Press, 1974.Simpson Jeffrey, "One-Two Punch: The Court Allows Skewed Riding,Partisan Civil Servants", Globe and Mail, June 11, 1991,p.A14.Smiley, Donald V., and Ronald L. Watts. Intrastate Federalism inCanada, Volume 39 of the "Research Studies" Prepared for theRoyal Commission on the Economic Union And DevelopmentProspects for Canada, Toronto: University of Toronto Press,1985.Stevenson, Garth, "Quasi-Democracy in Alberta", pp. 278-282, inHugh Thorburn, ed. Party Politics in Canada, 5th ed.Scarborough, Ont: Prentice Hall, 1985.Thorburn, Hugh, ed. Party Politics in Canada, 5th ed. Scarborough,Ont: Prentice Hall, 1985.Van Loon, Richard, and Michael S. Whittington. The CanadianPolitical System: "Environment, Structure and Process,  2nd ed.Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, Ltd., 1976.Whitaker, Reginald. The Government Party: Organizing and Financingthe Liberal Party of Canada, 1930-58.  Toronto: University ofToronto Press, 1977.Williams, Douglas E. ed. Constitution, Government and Society inCanada: Selected Essays by Alan C. Cairns.  Toronto: McClellandand Stewart, 1988.106Winn, Conrad, and John McMenemy, eds. Political Parties in Canada.McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1976.Wiseman, Nelson, "The Pattern of Prairie Politics", pp. 242-259, inHugh Thorburn, ed. Party Politics in Canada, 5th ed.Scarborough, Ont: Prentice Hall, 1985.York, Geoffrey, "Constituencies for Natives", Globe and Mail, Feb.14, 1992, p. A4.	, and Ross Howard, "Royal Inquiry Urges Reforms forElections", Globe and Mail, Feb. 14, 1992, pp. Al and A4.107APPENDIX ADATA FROM CHARTS 2.1 TO 2.6: MAJOR OVERVIEWCHART 2.1: INTERNAL ORDERa.] Are the party officers or directors presented?: Liberal(Y-8,N-4) Of the 12 Liberal constitutions, only 4 do not present theparty officers, Que., Alta., Yukon, and federal. P.C.(Y-10) All 10of the Tory documents present the party officers. N.D.P.(Y-12) All12 of these jurisdictions present the officers or directors.Other(Y-1, N-2) Only the Social Credit constitution presents theparty officers.b.] Are the duties/roles of above clearly defined? (note:those jurisdictions which received a "N" notation above willreceive a "X" here.): Liberal(Y-8,X-4) The same eight Liberaldocuments as above also detail the duties or roles of the party'sofficers. P.C.(Y-9,N-1) The only Conservative constitution thatdoes not clearly define these duties is the federal document.N.D.P.(Y-7,N-5) The N.D.P. constitutions in N.B., Ont., Sask.,Alta., and federal do not clearly define the roles of the partyofficers. Other(N-1,X-2) The Social Credit document does notinclude a definition of the duties of the party's officers.c.] Is there an "Executive Committee" level (body withauthority which is above officers but below "General Council")?:Liberal(Y-11,N-1) The only Liberal document that does not mentionan "Executive Committee" is that of P.E.I. P.C.(Y-9,N-1) Only theAlta. Tories do not mention an "Executive Committee" level. N.D.P. (Y-12) All 12 of these documents deal with such an authority108structure. Other(Y-2,N-1) Only the Social Credit constitution doesnot mention a body such as an "Executive Committee", while both theReform and P.Q. documents do.d.] Are the duties/roles of above clearly defined? (note:those jurisdictions which received a "N" notation above willreceive a "X" here.): Liberal(Y-8,N-3,X-1) Of the 11 Liberalconstitutions that deal with an "Executive Committee" only 8 definethe duties of this body, the 3 that do not make a mention of theduties are those of N.S., Sask., and Alta. P.C.(Y-6,N-3,X-1) TheP.E.I., Ont., and federal documents, 3 of the above 9, do notdefine the duties of this body. N.D.P.(Y-4,N-8) The constitutionsof Que., B.C., Yukon, and federal New Democrats do not clearlydefine the duties of such a body, while the remaining 8 documentsdo. Other(Y-2,X-1) As above in c.], the constitutions of bothReform and P.Q. deal with the duties of such a body.e.] Is there a "General Council" level (body with penultimateauthority, above both officers and "Executive Committee", butbelow convention's authority)?: Liberal(Y-11,N-1) Yukon is the onlyLiberal document that does not mention such a body. P.C.(Y-9,N-1)The only Conservative constitution that makes no mention of a"General Council" is Ont. N.D.P.(Y-12) All 12 jurisdictions havesuch a body mentioned in their constitutions. Other(Y-1,N-2) Onlythe Social Credit constitution mentions such a structure.f.] Are the duties/roles of above clearly defined? (note:those jurisdictions which received a "N" notation above willreceive a "X" here.): Liberal(Y-4,N-7,X-1) Of the 11 Liberal109documents that refer to a body such as a "General Council" only 4,Nfld., Que., Ont., and B.C., detail the duties of this structure.P.C.(Y-3,N-6,X-1) Of the 9 Tory constitutions that mention such abody only 3, Nfld., Manit., and Yukon, detail the role of thisstructure. N.D.P.(Y-5,N-7) All 12 N.D.P. jurisdictions deal withsuch a body but only 5, Que., Ont., Alta., B.C., and Yukon, detailthe duties of such a structure. Other(Y-1,X-2) The onlyconstitution that deals with such a body, Social Credit, alsodetails the duties of such.g.] Are there more structures or levels of authority than theabove three levels?: Liberal(Y-2,N-10) Que. and Manit. are the onlyLiberal jurisdictions whose constitutions present more than thethree above levels of authority. P.C.(N-10) No Tory constitutionmakes any reference to more levels of authority than the abovethree. N.D.P.(N-12) There is no mention made in any of theseconstitutions in regards to other levels of authority. Other(Y-1,N-2) The constitution of the P.Q. does mention more than the abovethree levels of authority.h.] Are the above authority structures and their dutiespresented without any apparent confusion?: Liberal(Y-5,N-7) Theauthority structures and their duties are not confusing in 5Liberal jurisdictions, Nfld., Ont., Manit., B.C., and Yukon.P.C.(Y-6,N-4) There are 4 Conservative documents which areconfusing on these matters, P.E.I., Ont., Alta., and federal, theother 6 are do not present any confusion. N.D.P.(Y-3,N-9) Of the 12constitutions, only 3 are presented without any apparent confusion,110Que., B.C., and Yukon. Other(N-3) All 3, P.Q., Social Credit, andReform, have some degree of confusion on these matters.i.] Does the document include a reference to a person or groupempowered to interpret the constitution?: Liberal(Y-3,R-9) Que.,B.C., and Yukon are the 3 Liberal constitutions which empowereither a person or group to interpret the constitution. P.C.(Y-3,R-7) Only 3 of these documents make a reference to giving someonethe authority to interpret the constitution, N.S., N.B., and Ont.N.D.P.(Y-5,R-7) The N.D.P. constitutions for N.S., P.E.I., Que.,Manit., and federal contain a reference to giving someone the powerto interpret the constitution. Other(Y-1,R-2) The only documentthat contains such a reference is that of Social Credit.CHART 2.1: OTHER PARTY STRUCTURES a.] Is the party director/ staff mentioned or dealt with?:Liberal(Y-3,R-9) Only 3 Liberal documents mention either staff ordirector, Nfld., N.B., and Que. P.C.(Y-8,R-2) Only 2 of theseconstitutions do not mention either the party director or thestaff, Ont. and Yukon. N.D.P.(Y-11,R-1) Of the 12 N.D.P.jurisdictions, only 1, Ont., fails to mention either. Other(Y-2,R-1) Both P.Q. and Social Credit refer to either the director orstaff, while the Reform document does not.b.] Are party committees/commissions mentioned or dealt with?:Liberal(Y-10,R-2) Only 2 Liberal documents make no mention of suchmatters, Alta. and Yukon. P.C.(Y-4,R-6) There are 4 P.C. documentswhich refer to such bodies, P.E.I., Ont., Manit., and Alta. N.D.P. (Y-10-R-2) The Alta. and federal documents are the only 2 N.D.P.111constitutions that do not make any reference to such matters. Other(Y-2,R-1) The Social Credit constitution is the only 1 of the 3that does not mention committees or commissions of the party.c.] Does the constitution discuss a special electoral campaignbody (either a committee or a distinct party organ)?: Liberal(Y-7,R-5) There are 7 Liberal jurisdictions where such a body isreferred to, Nfld., P.E.I., Que., Ont., Sask., B.C., and federal.P.C.(Y-1,R-9) The only Conservative document with such a referenceis Sask. N.D.P.(Y-3,R-9) Only the N.S., N.B., and Yukon documentsrefer to such a body. Other(Y-2,R-1) Both Reform and P.Q. refer tosuch a body.d.] Does the constitution discuss a fund-raising body (eithera committee or a distinct party organ)?: Liberal(Y-6,R-6) There are6 Liberal constitution which discuss such a body, N.S., Que., Ont.,Sask., B.C., and federal. P.C.(Y-3,R-7) The only Conservativedocuments which refer to a fund-raising body are Ont., Alta., andfederal. N.D.P.(Y-1,R-11) Only 1 N.D.P. constitution, Sask.,discusses such a body. Other(R-3) Not one of these 3 constitutionsmake any reference to such a body.e.] Is the "signing authority" referred to in theconstitution?: Liberal(Y-6,R-6) The Liberal constitutions inP.E.I., Manit., Sask., Alta., B.C., and Yukon refer to the "signingauthority". P.C.(Y-2,R-8) The only Tory jurisdictions which referto this are N.S. and P.E.I. N.D.P.(Y-5,R-7) There are 5 documentsout of 12 that refer to "signing authority", P.E.I., Que., B.C.,Yukon, and federal. Other(R-3) Not one of these constitutions deal112with this matter.f.] Does the constitution refer to the "assets and/orliabilities" (of the party not the ridings)?: Liberals(Y-1,R-11)Only 1 Liberal document, that of Yukon, makes any reference to thesubject. P.C.(R-10) There is no reference to the matter in any ofthese constitutions. N.D.P.(Y-5,R-7) The N.D.P. constitutions inNfld., P.E.I., Sask., Alta., and B.C. mention "assets and/orliabilities". Other(Y-2,R-1) The constitutions of both SocialCredit and Reform refer to the matter.g.] Is the appointment of an auditor mentioned in theconstitution?: Liberal(Y-4,R-8) There are 4 Liberal jurisdictionswhich refer to the appointment of the auditor, P.E.I, Que., Manit.,and B.C. P.C.(Y-3,R-7) There are 3 P.C. documents which refer tothis point, Nfld., P.E.I., and Yukon. N.D.P.(Y-3,R-9) Only 3 out of12 N.D.P. documents refer to the appointment of an auditor, Nfld.,Manit., and Alta. Other(Y-1,R-2) Only the Social Credit documentmakes a mention of this matter.CHART 2.2: MEMBERSHIPa.] Is there a membership article in the constitution?: All(Y-37) The constitutions of all 37 political parties contain anarticle on membership.b.] Are memberships for individuals dealt with in theconstitution?: All(Y-37) The constitutions of all 37 politicalparties deal with memberships for individuals.c.] Are memberships for groups/affiliates dealt with in theconstitution?: Liberal(R-12) No reference is made in any of the 12113Liberal jurisdictions on such a point. P.C.(R-10) No reference ismade in any of the 10 P.C. documents on the subject. N.D.P.(Y-11,U*-1) The only N.D.P. constitution that is unclear in its referenceto group memberships is that of Alta., the other 11 documents dodeal with the membership of groups. Other(N*-1,R-2) Social Creditand P.Q. have no reference to the matter, while the Reformconstitution is quite explicit in that this type of membership isprohibited. 1d.] Are honourary or life memberships dealt with in theconstitution?: Liberal(Y-4,R-8) A reference on this matter iscontained in 4 Liberal constitutions, N.B., Sask., B.C., and Yukon.P.C.(Y-3,R-7) The P.C. constitutions in N.S., N.B., and Yukonmention such a possibility. N.D.P.(Y-5,R-7) P.E.I., Que., Manit.,Alta., and B.C. are the 5 N.D.P. jurisdictions which mention lifeor honourary memberships. Other(Y-1,R-2) Only the Social Creditdocument contains a reference to the subject.e.] Are the rights and duties of the members clearlyoutlined?: Liberal(Y-2,R-10) Manit. and B.C. are the 2 Liberaljurisdictions which clearly outline the rights and duties of themembers. P.C.(Y-1,R-9) Only 1 P.C. document, P.E.I., clearlyoutlines the rights and duties of members. N.D.P.(Y-3,R-9) Thereare 3 N.D.P. documents which are clear on this matter, Que., Sask.,and Alta. Other(Y-1,R-2) The P.Q. document is the only 1 of these3 constitutions to clearly outline the rights and duties of members.1 Article 2, Section C states that, "Only natural persons maybe members of the Party. No corporations, trade unions, society, orother organization shall be eligible for membership."114f.] Does the constitution contain an "exclusion" clause (nomembership in other political parties is allowed)?: Liberal(Y-6,R-6) There are 6 Liberal constitutions which contain an "exclusion"clause, P.E.I., Ont., Manit., B.C., Yukon, and federal. P.C.(Y-1,R-9) The only P.C. constitution which has such a clause is that ofthe Yukon. N.D.P.(Y-12) All 12 of the N.D.P. constitutions containa clause which prohibits belonging to other political parties.Other(Y-1,R-2) Of these 3 documents, only the Social Creditconstitution has this clause.g.] Is the age of admission specified in the constitution?:Liberal(Y-11,R-1) Ont. is the only Liberal jurisdiction which doesnot mention an age of admission, however the case of the N.B.Liberals is of an unusual nature. 2 P.C.(Y-4,R-4,U*-2) The age ofadmission is referred to in 4 P.C. constitutions, P.E.I., Ont.,Sask., and federal; 2 other documents are confusing on the issue,Manit. and Yukon, while the other 4, Nfld., N.S., N.B., and Alta.,do not refer to the matter. N.D.P.(Y-4,R-8) The constitutions ofthe N.D.P. in Nfld., N.S., Que., and Alta. specify the age ofadmission. 3 Other(Y-3) The constitutions of the P.Q., Social2 A model constitution for constituencies, Article XV, isincluded within the constitution of the N.B. Liberals. This articledecrees that the age of admission should be fifteen years; howeverthis age limit could easily be changed by individual constituencieswhen they amend this model constitution, as they are permitted todo.3 The federal N.D.P. document receives an "R*" notationbecause while it does refer to an age of admission, it allows eachof the provincial constitutions to set the age limit for theirjurisdiction; Article III, Section 1, Subsection 2.] states that"individual membership shall be dealt with in accordance with theconstitution of the appropriate provincial party". Since only 4 of115Credit, and Reform all specify the age of admission.h.] Is the age of admission fourteen(14) years or older?(note: Only positive notations will be dealt with from this point;also if there was no reference to the age of admission in g.], thenthe notation in the chart will automatically be "X".): Liberal(Y-8)The Liberals in Nfld., N.S., P.E.I., Manit., Sask., B.C., Yukon,and federal have fourteen as the age of admission. P.C.(Y-4) Thereare 4 P.C. jurisdictions which have this as the age of admission,P.E.I., Ont., Sask., and federal. N.D.P.(Y-3) The 3 N.D.P.jurisdictions of Nfld., N.S., and Alta. maintain an age ofadmission of fourteen years. Other(Y-0) The age of admission isother than fourteen years for these 3 parties.i.] Is the age of admission sixteen(16) years or older?:Liberal(Y-2) There are 2 Liberal jurisdictions which have the ageof admission as sixteen years, Que. and Alta. P.C.(Y-0) No P.C.document proclaims sixteen as the age of admission. N.D.P.(Y-1)Que. is the sole N.D.P. jurisdiction which has sixteen as the ageof admission. Other(Y-2)	 Both the Social Credit and P.Q.constitutions call for the age of admission to be sixteen years.j.] Is the age of admission eighteen(18) years or older?:Other (Y-1) The only constitution that specifies that the age ofadmission is eighteen is that of Reform.k.] Does the constitution mention the possibility of the partyresorting to the discipline/sanction of members?: Liberals (Y-3 ,R-9)these documents contain a reference on the matter, the potentialfor some confusion or conflict seems to exist.116The constitution of the N.B., Que., and Ont. Liberals mentions sucha possibility. P.C.(Y-2,R-8) There are 2 P.C. documents that referto punishment for members, Sask. and Yukon. N.D.P.(Y-12) All 12 ofthe N.D.P. constitutions contain a reference to this matter. Other(Y-3) All 3, P.Q., Social Credit, and Reform, present thepossibility of some sort of sanction against members.1.] Does the member have the right to appeal such action?:Liberal(Y-4,R-8) The 3 Liberal constitutions mentioned in k.] plusthe federal document refer to members being able to appeal actiontaken against them. P.C.(Y-2,R-8) The constitutions of the Sask.and federal Conservatives mention such an appeal. N.D.P.(Y-11,R-1)Only the federal document fails to mention the possibility of suchan appeal. Other(Y-3) All 3 constitutions mention such an appeal.m.] Are membership dues or fees included in the constitution?:Liberal(Y-9,R-3) There are 3 of the 12 Liberal jurisdictions thatdo not deal with membership fees or dues, N.B., Manit., andfederal. P.C.(Y-6,R-4) Of the 10 P.C. documents, 6 refer to thedues or fees, while 4, Nfld., N.S., N.B., and Alta., contain noreference on the subject. N.D.P.(Y-12) All 12 of the N.D.P.constitutions refer to dues or fees. Other(Y-2,R-1) Both the SocialCredit and the Reform constitutions mention the matter ofmembership fees, while the P.Q. document makes no reference.n.] Is the amount of the dues or fees prescribed in theconstitution? and; o.] Are the dues or fees set elsewhere than theconstitution? (note: If the notation for m.] above was "R", thenthe chart notation for these two entries will be "X".): Liberal 117n.](Y-0) and; o.](Y-9) Of the 9 Liberal documents that raised thematter of dues, not one specified what the dues might be; and these9 jurisdictions mentioned that these fees were to be set elsewhere.P.C. n.](Y-1) and; o.](Y-5) The only P.C. jurisdiction whichprescribed the membership fee owed was P.E.I.; the other 5, Ont.,Manit., Sask., Yukon, and federal, which referred to the feesstated that they were to be set elsewhere. N.D.P. n.](Y-3) and;o.](Y-9) There are 3 N.D.P. constitutions which specify what thefees will be, P.E.I., Ont., and Yukon; the other 9 mention thatthese fees will be set elsewhere. Other n.](Y-1) and; o.](Y-1) TheSocial Credit constitution specifies the amount of the fees; whileReform states that the fees will be set elsewhere.CHART 2.3: RIDINGS a.] Does the constitution deal with ridings (constituencyassociations)?: ALL(Y-36,N*-1) the only exception to this is theYukon Liberals; their constitution targets only the federal arenaand since there is only one riding to be concerned with it is onlynatural that their constitution does not have a section dealingwith ridings. 4b.] Is there reference made to the composition of the ridingexecutive in the constitution?: Liberal(Y-3,R-9) The constitutionsof the Liberals in Nfld., Que., and B.C. refer to the compositionof the riding executive. P.C.(Y-1,R-9) The only P.C. document that4 As explained in Chapter ? (see fn. X), the Yukon Liberalsare only concerned with federal politics; there being only onefederal riding in this jurisdiction, it is arguable that theirentire constitution is devoted to the concerns of constituencies.118mentions the composition of the riding executive is P.E.I. N.D.P. (Y-7,R-5) There are 7 N.D.P. jurisdictions which refer to thecomposition of the riding executive, N.S., Que., Ont., Sask.,Alta., B.C., and Yukon. Other(Y-3) All 3, P.Q., Social Credit, andReform, constitutions contain some reference on this matter.c.] Does the constitution refer to any sort of regionalgroupings for the ridings?: Liberal(Y-7,R-5) The Liberals in N.S.,N.B., Que., Ont., Manit., Alta., and federal refer to some sort ofregional grouping for their ridings. P.C.(Y-4.R-6) Only 4 out of 10Tory jurisdictions make a reference on this point, Manit., Sask.,Alta., and federal. N.D.P.(Y-8,R-4) Of the 12 N.D.P. documents, 4do not mention such a grouping of ridings, P.E.I, N.B., Alta., andYukon; the other 8 do mention such a thing. Other(Y-2,R-1) BothP.Q. and Reform refer to this matter, while Social Credit does notmention such a possibility.d.] Does the constitution refer to the subject of candidateselection (please refer to Appendix "A" for greater detail)?:Liberal(Y-9,R-3) The only 3 Liberal constitutions that do not referto candidate selection are P.E.I., Sask., and Yukon; the other 9 dodeal with this subject. P.C.(Y-5,R-5) Half of the P.C. documentsrefer to candidate selection, N.S., N.B., Manit., Alta., and Yukon,the other 5 do not. N.D.P.(Y-12) All 12 N.D.P. jurisdictions referto candidate selection. Other(Y-3) The P.Q., Social Credit, andReform constitutions contain a reference on candidate selection.e.] Are federal ridings dealt with in detail (provincialparties only)?: Liberals(Y-7,N-4) There are 4 Liberal jurisdictions119which do not deal with federal ridings in their constitutions,P.E.I., Que., Ont., and Alta. 5 P.C.(Y-1,N-8) The only Tory documentwhich deals with federal ridings at all is Alta. (' N.D.P.(Y-10,N-1)Of the 11 N.D.P. constitutions that are concerned here, 10 do dealwith federal ridings and the only one that does not is Manit.f.] Is there reference made in the constitution regarding amodel constituency constitution/bylaws? and; g.] Is a modelconstituency constitution or bylaws included in either the body ofthe party constitution or in an appendix? (note: Thosejurisdictions which received a "R" notation for f.] have receiveda "X" in their chart notation here.): Liberal f.](Y-1,R-11) and;g.](Y-0) Only the N.B. Liberal constitution refers to such amatter; no Liberal document contains a model constituencyconstitution/bylaws. P.C. f.](Y-2,R-8) and; g.](Y-1) The only Torydocuments that refer to a model constituency constitution or bylawsare those of Manit. and Yukon; only the Manit. constitutioncontains such a model. N.D.P. f.](Y-6,R-6) and; g.](Y-4) There are6 N.D.P. constitutions, Que., Manit., Sask., Alta., B.C.,and Yukon,which refer to such a matter; of these 6, the jurisdictions ofQue., Sask., Alta., and B.C. do contain some sort of modelconstituency constitution or bylaws. Other f.](R-3) and; g.](X-3)Not one of these 3 constitutions have any reference to such amatter.5 As explained in the above fn., the Yukon Liberals focustheir attention only on the federal sphere.6 See fn. ? in Chapter ? which gives some detail on the Alta.Tories and their present stance vis a vis federal ridings.120h.] Does the constitution refer to the recognition of partyactivity in municipal politics?: Liberal(Y-1,R-11) The only Liberalconstitution that recognizes party activity at the municipal levelis Ont. P.C.(R-10) There is not one Tory document that contains areference to this subject. N.D.P.(Y-4,R-8) There are 4 N.D.P.constitutions which refer to party involvement in municipalpolitics, Ont., Manit., B.C., and Yukon. Other(R-3) None of these3 documents refer to any such recognition.i.] Is the subject of "redistribution"(electoral boundaries)mentioned in the constitution?: Liberal(Y-2,R-10) Only 2 Liberaljurisdictions refer to "redistribution", Ont. and B.C. P.C.(Y-1)Manit. is the sole P.C. document which mentions this subject.N.D.P.(R-12) No N.D.P. constitution mentions the matter. Other(Y-2,R-1) Both Reform and Social Credit mention the possibility of"redistribution", while P.Q. does not.CHART 2.3: CONVENTIONS a.] Is the party convention or meeting dealt with in theconstitution?: All(Y-37) Every one of these party constitutionsdeal with the party meeting or convention.b.] Is this convention/meeting held on an annual basis? and;c.] Is this convention/meeting held on a biennial basis? (note:some of the notations will be "Y*" for either one or both of thesequestions because the constitution may call for an annual meetingbut may allow exceptions due to special circumstances such as anelection.): Liberal b.](Y-8,Y*-1) and; c.](Y-3) Only 3 Liberalmeetings, N.B., Que., and federal, are held biennially; the other1219 Liberal constitutions call for the convention or meeting to beheld annually, however the Alta. document allows for exceptions tothese rule. P.C. b.](Y-4,Y*-4) and; c.](Y-2) The Tories in Nfld.,N.S., P.E.I., and Yukon call for an annual meeting, the Tories in4 other jurisdictions, N.B., Manit., Sask., and Alta., also havethe same rule but they include a clause that allows the rule to beexempted in special cases; there are 2 P.C. documents which specifya biennial convention, Ont. and federal. N.D.P. b.](Y-6,Y*-1) and;c.](Y-5) There are 5 N.D.P. constitutions, Nfld., N.B., Que., Ont.,and federal, which call for biennial meetings; the other 7 specifyannual meetings, but the N.D.P. in B.C. allow the rule to be waivedin special circumstances. Other b.](Y-1) and; c.](Y-2) SocialCredit has an annual meeting; both P.Q. and Reform call forbiennial meetings.d.] Are the delegates to the convention/meeting identified?:Liberal(Y-11,N*-1) The only Liberal jurisdiction which does notidentify the delegates is Yukon, because their meeting is a non-delegated function in that all members are eligible to attend. P.C. (Y-8,N-1,N*-1) Of the 10 P.C. jurisdictions, only N.S. and P.E.I.do not specify the delegates, and in the case of P.E.I. this is dueto the fact that their meeting is open to all members. 7 N.D.P.(Y-12) All 12 of N.D.P. documents identifies those who may bedelegates to the convention or party meeting. Other(Y-3) All 3 ofthese party constitutions specify who can attend the party meeting7 As explained in Chapter ?, the Conservatives in P.E.I. havean annual meeting which is non-delegated, meaning all members areentitled to attend, Article V, Section 1, Subsection b.].122as a delegate.e.] Does the constitution refer to a leadership convention(please refer to Appendix "B" for greater detail)?: Liberal(Y-11,N*-1) Of the 12 Liberal documents, the only one that does not referto a leadership convention is Yukon. 8 P.C.(Y-10) Every P.C.document refers to a leadership convention; however both P.E.I. andOnt. have non-delegated leadership conventions. 9 N.D.P.(Y-6,R*-6)In 6 N.D.P. jurisdictions, Que., Sask., Alta., B.C., Yukon, andfederal, there is a reference to a leadership convention. The other6 N.D.P. documents combine the leadership convention with the partymeeting. Other(Y-3) Each of these constitutions refers to aleadership convention; however, the leadership selection processfor the P.Q. is of the "single member, single vote" system."CHART 2.4: CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS a.] Does the constitution make any reference to thepossibility of amending the document?: All(Y-37) Each of the 37party constitutions makes some sort of reference to amending thedocument.8 As explained in Chapter ? and above in fns. 4 & 5, the YukonLiberals have no references to party leadership due to their focuson the federal political scene.9 As explained in chapter ? and above in fn. 7, P.E.I. Torymeetings, including leadership conventions, are non-delegated. TheConservatives in Ont. have a variation on the same theme,they donot have a strict "one member, one vote" format, rather they havea system that is based on an universal vote and "apportioned"ballot, Article 23, Sections 1 to 6.As with the Conservatives in P.E.I. and Ont., the P.Q.leadership selection process is not accomplished via a delegatedconvention, please see Chapter ? and fn. ? for further reference.123b.] Is there a distinct article on constitutional amendments,an article set aside from other constitutional clauses?: All(Y-35,N-1,N*-1) Only 2 constitutions do not contain a distinct article onconstitutional amendments, Social Credit and Liberals in B.C."c.] Can a simple majority (50% plus 1) amend theconstitution?; d.] Is a two-thirds (2/3's) majority required toamend the constitution? and; e.] Is some other percentage of votesrequired in order to amend the constitution (for example seventy-five percent)?: Liberal c.](Y-2,Y*-1,U-1); d.](Y-8,Y*-1) and;e.](Y-0) The constitutions in 3 Liberal jurisdictions, Nfld.,Sask., and Alta., can be amended by a simple majority (50% plus 1),however, in the case of Alta. there are exceptions. 12 The documentof the Liberals in B.C. is confusing on this subject. There are 9Liberal constitutions which have the rule that a two-thirds(2/3's)majority vote is required in order to amend the constitution, asmentioned above, this measure is qualified in the case of Alta.P.C. c.](Y*-1,U-4); d.](Y-5,Y*-1) and; e.](Y-0) The only P.C." There are several references to amending the constitutionin various sections of the B.C. Liberal document; a part of "Bylaw2" discusses the amending process, as does sections of "StandingRule 2". However, due to the highly idiosyncratic nature of thisconstitution, it becomes a problematical exercise to categorize thecontents of this document on measures relating to amending theconstitution. For example, Article I, Section A, Subsection 4.] of"Standing Rule 2" states that, "All amendments to the Constitutionrequire a two-thirds vote,". However, "Bylaw 12", Article 6,Section C allows these "Standing Rules to be repealed or amended bythe party executive.12 The Alta. Liberal constitution, Article XII, says that ifa copy of the proposed amendment has been included in the noticecalling the annual convention, then only a simple majority vote isnecessary; however if the proposed amendment was not included inthe notice, then a two-thirds vote is in order.124constitution which prescribes only a simple majority is Alta. 13There are 4 Conservative documents which are unclear on confusingon the issue of amending their constitutions, N.S., N.B., P.E.I.,and Manit. The P.C. jurisdictions of Nfld., Ont., Sask., Yukon, andfederal maintain that a two-thirds vote is necessary, as does theTory document in Alta. in some circumstances. N.D.P. c.](Y-1);d.](Y-11) and; e.](Y-0) The only N.D.P. constitution that can beamended by a simple majority is Que.; the other 11 call for a two-thirds majority vote in order to amend. Other c.](Y-1); d.](Y-1)and; e.](Y-1) Only the P.Q. constitution has the rule that anamendment can be passed by a simple majority. Reform calls for atwo-thirds majority. Social Credit is the only jurisdiction of the37 that has neither a simple majority nor a two-thirds rule, theycall for amendments to pass by a 75% majority.f.] Does the constitution refer to a notice of proposedamendments being forwarded to members or constituencyassociations?: Liberal(Y-8,Y*-3,U-1) The Liberal document for theYukon is unclear on this matter; of the remaining 11 that dorequire a notice, 3 have a stipulation that exceptionalcircumstances may allow the rule to be waived, Ont., Sask., andAlta. P.C.(Y-6,Y*-1,R-1,U-2) There are 7 P.C. jurisdictions whichcall for proposed amendments to be forwarded prior to the meeting,Nfld., N.S., P.E.I., N.B., Ont., Sask., and federal, of these 7 thefederal document allows for exceptions. The constitution of the13 On this point the Alta. P.C. constitution, Article 15, isidentical to the rules listed above(fn. 12) for the Alta. Liberals.125Manit. Tories does not refer to the matter, while the issue isconfusing for the P.C.'s in both Alta. and Yukon. N.D.P.(Y-1,R-10,U*-1) The only N.D.P. document that specifies such a rule isAlta., the constitution for the N.D.P. in P.E.I. is unclear on thesubject, and the remaining 10 make no reference whatsoever on thispoint. Other(Y-3) Each of these 3 constitutions states that theproposed amendments must be forwarded prior to the meeting.CHART 2.4: SPECIAL ROLES FOR TARGET GROUPS a.] Does the constitution make any reference to theEnglish/French "fact" (a clause that recognizes the legitimacy ofboth cultures and languages)?: Liberal(Y-2,R-10) The only 2 Liberalconstitutions which make an explicit comment on this point areManit. and federal. P.C.(Y-2,R-8) The Tory documents for the N.B.and federal jurisdictions are the only 2 P.C. constitutions thatrefer to the English/French "fact". N.D.P.(Y-1,R-11) Theconstitution of the federal party is the only N.D.P. document tomake a mention of this matter. Other(R-3) Perhaps not surprisingly,not one of these 3 constitutions has a reference to such a point.b.] Are both languages in the same document?: Liberal(Y-2,N-10) As above, the only 2 Liberal constitutions which have bothlanguages in the same document are Manit. and federal. P.C.(Y-1,N-9) The only P.C. constitution which has both an English andFrench version is the federal document. N.D.P.(N-12) None of the 12N.D.P. constitutions contain both languages. Other(N-3) Not one ofthese documents contains both languages.c.] Does the constitution state that both the French and126English versions are equal?: Liberal(Y-1,N-11) The only Liberalconstitution which makes such a stipulation is Que. P.C.(Y-1) Theonly P.C. document that states this is N.B. N.D.P.(Y-1) The onlyN.D.P. constitution with such a statement is the federal document.Other(N-3) Once again, none of these 3 constitutions has such astatement.d.] Does the constitution refer to an ethnic/multiculturaldimension?: Liberal(Y-4,R-8) The Liberal jurisdictions of Que.,Manit., B.C., and federal have a reference to multiculturalism.P.C.(R-10) There is no reference to this matter in any of the 10P.C. constitutions. N.D.P.(Y-2,R-10) The only N.D.P. documents tohave a reference to multiculturalism are Ont. and Manit. Other(Y-1,R-2) Only the P.Q. constitution has a reference on the subject ofmulticulturalism.e.] Is any reference made on a role in the party forAboriginal peoples?: Liberal(Y-3,R-9) There are 3 Liberalconstitutions which have such a reference, B.C., Yukon, andfederal. P.C.(R-10) There is no reference to a role for Aboriginalpeoples in any of the Tory documents. N.D.P.(Y-2,R-10) The N.D.P.constitutions in Manit. and Sask. contain a reference on a role forAboriginal peoples. Other(R-3) There is no such reference in any ofthese documents.f.] Is a "Youth Section" clearly discussed in theconstitution?: Liberal(Y-6,N-6) The liberals split on this matter,6 of their constitutions, Nfld., N.S., Que., Manit., B.C., andfederal, clearly discuss a "Youth Section", while the other 6 do127not. P.C.(N-10) Not one of the 10 Tory constitutions clearlydiscusses the matter. N.D.P.(Y-12) Every one of the 12 N.D.P.jurisdictions discusses a "Youth Section". Other(Y-2,N-1) Theconstitutions of both the P.Q. and Social Credit discuss such apoint, while the Reform document does not.g.] Is a "Women"s Section" clearly discussed in theconstitution?: Liberal(Y-5,R-7) A "Women's Section" is clearlydiscussed in 5 Liberal jurisdictions, Nfld., N.S., Manit., B.C.,and federal. P.C.(N-10) This point is not clearly discussed in anyof the P.C. documents. N.D.P.(Y-3,N-9) The N.D.P. constitutions inSask., Alta., and Yukon are the 3 that do clearly discuss a"Women's Section". Other(Y-2,N-1) A "Women's Section" is discussedin the constitutions of the P.Q. and Social Credit, bot not Reform.h.] Does the constitution either attempt to prescribe genderratios or refer to plans which promote gender parity?: Liberal(Y-7,R-5) The Liberals in Nfld., N.S., Manit., Sask., B.C., Yukon, andfederal either attempt to prescribe gender ratios or refer to planswhich promote gender parity. P.C.(Y-3,R-7) There are 3 P.C.documents which contain a reference on this point, N.S., Ont., andfederal. N.D.P.(Y-9,R-3) The only 3 N.D.P. jurisdictions which donot have a reference to the matter are N.B., Ont., and Manit.Other(R-3) Neither the P.Q., Social Credit, nor Reform documentsrefer to such a point.i.] Is there any reference made in the constitution that wordsemployed in the masculine gender shall include the femininegender?: Liberal(Y-3,R-9) A reference such as this is made in 3128Liberal constitutions, N.B., Que., and B.C. P.C.(Y-1,R-9) The onlyP.C. jurisdiction with such a reference is P.E.I. N.D.P.(Y-1,R-11)There is only 1 N.D.P. constitution, Sask, which states that wordsemployed in the masculine gender shall include the feminine gender.Other(R-3) Such a reference is not to be found in any of these 3documents.j.] Does the constitution clearly employ "non-sexist"language?: Liberal(Y-8,N-4) Of the 12 Liberal jurisdictions theonly 4 that do not clearly employ "non-sexist" language are N.B.,Que., Ont., and Sask. P.C.(Y-1,N-9) There is only 1 Tory documentthat clearly uses such language, N.B. N.D.P.(Y-12) Every one of the12 N.D.P. constitutions employs "non-sexist" language. Other(Y-3)All 3, P.Q., Social credit, and Reform, clearly use "non-sexist"language.CHART 2.5: THE "PARTY" a.] Is the party constitutionally designated as a "Party"?(or) b.] Is the party constitutionally designated as an"Association"?: Liberal a.](Y-7) and; b.](Y-5) The Liberals in 7jurisdictions, Nfld., Que., Ont., Manit., Alta., B.C., and federal,use the label "Party"; while the other 5, N.S., P.E.I. 14 , N.B.,Sask., and Yukon prefer the "Association" designation. P.C. a.](Y-4) and; b.](Y-6) There are 4 P.C. documents that call for thedesignation to be that of "Party", N.B., Ont., Sask., and Yukon;14 case of the name for the Liberals in P.E.I. is unusual;Article I deals with their name, which they designate as "ThePrince Edward Island Liberal Association Inc."; no otherjurisdiction has "Inc." as a part of their name.129the other 6, Nfld., N.S., P.E.I., Manit., Alta., and federal, usethe label "Association". N.D.P. a.](Y-12) and; b.](Y-0) All 12N.D.P. jurisdictions designate themselves as a "Party". Othera.](Y-3) and; b.](Y-0) The constitutions of the P.Q., SocialCredit, and Reform all call for the "Party" label.c.] Is the "name" of the party or association specificallydeclared in the constitution?: Liberal(Y-10,N-2) There are 2Liberal constitutions which do not specify the "name" of the partyor association within the document, Ont. and federal. P.C.(Y-7,N-3)The Tory constitutions in Ont., Alta., and federal do notspecifically declare their "name" within their constitutions.N.D.P.(Y-12) All 12 N.D.P. documents do specifically declare their"name" in the constitution. Other(Y-2,N-1) Social Credit and Reformdo declare their "name" in their constitutions, while the P.Q. doesnot.d.] Does the constitution clearly state the aims, purpose,and/or objectives of the party or association?: Liberal(Y-12) All12 of the Liberal constitutions do this. P.C.(Y-9,N-1) The onlyP.C. document that does not make such a statement is N.B. N.D.P.(Y-10,N-2) There are 2 N.D.P. documents that do not contain such astatement, N.S. and N.B. Other(Y-1,N-2) Out of these 3constitutions the only document to make such a declaration isSocial Credit.e.] Is there a reference in the constitution regarding theparty's or the association's area of jurisdiction or operation?:Liberal(Y-1,R-11) Only the Liberals in B.C. have such a reference130in their constitution. P.C.(Y-3,R-7) There are 3 P.C. constitutionswhich have such a reference, Manit., Sask., and Yukon. N.D.P.(Y-1,R-11) The only N.D.P. document that has this reference is Yukon.Other(Y-2,R-1) Both the P.Q. and Reform constitutions refer to thispoint, while the Social Credit document does not.f.] Is the location of the party's or the association'sheadquarters or principal office mentioned in the constitution?:Liberal(R-11,Y*-1) The only Liberal constitution to mention thelocation of an office or headquarters is Que., but they list twopossible sites. 15 P.C.(Y-6,R-4) Of the 10 Tory constitutions, 6mention a principal office, N.S., P.E.I., N.B., Manit., Yukon andfederal. N.D.P.(R-12) Neither the possibility nor the location ofthe party's headquarters is mentioned in any of the 12 N.D.P.constitutions. Other(Y-1,R-2) Mention is made of such a location inReform's constitution, but not in either the P.Q. or Social Creditdocument.g.] Does the constitution refer at all to the authority of theparty or association over elected representatives?: Liberal(R-12)This matter is not raised in any of the 12 Liberal constitutions.P.C.(R-10) As with the Liberals, none of these documents refer tosuch a possibility. N.D.P.(Y-3,R-9) This issue is dealt with in 3of the 12 N.D.P. jurisdictions, P.E.I., Sask., and Alta. Other(Y-1,R-2) The only constitution with such a measure of these 3 is the15 Chapter 1 Article R-2, Section 1.] of the "GeneralRegulations" of the Que. Liberals defines terms, and states thatthe, "Secretariat shall mean the central offices of the QuebecLiberal Party in Montreal and Quebec City.131P.Q. document.h.] Is there any reference in the constitution on policyforums or inputs, this includes policy sessions or resolutions atconventions?: Liberal(Y-9,R-3) Only 3 Liberal constitutions do notcontain a reference on this matter, Sask., Alta., and federal.P.C.(Y-4,R-6) Of the 10 P.C. jurisdictions, only 4 constitutionshave such a reference on policy forums, P.E.I., Ont., Alta., andfederal. N.D.P.(Y-5,R-7) The N.D.P. constitutions in N.S., Manit.,Alta., B.C., and Yukon contain a reference to possible policyinputs. Other(Y-2,R-1) Both P.Q. and Reform refer to policy forums,while the Social Credit does not have such a reference.i.] Does the constitution refer to the possibility of polls orreferenda of members?: All(Y-1,N-36) The only constitution thatrefers to the possibility of polls or referenda of members isReform.CHART 2.5: THE STRUCTURE OF THE DOCUMENTa.] What is the structure of the document? Is it only theconstitution, without any accompanying appendices, modelconstituency constitutions, preambles, extra bylaws, etc.?:Liberal(Y-8) The majority of the Liberal constitutions, 8, are ofthis first model, Nfld., N.S., P.E.I., Ont., Sask., Alta., Yukon,and federal. P.C.(Y-8) As with the Liberals, the majority of theP.C. documents, 8, are structured this way, Nfld., N.S., P.E.I.,N.B., Ont., Sask., Alta., and federal. N.D.P.(Y-5) In contrast tothe other two main parties, less than one half of the N.D.P.constitutions are structured in the above, straightforward manner;132the 5 that are so structured are Nfld., P.E.I., Ont., Manit., andYukon. Other(Y-1) Only the P.Q. constitutions is thus structured.b.] What is the structure of the document? Is it composed ofa preamble and constitution?: Liberal(Y-2) There are 2 Liberalconstitutions that are composed with a preamble to theconstitution, N.B. and Manit. P.C.(Y-0) No Tory constitution isstructured in this manner. N.D.P.(Y-0) Likewise, no N.D.P.constitution is of this particular model. Other(Y-1) Of these 3,the only constitution based on this model is Reform.c.] What is the structure of the document? Is it composed ofthe constitution plus appendix(ices)?: Liberal(Y-0) Not one of the12 Liberal documents resemble this model. P.C.(Y-1) There is oneTory document that is composed of the constitution plus anappendix(ces), Manit. N.D.P.(Y-5) A total of 5 N.D.P. documentshave a structure of this type, N.S., N.B., Que., Sask., andfederal. Other(Y-0) None of these 3 documents have a structure asdescribed above.d.] What is the structure of the document? Is it composed ofa preamble, constitution, and appendix(ces)?: Liberal(Y-0) Neitherof the remaining 2 Liberal constitutions, Que. and B.C., areconstructed in the above manner. P.C.(Y-0) The final P.C.constitution to be categorized, Yukon, is not based on this format.N.D.P.(Y-2) The remaining 2 N.D.P. documents, Sask. and Alta., arestructured in this manner. Other(Y-0) The single constitution asyet uncategorized, Social Credit, is not based on the above model.e.] What is the structure of the document? Is it composed of133some other structure than those three listed above?: Liberal(Y-2)So far, 10 of the Liberal constitutions have already been put inother categories, but the 2 remaining documents, Que. and B.C., arecomposed on some other basis. P.C.(Y-1) The document of the YukonConservatives is not based on any of the above three formats.N.D.P.(Y-0) The constitutions for all 12 N.D.P. jurisdictions havebeen picked as somewhere among the above three models. Other(Y-1)The constitution of Social Credit is unlike any of the above threestructures.f.] Is the structure or format largely "conventional"? (or)g.] Is the structure or format largely "unconventional"?: All(Y-33,N-4) The 4 constitutions which had positive notations for the abovequestion e.] received a positive notation here for question g.] Ofthe 37 party constitutions under consideration, only 4 were judgedto be "unconventional", the Liberal jurisdictions of Que. and B.C.,the P.C. document for Yukon, and the Social Credit constitution inB.C.CHART 2.6: THE "DOCUMENT":GENERALa.] Is a preamble included, separate from the body of theconstitution?: Liberal(Y-4,N-8) A preamble was included in 4 of theLiberal constitutions, N.B., Manit., B.C., and federal. P.C.(N-10)A preamble is not included in any of the 10 Conservative documents.N.D.P.(Y-5,N-7) The N.D.P. jurisdictions of P.E.I., N.B., Que.,B.C., and federal all have preambles, the other 7 do not. Other(Y-1N-2) Of these 3, only Reform has a preamble.b.] Does the constitution include a definition of terms?:134Liberal(Y-3,N-9) There are 3 Liberal jurisdictions, Que., Ont., andB.C., where the constitutions contain a definition of terms.P.C.(Y-6,N-4) Of the 10 Tory jurisdictions, 6 of the constitutionsinclude some sort of definition of terms, Nfld., N.B., Ont.,Manit., Yukon, and federal. N.D.P.(Y-4,N-8) The N.D.P. documents inNfld., Que., Sask., and federal include a section which definessome terms used in the constitution. Other(Y-1,N-2) Of these 3documents, only Social Credit includes a definition of terms,neither the constitutions for Reform nor P.Q. have such a section.c.] Are appendices included in the constitutional document?:Liberal(Y-2,N-10) There are 2 Liberal documents which includeappendices, Que. and B.C. P.C.(Y-2,N-8) As with the Liberals, thereare 2 P.C. constitutions which include appendices, Manit. andYukon. N.D.P.(Y-8,N-4) A majority of the N.D.P. jurisdictions, 8,have constitutions which include appendices, N.S., N.B., Que.,Ont., Sask., Alta., B.C., and federal. Other(N-3) Not one of these3 constitutions include appendices.d.] Is there a table of contents or an index contained in theconstitution?: Liberal(Y-6,N-6) Half of the Liberal constitutionshave a table of contents, Que., Manit., Sask., Alta., B.C., andfederal. P.C.(Y-1,N-9) Only 1 P.C. document, Manit., includes atable of contents. N.D.P.(Y-2,N-10) The constitutions for theN.D.P. in Que., and B.C. include a table of contents. Other(Y-1,N-2) Of these 3 jurisdictions, only Social Credit has a table ofcontents included in the document.e.] Are general appeal procedures mentioned or outlined in the135constitution?: Liberal(Y-2,R-10) Such procedures are referred to in2 Liberal constitutions, Manit. and B.C. P.C.(Y-5, R-5) One halfof the Tory documents do have such a reference, N.S., N.B., Ont.,Manit., and federal; the other 5 do not. N.D.P.(Y-6,R-6) As withthe Conservatives, half of the N.D.P. constitutions refer togeneral appeal procedures, N.S., P.E.I., Sask., Alta., B.C., andYukon. Other(R-3) General appeal procedures were not referred to inany of these 3 constitutions.f.] Does the constitution state that the constitution of thefederal party is supreme?: Liberal(Y-3,U-1,N-8) The supremacy ofthe constitution of the federal party is acknowledged in a limitedway in 3 Liberal jurisdictions, N.B., Manit., and federal. Theconstitution of the B.C. Liberals is confusing on this issue. Theother 8 documents contain no statement as to this effect. P.C.(Y-1,N-8) Interestingly, the only Conservative constitution to state assuch is the federal document. N.D.P.(Y-7,N-5) An acknowledgement ofthe primacy of the charter of the federal party is found in 7N.D.P. jurisdictions, N.S., P.E.I., Manit., Sask., Alta., B.C., andfederal. Other(X-3) Of course this question is not applicable forthese 3 parties.g.] Is there any reference in the constitution to the "Rulesof Order"? (note: If the notation here is "R", then a "X" willautomatically be received for the chart notation on questions h.]to j.]); h.] If the "Rules of Order" are referred to, are they"Robert"s"?; i.] If the "Rules of Order" are referred to, are they"Bourinot's"? and; j.] If the "Rules of Order" are referred to, are136they other than the above two?: Liberal g.](Y-9,R-3); h.](Y-4);i.](Y-3) and; j.](Y-2) There are 9 Liberal constitutions that referto the "Rules of Order" and 3, Nfld., Yukon, and federal, which donot. Of the 9 Liberal documents that have such a reference, 4specify that they obey "Robert's Rules of Order", P.E.I., Ont.,Manit., and Sask.; 3 specify that "Bourinot's" are the "Rules ofOrder", N.S., Alta., and B.C.; the other 2, N.B. and Que, have"Rules of Order" other than the above two. P.C. g.](Y-7,R-3);h.](Y-4); i.](Y-0) and; j.](Y-3) There are 3 Conservativejurisdictions where the constitutions do not refer to the "Rules ofOrder", Nfld., Manit., and federal; the other 7 do contain areference to this matter. Of the 7 P.C. documents that do refer tothis, 4 state that they follow "Robert's", Nfld., Ont., Sask., andYukon; no P.C. jurisdiction calls for "Bourinot's"; but 3 Torydocuments, P.E.I., N.B., and Alta., state that they follow "Rulesof Order" other than the two listed above. N.D.P. g.](Y-8,R-4);h.](Y-3,Y*-1); i.](Y*-2) and; j.](Y-5) Of the 12 N.D.P. documents,only 4 fail to refer to the matter of the "Rules of Order", Nfld.,P.E.I., N.B., and Ont. There are 4 N.D.P. jurisdictions which callfor the following of "Robert's Rules of Order", Manit., B.C.,Yukon, and federal, however Yukon does allow other rules to befollowed at some times. 16 The constitutions for the N.D.P. in Sask.and Alta. state that "Bourinot's" rules are to be adhered to, but16 The constitution for the Yukon N.D.P., under Article 16,lays out, in fairly extensive detail, the "Rules of Order" fortheir convention, but this document also states that matters notcovered by these regulations will follow the procedures outlinedunder "Robert's Rules of Order".137these 2 documents also allow for other rules to followed whennecessary. So of course, the 3 jurisdictions which received a "*"for the above two questions, Yukon, Sask., and Alta., also allowfor other "Rules of Order" to be followed. Other g.](Y-1,R-2);h.](Y-1); i.](Y-0) and; j.](Y-0) There is only 1 constitution outof these 3 that has a reference on the "Rules of Order"; the SocialCredit document states that "Robert's" are the rules to befollowed.k.] In this last amended version of the constitution, is thedate(day and month) specified?; 1.] In this last amended version ofthe constitution, is only the year(not day and month) specified?and; m.] In this last amended version of the constitution, is theplace where the constitution was amended specified?: Liberal k.](Y-11,N-1); 1.](Y-0) and; m.](Y-3,N-9) In this, the last amendedversion of the constitution, the day and month was included in 11of the Liberal documents, the only 1 that do not include this wasYukon and it did not even specify which year the document was lastamended. The site of the last amended version is stated in 3 ofthese constitutions, Nfld., Alta., and federal. P.C. k.](Y-8,N-2);1.](Y-2) and; m.](Y-1) The day and month that the constitution waslast amended is given in 8 Conservative documents; the other 2jurisdictions, Nfld. and N.S., only state the year. The locationwhere this amending process took place is identified in only thefederal P.C. document. N.D.P. k.](Y-7,N-5); 1.](Y-3); and; m.](Y-3,N-9) The 5 N.D.P. jurisdictions where the constitution does notgive the day and month of the last amending are Nfld., N.S., Ont.,138Sask., and Alta., but out of these 5, 3 do give the year, Nfld.,Ont., and Sask., while the other 2 give no date whatsoever. Thelocation of the amending process is given in 3 of theseconstitutions, N.B., Yukon, and federal. Other k.](Y-2,N-1);1.](Y-0) and m.](Y-1,N-2) The constitutions for both Social Creditand Reform mention the day and the month that this version of theirdocument was amended on; the P.Q. constitution gives neither thedate nor the year. Only one of these constitutions, Reform, givesthe place where the amendments were adopted.CHART 2.6: THE HDOCUMENTH:LENGTHa.] The number of articles in the constitution. and; b.] Anestimation of the number of words(in thousands). Note: a "*"indicates that appendices are included.a. b. a. b.NfldLib 16 4.0ManitLib 16 5.4PC 18 3.8 PC 16 8.7*NDP 27 4.0 NDP 18 2.6NSLib 24 3.8SaskLib 16 2.4PC 18 2.5 PC 17 3.1NDP 30 7.8 NDP 21 8.1*PEILib 19 2.6AltaLib 12 2.8PC 27 4.1 PC 17 3.1NDP 20 3.0 NDP 19 6.7*NBLib 19 4.3BCLib 16 10.3PC 20 3.7 SC 18 7.5NDP 16 2.7 NDP 18 5.5QueLib 195* 10.5*FedLib 19 6.3PO 13 8.0 PC 18 4.0NDP 27 4.1* NDP 16 4.8Ref 13 3.3139APPENDIX BDATA FROM CHARTS 3.1 AND 3.2: CANDIDATE SELECTIONCHART 3.1: CALLING A MEETINGa.] Does the constitution refer to the notice for thecandidate selection meeting?: Liberal(Y-8,R-3) As noted above, theconstitution of the federal Liberals delegates the responsibilityfor candidate selection to the provincial parties, so there are 11Liberal jurisdictions. Of the 11, 8 had a clause that dealt withthe notice for the meeting, while N.S., P.E.I., and Manit. had noreference. P.C.(Y-3,R-3,U-1) For this article the situation isalmost the reverse of the Liberals; 6 of the 10 had no reference,while Nfld., P.E.I., and Manit. contained some sort of reference,and the Yukon constitution was confusing on this issue. 1 N.D.P.(Y-8,R-3) As with the Liberals, the federal N.D.P. constitution passesresponsibility on to the provincial parties, so there are 11jurisdictions involved. Of the 11, 8 did make some mention ofnotice being required, while the constitutions of the Nfld.,P.E.I., and Yukon parties made no mention. Other(Y-3) All three,Reform, P.Q., and Social Credit, did contain a reference to notice.b.] Is the timing of the meeting mentioned?: Liberal(Y-1,R-10)Only the B.C. Liberals had a rule about timing, which refers to thetiming necessary for both the notice and the meeting. P.C.(R-10)1 Article VIII, Section 4, Subsection b.] refers to the"Reading of the notice of the meeting;", however no furtherreference to the notice is included in the constitution itself butattached to the P.C. Yukon constitution is "Schedule A:Constitution and Bylaws for Constituency Associations" and furtherinformation on constituency is contained therein.140There was no mention in any of these constitutions about timing.N.D.P.(Y-5,R-6) The constitutions of 5 jurisdictions, N.S., Quebec,Ontario, Alta., and B.C., discussed timing; the remaining 6 didnot. Other(Y-1,R-2) Only the Social Credit constitution made anyreference to timing.c.] Is the Executive of the constituency responsible for thecalling of the meeting?: Liberal (Y-3,R-6,N-1,U-1) Only 3constitutions give the local executive responsibility to call thecandidate nomination meeting, N.B., Ontario, and B.C.. Nfld'sconstitution is confusing on this issue; while Quebec's is specificthat such power rests not with the local executive but the Leaderof the party. 2 The remaining Liberal constitutions make noreference to this point. P.C.(Y-3,R-6,U-1) As with the Liberals, 3constitutions make a special point of having the local executiveresponsible for the calling of the meeting, Nfld., P.E.I., andManit. The constitution of the Yukon party is confusing on thissubject. 3 The remaining 6 do not make a reference to this point.2 In Chapter 7 of the "General Regulations of Quebec LiberalParty" (Feb.,1988), Section 3: Article R-109: "Occurence"(sic)states that "Only the Leader may call for the holding of anomination meeting"; further, Section 3, Article R-111: "Date andLocation" gives the power to set the date and location of thenominating meeting to the Organizing Committee which is an adjunctof 3 individuals who report to the Executive Committee of theParty, "G. R.",Ch.7, Sec.3, Arts. R-106-108.3 "Schedule A", mentioned above, does not explicitly say thatthe local executive calls the nomination meeting; however even withthe lack of direct reference, it seems possible to infer that thelocal executive is granted this power because under Article VI,Section 3, one of the duties of the executive is to "call suchmeetings of the constituency as may be necessary under thisconstitution...".141N.D.P.(Y-10,R-1) The only New Democrat jurisdiction that did notspecifically give the local executive the responsibility for thecalling of the nomination meeting was N.B., the other 10 documentswere specific that this power rested with the local executive.Other(Y-2,N-1) Both Reform and Social Credit allow the localexecutive to call the nomination meeting, however the P.Q.constitution has the same position as the Quebec Liberals in thatthe responsibility for calling the local nomination meeting isspecified as beyond the preview of the local executive, thisresponsibility rests with the leadership of the party. 4CHART 3.1: PROCEDURES FOR MEETINGa.] Is there mention made that attendance is necessary inorder to vote?: Liberal(Y-4,R-70) Only 4, Nfld., Quebec, Ontario,and B.C., specifically say that attendance is necessary. The other7 have no reference to this matter. P.C.(Y-3,R-6) Only 3, Nfld.,Manit., and Yukon, mention that attendance is necessary. The P.E.I.constitution makes the specific note that it is not necessary. Theremaining 6 make no reference. N.D.P.(Y-4,R-6,N-1) Only 3, N.S.,Alta., and Yukon, state that attendance is necessary; the B.C.constitution also says that it is necessary, but then allowsspecial circumstances where the rule may be waived. The Nfld.N.D.P. constitution has the same rule as the P.E.I. Toryconstitution, noted above, specifying that attendance is not4 As detailed above under the heading "P. Q. - Quebec", in theopening paragraph of Chapter IX, Section 9, the National executiveCouncil, not the local executive, explicitly retains the power tocall the nomination "congress".142necessary. The remaining 6 make no reference. Other(Y-1,R-2)Neither the P.Q. nor the Reform constitution make a mention thatattendance is necessary, but the Social Credit document stipulatesthat it is necessary.b.] Are the voting rules for the candidate selection meetingreferred to in the constitution?: Liberal(Y-5,R-6) No reference tothe voting regulations at the meeting is made in 6 of theconstitutions. There is a reference to the voting rules in theother 5, Nfld., N.S., Quebec, Ontario, and B.C. Liberals. P.C.(Y-5,R-5) There is a split here in that 5 of the constitutions discussvoting rules and 5 do not, Nfld., P.E.I., Manit., Sask., and Yukon.N.D.P.(Y-4,R-7) There are 7 of these documents that have no mentionof voting rules, while the N.S., Quebec, Alta., and B.C.constitutions do have such a reference. Other(Y-1,R-2) Again, theP.Q. and Reform constitutions have no reference while the SocialCredit does.c.] Does the constitution state that membership in the partyis necessary in order to participate in the selection process?:Liberal(Y-8,R-3) There are 8 Liberal constitutions thatspecifically mention that to vote at the nomination meeting anindividual must be a party member; and there are 3 constitutionsthat make no reference to this, P.E.I., Manit., and Alta. P.C.(Y-5,R-5) A split occurs once more with 5 documents making a mentionthat party membership is a prerequisite in order to vote and 5,N.S., N.B., Ontario, Sask., and Alta., make no such a mention.N.D.P.(Y-1,R-10) Only the Nfld. constitution has this point143specifically made. Other(Y-3) All 3 make party membership anecessity.d.] Is there any reference made concerning a residencycriterion for participation?: Liberal(Y-7,R-4) P.E.I., Manit.,Alta., and Yukon have no provision that relates to residency. Theother 7 documents do have the provision that in order to be amember of a particular constituency association, the individualmust normally be a resident in the electoral district that theassociation serves. However both N.B. and Quebec have modified therule, in that they provide for exceptions. 5 P.C.(Y-5,R-5) Onceagain 5 of these constitutions have a rule that stipulates thatresidency is a requirement and 5 make no such stipulation, N.S.,N.B., Ontario, Sask., and Alta. N.D.P.(Y-10,R-1) Only the Nfld.constitution does not have a residency requirement; however, inN.B. the residency requirement, under Article IX, Section 4, can beset aside. Other(Y-3) Both the Reform and the P.Q. constitutionshave such a rule, as does the Social Credit, however By-Law 2,Section a. of the Social Credit constitution allows thisrequirement to be waived.e.] Is there any reference made concerning a length ofmembership criterion for participation?: Liberal(Y-6,R-5) There isa stipulation on the length of time that an individual must be aparty member before being eligible to vote in 6 of the Liberalconstitutions. There is no mention on this matter in the other 5,5 New Brunswick - Article XV, Part II, Section A, Part 1.; andQuebec - Chapter 4, Section 1, Article [12].144Nfld., P.E.I., Manit., Sask., and Alta. P.C.(Y-3,R-7) Only theP.E.I., Manit., and Yukon constitutions have a provision that dealswith members and the length of time necessary as members in orderto vote; the other 7 have no clause on length of membership.N.D.P.(Y-9,R-2) Such a rule is found in 9 of these constitutions,only the Nfld. and P.E.I. parties have no such rule. Other(Y-2,U-1)The P.Q. and Reform constitutions do have length of membership asa requirement, while the Social Credit document is confusing onthis point. 6f.] Does the constitution state that a secret ballot is toheld for the vote on the selection of the candidate?: Liberal(Y-3,R-7,U-1) Having a secret ballot for the nomination meeting iscalled for in three Liberal jurisdictions, Nfld., Ontario, andB.C.; of the remaining 8, 7 make no comment on this subject, whilethe document of the Quebec Liberals is unclear in this regard. ?P.C.(Y-3,R-6,U-1) Of the 10 documents in question, 6 have noprovision that specifically call for a secret ballot; Nfld.,6 By-Law 1, Section f. has the rule that in the case of a newmember, the "good standing" status is available only after theParty headquarters has been in receipt of the application formembership for 30 days; however if a former member has allowedhis/her membership to lapse, they have up to 1 year to renew andare instantly granted the full rights of membership.7 There is no direct reference to having the voting donesecretly in either the constitution or in the more detailed"General Regulations"; still, a reading of the articles oncandidate selection does lead one to believe that a secret ballotis inferred, yet according to "Gen. Reg.", Ch. 7, Sec. 3, Art. R-113, it is the returning officer who "shall be responsible forvoting procedures."; and that "The organizing committee shallappoint the returning officer." This committee is a three memberbody appointed by the Executive Committee of the Party.145Manit., and Yukon do have such a provision, and the Sask. P.C.constitution is confusing. 8 N.D.P.(Y-2,R-9) Alta. and B.C. are theonly N.D.P. constitutions that have a rule requiring secretballoting; the matter of a secret ballot is not mentioned in theremaining 9. Other(Y-1,R-2) Neither the P.Q. nor the Social Credithave a stipulation that requires the balloting to be secret; theReform constitution, on the other hand, does require that the votebe secret.CHART 3.1: COMPULSORY SEARCH COMMITTEE a.] Does the constitution state that a search committee is anecessary part of the candidate selection process?: Liberal(R-11)Not one of these documents has a provision for a candidate searchcommittee. P.C.(R-9,U-1) Only the Yukon document has a reference tothis, but while the possible use of such a committee is mentioned,its role and powers are unclear. 9 N.D.P.(R-11) As with theLiberals, none of the N.D.P. constitutions mention having a searchcommittee. Other(Y-1,R-2) Only the Reform Party has a specificprovision that deals with a search committee for candidates."8 Article 13 of this document states, in part, that "Theconduct of such Nominating Meeting ... shall follow the order ofprocedure as listed under Article 15." Section g. of Article 15calls for a returning officer, scrutineers, and ballot boxes, buta secret ballot is not directly prescribed.9 Article VIII, Section 5, of "Schedule A", deals with a"nominating committee"; this committee does not automaticallyexist, but "may be established" by the local executive." The process which this constitution calls "candidaterecruitment, nomination, and development" has four articles, theresult of which is to allow the party's hierarchy, the ExecutiveCouncil, to exercise near complete control over the nominationprocess. A search committee is not specifically called for but146CHART 3.1: FINANCIAL RULES\LIMITS a.] Is there any reference to rules or limits concerning thecandidate selection process?: Liberal(Y-2,R-9) Only the Quebec andthe Ontario Liberals have a notation on the existence of rules orguidelines to deal with financial limitations for candidatenomination. P.C.(R-10) There is no reference to such rules in anyof these constitutions. N.D.P.(R-11) Likewise, there is no suchreference in any of these constitutions. Other(Y-1,R-2) Only theP.Q. constitution contains a reference to financial rules.CHART 3.2: APPEALS a.] Does the constitution mention the possibility of appealson the matter of the selection of the candidate?: Liberal(Y-4,R-8)Please note that for this category and its three subsections thatthe constitution of the federal Liberals is included. Of the 12jurisdictions, 8 contained no specific appeal provisions to dealwith disputes over candidate nominations, while the remaining 4,N.B., Quebec, Ontario, and B.C., provide for such an appeal.P.C.(Y-5,R-5) 5 of these documents fail to mention the possibilityof appeal for candidate nomination disputes, and 5 of these do havesuch a provision, N.S., N.B., Ontario, Yukon, and federal.N.D.P.(Y-9,R-3) As with the Liberals, please note that for thepurposes of this category and its subsections that the constitutionof the federal N.D.P. is included. There are 12 documents and 9 ofthese constitutions do allow such appeals, while 3, N.B., Manit.,Section 4, Article a. directs "Each duly constituted ConstituencyAssociation shall conduct a thorough search to find the bestpossible candidate to represent the people of that constituency."147and federal, do not have such a provision. Other(R-3) None of these3 parties makes any mention on such an appeal.b.] Does the constitution detail the procedure such appealsmust follow?: Liberal(Y-1,R-10) The only constitution that gives adetailed procedure to follow for an appeal on the matter ofcandidate selection is the B.C. Liberals. P.C.(Y-3,R-7) Only 3 ofthese documents, Ontario, Yukon, and federal, details the procedureto follow for an appeal on a dispute about candidate selection.N.D.P.(Y-6,R-6) The 12 jurisdictions are evenly split on thismatter, 6 do contain detailed provisions while the other 6, N.B.Quebec, Ontario, Manit., Sask., and federal, do not. Other(R-3)Since such appeals are not mentioned in any of these 3constitutions neither are detailed procedures.c.] Does the constitution mention the possibility ofintervention from outside the constituency, ie. party leadership,in the candidate selection process?: Liberal(Y-7,R-5) 7 of the 12constitutions do have such a provision; while 5 , P.E.I., Manit.,Alta., Yukon, and federal, make no reference to the possibility ofintervention by the party in the candidate selection process.P.C.(Y-5,R-5) 5 constitutions contain such a provision and 5,Nfld., P.E.I., Manit., Sask., and Alta., do not. N.D.P.(Y-10,R-2)Of the 12 constitutions, 10 contain a reference to such apossibility, while N.B. and Manit. do not. Other(Y-2,R-1) Both theP.Q. and the Reform constitutions contain such a provision whilethe Social Credit document makes no such reference.CHART 3.2: APPROVAL BY OTHERS 148a.] Does the constitution mention that the approval of others,ie. the party leadership, is a necessary step in the candidateselection process? Liberal(Y-1,R-9,U-1) Only the B.C. Liberals havea provision that calls for the choice of the candidate to beapproved by the party; the remainder have no such stipulation,however the Quebec Liberal constitution is somewhat confusing onthis point." P.C.(R-10) No such provision exists in any P.C.constitution. N.D.P.(Y-7,R-4) In contrast to the other two mainparties, 7 of the N.D.P. constitutions have an explicit provisionthat approval for the local candidate must be given by the partyhierarchy, there are 4 constitutions, Nfld., N.B., Sask., andYukon, that have no reference to this matter. Other(Y-2,R-1) BothReform and P.Q. make such approval necessary, while the SocialCredit constitution has no reference to this point.CHART 3.2: MEMBERSHIP CRITERIA FOR NOMINEE a.] Is it specified in the constitution that the nominee mustbe a party member?: Liberal(Y-3,R-7) Quebec, Ontario, B.C., andYukon all have the rule that a nominee must be a party member; theother 7 have no reference to such a rule. P.C.(Y-2,R-8) Only Manit.and Yukon have this rule clearly stated; the other 8 have nospecific regulation which stipulates that a nominee must be a partyII Both the party Leader and the Executive Committee of theParty wield considerable power over all the activities of theparty, as illustrated previously in category 2., part f.], "SecretBallot". Under General Regulation, Chapter 7, Section 4, Article R-122, titled "Disallowance", "The Leader may at any time, afterhaving consulted the association executive committee, disallow acandidacy for cause." The term "cause" is neither defined norexplained.149member. N.D.P.(Y-10,R-1) Once more, the N.D.P. stands in contrastto the other two main parties on this point. Of the 11jurisdictions considered for this provision, only the Sask. N.D.P.does not specifically mention that a nominee must be a member ofthe party. Other(Y-1,R-2) Neither the Reform nor the P.Q. have thisrule stated in their constitutions; the Social Credit constitutionclearly calls for membership.b.] Is there any reference that the nominee must have been aparty member for a prescribed length of time?: Liberal(Y-2,R-9)Only the Ontario and B.C. constitutions have a rule that discussesor stipulates that a nominee for the candidature has to be a partymember for a prescribed length of time. P.C.(R-10) Not one of theP.C. constitutions makes any mention of this as a criterion forpotential candidates. N.D.P.(Y-2,R-9) Alta. has such a provision,as does B.C., however the B.C. constitution has a provision forovercoming this rule. 12 Other(R-3) None of these three parties hassuch a rule.c.] Does the constitution mention that the nominee mustsatisfy a residency requirement?: Liberal(Y-1,R-10) Only 1, B.C.,has a rule that specifically calls for a residency requirement fornominees. P.C.(Y-2,R-8) Manit. and Yukon are the only P.C.constitutions that have such a rule, the rest make no reference.N.D.P.(Y-1,R-8,N-2) Alta. is the only N.D.P. constitution that hasthis requirement; 2 documents, Manit. and Yukon, are specific in12 The constitution of the N. D. P. in B. C. has a sixty [60]day criterion for prospective candidates, but Article IX. Section05 also allows the provincial executive to waive this criterion.150that it is not required, and the rest of these constitutions makeno reference to this point. Other(Y-1,R-2) The P.Q. and Reform haveno reference to such a requirement, but the Social Creditconstitution does, although it allows for exceptions."d.] Is there any other criteria that a nominee must fulfil inorder to stand as the candidate?: Liberal(Y-3,R-8) There are 3constitutions, Quebec, Ontario, and B.C., which have furtherrequirements that a nominee must meet; the remaining constitutionshave no reference to additional requirements. P.C.(Y-2,R-8) TheManit. and Yukon documents have further requirements that nomineesmust meet, the rest make no reference to other requirements.N.D.P.(Y-1,R-10) Only Alta. lists additional requirements that anominee must meet. Other(R-3) There are no further criteriareferred to in any of these 3 constitutions.CHART 3.2: VOTES NEEDEDa.] In the candidate selection process, does the constitutionspecify that the successful nominee only capture a plurality of thevotes cast? (or) b.] In the candidate selection process, does theconstitution specify that the successful nominee needs a majorityof the votes cast?: Liberal a.](Y-1,R-7); b.](Y-3,R-7) Only 1constitution, Nfld., stipulates that a plurality is necessary. 7 ofthese constitutions, N.S., P.E.I., N.B., Manit., Sask., Alta., and13 2, Section a. begins by requiring residency formembers and/or potential candidates, but then the same bylaw allowsnon-residents with the proviso that they must declare beforehand tothe nomination meeting their status as a non-resident of theconstituency and furthermore this person is forbidden from activityin other Social Credit constituency associations.151Yukon make no reference to whether a plurality or a majority isrequired. The remaining 3 Liberal jurisdictions specify that amajority vote is necessary. P.C. a.](Y-1,R-5); b.](Y-5,R-5) Only inNfld., under special circumstances, can a candidate be selected byhaving only a plurality of the votes cast. There are 5 P.C.constitutions, N.S., N.B., Ontario, Alta., and federal, which haveno reference to whether a plurality or majority vote is required;and 5 of these documents, Nfld.[see above], P.E.I., Manit., Sask.,and Yukon, specifically stipulate that a majority vote isnecessary. N.D.P. a.](R-7); b.](Y-4,R-7) There is no N.D.P.jurisdiction that allows for a plurality; but 7 of theseconstitutions, Nfld., N.B., N.S., P.E.I., Manit., Sask., and Yukon,make no specific reference to whether a plurality or majority isnecessary. Only 4 documents, Quebec, Ontario, Alta., and B.C.,require that the vote be a majority. Other a.](R-2); b.](Y-1,R-2)Neither the P.Q. nor the Reform documents make any reference oneway or the other in this regard. The Social Credit constitutioncalls for a majority vote.CHART 3.2: PROVINCIAL/FEDERALa] Are the constitutional rules pertaining to candidateselection for both provincial and federal ridings?(Note: Thiscategory applies only to the three main parties and does not applyto the constitution of any federal parties.): Liberal(Y-7,R-2,N*-2)That the rules are for both the federal and provincial levels isspecified in 7 of the Liberal constitutions. The constitution ofthe Quebec Liberal Party is emphatic that the rules do not apply to152the selection of candidates for federal electoral offices.Conversely, the Yukon Liberals are focused solely on the federalarena and no mention is given of the territorial assembly orpotential Liberal representatives for this body. Neither the P.E.I.nor the Alta. constitutions make any reference to this subject.P.C.(U-1,N-8) Of course the federal P.C. constitution is exemptedfrom consideration for this category; of the 9 P.C. constitutionsbeing considered, only Alta. stated, somewhat ambiguously, that theconstitution was concerned with both federal and provincialconstituencies; in Alta. support for both federal and provincialcandidates is required under Article 1 of this constitution. 14However, it is open to debate whether this clause can beinterpreted as applying the rules to both levels. All the otherP.C. jurisdictions stated that these rules were only applicable atthe provincial or territorial level. N.D.P.(Y-10,N-1) With theexception of Quebec, all the N.D.P. jurisdictions applied theconstitutional rules on candidate selection to both levels. InQuebec the provincial party is an autonomous entity, it is notdirectly affiliated with either the national party or any other14 At an Alta. P. C. convention held in Edmonton, April 1991this provision was amended when the party formally severed tieswith the federal party. "Alberta Tories Take First Step TowardDivorcing Federal Party", Globe and Mail [Oct. 29, 1990], pp. Al-2.This story relates the bitterness of the provincial party membersand explains that the two recommendations, to strike down theclause that promises to support the federal party and to ban thepresence of federal party members at provincial gatherings, wereprepared at a policy convention and are to be presented at theprovincial party's upcoming convention. "Alberta Tories Break WithFederal Party", Globe and Mail [April 8, 1991], p.A5. This storyrelates that the convention approved the above two recommendations.153provincial New Democratic parties. 15 Rules for federal ridings aredealt with by "N.D.P.-Quebec". Other(X-1) Since Reform is, as ofthe researching of this study, purely federal, and the SocialCredit Party of B.C. and the P.Q. of Quebec are purely provincial,;then this category does not apply to these 3 parties.15 At the time of the gathering of these constitutions, thisorganization had only a nascent institutionalization and had noformal constitutional document for examination.154APPENDIX CDATA FROM CHARTS 4.1 AND 4.2: PARTY LEADERSHIPCHART 4.1: LEADER'S ROLE a.] Is the leader's role in the party clearly specified?:Liberal(Y-3,U-7,N-1) Since the constitution of the Yukon Liberalsis aimed at the federal level, it is excluded from this chart; sofor this chapter there are a total of 11 Liberal jurisdictions.What is interesting for both the Liberals and the ProgressiveConservatives is, according to their constitutions,the extent ofthe ambiguity of the leader's role in the party. Of the 11 Liberalconstitutions, 7 are confusing or unclear about the leader's role.The constitution of the Liberals in N.S. does not contain anymention of the party leader. There are 3 Liberal documents, Que.,Alta., and B.C., that specify the role that the leader is to playin the party; the B.C. Liberals have the most well defined rulesconcerning the party leader. 1 P.C.(Y-3,U-7) There are 10Conservative jurisdictions dealt with in this chapter; of courseQuebec and British Columbia are not included. As with the Liberals,the majority of Conservative constitutions are ambiguous about therole of the leader. He/She is mentioned in all 10 of the Toryconstitutions, but usually their duties and responsibilities arenot clearly defined. There are 3 Conservative documents where therole of the leader is clearly outlined, P.E.I., Ont., and Sask.Both the Ont. and Sask. constitutions give the leader a wide1 Bylaw 4, "Provincial Leader", lists the duties andresponsibilities of the party leader, this Bylaw has 7 sections andnumerous subsections.155"leadership" role within the party. In the constitution of the Ont.Conservatives the leader is to provide the, "overall direction ofthe Party." 2 The same article further states that, "Nothing in thisConstitution purports to bind the Leader in the capacity ofParliamentary leader of the Caucus." 3 The remaining 7 Torydocuments do not specify what role the leader is to play in theparty. N.D.P.(Y-9,U-3) There are 12 New Democratic Partyjurisdictions. The N.B., Ont., and Sask. N.D.P. constitutions areunclear on the duties and responsibilities of the leader. Theremaining 9 did define the leader's position in the party. TheNfld. and B.C. constitutions are the most definite about what rolethe leader is supposed to play. The following is from the Nfld.document;The Leader is the Chief Political Spokesperson ofthe Party and shall make Statements on behalf of theParty, shall enunciate the Policies laid down by it(sic)Conventions, and shall, if a member of the House ofAssembly, lead the Party Caucus in the House. He/Sheshall actively encourage the development and building ofthe Party in all possible ways. 4Other(Y-2,U-1) The P.Q. and Reform constitutions are definite aboutthe role of the party leader. The P.Q. document has the partyleader as the overall president of party; so the party leader wearstwo hats, chief parliamentarian and party president. 5 The SocialCredit constitution is unclear about the leader's role.2 Article 19, Section 1.3 Article 19, Section 2.4 Article 12, Section 1, Subsection a.].5 Article XII, Section 1.156b.] Is the leader clearly a member of the "day-to-day"management team?: Liberal(Y-4,N-6,U-1) In 4 Liberal jurisdictionsthe leader is given some responsibility in the "day-to-day"management of the party, P.E.I., Sask., Alta., and federal. TheQue. constitution is unclear on this matter; and in the remaining6 documents the leader does not have a hand in the "day-to-day"running of the party. P.C.(Y-6,N-3,U-1) The majority of the P.C.constitutions, 6, do give the party leader a role in the daily lifeof the party. While in 3 jurisdictions, according to theirconstitutions, the leader is not involved on daily basis, Sask.,Alta., and Yukon. The constitution for the Ont. Conservatives isunclear on the subject. Interestingly, all the Atlantic provincesgive the leader such a role; while in the west, except for Manit.,the leader is excluded in the "day-to-day" running of the party.N.D.P.(Y-12) In all 12 jurisdictions the constitutions recognizethat the party leader has a role to play in the daily affairs ofparty life. Other(Y-2,U-1) Both the P.Q. and Reform have the leaderas a member of the "day-to-day" management team of the party.However the Social Credit document is unclear once again.c.] Does the leader have voting or decision making privilegesfor the above category? (note: If "no" for category 1.b.], then an"X"-not applicable- is used; also if 1.b.] was "unclear" then thenotation for this category will also be "U".): Liberal(Y-1,N-1,U-3,X-6) Only the federal Liberals specifically give the leader avote and a voice in the daily running of the party. The Liberal157leader in P.E.I. specifically does not have a vote. 6 In 3jurisdictions, Que., Sask., and Alta., it is unclear whether theleader does have a vote or veto in the daily decision makingprocess. In the remaining 6 Liberal documents this category is notapplicable because the leader is not a member of the "day-to-day"team. P.C.(Y-5,U-2,X-3) In 5 P.C. jurisdictions, Nfld., P.E.I.,N.B., Manit., and federal, the leader's role in daily party lifeincludes a vote. In N.S. and Ont. it is unclear whether the leaderdoes have a vote; and in the remaining 3 documents this categorydoes not apply because the leader is not involved in the party'sdaily affairs. N.D.P.(Y-12) As a member of the "day-to-day"management team of the party, all N.D.P. leaders have a vote orveto on daily decisions. Other(Y-2,U-1) Again both the P.Q. andReform leaders have such a vote, and whether the Social Creditleader has such a vote is unclear.d.] Is the leader also a member of the General Council(ageneric term used to describe a body with authority, but removedfrom the daily operation of the party)?: Liberal(Y-9,N-2) In 2jurisdictions, Que. and B.C., the leader does not sit on such abody. According to the other 9 constitutions the leader does sit ona body of this type. P.C.(Y-9,U-1) In the Sask. Conservativeconstitution it is unclear if the leader sits on such a body. Theremaining 9 documents specify that the leader is a member of such6 According to Article IV, Section 1, the party leader is onthe Provincial Executive, but is a non-voting member; and,according to Article V, Section 1, Subsection a.], the party leaderis also an officer of the Provincial Executive, but is a non-votingofficer.158a body. N.D.P.(Y-12) As with the other categories in this section,all 12 N.D.P. constitutions state that the leader is a member ofsuch a body. Other(Y-1,N-1,U-1) The P.Q. leader is grantedmembership on such a body. Once again the Social Creditconstitution is unclear on the subject. The case of Reform issomewhat confusing because in this party, according to theirconstitution, there is a fusion between the executive level and the"General Council" level, so the chart notation for Reform on thiscategory was "N*".CHART 4.1: LEADERSHIP REVIEWa.] Are there leadership review provisions in theconstitution?: Liberal(Y-8,N-3) Only the Liberal constitutions ofthe 3 Maritime provinces do not contain provisions on leadershipreview. The other 8 Liberal documents do have such provisions.P.C.(Y-9,N-1) Only the Tory constitution in P.E.I. does not containa reference to leadership review provisions. The remaining 9Conservative jurisdictions do have such a provision. N.D.P.(Y-12)All 12 N.D.P. jurisdictions have some type of provision for aleadership review. Other(Y-2,N-1) Both Reform and the P.Q. haveprovisions for leadership reviews. The Social Credit documentcontains no such provisions.b.] Is this review to take place within a set time period, forexample an "automatic" review held every two years? (note: Forthose constitutions which have no reference to leadership review,this category and the three below are not applicable.): Liberal(Y-2,N-6,X-3) In only 2 Liberal jurisdictions, Sask. and B.C., did the159constitutions have an automatic leadership review process. Thereare 3 constitutions that have no leadership review provisions, soof course this means that this category does not apply for theLiberals in the three Maritime provinces. In the remaining 6constitutions, the leadership review is held in ways other thanwithin a set period of time. P.C.(Y-1,N-8,X-1) The onlyConservative constitution that holds the leadership review withina set time period is in the Yukon. Since the P.E.I. constitutionhas no leadership provisions, this category is not applicable.N.D.P.(Y-12) The leadership review provisions in all 12 N.D.P.constitutions call for the review to be within a certain set timeperiod, usually as a part of their annual or biannual meetings.Other(N-2,X-1) The leadership review provisions are not automaticin either the P.Q. or Reform. Of course since there are noleadership review provisions in the Social Credit constitution,this category is not applicable.c.] Do the review provisions kick in only after a defeat in ageneral election? (note: If the constitutions have an "automatic"review, then for this category the notation will be "X" for notapplicable; and again, if there are no review provisions in theconstitution, then "X" will continued to be used.): Liberal(Y-2,N-4,X-5) There are 5 Liberal jurisdictions for which this categoryis not applicable, N.S., P.E.I., and N.B., because they have noreview provisions. This category also does not apply to Sask. andB.C. because their review takes place within a set time period,independent of elections. Both Que. and Alta. have such a post-160defeat clause. In the remaining 4, Nfld., Ont., Manit., andfederal, the review is post-election, either defeat or victory.P.C.(Y-5,N-3,X-2) The provision for a leadership review after anelectoral defeat is found in 5 Conservative constitutions, N.B.,Ont., Manit., Alta., and federal. This category does not apply for2 Tory documents; in P.E.I. because no provision for a leadershipreview exists, and in the Yukon because a review happens within aset time period. In the remaining 3, Nfld., N.S., and Sask., thereview is post-election, either in victory or defeat, so theirnotations are "N". N.D.P.(X-12) Since the provisions for aleadership review in all N.D.P. constitutions specifies that thereview is to be held within a predetermined time period, then thiscategory is not applicable for all 12 N.D.P. jurisdictions.Other(N-2,X-1) This category is not applicable for Social Creditbecause they have no leadership review provisions in theirconstitution. Both Reform and the P.Q. receive an "N" notationbecause their reviews are post-election, independent of eitherdefeat or victory.d.] Do the review provisions kick in after an election, eithera defeat or a victory? (note: Of course if no review provisionsexist, then the notation is "X", meaning not applicable; if thereview happens either automatically or only after an electoraldefeat, the notation is also "X".): Liberal(Y-4,X-7) In 4 of theLiberal jurisdictions, Nfld., Ont., Manit., and federal, theleadership review is held after either an electoral defeat orvictory. In the remaining 7 jurisdictions this category is not161applicable; in the 3 Maritime provinces there are no leadershipprovisions, and in the other 4, Que., Sask., Alta., and B.C., thereview is either held in a set time period or only following adefeat in a general election. P.C.(Y-2,N-1,X-7) In only 2Conservative constitutions, N.S. and Sask., is the leadershipreview held with either a post-election defeat or victory. For 7Tory jurisdictions this category is not applicable; in P.E.I.because no leadership review provisions exist, and in the other 6because the review happens either in a set time period or onlyfollowing a defeat in a general election. Nfld. received a "N"notation, this is because while this constitution does mention thepossibility of a review , it happens in neither a set time periodnor after an election; it takes place when one of three eventsunfold, the leader requests one, the office of the leader becomesvacant, or when such a resolution (secret ballot) is passed at anyAnnual Meeting. ? N.D.P.(X-12) Once again this category does notapply to the N.D.P. documents because all their reviews take placein a set time period. Other(Y-2,X-1) In both the P.Q. and theReform documents the leadership review is mandated to happenfollowing a general election, regardless of defeat or victory. Thiscategory does not apply to Social Credit because they have noprovisions for a leadership review.e.] Is the vote for a leadership review a secret ballot?(note: If no leadership review provisions exist in the constitutionthen of course an "X" notation is given.): Liberal(Y-5,U-3,X-3) In7 Article 12, Section 1. Subsections a.], b.], and c.].162Nfld., Ont., Sask., B.C., and federal. the vote is specificallystated to be by a secret ballot. In 3 Liberal documents, Que.,Manit., and Alta., it is unclear whether a secret ballot isnecessary. In the 3 Maritime provinces, no Liberal constitution hasprovisions relating to a review. P.C.(Y-7,U-2.X-1) In only 2Conservative documents, Nfld. and N.B., is it unclear whether asecret ballot is called for. Since the Liberals in P.E.I. have noleadership review provisions in their constitution, this categoryis not applicable for them. The remaining 7 P.C. documents allstated that the vote for a leadership review was to be conducted bymeans of a secret ballot. N.D.P.(Y-2,U-10) In only 2 N.D.P.constitutions, P.E.I. and B.C., is it clearly stated that the votefor a leadership review is to be a secret ballot. The other 10documents were unclear whether a secret ballot is necessary.Other(Y-2,X-1) Both the P.Q. and Reform constitutions specificallycall for a secret ballot. Of course, since the Social Creditconstitution has no review provisions, this category does not applyfor Social Credit.f.] Is the wording for the calling of a leadership reviewspecified? (note: Of course, for those constitutions that do nothave any reference to a review, this category is not applicable):Liberal(Y-1,N-7,X-3) Only the Nfld. Liberal constitution containsthe specific wording that would be voted on in a ballot on whetherto hold a leadership review; the example here is fairly typical forthose constitutions that do specify the wording. The question isvery straightforwardly phrased. "Do you want a Leadership163Convention of the Liberal Party of Newfoundland and Labrador?" 8 Inthe 3 provinces, Que., Manit., and Alta., where the Liberalconstitutions are unclear on the necessity of a secret ballot, thewording is not specified. There are 4 constitutions, Ont., Sask.,B.C., and federal, that do call for a secret ballot but do notspecify the wording. Since the Liberals in the 3 Maritime provincesfail to mention the possibility of a leadership review, thiscategory is not applicable for them. P.C.(Y-7,N-2,X-1) It is almostthe reverse for the Tories when compared to the Liberals. There are7 Conservative documents that contain the specific wording of thereview resolution, N.S., Ont., Manit., Sask., Alta., Yukon, andfederal. Both Nfld. and N.B. are unclear on the matter of thesecret ballot, and neither contain the specific wording. Since theconstitution of the P.E.I. Liberals fails to mention leadershipreview, it receives an "X" notation. N.D.P.(N-12) All 12 N.D.P.constitutions refer to a review but not one of the 12 specify thewording. Only 2 of the 12 specifically call for a secret ballot,but neither the P.E.I. nor the B.C. document include the wording.The other 10 N.D.P. jurisdictions, which did not specify a secretballot, also failed to specify the wording of the call for areview. Other(Y-1,N-1,X-1) The Reform constitution does specify thewording of the resolution that would call for a leadership review.Again, another straightforward question. "Do you want a LeadershipAssembly to be called?" 9 Although the P.Q. document calls for a8 Article VI, Section 2.9 Article 6, Section C.164secret ballot, it does not include the wording for such aresolution. Since the Social Credit constitution fails to mentionany possibility of a leadership review, this category does notapply.CHART 4.1: INTERIM LEADERa.] Does the constitution make any reference to the positionof interim leader?: Liberal(Y-3,R-8) Only 3 Liberal constitutions,P.E.I., Que., and Alta., make some mention of the possibility of aninterim leader. The other 8 have no reference to the matter.P.C.(Y-4,R-6) There are 4 P.C. documents that include someprovisions concerning interim leadership, P.E.I., N.B., Ont., andYukon. The Conservatives in N.B. mention such a position under thesection "Definitions and Interpretations" and what is writtencertainly is open to interpretation."Interim leader" means the leader elected by theExecutive Council when the Party does not form theGovernment of New Brunswick and by the Caucus when theParty forms the Government of New Brunswick, until suchtime as a new Leader is elected."Earlier in the same article, the N.B. document defines the"Leader" and refers one to Article XV for reference on how theparty leadership could possibility be reviewed and changed."However, this article further confuses the matter because it failsto mention the interim leader and ultimately the document isunclear about the change from leader to interim leader. 12 The10 Article II, Section 1, Subsection 1.]." Article II, Section 1, Subsection b.].12 Article XV.165remaining 6 constitutions have no references to an interim leader.N.D.P.(Y-9,R-3) The position of interim leader is mentioned in 9 ofthe N.D.P. constitutions. The document of the Sask. New Democratshas several references to an interim or "Acting Leader", but thereis a mistake in the constitution because it is stated that the,"Acting Leader shall serve until the vacancy is filled by one ofthe methods set out in Article 5.14." 13 This however is incorrectbecause it is Article 5, Section 13 which deals with methods forfilling a vacancy of the party leader. The Nfld.,Que., and Ont.N.D.P. constitutions contain no references to the possibility of aninterim leader. In the case of Que., the possibility of a vacancyin the position of leader is mentioned, however the only furthermention outlines the steps to take to choose a new leader and theposition of an interim leader is not raised. 14 Other(R-2,U-1) Noreference to an interim leader is made in either the Social Creditor Reform constitutions. The P.Q. do have a section on how toreplace the leader should the leader leave or die. 15 Yet thisdocument is ambiguous on the matter of an interim leader. However,since the party leader is also the president of the party, it seemslogical that the vice-president would replace the president in theposition of party president and interim party leader. 16 Still, thisis not specifically stated in the constitution, so it may well not13 Article 5, Section 12.14 Article 6, Section 04.15 Article VI, Section 8.16 Article VII, Section 3, Subsection a.].166be the case.b.] Is the interim leader appointed solely by the caucus?(note: If the constitution has not made a reference to the matterof interim leadership, then the notation for this category and thefollowing two categories will be "X" for not applicable.):Liberal(N-3,X-8) Of the 3 Liberal constitutions, P.E.I., Que., andAlta., that refer to interim leadership, none give the caucus thesole responsibility for appointing the interim leader. Owing totheir lack of reference to an interim leader, this category doesnot apply to the remaining 8 jurisdictions. P. C.(Y-3,N-1,X-6) Ofthe 4 P.C. constitutions, P.E.I., N.B., Ont., and Yukon, thatincluded a reference to an interim leader, only P.E.I. did not givethe caucus sole authority for appointing the interim leader. TheLiberals in Ont. and Yukon specifically awarded the responsibilityto the caucus, and as shown above, the case of N.B. is somewhatconfusing on the matter of interim leadership. As the quotationpresented previously in category 3 a.] makes clear, the interimleader is elected by the Executive Council when the party fails toform the government but if the party wins the election, then thecaucus has this responsibility. 17 Thus N.B. gets a "Y*" notationfor all four categories in this section. This category is notapplicable for the other 6 Tory jurisdictions because they fail toinclude provisions on interim leadership. N.D.P.(Y-2,N-7,X-3) Ofthe 9 N.D.P. constitutions that deal with the subject of an interimleader, only 2, P.E.I. and Yukon, delegate the responsibility of17 Article II, Section 1, Subsection 1.].167appointing an interim leader solely to the caucus. The other 7,N.S., N.B., Manit., Sask., Alta., B.C., and federal, do not givethis authority to the caucus. For the 3 N.D.P. jurisdictions whichfail to mention interim leadership, Nfld., Que., and Ont., thiscategory is not applicable. Other(X-3) Since no reference is madein either the Reform or the Social Credit constitutions, and sincethere are only cryptic and confusing comments in the P.Q. document,this category does not apply to any of these 3 parties.c.] Is the interim leader appointed solely by the party?:Liberal(Y-1,N-2,X-8) Of the 3 Liberal documents, P.E.I., Que., andAlta., that have a reference to interim leadership, only Alta. gavethe power to appoint the interim leader solely to the party withthe caucus excluded from the process. There are 8 Liberaljurisdictions that fail to deal with the matter of an interimleader, this category is not applicable to those 8. P.C.(Y-2,N-2,X-6) There are 4 Conservative constitutions that deal with thesubject of an interim leader, of those, Ont. and Yukon give thecaucus this responsibility and the other 2, P.E.I. and N.B., eachgive the party the authority to appoint an interim leader, howeverthe case of N.B. is somewhat complicated, please refer to category3 b.]. This category is not applicable for the remaining 6 P. C.constitutions because they failed to include a reference to aninterim leader. N.D.P.(Y-2,N-7,X-3) Of the 12 N.D.P. constitutions,9 contain a reference to the position or possibility of an interimleader. Of those 9, only the documents for N.B. and Manit. give thepower to appoint an interim leader solely to the party. The168remaining 7 either give this responsibility to the caucus or statethat it should be shared between the caucus and the party. For the3 jurisdictions, Nfld., Que., and Ont., that do not have anyreference to an interim leader, this category does not apply.Other(X-3) This category does not apply to any of these parties.d.] Do both the caucus and the party appoint the interimleader?: Liberal(Y-2,N-1,X-8) The 2 Liberal jurisdictions whichspecify that the authority to appoint the interim leader is splitbetween the caucus and the party are P.E.I. and Que. As seen above,in Alta. this responsibility lies with the party. This category isnot applicable for the other 7 Liberal jurisdictions because theydo not address the subject of an interim leader. P.C.(Y-1,N-3,X-6)There are 4 P.C. constitutions that include a reference to aninterim leader; of those 4, Ont. and Yukon gives the caucus theauthority to appoint the interim leader, P.E.I. gives this power tothe party, and as stated above, the case of N.B. is complicated.The other 6 Tory documents do not contain a reference to an interimleader, so this category does not apply to them. N.D.P.(Y-5,N-4,X-3) Of the 9 N.D.P. documents that refer to an interim leader, 5of them state that the power to appoint the interim leader is to beshared between the party and the caucus, N.S., Sask., Alta., B.C.,and federal. In P.E.I., N.B., Manit., and Yukon this power restseither with the party or the caucus. For the 3 jurisdictions thatdo not make any reference to an interim leader, this category doesnot apply. Other(X-3) This category does not apply to any of theseparties.169CHART 4.1: SEARCH COMMITTEE a.] Does the constitution make any reference to a searchcommittee for leadership candidates?: All(R-all) There is noreference made to such a committee in any of the partyconstitutions under consideration.CHART 4.2: LEADERSHIP SELECTION RULES a.] Is a special or distinct set of rules for the leadershiprace/convention included in the constitution?: Liberal(Y-5,N-6)There are 5 Liberal jurisdictions which have a reference to specialor distinct riles for the leadership race, Nfld., P.E.I., Alta.,B.C., and federal. The other 6 constitutions do not have specialrules or guidelines for the leadership race. P.C.(Y-4,N-6) Specialrules are included in the constitutions of 4 Conservativejurisdictions, Ont., Sask., Alta., and Yukon. The remaining 6documents contain no such special rules; however the case of theP.C. constitution in Manit. deserves a special mention. The Manit.document, as received, was last amended in April of 1987, but itcontained a large new batch of proposed amendments primarilydevoted to the party's election of the leader. These proposedamendments were to be considered at Tory's Nov., 1988 AnnualGeneral Meeting; However since there is some doubt whether theamendments passed as proposed, this study relies on the old andquite brief article on party leadership. N.D.P.(N-12) None of the12 N.D.P. constitutions have special rules for the process ofselecting a new party leader. Other(Y-1,N-2) There is a set ofspecial rules in the P.Q. constitution, but neither the Reform nor170the Social Credit documents have special rules.b.] Are the voting rules clearly specified?: Liberal(Y-2,N-9)Only 2 Liberal constitutions, Alta. and B.C., clearly specify thevoting rules to be followed for the election of leadershipcandidates. P.C.(Y-2,N-8) Only 2 Conservative constitutions, Ont.and Yukon, have spelt out the rules to be used for the vote onparty leadership. N.D.P.(Y-1,N-11) There is only one N.D.P.document, the constitution for the Alta. N.D.P., that may specifythe rules for the leadership vote. While the N.D.P. in Alta. do nothave special rules on the leadership vote nevertheless theirdocument does refer to the procedures to be followed in electingthe Executive Officers, one of whom is the party leader. Theserules are contained in an appendix to their constitution. 18 Other(N-3) None of the other 3 constitutions specifies the rules to befollowed for the vote on the leadership of the party.c.] Was the matter of "notice" for the leadership vote orconvention referred to in the constitution?: Liberal(Y-7,R-4)"Notice" is brought up in 7 of the Liberal documents, Nfld., Que.,Ont., Manit., Alta., B.C., and federal. The remaining 4constitutions do not make any reference to this matter. P.C.(Y-4,R-6) The matter of "notice" was raised in 4 of the Conservativejurisdictions, P.E.I., N.B., Manit., and Yukon. The other 6documents failed to include a reference to "notice". N.D.P.(Y-l2)All 12 of the N.D.P. constitutions contain some sort of referenceto the matter of "notice" for the leadership vote or convention.18 Article 14, Appendix A - "Rules of Order".171Other(Y-3) The P.Q., Social Credit and Reform documents all have areference to the matter of "notice".d.] Is there a reference in the constitution to a "length ofmembership" regulation, either to select delegates or to votedirectly?: Liberal(Y-4,R-5,U-2) The Liberal constitutions in N.S.,Ont., Manit., and B.C. make some sort of reference that a membermust possess his or her membership for a prescribed length of timein order to vote in the leadership selection process. The federaldocument does not prescribe a "length of membership" criterion,however it does state that, "Provincial and territorial rulesrelating to the election of delegates shall be observed...". 19While some provincial constitutions do not have such rules, somealso do; so, for the federal Liberals, it appears that a "length ofmembership" rule may apply for some members but not for others. TheAlta. Liberal constitution is also unclear or confusing on thematter. There are no predetermined "length of membership" criteriamentioned anywhere in this document; however it is stated that theExecutive Board is the body responsible for calling the LeadershipConvention. 20 This document further states that the Executive Boardhas the power to determine, "who will be eligible to vote atDelegate Selection Meetings; ". 21 So such a "length of membership"regulation may or may not be in effect for this jurisdiction. Theother 6 Liberal jurisdictions do not make any reference to a19 Article 16, Section 5.20 Article 5, Section 05, Subsection f.].21 Article 5, Section 05, Subsection f.].172"length of membership" criterion. P.C.(Y-3 R-7) "Length ofmembership" is mentioned as a criterion in 3 Conservativeconstitutions, P.E.I., Ont., and federal. The constitution of thefederal Tories does contain a reference to a "length of membership"regulation for those members of constituency associations who wishto participate in the delegate selection process. The federaldocument states that the Executive Committee of the party willprovide a cut-off date for the admission of new members, 22 andthat, "Such period (is) to be a minimum of one [1] week and amaximum of two [2] weeks;". 23 However the Executive Committee alsohas, "the power to alter, abridge or suspend the minimum andmaximum time periods prescribed in 15.1." 24 The remaining 7documents do not contain a reference to a "length of membership"criterion. However the Conservative document in Manit. doesprescribe a "length of membership" criterion for those members whowish to be delegates. 25 N.D.P.(Y-5,R-5,U-2) With respect to theleadership vote, there are 5 N.D.P. jurisdictions which includesome type of "length of membership" regulation in theirconstitutions, N.B., Manit., Sask., B.C., and Yukon. Both thefederal and Que. constitutions are unclear. In the document of the22 Article 15, Section 1, Subsection 2.].23 Article 15, Section 15, Subsection 3.]24 Article 15, Section 2.25 Article X, Section 6, Subsection a.]; the proposedamendments (please see category 5. a.]), which are excluded fromconsideration for this study, prescribe two new criteria on the"length of membership", Article XI, Section 4, of the proposedamendments.173provincial N.D.P. in Que. each constituency association is allowedto draft party approved regulations. 26 It seems possible that onesuch regulation could deal with "length of membership". Like theP.C. Manit. constitution the Que. N.D.P. document has a "length ofmembership" rule that applies to delegates. 27 The case of thefederal party is similar to that of the federal Liberals. Accordingto their constitution the, "Applications for individual membershipshall be dealt with in accordance with the constitution of theappropriate provincial Party and shall be subject to the approvalof that provincial Party. " n So it appears that some N.D.P. membersparticipating in the delegate selection process for a federalleadership convention could be subject to some sort of "length ofmembership" criteria, while other members might not have to dealwith such regulations. The other 5 N.D.P. constitutions do notinclude any reference to the "length of membership" being acriteria for participating in the process to choose a new partyleader. Other(Y-2,R-1) Both the P.Q.and the Reform constitutions dohave a rule on the "length of membership"; while the Social Creditdocument does not include any such reference.e.] Does the election of the new leader occur under theprinciple of "one-member,one-vote"(universal ballot)?: Liberal(N-11) Not one of the 11 Liberal jurisdictions have a "one-member,one-vote" system in place for the leadership selection process. P.C.(Y-26 Article 19, Section 02.27 Article 22, Section 01.28 Article III, Section 1, Subsection 2.].1742,N-8) Interestingly it is in the smallest, P.E.I., and thelargest, Ont., provinces where the Conservatives have a system of"one-member,one-vote" to choose the party leader. The other 8jurisdictions do not have this system. 29 The proposed amendmentsfor the Manit. Tory constitution, excluded from this study (seecategory 5. a.), proposed a variation on this system." N.D.P.(N-12) No N.D.P. jurisdiction has a system where the party leader iselected by the "one-member,one-vote" system. Other(Y-1,N-2) TheP.Q. have a "one-member,one-vote" system of choosing the partyleader. Neither Reform nor Social Credit elect their leader with anuniversal ballot.f.] Is the new leader chosen under the rules of a delegatedconvention? (note: For this category, the notations will thereverse of the above category.): Liberal(Y-11) In all 11 Liberaljurisdictions the process to select the party leader is that of adelegated convention. P.C.(Y-8,N-2) It is only in P.E.I. and Ont.that delegated conventions are not used. The other 8 jurisdictionsutilize the delegated convention format. N.D.P.(Y-12) All 12 N.D.P.29 As well as severing ties to the federal party, the mostrecent version of the Alta. Conservative constitution shifted fromthe delegated leadership convention format to a system which allowseach individual member to vote; "Alberta Tories Break Ties withFederal Party", Globe and Mail [April 8, 1991], p. A5; however thisstudy does not use the most recent Alta. P. C. constitution butrefers to the one which was in operation in March of 1990, whenthis study began."Article XI, Section 4, Subsections a.] and b.], and ArticleXI, Section 5 of the proposed amendments, a copy of which wasreceived from the Manit. Conservatives in March of 1990, called fora system of balloting done according to preference and the choiceswere to be transferable among the leadership candidates.175jurisdictions resort to the method of the delegated convention tochoose the party leader. Other(Y-2,N-1) Both Reform and SocialCredit use the delegated convention system to select their partyleader. The P.Q. do not use such a system.g.] Is there reference made in the constitution regarding thecomposition of the delegates who are to go to the leadershipconvention? (note: This category is not applicable to thosejurisdictions which do not use a system of delegated conventions.):Liberal(Y-10,R-1) In 10 of the Liberal constitutions reference ismade to the composition of the delegates for the leadershipconvention. The constitution for the federal Liberals gives adetailed profile for the representation at leadershipconventions. 31 However this Constitution also allows for somelatitude on this matter when it states that, "Representation at anyconvention shall be determined by the National Executive,". 32 Onlyin the document of the N.B. Liberals is no reference made to thecomposition of the delegates. P.C.(Y-7,R-1,X-2) Since the Tories inP.E.I. and Ont. do not have delegated leadership conventions, thiscategory does not apply to them. The N.S. document made noreference to the composition of the delegates. The remaining 7Conservative constitutions do refer to the composition of thedelegates. N.D.P.(Y-12) There are references made to delegatecomposition in all 12 of the N.D.P. constitutions. Other(Y-1,X-2)31 Article 16, Section 13, Subsections a.] to j.], and Section14 of the same article.32 Article 16, Section 2.176Since the P.Q. do not have a delegated convention to select theirleader, this category does not apply to them. The Reform and SocialCredit constitutions do contain references to the composition ofthe delegates.h.] Does the constitution call for a secret ballot for theelection of the party leader?: Liberal(Y-2,R-7,U-2) A secret ballotfor the vote on the party leadership is called for in only 2Liberal constitutions, Nfld. and Ont.. In Que. and B.C. theconstitutions are confusing on the matter. One of the rules for theQue. Liberals is that, "The provisions of Section 1 relating to theConvention apply as well to a Leadership Convention,". 33 Yet thereferred to provisions state that, "Voting shall be conducted by ashow of hands or if it is the wish of three quarters (3/4) of themembers present by ballot." 34 To say the least, this seems anunusual procedure to elect the leader of a established politicalparty in a large and diverse province. However there is thepossibility that this procedure may be avoided because theconstitution also states that for a leadership convention, "Themanner of voting shall be determined by the organizingcommittee." 35 This "organizing committee" is appointed by theExecutive Committee of the party. 36 With the B.C. Liberals thereis no direct reference to a secret vote, but since ballots, ballot33 Chapter 3, Section 2, Article R-19.34 Chapter 3, Section 1, Article R-17.35 Chapter 3, Section 2, Article R-21.36 Chapter 3, Section 1, Article R-13.177boxes, scrutineers, and a returning officer are all called for, theinference seems to point to a secret ballot. 37 The remaining 7Liberal constitutions are silent on the matter of a secret ballot.P.C.(Y-3,R-6,U-1) In 3 of the Conservative jurisdictions, Ont.,Manit., and Yukon, a secret ballot to elect the party leader iscalled for. In the P.E.I. constitution the issue of a secret ballotis confusing. This document states that if, "a vote by ballot isrequired, it shall be conducted in the manner provided for inArticle XXII, paragraphs [b], [c], and [d],". 38 However, thesections of the article referred to deal with the establishing ofa Poll Committee which represents members of the smaller pollingdivision who reside in the larger District Association orconstituency. The remaining 6 P.C. constitutions do not statewhether the vote is to be by a secret ballot. N.D.P.(Y-2,R-10) Only2 of the N.D.P. documents call for a secret ballot on theleadership vote, P.E.I. and B.C. The other 10 jurisdictions fail tomention if the vote is to be done by a secret ballot. Other(Y-1,R-1,U-1) The P.Q. constitution does not make a mention whether asecret ballot is necessary. While the Reform constitution does callfor a secret ballot, the Social Credit document is somewhatunclear. This constitution states that the, "Balloting shall beconducted according to Section 12[c] 1 and 2." 39 However, while37 Articles D, E, F, and G of "Standing Rule 4" of the "BritishColumbia Liberal Party Standing Rules"; this study treats these"Standing Rules" as an integral component of the constitution.38 Article XXIV, Section d.39 Article 11, Section e.178these two subsections discuss "balloting", a secret vote is notspecifically mentioned, yet it is possible to infer that the voteis secret.i.] Is any reference made in the constitution that a majorityvote is necessary in order to successfully capture the leadershipof the party?: Liberal(Y-3,R-6,U-2) Only 3 Liberal constitutions,Nfld., Ont., and Alta., specifically state that the vote must be bya majority of the votes cast. There are 2 jurisdictions, Que. andB.C., where this issue is confusing. Regarding the scantreferences that do exist in the constitution of the Que. Liberalsconcerning the vote for the leader, please refer to category 5.h.]; a secret vote is not discussed in any of these sections. TheB.C. Liberal constitution does not specify that the vote be carriedby a majority, however, as with the above category (5. h.]), therelevant articles certainly lead one to infer such. 40 The other 6Liberal jurisdictions do not specifically state that a majorityvote is necessary. P.C.(Y-4,R-6) In 4 of the Tory constitutionsthere is specific mention made that the vote for the partyleadership is to be decided by a majority of those voting, P.E.I.,Ont., Sask., and Yukon. The other 6 jurisdictions do not make areference to this matter. N.D.P.(Y-1,R-11) Only 1 N.D.P.constitution, that of Alta., specifically prescribes a majorityvote on leadership; the other 11 have no reference to whether amajority vote is necessary. Other(Y-1,R-2) Neither the Reform nor40 Articles D, E, F, and G of "Standing Rule 4" of the "BritishColumbia Liberal Party Standing Rules".179the P.Q. document make any reference to this matter. The SocialCredit constitution does call for a majority vote.j.] Is a reference made in the constitution concerningfinancial rules or limits that leadership hopefuls must obey?:Liberal(Y-3,R-8) In the N.B., B.C., and federal parties there arefinancial limits or rules that those vying for the leadership mustobey. The other 8 jurisdictions make no reference to any rules orlimits on finances. P.C.(Y-1,R-9) Only the Ont. Conservativesinclude rules on financial limits for leadership contenders. Theremaining 9 constitutions are silent on the issue. N.D.P.(R-12) All12 N.D.P. constitutions fail to include any reference to suchregulations. Other(R-3) Neither the Reform, the Social Credit, northe P.Q. documents have a reference to any financial rules orlimits.k.] Is any mention made in the constitution on the possibilityof an appeal relating to the leadership race/convention?:Liberal(Y-1,R-10) The only constitution that raises the possibilityof an appeal is that of the Liberals in B.C. The other 10 do notcontain any references to such a possibility. P.C.(Y-2,R-8) Thereare 2 Conservative jurisdictions where such an appeal is mentioned,Manit. and Yukon. The remaining 8 Tory documents make no referenceto the matter. N.D.P.(Y-5,R-7) The possibility of such an appeal israised in 5 N.D.P. constitutions, P.E.I., Sask., Alta., B.C., andYukon. No mention is made in the other 7 documents. Other(R-3) Noappeal provisions relating to leadership are mentioned in eitherthe P.Q., Social Credit, or Reform constitutions.

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