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Women’s work and family roles in a bicultural context : the case of Indochinese refugees Wing, Jennifer Lynn 1992

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WOMEN'S WORK AND FAMILY ROLES IN A BICULTURAL CONTEXT: THE CASE OF INDOCHINESE REFUGEES by JENNIFER LYNN WING B.H.E., The University of British Columbia, 1990 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Family Studies) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1992 © Jennifer Lynn Wing, 1992 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfi lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) Department of Family Studies The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date September 3, 1992 DE-6 (2/88) ii Abstract This study examines women's work and family roles in a bicultural context. The Deacon and Firebaugh family resource management framework was used to develop a model to investigate (a) how women integrate two cultures' values towards work and family roles; (b) how orientations towards these roles affect perceptions of interrole compatibility; (c) how orientations towards these roles affect satisfaction with health, standard of living, job, and psychological well-being; and (d) how interrole compatibility perceptions affect satisfaction with health, standard of living, job, and psychological well-being. Data were from the third wave of an ongoing 10-year longitudinal study on refugee resettlement. All seventy-five women that comprised the sample held work and family roles. Measures were constructed to assess orientations towards work and family roles, perceptions of interrole compatibility, and involvement in each of the roles. Results found support for a typology of work and family role orientations which placed women into the categories of Assimilated, Integrated Type I, Integrated Type II, and Separated. The Assimilated and Integrated Type I group scored higher on interrole compatibility perceptions; the Assimilated group was found to have higher levels of satisfaction with their health and greater well-being than the other three groups. No support was found for the effects of interrole compatibility on satisfaction with health, standard of living, job, and well-iii being. Results of these findings are discussed in terms of the model developed for the study, and in terms of the issues raised about acculturation and immigrant womens' experience with work and family roles. iv Table of Contents Page Abstract ii Table of Contents iv List of Tables vi List of Figures vii Acknowledgements viii Chapter I. Introduction 1 Purpose 3 Review of the Literature 4 II. Theoretical Framework: Family Resource Management... 19 The Model 21 Input 24 Throughput 27 Output 42 The Hypotheses 47 III. Methods 52 IV. Results 66 Typology of Work and Family Value Orientations 66 Value Orientation Typology and Interrole Compatibility 71 Value Orientation Typology, Satisfaction Outcomes, and Well-being 73 Role Compatibility Perception, Level of Role Involvement, Satisfaction Outcomes and Weil-Being 78 V V. Discussion 80 The Typology: Integration of Value-Role Orientation 80 The Typology and Role Compatibility 83 The Typology and Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-being 85 Interrole Compatibility Perception, Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-being 89 Implications for Family Resource Management 92 Summary and Limitations 94 Conclusion 99 References 101 Appendices 108 V I List of Tables Page Table 1. Descriptive Data of Independent and Dependent Variables 67 Table 2. Intercorrelations Between Independent and Dependent Variables 68 Table 3. Cell Frequencies of the Typology Groups 70 Table 4. Means for Role Compatibility Perception by Location in Value Orientation Typology 72 Table 5. Means for Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-Being by Location in the Typology with Task Sharing as a Covariate 75 Table 6. Means for Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-Being by Location in the Typology with Hours Worked per Week as a Covariate 76 Table 7. Variance Explained by the Typology for Dependent Variables with Task Sharing and Hours Worked as Covariates 77 Table 8. Regression of Interrole Compatibility Perceptions on the Dependent Variables when Level of Role Involvement is Controlled 79 vii List of Figures Page Figure 1. Conceptual Framework: Individual Personal/ Managerial System 22 Figure 2. The Model and Operationalized Variables 23 Figure 3. A Typology of Work and Family Value-Role Orientation Integration 36 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the Supervisor of my thesis committee, Dr. Phyllis J. Johnson, without whose tireless assistance this would not have been possible. I would also like to express sincere thanks to the members of my thesis committee, Dr. Brian de Vries and Dr. Carole Christensen, for their guidance and patience throughout the completion of this thesis. 1 Chapter I Introduction In North America the nature of the family is that of an evolving institution marked by constant change in its values and norms. A recent example of such change in the family institution is the advent of married women with children entering the workforce (Tiedje, Wortman, Downey, Emmons, Biernat, & Lang, 1990). The current state of knowledge with respect to the implications of this family institutional change reflects a furvor of research activity with the aims of ascertaining the effects of women's employment upon individuals and their families. The work role, as it is referred to in this thesis and throughout the extant literature, is work that is done outside of the home for pay. This is not to say that the family role does not involve 'work' per se but the family role focuses on work done for the family and not for pay. The cultural context in which North American women enter work and family roles is one that is often touted as lacking in support and resources for meeting the demands of holding both roles. A normative North American value system that continues to reinforce the family role as belonging primarily to the woman of a family leads to the belief that having work and family roles must be associated with conflict between the two roles. A buffer between these two roles that has been identified as enabling women to ameliorate this conflict is demonstrative of this belief. Family responsibilities are envisioned by 2 researchers (see Bolger, DeLongis, Kessler, & Wethington, 1989) as being allowed to intrude upon the work role for women. Because the norm of the family role being a woman's priority prevails, conflict from holding both work and family roles continues to be investigated. Outcomes of normative social role expectations are a potential point of departure for describing the experience of women who are under the influence of more than one culture's system of role expectations, and who have certain standard-of-living preferences and aspirations (cf. Eggebeen & Hawkins, 1990) . The approach of research in the area of work and family roles on North American samples has predominantly been to attribute such factors as the number of roles that an individual has (Thoits, 1983), aspects of the roles such as workplace policies (Raabe, 1990), work scheduling (Galinsky & Stein, 1990), or childcare arrangements (Ross & Mirowsky, 1988), as influencing symptoms of depression, the perception of conflict between roles, and satisfaction with the quality of life. Alternatively, given an individual's social role repertoire, differential aspects or combinations of the roles are what is believed to produce or alleviate conflict between the roles held (Menaghan, 1989; Ross & Mirowsky, 1988). Such analyses are useful for explaining the experience of a population that operates solely under North American norms. When examining a population that may operate under the influence of North American norms and norms from a different ethnic heritage however, North American work and family norms and values cannot 3 be assumed to be as strong of an influence. The presumption of conflict between role demands leads to a failure to acknowledge the potential complementarity among roles that might occur for individuals with ethnic value influences. This interpretation of the immigration experience is described by Parrillo (1991) as groups transforming their ethnicity with the opportunities present in a new society. The present study looks at psychological acculturation, which presupposes contact with two cultures (Berry, 1990), upon selected psychological outcomes. The possibility that an integration of two value orientations towards women's work and family roles might occur, whereby aspects of the dominant culture are selectively integrated with elements of another culture, and how this influences the experience within a contemporary context, is explored. Purpose This study examines a variety of issues embedded within work and family role interactions in a bicultural context, and addresses these issues within a family resource management framework. What is hypothesized in this thesis is that refugee women integrate two cultures' values toward work and family differentially. The resulting value system, along with involvement in work and family roles, is expected to be associated with their satisfaction with their health, their job, their standard of living, and psychological well-being in their present culture. 4 The objective of this study is to address four basic sets of questions. First, how are two cultural value systems integrated and expressed in attitudes towards women's work and family roles? Second, how does the way that cultural value systems are integrated affect attitudes towards interrole compatibility for women? Third, what impact do variant orientations of attitudes toward each role, along with the actual experience of involvement in each role, have on women's satisfaction with their health, their job, their standard of living and psychological well-being? Fourth, what is the impact of differential attitudes towards interrole compatibility, and actual levels of role involvement, upon satisfaction with health, job, standard of living, and psychological well-being? Review of the Literature This section will provide a survey of current theory and research on women's work and family roles. The influence of values upon an individual's motivation and intents with respect to role involvement will also be explored. Finally, observations about acculturation and Indochinese refugee values will be brought forward in order to substantiate a process whereby women's work and family roles reflect a synthesis of two cultures, a process also termed "ethnogenesis" (Alba, 1985). Women's Work and Family Roles As societal attitudes have largely defined the experience of women who choose to occupy both a family and a work/occupational role, societal institutions are implicated in how involvement in 5 each of these realms is interpreted by the individual. Financial resources for example, are highly valued in our market economy, as they have a power-granting effect both within and outside of the family. Thus, access to and control over financial resources are of crucial concern to family functioning. Reasons for women to seek employment outside of the home are presumed to be individualistic in nature. The outcome of this is that the work role for wives and mothers is perceived as being in conflict with having a "successful" family life, in spite of evidence to suggest that taking on the work role accrues most women advantages to their life satisfaction and overall psychological health. Perhaps benefits for the women are being viewed as coming at a cost to the family. Social role theory, applied to work and family role interaction, has demonstrated that gender-specific expectations for enactment of work and family roles leads to differential psychological outcomes for men and women who enact both roles (Gove, 1972). Gove's (1972) theory postulates that married employed women differ from married employed men in well-being because the normative expectations associated with the social roles of married women who are employed increase the likelihood of role overload or role conflict. Adding on a work role is believed to be detrimental to enactment of the family role and, to a certain extent, to the women themselves (Pleck, 1977). Furthermore, women's involvement in two roles, which are believed to be mutually exclusive, is seen as the cause of lowered marital 6 satisfaction (Yogev & Brett, 1985). The work of Thoits (1983/ 1986) showed that multiple role identities may increase psychological health, but found that it is different role configurations for men and women that are associated with their levels of well-being. For men, employment is found to enhance psychological well-being, but for women, it is the marital and family roles that enhance psychological well-being . These findings explicitly overlook the underlying values and possible complementarity of values attendant to holding more than one role. The inconsistent findings from studies that focus exclusively on the structure of women's work and family roles inherently suggest that there is something at play, beyond a simple count of roles, in the interaction of these roles. Values and Role Involvement Values may be the conceptual thread that has the potential to weave together an explanation of how a satisfactory compromise is arrived at for women with work and family role demands. Christensen (1964) defined values as mental and emotional sets used by persons when judging the relative worth or importance of things, ideas, or events. Furthermore, he stated that decisions and adjustments made by family members depend greatly upon the particular values that are cherished. It follows from this that not only are values important for individuals' subjective interpretations of experience, but that values also have a hand in explaining interactional and managerial phenomenon within the 7 family setting. As value systems operate to guide an individual's behavior, the means by which they do so fall into two categories. Nye (1967) described these as "instrumental" and "intrinsic". An instrumental value is desireability attached to an object, experience, or event when that property has become identified as necessary or effective in producing an outcome desired by the individual. As not all values are necessarily attached to specific ends, there is a second category of values. Nye (1967) proposed intrinsic values as being, objects, events, and experiences that are valued for their own sake without reference to other consequences that may be related to them. Accordingly, affiliation to different roles may be determined by the underlying value attached to that role. Social Exchange Theory offers an explanation of how these values are manifested within various roles. This theoretical perspective has already been applied to the issue of maternal employment. Nye (1979) wrote that the phenomenon of mothers' involvement in the labor force fits a theory of choice because it could not be explained by 'normative theory'. Bielby and Bielby (1988) extended this analysis to their explanation of commitment to work and family and stated that individuals will contribute to an association as long as it provides resources for them to meet their own needs and values. Commitment to different activities is believed to be a function of the net rewards available from involvement in particular activities. 8 Whereas social role theory posits that the role of paid employment is taken on in addition to family demands, social exchange theory asserts that taking on the role of paid employee can be valued for its instrumental value, or more explicitly, the financial rewards. When an instrumental value is the dominant motivation underlying work role enactment, the context of the interaction between work and family roles and the related satisfaction from holding two roles is different than it is for women who take on paid employment for more intrinsic kinds of rewards. These different motivations may be related to the differing perceptions of the work and family role interface. Bielby and Bielby (1988) surmised that when economic forces pull women with children into the labor force they become committed to the dual role, prior socialization or contemporary normative climate notwithstanding. Value orientations coming from an individual's ethnic affiliations add to the explanation of why some alternatives are chosen over other alternatives. This is consistent with McGoldrick's (1982) definition of ethnicity as being a determinant of values, expression, and behavior. It is possible that an individual's ability to realize valued means and ends depends upon a set of behaviors that can be interpreted either favorably or unfavorably, and this leads to differential outcomes. The chosen alternatives can be manifest over a wide range of values and behaviors. A particular example of when congruency between value orientations and behavior may be 9 important is in orientations towards life roles, such as gender roles, marital roles, parenting roles, and occupational roles. Holding roles that enable the realization of valued goals is an example of when instrumental and intrinsic means and ends for goals are in line with one another. In other words, the more closely the amount of resources devoted to a particular role matches to the value orientation towards that role so that instrumental or intrinsic outcomes can be realized, the more congruent the individual's value orientations and roles are. Thus, if an individual deems the enactment of a particular role as an instrumental means to satisfying something which is intrinsically valued, then it is more likely that that role will be similarly valued. The amount of resources allocated to specific roles may or may not be perfectly aligned with the value orientation to that role. An illustration of Nye's (1967) theory of the influence of values on behavior is useful here. The instrumental value gained from enactment of a role may serve to meet intrinsic value demands. The work role, for example, may be valued for the financial resources that it accrues (an extrinsic value) to meet the self-sufficiency demands of the family (an intrinsic value). The means by which values influence the negotiation of family relationships and roles have been outlined by Rettig (1987). Rettig listed the following as questions that values are used to answer: (a) What is important to me? (b) What am I willing to give up? (c) What is the last thing I will keep when 10 resources are scarce? (d) For what am I willing to work very hard? and, (e) What kind of person am I trying to become? These questions guide an individual's decisions about how demands and resources are to be distributed and allocated. Acculturation A central assumption of research on immigrants is that ethnic values continue to influence the population to varying degrees as they adapt to the new society. Acculturation describes this process as a phenomenon wherein groups of individuals who have different cultures come in continuous contact with one another resulting in changes occuring to the original cultural patterns of one or both of the groups (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936). This change is further defined by Berry, Trimble, and Olmedo (1986) who state that the nature of influence among two cultures is usually such that one tends to dominate the other. As a result there are both "dominant" and "acculturating" groups. The acculturating group undergoes a transformation whereby original cultural features of the group are influenced by contact with the dominant culture. Individuals within acculturating groups experience psychological changes as a result. Acculturation itself is influenced by a number of factors. Berry et al. (1986) posit that these exist both on the side of the dominant culture and on the side of the acculturating culture. From the dominant culture's point of view, the following variables are considered important: (1) purpose of the 11 contact; (2) length of contact; (3) permanence of the dominant group; (4) policies exerted toward the acculturating group; (5) population size of the acculturating group; and (6) cultural qualities that might benefit the acculturating group. From the point of view of individuals who are acculturating, Berry et al. (1986) listed the following variables as important to consider: (1) purpose of the contact; (2) location; (3) length of contact; (4) population size; (5) policies regarding acculturation; (6) cultural qualities and aspects of the traditional culture which affect the acculturative process. The aforementioned variables described factors that affect whole groups of acculturating cultures. Berry (1990) has made a distinction between acculturation that occurs on a population level (ecological, cultural, social, and institutional changes for example) and that which occurs at the individual level (the changes to behaviors and traits of persons). This distinction between acculturation and psychological acculturation is an important one in that the two terms describe different processes. Acculturation refers to processes that result in population-level changes due to contact with other cultures whereas psychological acculturation refers to processes of individual change. Psychological change is a result of contact with another culture as well as participation in ongoing acculturative changes in the individual's culture. The nature of psychological acculturation is such that individuals can be found to vary both in their participation and response to acculturative influences. 12 Moreover, there may be variability in how specific domains of culture and behavior are altered. Demographic influences on refugees' psychological acculturation are listed by Chambon (1989) as: lifecycle, socioeconomic and educational background, length of residency, and stages of adjustment. Chambon states that older refugees do not expect to acculturate to the host society to the same extent as younger refugees. Furthermore Chambon (1989) argues that socioeconomic indicators such as rural or urban backgrounds, level of literacy, degree of westernization, previous occupation and transferability of skills to the host country, and current occupation are all important factors to consider when investigating acculturation options of refugees. The process and outcomes of acculturation, though potentially conceived of as a unidimensional construct, are not envisaged as a continuum. Berry (1990) identified four types of "acculturation attitudes" meant to define individuals' attitudes towards both remaining true to the culture of origin and attitudes toward giving up identity, language, and a way of life to become a part of the larger society. The four types of acculturation attitudes are: integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization. Individuals who desire to maintain their cultural identity and relationships with other groups are seen as following an integration mode. Those who do not desire the maintenance of cultural identity and regard the maintenance of relations with 13 other groups as desireable are seen as following an assimilation mode. Individuals who strive to maintain cultural identity and reject relationships with other groups are seen as complying to a separation mode. Those who are found to reject both the maintenance of cultural heritage and relations with other groups are viewed as a marginalized group. Taft (1986) proffered four potential outcomes from contact with other cultures. Individuals may reject their culture of origin and adopt the new culture, reject the new culture and identify with the old culture, vacillate between both the old and the new culture, or synthesize the two cultures and develop integrated, bi-cultural, mediating or third culture personalities. A multi-cultural or pluralistic society, one that assists cultural groups in retaining their cultural integrity while contributing to shared national goals (Berry & Wilde, 1972), is regarded by Taft (1986) as enabling the synthesis and integration of cultures by individuals. Berry (1990) proposed that it is possible that acculturation occurs differentially among domains of behavior and social life. He points out that acculturation may be sought to different degrees in various arenas resulting in for example, economic assimilation, linguistic integration, and marital separation. The view of assimilation as being a multi-dimensional process has been empirically corroborated on a number of occasions. Domain specific acculturation was noted by Triandis, Kashima, Shimada, and Villareal (1986) who conducted a study to 14 ascertain what elements of a culture are adopted by an acculturating group. Using a sample of self-identified Hispanics and non-Hispanics in the United States Navy, Triandis et al. (1986) assessed acculturation levels as identification with stereotypical Hispanic social scripts, and from appropriate behavior within two family roles, two work roles, four work roles and a friend role. To further assess acculturation, subjects were asked to judge attributes such as intelligence, aggressiveness, and bravery of fifteen stimulus persons of various familial relations, ethnic backgrounds and occupational levels. This was a test to compare Hispanic subjects of different acculturation levels and non-Hispanic subjects on stereotypes held about attributes for different stimulus persons. Results of Triandis et al.'s (1986) study revealed that the more acculturated Hispanics were most like the non-Hispanic subjects. Their results suggested that accomodation to the dominant culture was the most common pattern for roles and behavioral intentions, but that ethnic affirmation was the most common pattern for stereotypes. These researchers asserted that behavioral intentions and role perceptions are the first elements to move in the direction of the mainstream. Stereotypes, because they are only indirectly linked to behavior, are slower to change and therefore continue to show greater ethnic affirmation. New members of a culture acculturate in behaviors but elements that are more indirectly linked to behavior show slower, or lesser, acculturation. 15 An Australian study investigated domain specific acculturation of Greek immigrants (Rosenthal, Bell, Demetriou, & Efklides, 1989). The sample consisted of Greek-born Australian residents, Anglo-Australians, and Greek respondents living in Greece. The respondents in each of these catagories included three family members: a mother, a father, and an adolescent. These researchers assessed cultural family values, parental behaviors, and adolescent behavior towards mother and father. The researchers found that the Greek and Greek-Australian subjects had similar value orientations and that these departed from the Anglo-Australian respondents. This was interpreted as signifying important and unchanging principles in Greeks who had emmigrated. Greek and Greek-Australian respondents emphasized the family, respect and respectability of community members, and a concern for the maintenance of cultural heritage. Rosenthal et al. (1989) stated that these values reflect a traditional collectivist view that is in contrast to the individualistic views of the Anglo-Australian respondents who were more concerned with independence, material security, and individual happiness. Rosenthal et al. (1989) found evidence of convergence of Greek- and Anglo-Australian respondents on the perception of acceptable behaviors. They argued, and therefore agreed with Triandis et al. (1986), that this finding supports the view of acculturation being more likely to take place in behaviors than values. 16 The Family Social System of Indochinese Refugees When exploring the experience of individuals living within the influence of two cultures it is essential to consider the contrasts between the culture of origin and the culture in which the individuals presently reside. The hypotheses outlined in the present study demand primary attention to cultural beliefs about family that may be carried over from the original culture. The role of paid employment for Indochinese refugees is an important dimension of family interaction as will be disclosed in the forthcoming discussion. It has been observed that core values and behavioral norms differ considerably between Indochinese cultural groups and Western culture. These discrepencies include Asian values which emphasize the group over the individual, the avoidance of interpersonal conflict, and a belief in fatalism, as opposed to Western values which stress independence, self-assertion, and individual determinism (Nicassio, 1985). Family forms the basis of social life within the Vietnamese (Hanh, 1979) and Laotian (Phommasouvanh, 1979) cultures. For example, conceptions of family in both of these cultures go beyond the Western definition of a nuclear family to include the extended family and a wide network of in-laws. It is not uncommon for single households to be comprised of several generations. Of equal importance, when investigating acculturating populations, is consideration of the conditions under which the individuals immigrated (Berry, 1990) . Indochinese refugees share 17 a similar experience of being forced to leave a way of life, homes, and in many cases, family members, for an unfamiliar culture and uncertain future in a foreign land (Nicassio, 1985). The experiences and traditions learned in the country of origin however, are influences that can not be left behind. Adaptation and survival is sometimes facilitated by the retention of cultural values as they can provide both the motivation for, and the measure of, acculturating individuals' achievement (Caplan, Whitmore, & Choy, 1989). The role of the family as a central social group for Indochinese refugees (Hanh, 1979; Nicassio, 1985/ Phommasouvanh, 1979) has been cited as a major factor in this group's subsequent adaptation (Caplan et al., 1989/ Haines, Rutherford, & Thomas, 1981). The importance of the woman's employment role in enabling the economic self-sufficiency of the whole family is indicated by a rise in the number of women working. Caplan et al. (1989) observed that the combination of women's willingness to work and the opportunity to work is associated with multiple-job households being a major strategy to economic improvement. These insights, on what is valued by Indochinese refugees in terms of their family solidarity and what is needed to realize that economically, suggest that there may be differences in how women's work and family roles are integrated when compared to North American culture and norms. Family values and ambitions may precipitate a more harmonious justification of labor force participation. Meleis and Rogers (1987) observed that immigrant 18 women may continue to value child-rearing and housekeeping roles, but they also want to help achieve the North American dream for their families. This goal seems to mandate and mitigate their participation in the labor force. 19 Chapter II Theoretical Framework: Family Resource Management The focus of this research is bicultural influences of work and family value orientations. This requires foremostly that the theoretical framework used to guide the research accounts for twofold cultural contacts. In addition to the inclusion of different sociocultural influences, a viable model addressing the research questions of the present study commands consideration of the interactions of family social systems. Examining these interactions pointedly as processes of family resource allocation and management furthers understanding of women's biculturally influenced work and family roles. Given the aforementioned criteria for a relevent theoretical framework in which to couch the objectives of this study, Family Resource Management seems a logical approach for two reasons. First, Deacon and Firebaugh's (1988) theoretical framework addresses relations between the family and its cultural setting. This is achieved through the use of an ecosystem approach which these authors use to describe the family as a social system acting interdependently with external systems. Included in their description of the family's external system is the sociocultural system which is credited with reinforcing or changing the meaning and content of any society. These authors contend that the character of any given area receives its major influence from the dominant culture. Ethnic groups are believed to be conscious of the dominant culture's influences and ethnic groups are viewed by 20 Deacon and Firebaugh as exhibiting a choice between separation from the general society (as in the case of the Amish) or becoming a part of the dominant societal structure. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) observe that immigration often leads to strengthened kinship ties along with other adjustments that enable economic adaptation. Secondly, family social interactions, resource allocation and management are key components addressed by the Family Resource Management framework. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) stated that management is a tool people use to control the events of life and influence the outcomes of situations. Management of resources influences the quality of life of the individual and the family because it directs the way resources are attained and allocated to meet goals and demands. Parrillo (1991) noted that the family is both a motivating factor that pushes immigrants to leave their homelands and that once they are in North America, the first goal is to cooperate as a family to survive. For example, when immigrant families are unable to be supported solely by the male head of the household, survival is dependent on the combined labor of all family members. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) utilized a systems format to describe the resource management behavior of whole families. Family resource management is viewed as a process with inputs, throughputs, and outputs. Inputs are matter, energy, and information that enter a system in various forms to affect transformation processes in the achievement of outcomes or 21 outputs. Throughputs of a system are matter, energy, or information changed by the system from input to output. Outputs of the system are the various forms of matter, energy, or information produced in response to input and transformation processes. A family system is made up of each member's personal/managerial system. These subsystems are recognized as functioning units in their own right and could under certain circumstances become the primary objects of study with their own identified subsystems. Given this license to put a part of the larger theoretical framework under study, the individual personal/managerial subsystem of the family system was chosen as the focus in this study. The Model Because the focus of this study is on an individual level of analysis, the individual personal/managerial system is the particular family subsystem that is the focus here. This subsystem is illustrated in Figure 1. The operationalized variables are shown in Figure 2. The objective of the following discussion is to apply this subsystem of the family resource management theory to the work and family role interaction and experiences of Indochinese refugee women. The following discussion will describe the interplay of values, and the management of available resources, as a process in realizing the goals of life satisfaction and psychological well-being. 22 The present study rests on the theoretical tenet that the individual personal subsystem contains an evolving process whereby value/goal orientations and underlying capacities are supportive to a managerial process. The managerial subsystem of the individual personal system is important as over time it provides the situational context and experiences from which much of one's personal development evolves. The individual subsystems of each family member that make up the greater family system are the components through which input, in the form of demands and resources, is transformed to output as demand responses and resource changes. The focus of this thesis is on the process and interaction of the individual personal/managerial system with a recognition of the influence from and upon the family that the family social context provides. Figure 1. Conceptual Framework: Individual Personal/Managerial System INPUT THROUGHPUT OUTPUT Personal Subsystem North American Value-role and orientation Satisfaction Indochinese integration Value Systems Managerial Health Subsystem Demographic Factors Interrole Well-being compatibility perceptions Level of Role Involvement Figure 2. The Model INDEPENDENT INPUT Sociodemographics Attitudes towards Multicultural Ideology Personal Subsystem Value-role orientation integration Interrole Compatibility Perception Managerial Subsyst and Operationaliz 23 Variables DEPENDENT OUTPUT Satisfaction with Standard of Living Health Well-being Job Satisfaction Level of work and family role involvement 24 Input Input to the individual personal system of Vietnamese immigrant women is both contextual and situational in origin. The context of societal and cultural North American norms offers immigrant women the opportunity to assume both work and family roles. Because refugees typically flee from their countries with very little preparedness in education and English language training, and possess limited job skills, life in North America brings great economic demands. The high regard for the family that is found among Vietnamese immigrants (Caplan, Whitmore & Bui, 1985) translates into a situation whereby income from paid work becomes one of the most important resources to enable family social mobility. In family resource management concepts the value of family solidarity is an individual personal system demand. The paid work role is seen as a resource that will provide financial support for meeting family value demands. Multicultural ideology. The ways in which newcomers to North America acculturate to the new society must be taken into consideration when researching immigrant populations. Transformations to acculturating individuals' original cultural features are influenced by contact with the dominant culture. Acculturation is therefore an important factor to consider (cf. Goldlust & Richmond, 1974). Variation in acculturation attitudes among individuals within a group are known to affect mental health (Berry, 1990). In this study, the focus of acculturation is on value orientations towards work and family. 25 Acculturation in these domains may also influence what information is put into a family system thereby affecting throughput and outputs as well. The assessment of acculturation is of further importance as a check on the appropriate or inappropriate use of research instruments and in the replication of research (Berry et al., 1986). The possibility that different acculturation levels within the "same" cultural population might exist makes the assessment of acculturation status that much more important. The placement of multicultural ideology as input to the individual personal system is not to suggest that these factors precede or preempt attitudes toward work and family roles. In fact, it is difficult to predict how the multicultural ideology actually influences attitudes toward work and family roles especially in light of evidence that suggests acculturation is best described as being domain specific (cf. Rosenthal et al., 1989/ Triandis et al., 1986). Further complicating the influence of multicultural ideology within immigrant populations are the individual characteristics of age, socioeconomic and educational background, length of residency, and occupational adaptation. These are all believed to affect acculturation (Chambon, 1989). Research on acculturating populations must acknowledge possible effects from these variables and subsequently control for such influences either by sample selection, and/or statistically. Sociodemographic variables. Input, in the form of demographic variables, is conceptualized in the present model as 26 being interaction between demands and resources. Though Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) envisage system demands and resources as separate input constructs in their framework, consideration of sociodemographic variables as system input actually exemplifies an instance where interaction occurs between demands and resources. This is illustrated in the following examples: Age can be regarded as a predictor of both human capital resources and of time demands from dependent family members. Level of income can be regarded as a resource when available in abundance and at times and/or in certain instances, demands on income may exceed income availability. Similarly, the presence or absence of a spouse may be viewed as a family system demand or a family system resource. Sociodemographic variables are therefore a means of delineating an individual's stock of demands and resources. The balance of these demands and resources becomes an individual personal system's input. Variation in the aggregate of an individual's sociodemographic variables can be expected to affect throughput processes and system output. According to Campbell, Converse, and Rodgers (1976), persons of different ages, races, and income may evaluate objective situations differently because of bringing different standards of comparison to bear upon these evaluations. For this reason, it is of interest to investigate how sociodemographic characteristics, as input to the individual personal/managerial system, are correlated with the way that immigrant women 27 integrate their orientations towards, and enact work and family roles. It is also important to see how much of an impact these sociodemographic variables have on the outcome variables of satisfaction over several life domains. Throughput The process involved in actually accomodating the value demands with role resources is an exemplar of the individual personal subsystem's throughput. Contrary to social role theory's position which states that each role is in competition for the same resources, conflict being the outcome, the value-role integration proposed here views roles as inherently giving meaning to each other. Because taking on a work role is deemed acceptable by society for women with families, the individual's decision to enact the role is predicated on one's own personal system of values and demands and perception of role resources. Within the throughput component of an individual personal/managerial system, there are influences from each of the personal and managerial subsystems. Each of these subsystems exerts equal influence on the process of allocating resources to meet demands. The personal subsystem facet is proposed in this research as being the way that value orientations towards roles are integrated and what the perception of interrole (work and family) compatibility is. The managerial subsystem facet in this research is proposed as being the actual level of involvement in each of these roles. Investigations into the nature of and interactions between each of these throughput parts and their 28 predictive effects on the perceived quality of life and health is the principle objective of this study. The immediate forthcoming discussion presents conceptualizations of each of the throughput components. Personal Subsystem The importance of values in influencing how the demands of family goals are transformed into value orientations held by the personal subsystem can be illustrated by the process of role choices. Inputs to the individual personal system have been identified as being such things as family values, goals, and social norms. These suggest that there are individual personal system demands which guide decisions for behaviors. The decision to enact a role then, reflects the process of the personal subsystem which integrates social norms, family values, and goals. The roles of wife and mother are, for example, enacted through the social norms that are attached to these roles for women (Brigham, 1986). The increased acceptance of women holding positions in the labor force may be viewed as the main social change that gave way to women's increased range of choice for what roles they choose to enact (Pleck, 1984). In a sense, the opportunity to take on paid labor force participation has been granted to women, but the decision to take it on remains a psycho-social one. Astin (1984) identified the psychological factors of work motivation and expectations, the sociological factors of sex-role socialization, and the structure of opportunity, as influencing the career 29 choice and work behavior of women. When women take on work outside of the home, and especially if there are a husband and children present in the home, the importance of this role, and the behaviors attendant to both roles, changes. For Indochinese refugee women, the opportunities for employment outside of the home that are found in North America, along with a demand for financial resources to increase their family's standard of living, lead to the acceptance of a multiple role repertoire. The opportunity for employment of women in the United States, together with a multiple-earner strategy as a means to meet the needs of the household, is credited as contributing to the rise of Indochinese refugee women working and the consequent achievement of economic self-sufficiency for their households (Caplan et al., 1989). Values are the essential meanings relating to what is desireable or has worth, providing fundamental criteria for goals and giving continuity to decisions and actions (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1988). Values, then, are behind the decision to occupy or enact various life roles. Correlates of satisfaction and the enactment of work and family roles are predicted to be associated with value orientations because roles are chosen on the basis of values. Collectivist-individualistic work role orientations. The fact that family resource decisions are made in a social context is vital in understanding how values direct resource allocation and role choices. Rettig (1988) asserted that problems in family 30 decisions exist at the interface of the individual and family systems. Rettig (1988) posited that one way of characterizing family deciding styles is by distinguishing between which is given priority in the face of scarce resources - the individual or the group. An individual in a family with an individualistic deciding style places a higher value on meeting his or her own needs first when a conflict of interest between group and individual needs arises. In contrast, the individual's decision within a family with a collectivist deciding style would place a higher value on meeting the group's needs and make decisions based on a collective orientation. In this case priority is given to harmony, loyalty, unity, and solidarity (Rettig, 1988). Decision making based on this value and role conflict resolution is instructive in delineating individuals on their value-role orientation integration as being individualistic or collectivist in orientation. Values attached to roles may stem from, and the choice to enact roles may be directed by, either an individualistic or collectivist decision style. Hui and Triandis (1986) proposed an operationalization of individualism and collectivism. They stated that the term "individualism" or "individualistic" refers to feeling or conduct for which the interest of the individual is the guiding principle. They offered a definition of "collectivist" as referring to individuals pursuing actions that are in the common interest of the collectivity. 31 Hui and Triandis (1986) defined collectivism as being both a cultural and personality variable. These authors presented a breakdown of collectivism which includes the following seven catagories: (1) Consideration of implications of one's own decisions and/or actions for other people; (2) sharing of material resources; (3) sharing of nonmaterial resources; (4) susceptibility to social influence; (5) self-presentation and approval of the collective; (6) sharing of outcomes, both good and bad; and (7) feeling of involvement in others' lives. When it comes to Indochinese refugee families, collectivist attitudes do appear to emerge. Haines et al. (1981) found that in their field study of Vietnamese refugees, references to the individual were conspicuously absent. They found that individuals were defined by specific relations to other people and especially, other family members. They concluded that the collectivist attitude reflects the existence of a high evaluation given to, and concrete utilization of, family resources among refugees. A conceptual issue that emerges is if the collectivism found among immigrants is a function of culture or a function of the situation. Does the immigration experience itself predispose individuals to place an increased value on family supports? Without the empirical research to answer such questions at present it may be best to at least acknowledge that family obligations and value orientations influence family relationships and patterns of labor force participation. Parrillo (1991) 32 pointed out that the impact and the role of the family should not be underestimated in efforts to understand immigrants' choices within a new culture. An important process outcome of strong family values in refugee families is that the needs of the family are often served by engaging in employment outside of the home. This would put a collective value on the work role, giving it importance as a means to realize family values and goals. Evidence of this was seen in Caplan et al.'s (1989) research which found that the emphases of refugees' values were hard work, education, achievement, self-reliance, steadfast purpose, and pride. Not only are these values that parents strive to instill in their children, but so too do these values guide the first generation's behavior. Efforts and sacrifices made by the first generation to gain an economic footing are the trade-off for their children's chances to advance through education (Caplan et al., 1989) . Traditional-contemporary family role orientations. The concept of role conflict, and its closely related concepts of work and family role strain and stress across multiple roles, can be traced back to a perspective which holds that individuals are discernibly traditional or contemporary in orientation. When used in a North American context, these terms refer to beliefs about women's and men's family and occupational responsibilities and expectations (Lipman-Blumen, 1972). The concept of orientations being either traditional or contemporary proved to be useful in explaining interpersonal attraction (Grush & Yehl, 33 1979) and marital quality (Bowen & Orthner, 1983) among other things. The operationalization of this concept that is found throughout the literature takes the form of characterizing individuals as being either traditional or contemporary, with one orientation occurring at the exclusion of the other. Further to this idea, traditional and contemporary orientations were conceptualized as predictors of women's work and family role choices (cf. Slevin & Wingrove, 1983/ Stokes & Peyton, 1986/ Zuckerman, 1981) . Individuals with contemporary orientations were thought to seek employment outside of the home as a means to seek intrinsic rewards and satisfactions that were not accrued by a family role alone and those with traditional orientations were thought to find satisfaction from holding the family role exclusively (see Holms & Esses, 1988/ Stokes & Peyton, 1986) . Hence, the work role, when taken on, was seen as being valued intrinsically, giving impetus to the notion of conflict between two (equally) intrinsically valued roles. Furthermore, role choices described this way are implicitly individualistic in process and outcome. When used in the context of ethnic group acculturation, the terms traditional and contemporary refer to different endpoints than when the terms are used on groups that are presumed to be 'North American'. With acculturating groups traditional attitudes are attitudes which are upheld from the culture of origin. Contemporary attitudes refer to those which are relatively more like those found in the dominant culture. 34 Described this way, the terms seem to be of a linear nature. This is a misleading, and as Berry et al. (1986) pointed out, a somewhat value-laden and not an altogether realistic conceptualization. Berry (1980) argued for an alternative set of assumptions, the basis of which was that there is no inherent value to being traditional or contemporary and that groups and individuals can in fact change in a variety of different ways and over a variety of dimensions other than becoming completely contemporary or assimilated. Support for a multidimensional view of traditionalism and contemporism, comes from research by Naidoo and Davis (1988). These researchers demonstrated that a domain-specific integration of these two orientations can exist. Based on a study of South-Asian women living in the Toronto-Metropolitan area, which also included an Anglo-Celtic comparison sample matched by residential location, these researchers found that compared to the Anglo-Celtic sample which was more contemporary than traditional in orientation, South-Asian women tended to have a complementary orientation of role perceptions. This manifested itself as a traditional attitude toward home, family, children, religion, and marriage, and a contemporary attitude toward values about success, achievement, education, and aspirations for women and their daughters (Naidoo & Davis, 1988). For these women it seemed that traditional family values were not in conflict with women having equality of opportunity for personal growth. Indeed, these women appeared to be able to espouse traditional 35 values of their cultural heritage; but at the same time exhibited contemporary, future oriented aspirations (Naidoo & Davis, 1988). Role orientation integration. Indochinese refugee women are exposed to two cultures. They may or may not embrace the cultural norms that are reflected in the current North American research on women, work and family. Although it may be a questionable assumption, much of this research implies a common normative attitude towards work and family role behavior. The influence from the exposure to their original culture adds another dimension for acculturating groups to the continuum conceptualized in the literature on North American women's work and family roles. Rather than seeing traditionalism and modernism as a unidimensional continuum encompassing orientations to both roles, a typology model might better represent orientations stemming from two cultural value systems. That is, women in this population may be found to have contemporary orientations towards both roles (Assimilated), traditional orientations towards both roles (Separated) or a combination of traditional and contemporary orientations within different domains (Integrated Type I and Integrated Type II) as shown in Figure 3. A typology of value orientations to work and family roles renders the concept of conflict and strain between the two roles as infelicitous. This leads to the first and second propositions which state that: 36 Figure 3. A Typology of Work and Family Value-Role Orientation Integration FAMILY ROLE Contemporary Traditional WORK ROLE Contemporary Assimilated Integrated Type II Traditional Integrated Separated Type I 37 PI. People have certain orientations towards roles. The orientations behind the roles they actually enact are an important influence upon their experience within these roles. P2. Traditional and contemporary attitudes towards work and family roles can coexist as independent dimensions. Interrole compatibility perception. The focus of this concept is the extent to, and circumstance under which maternal employment is acceptable or, work and family roles are compatible. For this population, the attitude towards mothers of preschool children being engaged in outside employment, the economic necessity, and the issue of choice, are particularly important. This is so because beliefs of when it is appropriate for women to work are influenced, in large measure, by the values and demands embedded within a particular individual's situation. That individuals can vary as to their commitment to different roles has been recognized by Marks (1977) who views such differences as being culturally patterned for specific groups, classes, sexes, and other social categories within society. Menaghan's (198 9) research found support for different work and family role combinations being associated with differing levels of well-being. An outgrowth of this study that has not been explored is the reasons behind the different role combinations causing varying levels of well-being and the reasons why similar role combinations can be associated with different outcomes. The present research addresses the idea that a key 38 consideration is the underlying values that influence attitudes towards the roles which evolve in the throughput processes of the personal subsystem. For family resource decisions, Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) stated that reasoning processes accompanying well-grounded decisions are those that have established why something is important (subjective valuing) and what it will take to accomplish the desired outcomes (objective valuing). The subjective and objective valuing components are believed to be parallel to the management components of goals and resources. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) defined the subjective value component more specifically as needs, wants, interests, aims, or purposes: an individual's goals. The objective value components are attributes and properties of available resources that can meet the subjective criteria. For the purposes of this study, the issue over when it is appropriate for women to work outside of the home, is proposed to be a personal subsystem process as the attitude is borne out of influences of both value and demand inputs. The interrole compatibility perception is thus envisioned as being an evolving attitudinal orientation towards the enactment of work and family roles for women. This is proposed to be formed by the values from two cultures and to influence life satisfaction and self-assessed health. 39 Managerial Subsystem Work and family role involvement. Voydanoff (1990), in a review of the effects of economic distress on family relations, commented that one coping behavior in response to economic distress due to the unemployment of one family member is for other family members to increase their labor force participation. Menaghan and Parcel (1990) pointed out that the choice between market and home work for lower socioeconomic status families is particularly problematic. Avoiding market work reduces the potential for family income, while suitability of child care becomes an issue if market work is chosen. Goals of the family, such as those pertaining to market and home work, are integrally related to the value subsystem. The most important thing about any goal is that when it is clarified, the underlying values must be examined at the same time that resources are reviewed for their potential availability. This process entails a managerial response which takes into account a balance of resources and demands as goal alternatives are explored (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1988) . In order to gain as full an understanding as possible of the interaction between work and family roles, attention to the level of involvement within each of these roles is necessary. Within a family context, the ability to balance work and family demands depends much upon how individuals structure these demands through the course of their daily interactions (Berk, 1985). The allocation of family resources whereby decisions are made and 40 plans are implemented applies to family members' role involvement. Decisions over how family work and work outside of the home should be distributed among family members are made by the family group and provide the context within which plans are implemented (Rettig, 1988) . The extent to which role demands are shared among the individual family members impinges on the level of demands from each role for the other members. Level of role involvement of an individual is expected to mediate between the attitude toward enacting these two roles together and satisfaction, health, and well-being outcomes. Decisions over family members' labor force participation are a function of available opportunities, gender role orientation, demands for resources available from labor force participation, values, and attitudes toward the division of household labor and care of dependent family members (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1988). Accordingly, the level of involvement in a paid labor force role will depend upon the attitudes toward each role and the attitude toward the apposite combining of the two roles. The interaction between attitudes towards and actual levels of work role involvement will then be associated with the derived satisfaction outcomes, well-being, and self-assessed health. Also important to the satisfaction outcomes, health, and psychological well-being are aspects of family role involvement. Regardless of what a woman's orientation or proclivity to working outside of the home is, family work remains constant. Assignment of productive activities within the household is negotiable among 41 its members and this negotiation has been documented as being affected by the labor force participation of women (Barnett & Baruch, 1987/ Johnson & Firebaugh, 1985; Seccombe, 1986) . There is no reason to believe that the experience of immigrant families has been any different, although perhaps for dissimilar reasons. Caplan et al. (1989) found that among Indochinese refugees, a predominant characteristic of high-achiever households was an egalitarian and democratic definition of sex roles in the family. Equality between the sexes, particularly with regard to spousal decision making, participation in the labor force, and parental involvement in school-related activities, was a key factor in postarrival adaptation. Caplan et al. (1989) noted that families with high achieving children work under very egalitarian views and expectations. This makes the best use of the human capital within the family unit and promotes the growth and development of all members, regardless of sex. Thus, the correlates of women's perception of the quality of life and self-assessment of health, and work role enactment should not be excluded in an analysis of immigrant women's work and family roles. Before leaving the discussion of throughput, it is worth repeating that the concepts of value-role orientation integration, the attitude towards interrole compatibility, and the level of role involvement comprise a subsystem of interacting parts. Interaction of these components is envisioned as being a process whereby the input of value demands into the personal system requires resources that can only be met through 42 certain role behaviors; meeting the value demands with the required resources gained from roles can be viewed favorably or unfavorably. For example, for some individuals, the values and goals for their family may be accomodative in orientation. Working outside of the home may be one way for women with accomodative orientations to realize the value of maintaining the family's cohesion and autonomy. In this case, the work role would be valued because of its resource granting capabilities in the form of income. Output Realizing certain goals and demands through the enactment of certain roles is the valuing process that involves subjective and objective value content and has an effect on system output. For those individuals who view their level of participation in the labor force as being incompatible with a family role, higher levels of work role involvement may be associated with lowered life satisfaction and a lowered assessment of health. Concurrently, a contemporary orientation towards the family role, along with an equitable allocation of family tasks among family members, may also be associated with increased life satisfaction and greater psychological well-being. This leads to a discussion of how system output has been conceptualized in the present study. Previous research on the effects of multiple roles for women has investigated such outcome variables as work-and family-related sources of stressors and coping resources (Voydanoff & 43 Kelly, 1984), marital dyad adjustment (Brett & Yogev, 1988), and attachment to the labor force (Cotton, Antill, & Cunningham, 1989). A study by Menaghan (1989) was able to demonstrate that specific role combinations interacted with sociodemographic characteristics to influence psychological symptoms. What these studies fail to address though, is the meaning attached to each role, or for what each role is valued. It may be that a specific social role repertoire for an individual does not cause conflict because some roles are valued as the means to achieve goal orientations. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) addressed this issue as it relates to productive activity outside of the household. They asserted that these earnings can serve a larger purpose or higher value beyond the goal to earn such as increasing security, meeting personal needs, and providing for others. For some individuals, certain family responsibilities and values may be an influence in their desire to have roles outside of the family, such as a work role, in order to meet their value and goal orientations. This would represent a matching of the demands of family values, goals and social norms, with appropriate resources. The Indochinese refugee woman's individual personal subsystem's output can be taken to be some indication of the extent to which the value demands are being met through role resources. The "demand response" is described as relations between the output from managerial actions and values and satisfactions (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1988). Therefore, as 44 interaction persists between the personal and managerial subsystems and input is subsequently transformed in the throughput process, this influences the nature of the demand response. Realizing a satisfactory outcome is proposed in the present study as being influenced by three critical objects: the value orientation towards work and family roles; the congruency between value orientations and actual levels of role enactment; and congruency between perceptions of interrole compatibility and actual levels of role involvement. The level of effectiveness in transforming inputs such as values and roles into the output of satisfactorily met goals is operationalized in this study as satisfaction over several domains. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) stated that comparing actual outcomes with anticipated or desired outcomes is a means of assessing the effectiveness of the management system because effective management is where outputs are consistent with the aspired goals. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) proffered that satisfaction with outcomes is affected by demands, goals, and management processes. The dependent variables in this study cover several separate domains of satisfaction with life. Life satisfaction. Life satisfaction is a central outcome of management of resources in the family system, and individual personal subsystem, because attaining satisfaction across many domains of life is the driving force behind many of the decisions over how to meet demands with limited resources. Deacon and 45 Firebaugh (1988) implied that management is what helps people control the events of life and influence the outcomes of situations. Management is thought to influence the quality of life of the individual and the family through processes of allocating resources to reach goals. The concept of satisfaction is delineated by Campbell et al. (1976) who assert that levels of satisfaction can be defined as perceived discrepancies between aspirations and achievement, ranging from perceptions of fulfillment to that of deprivation. It is important to use several measures of life satisfaction for a population where the parameters of satisfaction could be different than those of the dominant population. This is consistent with Campbell et al.' s (1976) description of satisfaction as being highly personal as it is heavily influenced by both the individual's past experience and current expectations. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) believed that satisfaction with different areas of life is related to the satisfaction with the managerial activity occurring within the different areas. Broadly speaking, satisfaction with life is directly influenced by goal achievement. However, evaluation of specific situations is not thought of as being isolated from the broader circumstances but as being influenced by the broader circumstances within which the assessment of discrepancies between the situation and life goals is made. 46 Satisfaction with health. Although there is evidence to suggest that employment has beneficial effects on women's physical and mental health (Verbrugge & Madans, 1985), such data and conclusions are based on white American women and black women. The effects of work and family roles upon first-generation immigrant women are less well understood. Meleis and Rogers (1987) identified three reasons why consideration of the work role is of utmost importance for this population: First, the jobs that immigrant women typically take in the labor market are low-paying, high-risk jobs; second, immigrant women tend to develop lower occupational prestige than do their male counterparts even from the same nationality; and third, immigrant women who are active in the labor force also continue to carry primary responsibility for household activities. Further complicating the assessment of health for immigrant women is that extended family members who may have given them support in their homeland are typically replaced by a set of live-in in-laws, or nonunderstanding neighbors. In ethnic enclaves potential sources of social support may adhere strictly to values and beliefs of the country of origin which may no longer be desired or appropriate in the new setting (Meleis & Rogers, 1987) . With nowhere else to turn, Meleis and Rogers (1987) reported that immigrant women turn to health-care systems for assistance with conditions that are outside of the jurisdiction of attending physicians. They note that when compared with women whose life situations were less burdened, 47 immigrant women visited the health-care system more frequently reporting vague, disorganized, and unrecognizable symptoms. Indochinese refugees' experiences with psychological symptomology are that mentally ill people are feared and rejected (Dinh, Ganesan, & Waxier-Morrison, 1990) . This increases the likelihood that psychological stress is somaticized. The inclusion of a reported self-assessed health measure represents a bid to give respondents a socially acceptable alternative to express stress, and a way of indirectly assessing how life roles are being managed from day to day. The individual personal system throughput process and outcome whereby value demands are satisfactorily met through the best possible matching of value orientations to enactment of work and family roles leads to the third and fourth propositions which state that: P3. The greater the match between value role orientation integration and involvement levels for that role, the greater the life satisfaction and self-assessed health. P4. The ability to meet value demands with satisfactory levels of role involvement will be predictive of life satisfaction and self-assessed health. The Hypotheses The hypotheses derived from the foregoing discussion and propositions have to do with two of women's most prominant social roles: family and work. Life satisfaction and psychological well-being associated with these roles are believed to be related 48 to the resource management processes within the individual personal/managerial system. As a result, the following hypotheses are advanced: HI: Immigrant women's attitudes towards work and family roles will reflect varying combinations of traditional and contemporary orientations towards these roles. Therefore, immigrant women can be found to hold contemporary attitudes toward both roles (the Assimilated group); traditional attitudes towards work and a contemporary orientation towards the family (the Integrated Type I group)/ a contemporary attitude toward work and a traditional attitude toward the family (the Integrated Type II group)/ or traditional attitudes towards both roles (the Separated group). Essentially this hypothesis is a test for evidence of a typology. The value role orientation integration towards each role of immigrant women will be congruent with the attitude towards the apposite circumstances for maternal employment (i.e., the interrole compatibility). It is expected that: H2a: Women in the Assimilated group will view the two roles as being compatible. (They will be high on their perception of interrole compatibility). H2b: Women in the Separate group will view the two roles as being incompatible. (They will be low on their perception of interrole compatibility). 49 H2c: Women in the Integrated Type I group will view the two roles as being compatible. (They will be high on their perception of interrole compatibility). H2d: Women in the Integrated Type II group will view the two roles as being incompatible. (They will be low on their perception of interrole compatibility). Immigrants are faced with making adaptations to their ethnic heritage within their new society. The selection of certain aspects of the new society and the retention of some ethnic elements is conceptualized by Greeley (1977) as a process of ethnogenesis. The ethnogenesis of work and family role attitudes for South Asian women has been described by Naidoo (1985) and Naidoo and Davis (1988), who found support for complementarity between these roles. The present study is, in part, a replication of the research conducted by Naidoo and her colleagues, as well as an extension of the past research with the additional investigation of interrole compatibility perceptions. Interrole compatibility perception is included in the present study to ascertain the effects of a bicultural value orientation on perceptions of combining work and family roles. Whereas the value-role orientation integration construct measures attitudinal orientations towards each of the roles, interrole compatibility is measuring attitudes towards combinations of the two roles. Previous research on multiple role enactment of North American samples has investigated role conflict (Goode, 1960), 50 role enhancement (Thoits, 1983), and a combination of role conflict and role enhancement (Tiedje, et al., 1990). A complementary orientation of traditional and comtemporary attitudes towards work and family roles, as Naidoo (1985) and Naidoo and Davis (1988) suggest might occur for immigrant women, may yield differential beliefs concerning appropriate reasons to work for women in an immigrant population. Life satisfaction and self-assessed health will depend on what attitude orientations are held for work and family roles and how involved the individual is in each of these roles. It is expected that: H3a: When level of work role involvement is controlled, women in the Assimilated and Integrated Type I groups will experience higher satisfaction with standard of living, their jobs, and health and greater well-being than the other two value-role orientation groups. H3b: When level of family role involvement is controlled, women in the Assimiliated and Integrated Type I groups will experience greater life satisfaction and greater satisfaction with health than women in the other two value-role orientation groups. Life satisfaction and health will vary with the attitude towards interrole compatibility and how involved the immigrant women are in each of these roles. It is expected that: H4: Women with higher scores on interrole compatibility will experience higher levels of satisfaction when role involvement is held constant than women with lower scores on 51 interrole compatibility. Although the correlates of differing levels of role involvement have been well documented in the literature (Berk, 1985; Huber & Spitze, 1983/ Menaghan & Parcel, 1990) the relationship tested is almost unilaterally one of greater involvement in each of these roles being associated with lesser satisfaction with each of these roles. Outcomes of life satisfaction and satisfaction with self-assessed health from greater and lesser levels of role involvement are envisioned in the present research as being mitigated by the value-role orientation integration and attitudes towards interrole compatibility of the individual. 52 Chapter III Methods Sample and Data Collection The data for this study were collected for the third wave of a ten year longitudinal study on the resettlement of adult Indochinese refugee immigrants who first settled in an urban center or rural community in British Columbia between 1979 and 1981. Half of the respondents are Chinese Vietnamese and half are non-Chinese including ethnic Vietnamese and Laotians. A detailed description of the sampling procedure used for the Refugee Resettlement Study can be found elsewhere (see Johnson, 1989). Complete data were available for 142 women. The sample used in these analyses is a subsample of the women in the larger study and includes only women who reported holding both work and parenting roles (N=75). Of the subsample, 44 women were Vietnamese, 8 were Chinese, and 23 were Laotian. Because these two criteria reduced the sample size, it was necessary to include all three rather than one ethnic group. The data used for these analyses come from the surveys conducted from September 1991 through June 1992. Bilingual interviewers, most of them refugees themselves, conducted the two hour interviews after being trained in structured interviewing techniques. The interviews usually took place in the homes of the respondents during the weekend and evenings. 53 Measures Data were compiled through the use of structured interviews that had been translated, back-translated, and subjected to pretests on focus groups prior to conducting the survey on the study population. The structured interview assessed basic demographic data, measures of health and mental health, language fluency, employment and training experiences, consumer practices, social support, value orientation, family task sharing, and perceived quality of life. In order to address the research questions of this study, demographic data, family and employment role involvement, three items on self-assessed health, four items measuring well-being, and three items measuring job satisfaction were used, and scales measuring value orientations, and life satisfaction were constructed with questions from the larger study. A listing of the questions used is in Appendix A. All scales were subjected to analyses of internal reliability. Multicultural ideology. General acculturation was assessed by responses to questions about multicultural ideology affirmations. An example of such questions is "It is best for Canada if all people who come to this country forget their cultural background as soon as possible". These questions were taken from a Multicultural Ideology scale developed by Berry, Kalin, and Taylor (1976). The questions were designed to assess feelings about how all ethnic groups should be related in the larger society. Berry et al. (1976) used the scale to measure mutlicultural ideology on a 54 group level. The version of the scale included in the Refugee Resettlement survey had three questions measuring integration, two questions measuring assimiliation and one question measuring separation. Only responses to the three questions on integration were used in this study as a summed scale. The authors state that the integration option is identical to the values expressed in multicultural policy and was therefore emphasized in the development of the multicultural ideology scale. For this reason, and because it enabled the construction of a multiple item scale, these questions were used as an indicator of agreement with respect to the integration of different ethnic groups. Sociodemographic variables. Those aged 28 through to 65 at the time of the interview were included in the analyses. The youngest possible age of the respondents was 28 years as only adults 18 years and older were included in the first survey. The oldest possible age of 65 is due to the fact that labor force participation is a key variable in this study and those over the age of 65 are less likely to be working outside of the home. In the analyses, age was used as a continuous measure. Socioeconomic level was indicated by total family income. Subjects were asked which of 10 income groups described their total income from all sources. This variable was kept as an interval level variable. Married respondents were those who were married and living in the same household as the marital partner, or reported a 55 common-law relationship. All other categories (single, widowed, separated, divorced, forced separated) were coded as not married. Though the 'non-married' group is inherently heterogeneous the importance of the marital status variable for this study was to control for specific influences that the presence of a partner in the home has on the level of family demands and life satisfaction. Value-role orientation integration of work and family roles. The measure of value-orientation integration represents combinations of traditional or contemporary orientations towards work and family roles. The terms "traditional" and "contemporary" were used to describe the respondents' socio-cultural perspectives. "Traditional" refers to values, beliefs, and customs passed down from generation to generation, often firmly adhered to, and less subject to forces of acculturation as a result of contact with other cultures (Mann, 1984) . "Contemporary" refers to values, beliefs, and customs prevailing in the mainstream culture that migratory groups have assimilated or are assimilating (Naidoo & Davis, 1988) . For a traditional work value orientation, the choice to work, and in what job to work, was based on what is best for the family and not the individual. A contemporary value orientation towards work would then be expressed as a career decision being made from more of an individualistic perspective. 56 For family values, a traditional orientation was expressed as attitudes toward family task sharing and family decision making based on gender. A contemporary orientation indicated an attitude of egalitarianism of family task sharing and family decision making as the ideal. Value-role orientation integration was defined from responses to the value-role orientation scale which was constituted from questions in the section headed 'Value Orientation' in the Refugee Resettlement survey. The larger study's scale was comprised of questions from a variety of other sources (Naidoo & Davis, 1988/ Nguyen & Williams, 1989). The response choices for this scale, as well as the interrole compatibility scale, were dichotomous: 'agree' or 'disagree'. The decision to approach the value orientation response choices this way, as opposed to using a Likert scale format, was based upon evidence to suggest that the Likert scale may be culturally biased. Flaskerud (1988) reported that research populations of Vietnamese background are not as familiar with internal contrasts that are typical of multiple-point scales. The author recounted a study that used a Vietnamese depression scale in which Vietnamese subjects were given a three-point response scale of 'always', 'often', and 'sometimes' but preferred not to choose one of these three statements in favor of answering 'yes' or 'no'. Although approaching the response choices in this manner may reduce statistical variability, such measures must be utilized in the absence of available generalizations to suggest 57 other approaches (see Berry, 1980). Eight questions measuring orientations towards the work role and eight questions measuring orientations towards the family role were chosen from the value orientation section of the larger survey and subjected to factor analyses. The results of the factor analyses using varimax rotations for questions referring to the family role revealed that six items loaded on one factor, these were retained for the analyses. Results of the factor analysis for the questions measuring orientations towards the work role did not reveal any single conceptually consistent and statistically reliable factors. The one item from this scale that was retained in subsequent analyses loaded as a single factor in the factor analysis. For this reason, and because the question was the most conceptually relevent, this item was chosen to measure the work role orientation. The eight items for the family role orientation measure and their factor loadings can be found in Appendix B, Table 1. The eight items for the work role orientation measure and their factor loadings can be found in Appendix B, Table 2. The six items measuring value orientations towards the family role assessed gender-based family decision making and task sharing attitudes. The single question measuring the value orientation towards the work role asked whether it is more important to please the wishes of the family or self in choosing a career. 58 The value-role orientation measures therefore included one item measuring attitudes towards the work role and six items measuring attitudes towards the family role. The Cronbach's Alpha coefficient for the summated value orientation towards the family role scale on this sample was .65. Interrole compatibility. This 3-item scale measured the attitude towards when, and under what circumstances, it is appropriate for women to work outside of the home. The items were also taken from the 'Value Orientation' scale of the larger study and came from other sources (Naidoo & Davis, 1988; Nguyen & Williams, 1989) . This variable was included to assess the perception of the interface between work and family roles. These three items are indicators of attitudes towards combining work and family roles. The questions specifically address attitudes towards maternal employment when there are preschool children present in the family, compatibility of the roles when working outside of the home is economically necessary, and the acceptability of women working outside of the home by choice. Responses were coded so that a low score indicates that the roles are incompatible and women should only work when necessary and a high score indicates that maternal employment is agreeable and the roles compatible if such an arrangement is desired by the woman. The Cronbach's Alpha reliability for this 3-item scale with this sample was .73. Family role involvement. This measure assessed the extent to which family tasks were shared among family members. The 59 measure was derived from a family task sharing instrument developed by Bird, Bird, and Scruggs (1984). The modified version of the instrument used in this study assessed who amongst the family members performs a variety of family tasks (cooking, care of children, and household maintenance). Response choices on this scale asked respondents to indicate whether the "Wife only, Husband only, Husband and Wife, or other family members" did 13 specific household tasks. The reason for including this variable in the model was to identify the degree of demands on the woman from family tasks and not to ascertain how family tasks were divided among the family. Because of this, the items were recoded as follows: '3' was assigned to those family tasks done by wife only, '2' represented tasks reported as being shared equally between the husband and wife, and '1' represented family tasks done by husband only or other family members. The items were combined for the analyses so that the extent to which family tasks done by the wife only, shared between the wife and husband, and done by other family members, over all the tasks measured, could be determined. Therefore, a higher score indicated respondent's greater family role involvement. The Cronbach' s Alpha reliability for this summated scale on this sample was .94. Work role involvement. This was a measure of the respondent's involvement in employment outside of the home. These data were used as a continuous measure in the preliminary analyses (Pearson's correlations and t-tests). The data were 60 collapsed into two catagories by way of a mean split with '1' representing 1-40 hours per week worked outside of the home and '2' representing 40 or more hours per week worked outside of the home when used in the analysis of variance procedures. A high score indicated greater work role involvement. Satisfaction with standard of living. This was a measure of the satisfaction with different aspects of income, availability of goods and services, standard of living and life as a whole. Responses were coded so that '1' represents dissatisfaction, '2' represents a neutral attitude, and '3' represents satisfaction. The scale used for these analyses was developed from the life satisfaction scale from the Refugee Resettlement survey. The Refugee Resettlement version was an adaptation of one previously used in a study of religion and life quality (Fazel & Young, 1988). The scale that was reported in the Fazel and Young study included questions assessing satisfaction with health and job. These dimensions of the scale were not included in the Refugee Resettlement Survey section on life satisfaction as health and job satisfaction were assessed in sections of the interview containing numerous questions on their health practices and employment charactersitics. The eleven items that were included in the life satisfaction section of the Refugee Resettlement study were factor analyzed with this subsample of employed women with children. The scale covered a variety of life domains such as standard of living, social relations, neighborhood, and accomplishments. Factor 61 analysis of the whole scale revealed only one conceptually consistent and statistically reliable factor termed standard of living. These four items from the life satisfaction scale that loaded on one factor were retained for use in the analyses of this study. The eleven items and their factor loadings can be found in Appendix B, Table 3. High scores indicated greater satisfaction with standard of living. The Cronbach's Alpha reliability for this 4-item scale on this sample was .60. Self-assessed health. This was a self-report measure covering respondent's perceived level of health during the past few weeks at the time of the interview, the extent to which the respondent worries about her health, and the degree to which the respondent describes her life as stressful. The combination of questions assessing health and life stress for this variable was used to measure respondent's health because of the likelihood that stress is somaticized in this population. Responses to the three items constituting this indicator (internal reliability .63) were combined for the analyses and coded so that a high score indicated greater satisfaction and less stress and a low score indicated lower satisfaction with recent health and a more stressful life. Well-being. This variable was measured using a 4-item scale. Respondents were asked to indicate how pleased they were about accomplishing something, if they have felt excited about something, if things were going the way they wanted, and if they have felt pleased about something that they have done in the past 62 few weeks. Response choices for this scale were '1' often, '2' sometimes, and '3' never. Response choices were reverse coded in the analyses so that a high score indicated greater well-being. This scale was developed using data from the second wave of the Refugee Resettlement project (cf. Beiser & Fleming, 1986). The items are from a scale measuring positive affect that was developed by Bradburn (1969). The Chronbach's coefficient alpha reported in Beiser and Fleming (1986), which utilized both male and female respondents, was .72. The Chronbach's Alpha reliability of this scale on this sample was .84. Job satisfaction. A three item scale was constructed to measure job satisfaction. Respondents indicated how they felt about the work that they do, the pay, and co-workers. Job satisfaction response choices were '1' dissatisfied, '2' neither satisfied nor dissatisfied, and '3' satisfied. The three items were combined for the analyses with a high score indicating greater satisfaction. The Chronbach's Alpha reliability for this scale on this sample was .68. Preliminary Analyses and Analysis Strategy Before testing the major hypotheses several analyses were carried out to assess: 1) whether the three different ethnic groups differed on attitudes towards multicultural ideology, the dependent variables, age, and income/ 2) whether there were any significant linear relations between age, income, and the independent and dependent variables/ 3) the relationship between multicultural ideology and the dependent variables/ 4) if marital 63 status affected the dependent variables; and 5) if there were differences that warranted consideration of occupational status as a control. To test for effects of ethnic group membership, oneway analysis of variances were done with the three ethnic groups on acculturation towards multicultural ideology, each of the dependent variables, age, and income. No significant differences were found among the three ethnic groups on acculturation towards multicultural ideology, the dependent variables, age, and income, at the JD < .05 level. This indicated that there was statistical support for combining these groups in the subsequent analyses. Appendix C, Table 1 presents a breakdown of the sample by ethnicity and summarizes the ethnic groups on age and income level. To test for linear relationships between age, income, and the independent and dependent variables, a Pearson's correlation matrix was run. The correlation matrix is presented in Appendix C, Table 2. The mean annual household income level score translates to $30,000 - 39,9999. Age and income were not found to be significantly linearly related to any of the independent or dependent variables and it was therefore defensible to not control for the effects of these two variables in the subsequent analyses. Pearson's correlations were run to test for relationships between multicultural integration ideology and the dependent variables. This correlation analysis revealed nonsignificant 64 relationships between general multicultural integration ideology and the dependent variables (see Appendix C, Table 3). General multicultural ideology was not controlled in the subsequent analyses. Eighty-two percent of the sample reported being married or living in a common-law relationship. Effects from marital status on the dependent variables were tested using t-tests. There were no significant differences between the married and non-married subjects on health, well-being, standard of living satisfaction or job satisfaction. Marital status was therefore not included as a control in the subsequent analyses. The women in this sample reported working in a variety of occupations within the service sector, manufacturing, and processing. A small number were owners of their own small businesses. None of the respondents reported working in professional or managerial level occupations. Occupational level was not controlled for in the subsequent analyses. The major hypotheses were tested with a variety of statistical techniques. The test of the typology involved the use of Chi-square analysis to examine the frequencies of the typology groups. Oneway analysis of variance was used to examine the effects of location in the typology on interrole compatibility perceptions. Analysis of covariance was used to test for the effects of the typology on satisfaction outcomes and health when family task sharing and hours worked were controlled. Multiple regression analysis was used to test for the effects of 65 interrole compatibility perceptions on satisfaction outcomes and health when family task sharing and hours worked were controlled. 66 Chapter IV Results Presented here are the results of the tests of the major hypotheses. Mean scores for each variable are summarized in Table 1. As a group, the women showed a high level of satisfaction with their standard of living and jobs on the scales used in this study. Reported levels of health and well-being were also moderately high. Intercorrelations between the independent variables indicated that these variables are not significantly related to one another which supports their use as separate independent measures (see Table 2). The significant correlation between family role orientation and interrole compatibility was not important to consider in the subsequent analyses because the family role orientation measure was not intended for use on its own. Intercorrelations between the dependent variables were also nonsignificant (see Table 2) lending support for their use as measures of separate domains. Correlations between the independent variables and dependent variables are presented in Table 2. Typology of Work and Family Value Orientations The test of this first hypothesis was to investigate women's value orientations towards work and family. Specifically, this hypothesis was predicting that women would be found with traditional orientations towards both roles, contemporary orientations towards both roles, and a combination of traditional 67 Table 1 Descriptive Data of Independent and Dependent Variables a b Variable n_ Range M SD Independent variables Family role orientation 7 4 7 - 1 2 9.3 1.3 Work role orientation 75 1 - 2 1.6 .5 Hours worked 70 1 0 - 9 8 45.0 15.8 Task sharing 73 18 - 55 29.1 17.5 Role compatibility 74 3 - 5 4.8 1.8 Dependent variables Standard of living 75 5 - 1 2 11.4 1.3 Health 75 4 - 1 0 8.1 1.8 Well-being 75 4 - 1 2 8.7 2.0 Job satisfaction 74 6 - 9 8.4 1.4 a Number varies because of missing data. b Higher numbers reflect greater life satisfaction, etc. 68 Table 2 Intercorrelations Between Independent and Dependent Variables Variables 1. Family orient. 2. Work orient. 3. Role compatibility 4. Hours worked 5. Task sharing 6. Stnd. of living 7. Health 8. Well-being 9. Job satisfaction 5 - . 3 4 * - . 2 4 . 0 0 . 1 0 . 0 3 - . 0 9 - . 0 4 . 0 5 - . 0 8 . 1 6 . 2 9 * - . 1 4 . 1 9 - . 1 6 - . 1 0 . 2 4 . 2 4 . 0 4 - . 1 7 . 1 1 - . 4 3 * * - . 0 2 . 0 9 - . 0 3 . 1 9 - . 0 7 . 0 8 . 0 1 - . 0 5 . 1 8 - . 0 3 - . 1 6 . 0 2 . 2 6 - . 1 6 *p_< .01 **p_< .001. 69 and contemporary orientations. The correlation between value orientations towards the family and orientations towards work was not significant (r_ = .15), suggesting that women can be a combination of traditional in attitudes towards one role and contemporary in attitudes towards the other role as well as being strictly contemporary or strictly traditional towards both roles. This low correlation between the value orientations implies that it is possible that women's value orientations towards these roles can be represented as the typology proposed earlier. As a first step in testing this typology, a median split was done for the orientation towards the family role measure and for the orientation towards the work role measure. The resultant typology is formed by combining these two groups into their four possible permutations: Assimilated (contemporary attitudes towards both roles) Integrated Type I (a contemporary attitude towards the family role and a traditional orientation towards the work role), Integrated Type II (traditional attitude towards the family role and contemporary attitudes towards the work role), and Separate (traditional attitudes maintained towards both roles). Chi-square analysis revealed no association between the typology orientations; X = (1, N = 74) = 1.7, jo = .19. Women were found in all four groups (see Table 3) which lends support to a typology of role orientations as opposed to a continuum of role orientations. Women were fairly evenly distributed in the four cells, which suggests that traditional and contemporary orientations towards work and family roles are 70 best conceptualized as independent dimensions rather than as opposite ends of a continuum. If women's orientations were similar towards both roles, women would fall only into the Assimilation and Separation groups and there would be no women in the Integration groups. This is because the Assimlation group represents those women who endorse contemporary orientations towards work and family roles and the Separation group represents those women who endorse traditional orientations towards work and family roles. These two groups are therefore comprised of women who acculturate similarly towards both roles. Table 3 Cell Frequencies of the Typology Groups Family Role contemporary traditional Work Role contemporary Assimilated Integrated Type II 16 24 traditional Integrated Separated Type I 18 11 71 Value Orientation Typology and Interrole Compatibility The second hypothesis predicted that location in the value orientation typology would be associated with perceptions of interrole compatibility. Women in the Assimilated and Integrated Type I group were expected to score higher on the interrole compatibility scale than the Separated and Integrated Type II groups. The relationship between location in the typology and interrole compatibility perception was examined by using univariate analysis of variance (ANOVA). An ANOVA, using the four typology groups as the independent variable, was conducted on interrole compatibility perceptions as the dependent variable, yielding an expected significant effect, F_ (3, 72) = 6.9, p_ < .0004. Location in the typology, therefore, does account for differences in interrole compatibility perception. The means for role compatibility perception for each of the typology groups are presented in Table 4. The Multiple Range Scheffe test revealed that the Integrated Type I group and the Assimilated group scored higher on interrole compatibility perception than the Integrated Type II group at the p_ < .05 level. It seems that, as was predicted, the Integrated Type I group and the Assimilated group viewed work and family roles as being more compatible than the Integrated Type II group. However, no support was found for the prediction that the Separate group would perceive the two roles as being less compatible than the Assimilated and Integrated Type I group. 72 Table 4 Means for Role Compatibility Perception by Location in Value Orientation Typology 1 Integ. I 2 Sep 3 Assim. 4 Integ. II n's 19 11 21 23 Role Compatibility 4.9 4.7 4.8 4.5 Scheffe p_ = .05 1,3 > 4 Note. Higher scores mean greater role compatibility. 73 Value Orientation Typology, Level of Role Involvement, Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-Being Hypothesis three addressed the effects of location in the typology on satisfaction outcomes and health when the effects from level of role involvement were controlled. It was expected that women in the Assimilated and Integrated Type I groups would experience higher satisfaction with their standard of living and jobs, greater psychological well-being and better health than the Separated and Integrated Type II groups. Separate ANCOVAs were carried out on each of the measures of standard of living, job and health satisfaction, and well-being. The four typology groups were used, with task sharing as a covariate, on standard of living satisfaction, health, well-being, and job satisfaction. Task sharing is not significant on any of the dependent variables. The ANCOVAs with the effects of task sharing controlled revealed significant effects from location in the typology on health, F (3, 68) = 3.4, p_ = .02; on well-being, F (3, 68) = 4.2, p_ = .009; and satisfaction with standard of living, F (3, 68) = 8.1, p_ = .000. The four typology groups were used in ANCOVAs with hours worked as a covariate on the dependent variables; standard of living satisfaction, health, well-being, and job satisfaction. Hours worked was not significant for any of the dependent variables. The ANCOVAs with the effects of hours worked controlled revealed significant effects from location in the typology on health, F (3, 71) = 4.5, p_ - .006; well-being, F 74 (3, 71) = 4.2, £. = .008; and satisfaction with standard of living, F (3, 71) = 5.3, £ = .003. In sum, significant ANCOVAs showed that satisfaction with standard of living, health, and well-being were associated with location in the typology when the effects of task sharing and hours worked outside of the home were statistically controlled (see Table 5 and Table 6 for means of the dependent variables for each of the typology groups). Table 7 shows the amount of variance that was explained by the typology when task sharing and hours worked outside of the home were entered as covariates. No significant effects were found from task sharing, hours worked, or location in the typology, on job satisfaction. Multiple range Scheffe tests indicated that the Assimilated group of women experienced significantly higher levels of health and well-being than did women in the other role orientation groups (E. < .05) . Table 5 75 Means for Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-Being by Location in the Typology with Task Sharing as a Covariate Dependent Variables Orientation Typology Integ. I 2 Sep, 3 Assim. Integ. II Stnd. of living 10.3 Health 7.5 Well-being 9.1 Job satisfaction 8.2 11 1 1 . 8 7 . 6 8 . 0 8 . 7 16 1 1 . 8 9 . 4 9 . 7 8 . 7 24 1 1 . 8 8 . 0 7 . 7 8 . 1 Scheffe p_ = .05, 3 > 1,2,4 on Health and Well-being. 76 Table 6 Means for Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-Being by Location in the Typology with Hours Worked Per Week Outside the Home as a Covariate Orientation Typology Dependent Variables n' s Stnd. of living Health Well-being Job satisfaction 1 Integ. I 18 10.4 7.6 9.0 8.3 2 Sep 11 11.8 7.6 8.0 8.7 3 Assim. 16 11.7 9.0 9.8 8.6 4 Integ. 24 11.8 8.0 7.6 8.0 II Scheffe p_ = .05, 3 > 1,2,4 on Health and Well-being, 77 Table 7 Variance Explained by the Typology the for Dependent Variables with Typology and Task Sharing and Hours Worked as Covariates R Squared R Squared Dependent Variable With Task Sharing With Hours Worked Stnd. of living .29 .17 Health .29 .15 Well-being .21 .17 Job satisfaction .08 .04 78 Role Compatibility Perception, Level of Role Involvement, Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-Being The final hypothesis addressed how role compatibility perceptions affected satisfaction outcomes when levels of involvement in work and family roles were controlled. To test for effects of interrole compatibility perception, with levels of involvement in both roles controlled, multiple regression analysis was used. Task sharing, hours worked per week, and interrole compatibility perception were entered in a stepwise multiple regression. Results of the multiple regressions with task sharing, hours worked per week, and interrole compatibility perception entered on each of the dependent variables revealed that the amount of variance accounted for in each of the dependent variables by the three independent variables was not significant (see Appendix D, Tables 1,2,3, and 4). The amount of variance accounted for in each of the dependent variables by the whole model was also very small as indicated in Appendix D, Tables 1, 2, 3, and 4. Results of the regression analyses suggest that when level of role involvement (measured as task sharing and hours worked per week outside of the home) was controlled, the perception of role compatibility, as it was measured in this study, did not explain a significant amount of the variance of the dependent variables (see Table 8 for a summary of the regressions). 79 Table 8 Regression of Interrole Compatibility Perceptions on the Dependent Variables when Level of Role Involvement is Controlled Dependent Variable Beta T_ Significance of T_ Standard of living satisf. Well-being Health Job satisfaction -.13 .08 .26 .19 -1 2 1. .13 .74 .31 .65 .26 .45 .07 .10 80 Chapter V Discussion Based on the Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) family resource management framework, a model was developed for this study to portray work and family values and behaviors in a bicultural context. Contact with North American and Indochinese values and attitudes towards work and family roles were envisioned as system input. This input provided the contextual demands and resources which were enacted in the woman's personal/managerial system. Specifically investigated were: the way in which employed Indochinese refugee mothers integrated values towards work and family and perceived dual roles as compatible; and the impact of system throughput (value-role orientation integration, interrole compatibility, and level of role involvement) on the system output of satisfaction, health, and well-being. Because the context of this study is bicultural, the influence of acculturation is critical. In the model guiding this research, the value-role orientation integration typology integrates attitudes from two cultures and provides a domain specific measure of acculturation. The results are discussed in terms of the model developed for this study as well as in terms of their contribution to acculturation literature. The Typology: Integration of Value-Role Orientations Content of the personal subsystem throughput component is conceptualized as guiding an individual's demands and goals (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1988). A major contributor to the personal 81 subsystem's content is an individual's values. Values in family research are a multifaceted concept that is influenced by, and influences, numerous factors (cf. Arcus, 1987). Culturally influenced value orientations towards work and family are the focus of this thesis. These value orientations are expected to be transformed within the personal subsystem's throughput component. Women in the sample show considerable variability in their value orientation integration towards work and family roles. These data suggest that throughput processes within the personal subsystem operate to effect various modes of value orientation integration. Women are found to endorse purely assimilated orientations, purely separated orientation, and two types of integration combinations toward work and family roles: this provides support for the proposed typology of value-role orientations. The lack of correlation between orientations towards work and family suggests that orientations towards these roles are mutually exclusive. Role orientations in this study are operationalized as being collectivist to individualistic towards the work role and traditional or contemporary towards the family role. Traditional orientations towards one role and contemporary orientations towards the other role are as likely to occur as traditional or contemporary orientations towards both roles. These combinations of orientations are consistent with domain specific acculturation that has been proposed (Berry, 82 1990). These results corroborate the findings of Naidoo and Davis (1988) who note that South Asian immigrant women from Toronto exhibit traditional orientations towards the family and forward looking aspirations for themselves outside of the home. These authors contend that adaptation to a new society is selective and self-determined. The typology can be interpreted as an approximation of an acculturation measure. The typology looks specifically at orientations towards work as it relates to family and family as it relates to appropriate role behavior for women within and outside of the home. A general measure of acculturation, such as Berry et al.'s (1976) Multicultural Ideology scale, is based on attitudes towards retaining one's culture and working together with all of society in the pursuit of common goals. The questions comprising the multicultural ideology scale measure the value of integration for ethnic groups in a very general sense. Multicultural Ideology is measuring ideas that are quite removed from the values and demands that are integral to everyday family life. This is supported by the lack of correlation that was found for the Multicultural Ideology questions and the dependent variables in this study. Parrillo (1991) suggests that family obligations and value orientations, such as the typology of value-role orientation measures, are what affect labor force participation and the pursual of adjustment in immigrant families. The value orientation typology finds support of this. 83 The Typology and Role Compatibility Rettig (1987) asserts that values affect negotiations within family relationships in many ways, one of which is to guide individuals as to how they will attain and allocate resources in and amongst the family. The finding from this study that value-role orientation accounts for differences in how compatible the roles are lends support to the effects of value-role orientations. These data reveal that the Assimilated and Integrated Type I groups believed work and family roles are compatible significantly more than the Separated group. The Assimilated group are women who held contemporary orientations towards the work role (the belief that when choosing a career, pleasing the wishes of self are more important than pleasing the wishes of the family) and contemporary orientations towards the family role (the belief in equal opportunities for women outside the home and equal participation of all family members inside the home). The Integrated Type I group are women with traditional orientations towards the work role and contemporary orientations towards the family role (they put work for family before self but believe in equality inside and outside the home). The Separate group is the group that maintains traditional attitudes towards both roles. The finding for the Assimilated group, who scored high on interrole compatibility and therefore view the roles as being compatible, is as expected. The operationalization of the interrole compatibility perception variable offers clues as to 84 why the results are consistent with the prediction that the roles would be regarded as compatible for this group. Interrole compatibility measures when it is appropriate and not appropriate for women to work. Three circumstances are offered: when there are preschool children present, when there are preschool children present and the family needs the money, and when the mother wants to. The attitude that the roles are compatible is measured as being disagreement with the statement that women should not work if there are preschool children present and agreement with women working if they want to. The finding that women who believe that choosing a career for self is more important than choosing a career for the family and that household tasks should be shared equally among family members is consistent with the perception that the two roles are compatible. Results for the Integrated Type I group's perception of interrole compatibility is also as was predicted. The Integrated Type I group, who are those who put work for family over self but hold a contemporary orientation towards the family role, likely see their employment role as contributing to the family. The contemporary attitude towards the family role which holds that household tasks should be divided among family members may be seen as an appropriate coping mechanism. This group would also perceive the roles as being relatively compatible. Women in the Integrated Type II group who believe that career choice is more for self than for the family but also espouse a traditional orientation towards the family role hold 85 attitudes that may cause demand overloads. The experience of such women is most likely one of having a career outside of the home for individualistic reasons and feeling primarily responsible for the majority of household tasks at the same time. This may be why this group sees the roles as being less compatible. Women in the Separate group believe that working is for the family and that the household is the primary domain of women. This is consistent with a more traditional attitude towards the intersection of the two roles, specifically that they should not be combined if it is economically feasible. This is consistent with the finding that these women perceive that the roles are not as compatible. The Typology and Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-Being The nonsignificant intercorrelations among the dependent variables justify using each variable as a separate measure and provide a stringent test of possible spurious relationships among the dependent variables. Level of role involvement is not found to affect the satisfaction outcomes and well-being. Significant differences are found for satisfaction with health and well-being by location in the typology. The Assimilated group has higher scores than the other three groups on the two dependent variables for which significant differences are found: health and well-being. Value-role orientation integration is conceptualized as being personal subsystem content that distinguishes the 86 respondents on value orientations. Value orientations in the throughput component are expected to affect output variables. Differences between the typology groups demonstrate that throughput content and processes, as operationalized in this study, affect selected output factors. As was mentioned earlier, the value orientation typology corroborates domain specific acculturation in attitudes as Naidoo and Davis (1988) found in their study of Southeast Asian immigrant women. Data from this study add to the aforementioned study's findings as the results indicate that the effect of acculturation in specific domains appears to be associated with health and well-being. The Assimilated group is the group that endorses choice in a career as being more important for self than for the family, equal opportunities for men and women outside of the home, and egalitarian task sharing in the home. The finding that women in this group experience greater satisfaction with their health and higher well-being indicates that this value-role orientation group is finding rewards in taking opportunities and negotiating family roles. This finding may be interpreted by way of acculturation. It should be recalled that all the women in this sample are employed parents. This sample characteristic is important to note in explaining why the Assimilated group experiences greater satisfaction with their health and greater well-being. Previous researchers have disclosed that acculturation differs not only by 87 domain (Berry, 1990/ Naidoo & Davis, 1988) but may also differ towards behaviors and values. Studies by Rosenthal et al. (1989) and Triandis et al. (1986) demonstrated that acculturation is more likely to occur in behaviors than values. The Assimilated group appears to be the most congruent group when it comes to behaviors and values. This group espouses the importance of self over family in choosing a career, equal household task sharing, and equal opportunities for women outside of the home. These value orientations seem to be realized in that these women hold both work and family roles. The other groups may not be as congruent as the Assimilated group when it comes to their attitudes toward work and family roles and their behaviors within these roles. The Integrated Type I group believes that the wishes of the family are more important than self when choosing a career but believe in equal task sharing in the home and equal opportunity outside the home. Though these women are working, they may view this role as being enacted more for their family's benefit than their own. This may be a cause of lowered health satisfaction and lesser well-being. The Integrated Type II group holds an individualistic orientation towards the work role but a traditional orientation towards the family role. These women may therefore put role demands on themselves that create role overloads. They may feel that since the work role is taken on for self, the responsibility for housework must still rest with themselves. This may be a factor in lowered satisfaction with health and decreased well-88 being. The Separated group feels that the family is more important than self in choosing a career and that household tasks are the responsibility of women. Perhaps these women hold values that are most at odds with the roles they actually have. The work role may be taken on for the benefit of the family but having this role is inconsistent with what they believe women's roles are. Lower satisfaction with health and lesser well-being may be a result of the incongruety between their values and actual behavior. These results make a contribution to the literature on acculturation. Researchers have found that acculturation is more likely to take place in behaviors than values and especially in behaviors that facilitate adaptation to a new way of life (Rosenthal et al.,1989; Triandis et al., 1986). What data from this study seem to suggest is that not only can acculturation vary across domains and within behaviors and values but acculturation can not be assumed to be taking place similarly or simultaneously across behaviors and attitudes even in the same role. Why did location in the typology fail to predict job satisfaction in this sample of women? The univariate statistic for this dependent variable provides the best answer to this question. It seems that all the women in this sample experience a high level of satisfaction with the job dimensions measured with the job satisfaction scale. High job satisfaction among 89 Indochinese refugees was proposed by Finnan (1981) to be attained through a process whereby refugees begin to identify with an occupation and shape their self-image to compliment their occupation. Finnan (1981) found, as did Caplan et al. (1989) that Indochinese refugees see themselves as hard working and prefer to work hard and contribute to their new country rather than rely on its social services. Finnan (1981) even suggests that employment is associated with a lower incidence of psychopathology because those suffering from psychopathology are less likely to be able to stay employed. Data from this study indicate that job satisfaction is high in this sample. The lack of variability in the satisfaction level accounts for the nonsignificant ANCOVAs with location in the typology. Interrole Compatibility Perception, Satisfaction Outcomes and Well-Being No support is found for the hypothesis that interrole compatibility, with the effects of role involvement controlled, would predict satisfaction outcomes and well-being. Why interrole compatibility perception does not account for differences in the dependent variables may be due to the way in which the subjects responded to this variable. The value orientation with respect to the appropriate circumstances under which women should not seek employment outside of the home asked whether working was appropriate when there were preschool children present, if preschool children were present but money was needed, and if the mother wants to work. The sample as a 90 whole seem to endorse relatively contemporary attitudes towards maternal employment and perceive work and family roles as being compatible. For example, there is almost unanimous support for mothers working outside of the home if they want. Another plausible explanation as to why interrole compatibility perception is not associated with the dependent variables may be because two of the three statements refer specifically to preschool children. As not all of the sample had preschool children at the time of the interview this may have caused the questions to be out of the realm of some of the women's present experience, thus having less of a direct effect on the questions about satisfaction with their present circumstance. A better measure of this variable would have been one that questioned more specific interrole perceptions that are applicable to women of all family career stages. Level of involvement in each role was controlled in the analyses of the typology and interrole compatibility perception effects on each of the dependent variables as levels of involvement were expected to have a bearing on the satisfaction outcomes and well-being. Pearson correlations of level of role involvement and the dependent variables show nonsignificant linear relationships. The ANCOVAs and regressions also indicate that level of involvement in either role is not associated with satisfaction outcomes and well-being. This is an interesting finding that may be explained in different ways for each of the roles. For the work role, the 91 means for job satisfaction indicate that the women experience relatively high satisfaction from their jobs. Women worked a wide range of hours from part-time to substan- tially more than full-time. It is possible that the women are working as many hours as they want and have control over how much they work. This may be related to the lack of association found for involvement in the work role and interrole compatibility as well as all of the dependent variables. Family role involvement is also not associated with any of the dependent variables. An explanation for this finding may be that the sample overall exhibits a fairly egalitarian division of household tasks among the family members. Very few women fall into the range of high family demands and the mean of the sample (see Table 1) is fairly low which indicates that the women probably have manageable demands from family tasks. Task sharing among family members may explain the lack of significant association between family role involvement and interrole compatibility and the dependent variables. In sum, methodological limitations with the interrole compatibility perception measure mean that interrole compatibility perceptions can not be ruled out as definitively not influencing satisfaction outcomes and well-being. With respect to role involvement, variations in levels of involvement with each role are detected. Differences in levels of involvement however, are not significantly associated with the dependent variables. What involvement in these two roles for 92 women in this population means, must be taken into consideration. Parrillo (1991) asserts that it is typical of immigrant family members to mute individual aspirations in the interest of the family. Also, hard work is seen as necessary to improve the whole family's standard of living and to provide opportunities for the second generation (Caplan et al., 1989). A characteristic particular to this sample is that all of the women used in these analyses have both employment and parenting roles and the vast majority report being married as well. The homogeneity of role involvement in this sample, however, does offer an explanation as to why the Assimilated group in the role orientation typology experiences the highest levels of satisfaction with standard of living, health, and well-being. Though holding both of these roles may be perceived as a potential source of conflict in a North American sample, these roles are supportive of adaptation for an immigrant population, and especially in the case of these refugee families. Implications for Family Resource Management In this study, a conceptual model of the individual personal system of family resource management was operationalized and relationships among the model's components were assessed. Deacon and Firebaugh (1988) state that the Family Resource Management framework addresses issues that are common to all households to some degree. They contend that their framework is at a level of abstraction that enables applications over a range of regions and ethnic groups. Results of this study seem to support this 93 assertion. The principle reasons for choosing the Family Resource Management framework as a guide for this research were that this model includes value influences from societal systems outside of the family while addressing interactions inside the family social system. These are facets that are too often excluded in work and family research and acculturation studies respectively. The major contribution that this research gives back to the Family Resource Management conceptual framework is that the framework demonstrates applications in work and family research as well as in acculturation research. Moreover, Family Resource Management offers a framework for an integration of these two streams of research. This is discussed in the forthcoming section. Buchignani (1980) writes that adaptation is the only means by which distinct cultural groups can gain the acceptance of other Canadians. He argues that adaptation is guided by the principle that past ways of doing will be held on to as long as there are no negative consequences, but when alternative patterns are seen by an individual as granting advantages that past practices did not, the alternative patterns will be quickly accepted. Buchignani (1980) regards cultural backgrounds as a variable and more particularly as a resource which individual immigrants strategically use and modify to further their individual goals. The process of adaptation therefore involves decision-making and management whereby some values are maintained while others are abandoned so that new opportunities can be 94 taken. Throughput processes and content were operationalized as value-role orientation integration modes in this study. All the women in this study hold both employment and parenting roles. The majority of the women are employed full-time. There is also evidence of task sharing among the family members as well. In the cases where value-orientations towards the two roles are congruent with the experience with the two roles, the women experience greater satisfaction with their standard of living and increased well-being. This suggests that similarity in role involvement and value orientations is a critical concern. Summary and Limitations The present study explored the influence of value attitudes towards, and the involvement in, work and family roles on satisfaction with several life domains and psychological well-being. This study adds to previous research on women's work and family roles by looking at a distinct cultural group and the impact of values. The population used in this study has brought values from another culture and is in the process of adapting to North American society. The present study adds to the acculturation literature by looking at work and family values and testing for combinations of these two roles. Acculturation towards these specific roles for women has received very little attention in this area up to the present. The data provide strong support for differential acculturation towards the two roles. Women were found to 95 endorse four combinations of traditional and contemporary attitudes towards work and family. Location in the typology of orientations towards work and family was a significant predictor of satisfaction with standard of living, health, and well-being. The data reveal that the Assimilated group of women experience the highest levels of standard of living satisfaction and well-being. The Assimilated group express attitudes of career choice for self before family, egalitarian opportunities for women outside of the home, and an egalitarian division of household labor. ANCOVAs show that the Assimilated group's experience of greater levels of satisfaction and well-being can not be attributed to interrole compatibility perception or level of role involvement. Data from this study suggest that when attitudes acculturate in similar ways as behaviors do, that this is associated with higher levels of well-being and satisfaction than when attitudes are not congruent with behaviors. For these women, seeking employment outside the home seems to be regarded as an acceptable use of human capital and is therefore valued. This study shows that acculturation in attitudes towards role behaviors does not always match acculturation in behaviors and this has an influence on subsequent satisfaction and well-being. In assessing these results, several caveats are in order. As with any study, the conclusions made rest upon the measures used in the analyses. The results of this study should be tempered with two specific cautionary methodological issues. 96 One, the work value orientation was measured with only one item. A multiple item scale would have offered a more valid measure of orientations towards this role as different items in a scale can be seen as validating a given construct (DeVellis, 1991) . Two, the low reliabilities of some of the scales may be a cause of some concern as less reliable scales have less statistical power. DeVellis (1991) states that reliable measures and large samples contribute less error to the statistical analyses. The dependent variables used in this study are, broadly speaking, subjective indicators of satisfaction. Interpretation of measures of satisfaction is of a tenuous nature. For example, Wilcox (1981) states that dissatisfaction may reflect one of three things: deprivation, disappointment, and injustice. Therefore, responses to satisfaction measures are multifaceted and potentially embedded within a complex web of psychological and behavioral processes. The terminology used throughout the thesis reflects an effort to integrate three streams of empirical enquiry: work and family, family resource management, and acculturation. The utilization of these terms is guided by their use in the literature. Of particular note in this respect are the terms "egalitarian", "traditional", "collectivist", and "individualistic". Though the nature of the survey used to investigate the research questions was suggestive of the attitudes described, the questions in the interview are not explicitly framed for the respondents as questions about these 97 ideologies. The possibility exists that the values towards work and family are not actually conceived of by the women in this study in the same way as is implied by the terms used throughout the extant literature. Moreover, the finding that Indochinese women do not exhibit uniformity in work and family value orientations points to a need to consider the possibility that differential value orientations may exist in other groups as well. Similarly, the terms used to describe the typology groups were suggested by the work of Berry and his associates. In the acculturation literature, the terms are referred to explicitly as acculturation attitudes. As a result, the terms do apply to the value of maintaining cultural identity and maintaining relations with other groups. In the literature it is acknowledged that acculturation may be uneven across domains of behavior and that there may be positive and negative consequences associated with differential acculturation. These interpretations lead to positive and negative connotations being attached to the terms. The connotations attached to the terms depend upon the political climate towards multicultural ideology, qualities inherent to the acculturating groups such as size, and the domain (s) being investigated (see Berry, 1990). This study is of a cross-sectional nature. Longitudinal data are needed to further the understanding of attitude and behavior acculturation and their effects on satisfaction outcomes and well-being. If these orientations of acculturation are 98 formed early and persist then similar patterns would be expected for all acculturating groups and to be seen to occur over time. Longitudinal research would provide insights on acculturation by discerning (a) whether value orientation typology group membership persists over time; (b) whether membership in one of the value orientation groups is consistently connected with satisfaction and well-being; and (c) whether certain variables predict location within the value orientation typology. The sample in this study is comprised of women from more than one cultural heritage. This is less desireable than keeping the sample culturally pure for the analyses but was necessary in order to obtain a large enough sample. Previous research on Indochinese refugees has documented the difficulty of defining ethnic membership (cf. Yu & Liu, 1986) . Still, it may be desireable to replicate the study with each cultural group used in separate analyses. The fact that all of the women immigrated at about the same time and have therefore lived in Canada for the same length of time may have been factors that explain the absence of ethnic group membership effects on the dependent variable. This sample characteristic does provide a useful control on the length of time in Canada. Women had to be employed and have children in order to be included in the study so that work and family resposibilities would be maximized. The homogeneity of the sample's role structures, occupational levels, and length of time in Canada raise the possibility that the value orientations are applicable at the current stage but may not have 99 been the same during initial resettlement nor remain the same in subsequent years. The present study tests interrelationships of only one subsystem of the family resource management conceptual framework. This study found support for throughput content's influence on output in the individual personal/managerial subsystem. This study is devoid of two potentially important core concepts of the family resource management framework: planning and decision making. Further study can enlarge and embellish this conceptual framework. Conclusion The aforementioned limitations should not obscure what has been learned. The results of this study found support for the hypothesis that acculturation in orientations towards work and family roles is best represented as a typology which can account for combinations of assimilation and separation orientations (the Integrated Type I and Integrated Type II groups) as well as pure assimilation and pure separation orientations. Location in the typology was found to be predictive of role compatibility perceptions, satisfaction with health, and well-being. The lack of association found for interrole compatibility perceptions and the dependent variables suggests that further methodological refinements in measuring interrole compatibility are needed. With respect to role involvement, the results of this study point to differences in satisfaction outcomes, health, and well-being that could not be explained by levels of role involvement. 100 Results of this study have illustrated the applicability of the family resource management framework for a bicultural population. This study also raises new implications for research in the areas of women's work and family roles. Findings suggest that values, particularly culturally influenced values, may have an influence on work and family role experiences. Findings suggest that values may have an influence on work and family role experiences. Further research, such as replicating this research on other samples, is needed to ascertain the exact origin of the values. A logical extension would be to explore what predicts these particular value orientations in all groups. This research also raises issues for acculturation research. Results indicate that there may be advantages to acculturating in certain ways and that very specific interactions are critical. The finding that value orientations towards work and family roles can be purely, or combinations of, assimlation and separation and that these can depart from actual behavior indicates the complexity of acculturation processes. Further research should explore how acculturation across attitudes and over behaviors affects interrole perceptions and how these attitudes and behaviors interact with each other and with the perception of resource availability and use to affect satisfaction outcomes and well-being. 101 References Alba, R. D. (1985). Italian Americans: Into the twilight of ethnicity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Arcus, M. (1987) . A framework for lifespan family life education. Family Relations, 36, 5-10. Astin, H. S. (1984). The meaning of work in women's lives: A sociopsychological model of career choice and work behavior. 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What is your marital status? 1 = Single 2 = Married 3 = Widowed 4 = Separated 5 = Divorced 6 = Forced Separated 7 = Common-law Occupation Level What kinds of jobs do you have currently? 1 = Baker 2 = Cabinet and Furniture Maker 3 = Carpenter 4 = Cook 5 = Farm labourer 6 = Janitor and Cleaner 7 = Kitchen helper and related 8 = Labourer (All other industries) 9 = Labourer, Manufacturing 10 = Meat Canner, Curer and Packer 11 = Picker, Fruits and Vegetables 109 12 = Sewer and sewing machine operator 13 = Other (specify) Family Income What was your household unit's income in 1990, before taxes were deducted? 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 88 = = = = = = = = = = = = No Income under $5 $5,000 -$10,000 $15,000 $20,000 $30,000 $40,000 $60,000 $80,000 ,000 $9,999 - $14,999 - $19,999 - $29,999 - $39,999 - $59,999 - $79,999 or more Don't know N/A Multicultural Ideology (Response choices for questions 1 through 3 are: Strongly agree [1] - Strongly disagree [7]). 1. A society that has a variety of ethinic groups is more able to tackle new problems as they occur. (INTEGRATION) 2. Canada will be a better place when we have full and equal partnership among all groups making us Canadian society. (INTEGRATION) 110 3. Canadians should do more to learn about the customs and heritage of ethnic groups in this country. (INTEGRATION) Work - Family value role orientation WORK 1. In choosing a career it is more important to please the wishes of my family than myself. (The following items did not form a scale.) 2. It is more important for a person to work hard to bring honour to one's family than to oneself. 3. A person should always be completely loyal to his family. 4. Parent should provide financial assistance when their children need it regardless of whether the children are married. 5. Family members should send money to close relatives in refugee camps of in [Laos] or [Vietnam] even if doing so puts the family in Canada in a financial bind. 6. A person should support his/her parents if they are in need. 7. Men should have more access than women to higher education and career training. 8. A person should always consider the needs of his family as a whole more important than his own. Ill FAMILY 1. Women should be responsible for housework and men for financial support of the family. 2. Household tasks should be the sole responsibility of girls and women in the household. 3. Marriage is an economic partnership in which control over finances should be shared. (REVERSE CODE) 4. It is more important for men to have social activities outside the home than for women. 5. Men should have final say in decisions. 6. All family members should share equally in doing household chores. (The following items did not form a scale.) 7. The wife should have primary responsibility for seeing that bills are paid monthly. 8. All family members should have the final say in decisions. (REVERSE CODE) For the questions above, a low score is indicative of a traditional value orientation and a high score indicative of contemporary value orientation for each of work and family. Interrole Compatibility 1. Mothers with preschool children should not work outside the home. (REVERSE CODE). 2. A mother of preschool children should work only if the family really needs the money alot. (REVERSE CODE). 112 3. Mothers should be encouraged to work outside the home if they want. Response choices to the work-family value orientation and interrole compatibility scales are 'agree' or 'disagree'. Level of Role Involvement Family Role Involvement 1. Among your family members (e.g. wife, husband, and other family members), who does these household tasks. a) Cooking b) After-meal cleanup c) Chauffering child(ren) d) Attending special events (school or after school activities) e) Daily care of child(ren) f) Repair and maintenance of the house g) Organizing social activities/Planning family recreation h) Paying bills and balancing the checkbook i) Planning investments j) House cleaning k) Laundry 1) Gardening m) Taking out the garbage Respondents are asked to indicate whether the tasks are done by the Wife, Husband, Wife and Husband equally, or by other family members. 113 Work Role Involvement On average how many hours do you work in a week? (Collapsed as follows) 1) 1 - 4 0 hours work outside the home 2) 40 or more hours work outside the home DEPENDENT VARIABLES Satisfaction With Standard of Living 1 . Now I am going to ask you some questions about how you feel about different aspects of your life. For each aspect of your life I will ask you whether you feel "Satisfied", "Dissatisfied", or "Neither Satisfied nor Dissatisfied". How do you feel about... a) The income you (and your family) have? b) Your standard of living - the things you have, such as housing, car, furniture, [recereation], and the like? c) The goods and services you can get in this area? d) Your life as a whole? (The following items did not form a scale.) e) What you are accomplishing and how you handle problems. f) Your family life - your husband, your marriage, your children, if any? g) The amount of time you have for doing the things you want to do? h) Your neighborhood as a place to live? i) Your social life? 114 j) Your religion? Health Preamble: I would like to ask you some questions about your health. 1. Within the past weeks, has your health been.. 4 = Very Good 3 = Good 2 = Fair 1 = Poor 2. Do you worry about your health 1 = Often 2 = Sometimes 3 = Never 3. Would you describe your life as 1 = very stressful 2 = fairly stressful 3 = not very stressful 4 = not at all stressful 115 Weil-Being Now I want to ask you about your feelings. These are questions asked of everybody. During the past few weeks, 1. Have you felt pleased about having accomplished something? 2. Have you felt particularly excited or interested in something? 3. Have you felt that things were going in the way you wanted them to go? 4. Have you felt pleased because someone complimented you for something you have done? Response choices are 1 = Often 2 = Sometimes 3 = Never Job Satisfaction Considering your present job, how satisfied are you with each of the following aspects of your job? 1. The kind of work that you do? 2. Your pay? 3. Your co-workers (employees for bosses)? Response choices are 1 = dissatisfied 2 = neither satisfied nor dissatisfied 3 = satisfied 116 Appendix B Table 1 Factor Analysis of Value Orientation Towards Family Items Item Factor Loading 1. Women should be responsible for .62 housework and men for financial support of the family. 2. Household tasks should be the sole .92 responsibility of girls and women in the household. 3. Marriage is an economic partnership in .60 which control and finances should be shared. 4. The wife should have primary responsibility -.04 for seeing that bills are paid monthly. 5. It is more important for men to have .89 social activities outside the house than for women. 6. Important family decisions should involve .32 discussion among its members. 7. All family members should share equally in .72 doing the household chores. 8. Men should have the final say in .65 decisions. 117 Appendix B Table 2 Factor Analysis of Value Orientation Towards Work Items Item Factor Loading 1.. It is more important for a person to -.07 work hard to bring honour to one's family than to oneself. 2. A person should always consider the needs .16 of his family as a whole more important than his own. 3. Men should have more access than women to -.01 higher education and career training. 4. A person should always be completely loyal .09 to his family. 5. In choosing a career it is more important to .77 please the wishes of my family than myself. 6. Parents should provide financial assistance .00 when their children need it regardless of whether the children are married. 7. Family members should send money to close .13 relatives in refugee camps or in [Laos] or [Vietnam] even if doing so puts the family in Canada in a financial bind. 8. A person should support his/her parents -.05 if they are in need. 118 Appendix B Table 3 Factor Analysis of Life Satisfaction Scale Item Factor Loading 1. What you are accomplishing and .18 how you handle problems? 2. Your family life - your wife/husband, .25 your marriage, your children, if any? 3. The income you (and your family) have? .68 4. Your standard of living - the things .75 you have, such as housing, car, furniture, [recreation] and the like? 5. The amount of time you have for doing .24 the things you want to do? 6. Your neighborhood as a place to live? -.06 7. Your social life? .32 8. Your religion? .07 9. The goods and services you can get in this .48 area (like food, transportation, etc.)? 10. Your life as a whole? .65 119 Appendix C Table 1 Means and Standard Deviations of Descriptive Data bv Ethnicity Vietnamese Chinese Laotian n=44 n=8 n=23 Variable M SD M SD M SD Age 37.4 7.6 40.0 5.9 32.6 2.5 Income 7.1 1.1 7.0 .92 7.2 1.5 120 Appendix C Table 2 Pearson Correlations of Age and Income on the Independent and Dependent Variables V a r i a b l e 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1. Age - . 0 9 - . 2 5 - . 1 6 .21 - . 1 2 .16 .07 .08 - . 0 5 .16 2 . Income - . 0 7 .08 - . 1 4 .10 - . 1 6 - . 2 2 .12 .01 .21 3. Family Orient. .15 -.34* .00 -.09 .16 .10 -.43**.01 4. Work Orient. -.24 .10 -.04 .29*.24 -.02 -.05 5. Introle. Comp. .03 .05 -.14 .24 .09 .18 6. Hours Worked -.08 .19 .04 -.03 -.03 7. Task Sharing .16-.17 .19 -.16 8. Stnd. Living .11 -.07 .02 9. Health .08 .26 lO.Well-Being .16 11.Job sat. *p_< .01 **p_< .001. 121 Appendix C Table 3 Pearson Correlations of Multicultural Ideology Integration and the Dependent Variables Variable r. 1. Standard of Living .13 2. Health -.15 3. Well-being .01 4. Job satisfaction .15 Note. No values were significant at the p_ < .01 level. 122 Appendix D Table 1 Regression of Task Sharing, Hours Worked per Week, and Interrole Compatibility Perceptions on Satisfaction With Standard of Living Independent Variable Beta T. Significance of T Task Sharing -.16 -1.41 .16 Hours Worked -.03 0.29 .77 Interrole Compatibility -.13 -1.13 .26 F (3, 70) = 1.11, p_ = .35 R Squared = .04 123 Appendix D Table 2 Regression of Task Sharing, Hours Worked per Week, and Interrole Compatibility Perceptions on Well-Being Independent Variable Beta T_ Significance of T Task Sharing .18 1.55 .12 Hours Worked -.02 -.22 .82 Interrole Compatibility .08 .74 .45 F (3, 70) = 1.08, p_ = .36 R Squared = .04 124 Appendix D Table 3 Regression of Task Sharing, Hours Worked per Week, and Interrole Compatibility Perceptions on Health Independent Variable Beta T. Significance of T Task Sharing .19 -1.72 .08 Hours Worked -.03 -.30 .75 Interrole Compatibility .26 2.31 .07 F (3, 70) = 2.64, P. = .07 R Squared = .10 125 Appendix D Table 4 Regression of Task Sharing, Hours Worked per Week, and Interrole Compatibility Perceptions on Job Satisfaction Independent Variable Beta £ Significance of T Task Sharing -.18 -1.54 .12 Hours Worked -.05 -.48 .63 Interrole Compatibility .19 1.65 .10 F (3, 70) = 1.65, p_ = .18 R Squared = .06 


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