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I tell them we are a blessed people : an analysis of "ethnicity" by way of a Canadian Dutch-Calvinist.. Breems, Bradley G. 1991-12-31

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"I TELL THEM WE ARE A BLESSED PEOPLE:" AN ANALYSIS OF "ETHNICITY" BY WAY  OF  A CANADIAN DUTCH-CALVINIST COMMUNITY By BRADLEY GENE BREEMS M . P h i l . , I n s t i t u t e f o r C h r i s t i a n S t u d i e s , Toronto,  1975  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December 1991 © B r a d l e y Gene Breems, 1991  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  available  copying  of  department publication  of  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  University  of  British  Columbia,  I  agree  for  this or  thesis  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  and  study.  scholarly  or for  her  I further  purposes  financial  gain  shall  It not  permission.  Department  of  Anthropology  T h e U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6  (2/88)  April  20,  Columbia  1992  and  that  agree  may  representatives.  requirements  Sociology  be  that  the  Library  pemiission  granted  is  by  understood be  for  allowed  an  advanced  shall for  the that  without  head  make  it  extensive of  my  copying  or  my  written  ABSTRACT T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n t r e a t s e t h n i c i t y as c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u a l and e t h n i c group as the maintenance o f s o c i a l b o u n d a r i e s . I t f i n d s t h a t members o f e t h n i c groups m a i n t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n s and b o u n d a r i e s between themselves and o t h e r s by w h i c h t h e y p r e s c r i b e and p r o s c r i b e i d e a s , b e h a v i o u r and p r a c t i c e , as w e l l as d e v e l o p c r i t e r i a by w h i c h t h e y i d e n t i f y , e v a l u a t e and judge t h e m s e l v e s and o t h e r s . Members s h a r e a s p e c t s o f c u l t u r e , a presumed o r i g i n and w o r l d v i e w w i t h one another. P e o p l e e x t e r n a l i s e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s and t h e n m a i n t a i n b o u n d a r i e s around t h e m s e l v e s , u s i n g elements from the p a s t , i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e i r p r e s e n t s i t u a t i o n and c o n t e m p l a t i n g e f f e c t s on the f u t u r e . I t a l s o f i n d s t h a t b o t h e x t e r n a l o p p o s i t i o n and i n t e r n a l l y g e n e r a t e d w o r l d v i e w c o n c e p t s a r e s u f f i c i e n t t o b r i n g about boundary maintenance and group s o l i d a r i t y and i d e n t i t y . The r e s e a r c h on w h i c h t h i s work i s b a s e d combines e t h n o g r a p h i c and s u r v e y methods i n a s t u d y o f Canadian D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s . I t a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e s a s u r v e y o f t h e o r i e s o f group phenomena. I t f i n d s that t h e o r e t i c a l treatments of e t h n i c i t y occur at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s o f the e t h n i c phenomenon, and i t p r e s e n t s each o f the a n a l y t i c f o c i o f t h e s e various levels. I n so d o i n g , i t contends t h a t p e o p l e may b e l o n g t o groups f o r v a r y i n g reasons. I n f a c t , u s i n g t h i s c a s e , a group w h i c h appears r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous, i s f i l l e d w i t h t e n s i o n . Some p e o p l e d e r i v e t h e i r sense o f community from l o o k i n g t o t h e p a s t ; o t h e r s l o o k f o r w a r d . Some emphasize t r a i t s when t r y i n g t o determine membership i n the group. O t h e r s are more c o n c e r n e d about the r e l a t i o n a l v a l u e o f the group, n o t as much w i t h the s p e c i f i c f e a t u r e s o f membership. Such a group, w h i l e t h r e a t e n i n g t o b r e a k a p a r t , a c t u a l l y p e r s i s t s because o f the mutual member i n t e r e s t i n t h e s e v a r i a t i o n s , combined w i t h a commonly m a i n t a i n e d a n t i t h e t i c a l w o r l d v i e w .  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page T i t l e Page  i  Abstract  îi  Table o f Contents  i i i  L i s t o f Tables  ix  L i s t of Figures  x  R e f e r e n c e Codes f o r R e s e a r c h Notes and U n p u b l i s h e d Sources Acknowledgements  x i x i i  PART I -- FRAMEWORK CHAPTER ONE -- INTRODUCTION A.  Why Study E t h n i c i t y Today?  1  B.  Four R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n s  2  C.  P r e v i e w o f t h i s Study's C r i t i q u e o f C u r r e n t Views o f E t h n i c i t y  2  D.  Some A l t e r n a t i v e p o i n t s  4  E.  D i v i s i o n s w i t h i n t h i s Work  6  1)  6 6 7 8  2) 3) 4) 5) 6)  Chapter Two -- Theory a) T h e o r e t i c a l C o n t r i b u t i o n s b) T h e o r e t i c a l C o n s i d e r a t i o n o f R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n One c) T h e o r e t i c a l C o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n Two d) T h e o r e t i c a l C o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n s Three and Four Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter  Three -- Methods Four -- D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t H i s t o r y F i v e -- E m p i r i c a l A n a l y s i s o f R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n One S i x -- E m p i r i c a l A n a l y s i s o f R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n s Three and Four Chapter Seven -- C o n c l u s i o n  9 10 11 13 14 16  ENDNOTES  19  CHAPTER TWO -- THEORY  21  A.  21  General T h e o r e t i c a l Perspective  B.  Some C l a s s i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e s on the Study o f E t h n i c Groups  25  1) 2) 3) 4)  25 27 29 30  K a r l Marx Max Weber F e r d i n a n d Toennies R o b e r t E. P a r k and t h e Chicago S c h o o l o f S o c i o l o g y  C.  Recent and Contemporary  P e r s p e c t i v e s on t h e Study o f E t h n i c Groups  D.  T h e o r e t i c a l A m p l i f i c a t i o n o f the Research Questions  50  1)  What a r e E t h n i c i t y and E t h n i c Group?  51  2)  What a r e t h e D i s t i n c t i o n s on Which E t h n i c i t y and E t h n i c Group a r e P r e d i c a t e d ? a) Focus A: N a t u r e o f I n t e r g r o u p R e l a t i o n s -A s s i m i l a t i o n or P l u r a l i s m b) Focus B: The N a t u r e o f t h e " E t h n i c Bond" c) Focus C: S u b j e c t i v e o r O b j e c t i v e C r i t e r i a f o r D e f i n i n g and R e c o g n i s i n g E t h n i c i t y d) Focus D: O r i g i n s o f Group D i s t i n c t i o n s : S o c i a l o r C u l t u r a l ? e) R e s t a t e m e n t o f I s s u e s R e g a r d i n g L e v e l s o f A n a l y s i s o f E t h n i c i t y and C o n c l u s i o n s Drawn from I t  3)  Why a) b) c) d) e) f)  4)  What a r e t h e L i m i t s o f E t h n i c i t y as a Means o f M a i n t a i n i n g  5)  Do E t h n i c D i s t i n c t i o n s P e r s i s t ? E t h n i c groups a r e s o c i a l Social critique of "multiculturalism" G l o b a l how and why o f e t h n i c groups The s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s E t h n i c i t y as i d e n t i t y o f group and s e l f Summary o f t h i s s u b - p o i n t , "Why do e t h n i c groups p e r s i s t ? "  34  54 56 60 65 71 74 76 76 77 78 79 81 84  Social Distinctions?  84  Raymond B r e t o n ' s Concept o f " I n s t i t u t i o n a l Completeness"  85  ENDNOTES  90  CHAPTER THREE -- RESEARCH METHODS  98  A.  General I n t r o d u c t i o n to t h i s Research  98  1)  Research o r i e n t a t i o n  98  2)  Research f o c i  99  B.  How t h e Study was Done  100  1)  100  I n c e p t i o n and p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n t o t h e e m p i r i c a l d a t a  2)  Employment o f E t h n o g r a p h i c and Other R e s e a r c h Modes as an " I n s i d e r - S t r a n g e r " Data G a t h e r i n g Data F o c u s s i n g and A n a l y s i s  3) 4) ENDNOTES  103 112 116 119  FART II -- EMPIRICAL STUDY CHAPTER FOUR -- THE DUTCH-CALVINIST COMMUNITY  129  A.  129  H i s t o r y , D e s c r i p t i o n and C o m p o s i t i o n o f D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s a t R i v e r s i d e 1)  B r i e f H i s t o r y o f Dutch-Calvinism, as i t p e r t a i n s t o t h i s study  129  2)  H i s t o r y o f t h e R i v e r s i d e C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church  134  3)  D e s c r i p t i o n o f R i v e r s i d e C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church community a) Church s t r u c t u r e and government b) R e l a t i o n s h i p s and f a m i l y t i e s w i t h i n t h e c h u r c h c) The range o f a c t i v i t i e s w i t h i n t h e c h u r c h R e l a t i o n s h i p o f t h i s c h u r c h t o o t h e r c h u r c h e s and s e r v i c e organisations  137 137 140 142  C o m p o s i t i o n o f t h i s D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t community a) S o c i o e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s b) P o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  150 150 151  c)  152  4) 5)  B.  S p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e members  G e n e r a l D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t customs, p r a c t i c e s and d o c t r i n e s  147  153  ENDNOTES  162  CHAPTER FIVE -- WHAT ARE "ETHNICITY" AND "ETHNIC GROUP"?  162  A.  Introduction  162  B.  Evidence o f a c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f descent, present and f u t u r e  162  1)  D u t c h - C a l v i n i s m as a form o f C h r i s t i a n i t y a) Emphasis on "covenant," d o c t r i n e o r i s o l a t i o n b) Emphasis on e t h n i c t r a i t s c) Emphasis on p e o p l e and e v e n t s  165 165 168 170  2)  R i v e r s i d e C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church as a s p e c i f i c D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t Faith-community  171  a) b) c) 3) C.  Inimigrant e v e n t , e x p e r i e n c e and persons P r e s e n t a s p e c t s o f community presumed i n h e r i t e d the p a s t General d i s p o s i t i o n to continue the heritage  172 from 178 180  Emphasis on Dutch n a t i o n a l h e r i t a g e  E v i d e n c e o f a common w o r l d v i e w  181  -- t h e p l a c e o f f a i t h i n t h e  lives of Dutch-Calvinists  193  1)  Introduction  193  2)  Fundamental s t a t e m e n t s common t o P r o t e s t a n t f a i t h  195  3)  R e s t r i c t i o n to Dutch-Calvinism  200  4)  D.  Evidence o f Fragmentation i n the D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t Worldview a) D e s i r e f o r b r o a d e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f D u t c h - C a l v i n i s m than represented a t R i v e r s i d e b) D e s i r e f o r a more r e s t r i c t e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f D u t c h - C a l v i n i s m than r e p r e s e n t e d a t R i v e r s i d e c) E v i d e n c e o f accommodation o f D u t c h - C a l v i n i s m E v i d e n c e o f e t h n i c group i n s t i t u t i o n s  1)  2)  E.  208 209 212 216 223  The r a t i o n a l e t h a t members g i v e f o r membership i n C h r i s t i a n organisations a) Focus o f u n i t y b) S o c i a l i s i n g Function c) Deepen knowledge and ground a n a l y s i s d) E d u c a t i o n a l f o u n d a t i o n s e) S e r v i c e i n o t h e r a r e a s o f l i f e f) "Safe havens"  223 224 225 225 226 228 228  The e f f e c t s , p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e , o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i n t h i s community a) P e r c e i v e d n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s b) Perceived positive effects  229 229 231  parallels  E v i d e n c e o f e t h n i c group b o u n d a r i e s  234  1) C r i t e r i a o f i n c l u s i o n and e x c l u s i o n  236  2) C a n a l i s i n g b e h a v i o u r a) P r e s c r i p t i o n s (1) The c h u r c h as an i n s t i t u t i o n (2) The C h r i s t i a n S c h o o l (3) Other C h r i s t i a n o r g a n i s a t i o n s and institutions (4) B u s i n e s s and work (5) E x t e r n a l o r g a n i s a t i o n s o r advocacy groups (6) S o c i a l and c i v i c e v e n t s  243 251 251 253 254 256 257 259  b)  Proscriptions (1) Developmental programmes and e d u c a t i o n (2) F u l l d i s c u s s i o n o f a l l s i d e s o f an i s s u e (3) Issues c r i t i c a l o f the e s t a b l i s h e d order (4) I s s u e s o f m o r a l i t y and Reformed p r a c t i c e (5) M a r r i a g e , f r i e n d s h i p and a s s o c i a t i o n  259 260 261 262 264 265  ENDNOTES  269  CHAPTER S I X -- ETHNIC GROUP PERSISTENCE AND LIMITATIONS  291  A.  Why Do E t h n i c Groups P e r s i s t ?  291  1) 2) 3) 4) 5)  A f o c u s o f f a i t h development A source o f f a i t h - p r i n c i p l e s o r ideology A c o n t e x t f o r s o c i a l c o n t a c t and s u p p o r t A b a s i s f o r e x t e r n a l s o c i a l c o n t a c t and a c t i o n I d e n t i t y , f a m i l i a r i t y and s t a b i l i t y  293 296 298 300 302  6)  Natural process,  304  B.  i n h e r i t a n c e and t r a d i t i o n  What a r e t h e L i m i t s o f E t h n i c i t y ?  308  ENDNOTES  341 PART I I I -- DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS  CHAPTER SEVEN  350  A.  Summary o f T h e s i s  350  B.  A T y p o l o g y o f E t h n i c i t y i n t h e R i v e r s i d e Dutch C a l v i n i s t Community  360  1)  2)  C.  F i r s t T y p o l o g y F e a t u r e : P o s i t i o n R e l a t i v e t o Course o f Ethnicity a) The R e c u r s i v e A t t i t u d e b) The D i s c u r s i v e A t t i t u d e c) The E x c u r s i v e A t t i t u d e  364 368 369 371  The Second T y p o l o g y F e a t u r e :  372  Criteria of Ethnicity  a)  Diacritical Criteria  372  b)  Communalist C r i t e r i a  374  D i s c u s s i o n and Use o f t h e Typology  375  1) 2) 3) 4) 5)  376 379 379 380 382  The The The The The  R e c u r s i v e D i a c r i t i c a l Segment o f t h e Community D i s c u r s i v e D i a c r i t i c a l Segment o f t h e Community E x c u r s i v e D i a c r i t i c a l Segment o f t h e Community R e c u r s i v e Communal Segment o f t h e Community D i s c u r s i v e Communal Segment o f t h e Community  6) D.  The E x c u r s i v e Communal Segment o f t h e Community  Conclusion  383 383  ENDNOTES  387  Bibliography  389  P e r s o n a l O b s e r v a t i o n Notes  407  Documents L i s t  409  M i s c e l l a n e o u s Documents L i s t  411  Appendices Tables Survey Q u e s t i o n n a i r e  414 454  LIST OF TABLES Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table  1 - D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Respondents as Members o f RCRC 2 - L e n g t h o f Membership o f Respondents 3 - D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Respondents by P a s t Church Membership 4 - G r e a t e s t S t r e n g t h s o f RCRC 5 - G r e a t e s t Weaknesses o f RCRC 6 - P r e f e r r e d D e s i g n a t i o n s o f RCRC by O u t s i d e r s 7 - A c t u a l D e s i g n a t i o n s o f RCRC as R e p o r t e d by Respondents 8 - Respondents' Group A s s o c i a t i o n s 9 - Respondents' F r i e n d s h i p Groups 10 -Respondents' B u s i n e s s C l i e n t e l e 11 - Respondents' Sources o f P e r s o n a l A d v i c e 12 - Respondents' R e c r e a t i o n Groups 13 -Respondents' Agreement w i t h D e n o m i n a t i o n 14 -Respondents' Agreement w i t h RCRC Church C o u n c i l ' s P o s i t i o n 15 -Respondents' P e r c e p t i o n s o f C h i l d r e n ' s E t h n i c R e t e n t i o n 16 -Respondents' A t t i t u d e s Toward M a r r i a g e P a r t n e r C h o i c e s 17 - Ranked Reasons f o r Membership i n RCRC 18 -Age D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Respondents 19 - Respondents by Sex 20 -Number o f C h i l d r e n o f Respondents 21 -Respondents' P l a c e o f B i r t h 22 -Respondents' P o l i t i c a l P r e f e r e n c e s 23 - Respondents' O c c u p a t i o n s 24 -Respondents' C h i l d r e n s ' E l e m e n t a r y S c h o o l 25 -Respondents' C h i l d r e n s ' H i g h S c h o o l 26 -Respondents' C h i l d r e n s ' U n i v e r s i t y o r C o l l e g e 27 - C o r r e l a t i o n s Between Respondents' Ages and Group Associations 28 - C o r r e l a t i o n s Between Respondents' Sex and Group Associations 29 - C o r r e l a t i o n s Between Respondents' O c c u p a t i o n s and Group A s s o c i a t i o n s 30 - C o r r e l a t i o n s Between Respondents' Ages and F r i e n d s h i p Groups 31 - C o r r e l a t i o n s Between Respondents' Sex and F r i e n d s h i p Groups 32 - C o r r e l a t i o n s Between Respondents' O c c u p a t i o n s and F r i e n d s h i p Groups  Page 414 415 416 417 418 419 420 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 440 441 442 443 445 446 448 450 452  LIST OF FIGURES  Page Figure A  55  Figure B  364  Figure C  367  REFERENCE CODES FOR  RESEARCH NOTES AND  UNPUBLISHED SOURCES  I used a v a r i e t y of sources. I l i s t them h e r e , t o g e t h e r w i t h the codes by w h i c h I r e f e r t o them t h r o u g h o u t the d i s s e r t a t i o n . B - Weekly c h u r c h b u l l e t i n s . I n n o t a t i o n s I c i t e them by r e f e r r i n g t o t h e i r d a t e , w i t h the month a p p e a r i n g f i r s t ( e . g . , B 06-25-87). D = Document, r e f e r r i n g t o an o f f i c i a l document or r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t o f f i c i a l publication. I have l i s t e d a l l o f the documents by number i n t h e b i b l i o g r a p h y s e c t i o n of t h i s paper. The numbers ( e . g . , DIO) r e f e r t o i t s p l a c e m e n t i n the document i n d e x . FN = F i e l d n o t e s , w h i c h I j o t t e d down i n a notebook d u r i n g o r i m m e d i a t e l y after visits or observations. These o v e r l a p w i t h what I c a l l "personal o b s e r v a t i o n n o t e s , " below. They t e n d t o be o f a more g e n e r a l , r e f l e c t i v e c h a r a c t e r t h a n the o b s e r v a t i o n n o t e s , however. A g a i n I s p e c i f y them by d a t e ( e . g . , FN 06-25-87). I = I n t e r v i e w s . T h i s r e f e r s t o the d i r e c t p e r s o n a l c o n v e r s a t i o n s w i t h members, f o r m e r members, a t t e n d e r s and c l o s e o b s e r v e r s . C i t a t i o n s s u c h as "129," w i t h i n the work r e f e r t o the number a s s i g n e d t o the i n t e r v i e w s i n the o r d e r i n w h i c h t h e y were c o n d u c t e d d u r i n g the r e s e a r c h . The a l p h a n u m e r i c c o m b i n a t i o n f o l l o w i n g the i n t e r v i e w number, such as A: 53, f o r example, r e f e r s t o the p o s i t i o n on my i n t e r v i e w tape. "A" r e f e r s t o s i d e A o f each c a s e t t e t a p e , and the number r e f e r s t o the c o u n t e r p o s i t i o n on my Sony E d u c a t o r tape r e c o r d e r . I n each c a s e , I t r a n s c r i b e d e i t h e r the e n t i r e i n t e r v i e w o r c r u c i a l p o r t i o n s o f it. R e s e a r c h e r s d e s i r i n g expanded segments o f these i n t e r v i e w s may c o n t a c t the a u t h o r r e g a r d i n g t h e i r use. CM = M i n u t e s o f a " c o n g r e g a t i o n a l m e e t i n g . " T h i s i s a c h u r c h - w i d e m e e t i n g , open t o a l l members. I a l s o s p e c i f y t h e s e by date o f meeting. M - Minutes. T h i s d e s i g n a t i o n r e f e r s t o the minutes o f c o n s i s t o r y ( c h u r c h c o u n c i l ) meetings. They are s p e c i f i e d w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o d a t e s . They can be l o c a t e d i n my M i n u t e s f i l e s , which c o n t a i n more than one t h o u s a n d p h o t o c o p i e d pages o f m i n u t e s , g o i n g back t o the o r i g i n a l meeting o f R i v e r s i d e C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church i n 1952. Due to the c o n f i d e n t i a l n a t u r e o f t h e s e documents, they a r e a v a i l a b l e o n l y t o the Ph.D. e x a m i n i n g committee f o r v e r i f i c a t i o n . MI = M i s c e l l a n e o u s dociaments. T h i s i n c l u d e s documents f r o m p a r a l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s and D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t c h u r c h e s o t h e r than C h r i s t i a n Reformed. A l i s t o f M i s c e l l a n e o u s documents appears i n the b i b l i o g r a p h y , d e s i g n a t e d by number. PON = P e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n n o t e s . These are o f t e n d e t a i l e d n o t e s , t a k e n d u r i n g or immediately a f t e r s p e c i f i c o b s e r v a t i o n s . Sometimes t h e y t e n d t o be e v a l u a t i v e o f the s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h I was o b s e r v i n g . They a r e somewhat more r e s t r i c t e d i n scope than the f i e l d n o t e s , b u t t h e i r r o l e i n my r e s e a r c h and a n a l y s i s i s s i m i l a r . They are d e s i g n a t e d by number, and a l i s t o f PONs appears i n the b i b l i o g r a p h y s e c t i o n o f t h i s paper. SN = Sermon n o t e s . I took notes on more than 50 sermons p r e a c h e d on Sundays a t the R i v e r s i d e c h u r c h . R e f e r e n c e i s made t o the dates on w h i c h t h e n o t e s were made, w i t h the month b e i n g the f i r s t number ( e . g . , SN 06-25-87). N - Newsletter. T h i s i s the s u b s t i t u t e d name f o r the c h u r c h ' s monthly n e w s l e t t e r , w h i c h r e p o r t e d on conmiittees and groups, b u t a l s o a t t e m p t e d t o emphasize human i n t e r e s t concerns. I t had an a c t i v i t y s e c t i o n f o r c h i l d r e n and a p a s t o r ' s comment s e c t i o n . ( I used i t t o i n t r o d u c e and p u b l i c i s e m y s e l f and my p r o j e c t on two o c c a s i o n s . )  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many p e o p l e have encouraged me i n t h i s work o v e r the y e a r s . I b e g i n by t h a n k i n g Dr. N e i l Guppy, who took o v e r the c h a i r i n g o f my p r o j e c t i n s p i t e o f my u n o r t h o d o x y a t the u n i v e r s i t y . H i s f a i t h i n my a b i l i t y , h i s encouragement and h i s a s s i s t a n c e went f a r beyond h i s d u t y . They were i n d i s p e n s a b l e t o t h e c o m p l e t i o n o f t h i s work. Thanks a l s o t o t h o s e who have a d v i s e d me d u r i n g my y e a r s o f s t u d y a t UBC -- from Dr. Reg Robson, w i t h whom I worked o n a n o t h e r major p r o j e c t t o Dr. Roy Turner whose i n t e l l e c t u a l g a t h e r i n g s I so much e n j o y e d . I a l s o m e n t i o n the members o f my committee: Drs. G i l l i a n C r e e s e , T i s s a Fernando and E l v i W h i t t a k e r , who r e a d v a r i o u s v e r s i o n s o f t h i s work, o r s e r v e d as c h a i r s a t v a r i o u s s t a g e s . To Bonnie Decker a t T r i n i t y , I can o n l y say t h a t I c o u l d n o t have met the d e a d l i n e w i t h o u t h e r u n s p a r i n g h e l p and s a c r i f i c e . I thank UBC a r e a s e c r e t a r y , C a r o l Wong, and the c l e a n i n g s t a f f a t the department: Sonya, Heddy and, f o r m e r l y , D o r o t h y , who i m p r e s s e d me w i t h t h e i r m i n i s t e r i n g hiomanity. To t h e c o n g r e g a t i o n a t " R i v e r s i d e , " I thank them f o r t h e i r g r a c i o u s c o o p e r a t i o n and f o r t h e c o l l e c t i v e thousands o f f a s c i n a t i n g , i n s p i r i n g and i n t e n s e h o u r s you s p e n t w i t h me. I hope I have honoured t h e i r h o s p i t a l i t y b y f a i t h f u l l y rendering their stories. E s p e c i a l l y , I s i n g l e o u t t h e men I c a l l Rev. H u i z e n g a a n d Rev. P e t e r s e n i n t h i s s t u d y . T h e i r a d v i c e a n d hours o f i n t e r p r e t i v e c o n v e r s a t i o n , as w e l l as t h e i r c r u c i a l r o l e s i n s e c u r i n g e n t r a n c e t o t h i s community a r e a p p r e c i a t e d beyond words. I hope t h i s work g i v e s them something i n r e t u r n . I thank Mr. S i d T r e u r o f Datex Computer S e r v i c e s , L t d , o f Vancouver f o r s t a t i s t i c a l l y a n a l y s i n g the d a t a f o r me a l r e a d y s e v e r a l y e a r s ago, a t no charge! To t h o s e members o f the R i v e r s i d e community who t r a n s l a t e d hundreds o f pages o f m e e t i n g minutes from Dutch, and t o J e a n B e r g e r (and n e c e s s a r i l y unnamed s e c r e t a r i e s a t R i v e r s i d e CRC), who p h o t o c o p i e d them f o r me, I a l s o g i v e t h a n k s . To o u r d e a r f r i e n d s E l i z a b e t h Hamming Bonser who h e l p e d i n c o d i n g a l l t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , a n d t o N e i l and Joanne who s u p p o r t e d H e l e n and me i n deep and m e a n i n g f u l ways, my g r a t i t u d e and l o v e . To a l l o u r f r i e n d s i n C o q u i t l a m , where we l i v e d w h i l e I s t u d i e d a t t h e u n i v e r s i t y , t h i s mention i s inadequate thanks, indeed! To our p a r e n t s and f a m i l y who s u p p o r t e d us t h r o u g h t h i s p r o j e c t , I hope I can r e p a y them. Thanks t o L y l e and S a l l y f o r y o u r c o n c e r n a n d the w o n d e r f u l F i g u r e C. B u t , most o f a l l , I thank the l o v e and j o y s o f my l i f e : H e l e n , K a r a , D a n i e l and J o e l . I was n e v e r w i t h o u t you, no m a t t e r how d i s t a n t . You w i l l n e v e r know how much o f the p e r s e v e r a n c e f o r t h i s work s p r i n g s from t h e wonders o f y o u r i n t i m a t e l o v e . I w i l l t r y t o make up l o s t t i m e . May we a l l come t o know what i t i s t o be a p e o p l e f o r one a n o t h e r . To God: the mountain has moved t o the s e a . Laudamo Te.  CHAPTER ONE -- INTRODUCTION A. Why Study E t h n i c i t y Today? In t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , studies  I p r e s e n t an o v e r v i e w o f t h e s t a t e o f e t h n i c group  and o f what has been r e i f i e d  as e t h n i c i t y  everyday u n d e r s t a n d i n g . I a l s o show t h a t e t h n i c i t y than  h a s sometimes been presumed.  ethnographic,  i n social  s c i e n c e and i n  i s a more complex phenomenon  The e m p i r i c a l  aspect  documentary and s u r v e y methods t o a n a l y s e  of this  work uses  a group o f Canadian  Dutch-Calvinists. Some e t h n i c groups different  which  are larger  and whose members a r e bonded f o r  reasons t h a n those o f the D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s d e s c r i b e d h e r e , c o n s t i t u t e  f a c t i o n s t h a t compete f o r i n t e r e s t i n the l a r g e r s o c i a l o r g l o b a l o r d e r , c a u s i n g much o f today's e t h n o c e n t r i c p o s t u r i n g . Other groups s i m p l y p e r s i s t ;  "candidates  f o r n a t i o n h o o d , " as C l i f f o r d G e e r t z c a l l s them ( G e e r t z 1963: 111).  Group members  r e f u s e t o " s u b o r d i n a t e ... s p e c i f i c and f a m i l i a r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s  i n favor o f a  generalized  commitment t o an o v e r a r c h i n g and somewhat a l i e n  civil  order...  r i s k [ i n g ] a l o s s o f d e f i n i t i o n as an autonomous p e r s o n " ( G e e r t z 1963: 109).  They  a l s o g a i n power -- s o c i a l economic, p e r s o n a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l o r r e l i g i o u s  -- by  m a i n t a i n i n g group membership ( P e t e r s e n e t a l . , 1982: 19, 23; Y i n g e r 1981; Roosens 1989:  13-15, 159).  B.  Four Research Questions Both i n t h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n  and  i n the body o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , I e l a b o r a t e  f o u r r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s w h i c h guide t h i s work:  1)  What are  "ethnicity"  and  " e t h n i c group"? 2) What are the d i s t i n c t i o n s on w h i c h e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c groups are p r e d i c a t e d ? ^ 3) Why  do e t h n i c d i s t i n c t i o n s p e r s i s t ? ^ 4) What are the  o f e t h n i c i t y as a means o f m a i n t a i n i n g s o c i a l C.  distinctions?  Preview of This Study's Critique of Current Views of We  cannot u n d e r s t a n d today's w o r l d and  limits  Ethnicity  i t s i n t e r s o c i e t a l c o n f l i c t s without  a fundamentally a l t e r e d view of e t h n i c i t y .  I n response to the s e n t i m e n t s o f  the  opening q u e s t i o n s , Eugeen Roosens w r i t e s : .... [ E ] t h n i c groups promote t h e i r own, new eroded. (Roosens 1989: We  are a f f i r m i n g themselves more and more. They c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y , even as t h e i r o l d i d e n t i t y i s 9)  must come t o r e c o g n i s e the m u l t i p l e  l e v e l s on w h i c h group f o r m a t i o n  group member i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and a c t i o n o p e r a t e . into a thing, stature  or  as  of  birth,  it  p a r t i c u l a r place with p a r t i c u l a r  The  Because e t h n i c i t y has been made  i n " e t h n i c group," or a q u a l i t y s i m i l a r to s k i n c o l o u r ,  place  "have e t h n i c i t y "  ("be  is  sometimes  traits  and  equated  with  characteristics."  "people  Thus, one  can  most r e c e n t example o f t h i s v e r s i o n o f r e i f i c a t i o n appears i n Mary  e t h n i c groups came over as and  began an  as  a  e t h n i c " ) or not have i t .  her work, i t appears t h a t Waters would agree w i t h J o n a t h a n Serna, who  factors  sex,  from  Waters' a c c l a i m e d work,^ E t h n i c O p t i o n s : Choosing I d e n t i t i e s i n A m e r i c a .  1978)  and  ignorance, d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ,  assimilation,  nostalgic  b l o c k e d o n l y by  memories or s t u b b o r n  From  holds that  immigrant c o h o r t s ; p e o p l e became " e t h n i c s "  i n e x o r a b l e process of  C.  (Sarna such  practices  t h a t l e n t i d e n t i t y to group members i n the f a c e o f an o t h e r w i s e a l i e n , massive society.  Waters t a k e s H e r b e r t Cans's " s y m b o l i c e t h n i c i t y " (Cans 1979,  discussed  later  i n this  voluntaristic,  t h e s i s ) to personal  the  extreme: f o r " w h i t e e t h n i c s , "  matter....  p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t s or r i t u a l s . . . " o f one who  invok[ed]  (Waters 1990:  ...  for  164).  "ethnicity  the  This  enjoyment  i s the  is a of  conclusion  f i x e s on the a s s i m i l a t i o n / s y m b o l i c v s . the p l u r a l i s m / p r a c t i s e d l e v e l  o f group f o r m a t i o n and maintenance.  I n t h i s v e r s i o n o f e t h n i c i t y s t u d i e s , the  question of boundaries i s l a r g e l y i r r e l e v a n t . C h a r l e s Hirschman, i n h i s emphatic endorsement o f Waters' a s s e r t i o n s , s a y s . A f t e r r e a d i n g t h e s e b o o k s , ^ ... I b e l i e v e t h a t the a s s i m i l a t i o n t h e o r y may have been d i s m i s s e d p r e m a t u r e l y . No, I am n o t a r g u i n g f o r the r a c e r e l a t i o n s c y c l e o f R o b e r t Park, much l e s s the s t r a i g h t - l i n e a s s i m i l a t i o n t h e o r y t h a t o n l y e x i s t s i n the minds o f the c r i t i c s o f the a s s i m i l a t i o n model. But over the c o u r s e o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , w i t h i n the space o f t h r e e o r f o u r g e n e r a t i o n s , the v e r y r e a l e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s o f European immigrants seem t o have s u r v i v e d o n l y f o r a s m a l l f r a c t i o n o f t h e i r descendants. For the r e s t , " s j ^ b o l i c e t h n i c i t y " ... i s a l l t h a t i s l e f t . (Hirschman 1991: 183) I f i n d t h i s a s s e r t i o n i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the c o n c l u s i o n s  of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n .  I t i s o n l y r e m o t e l y t r u e i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , where homogeneity i s o f f e r e d t o those who  can "pass" i n the dominant c u l t u r e and where d a b b l i n g i n s y m b o l i c  has become somewhat f a s h i o n a b l e .  Even h e r e , the l u x u r i e s o f s y m b o l i c  and v o l u n t a r y a s s i m i l a t i o n - o r - p l u r a l i s m i s o n l y s u p e r f i c i a l l y and true.  ethnicity selectively  E t h n i c d i s t i n c t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y when c o l o u r i s added t o the mix,  i l l u s i v e and e l u s i v e .  For most p e o p l e who  " e t h n i c , " a s s i m i l a t i o n i s not  are l a b e l l e d or who  an o p t i o n .  Seldom has  has a l s o r e a d y e s t e r d a y ' s  are b o t h  l a b e l themselves  c o n f l i c t been  around i s s u e s o f peoplehood and boundary maintenance as i t i s today. who  ethnicity  exploding The  reader  newspaper o r watched l a s t n i g h t ' s t e l e v i s i o n news  can p r o v i d e a dozen examples o f e t h n i c c o n f l i c t or d i s t i n c t i o n .  For many o f us,  e t h n i c i t y i s t r u l y no more t h a n the c o n v e n i e n t s e l e c t i o n o f moods and f e e l i n g s , l i k e the s p e c i a l t y f o o d we e a t , the music we has  g r e a t e x p r e s s i v e , but l i t t l e  choose or the brands we wear.  instrumental,  value.  It  D. Some A l t e r n a t i v e P o i n t s My t h e s i s contends t h a t e t h n i c i t y , even as a term, i s dynamic. c o n s t r u a l o f one's p o s i t i o n i n space and time. North  American  context  t h e works  t i o n o f group f o r m a t i o n and  e t h n i c group.  and C h a r l e s  Although I c r i t i c i s e  i n t o e t h n i c i t y , I continue  d i s t i n c t i o n s and d e f i n e  F.  Keyes,  the r e i f i c a -  t o use t h e terms e t h n i c i t y  c a n summarise f o u r  other  points  themselves.  w h i c h t h i s work makes, and w h i c h r e -  emerge t h r o u g h o u t a l l o f t h e r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s that  Barth  i n t o the  However, my d e f i n i t i o n s attempt t o c a p t u r e t h e dynamics by  which people maintain I  I attempt t o b r i n g  of Fredrik  d e v e l o p e d l a r g e l y i n South A s i a n s e t t i n g s .  It isa  and l e v e l s o f a n a l y s i s .  e t h n i c i t y need n o t be c u r r e n t l y n a t i o n a l  a l t h o u g h i t s o r i g i n s may have been such.  or geographic  When one r e c o g n i s e s  One i s  i n character,  and o p e r a t e s w i t h  the v a r i o u s l e v e l s o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n r e g a r d i n g e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c groups, t h e n one  n o t i c e s a n o t h e r o f my main p o i n t s : p e o p l e d e v i s e  maintain is  d i s t i n c t i o n s between themselves and o t h e r s .  a p a r t i c u l a r worldview.  study  adhere  maintenance  a v a r i e t y o f reasons t o Frequently  that  The w o r l d v i e w t o w h i c h D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s  i s o f a r e l i g i o u s nature.  I call  this  reason of this  p r i n c i p l e o f group  "faith-ethnicity."  A t h i r d theme t h a t re-emerges t h r o u g h o u t t h i s r e s e a r c h c o n f r o n t s  an a s p e c t  o f B a r t h ' s and Keyes's p o s i t i o n s when they a s s e r t t h a t t h e r e must be s t r u c t u r a l o p p o s i t i o n i n o r d e r f o r an e t h n i c group t o p e r s i s t . group  formation  does n o t r e q u i r e  I n t h i s study, I f i n d that  structural opposition  b u t may  i n v o l v e an  i n t e r n a l l y generated a n t i t h e s i s instead. As  Roosens  contends  (1989:  13, 1 4 ) , m a t e r i a l  e q u a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i s the a s s e r t i o n o f uniqueness.  gains  may be s o u g h t , b u t  P e o p l e p r e f e r , he s a y s , t o  be known by t h e i r h o r i z o n t a l i d e n t i t y , as members o f a p a r t i c u l a r group  since  all  p e o p l e a r e members o f one group o r a n o t h e r .  e a s i l y ranked h i e r a r c h i c a l l y .  This  Hence, such groups a r e n o t  i s p r e f e r r e d over t h e v e r t i c a l r a n k i n g o f  c l a s s p o s i t i o n , i n w h i c h some may be r e g a r d e d as h i g h and some low. D a n i e l (1975) a l s o p o i n t s within  t o the g r e a t e r  which people  appeal o f ethnic  commune r a t h e r  than  classes  groups as s o c i a l  or occupational  Bell  spaces  or colour  categories. A f o u r t h r e c u r r e n t p o i n t i s t h a t o u t w a r d l y homogeneous groups o f p e o p l e must be  quite diverse  internally  i n order  t o keep the i n t e r e s t and a l l e g i a n c e o f  t h e i r members. Group f o r m a t i o n the  Riverside  region.  as  C h r i s t i a n Reformed  This  confession.  and p e r s i s t e n c e  group  o c c u r s among D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s , members o f Church^  i s an e t h n i c  i n a major  community  based  on a  metropolitan  particular  faith  I f these p e o p l e m a i n t a i n d i s t i n c t i o n s t h a t t h e y p e r s i s t e n t l y r e g a r d  r e l e v a n t between themselves and o t h e r s ,  t h e n anyone c a n .  i n v e s t i g a t e Dutch-Calvinist e t h n i c i t y , I challenge holds  Canadian  e i t h e r , as Waters  does,  that  I n choosing to  the e x i s t i n g orthodoxy which  e t h n i c i t y i s primarily of national or  g e o g r a p h i c o r i g i n o r , as does Keyes, t h a t i t r e q u i r e s s t r u c t u r a l o p p o s i t i o n . Against  the  tide  i n d u s t r i a l i s e d world, forged  of  increasing  assimilation  into  a  secularised,  members o f the R i v e r s i d e C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church have  and m a i n t a i n e d  a strong  community.  This  community  on Dutch-  Calvinist  b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s w h i c h a r e d e f i n e d  Calvinism  a l o n e , b u t by t h e i n t e r a c t i o n o f these two -- by what I c a l l  ethnicity.^  neither  rests  by Dutchness n o r faith-  The c e n t r a l i t y o f f a i t h r a t h e r than Dutch n a t i o n a l o r i g i n s i n t h i s  community i s e v i d e n t  from t h e s t u d y .  The t i t l e I chose f o r t h i s work, " I t e l l  them, 'We a r e a b l e s s e d p e o p l e , ' " w h i l e a p h o r i s t i c , i s n o t u n u s u a l . ^ the group's c e n t r e and r a i s o n d ' e t r e  i n i t s worldview.  T h i s group  I t locates exemplifies  the  fact  that,  traditional  even  values  i n the --  not  face by  of  modernity,  resisting  some  modernity,  groups but  retain  by  their  successfully  i n t e g r a t i n g t h e i r s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s w i t h t h a t o f the m a j o r i t y s o c i e t y even though national  origins  fade  i n significance  and  may  disappear  altogether.  The  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f d e s c e n t , combined w i t h c o n s t r u a l s o f the p r e s e n t and f u t u r e , preserve  relevant,  often  changing,  elements  r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h p r i n c i p l e s of f a i t h .  of  that  heritage  in  dynamic  Emergent bases f o r group s o l i d a r i t y  o t h e r n o n - n a t i o n a l o r g e o g r a p h i c bases, such as f a i t h c o n f e s s i o n , i n t h i s may  occur  1981:  ( B a r t h 1981:  217-219; Cans 1979:  i x , x ; Roosens 1989:  2, 3; Okamura 1981:  13, 14; W a l d i n g e r ,  45f;  or  case,  Steinberg  e t a l 1990:179).  E. Divisions Within This Work 1) Chapter Two  -- Theory  a) Theoretical Contributions The  t h e s i s i s d i v i d e d into three p a r t s .  w h i c h t h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n i s one c h a p t e r . Chapter  Two  I refer  Toennies,  of  I n l o c a t i n g the s t u d y o f  t o f e a t u r e s o f the works o f K a r l Marx, Max  Robert  E. Park, A l f r e d S c h u t z ,  i n t e n d e d t o demonstrate the  class.  i s the "Framework," o f  The remainder o f t h i s p a r t c o n s i s t s o f  B e r g e r , K a r l Mannheim and J u r g e n Habermas. is  first  i n which I d e a l w i t h t h e o r e t i c a l i s s u e s .  group f o r m a t i o n , Ferdinand  The  Thomas Luckmann and  Peter  This foray i n t o s o c i o l o g i c a l theory  f a b r i c a t i o n of e t h n i c i t y  in distinction  from  The p h e n o m e n o l o g i s t s among those j u s t mentioned, and w i t h the a d d i t i o n  Elvi  Whittaker,  provide  a  footing  which  I use  i n this  c o n s t r u c t r e a l i t y a c c o r d i n g t o the s i t u a t i o n s they e n c o u n t e r . life,  Weber,  seek  to  make  sense  of  i t and  "obj e c t i v a t e "  e x p l a n a t i o n s i n terms t h a t they can manage. become e x t e r n a l and f a m i l i a r t o them.  their  study.  People  They e x p e r i e n c e experiences  and  Over time, these o b j e c t i v a t i o n s  Habermas and o t h e r s , p r o v i d e me w i t h a  theoretical  basis  from w h i c h  c o n s t i t u t i o n o f groups.  to  argue  Whittaker's  that  worldview  in  the  p o i n t i s t h a t e t h n i c i t y i s a grammar o r  way  o f e x p l a i n i n g a complex o f r e l a t i o n s , p e o p l e and as  is  important  institutions.  i f e t h n i c i t y were the language, not m e r e l y the grammar.  discuss  Fredrik  Barth's  point  that,  in  the  course  of  But p e o p l e a c t This  l e a d s me  to  i n t e r a c t i o n , people  m a i n t a i n d i s t i n c t i o n s w h i c h he c a l l s b o u n d a r i e s , t h a t s e p a r a t e them from o t h e r s . In  this  process,  o b j e c t i v a t i o n , mentioned  earlier,  extends  to  particular  p a t t e r n s o f a c t i o n and even becomes f i x e d i n i n s t i t u t i o n s . b) Theoretical Consideration of Research Question A t t h i s p o i n t I d i s c u s s the f i r s t r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n . I summarise my fully;  definitions  present  be  For t h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n ,  o f these terms ; i n C h a p t e r Two,  i n Chapter F i v e , I t h o r o u g h l y  E t h n i c i t y may  One  they are  defined  t e s t the parameters o f t h e s e d e f i n i t i o n s .  seen as a c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u a l o f d e s c e n t ( t h e p a s t ) ,  the  and f u t u r e : on the b a s i s o f one's s i t u a t i o n ( o r the group's c o l l e c t i v e  s i t u a t i o n ) , one  a c t i v e l y construes  an i d e n t i t y i n w h i c h g i v e n s  f r o m the  past,  from one's c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n , as w e l l as one's p r o j e c t i o n s f o r the f u t u r e , s e r v e as p o t e n t i a l b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s f o r s o c i a l r o l e s and  institutions.  An  ethnic  group can be summarised as a s o c i a l c o n s t r u a l i n w h i c h group members r e s p o n d t o surrounding  c o n d i t i o n s by c r e a t i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g b o u n d a r i e s and  u s i n g whatever d i s t i n c t i o n s they f i n d a v a i l a b l e and e f f e c t i v e . and  institutions,  These b o u n d a r i e s  i n s t i t u t i o n s a l l o w members t o p r e s c r i b e some a c t i o n s , p r o s c r i b e o t h e r s  p r o v i d e c r i t e r i a by w h i c h t o i d e n t i f y , e v a l u a t e and judge themselves and Such s o c i a l c o n s t r u a l may  a l s o be  imposed from o u t s i d e  the group.  and  others.  Boundaries  ( f o r example, p a r i a h s t a t u s o r c o l o u r b a r r i e r s ) and s t r u c t u r e s (such as s l a v e r y ) may  be c r e a t e d by o t h e r s .  I n o t h e r words, such b o u n d a r i e s may  not be  desired  by n o r be p r o f i t a b l e t o a group i t s e l f , b u t may be imposed by a dominant group (cf. Patterson  1977) .  c) T h e o r e t i c a l C o n s i d e r a t i o n s  o f R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n Two  A major p o r t i o n o f Chapter Two t r e a t s t h e second r e s e a r c h d i s t i n c t i o n s on w h i c h t h i s "grammar" e t h n i c i t y i s p r e d i c a t e d .  question: the  I n f a c t , although  I use t h e f i n d i n g s o f t h i s a n a l y s i s t h r o u g h o u t t h e t h e s i s , I do n o t r e - p r e s e n t an  argument f o r i t anywhere e l s e  i n the d i s s e r t a t i o n .  t h e s i s o f my work: a t l e a s t f o u r a n a l y t i c a l study  of ethnic  intergroup  phenomena.  First,  r e l a t i o n s , and t h e y  symbolic  or p r a c t i s e d  scholars  investigate  or a product  ethnicity  features  usually  a second  level:  of social queries  A  about t h e c r i t e r i a  objective  assertions?  F i n a l l y , many s c h o l a r s  originate i n s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l have  on t h e n a t u r e  of  assimilation or pluralism, o f such  the nature  circumstance.  a r e they  scientists  focus  relations.  o f what  they  Other  call  ethnic  They d i s c u s s whether e t h n i c i t y i s a p r i m o r d i a l  determined:  Social  assert  i s a prominent  are d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e i n the  some w r i t e r s  e t h n i c i t y as t h e outcome  f e e l i n g s o r t h e e t h n i c bond. given  foci  This  traits  analytical  level  of  by w h i c h group membership i s  subjective  f i x on d e t e r m i n i n g  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and whether e t h n i c  groups  sources.  struggled,  e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c group.  or  third  often  I n so d o i n g ,  with  each  other,  to  explain  they have o f t e n m i s u n d e r s t o o d one  a n o t h e r by w o r k i n g w i t h d i f f e r e n t o b j e c t s and a t t h e d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s d e s c r i b e d above, when they assumed they were d i s c u s s i n g t h e same t h i n g . comparison across Even worse  C r i t i c i s m and  these l e v e l s and debates has caused c o n s i d e r a b l e  i s the assumption  that  e t h n i c i t y or ethnic  group  u n d e r s t o o d by a c k n o w l e d g i n g o n l y one o f these l e v e l s o r f o c i .  confusion.  c a n be  To d e m y s t i f y  e l u s i v e a s p e c t o f human s o c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e , I attempt t o s y n t h e s i z e  fully this  significant  i n s i g h t s from each l e v e l o f debate.®  One  o f the p o i n t s o f t h i s t h e s i s i s t h a t  a l l f o u r o f t h e s e l e v e l s must be t a k e n i n t o account. Each l e v e l can become the f o c u s o f a t t e n t i o n ; each p r o v i d e s an i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t o f what we c a l l But  i f one  f o l l o w s Waters' example and  a b s o l u t i s e s any  ethnicity.  s i n g l e focus  regarding  a s s i m i l a t i o n - p l u r a l i s m ( f o l l o w i n g the eminent l e a d o f R o b e r t E. P a r k and a s c o r e of e t h n i c i t y s c h o l a r s s i n c e him),  t h e n one misses the c o m p l e x i t y  o f the dynamic  human i n t e r a c t i o n s t h a t r e s u l t i n boundary f o r m a t i o n among p e o p l e who  identify  w i t h some and e x c l u d e o t h e r s . d) Theoretical Considerations of Research Questions Three and Each o f the o t h e r r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y examined and i n the r e m a i n d e r o f Chapter Two.  The  Four  fortified  reasons f o r e t h n i c group p e r s i s t e n c e ,  the  f o c u s o f the t h i r d r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n , are d i s c u s s e d i n l i g h t o f the t h e o r i e s o f Keyes, Cans, S t e i n b e r g , Yancey, Y i n g e r , Roosens, I s a a c s and  Epstein.  these r e a s o n s are i n s t r v i m e n t a l : p e o p l e p e r c e i v e t h a t groups p r o v i d e i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . Other reasons are presumed t o be i n n a t e .  Some o f  advantages  F o r example,  G e e r t z and I s a a c s c o n t e n d t h a t p e o p l e grasp onto e t h n i c i t y because i t i s n a t u r a l and  irresistible  for  them  to  do  so.  A  group  of  t h e o r i s t s contends  e t h n i c i t y i s a hedge a g a i n s t a l i e n a t i o n i n an o t h e r w i s e society  (e.g.  i d e n t i t y and 1988:  Yinger stability  1981).  I t i s also  (as E p s t e i n , 1978,  23-48; 201-208 have a l s o  regarded and  as  Driedger  r a t i o n a l and a  source  1975:  151;  that  heartless  of  personal  1976:  131;  found).  The t h e o r e t i c a l p o s i t i o n I f i n d most c o n v i n c i n g , however, i s t h a t groups are b o t h c o n d i t i o n e d by e x t e r n a l f o r c e s and a l s o shaped and s e l e c t e d by a c t o r s choose t o m a i n t a i n b o u n d a r i e s and Such b o u n d a r i e s and serve  as  criteria  i n s t i t u t i o n s between themselves and  others.  i n s t i t u t i o n s p r e s c r i b e some a c t i o n s , p r o s c r i b e o t h e r s for  identification,  evaluation  and  judgment.  who  While  and the  theoretical  underpinnings  Chapter Two,  of  this  third  research  question  are  discussed  in  i t i s e m p i r i c a l l y i n v e s t i g a t e d and c h a l l e n g e d i n g r e a t d e t a i l  in  Chapter S i x . The  treatment  i n Chapter Two  o f the f o u r t h and  f i n a l research question  of  t h i s t h e s i s i s examined p r i m a r i l y by r e f e r r i n g t o the t h e o r i e s o f B a r t h , Cans and  Breton.  Barth  a p t l y suggests  that e t h n i c i t y  serves  as  a  criterion  d i s t i n c t i o n o n l y as l o n g as p e r s o n a l performance i s n o t compromised ( B a r t h 214).  T h i s i s c o r r o b o r a t e d by Keyes, whose e t h n o g r a p h i c  loyalty  to  the  circumstances. brilliant  ethnic This  analysis  persistence.  group  point of  is  is  the  dispensable  considerably  effect  I n Chapter Two,  of  an  in  face  by  institutional  I acknowledge these  1981:  r e s e a r c h shows t h a t  the  augmented  of  of  changing  Raymond  Breton's  centre  on  groups'  theoretical contributions,  a w a i t i n g the l a s t p a r t o f Chapter S i x f o r p r e s e n t i n g e m p i r i c a l t e s t i n g o f them. This  study  also  shows  members because  that Dutch-Calvinism  i t affords s t a b i l i t y  g e n e r a l l y well-rewarded  appears  and. enhances  t o be  accepted  characteristics  by that  some are  i n Canadian s o c i e t y .  2) Chapter Three -- Methods Chapter Three t r e a t s the methodology and this  study.  In  i t , I  show  how  I  r e s e a r c h s t r a t e g i e s employed i n  combined  nearly  one  hundred  in-depth  i n t e r v i e w s ; documentary a n a l y s i s o f meeting m i n u t e s , c h u r c h b u l l e t i n s and group histories;  data  collected  from  a  community-wide  survey  questionnaire;  p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n over a p e r i o d o f n i n e months; and p e r s o n a l knowledge o f the D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t t r a d i t i o n . community complexity  with  these  multiple  I c o n t e n d t h a t when one e x h a u s t i v e l y s t u d i e s a strategies,  about which I have been w r i t i n g  maintenance becomes e v i d e n t ; one  notes  one  encounters  i n this  the  levels  of  introduction.  Boundary  that d e f i n i t i o n s of persons,  actions,  community, and confirmed  the  and  general  s o c i e t y are  re-defined.  I tap  constantly being  i n t o the  literature  questioned,  on  formed,  ethnographic  field-  work, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h a t w h i c h i n v o l v e s a t t e m p t s t o r e - c o n s t r u c t the l i f e w o r l d s of  people  on  interpret. of  the  basis  of  Specifically,  beginning  a  preconceptions.  study For  ideas  by  which  I p r o f e s s and  with  "social  t h i s reason,  present  people,  themselves,  live  exploration"  rather  "research  than  a  questions"  host  rather  of than  I used my r o l e as an " i n s i d e r - s t r a n g e r "  o f the community w h i c h , I b e l i e v e , h e l p e d  f e a t u r e s o f t h i s group w h i c h I would not have n o t i c e d i f I had  w i t h a n o t h e r group.  and  employ W i l l i a m Foote Whyte's p r a c t i c e  I devised  h y p o t h e s e s , when I p l a n n e d t h i s study. to g a i n a p p r e c i a t i o n of aspects  the  Here, I note L o f l a n d and L o f l a n d ' s  me  worked  (1984) p o i n t t h a t  one  must l e a r n t o i n t e r p r e t words and p h r a s e s which p e o p l e use i n o r d e r t o c o n s t r u c t what t h e y r e a l l y mean.  In t h i s chapter  p o i n t t h a t an e t h n o g r a p h i c  I a l s o r e f e r to Zora Neale Hurston's  a n a l y s i s o f a community w i t h w h i c h one  i s l i k e s t u d y i n g a garment one has worn.  One  can b e t t e r a n a l y s e  i s familiar  i t when i t i s  removed, but one u n d e r s t a n d s i t b e t t e r f o r h a v i n g worn i t . I  moved between  two  levels:  s e e k i n g t o u n d e r s t a n d and p r e s e n t o f the n a t u r e  that  of  the  Dutch-Calvinist  i t s w o r l d v i e w ,and  community,  in  t h a t o f the w i d e r c o n c e r n  o f e t h n i c groups as e x e m p l i f i e d by t h a t community.  3) Chapter Four -- Dutch-Calvinist History This  chapter  begins  C a l v i n i s t h i s t o r y and Chapter  Four  Dutch-Calvinism,  Two,  which  contains  a  presentation  i d e a s , b o t h i n the N e t h e r l a n d s and  provides beginning  a c c e n t those f e a t u r e s  Part  a  s e l e c t i v e and  i n the N e t h e r l a n d s .  specific  of  i n Canada.  historical  In t h i s chapter,  analysis  of  I attempt to  of Canadian D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s ' p a s t by w h i c h t h e y  t h e i r present o r i e n t a t i o n to t h e i r l a r g e r s o c i e t y .  Dutch-  E s p e c i a l l y important  build i s the  development o f a w o r l d v i e w  which  emphasized the s e p a r a t e  e r e c t i o n of p a r a l l e l i n s t i t u t i o n s .  and  "antithetical"  I include this rather extensive h i s t o r i c a l  s e c t i o n t o b u t t r e s s my c o n t e n t i o n t h a t e t h n i c i t y i s a c o n s t r u a l o f the p a s t i n present  and  f u t u r e - o r i e n t e d terms.  At  least  f o r these  Dutch-Calvinists i n  R i v e r s i d e , the p a s t i s n o t s i m p l y a n o s t a l g i c memory; i t i s the r e s e r v o i r f o r c o n c e p t s , d o c t r i n e s , i d e a s and p r a c t i c e s employed today, e i t h e r i n i d e n t i c a l o r adapted  form.  Further  in  congregation.  Chapter  Four,  I  present  a  history  of  this  particular  A g a i n , I a s s e r t t h a t a dynamic and p r a c t i s e d e t h n i c i t y p r e v a i l s ,  gravitationally  encircling  the n u c l e u s  of f a i t h .  I intend this  chapter  to  p r e s e n t a more c r e d i b l e model o f the phenomenon o f e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c groups around the w o r l d today t h a n does the presumed Hirschman and  their  followers.  I f one  q u e s t i o n s , as does Waters, t h e n one smorgasbord.  One  S3nnbolic  asks p e o p l e  v a r i e t y o f Waters, Cans, i s o l a t e d and  superficial  g e t s the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t e t h n i c i t y  is a  must l o o k d e e p l y i n t o a group's h i s t o r y and must n o t assume  a l i t e r a l o r d i r e c t usage o f c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l f e a t u r e s . R a t h e r , one must see e t h n i c i t y as the i n h e r i t a n c e o f p r i n c i p l e s by w h i c h t o c o n s t r u e o r i n t e r p r e t the past,  present  and  future.  Then one  begins  to understand  the  alternatively  warming and c h i l l i n g depth t o which some w i l l go t o m a i n t a i n d i s t i n c t i o n s t h a t they c o n s i d e r i m p o r t a n t o r i n d i s p e n s a b l e .  Ask  a C r o a t i a n whether h i s o r h e r  e t h n i c i t y i s s y m b o l i c o r p r a c t i s e d ; ask a K w a k i u t l , a N i s h g a o r a H a i d a ; ask a Mennonite; ask a D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t .  H i s t o r y , o f the s o r t I p r e s e n t i n  Chapter  Four, i s n o t dead b u t a l i v e i n the c r e e d s , i n s t i t u t i o n s and d i s t i n c t i o n s  today's  members o f the group m a i n t a i n , r e - t o o l and  use.  4) Chapter F i v e -- E m p i r i c a l A n a l y s i s o f R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n Chapter F i v e  addresses  research  question  one  empirically.  l o n g e s t , most complex s i n g l e p a r t o f the t h e s i s . scholars, regard  e t h n i c i t y as p r e - e m i n e n t l y  This  is  the  S i n c e most p e o p l e , i n c l u d i n g  d e r i v i n g from the p a s t ,  t h a t the p a s t i s a good p l a c e t o s t a r t the i n v e s t i g a t i o n . d e f i n i t i o n which holds  One  I  decide  I b e g i n w i t h Keyes'  that e t h n i c i t y i s a c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of descent.  This i s already a departure,  of course,  from those who  simply h o l d to a d i r e c t  h i s t o r i c a l l i n e a g e o f e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c group from some group o f  ancestors.  However, as I s c r o l l back o v e r the D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t p a s t , b o t h i n the N e t h e r l a n d s and  i n Canada, I f i n d t h a t i t i s not o n l y an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the p a s t .  o n l y those elements o f the p a s t t h a t have r e l e v a n c e both.  As  i t t u r n s out,  ethnicity  i s indeed  more p r e c i s e l y , i t i n t e r p r e t s - - o r  f o r the p r e s e n t ,  a cultural  construes.  as I c a l l  future or  interpretation. i t -- an  but  But  inheritance  from the p a s t , an a c c o u n t o f one's c u r r e n t s t a t u s and one's endowment f o r the f u t u r e and f u t u r e g e n e r a t i o n s .  T h i s a g a i n , as f a r as I can t e l l , k i c k s sand i n  the eyes o f the more myopic v i e w o f e t h n i c i t y w h i c h p o r t r a y s  i t as a sjraibolic  g a i e t y w h i c h N o r t h Americans can d o f f o r don a t w i l l . Turning analyse  to  the  i t more  definition  thoroughly  of  in  ethnic  Chapter  group Five.  developed I  i n Chapter  review  the  Two,  I  observations,  q u e s t i o n n a i r e s and i n t e r v i e w s o f members o f R i v e r s i d e C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church t o f i n d whether t h e r e  i s s u p p o r t f o r each element o f t h a t d e f i n i t i o n .  First,  r e g a r d i n g the e x i s t e n c e o f a common w o r l d v i e w , I l o o k t o a s s e r t i o n s w h i c h I draw from S c h u t z , B e r g e r and Luckmann, and Habermas i n Chapter Two.  I f i n d t h a t the  D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s ' worldview i s deeply rooted i n t h e i r strong, pervasive  faith.  I n f a c t , t h a t f a i t h q u a l i f i e s t h e i r e t h n i c i t y t o the p o i n t t h a t i t d i s t i n g u i s h e s i t from o t h e r forms o f e t h n i c i t y .  I c a l l this faith-ethnicity.  There are many  forms  of  this  faith-ethnicity.  Some people  are  very  exclusive i n  their  adherence t o C a l v i n i s m , w h i l e o t h e r s b e l i e v e t h a t the essence o f f a i t h i n t h i s community i s i t s w i l l i n g n e s s to r e a c h beyond t r a d i t i o n a l membership r o l e s  and  attempt  not  t o b r i n g i n people  proclaimed  in  Nonetheless, The  the  urgent  have never  manner  with  heard which  the g o s p e l the  --  at least  Calvinist  presses i t .  f a i t h - e t h n i c i t y t h r i v e s i n e i t h e r case.  next  part  of  institutions,  which  my  Breton's  who  Chapter  Five  definition  considers  the  presence  o f e t h n i c group mentions.  (1964) i d e a s about the importance  of  community  Using  Raymond  o f such s t r u c t u r e s , I show the deep  c o n n e c t i o n s among i n d i v i d u a l s , t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s and  ideals.  That l e a d s t o an e x t e n s i v e a t t e n t i o n to B a r t h ' s and Keyes's emphasis group b o u n d a r i e s .  S i n c e my  d e f i n i t i o n c i t e s boundaries  the D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t case  t o determine  Barth  e x t e n t t h a t they  suggests.  To  the  whether t h e y pay  i n t e r v i e w , documents and t a b u l a t e d d a t a .  do,  as i m p o r t a n t , I attention  I provide  such  on  test  t o them  examples  as  from  The b o u n d a r i e s e x i s t i n the forms o f  p r a c t i c e s , f r i e n d s h i p s , t e a c h i n g s , w o r s h i p formats and i n t e r a c t i o n s t y l e s , f o r example. 5) Chapter Six -- Empirical Analysis of Research Questions Three and Chapter "Why  do  S i x combines the d a t a g a t h e r e d t o answer two  ethnic  persistence?"  groups  persist?"  and  "What  Here, I d e l v e deeper i n t o  is  the  Four  research questions:  limit  of  ethnic  group  the w o r l d o f the D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s ,  u n c o v e r i n g and v i e w i n g t h e i r s t o r i e s and p r a c t i c e s .  They t o l d me t h a t the group  i s b o t h a f o c u s and source o f t h e i r f a i t h ; i t s e r v e s as a p l a c e f o r s u p p o r t  and  c o n t a c t ; i t p r o v i d e s a p l a t f o r m from which to v i e w the w o r l d and t o jump i n t o i t s fray.  I n a d d i t i o n , i t i s a source o f i d e n t i t y which they seek t o m a i n t a i n  as  a wellspring.  Finally,  some members p e r s i s t e n t l y u p h o l d  t h e community  because they b e l i e v e t h a t i s t h e " n a t u r a l " o r o n l y o p t i o n t h e i r l i v e s have. I f i n d t h a t s t r u c t u r a l and economic o p p o s i t i o n a r e n o t t h e o n l y f o r c e s d e t e r m i n e a group's l i m i t s . a  covenant  community  "antithetical" interpreted  t o those biblical  Boundaries e x i s t : member,  of  debates  general society.  that  The D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t w o r l d v i e w , w i t h i t s v i s i o n o f people  who  who  are  do n o t have  injunctions,  faithful  faith  generates  to  God  and  who  are  i n God and  Calvinistically  separation  spontaneously.  f o r example, p e r s i s t e n t d e f i n i t i o n s o f who i s o r i s n o t a over  i d e o l o g i c a l issues,  and o p p o s i t i o n  to aspects  of the  Those b o u n d a r i e s , i n s t i t u t i o n s and i d e a s cannot a l l be t r a c e d  to " s t r u c t u r a l o p p o s i t i o n . " I n t h e second p o r t i o n o f Chapter S i x , I t u r n t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e e t h n i c group's l i m i t s .  Here I engage t h e a s s e r t i o n s o f some f i n e s c h o l a r s who o p t f o r  the s o c i a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e o r i g i n s o f e t h n i c groups i n t h e i r c o n t e n t i o n s t r u c t u r a l o p p o s i t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l f o r e t h n i c group c o n t i n u a t i o n .  Acknowledging  that there i s l i t t l e e x t e r n a l l y a p p l i e d opposition, I look to f i n d i f , D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s , b o u n d a r i e s and w o r l d v i e w a r e d i s a p p e a r i n g . t h a t they are changing, not disappearing.  That c o r r o b o r a t e s  that  i n fact, I find  B a r t h ' s and t h e  s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t p o s i t i o n g e n e r a l l y : p r e c i s e t r a i t s a r e n o t as s i g n i f i c a n t as members' p e r c e p t i o n s  and e v a l u a t i o n s  of s e l f , others  and s o c i e t y .  t h i s i n t h e form o f v a r i o u s b e l i e f s , d o c t r i n e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . same way t h a t a d h e r e n t s o f I s l a m p e r c e i v e outside maintain  I n much t h e  t h e enemy embodied i n t h o s e who l i v e  o f I s l a m i c obedience and s u b m i s s i o n , so t h e D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s p u r i t y by k e e p i n g o u t the e v i l  I t does  influences  and s e c u l a r  want t o  thought and  p r a c t i c e o f those who have n e i t h e r time n o r i n c l i n a t i o n f o r t h e ways o f God.  6) Chapter Seven -- Conclusion P a r t I I I contains only a s i n g l e chapter.  In i t ,  p r e s e n t what I c o n s i d e r one o f i t s most i m p o r t a n t  I summarise t h e s t u d y and  c o n t r i b u t i o n s (along with the  a s s e r t i o n t h a t e t h n i c i t y s t u d i e s have v a r i o u s f o c i , t h e f a c t t h a t groups e x i s t by boundary c o n s t r u c t i o n , and t h e a s s e r t i o n t h a t o p p o s i t i o n c a n be g e n e r a t e d i n t e r n a l l y , n o t o n l y imposed from t h e o u t s i d e ) . From  the data  and a n a l y s e s ,  I  construct  a  typology  o f the  various  o r i e n t a t i o n s t o t h e e t h n i c b o u n d a r i e s , and t h e c r i t e r i a by w h i c h e t h n i c i t y i s defined.  I s u g g e s t t h a t , w h i l e some judge e t h n i c i t y by r e f e r e n c e t o t r a i t s and  characteristics  which  t h e group  i s presumed  to  idealise  (what  I  call  d i a c r i t i c a ) , o t h e r s j u d g e i t by the degree t o w h i c h they a r e a l l o w e d  t o be o r  not t o be a member o f t h e group (what I c a l l t h e communal c r i t e r i o n ) .  Regard-  ing  their  r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the e t h n i c boundary,  including a r e l a t i o n s h i p to  C a l v i n i s m , some p e o p l e have r e c o u r s e  t o p a s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and i d e n t i t i e s o f  the  maintaining  group.  Calvinism,  Others,  although  t r y t o adapt  circumstances.  still  their  o r i e n t a t i o n t o Dutch-  i t to or i n t e r p r e t i t i n l i g h t  of their  They have d i s c o u r s e w i t h t h e t r a d i t i o n r a t h e r t h a n  A t h i r d o r i e n t a t i o n t o the e t h n i c boundary i s one o f a m b i g u i t y . o r i e n t themselves t o D u t c h - C a l v i n i s m it.  I c a l l t h i s marginal Thus, t h e t y p o l o g y  present recourse.  Some p e o p l e  without s e r i o u s l y or continuously  adopting  group " e x c u r s i v e . "  presents  diacritical  and communal c r i t e r i a  of ethnic  membership; and r e c u r s i v e , d i s c u r s i v e and e x c u r s i v e o r i e n t a t i o n s t o t h e e t h n i c boundary.  Combining c r i t e r i a  and o r i e n t a t i o n s y i e l d s a 6 - f o l d  typology  of  p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r t h e R i v e r s i d e D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t s -- and, by e x t e n s i o n , t o o t h e r groups w h i c h share s u f f i c i e n t s i m i l a r i t i e s w i t h them.  Members  or marginal  people  debate  and argue  among  each  other;  they  i n v i g o r a t e and e x c i t e each o t h e r , b u t r a t h e r t h a n l e a d i n g t o r a d i c a l f r a c t u r i n g , t h i s v a r i e t y s e r v e s t h e i r o n i c purpose o f l e n d i n g c r e d i b i l i t y , s e r i o u s n e s s and purpose t o the group.  I t o c c u p i e s the member's a t t e n t i o n s . B a r r i n g  complete  r e v o c a t i o n o r r e n u n c i a t i o n o f D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t i d e a l s , such c o n f l i c t s t r e n g t h e n s and h e l p s t o p r e s e r v e t h e group. Although  the b u l k  of this  dissertation  community, I urge t h e r e a d e r t o note turned  t o the n a t u r e  of ethnicity  deals  with  the D u t c h - C a l v i n i s t  t h a t much o f my thought  as I r e s e a r c h e d  and wrote  and e f f o r t was this  material.  T h e r e f o r e , I c o n s i d e r t h e t h e o r e t i c a l s u r v e y and o b s e r v a t i o n s t r e a t e d i n Chapter Two and throughout work.  t h e work t o be as i m p o r t a n t as t h e e m p i r i c a l a s p e c t s o f t h e  I c o n s i d e r t h e extended  significant  t o my  treatment  r e f e r e n c e t o B a r t h ' s and Keyes' works t o be of Dutch-Calvinists, since  their  venues  and  a p p l i c a t i o n s have been l a r g e l y i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l w r i t i n g s , t r e a t i n g groups i n less  e c o n o m i c a l l y dominant s o c i e t i e s .  connection  with  worldview  and s o c i a l  References  t o Habermas and o t h e r s i n  understanding  are intended  to b r i n g  t o g e t h e r my own p e r s p e c t i v e and a c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s o f dominant s o c i e t i e s . F i n a l l y , t h e t y p o l o g y drawn from the community s t u d i e d r e p r e s e n t s my d e s i r e t o demonstrate t h a t , even groups which share many f e a t u r e s w i t h dominant s o c i e t y and whose members a r e j u d g e d by o u t s i d e r s t o be homogeneous, d i f f e r i n complex and i n t e r n a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t ways. I  present  a caveat  before plunging into  t h e body o f t h i s  dissertation.  When s t u d e n t s o f e t h n i c i t y probe the core o f the s u b j e c t , and t h e v e r y meaning o f e t h n i c i t y and e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s , much c a n come a p a r t .  L i k e an o v e r - s t u f f e d  sewing b a s k e t , i f the l i d i s p r i e d open, b i t s o f i t s c o n t e n t s t e n d t o go i n a l l directions.  D e s p i t e e f f o r t s a t containment,  this  t h e s i s shares  some o f t h i s  problem.  I choose c o n s c i o u s l y t o not l i m i t e x p l o r a t i o n s o f e t h n i c i t y t o o n l y  one o r two p l a n e s o f thought,  t o one  o r two  strands of t h e o r i s i n g .  As i s s u e s  emerge and re-emerge, I e x p l o r e them, o f t e n p u r s u i n g i s s u e s t h a t might be  seen  as  this  unrelated,  even  distractive.  l i t e r a t u r e w i l l know, one  However,  t h e o r i s t ' s tangent  as  anyone  i s another  familiar  researcher's  I have found the n e e d l e , t h r e a d and t h i m b l e and have attempted the p i e c e s o f a f a s c i n a t i n g garment, I b e l i e v e .  with  nucleus.  t o draw t o g e t h e r  ENDNOTES  1. T h i s l a s t q u e s t i o n i s t r e a t e d o n l y i n Chapter Two, t h e t h e o r y s e c t i o n , s i n c e I am r e f e r r i n g h e r e m a i n l y t o the ways these concepts a r e t r e a t e d b y s c h o l a r s . T h e o r i s t s a r e d e a l i n g , o f c o u r s e , w i t h r e l a t i o n s i n t h e w o r l d , b u t i n one's everyday w o r l d , one does n o t u s u a l l y make t h e e x p l i c i t d i s t i n c t i o n s t h a t I e l a b o r a t e here. 2. A n o t h e r way o f p h r a s i n g t h i s r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n i s t o ask, c r i t e r i a by w h i c h e t h n i c b o u n d a r i e s a r e r e c o g n i s e d ? "  "What a r e t h e  3. I n h e r 1990 book. E t h n i c O p t i o n s : Choosing I d e n t i t i e s i n A m e r i c a , a l t h o u g h s e r v i c e i s p a i d t o t h e s u b j e c t i v e and s y m b o l i c c h a r a c t e r o f e t h n i c i t y , i t i s s t i l l e q u a t e d w i t h s i m p l e n a t i o n a l o r i g i n , r a t h e r than v i e w e d as a c o n t i n u a l p r o c e s s o f accomplishments o f a c t o r s who choose e t h n i c i d e n t i t i e s i n ongoing i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h o t h e r s l i k e themselves and those whom t h e y p e r c e i v e t o be and t r e a t as d i f f e r e n t . By " a c c l a i m , " I r e f e r t o t h e h i g h l y complimentary r e v i e w o f t h i s work b y C h a r l e s Hirschman i n Contemporary S o c i o l o g y 20 ( 2 ) , March, 1991. 4. He a l s o r e v i e w e d R i c h a r d D. T r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f White America.  Alba's  1990 work.  Ethnic  Identity:  The  5. I have d e c i d e d t h a t I must u s e t h e o f f i c i a l t i t l e o f t h e d e n o m i n a t i o n w h i c h I am s t u d y i n g , t h e C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church, s i n c e I am u s i n g o f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s o f the denomination as r e s o u r c e s . However, R i v e r s i d e and R i v e r s i d e C h r i s t i a n Reformed Church are pseudonyms. I a l s o use pseudonyms f o r a l l p l a c e s and s p e c i f i c groups and i n s t i t u t i o n s , as w e l l as t h e names o f a l l p e o p l e mentioned as s u b j e c t s i n the s t u d y , u n l e s s o t h e r w i s e s p e c i f i e d . Any use o f names o f l i v i n g p e o p l e i s c o i n c i d e n t a l ; I have attempted t o a v o i d such. To p r o t e c t the c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y o f minutes o f meetings and o f the persons whom I i n t e r v i e w e d , I have numbered a l l notes and o t h e r sources and r e f e r t o them as such. I have a l s o t r i e d t o a v o i d r e f e r e n c e s t o c o n t e x t s w h i c h would d i r e c t l y l e a d t o p e r s o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . However, i n the h i s t o r i c a l s e c t i o n s o f t h i s s t u d y , t h i s became d i f f i c u l t t o do, and perhaps t h e i n t r e p i d r e a d e r w i t h a knowledge o f t h e s i t u a t i o n may be a b l e t o i d e n t i f y g e n e r a l a s p e c t s o f t h e community. 6. H a r r y S t o u t (1975: 205) r e f e r s t o such a c o m b i n a t i o n as " e t h n o r e l i g i o u s , " a l t h o u g h he i s r e f e r r i n g t o s t a g e s o f r e l i g i o u s development i n A m e r i c a , n o t c o n c e n t r a t i n g on the n a t u r e o f b e l i e f as a s o c i a l bond. S i n c e I am d e a l i n g w i t h p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c b e l i e f s i n t h i s s t u d y , I s h a l l use t h e more r e s t r i c t e d term " f a i t h - e t h n i c i t y " i n s t e a d o f " e t h n o r e l i g i o u s . " Y i n g e r (1966) a l s o n o t e s t h e c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f f a i t h and e t h n i c i t y . He c o n c l u d e s t h a t r e l i g i o n o f t e n s e r v e s as a d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f a c t o r f o r groups w h i c h a s s i m i l a t e t o t h e b r o a d e r s o c i e t y i n many o t h e r ways.  7. The s e l f - a s s u r a n c e o f the C a l v i n i s t , denoted h e r e by the f i r s t p e r s o n s i n g u l a r " I " and the emphatic " t e l l i n g " o f a r a t i o n a l e o f s u c c e s s , i s a s i g n i f i c a n t i n d i c a t i o n o f the group's v i t a l i t y . The b e l i e f t h a t t h e y have God's s p e c i a l f a v o u r -- they a r e " b l e s s e d " - - i s a n o t h e r s i g n i f i c a n t r e a s o n f o r group coherence and o p t i m i s m . "Them" r e f e r s t o anyone who i s n o t Dutch and C a l v i n i s t and