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Naturalized seeing/colonial vision : interrogating the display of races in late nineteenth century France Wan, Marilyn 1992

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NATURALIZED SEEING/COLONIAL VISION: INTERROGATING THE DISPLAY OF RACES IN LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY FRANCE by MARILYN WAN B.A., University of British Columbia, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREEE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (DEPARTMENT OF FINE ARTS) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA SEPTEMBER 1992 © Marilyn Wan, 1992 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) _ Department of F i n e A r t s The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date September 18, 1997 DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT ii In August 1877, fourteen Africans from Nubia were exhibited among giraffes, camels and elephants for the gaze of the Parisian public at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, a botanical and zoological garden founded to "acclimatate, breed and disseminate to the public animal and vegetable species newly introduced to France." Three months later, six Eskimos from Greenland were also put on display. This new practice of displaying non-Europeans amidst exotic flora and fauna became an immediate success. The subsequent appropriation of such an exhibiting practice by the French government at the 188 9 Exposition Universelle bestowed further legitimacy to human displays. At the Exposition, France displayed more than 900 of its colonial subjects in specially reconstructed pavillions and villages. The colonial section, one of the major highlights of the Exposition, was so successful that it served as a model for future displays of races in both France and the United-States. If members of non-European peoples had been sporadically exhibited as curiosities at circus side-shows since the sixteenth-century, they were, in the last two decades of the nineteenth-century, displayed in legitimate institutionalised settings. These so-called 'ethnographic' exhibits were hailed by both the scientists and popular press as having scientific and educational value. This thesis explores both the ways in which the displays iii of non-European peoples at the Jardin d'Acclimatation and the 1889 Exposition Coloniale became accepted as normal and natural, as well as the various political and economic agendas they fulfilled. Some of the ideological functions of this exhibiting practice are examined by looking at how the Third Republic used the display of its colonized subjects in 1889 to convince the public of the benefits of imperialism. I argue that the way in which the exposition was visually organized and the mobility that it allowed the viewer were crucial in winning the public to the colonial cause. To answer the central question of how such a practice came to be accepted as normal and natural, I investigate how a variety of discourses and practices worked together to make the cultural natural. I contend that exisiting notions of racial hierarchy, the impact of Third Republican educational theories of "knowledge through seeing" inherited from the Enlightment, and modes of visual consumption associated with tourism and department stores, worked together to legitimize the display of races, thereby facilitating the naturalizing process. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iv List of Illustrations v Acknowledgments vii Introduction 1 Chapter One The 188 9 Colonial Exhibition and the French Colonial Agenda 9 Chapter Two "Knowledge through Seeing:" Making Visible Notions of Racial Hierarchies 29 Chapter Three The Colonial Flaneur: Viewing in the Illlusory Tour du Monde 51 Conclusion 69 Notes 7 6 Selected Bibliography 99 List of Illustrations 107 V LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Plan of the Colonial Exposition at the 107 Esplanade des Invalides. 2. "Les tisseuses kabyles a 1'Esplanade des Invalides." 108 3. "L1Exposition algerienne: Un campement de nomades." 10 9 4. "L'Exposition algerienne: Interieur d'une tente." 109 5. Le Palais des Colonies. 110 6. "Inauguration de 1'exposition universelle: Le President de la Republique acclame a sa sortie de l'exposition coloniale." Ill 7. Photographs and sketches of groups displayed at the Jardin d'Acclimatation. 112 8. "Les Nubiens au Jardin d'Acclimatation." 113 9. Chart showing measurements taken on the Fuegians exhibited in 1881. 114 10. "Fuegiennes au Jardin d'Acclimatation." 115 11. "La Pagode d'Angkor." Reconstruction for the Paris 1889 Exposition Universelle. 116 12. Interior court of the Cochin-Chine Pavilion at the Paris 1889 Exposition Universelle. 117 13. "Palais de 1'Annam-Tonkin." Reconstruction for the Paris 1889 Exposition Universelle. 118 14. "Village Canaque." Reconstituted New Caledonian village at the Paris 1889 Exposition Universelle. 118 15. "Le theatre annamite." 119 16. "La Rue du Caire." 120 17. "L'Histoire de 1'Habitation de Charles Gamier. " 121 VI Plate "Habitation' in the Larousse du XXeme Siecle. 122 Reconstituted Senegalese village at the Paris 1889 Exposition Universelle. 123 "Les voitures annamites a 1'Esplanade des Invalides." 124 "L1Exposition algerienne a 1'Esplanade des Invalides: Le Cafe Maure." 125 "Le defile du cortege: F<§te de nuit a 1'exposition coloniale." 126 "Le Pavillion d'Algerie." 127 "Senegalais dans un village." 128 vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my gratitude to Maureen Ryan, my first reader, for the careful guidance of this thesis. Her thoroughness, critical inciseveness and support have been much appreciated. I also thank my second reader John 0'Brian for his support and encouragement during the completion of this thesis and throughout my graduate studies at UBC. Thanks are also in order to my fellow graduate students for their interest and critical contributions during many stimulating discussions. INTRODUCTION 1 In modernist art historical literature, we often hear of the influence of the 'primitive' on avant-garde production. Gauguin is reputed to have been inspired by all the sights and smells of the 1889 Exposition Universelle's colonial section while Picasso's encounter with a Dogon mask at the Musee d'Ethnographie du Trocadero is seen to have been instrumental in the development of Cubism.[1] This thesis, however, is not about the avant-garde; it is not about modernism. Rather, it looks behind the scenes—at the conditions that made such an encounter with the primitive possible. Of the many discursive fields that focus on the 'exotic,' the 'primitive' and the 'savage,' this thesis focuses on human exhibits that occured in Paris during the late nineteenth-century and specifically interrogates some of the factors involved in the display of races at the 1889 Exposition Universelle in Paris. From the 1870's on, Western fascination with the 'other' took on a new twist. While non-Europeans [2] had been sporadically exhibited as curiosities at circus side-shows since the sixteenth century, it was not until the 1870's that the display of non-European races became a widespread attraction.[3] Promoters of such exhibits expressedly went to foreign parts in order to recruit—often coercively—human beings for the sole purpose of displaying them to a European audience.[4] These so-called 'ethnographic' exhibits were 2 common to the most 'advanced' European nations—France, England, Germany—and were quickly taken up in the United States.[5] It was in France, however, that this exhibiting practice first recieved success and legitimacy.[6] The display of non-European peoples in legitimate and pseudo-scientific settings was a genre pioneered in 1877 by the Paris Jardin d'Acclimatation, a zoological and botanical garden situated in Bois de Boulogne. There, amidst exotic flora and fauna, groups that included Nubians, Fuegians, Eskimos, and Lapps [7] could be seen by visitors performing daily routines such as cooking, eating and sleeping. Replicas of their dwellings were reconstructed to provide an aura of authenticity to the displays.[8] These human exhibits were quickly rationalized by both scientists and the popular press as scientific and educational endeavours: " Le Jardin d'Acclimatation continuant ses instructives exhibitions ethnographiques exhibe en ce moment une petite troupe de sauvages, quatre hommes, quatre femmes, trois enfants, dont un est encore allaite par sa mdre, qui meritent le plus vif interet....En leur personne, pour ainsi dire, nos anc§tres les plus recules ressucitent sous nos yeux; on peut les considerer comme les premiers anneaux de 1'immense chaine qui relie notre miserable et obscure origine a notre splendeur d'aujourd'hui, et, a ce titre, ils forment un terme de comparaison precieux pour 1'appreciation des distances parcourues et de 1'extreme lenteur avec laquelle 1'amelioration de l'homme s'opere." [9] Although this description referred specifically to the display of group of people from Tierra del Fuego in 1881, it could also have applied to the groups of Eskimos and Lapps exhibited there in the early 1880's since the rhethoric used to legitimize these exhibits varied little. Displays of non-3 Europeans were constructed as scientific and educational because they allegedly allowed the late nineteenth-century viewer to learn through direct observation how their prehistoric ancestors lived.[10] Underlying this educational rationale, however, was the belief in the superiority of the white race and the desire to make visible notions of racial hierarchy. Anthropologists argued that displays of other races offered "un terme de comparaison precieux" because it was through comparison to peoples percieved as occupying the lowest rung of the evolutionary ladder that French viewers would realise the full extent of their civilisation's 'splendor'.[11] If the Jardin d'Acclimation pioneered human exhibits as a legimate genre, it was at the French 1889 Exposition Universelle that the largest and most ambituous display of races took place. While the Jardin's exhibits had until 1889 been limited to small groups of no more than twelve people, the Third Republic in 1889 displayed some 900 individuals who were colonial subjects in specially constructed pavilions and villages on the Esplanade des Invalides.[12] This area of the Exposition was divided into four ethnic neighbourhoods—Arab, Asian, Oceanic and African— with streets and alleys named after a colony or protectorate, Passage du Tonkin, Avenue du Gabon, for example.[13] People from Algeria, Tunisia, Indo-China, Senegal, Gabon, and New Caledonia were separated along ethnic lines and were confined to their special quarters where they lived night and day during the six months the Exposition was held, allowed to leave the fair grounds only under supervision.[14] 4 The 1889 Exposition distinguished itself from previous world fairs held in France and abroad by being the first to include these 'ethnographic villages' as a central component of its exhibits. [15] True, Algerians and Egyptians had been seen at the 1867 and 1878 expositions, but they had been brought to work at the North African exhibits and were not there for the sole purpose of being observed.[16] Indeed, the representation of the colonized world at the first French Exposition Universelle in 1855 had been limited to a display of commercial and agricultural products from Algeria.[17] At the 1867 Exposition, however, a number of Egyptians and Algerians were brought in to work as vendors, artisans and waiters. Jewellers and other artisans could be seen working at L'Okel, a reconstruction of an Egyptian bazaar housed in a covered courtyard. The various Tunisian, Algerian, and Egyptian cafes were also staffed by imported waiters and cooks.[18] This practice of including indigenous workers in the exhibit continued at the 1878 Exposition when an Algerian bazaar was recreated.[19] These examples were distinct from the 1889 colonial exhibit, however, in that non-European workers at the 1867 and 1878 Expositions were used essentially as exotic backdrops who added alleged glamour and mystery to the display of products and goods.[20] They did not in themselves constitute the exhibit. In 1889, on the other hand, non-European peoples were no longer backdrops; they had become the focus of the display. As contemporary press reports made clear, the viewing public's 5 primary interest was not the Exposition's reconstructions of Senegalese or Indo-Chinese architecture but the presence of non-Europeans who had previously existed only as subjects of drawings, adventure novels, Voyages and other press coverage of colonial ventures.[21] In a grim inversion, buildings, villages, temples became in 1889, the stage sets for the real subject of display—colonized people. The display of races at the 1889 Exposition did, on the other hand, share many of the same rhetorical devices used by the Jardin d'Acclimatation. As an 1889 review of the Exposition reveals, anthropology was called up to buttress the legitimacy of the colonial exhibit. "In the back settlements behind all the gorgeous fineries of pagodas and the palaces of the further East the ingenious French have established colonies of savages whom they are attempting to civilize. They are the genuine article and make no mistake, living and working and amusing themselves as they and their kinfolk do in their own country. Some day an enthusiast promises us we shall have a great anthropological exhibition of living samples of all nations and tribes and peoples that do on earth dwell. That may be the next Universal Exhibition. That it will not be without interest and instruction this street of colonies of natives suffice to prove. Each village is built in its own grounds, enclosed by a fence and inhabited by its own natives... All these natives have been brought for the exhibition. They have brought with them the materials for their huts, their tools and everything necessary for them to reproduce in the capital of the civilized world the every day life of Africa, the Pacific, and the Further East." [22] This passage also makes clear that like the Jardin d'Acclimatation, the colonial exhibit sought legitimacy for its practice by emphasing the educational aspect of human displays. More importantly, exhibits at the Jardin d'Acclimatation and at 6 the Exposition Universelle shared similar presuppositions about racial hierarchies and the doctrine of 'progress.' The display of non-European peoples and the way they were visually juxtaposed to each other at the 1889 Exposition Universelle raises a nexus of issues I will be dealing with in this thesis. Although a significant literature on World Fairs and the 1889 Exposition already exists, the problematic of displaying human beings has recieved little in-depth analysis.[23] The work of Paul Greenhalgh, Debra Silverman and Burton Benedict provide excellent but general critiques of the colonial exhibit. The authors correctly argue that the display of colonized peoples at the 1889 Exposition was used to sell the idea of an empire to the French public. Yet because of the generality of their discussions, they have not adequately addressed the ways in which that goal was achieved. The most comprehensive study of the 188 9 colonial exhibit is provided by Sylviane Leprun in Le Theatre des Colonies and "Paysages de la France exterieure." Leprun offers a detained but uncritical description of the event. She fails not only to link the display of races at the Exposition to those of the Jardin d'Acclimatation but ignores the power relations that exist between those who represent and those who are represented. If we are to believe her analysis, peoples on display chose the way in which they were represented and acted as their countries' ambassadors to France. More critical, William Schneider in his 1982 book An Empire for the Masses: The French Popular Image of Africa 1870-7 1900 has provided new insights and useful research information on the ways West African groups were represented at the Jardin d'Acclimatation. His analysis, however, does not inquire into the conditons that made the practice of displaying non-Europeans possible.[24] This thesis seeks to fill the gaps left by previous research by examining the importance of exisiting notions of racial hierarchy, the impact of Third Republic educational theories, and the way in which modes of viewing associated with tourism worked together to induce in viewers what Steven Greenblatt has, in another context, called "acts of ideological forgetting."[25] Chapter I will discuss the multi-faceted functions that the colonial exhibit at the 1889 Exposition Universelle were designed to fulfill at a time when France needed to demonstrate its colonial strength to both its domestic public and international rivals. It will outline the colonial agenda in order to show how systems of representation such as human exhibits were tied to dominant political and economic practices. I will argue that the Third Republic's display of colonized peoples was motivated by the need to create a pro-colonial public and that the display did in fact constitute a turning point in colonialism's public success. Chapter II will investigate how prevalent notions of cultural hierarchy, traditions of racial display, and the role played by education and sight made the display of non-Europeans at the colonial exhibit not only possible but permissible. 8 Through a discussion of the Jardin d'Acclimatation's human exhibits (both before and after 1889) I hope to demonstrate that the display of races at the 1889 Exposition, while fulfilling a colonial agenda, was also working with pre-established notions of cultural hierarchies and 'education through sight1 fostered by republican theories of education. The role of the visual in the construction of knowledge will be addressed by looking at how the colonial vision promoted at the Exposition depended on display techniques that made visible notions of racial hierarchy. The differing ways in which the visual was used to construct different ways of 'knowing' and 'experiencing' the racial and colonized other varied according to the place such peoples occupied on the European ladder of cultural hierarchies and depended as well on the particular use of their country to the colonial agenda. The colonial vision fostered by the organisers of the exhibit also hinged on a visual lay-out that gave the viewer the opportunity to mingle among the people on display. Chapter III will discuss how the mobility given to the viewer at the colonial exhibit was crucial in winning over a pro-colonial public. This last chapter will also mediate the traditional colonial argument by assessing how forms of visual consumption fostered by tourism and department stores influenced the way in which viewers experienced the representation of the colonized 'other* thereby further naturalizing the practice of exhibiting non-Europeans. 9 CHAPTER I THE 1889 COLONIAL EXHIBITION AND THE FRENCH COLONIAL AGENDA On August 3 1889, the closing ceremonies or fete de cloture of the Congres Colonial International, founded by a decree of the French Ministry of Commerce and Industry and held on the occasion of the Exposition Universelle, took place on the Esplanade des Invalides amidst the display of races at the colonial exhibit. [1] It must have seemed fitting to the 312 members of the Congres Colonial to celebrate the closing of congress in the very section of the exposition where representatives of the races and countries they had discussed in their meetings were being displayed. The one hundred members who attended the f£te were to be entertained by a series of special performances starting with 'nautical exercises' on the Seine by Senegalese and Gabonese boatmen and a theatrical presentation at the Annamite theatre. From five to six-thirty p.m, an assortment of activities ranging from a game of 'human chess,' Tahitian songs, and a parade simulating a convoy of supplies (convoi de ravitaillement) were performed by Tonkinese, Tahitians and Senegalese respectively. These were followed by another performance at the Javanese Kampong, one of the two non-French colonies to be displayed at the 1889 Exposition. In keeping with the colonial theme of both the Congress and the exhibit, dinner which was served in the Cochin-Chine pavilion consisted of exotic dishes such as consomme de perles du Cambodge, jeunes autruches de Zanzibar, and bringelles de 10 tomates de la Reunion. The last event of the ceremony culminated with a dragon parade presented by the Annamites. [2] If performances by colonized groups functioned as 'exotic1 entertainment at this closing ceremony and at the colonial f«§tes held each evening for the general public, the presence and display of colonized people at the 1889 Exposition served a more important ideological function. As I shall argue in this chapter, the organizers of Exposition used the display of races to help reverse the prevailing mood of public apathy towards colonial issues. [3] Indeed, the lay-out of the Exposition was such that visitors were prompted to visit the colonial exhibit and evaluate for themselves the benefits of owning an empire. Access to the colonial section was made prominent by the fact that the most monumental of the Exposition's twenty-two entrances was situated at the Invalides--the one that gave entry to the display of races. Colonized peoples were exhibited along the length of the Esplanade where "sucessivement s'ouvrent les elegants portiques des palais algerien et tunisien; ou le palais des colonies s'encadre de pavillions annamites et tonkinois; ou se superposent les huits frontons de la pagode d'Angkor Wat; ou se dressent les Tourelles de 1'Exposition militaire; et qu'on se figure le seuil de tous ces palais aux marches envahies debordant d'indigenes, ici basanes, d'ebene la, range en demi cercle ou en haie, frappant dans des tambours de basque et s'enrobant fierement dans des etoffes eclatantes." [4] As the quote indicates, visitors who followed the organised route [Figure 1], would first encounter the Algerian section, representing one of France's oldest and most profitable colonies. The exhibit consisted of a central palace, an 11 artesian well, a moorish cafe, berber houses as well as various kiosks where one could buy 'native' refreshments.[5] Around the central palace, several tents were dispersed in a park-like setting. Visitors could peer inside them and watch Kabyl women weaving and families cooking and eating [Figures 2,3,4]. To complete this north-African tableau vivant, the Tunisian section which was located directly behind the Algerian one, sported in addition to a central palace, a bazaar and cafe-concert. Proceeding along the central alley of the Esplanade the visitor would next discover the Indo-Chinese section. Forefronted in this area was the Palais Central des Colonies [Figure 5] which was designed and painted, according to the Exposition's official catalogue, "dans le gout colonial," [6] and which J.K. Huysmans described as "une delicieuse maison ou tout les styles d'Asie se fondent..." [7] Inside the Palais des Colonies, in the pavilion d'honneur, an exposition of symbolic objects from Cochin-Chine such as Buddhas and other 'fetishes' could be viewed. Although products from Africa, New Caledonia, Martinique, and Guyana were also displayed at the Palais des Colonies, it was the presence of the newest acquisitions— Tonkin, Cochinchine and Annam—that were highlighted.[8] Visitors could also go up to the first floor of the palace to see how France was fulfilling its 'civilizing' mission at displays put on by various organisations such as the Alliance Francaise, the Societe francaise de la Colonisation, 1'Instruction Publique aux Colonies and La Bibliotheque Coloniale.[9] To the right of the Palais des Colonies, visitors 12 would find the Palais de L'Annam-Tonkin, the Pagoda of Great Tranquility and the Annamite theatre and restaurant. On the left, they would come across the Palais de la Cochin-Chine as well as a reconstruction of the pagodas of Angkor-Wat. Sylviane Leprun has noted that 232 Indochinese worked and/or were exhibited at the Asian section which also contained a Tonkinese village.[10] Behind the refined representation of Indo-Chinese culture, visitors would find tucked away at the back of the Esplanade, reconstructed villages where people from Senegal, Gabon, and New Caledonia were exhibited. This display of colonized peoples played a pivotal role in the success of the 1889 Exposition Universelle. The latter was a complex phenomenon that attempted to negotiate and resolve a number of France's international and domestic concerns. Chief among these were the fragility of the republican regime, France's international status and, most important, the need to mobilize a public to support the government's colonial agenda. Planned to coincide with the centennial of the French Revolution, it was designed to restore prestige to the Third Republic as well as to foster class unity at a time of social unrest and economic and political crisis. [11] On the international front, France needed to extricate itself from the isolated political position that a deterioration of relations with Germany had forced it into. [12] The Exposition, it was hoped, would prove to a hostile Germany that France could mobilize not only the American countries into attending but also the important European powers. [13] 13 Domestically, the Third Republic needed to counteract five years of economic depression as well as three years of political agitation caused by a new right wing alliance led by the Boulangistes.[14] The country's economic stability had been seriously shaken by the 1882 collapse of the Union Generale bank which had triggered one of the worst financial crises in France.[15] The long period of economic depression that followed was rife with worker's strikes [16] and amidst this climate of social discontent, a right wing alliance of conservatives, monarchists and clergy was formed that seriously threatened the political future of the Third Republic. Only six months before the opening of the exposition, their candidate, General Boulanger, had won the November 1888 Paris Parliamentary election—one of the traditional strongholds of the Left—by 80,000 votes over the republican candidate.[17] Republicans feared that the Right, thanks to Boulanger's great popularity with the 'masses,' would win a landslide victory the following year at the national elections. [18] The Third Republic, having direct control in the planning and organization of the 1889 Exposition, [19] needed to show its might to the rest of world and was succesful in doing so. [20] The Exposition presented France as the centre of progress through a massive display of its intellectual, scientific and artistic activities. [21] Technological and scientific achievements were especially emphasized. On the exposition's grounds, visitors could witness new wonders such as the camera, the phonograph, the electrical lighting that inundated the whole 14 exposition at night turning it into a magical city, as well as a multitude of gadgets that would add to the comfort of the homemaker.[22] In the immense Galerie des Machines, which occupied 140,000 cubic meters of space, visitors could again marvel at the treasures science and technology had brought them, while in the Palais des Arts Liberaux, they could, with the help a huge chart, visualize how they were linked to a larger community through technological innovations.[23] This visit through the technological wonders attained during the 'liberal democracy1 of the Third Republic would eventually culminate at the Eiffel Tower—the ultimate symbol of progress. [24] Miriam Levin has argued that the 1889 Exposition was designed to demonstrate the Third Republic's commitment to progress—a vision of progress based on science, technology and an ideal of labour.[25] I would further emphasize that one of the ways France showed itself off as the centre of progress was through the use of cultural and racial hierarchies. The Third Republic, working with evolutionary theories, was showing itself as the pinnacle of human progress not only by demonstrating its technological might but by directly juxtaposing its level of technology—epitomised by the Galerie des Machines and the Eiffel Tower—to that of its colonized 'subjects' displayed in the colonial exhibit on the Esplanade des Invalides. In her 1978 article, "The 1889 Exposition and the Crisis in Bourgeois Individualism," Debra Silverman has noted that the most common reaction to the Exposition in 1889 was that France had proven itself to the world.[26] The estimated 1.5 million 15 foreign visitors to the Exposition [27] as well as glowing reports from the foreign press, could vouch that France had reclaimed its political and economic leadership. The following comment by a German diplomat to a colleague in St. Petersburg is indicative of the overriding impression foreigners got from the Exposition: "Tout ce que l'on raconte de la France pourrie n'est pas vrai; La France au contraire, est plus que jamais a la t<§te de la civilisation et du progres." [28] The image of France as a leading country no doubt helped to buttress the strength of the Republican regime. 1 The Exposition's colonial display, the first extensive display of a European country's holdings anywhere, played a key role in demonstrating French imperial power to the community of rivalling European nations.[29] Compared to England, Belgium and Germany, France had been a relatively late comer to the scramble for the non-European world. France's race for a share of the pie had been delayed by the period of political recueillement that had followed the humiliating defeat of 1870 and the bloody weeks of the Commune in 1871.[30] In 1881, however, this period of introspection was challenged by the Jules Ferry's moderate republican government when it sent a military expedition to Tunisia.[31] This armed intervention—the first of many others in Asia, Africa and Oceania—had resulted in the annexation of Tunisia which was euphemistically declared a French 'protectorate.' [32] 16 In contrast to the public's apathy towards colonial issues, French imperial policy became cohesively formulated by the Third Republic throughout the 1880's on both the governmental and bureaucratic level.[33] One of its main political architects, Jules Ferry, Prime Minister in 1880 and again in 1883, was convinced along with other republican leaders such as Gambetta, that colonialism was crucial for France's moral, political and economic regeneration. [34] To recover its rank among the world's most powerful nations, France had to expand the colonial acquisitions that had been depleted and lost during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars.[35] The theories expounded by the economist, Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, in his highly influential book De la Colonisation chez les peuples modernes, (1874) reflected the sentiments of many prominent politicians and business interests, who like Beaulieu, believed that if France did not join in the colonial venture it would be reduced in a century or two to the rank of second rate nations like Greece and Romania: "La colonisation est pour la France une question de vie ou de mort: ou la France deviendra une grande puissance africaine, ou elle sera dans un siecle ou deux qu'une puissance secondaire; elle comptera dans le monde a peu pres comme la Grece ou la Roumanie comptent en Europe. Nous ambitionons pour notre patrie des destinees plus hautes: Que la France devienne resolumment une nation coloniale, alors se rouvrent devant elles les longs espoirs et vastes pensees." [36] Ferry agreed with Leroy-Beaulieu that "un peuple qui colonise, c'est un peuple qui jette les assises de sa grandeur dans l'avenir et dans sa suprematie future." [37] For Ferry and a burgeoning pro-colonial lobby, France's colonial endeavours 17 were not only justified but necessary since France could not stand idly on the side and watch Britain, Germany, Italy and Russia divide up the non-European world: "Puisque la politique coloniale d*expansion est le mobile general qui emporte a l'heure qu'il est toutes les puissances europeenes...il faut que notre pays soit a la mesure de faire ce que les autres font." [38] Ferry's politique d'expansion in the first half of the 1880's was supported by a majority of the National Assembly. The 1881 Treaty of Bardo which made Tunisia an official protectorate of France had been approved by 430 deputies out of 600 and was unanimously received by the Senate. [39] In 1885, Ferry received a standing ovation from the majority of the legislature when he delineated three justifications for his government's colonial policies: they were economic, political and humanitarian.[40] The political and economic motives for colonisation were made more palatable by the humanitarian reason given for such an endeavour. To give France, the country whose motto was "Liberte, Egalite and Fraternite" a bonne conscience, Ferry posited colonialism as an emancipatory movement.[41] Indeed in his 1885 speech, he cited India as an example of a country that had benefited from more justice as well as more private and public virtue since Western conquest.[42] Working with prevailing notions of racial hierarchy that had placed European races at the top, Ferry stated that superior races had a right over inferior races and thus had the duty to civilize them. "Les races superieures ont un droit vis a vis des races 18 inferieures.. . Elles ont done le devoir de civiliser les races inferieures." [43] Ferry's invocation of a civilizing mission for European races was further emphasised at the 1889 Congres Colonial International when the vice-president of the conference, Senator Isaac, directly linked France's colonial activities to the ideals of the French Revolution.[44] Elaborating on a statement made by Eugene Etienne, the Under Secretary of State for Colonies, Isaac claimed that France would be able through its colonial activities to promulgate the principles of justice and liberty proclaimed by the Revolution. "Puisque cette fete dit [M. Etienne], nous reporte aux souvenirs d'il y a cent ans, nous pouvons bien y attacher cette signification que le travail restant a accomplir en matiere coloniale sera une affirmation nouvelle des principes de justice et de liberte que la grande Revolution a proclames dans le monde. [Je] suis convaincu que ces principes se repandront de plus en plus sur tous les territoires ou flottent le pavilion national, qu'ils fortifieront de plus en plus 1'oeuvre colonisatrice de la France. C'est la certainement aussi la pensee du chef de 1'administration coloniale." [45] As the exhibits presented by L'Alliance Francaise and the Instruction Publique aux Colonies were meant to demonstrate, the 'unenlightened' and 'savage' peoples of France's various colonies were to be molded into civilized beings by the transformative powers of republican education. The idea of progress through education promoted in such displays reinforced France's alleged position as an enlightened benevolent liberal democracy. For the next 80 years or so until decolonisation, France's colonial activities would never be mentioned without 19 referring to the nation's mission civilisatrice thus masking the realities of economic and human exploitation. Between 1880 and 1896, French possessions would increase from 1 million square kilometers of land to 9.5 million while the number of colonized 'subjects' rose from 5 million to 50 million inhabitants. [46] Although the majority of this territorial gain occurred during the 1890's with the successful conquest of Sudan, Dahomey, Mali, and Madagascar, the years between 1887 and 18 90 were crucial as they prepared the way for the colonial work of the 1890s. [47] It is during this key period that the Third Republic took up the practice of displaying colonized peoples. It is not accidental that while it had rejected the idea of such an 'ethnographic' exhibit for the 1878 Exposition it decided to take up the practice for the 1889 Exposition.[48] At the time of the 1878 Exposition, the explorer Joseph Bonnat had proposed that a group of West Africans be brought to the event and exhibited in 'ethnographic villages.' This project was rejected in favour of a "more traditional display of artifacts and local products in the exhibition hall." [49] For the 1889 Exposition, however, 'ethnographic villages' were not only central components the Exposition but as William Schneider has noted, the government itself was responsible for recruiting members of the Senegalese exhibition.[50] 2 The first French colonial Congress at the 1889 Exposition had recognized the importance of winning over the public to the 20 colonial cause.[51] The 312 participants which included business interests, deputies, senators and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Public Instruction, stipulated that from now on the colonial reports should be published to educate and familiarize the average Frenchman, businessman and traveller with colonial questions. " History, geography administration would all be presented in terms the public could understand and in a manner calculated to give them a feeling of pride in the empire." [52] If the colonial exhibit at the 1889 Exposition Universelle was useful in representing France as a formidable imperial power to its international rivals, it was also instrumental in convincing a skeptical domestic public of the benefits of colonialism. It was no mere coincidence that the Third Republic's decision to display its colonies at the Exposition occurred at a time when the public gave only scant attention to or enthusiasm for colonial expansion. [53] To make matters worse, the public's indifference turned into hostility in 1885 when members of the National Assembly bitterly criticized the government's invasion of Tonkin. These critics even sent declarations and manifestos to their electors condemning the government's action.[54] While a majority of deputies had favoured a politique d'expansion from 1881 to 1885, France's military expedition to conquer Tonkin between 1883-1885 changed the minds of many--at least for the time being.[55] The invasion was severely criticized because it had not only 21 resulted in large loss of life and finances but had also led to hostilities and war with China. The precarious situation with China further worsened France's diplomatic relations with Britain and Germany. [56] While opposition to a politique d'expansion had been limited to a small number of deputies before 1885, [57] it now extended to many other parties. On the Right, 16 out of 8 6 deputies signed a declaration to their electors stating that the War in Tunisia, Tonkin and Cambodia had been criminal acts and that the legislature had been deceived by the Ferry government into approving credits for their implementation. [58] The Monarchists also issued a declaration attesting to their •pacifist goals' while 80 Radical deputies from the left and extreme left condemned in their manifesto to the public "the far away expeditions that drained both the country's finances and the blood of French soldiers." "Le pays est las de ces guerres de conquetes. II faut s'en degager ... pour en inaugurer une politique de paix et de vigilance." [59] Ferry, who had just a few months ago received a standing ovation for his speech on French expansion abroad, was forced to resign in March 1885. Pro-colonial advocates were placed on the defensive while moderate republicans who had supported Ferry's policies felt obliged to condemn his politique d'aventure.[60] At the October 1885 parliamentary election, the Right and the Radicals, who had opposed colonial expeditions to Tunisia and Tonkin, won numerous seats and for the newly elected body, 22 French prestige was to be defended in Europe not abroad.[61] The mood which had been expansionist between 1881-1883 had suddenly reversed itself, not full circle to one of recueillement but to one of consolidation.[62] The new Foreign Minister, Freycinet, declared in 1886 that "Nous avons suffisament etendu notre domaine pour que d'un long temps, nous ne devions songer a l'augmenter encore. Nous devons conserver ce que nous avons."[63] It was therefore not a question of abandonning the newly acquired territories—that would be a lack of patriotism and would taint the nation's honour. The emphasis was now on consolidationg and organising already acquired colonies.[64] The anti-colonial feeling that swept both the legislature and the press in 1885 was not to be replicated again until the decolonisation movement in the 1950s and 1960s. [65] Pre-occupied with domestic problems such as the rise of Boulangisme, only very few parliamentary seances between 1886-89 mentioned colonial affairs.[66] In short, interest in colonial affairs was between 1886-1889 at its lowest point since the period of recueillement. How then does one explain that soon after the 1889 Exposition the mood for consolidation had reversed itself back to one of expansion? What were the conditions that made possible this resurgence of interest in the 1890s? In order to answer that question, some understanding of the inner workings of French governmental policy-making is necessary. It is also important to note that French parliamentary politics in the 1880's were plagued with frequent 23 changes in governments.[67] As a result of rapid turnovers of ministers, decision-making came to rest increasingly with high-level bureaucrats. Although the Foreign Minister was the person technically responsible for policy formulation and implementation, French foreign policy was largely influenced and decided by heads of departments who had been with the Ministry for a longer period of time and who unlike the Foreign Minister were not directly accountable to the legislature.[68] One can surmise that the Department for Colonial Affairs, under the directorship of Eugene Etienne, a strong advocate of expansion with personal business interests in colonial ventures,[69] continued to harbor expansionist designs despite the mood of consolidation at the legislative level.[70]. In 1889, at a time of antagonism to colonial expansion, what Etienne and the Department of Colonies needed was a public that cared enough about colonial issues to support their next ventures which would include the conquest of Dahomey, Sudan, and Mali, in short the whole of North-West Africa. It was here that the display of colonized subjects served a major purpose. The colonial exhibit, I would argue was the vehicle used by pro-expansion members of the Third Republic such as Etienne to ignite or rekindle interest in colonial affairs, to make the public forget about the problems attendant on expansion such as those revealed by the Tonkin debacle, and to convince the public of the benefits of an empire.[71] Crucial to my argument is the fact that a commission consultative that was composed of approximately 40 people—all intricately tied to 24 the colonies—organized the colonial exhibit. That committee was headed by none other than Eugene Etienne, deputy and Sous-Secretaire d'Etat aux Colonies.[72] A formidable display of France's colonial empire at the Exposition, it would seem, offered a direct and powerful way to show to a broad spectrum of the French public the tangible reality of an empire and the benefits overseas colonial holdings held for France. The juxtaposition of racial and cultural hierarchies that was a central component of the colonial display would also reinfore notions of progress and reinforce their country's superiority. Historians have noted that a dramatic shift in public opinion on colonialism occurred between 1890 and 1900. [73] In less than a decade, the majority of the French public had turned dramatically pro-colonial. If the invasion of Tonkin in 1885 had been extremely unpopular with the public, the conquest of Madagascar in 1895, which took more than 3 years, had overwhelming public support.[74] I am not claiming that the colonial exhibit was alone responsible for changing public opinion. What I am arguing is that the colonial exhibit at the 1889 Exposition was of major importance in this transition from moods of indifference and hostility to one of overwhelming support. This is a point that historians have not acknowledged. The change of attitude towards colonialism is usually attributed to the influence of the various lobby groups that were deployed in the 1890's to promote the colonial cause to the public. Much ink has been spilled on the Parti Colonial, for example. The Parti Colonial which coalesced as a coherent body 25 in 1892 was extremely influential in moulding both public opinion and in applying direct pressure on governmental policies in the 1890's.[75] Not a political party per se, it nevertheless exerted a great deal of power as it was composed of a variety of factions.[76] Its leadership was made up of high powered business interests, representing each major sector of the French economy [77] as well as 93 deputies sitting at the National Assembly. Although the majority of these deputies belonged to Centre Left and Centre Right parties, the Parti Colonial also counted amongst its members a handful of deputies from the extreme-right and the extreme-left.[78] United by the common goal of promoting colonial ventures, this group exerted direct pressure on the government.[79] It is undeniable that the efforts of the Parti Colonial and its various affiliated committees, in conjunction with the pro-colonial stance of a majority of the press, were instrumental in creating a public supportive of colonialism during the 1890s. [80] These pressure groups, however, were not formed until after 1892. Yet, it has been noted that the political climate had already become favourable to colonial issues after the September-October 1889 Parliamentary election which saw the return of the moderate republicans as the majority party.[81] It is revealing that this election took place while the Exposition was still in session and that it brought back to power the very party to which the organizers of the colonial exhibit were affiliated.[82] It is also telling that the Monarchists and the Radicals, the two most virulent critics of 26 Ferry's expansionist policies and of France's involvement in Tonkin, were the biggest losers of the election.[83] The success of the colonial exhibit with its careful demonstration of how France's colonial holdings had increased during Third Republican leadership as well as its portrayal of racial hierarchies that reinforced France's position as the pinnacle of progress certainly played an important role in the election's outcome. The visual organization of the exhibit, which accentuated the racial and cultural inferiority of France's colonial subjects was also crucial in promoting the idea that France had a civilizing mission. Appropriated by organizers of the colonial exhibit at a time when the aggressive policies of French expansion in the 1890's were being formulated by the Foreign Ministry, human displays, as they had been constructed at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, were modified in two important ways in order to better suit the colonial agenda. First, the displays of non-European peoples were no longer set within a context that stressed the general racial 'other' as had been the case at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, but were instead specifically devoted to members of French colonies.[84] Indeed, at the 1889 Exposition particular emphasis was given to the newest colonies. Indo-china, which been recently conquered in 1885, was priviledged not only by the amount of space allocated to it on the exhibition grounds, but as well by the number of Indo-Chinese brought in to be exhibited. In total there were 203 persons from the newly acquired territories of Annam, Tonkin and Cochin-27 Chine compared to the 61 Senegalese, 50 Congolese, 11 Tahitians and 10 Canaques.[85] Another significant difference, which will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3, was that the exhibit was laid out in a way that gave the viewer the illusion of actively participating in France's colonial enterprise. This new way of addressing the viewer was intricately connected with the Third's Republic need to create a pro-colonial public. The importance of the colonial exhibit was also picked up and accentuated in the popular press. On May 11 1889, for example, five days after the opening of the Exposition, the front page cover of L'Illustration, the highly prized and successful illustrated weekly, depicted the inauguration of the event by showing the President of the Republic leaving the colonial exhibit, acclaimed and cheered by a group of Algerian and/or Tunisian 'subjects' who watched and hailed the presidential cortege with rapt and awed expressions [Figure 6]. The subject matter chosen for this front page takes on added significance when one realizes that this portrayal of the inauguration of the Exposition was for readers that had not attended the event their first glimpse of the Exposition Universelle. It was not fortuitous that L'Illustration, a magazine of moderate republican leanings,[87] chose to portray the colonial exhibit instead of all the other highlights of the Exposition on the front page of the first issue dealing the event. At the Exposition, members of the French public were invited to come and see for themselves their new colonized 28 subjects, and if we are to believe the comment of a contemporary observer who talks of "la curiosite enorgeuillie de nos Parisiens, quand ils contemplaient leurs 'sujets,1 le petit bataillon jaune qui manoeuvrait si gentiment, la tribu des Pahouins qui pirogaient sur la riviere...",[86] the strategy worked—at least on a certain segment of the population. 29 CHAPTER II "KNOWLEDGE THROUGH SEEING:" MAKING VISIBLE NOTIONS OF RACIAL HIERARCHY The colonial exhibit at the 1889 Exposition Universelle had a powerful effect on public opinion and served as an effective legitimizing tool for future colonial conquests. In part this was because the racial and educational presupositions on which it was based had already become accepted as normal and natural by a majority of the French public. In tracing the genealogy of human displays, one needs to situate the origins of such a practice within the scientific discourse on 'progress' and within the eighteenth century's construction of knowledge—its elaboration of cultural hierarchies and its belief that one could apprehend 'truth and knowledge' through direct observation. This assertion of a hegemonic way of seeing— emphasizing ordering, classifying, and naming—would eventually lead to the appropriation of other peoples' land, resources and culture. [1] This chapter seeks to unravel the conditions that made possible the practice of exhibiting non-European peoples by examining how scientific discourse on racial categories and republican notions of "education through sight" intersected in the visual field to provide rationale and legitimacy to human exhibits. The widespread belief in the inferiority of non-European races combined with the notion inherited from Natural History that everything about a culture could be seen, measured and exhibited, created a climate in which human exhibits in the 30 late nineteenth-century became not only possible but permissible. The display of non-European peoples at the 1889 Exposition was not the first to be staged in Paris. It was influenced and modelled on a number of so-called 'ethnographic1 exhibits previously held at the Jardin d'Acclimatation. Although non-Europeans had been present at the 1878 Exposition, the Jardin d'Acclimatation's human exhibits served as the primary model for the display of races at the 1889 colonial exhibit. As mentionned in Chapter 1, the proposal for an 'ethnographic' exhibit of West Africans at the 1878 Exposition had been turned down by organizers of the event in favour of a display of the region's goods and artifacts. Furthermore, the small number of non-Europeans that were present at that Exposition were not displayed as ethnographic specimens. They worked as waiters, vendors, and artisans and were not presented in settings that asserted their rank on the ladder of progress as was the case at the Jardin d'Acclimatation and at the 1889 Exposition. An examination of the Jardin d'Acclimatation's human exhibits is therefore necessary to understand the scientific, educational and ultimately ideological underpinnings of the 1889 colonial exhibit. 1 In August 1877, French newspapers had reported that crowds of Parisians were flocking to the Jardin d'Acclimatation in great excitement to view a caravan of exotic animals from Africa.[2] It was not, however, the camels, giraffes, and 31 elephants that drew such wide public interest. Rather, the real objects of fascination were the fourteen African hunters that accompanied the caravan.[3] The inclusion of human beings in the exhibit had been an afterthought. The owner of the convoy whose job it was to furnish interesting specimens to the zoological gardens of Europe, had this time decided to bring along the local hunters who provided him with the animals. It had seemed natural to the director of the Jardin to include in the exhibit inhabitants of lands whose flora and fauna already provided many of the exhibits of the Jardin.[4] This new form of display was an immediate success and proved to be highly lucrative for the Jardin d'Acclimatation which displayed a group of six Eskimos from Greenland three months later.[5] As a direct result of these two exhibits, the number of visitors, which had been around 600,000 in 1876, jumped to 831,000 in 1877. [6] The financial fortunes of the Jardin, which had been lagging, also improved quite dramatically; gate receipts of 332,000 francs in 1876 increased to 664,000 francs in 1878. [7] By 1893, the Jardin had presented 23 'ethnographic' exhibitions that had included Nubians, Eskimos, Lapps, Araucans, American Indians, Ashantis,[Figure 7] Pai-Pi-Bri, and Dahomeyans.[8] The zoo-like setting in which they were displayed was accentuated by the fact that a fence physically separated visitors from individuals on display [Figure 8]. The groups exhibited could be seen across the fence living in reconstructed dwellings performing what was construed as their daily routines. Thus the 11 Fuegians (4 men, 4 women 32 and 3 children) exhibited in 1881 were shown cooking and sleeping on mats. While the men demonstrated the way they carved arrows with pieces of glass,[9] the women were shown breast feeding and taking care of the three children.[10] In 1887, however, exhibits at the Jardin d'Acclimatation become more sensationalised when performances such as mock-battles were included as part of the show.[11] It was not only the general public that came to stare at the perceived 'primitivity' of the races on display. Scientists also came running, armed with their rulers, their charts and their measuring tapes, convinced that the size of a person's brain and the gradation in one's pigment corresponded to a certain level of intelligence and progress.[12] In fact, the director of the Jardin d'Acclimataion gave members of the scientific community special access to the exhibits. They were allowed to observe and measure the individuals on display early during the day, before the arrival of the public.[13] At the 1881 Fuegian exhibition, Leonce Manouvrier, a leading member of the Societe d'Anthropologie and a staunch republican, spent five sessions of 1-3 hours each measuring the 11 people on display. Every conceivable part of their bodies—except the genitals—were measured [Figure 9} [14]. Skin color was also measured on a tableau chromatique.[15] The Fuegians, whom scientists considered as one of the lowest races on the evolutionary ladder,[16] were deemed so devoid of any kind of human feeling that Manouvrier had been non-plussed when the Fuegian men would not allow him to 33 pull down their pants, expecting them not possess the feeling of shame, as he later explained at a meeting of the Societe d'Anthropologic.[17] With the exception of Charles Letourneau who was displeased with the emphasis on physical measurements and who requested at one of the Societe's meeting that a study of the social customs of the groups on display be added to the study, [18] the anthropologists' main concern when visiting the people on exhibit was to measure them.[19] This emphasis on physical measurement must be framed within the debates on race that had started in the previous century and by the rise of physiognomies and the correlation made in the nineteenth century between physical measurements and intellectual and moral capability. While many eighteenth-century theorists had attributed racial difference and what they perceived as racial inequality to environmental factors, by the nineteenth-century more and more scientists tended to explain racial difference through biology.[20] Thus, the belief that a race's biological make-up determined its level of progress and destiny had become prevalent by the 1880s.[21] In this biological determinism, physical measurements became crucial indicators of intellectual development. By the 1840s, it was a common belief that the size of a person's brain corresponded to his/her degree of intelligence.[22] The fact that a white man's brain weighed more than that of a woman or non-white was further proof of white male superiority.[23] Physical anthropolgists also claimed or assumed that differences amongst races were 34 responsible for differences in religion, political system, moral values and work-habits.[24] Abel Hovelacque, one of the anthropologists who visited and measured the Fuegians of 1881, noted that their muscular system was poorly developed. For Hovelacque, the Fuegians' poor musculature was further proof that 'primitive' people were not capable of hard work. "II n'y a pas de sauvages ayant de grosses mains. La main forte est 1'apanage des peuples laborieux, c'est a dire civilises." [25] By establishing a direct link between hard work and civilised status, Hovelacque also re-iterated the well-known argument that had justified slavery as a way of civilizing through forced labour and which was also used to legitimize colonialism as a mission civilisatrice. For scientists, human exhibits provided a welcome opportunity to consolidate and increase data on alleged primitive races.[26] They offered to anthropologists, who for the most part had never left Europe, a chance to do some field work. As Donald Bender in "The Making of French Anthropology" has noted, anthropology in the late nineteenth century was essentially an archival and armchair activity. It was not until the 1920s with the foundation L'Institut d'Ethnologie by Marcel Mauss, Paul Rivet and Henvy Levy-Bruhl that field research was seen as a necessity to the discipline.[27] For scientists who considered the individuals on display as invaluable empirical data in their archival project on 'primitive* people, it did not matter that such peoples as the Fuegians had been brought to France under duress—kidnapped, 35 even, as was the case of the Fuegians of 1881. [28] What mattered was that they were rare specimens that could be measured, photographed, and classified.[61] Every aspect of the Fuegians' daily routine was also put under scrutiny. Even bathing and breast feeding—acts constructed as private for many members of the French public—were exposed to the gaze of European viewers. In this respect, photography with its rhethorics of "precision, immediacy and truth" subjected the individuals on display to another kind of scrutinising gaze—one which represented them to use John Tagg's words, "as incapable of speaking, acting and or organising for themselves." [29] [Figure 10] The press also urged the general public to visit the exhibits not only to satisfy their curiosity but also to educate themselves.[30] What is of interest in this enterprise is the way it was linked to modern education. As the Jardin d'Acclimatation's programs to the exhibits stated, these displays would provide 'practical courses in ethnography' by showing what life was like in distant lands.[31] The public responded to this call in great number; in two months, 400,000 people had visited the 1881 Fuegian exhibition, with one Sunday crowd reaching 54,000.[32] Displays of Fuegians, Eskimos, Lapps and Hottentots were understood as educational because they provided nineteenth-century viewers with a chance to see how a perceived earlier state of humanity lived.[33] For these peoples were not only considered to be distant in space but also distant in time. 36 Repeatedly described as the most miserable creatures on earth in popular Voyages that described travel to foreign lands,[34] these particular groups were placed on the lowest rung of the evolutionary ladder and referred to in the late nineteenth-century as 'living fossils' and 'races outside of present humanity*.[35] Since many of the groups on display were percieved as "dying races," an added sense of urgency surrounded appeals to come and educate oneself on 'prehistoric' humans. If eighteenth century theorists like Buffon, De Pauw, and Bessner considered 'savage' society diseased and doomed to certain death without the help of European civilization [36], Social Darwinians like Clemence Royer believed in the survival of only the fittest of races. "...certains types trop inferieurs se refusent a toute assimilation et disparaissent dans leurs contacts avec les races superieurs. Je crois done, que dans l'avenir de l'humanite, tous les restes fossiles de l'humanite quaternaire doivent tendre a disparaitre et disparaitront quelque soit la bienveillance de ceux qui prennent leur defense."[37] By the 1880's, assumptions about the cultural and intellectual superiority of Europeans over other races, which had existed since the sixteenth century, had become widely propagated through dictionaries, encyclopedias, school books, children's literature and adventure novels.[38] The proliferation of geographical societies and the foundation of anthropology in the latter half of the century advanced and institutionalised notions of racial inequality since these two fields had as their raison d'etre the canvassing of the whole 37 world and the study of 'primitive' and in their opinion, inferior peoples.[39 ] 2 The conditions that encouraged human exhibits in the late 1880*s did not, however, rest solely with scientific discourse on racial hierarchies. The educational function they were meant to serve also drew on Republican notions of "knowledge through sight." In this respect, education through direct experience was of central importance. Thus, contemporary reviews of human displays in the late 1880's and 1890's emphasised that French people could now see with their own eyes exotic peoples of whom they had only read or seen sketches. Le Petit Parisien, for example, in its review of the 1893 Dahomean show at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, pointed out that Parisians could now "acquaint themselves with Dahomeans other than by dispatches in newspapers and sketches by artists."[40] This emphasis on "seeing for yourself" and "seeing with your own eyes" is crucial to an understanding of how human exhibits functioned in France from the late 1870's to the 1890's. The exhibits became immediate successes not only because they appealed to the curiosity of the viewer but because they also addressed the deeply ingrained notion, central to Third Republican education, that 'truth' and 'knowledge' were to be apprehended through first-hand observation and empirical facts.[41] The Third Republic's faith in empiricism and its belief that knowledge was to be acquired through sight can be traced back to the Enlightenment notion that knowledge is based 38 and validated through direct observation.[42] Systematic and rigorous observation, according to the Philosophes, would counter superstitious religious beliefs as well as the naive eye of the scientist. Maps, charts, tabular arrangements as well as other empirical data were thus seen as invaluable in the construction of knowledge.[43] The privileging of sight as the most exact way of acquiring and communicating knowledge was further promoted during the French Revolution and the early years of the nineteenth-century through the teachings of the Ideologues.[44] During those years, empiricism and training by the visual became a central aspect of educational policy.[45] The Third Republic with its belief in positivism and the revolutionizing effect of empirical science also took up sight as a major component of its educational policy. Even such popular entertainments as the panorama became tools to educate the public. School children in the 1880's were encouraged to attend such performances as the "Defense de Paris" and were granted half price reduction in the admission fee because, as officials responsible for education claimed, "L1Instruction par les yeux ne saurait etre trop encouragee."[46] Visitors to the Jardin's human exhibits also arrived with already formulated notions about the educational value of the visual. A visit to public museum exhibits during the nineteenth century was promoted as especially educational because the public were supposed to learn in just a few hours what it would take them years to learn through reading. Learning through the 39 visual was thus viewed as more effective because it was more immediate and vivid;[47] it was also accessible to the illiterate public, thus fitting well with the rhetoric of democratization used by museums. Ethnographic and natural history museums in particular were meant to present instructive exhibits in a way that was not expected of the art museum.[47] Unlike the object classified as art, the ethnographic object was not considered as intrinsically valuable.[48] It was not to be displayed for itself and by itself. Its usefulness consisted in being a document, a material witness of a culture's level of progress.[50] The ethnographic object became useful only when inserted and displayed within a classificatory system where it was juxtaposed and compared to other objects. Curators of ethnographic museums established elaborate classificatory systems in which each culture was assigned its appropriate slot on the evolutionary ladder.[51] For curators and leading ethnographers like Theodore Hamy, A.H.L.F. Pitt-Rivers, Gustav Klemm, and Otis Mason, the insertion of every object in a classicatory schema would lead to a total account of human development as well as to a tableau moral et historique des peuples. This presupposed that each object could and would find its appropriate space within the system.[52] Inherent in this approach was the belief that everything about a culture could be made visible and represented by objects. For the positivist Hamy, curator of the Paris Musee d'Ethnographie du Trocadero from its establishment in 1878 to 1895, culture was 40 composed of and limited to things that could be seen and exhibited.[53] As Johannes Fabian has noted, the ability to visualize a culture or society became almost synonymous with knowing it.[54] The emphasis on comparing and classifying can also be traced back to the eighteenth-century notion that 'truth' and 'knowledge' should be acquired through direct observation. Since the knowable was equated with the visible, observations that led to knowledge were to be arranged, ordered and easily represented in diagrammatic and tabular form.[55] The natural historian Buffon, in particular, offered a model for systematic empirical description and classification that was to be highly influential in the next two centuries.[56] In his 44 volume Histoire Naturelle (1749-1804) Buffon insisted that theories about species diversity be grounded on concrete empirical evidence.[57] His scientific method consisted of rigorously describing, comparing, and classifying the visible aspects of things in order to arrive gradually at an understanding of them. Comparison was essential to the process because it established differences that would allow for the knowledge of a particular animal [58]: "It is necessary to compare [animals] with another in order to learn how to distinguish them; consequently one has to compose descriptions in which every one can be compared to the others. The result of this process of comparison will not only be distinct knowledge of all animals, but also a general knowledge of all animals." [59] The curators of ethnographic museums adapted the principle of comparison to illustrate evolutionary ideas.[60] Although 41 the evolutionary theories of Darwin were still being debated during the 1880's and were not fully accepted in France, the French scientific community adhered to notions of progress and degeneration that had been articulated in the eighteenth century by Buffon, Condorcet, De Pauw, Maupertis and Lamarck.[61] In the Buffon's anthropology, for example, the white race was the only race to have perfected itself. All other races lived in varying states of degeneration caused by climate, diet, and lifestyle.[62] A recent study by Nelia Dias on the Musee d'Ethnographie du Trocadero, founded in 1878, has shown that objects displayed there from the 1880's on were juxtaposed and contrasted to each other in such a way that the viewer would be able to grasp in one glance the level of development between various races.[63] Through display techniques that emphasized comparison, the viewer would be able to learn about characteristics viewed as typical of a particular race while simultaneously observing their rank on the ladder of human progress. Comparisons were crucial because it was only through a juxtaposition of objects that the viewer was presented the various hierarchies that were asserted to be the natural development of human progress. Visitors to the human exhibits at the Jardin d'Acclimatation came therefore with already well-formulated notions about the educational value of exhibits and notions of racial hierarchy, both of which were made visible in the classification system of the Trocadero museum. Indeed, a combined visit to the Trocadero and the Jardin d'Acclimatation 42 was feasible since the Bois de Boulogne, where the Jardin was situated, was located directly behind the Trocadero Museum. Human exhibits held at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, addressing both scientists and the general public, provided an even more immediate and vivid portrayal of racial inequality. If objects at the Trocadero Museum could illustrate for the public the different stages of human evolution and the characteristics typical of various races, how much more vivid and educational it was to see with one's own eyes the people who had produced these objects. Human exhibits, legitimized by the Third Republic's rhetoric of "education through sight," became an extension of the museum. It became a musee vivant competing eventually with the vitrines mortes of the ethnographic museum. Why go to the Trocadero to see wax figurines of 'primitive' people when for 50 centimes [64] you could see them in flesh and blood at the Jardin d'Acclimatation? 3 For the most dramatic display of racial and cultural hierarchies, however, viewers had to wait for the 1889 Exposition's colonial exhibit when the right hand side of the Esplanade des Invalides was transformed into four different ethnic areas representing France's colonies and protectorates. By juxtaposing various ethnic/racial groups in a single unified space, the exhibit reinforced in a more powerful visual way than the Jardin's exhibits, how various cultures were differently positionned on the European ladder of human 'progress.' As in 43 the ethnographic museum, comparison was the principal visual device. For the comparison to work, representations of other races were not monolithically constructed. Notions of racial hierarchy and evolutionary progress mediated the way in which one race was displayed in opposition to another. The comparison established between races was not lost on contemporary observers like Eugene Monot who in his 1890 book on the Exposition commented that "Toute exposition est ethnographique par excellence puisqu'elle est un tableau comparatif des peuples."[65] The various ways the "other" could be and was constructed at the 1889 Exposition was most strikingly illustrated by the representation of the Indo-Chinese in contrast to those of the Africans and New Caledonians. As mentioned in Chapter 1, visitors who entered the colonial exhibit through the main gate and followed the set route would first encounter the Algerian and Tunisian sections which emphasised the arts and industries of those societies. They would next come upon the Indo-Chinese area which was prominently visible with its meticulously reconstructed temples, pagodas, and palaces. Directly behind the Indo-Chinese section, visitors would find the not-so-elaborate and refined African and Oceanic sections. The difference between the two areas was immediately noticeable. While the cultural and artistic side of Indo-China with its reconstructions of palaces and pagodas had been emphasised [Figures 11,12,13], it was the 'primitive' and rural aspects of 44 Senegalese, Gabonese and New Caledonian culture that were presented [Figure 14]. The privileging of Indo-China over Africa and New Caledonia was apparent not only because the Indo-Chinese exhibit had received two and half times more exhibiting space than the African one [66], but particularly because the Africans were represented in spaces that denied them characteristics Europeans deemed to be proof of culture. While the people from Senegal, Congo, Gabon and New Caledonia were exhibited in villages that for Europeans served to assert the crudeness of African and Oceanic architecture and life-style, the Indo-Chinese were placed in more 'civilized' surroundings. [67] True, some Tonkinese were displayed in a village, but the village was only one aspect of their many characterizations. They were also displayed amidst reconstructions of exquisitely refined palaces, temples and theaters. The Africans, on the other hand, were represented only within the framework of the village, inhabiting 'crudely' built huts. While the Indo-Chinese were shown working at various crafts, reconstructing the Palais de la Cochin-Chine, performing at the theatre [Figure 15] and involved in other activities that attested to their allegedly superior development of the Arts in relation to the other colonized groups, most of the Africans and New-Caledonians were shown performing daily rituals such as preparing food and tending to animals [68] . In the Senegalese village, for example, the largest of the African displays, two shepherds could be seen tending to farm animals such as cows, sheep, and 45 goats with little emphasis given to religious institutions and other forms of cultural development. The privileging of Asian over African cultures at the 1889 Exposition can be traced back to the seventeenth and eighteenth-century image of China, a country and civilisation that had been upheld as model of enlightened monarchy by Voltaire and the Philosophes. China had also been admired for its achievements in literature, art, science and agriculture and although not deemed to be quite equal to European culture, was placed next on the scale of cultural and racial hierarchy.[69] Although China by no means represented the whole of Asia, a case can be made that its place on the scale of cultural hierarchy influenced the way in which other Asian peoples came to be constructed. The image of Africa, on the other hand, occupied a different ideological space.[70] If Asians, who had a tradition of written history, were seen to possess some of what Europeans considered attributes of culture—religion, government, marriage institutions and art, for example—Africans were constructed as lacking in morals, religion and any form of culture.[71] These constructed differences between African and Asian cultural abilities were clearly demonstrated at the 1889 Exposition. While drawing, painting and sculpture were emphasized on the facade of the Palais de L'Annam-Tonkin and in the Khmer art of the reproduction of an Angkor-Wat temple, the decorations on the huts of New Caledonians were described by the reviewer Eugene Monot as hideous fetishes, as "[des] joujoux feroces ou reliques d'une epoque de barbarie."[72] 46 The notion of cultural hierarchy and gradual evolutionary change that was a prominent feature of the various colonial displays at the Exposition was also important to another part of the Fair. Thus Charles Gamier's architectural exhibit of Human Habitations [Figures 17,18] sought to trace the 'total history' of human progress by showing how human dwellings had evolved since the time of the caveman.[73] Garnier's Histoire de L1Habitation Humaine was composed of 39 houses representing various evolutionary stages. Visitors walking through the long street saw dwellings from the stone, bronze, and iron ages progress to edifices from the ancient lands of Phoenicia, Assyria, Israel, and Greece. The next stage of development was represented by structures from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.[74] Strategically positioned along the entire width of the Champ de Mars and directly in front of the Eiffel Tower,[75] the layout and organization of exhibit made it easy to compare the levels of technological development ascribed to various racial and cultural groups. As the journalist Frantz Jourdain noted in his coverage of the Exposition for the magazine L'Illustration, "Par une piquante coincidence, la Tour Eiffel se dresse a c6te de 1'Histoire de 1'Habitation, de sorte que d'un seul regard, on peut embrasser le chemin parcouru par l'homme depuis que, pousse par la necessite, il a cherche une retraite dans 1'excavation d'un rocher, jusqu'au jour ou il a eleve cette gigantesque ossature metallique..." [76] The juxtaposition of the Eiffel Tower with the Histoire de L'Habitation was not a just a piquante coincidence. It made obvious to the viewer that the culmination of technological and 41 architectural progress was the Eiffel Tower, the edifice that dwarfed the whole exposition. Meandering through the exhibit, the visitor could at a glance compare the seemingly apparent lack of development—the "primitivity' and 'childlikeness'—of the colonized subject's dwellings with that of French technological superiority. 4 The exhibits at the Jardin and the 1889 Exposition using republican notions of education emphasized that the visual was the way through which a certain knowledge of the world could be transmitted. Racial hierarchy was illustrated by visual comparison and juxtaposition—a race's level of progress making sense only within a classificatory system that was based on models of degeneration and evolution. The rhetoric of "education through sight," used to make palatable and legitimize human exhibits at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, was again deployed at the 1889 Exposition. This is not surprising since education had been, as Paul Greenhalgh has pointed out in Ephemeral Vistas, the 'fetish' of international exhibitions in general and an obsession of the French in particular.[77] Furthermore, the Third Republic's emphasis on education, as we shall see in Chapter 3, was not neutral; it had strong ideological functions and acted as a form of social control. A concerted effort to educate the public at Expositions can be traced back to the 1867 Exposition Universelle. The visual organization of the exposition was planned by Frederic Le Play, 48 who believed that "crowds were to be educated not by selective instruction but by the presentation of every aspect of existence."[78] At the Ville de Paris exhibit, for example, he displayed products in concentric ovals made of glass; the exhibit was organized so that the viewer could move logically through all categories displayed.[79] The belief that viewers could best be educated through the visual was even more heavily stressed at the 1878 Exposition—also organized by Le Play. The exposition, with its reconstructions of an Egyptian bazaar and national pavilions on the Rue des Nations, established the notion that the "reconstructions and working displays were the natural way to educate. " [80] In this respect, Gamier's Histoire de L'Habitation Humaine fulfilled Le Play's vision of a global, encyclopedic type of display and the general republican emphasis of "education through sight."[81] Indeed, the architect had conceived of his project as a kind of museum: "un musee donnant toutes les phases de la civilisation et faisant ainsi revivre 1'histoire vivante de nos ancestres."[82] The display claimed to be encyclopedic and universal by analyzing "l'histoire naturelle des hommes, qui comprend 1'histoire des diverses races, de leurs moeurs, de leurs habitudes et par consequent de leur habitation."[83] The didactic aspect of the exhibit was reinforced by the fact the interior of each dwelling was recreated in the mode typical of the era and country. To add to the illusion of authenticity, the visitor upon entering the dwelling would be greeted by simulated natives dressed in appropriate costumes and serving native refreshments.[84] 49 The educational orchestration of display areas was not lost on visitors such as Otis Mason, curator of Ethnology at the U.S National Museum, who was deeply impressed by the educational power of the Exposition's human exhibits and the fair's general endeavour to represent an overview of human culture.[85] Mason judged the 1889 Exposition as the most "thoroughly anthropological" to that time and noted how crowds thronged to watch 'exotic' people in their daily ritual. He wrote home that "It was an exposition whose presiding genius was a teacher, a professor of history, whose scholars were the whole world."[86] By 1889, educating the public through the visual was a firmly established goal of Expositions.[87] When human exhibits became integrated into the practice, they were presented as an educational opportunity. Just as the public was urged to come to view the Fuegians, Lapps, and Hottentots at the Jardin, they were now asked to come to the exposition to learn about the colonial world. As Le Petit Francais Illustre wrote to its young readers, "Le public en six mois a appris en parcourant le monde colonial a une echelle reduite ce que les gros volumes ne lui apporteront pas. On oublie une grande partie de ce qu'on a appris dans les livres, on n'oublie pas ce qu'on a sous les yeux, ce qu'on a soi-meme observe." [88] Seeing for oneself was presented as more vivid and more accurate way of apprehending knowledge and truth. That the monde colonial at the Exposition was only a reconstruction, a simulacra of the world it sought to represent, was temporarily concealed by the actual presence of colonized 50 peoples. One of the many functions of human exhibits, I would argue, was to provide a semblance of authenticity to the colonial exhibit, thereby creating the feeling of an unmediated encounter between viewers and the colonial world. This world was brought within the confines of the Exposition's grounds and, as the following quote from Le Petit Francais Illustre demonstrates, the colonial world depicted at the exposition came to be perceived as the 'real' world making it no longer necessary to leave Paris to learn about far away lands and peoples: "Voulez-vous vous instruire sur les choses des pays lointains? Alors deplacez vous au Champ de Mars ou a L1Esplanade des Invalides. II n'est pas besoin de traverser la Mediterannee, ni de faire a cheval, a dos de mulet ou de chameau, plusieurs centaines de kilometres dans la montagne ou le desert. II y a non loin du palais des Colonies, un campement, un veritable campement de Kabyles" [8 9] 51 CHAPTER III THE COLONIAL FLANEUR: VIEWING IN THE ILLUSORY TOUR DU MONDE The importance of racial hierarchy and of "education through sight" in relation to the display of non-European peoples in the nineteenth century was addressed in the previous chapter. Several other factors also influenced viewing at the Exposition. This chapter examines the ways in which the visual lay-out of the colonial exhibit and the modes of seeing it called up, constructed for viewers an experience that allowed them to feel directly involved in their country's colonial venture. The way in which the viewer was invited to participate in the representation of the colonized 'other' at the 1889 Exposition was crucial in creating a pro-colonial public. I also contend that the success of the colonial exhibit rested in large part on the the calling up of familiar "ways of seeeng"— those fostered by department stores and touristic attractions— to which the urban public of the late 1880's had become accustomed. 1 The literature on World's Fairs has aptly noted that expositions were largely devoted to sell the idea of an empire. Paul Greenhalgh and Burton Benedict have argued that this was achieved by presenting colonized people in such degrading contexts that it would elicit in viewers feelings of white racial supremacy and accentuate the need for a white civilizing mission. I would like to make this analysis more complex by 52 arguing that it was not only the display of colonized people in a degrading setting that was used to promote the colonial agenda. The organization of the actual space in which the viewer would experience the representation of the colonized other was equally crucial in achieving that goal. In contrast to the exhibits held at the Jardin d'Acclimatation where the peoples on display were physically separated from the viewers by a fence or railing, [Figure 8] the experience of viewing at the colonial exhibit was structured in a way that allowed visitors to move freely amongst the colonized peoples.[1] The lack of physical separation and the mobility given to the viewer allowed him/her to participate in a new way in the representation of the 'other.' At the Exposition, visitors were invited to mingle and to take a proprietal walk amongst their colonial subjects [Figures 19 and 20]. Passive looking, which had been the case at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, was replaced by a more active experience. Burton Benedict has noted that there was much more mingling between people on display and visitors at French Expositions than at either British and American fairs.[2] Such mingling, I would argue, served a particular purpose in 1889. The organizers of the colonial exhibit encouraged it to give viewers—French viewers in particular—the feeling of having direct personal access to their colonial subjects. The following statement by the Ministere des Colonies clearly indicates that organizers of the exhibit intentionally fostered 53 direct contact between viewers and the colonized peoples on display: "Constructions et villages etaient habites par des indigenes, ce qu'avait souhaite le Ministere des Colonies afin de 'mettre en contact direct avec notre civilisation des populations qu'il est de notre devoir de gagner a nos idees'."[3] Although the different ethnic areas were separated from each other by a fence to demarcate boundaries,[4] the viewer was invited to penetrate, to invade the space of the 'other,' peering into tents, and watching private daily rituals that had been made public.[Figures 3,4] The colonial exhibit was therefore not just another tableau vivant set up for the viewers' gaze. Compared to the static position that the viewer occupied at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, this seemingly less-controlled trajectory, the experiential way of getting to 'know' your 'subjects' implied a more active role for the viewer—one that would help her/him feel personally involved in her/his country's colonial enterprise. The colonial exhibit provided as well a safe and unthreatening space in which the French citizen could interact directly with colonized peoples. Past enemies such as the Tonkinese or rumored cannibals such as the Canaques from New Caledonia could not only be viewed but seen up close and touched. The unfamiliar was still included in the representation of difference but its threatening aspects had been removed. Visitors felt safe to mingle with this 'other' that had become subjected to colonial rule and represented as a docile and vulnerable child. As Eugene Monot noted, the 54 individuals on display were surrounded and pampered by Parisiennes who considered them as big children and treated them with maternal charity. "Les indigenes ont ete tres choyes, tres entoures par les Parisiennes qui partageaient leurs soins attentifs entre les noirs et le jaunes, suivant la fantaisie du moment. Les femmes surtout, avec la mobilite et la vivacite d1expression qui leur est propre, s'etaient tres vite habituees a traiter les indigenes avec une charite toute maternelle: elles leur apportaient des douceurs, dont ils etaient tres friands; elles les consideraient comme de grands enfants. Et c'etait une appreciation juste. La sollicitude, dont ils se sentaient l'objet, eveillaient en eux des idees absolument neuves; jamais un noir du Gabon, par example, n'avait approche de si pres une femme blanche: il ne lui avait jamais parle, peut-§tre et n'avait dans tout les cas, jamais ose lui toucher la main." [5] (my underlining) Monot*s description is useful in revealing the various levels in which the viewer interacted or was meant to interact with the people on display. First, it indicates the direct interest that viewers took in their 'subjects.' Second, a clear relationship of power is established. This is apparent in Monot's description of the encounter between a white female viewer and a black man. Their physical proximity and the possibility that he might dare touch her white hand accentuates her alleged superiority and the psychological distance that notions of racial hierarchy had imposed upon them. Power relations were also clearly established by Monot's characterization of non-Europeans as children. In keeping with the doctrine of progress, non-Europeans were perceived as occupying an earlier stage of development—one that was comparable to the childhood of European races. [6] If the peoples on display were no longer represented as enemies after 55 their conquest, they were now to be treated as children who needed to be educated and disciplined by their benevolent parents—thus appealing to the nation's mission civilisatrice. t7] 2 The viewers' mobility at the Exposition was successful in creating a public more involved in colonial issues because it was also tied to modes of perception fostered by 'modernite.' Jonathan Crary has noted in his recent book, Techniques of the Observer, that modernite's "new modes of circulation, communication, production, consumption and rationalization all demanded and shaped a new kind of observer and consumer." [8] This new observer was required and competent to consume and digest the proliferation of visual imagery and information that was increasingly being circulated. [9] By the 1880's, the major European cities of Europe, and Paris in particular, had become, to use Nicholas Green's words, "a sequence of spectacles to be grasped in the pleasure of the gaze that structured the flow between promenade, theatre, cafe and arcade. " [10] Vision was fragmented and the viewer was confronted with a kaleidoscope of new visual experiences. [11] The urban viewer who had already become accustomed to dealing with a constellation of visual imagery, also confronted at the colonial exhibit a variety of new sights, sounds and experiences. There were not only the displays of exotic peoples set in tableaux vivants but also musical and theatrical productions to be seen, donkey rides to be enjoyed, and exotic 56 foods to be savored. The variety of visual experiences at the Exposition was therefore more in tune with the viewers' experience in the 'real' world than the fixed and static position they were offered in displays of non-European peoples at the Jardin d'Acclimatation. In short, the experiences at the colonial exhibit echoed specific aspects of visitor's viewing outside of the exposition—at arcades and department stores, for example.[12] As in department stores, viewers drifted in and out, browsing and savouring the multitude of sights and objects displayed for their gaze. Rosalind Williams and Shane Alder Davis in their study of department store shopping have noted that the nineteenth century shopper was one who meandered through the department store without a set route; s/he was not there simply to shop, but also to be entertained by the glittering display cases of consumer goods.[13] As the magazine L'Illustration noted: "Le visiteur dans une exposition n'est presque jamais quelqu'un qui veut voir une certaine chose et qui la cherche; c'est quelqu'un qui marche a 1'aventure et se contente d'admirer sans effort ce que la main des organisteurs a en quelque sorte pousse sous yeux. Nous devons faire en 1911 et 1922 notre profit de cette legon la." [14] The similarity between department stores and expositions was not lost on the contemporary critic Maurice Talmeyr, who, writing a decade following the 1889 Exposition, noted that the colonial exhibit at the 1900 Exposition Universelle, which used the same formula of participation as the 1889 Exposition, reminded him of the simulated rooms at the Louvre, one of the major Parisian department stores. 57 "Je regarde ce decor de tapis, de balles de coton, de vaiselles, de sac de riz, de boites de conserves et j'y entends un piano qui joue une gigue....La notion d'une Inde pareille, d'une Inde-magasin..." [15] Simulated 'Oriental' rooms decorated with exotic artifacts, rugs, and curtains, would have been familiar to the late nineteenth-century viewer who shopped or had visited department stores such as the Bon Marche, the Louvre, and Le Printemps. In his novel Au Bonheur des Dames, Zola vividly describes how the vestibule of the department store was transformed into an exotic salon: "From the ceiling were suspended rugs from Smyrna with complicated patterns that stood out from the red background. Then, from four sides, curtains were hung: curtains of Karamanie and Smyrna, zebra-striped in green, yellow and vermillion; curtains from Diarbekir, more common, rough to the touch, like shepherds' tunics; and still more rugs, which could serve as wall hangings, strange flowerings of peonies and palms, fantasy released in a garden of dream." [16] Where does the world at the colonial exhibit end and the world outside begin? This blurring of boundaries between the world outside and the world inside the exhibition, seems to have been a major factor of the colonial exhibit's success.[17] The viewer at the Exposition would encounter a decor that looked remarkably like that of a simulated room at a grand magasin [18] and vice-versa. Did the exposition copy the merchandising techniques of the department store—exotic decors that gave consumer goods an aura of mystery and glamor—or was it the reverse? [19] It is difficult to say which copied which first; both are simulated; both try to copy what they perceive to be the 'real' Orient. 58 Like the department store, the organization and presentation of the colonial exhibit demanded that the viewer be both spectator and consumer. In the case of the department store, exoticism was used to sell goods; at the exposition, goods too were promoted, but more important, ideas needed to be sold—the reality of colonialism and the practice of displaying human beings. 3 "Jules Verne a reve le Tour du Monde en 80 jours. On pourra le realiser, en 1889, a L'Esplanade des Invalides et au Champ de Mars, en 6 heures." [20] If human displays had already become naturalized at the Jardin by scientific and educational discourses, they became further naturalized at the Exposition by being set up and experienced as a touristic phenomenon. By encouraging mobility and direct access to the people on display, organizers were also appealing to viewers' touristic interest. Encouraged to be a colonial flaneur, drifting in and out of the various 'ethnic' areas, viewers at the 1889 colonial exhibit could on their way to the Cafe Maure [Figure 21] meander through the Senegalese village [Figure 19], then be transported by pousse-pousse [Figure 20] to the annamite theatre where they could catch a show [Figure 15]. In the evening, after a good meal at one of the many fashionable restaurants that had opened a temporary at the Exposition, they were ready for the grande finale—the fete coloniale. Every evening between 9 and 10 p.m, the whole colonial section was turned into an Orientalist tableau. [21] 59 The major attraction was a parade in which Africans, Oceanians and Asians dressed in brillant costumes simulated a cortege royal. [Figure 22] [22] This touristic and flaneurial aspect of the colonial exhibit was featured and emphasized by the magazine L'Illustration/ which catered to an essentially middle class audience.[23] In engravings such as those depicting the Rue du Caire [Figure 16], the Annamite rickshaws [Figure 20], the Kabyles weavers [Figure 2], and the Exposition Algerienne [Figure 23], for example, European visitors were shown mingling with peoples from exotic lands—Algerians, Annamites, and Kabyles. Except for the small explanatory caption at the bottom of the engravings, there was no visual clue to indicate to readers/viewers that these images were representations of the colonial exhibit and not depictions of bourgeois tourists walking in a real street in Cairo or peering into an Kabyl tent in Algeria. Once again, boundaries between the world outside and the world inside the expositon were blurred to provide vraisemblance. In contrast to photographs of the event which reveal, to a greater extent, the artificiality and contrived nature of these exhibits [Figure 24], images in L'Illustration convey the impression of an unmediated encounter between visitors and peoples on exhibit. By eliminating such accoutrements as platforms erected to display colonized peoples, L'Illustration constructed a selective picture of the colonial exhibit—one that further reinforced the notion summarized by a popular guide of the Exposition that "Tout [ a 1'exposition des 60 colonies] est nature; le decor a disparu."[24] This attempt to present as natural the interaction between exposition viewers and people on display further normalized the practice of exhibiting human beings. Although L'Illustration's images of the colonial exhibit did not constitute the only visual representation of the event in the popular press, [25] they provide insight on the way the event was constructed for a large segment of the reading and viewing public. Furthermore, L'Illustration's influence, considered the best illustrated magazine in the country, extended to cheaper and more widely circulated illustrateds such as Le Journal Illustre which often copied the style of L'Illustration's engravings.[2 6] The touristic aspect of the 1889 colonial exhibit was further accentuated at the 1900 Exposition. Organized by Jules Charles-Roux,[27] one of the leading members of the Parti Colonial, the colonial section was this time given its own separate grounds and demarcated as a distinct area of attraction—geographically separate from the rest of the exposition by the Seine yet easily accessible to visitors.[28] Upon entering its gate, the visitor found a scaled down version of the 'whole world,' and without having ever to leave Paris, would 'travel' around it. Model villages and palaces were painstakingly reconstructed to make the exhibit as authentic as possible. The French section which took up half of the exhibiting space displayed twenty-eight palaces and pavilions representing French colonies. [29] Pavilions were grouped according to 61 geographic proximity to give coherence and realism to the mise-en-scene. The Algerian pavilion was placed next to that of Tunisia while those of Guinea, Ivory Coast, Dahomey and the Sudan were arranged behind them.[30] The Southeast Asian displays were also presented together. Although organizers sought to create a realistic touristic trajectory, they were not altogether successful. An exhibit of French colonies in India, which was composed of a pavilion of goods, a Hindu Temple, a theatre and a reconstructed street bazaar, ran right between the Senegalese and Dahomeyan section.[31] Maurice Talmeyr recognized the ironies inherent in this simulated 'Tour du Monde1 and criticized the colonial exhibit for being: "l'univers dans un jardin. Un territoire grand comme la moitie de 1'Europe se condensait en cinq cents metres carres, un desert se resumait en une paillotte, une mer en un bassin. Le Nord touchait au Sud et le p61e a 1'equateur.... Vous faisiez, la montre a la main, le Tour du monde en trois heures. Et les 'stereoramas,' les 'cineoramas,' les 'mareoramas' vous donnaient a la fois dans ses trois heures, 1'illusion du bateau, du ballon et du wagon-bar." [32] As Talmeyr noted, the illusion of travelling through distant exotic lands was reinforced by the various panoramas, cineoramas, and mareoramas that were grouped in the same area as the colonial exhibit. Twenty-one of the thirty-three major attractions at the Exposition tried to recreate "distant visions.*[33] Thus at the Tour du Monde panorama, the tourist had the illusion of travelling around the world by walking along the length of large circular canvas on which were painted images of Spain, Athens, Constantinople, Suez, India, China and Japan. 62 Before the moving canvas, 'natives' danced, charmed serpents, or served tea in front of the painted picture of their homeland. The cineorama, a more complex, technological invention, was able to give viewers the impression of ascending from the ground in a balloon. This illusion was achieved by a "series of panoramic photographs showing things growing smaller and smaller."[34] For those who wanted the illusion of travelling by boat, the mareorama, using a canvas panorama, replicated a sea voyage from Marseilles to Constantinople. The rocking motion of the boat, the smell of sea air and music that changed according to the country 'visited' was also provided for added realism.[35] These exhibits not only occupied the same geographical space as the colonial exhibit but were also included in some of the official displays. At the pavilion of the French Congo, visitors could see the Panaroma du Congo, a movable canvas that depicted the 'heroic' exploits of the 1898 Marchand Expedition to Fashoda in West Africa.[36] The popularity of these exhibits tells us that the viewing public was no longer content to learn about other lands through passive visualization. Mobility and the illusion of actually moving through space was crucial because viewers wanted the experience of travelling. The staged authenticity of reconstructed villages and palaces gave viewers the illusion that they were travelling through these places. Thus the simulated environment of the colonial exhibit with its various ethnic areas provided for those that could not afford to travel to exotic lands and for those that did not want to endure the 63 hardships of travelling on camel's back through the desert, a pleasant compromise between arm-chair and actual travel. At the Exposition, human exhibits became one of the tourist sights to be consumed and experienced. Although human displays continued to be legitimized by scientific and educational discourses, they increasingly addressed the viewer as a tourist. Viewers would more and more encounter the representation of colonized people as part of a tour du monde—a sight and a curiosity to be taken in. This, I would argue, further induced what I have already referred to as "ideological forgetting." By relocating the realities of colonial conquest to a touristic experience, a new layer in the naturalization process was added. 4 After 1889, it would be at Expositions Universelles and World Fairs that one could see the biggest and most spectacular display of non-European peoples. Given the number of visitors that attended (32 million in 1889 and 50 million in 1900), expositions reached a larger and broader segment of population than any other event in peace or war time.[37] That is one reason they were such powerful purveyors of ideology. The organizers made a deliberate and concerted effort to attract as wide a public as possible. In 1889, for example, as part of the Third Republic's program to instill notions of republican nationhood to the public, thousands of Parisian workers received free tickets to go to the Expo and as in the past expositions, free travel and lodging were available to the peasantry of many 64 provinces.[38] There was also a 25 percent reduction on train fares from all parts of France to Paris.[39] Although images from L'Illustration show us only urban bourgeois strolling on the exposition's ground, visitors came from more varied social back-grounds and classes. The literature has noted that the Exposition was successful in promoting republican national and international policies because it had reached a broad spectrum of people.[40] One can surmise that the 'masses' support for the government's policies of the 18 90's, which included the violent conquest of Dahomey in 1893 and Madagascar in 1895, rested in part on the fact that a broad and heterogeneous public had been convinced through the Exposition not only of the benefits of owning an empire but of the advantages to colonized peoples of being 'civilized' by France. Does that mean, however, that the public had been totally won over and manipulated by the organizers' colonial agenda? The argument here is not that the public was totally passive. Critics like Talmeyer, for example, were not taken in by the staged authenticity of the colonial section. Furthermore, there was not always an easy fit between what the organizers wanted the public to grasp and what the latter chose to focus on. At the 1900 Exposition Universelle, contrary to the intent of the organizers who wanted to emphasize the economic aspect of the colonies, the public, as contemporary press reports indicate, was more captivated by the exotic aspects of the displays.[41] Organizers, while wanting on the one hand to promote their economic agenda, also had to defer to the taste of the public. 65 Another example of this uneasy fit is offered by the Pai Pi Bri Exhibit held at the Jardin d'Acclimatation in 1893. While the program notes, in conformity with colonial promotion, described the Pai Pi Bri, a group from the Ivory Coast, as hard-working and peace loving, a mock-battle was included as part of the exhibit to satisfy the public's expectations. Viewers had come to expect the inclusion of such an event ever since the Ashanti exhibit of 1885 at the Jardin d'Acclimatation, when a mock-battle was introduced in the program.[42] The public also came to the Exposition because they were motivated by a number of incentives that seemed, on the surface, to have little to do with a particular governmental agenda. Posited as a democratic and educational event to which all could have access, expositions were popular with the public because they claimed progressive notions such as egalitarianism and offered the viewer a position s/he might not normally have. For the price of a ticket, which was one franc at the beginning of the Exposition and 20 centimes towards the end,[43] the same displays and experiences were offered to both rich and poor. Sights and experiences normally reserved for a wealthy few were now available to all. An opportunity to educate oneself about new technological wonders, to witness the 'progress' made by humankind, and to view the lifestyle of colonized people was thus available to all regardless of class, gender and social status. Indeed the issue of education and the possibility of improving one's social condition was a major incentive for 66 visitors to come to the Exposition. Thus concerning the 1880's and 18 90 's, a teacher of peasant origins reminisced that for the 'people1, education represented a bien supreme that would eventually bring social betterment and happiness.[44] "Le peuple...en esperant le progres social qui metttrait fin a tant d'injustice et de misere...pensait que son devoir etait d'apprendre a s'instruire. On lui repetait que seul un peuple 'eclaire' meritait la democratie... C'est pourquoi un grand app6tit de savoir posseda le monde ouvrier entre les annees 1870-1900."[45] But was the Exposition really the democratic and egalitarian event it was constructed to be? Who is the on, the 'they11 that the teacher referred to, the voice that told the 'people' that they needed to educate themselves in order to better their lot? As self-appointed heirs of the 1789 Revolution, Republicans were firmly committed to providing universal primary education for the nation.[46] Republican concern for the peoples' democratic right to education was not, however, based solely on egalitarian sentiments. Education for all was in part desirable because it could inculcate among potentially threatening groups, such as urban workers, notions of sociability, national solidarity, and class harmony.[47] From the outset of the 1880's, the republican leadership, which included Emile Littre, Leon Gambetta, Paul Bert, and Jules Ferry, believed that a stable republican democracy where bourgeois hegemony would be upheld depended on the erasure of social conflict and antagonisms. Education thus stood as a force that could erase such conflicts and promote social harmony [48] During the five decades of republican rule, education was consistently used as a form of 67 social control; a homogenizing force that would foster national solidarity and erase class antagonisms. As Sanford Elwitt has noted, class wars could be avoided by anchoring the contented worker in a social structure that s/he had no desire to upset.[4 9] The worker educated through bourgeois values would aspire to that status and not want to turn the whole structure topsy-turvy. In a climate where workers1 strikes and demonstrations were increasing [50] and where socialism was growing as a political force, the Third Republic, through education, was trying to convey to the working classes the notion that social progress and happiness could be achieved without resorting to revolution. There was therefore an intricate interplay between the organizers' agenda and viewer incentive. For viewers, the Exposition offered democratic and educational opportunities. On the other hand, these same incentives were used by the Third Republic to promote its agenda. As Jonathan Crary has noted viewers "see within a prescribed set of possibilities—one which is embedded in a system of conventions and limitations."[51] Although viewers did not passively consume what organizers presented them, they did come to the exhibit with preconceived notions about racial hierarchies and "education through sight." Their thinking and ways of seeing had already been influenced by a variety of converging discursive fields—Science, Education, Fine Arts, Mass Media, Literature and Print culture—that gave them the 68 means with which to participate in the representation of non-European peoples. 69 CONCLUSION This thesis has explored some of the discourses and practices that informed and legitimized the display of non-Europeans in the late nineteenth century. It might seem to the reader that too much emphasis has been given to the more hegemonic discourses and especially that of the Third Republic. Power, after all, does not emanate solely from dominant structures.[1] Further work on the representation of human displays in the popular press and print culture, for example, would greatly contribute to our questionning of how those representations mediated the public's encounter with the peoples on display. Hegemonic discourses and practices do, however, determine how a practice becomes constructed and perpetuated. Although it can be said that not everyone who visited the Exposition suscribed to notions of racial hierarchy or were oblivious to the false authenticity of the colonial section, even those who resisted the controlled vision of the event still had to contend with the power of that representation. Thus the continuing necessity of pulling apart the fabric of dominant discourses. As Jonathan Crary has aptly noted in another context, "The history of oppositional moments needs to be written but it becomes legible only against the more hegemonic sets of discourses and practices..."[2] In France, the political and economic agenda of the Third Republic was so influential that it changed the way in which non-European racial and cultural groups came to be displayed at future exhibits. After the 1889 70 colonial exhibit, displays organized by the Jardin d'Acclimatation and other private promoters at the Champ de Mars started to adjust their exhibiting practices to conform to the model set in 1889 by the Third Republic. Thus as a response to the emphasis on viewer participation at the Exposition, visitors at the Jardin d'Acclimatation and the Champ-de-Mars were given in subsequent years more access to the peoples on display. Although non-Europeans were still displayed behind a fence at these private post-1889 exhibits, early morning visitors were invited to wander through the displays and to communicate by 'gestures' with the people exhibited.[3] Colonial events of the day also came to predetermine which groups would be displayed. While exhibits prior to 1889 had included a variety of ethnic groups, especially those deemed to rank low on the evolutionnary ladder, exhibits in the 1890's exclusively displayed peoples in which France had a colonial interest. Dahomeyans and Malagasians, for example, were exhibited immediately after their land had been conquered through war.[4] The way in which various colonized and colonizable peoples were displayed became adjusted according to the subtle aspects of the current colonial agenda. The rhetoric of savagery and violence used to represent the Dahomeyans exhibited at the Jardin d'Acclimatation in 1891 and 1893 was not suitable for the Pai-Pi-Bri, a group from the Ivory Coast also exhibited there in 1893. While the Dahomeyans, who had been colonised through violent conquest, were described as intelligent but bloodthirsty warriors who indulged in horrific human sacrifices, the Pai-Pi-71 Bri were presented as peace-loving and industrious.[5] There was not the same need to portray the Pai-Pi-Bri as savage and violent since the Ivory Coast unlike Dahomey had been •peaceably' conquered by France through trade treaties made with various tribes.[6] The Ivory Coast was furthermore an area in which France had commercial interest.[7] Emphasis was consequently placed on the commercial relations between the two countries. If the Jardin d'Acclimatation advertised a full scale mock battle as the main attraction of the Dahomayan exhibit,[8] the clou of the Pai-Pi-Bri exhibit was the reconstruction of a commercial establishment. As the program notes to the exhibit declared: "Disons tout d'abord qu'une attrayante nouveaute distingue absolument cette importante exhibition des precedentes. C'est 1'installation d'une factorerie modele, soigneusement edifiee, pour la circonstance, sur la grande pelouse du Jardin ou campe la caravane africaine. On pourrait dire que cette factorerie, si interessante avec son caractere pratique et commercial, est le 'clou' de cette exhibition tres remarquable d'ailleurs par son merite ethnographique...Divisee en deux sections, elle etale d'un c6te, les marchandises que 1'Europe exporte, et, de l1autre, les produits exotiques que 1"indigene envoie. C'est le commerce du continent noir pris au vif. C'est le triomphe du libre echange entre deux mondes, un lien pacifique et durable entre deux peuples, un trait d'union entre les races, une gage mutuelle d'entente et de progres."[9] ( My underlining) By positing trade as a means of fostering peace among nations, the author of the program was not only reiterating a late eighteenth-century liberal view of the benefits to civilisation of free trade but was in fact recalling how France had asserted its control over the Ivory Coast—through commercial treaties. 72 The displays of non-Europeans at the 1889 Exposition were so successful and the imperatives of colonialism so pervasive that by 1900 the representation of non-Europeans became primarily controlled by the state and the pro-colonial lobby groups that worked in tandem with it. [10] This suggests reasons as to why the Jardin d'Acclimatation stopped presenting its own 'ethnographic' shows in 1893. The spectacular displays at the Champ-de-Mars that had featured the famous baggage porter races between French workers and Dahomeyan men in 1895, became increasingly under attack for being too commercial and inauthentic [11] . Once the period of conquest was over and a second exploitative phase in colonialsim had begun, it was important for a government desiring the mise en valeur of its colonies,[12] that colonized peoples be presented in a positive light and not as fearsome savages. What was needed was a representation that would encourage immigration and settlement in the colonies. Thus at the 1900 Exposition Universelle, Africans were shown dutifully and obediently learning to speak French at an Alliance Francaise Exhibit.[13] This thesis has also probed the conditions that made human exhibits possible in legitimate and institutional settings. To the crucial question of how individuals and groups come to accept the unnatural as natural, I have examined the ways in which scientific discourse on racial hierarchies and Third Republican educational theory intersected with imperatives of colonialism to make the practice of exhibiting non-European peoples not only possible but permissible. For what is 73 ultimately at issue is not that the Third Republic used the display of races to promote a colonial agenda, but, more fundamental that it was made an acceptable practice—one that was not overtly contested until the 1930's when Communists and Surrealists accused the 1931 Colonial Exposition of being racist.[14] Today we are shocked that such a dehumanizing practice could have occured in legitimate settings, yet are we still not working with many of the same paradigms whether it is at current Expos or other foreign 'cultural' events? Don't we still go to Expos with the illusion that we are going to get a glimpse at how the foreign 'other' really lives? The world presented at human exhibits in the late 19th century was tamed and familiarized, masking the realities of colonial conquests and the fact that human beings were being turned into objects. This reality was sanitized, palatized and legitimized by a variety of discourses that worked together to induce in viewers "ideological forgetting." Couldn't the same be said about today's extravangant Expos which mask a different kind of exploitation? And what about my own objectification of the individuals who were displayed, measured, classified and surveilled in zoo-like settings at the exhibits I have discussed? What about the group of Fuegians who were lured by the promise of food on a European ship, kidnapped, brought to France, then shown 'on tour' throughout the continent? Stephen Greenblatt evocatively 74 reminds us in his discussion of the European representations of the 'New World' that "there are real bodies, real consequences. ....Swords and bullets pierce naked flesh and microbes kill bodies that lack sufficient immunity." [15] Since there are no visual, textual or oral records of the voices of those who were put on display, one can only imagine the curiosity, displacement, fear and anger they felt. Given no choice, no voice in the way they were treated, silence was perhaps the only to resist humiliation and fear. The group of Fuegians displayed in 1881, for example were described as talkative when they were by themselves but would immediately stop talking when observed by visitors and when approached by the scientists who came to measure them. [16] My concern here is with the erasure of these peoples' presence, responses, and often death through what Michael Taussig has called the "magic of academic rituals of explanation"—a process in which I am implicated.[17] What is therefore the purpose of having engaged in such a topic? Currrent challenges to academic discourse have accurately pointed out the irony of further erasing the colonized in analyses that continue to focus on the practices of the colonizor—leaving out the historically marginalized and silenced groups. Despite this risk, however, I believe that it is still important to question and tear away at the politics of European representation. For that representation continues in the last decade of the twentieth century to have real consequences on real bodies. The discourses that surrounded 75 human exhibits in the late nineteenth-century—notions of racial hierarchy and the belief in 'progress', for example—are still used to deny certain groups rights to land ownership and self-governement. Today more than ever, the visual is used to create forms of knowledge about the 'other' whether it is through anthropological museums, live cultural events, the National Geographic or clothing advertisements for Benneton. It is, therefore, all the more important to examine the process by which the cultural becomes constucted as natural and in so doing question our own engagement with the trappings of power and representation. 76 NOTES INTRODUCTION The influence of 1889 Exposition Universelle's colonial section on Gauguin is discussed in Paul Gauguin, The Writings of a Savage. Daniel Guerin, ed. (New York: The Viking Press, 1974), p.141. as well as in Francoise Cachin's Gauguin (Paris: Librairie Generale Francaise, 1968), p.146. and Johanna Teilhet-Fisk's Paradise Reviewed: An Interpretation of Gauguin's Polynesian Symbolism (Ann Arbour, Michigan: UMI Press, 1983), p.143. On Picasso's encounters with African masks at the Trocadero see Francoise Gilot, Life with Picasso (New York: MacGraw Hill, 1964), p.266. For a traditional interpretation of 'primitivism's' influence on Picasso and modernism see R. Goldwater, Primitivism in Modern Painting, rev.ed, (New York: Vintage Books, 1967), as well as the exhibition catalogue to the Museum of Modern Art's exhibit "Primitivism" in Modern Art: Affinity of the Tribal and the Modern. William Rubin, ed. 2 Vols. ( New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1984). The exhibit as well as the articles written for the catalogue were widely criticized for their avoidance of larger political and social issues involving "gender, race and power" and the appropriation of non-western art by modernist artists. See for example James Clifford's "Histories of the Tribal and the Modern" in The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature and Art. (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1988), pp.189-214. I realise that my use of the word 'non-European' is yet another Euro-centric term used to group a number of very different cultures. I am, however, limited to this term because my analysis involves more than one or two specific groups of people. Because it discusses the the display of racial and cultural groups as varied as the Indo-Chinese, Dahomeyans, Fuegians and Eskimos, I have for the sake of brevity, opted for the encompassing though euro-centric term 'non-European1; alternatives such as 'non-Western' and 'other' being no less so. The older tradition of displaying non-Europeans at circuses generally capitalized on an individual's physical abnormality. Contrary to the 'ethnographic' exhibits of the late 19th century, race was not the primary motive behind those earlier displays. Non-European giants, dwarfs and Siamese twins for example, were exhibited alongside their European counterparts in 'freak' shows at circuses, theatres and exhibition halls. The 'ethnographic' exhibits that I will be examining in this thesis differ greatly from this previous tradition of display because they focused solely on non-Europeans and were presented in scientifically and socially sanctionned settings. If the 77 display of non-Europeans in circus side shows spoke of the uncouth, the illicit and the fake, ethnographic exhibits were percieved as legitimate scientific educational endeavours. For more information on the origins exhibiting humans see Curtis Hinsley, "The World as Marketplace: Commodification of the Exotic at the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893," p. 344-65 and Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, "Objects of Ethnography," pp. 386-443. Both articles are published in Exhibiting Culture. The Poetics of Museum Display. Ivan Karp and Steven D. Levine, eds. (Washington: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1991). On the display of non-Europeans in 'freak' shows see : Robert Bogdan, Freak Show: Presenting Human Oddities for Amusement and Profit. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988) Curtis Hinsley, "The World as Market Place: Commodification of the Exotic at the World's Columbian Exposition 1893," p.345. For a brief account of 'ethnographic' shows in Germany see Hinsley, "The World as Market Place," p.345. Hinsley also provides an overview of the types of human exhibits that took place in the United States from the 1870's on. On such exhibits in England see Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas: The Expositions Universelles 1851-1939. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988), pp.90-97. The works of Burton Benedict, Paul Greenhalgh on World's Fair and that of William Schneider on the Jardin d'Acclimatation"s human exhibits in Paris support this statement. See: Burton Benedict, The Anthropology of a World's Fair (London: Scolar Press, 1983). Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas: The Expositions Universelles 1851-1939; William Schneider, An Empire for the Masses: The French Popular Image of Africa 1870-1900 (Westport,Conneticut: Greenwood Press, 1982). It should be noted that the colonial section of the 1889 Exposition Universelle so impressed the organizers of the 1893 Chicago's World's Fair that it served as inspiration and model for that fair's 'ethnographic' villages. In order to avoid confusion, I have kept the nineteenth-century term Eskimo and Lapp to denote the Inuit and Sami people since the quotations from primary sources that are included in this thesis refer to them as such. William Schneider, An Empire for the Masses, pp.26-29 Chapter 6 of Schneider's book is the best available secondary source on the Jardin's human displays. 78 Extrait d'une notice publiee par M.Corra sur les Fuegiens," Bulletin de la Societe Zoologique d'Acclimatation, Vol 9 (1882), p.cxx This construction was also reinforced in the pamphlets that accompanied the exhibits. The pamphlet-guides which could be purchased for 25 centimes in the 1880's and 5 centimes in the 1890's contained a description of the exhibit--the people on display, the dwellings, the events that would take place--as well as a long narrative (usually 12-14 pages long) on the culture and mores of the group on display. Presented as educational, the narratives served to reinforce widely propagated stereotypes about non-Europeans. In the pamphlet "Guerrieres et Guerriers du Dahomey" that accompanied the 1891 exhibit, for example, Dahomeyans were described as intelligent but terribly depraved and blood thirsty. Despite their scholoarly pretenses, the pamphlets published by Jardin d'Acclimatation took part in the same rhetoric used by the mass media at a time when France was involved in a bloody war to conquer Dahomey. "Extrait d'une notice publiee par M.Corra sur les Fuegiens," Bulletin de la Societe Zoologique D'Acclimatation, Vol 9 (1882), p.cxxii. For the most detailled description of the colonial section at the 1889 Exposition see Sylvaine Leprun's, "Paysages de la France exteriere: la mise en scene des colonies a 1'Exposition du Centennaire," Le Mouvement Social, no 149 (Oct-Dec, 1989), pp.99-128. Debra Silverman, "The 1889 Exhibition: The Crisis of Bourgeois Individualism," Oppositions 8 (Spring 1977), p.74. Ibid. The term 'Exposition Universelle' was used in France to denote the same exhibiting practice known in the United States as World's Fairs and in England as Great Exhibitions. Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas: The Expositions Universelles 1851-1939, p.85. Greenhalgh also makes this point p.85. Burton Benedict, The Anthropology of a World's Fair, pp.19,45. Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas, p.85. Ibid. 79 See for example "Ce qu'on voit a L'Exposition," Le Petit Francais Illustre, 20 Juillet 1889, p.263 as well as issues of L'Illustration, Le Petit Parisien, and Le Petit Journal between May and October 188 9. Although visiting non-European dignitaries and freed slaves, working as household servants, had been spotted in France since the 17th century, 'ethnographic' exhibits, as Schneider points out (p.125), provided to large segment of the population the first real opportunity to view non-Europeans 'in the flesh.' "Paris and its exhibition", Pall Mall Gazette Extra, no 49, July 26th 1889. For important works on World's Fair see Burton Benedict, The Anthropology of a World's Fair. Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas: The Expositions Universelles 1851-1939; Robin Rydell, All the World's a Fair (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984). On French expositions in particular see Sylviane Leprun, Le Theatre des Colonies (Paris: Editions de L'Harmattan, 1986) and Richard Mandell, Paris 1900 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967). Specifically for the 1889 Exposition: Miriam Levin ed. When the Eiffel Tower was Young (Boston: Mount Holyoke College of Art, 1989.) Sylvaine Leprun, "Paysages de la France exterieure: la mise en scene des colonies a 1'Exposition du Centennaire," Le Mouvement Social, no 149, (Oct-Dec 1989), pp.99-128. Debra Silverman, "The 1889 Exhibition: The Crisis of Bourgeois Individualism" Oppositions 8 (Spring 1977) pp. 71-91. Although Curtis Hinsley's recent article "The World as Market Place" deals primarily with the 1893 Columbia World Fair's 'ethnographic' displays, his work raises an important general theoretical issue: How was the relationship between viewers and the individuals on display mediated? However, his argument that public curiosity about the 'other' at the Chicago World's Fair was mediated in terms of the market place does not in my opinion apply to the 1889 colonial exhibit. Although commerce was an important aspect of the Exposition, I would argue, that notions of racial hierarchy and progress were more important mediating agents. I borrow the term "ideological forgetting" from Stephen Greenblatt's Marvelous Possesions, The Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), p.73. Greenblatt uses the term 'ideological forgetting' to describe the process by which Columbus induced in his readers momentary amnesia about his actions—"kidnapping, expropriation of lands" in order to create the discourse of the marvelous. See p.73. CHAPTER 1 80 THE 1889 COLONIAL EXHIBIT AND THE FRENCH COLONIAL AGENDA Congres Colonial International 1889 (Paris: Challamel, 1889), p.338. Ibid, p.350. Aside from Java, the only other non-French colony to be exhibited was the Belgian Congo whose display was funded by the Belgian governemnt. Historians have characterized the 1870's and 1880's as a period of public apathy towards colonial issues for two main reasons. First, colonial expansion was not deemed a priority for a nation that had recently suffered a humiliating defeat in the 1870 Franco-Prussian War and violent civil strife during the Paris Commune in 1871. For the general public, economic recovery from the war and to a lesser extent, 'la revanche', revenge against Germany were more pressing goals. Second, the colonial ventures of Napoleon III in Mexico during the 1860's had ended unsucessfully and had left unpleasant memories and associations for the public. Expansionist ideas did exist during those two decades but they were confined to a business and governmental elite. On the mood of public apathy during the 1870's and 1880's see: Henri Brunschwig, Mythes et Realites de L'Imperialisme Francais: 1871-1914 (Paris: Armand Colin, 1960). Jean Ganiage, L'Expansion Coloniale de La France Sous la Troisieme Republique (Paris: Payot, 1968) and Pierre Guillen, L'Expansion 1881-1898. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1984) Frantz Jourdain, " L'Inauguration de L'Exposition," L'Illustration, (11 Mai 1889), p.408. Sylviane Leprun, "Paysages de la France exterieure: la mise en scene des colonies a 1'Exposition du Centennaire." p.107. Ibid, p.117 Caroline Mathieu, "L'Invitation au Voyage," 188 9: La Tour Eiffel et L'Exposition Universelle Musee D'Orsay: 16 Mai-25 Aout 1989. (Paris: Editions de la Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1989), p.110. During its conquest of Vietnam in the early 1880's, France arbitrarily divided the country into three administrative zones. For colonial purposes, the north became Tonkin, the centre Annam, and the South Cochinchine. Vietnamese people were consequently divided into three French constructed ethnic groups. 81 Leprun, "Paysages de la France Exterieure," p.118. Ibid. Debra Silverman in "The 1889 Exposition" provides an excellent and succint overview of the political and economic climate of the time. On the numerous facets of the Exposition see the October-December 1989 issue of Le Mouvement Social which is entirely devoted to the 1889 Exposition. Also see: 1889: La Tour Eiffel et L'Exposition Universelle, p.11. Pierre Guillen, L'Expansion 1881-1898 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1984), p.237. Brigitte Schroeder-Gudehus, "Les grandes puissances devant l'Exposition Universelle de 1889," Le Mouvement Social, no 149 (Oct-Dec 1989), p.16. Debra Silverman, p.73. Schneider, An Empire for the Masses, p.65. Between 1883-1888 there were around fifty workers' demonstrations in Paris. See Laure Godineau, "L'Economie Sociale a l'Exposition Universelle de 1889." Le Mouvement Social, no.149 (Oct-Dec 1989), p.82. Jean Meyer and Jean Tarrade, Histoire de la France Coloniale: Pes Origines a 1914. Volume 1 (Paris: Armand Colin, 1990), p. 611. Silverman, p.73. Paul Greenhalgh has noted that state policy dominated the first five French Expositions Universelles. In contrast to British and American Fairs which were primarily funded by private enterprises, French Expositions were large part paid for by the governement and the city of Paris. By 1900, the advantages and disadvantages of close governmental participation at the Expositions had become a subject of debate. Private business, especially, felt that state control over French exhibits was working against their interest. See Greenhalgh, "Ephemeral Vistas," pp.33-35. For more detail on the various comittees that organised Exposition see: Leprun, "Paysages de la France Exterieure and 1889: La Tour Eiffel et l'Exposition Universelle. Since the 1889 Exposition celebrated the centennial of the French Revolution, every European monarch--except for the Belgian king who sent a delegation—refused to attend the event. Barbara Schroeder-Gudehus provides a succint account of European powers attitudes towards the Exposition 82 in "Les grandes puissances devantl'Exposition Universelle de 1889," Le Mouvement Social, no 149 (Oct-Dec 1989), pp.15-24. Silverman, pp.72-73. Madeleine Reberioux, "Au Tournant des Expos," Le Mouvement Social, no 149 (Oct-Dec 1989), p.11. Miriam Levin, When the Eiffel Tower was Young, p.25. Ibid, p.2. Levin argues this point in Republican Art and and Ideology in Late Nineteenth Century France (Ann Arbour, Michigan: UMI Research Press, 1986) . Silverman, p.78. These figures are taken from Richard Mandell's Paris 1900, p.xi. Schroeder-Gudehus in "Les Grandes Puissances," p.16 estimates that 160.000 of the foreign visitors were were German and 7000 Russian. Cited in Schroeder-Gudehus, "Les Grandes Puissances," p.24. This point is also made by Silverman and Greenhalgh. Henri Brunschwig, Mythes et Realites de L'Imperialisme Francais: 1871-1914, p.53 Ibid. As Brunshwig notes on p.53 the protectorate became a typical form of imperialism for France, especially in South-East Asia where it became an important institution; the idea of protectorate maintained the fiction that France was not interfering with the 'sacred' rights of nations to govern themselves and was thus respecting the sovereignty of the state that had asked its 'protection'. See Guillen, L'Expansion 1881-1898, Chapters 4-7. Brunschwig, Mythes et Realites, p.19. Jean Ganiage, L'Expansion Coloniale de la France Sous la 3erne Republique, p.11. Cited in Paul Gaffarel, Les Colonies Francaises (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1888), p.i. Raoul Girardet, L'Idee Coloniale en France (Paris: La Table Ronde, 1972), p.27. 83 Brunschwig, p.73. Guillen, L'Expansion, p.430. Brunschwig, p.175. Ibid, p.174. Ibid. Ibid, p.75. Congres Colonial International. Speech given at the 'F§te de cldture,' p.350. Ibid. Girardet, L'Idee Coloniale en France, p.45. Stuart Michael Persell, The French Colonial Lobby 1889-1938 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983), p.35. Schneider, p.141. Also L'Anthropologie, Volume 1 (1890), p.633-634. Schneider, p.141. Ibid. Persell, The French Colonial Lobby, p.8. Ibid. This point is made in all studies of French colonialism. See specifically Ganiage, L'Expansion Coloniale de la France sous la 3eme Republique, p.24. Guillen, p.14. Ibid, p.148. Ibid. France's decision in 1881 to expand abroad had not gone totally uncontested. A small minority composed of deputies from both the extreme-left and the extreme-right had opposed the expedition to Tunisia. While the Right felt that that France should be concentrating on regaining Alsace-Lorraine instead of expanding abroad, the radicals and extreme-left argued that the government should be devoting its energy and money on resolving the economic crisis of the time. For further details see Brunschwig and Ganiage. 84 Guillen, p.114. Ibid. Ibid, p.113. Ibid, p.115. Ibid, p.116. Ibid. Ibid. Charles-Robert Ageron, L'Anticolonialisme en France de 1871-1914 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1973), p.38-39. Meyer et al, p.624. Guillen, p.485. L. Abrams and D.J Miller, "Who were the French Colonialists? A re-assesement of the Parti Colonial, 1890-1914," The Historical Journal, 19, 3 (1976), p.704. See Abrams and Miller, p.693. Born and raised in Algeria, Etienne was in addition to being Under-Secretatry of State for the Colonies, the president of the "Compagnie des Omnibus de Paris" and of "the Trefileries et Laminoires du Havre." He also sat on the board of three other companies which included the "Compagnie des Chemins de Fer de l'Etat." During the 1890's, Etienne would be the President of the Comite de L'Afrique Francaise as well as a conseiller du service exterieur. One can therfore infer that there were two concurrent views on expansion during the period historians have termed as a "coup d1arret a 1'expansion." Under the leadership of Etienne, the Department of Colonies continued to vie for expansion while the mood was one of consolidation at the parliamentary and electoral level. It is also known that the majority of moderate republicans favoured expansion although they had been forced to go underground after the Tonkin affair. Leprun, "Paysages de la France exterieure," p.100. See: Brunschwig, Ganiage, Girardet, Guillen and Meyer. Ibid. 85 L. Abrams and D.J Miller, "Who were the French colonialists?" p.710. Girardet, p.48. Abrams and Miller, p.695. Girardet, p.48 The deputies included 25 lawywers, 23 industrialists-bank owners, 11 journalists, 6 diplomats, 5 judges, 4 officers, 3 teachers and 3 notaries. See Meyer et al, Histoire de la France Coloniale, p.645. In the 1890's government policy was presented to the public in both overt and insiduous ways. Affiliated groups to the Parti Colonial such as the Comite pour L'Afrique Francaise, founded in 1890, disseminated pro-colonial views to the public through publications such as the popular and militant Bulletin Colonial which reported events in the colonies and encouraged emigration there. Another branch of the Colonial Party, 1'Union Coloniale Frangaise (1893), was active in promoting immigration to the colonies to the young middle classes. L*Union coloniale, the richest of the lobby groups, also offered "un cours libre d'enseignement colonial" at the Sorbonne to all students but especially to those studying geography and history. Offered twice weekly, the course had 140 registered students and 100 auditors. Each year it offered a scholarship of 20,000 Francs and free passage to one of the colonies. It also organized a practical course focusing on language skills, typing, and accounting for those seeking employment in the colonies. Through the 1890s it was not only specialized publications like the Bulletin Colonial that were concerned with colonial issues. All major newspapers had regular columns devoted to colonial affairs. As the study by L. Abrams and D. J. Miller has noted, the four biggest mass circulation newspapers—Le Petit Journal, Le Petit Parisien, Le Matin, and Le Journal—were effective in inculcating such general notions as France's civilizing mission. In Meyer et al, p.639. On Etienne's republican affiliations see: Stuart Persell, The French Colonial Lobby, pp.11-12. Ibid. Schneider also makes this point. Meyer et al, p.638. 86 Eugene-Melchior de Vogue, "La defunte exposition," Revue des Deux Mondes, no 162 (November 15, 1900), p.388. Marc Angenot, Le Centenaire de la Revolution (Paris: La Documentation Francaise, 1989), p.61. CHAPTER 2 87 KNOWLEDGE THROUGH SEEING:" MAKING VISIBLE NOTIONS OF RACIAL HIERARCHY For reflections on the relationship beween naming/recording/classifying and appropriation in the eighteenth-century see: Roland Barthes, "Image, Texte et Deraison" in L'Univers de L'Encyclopedie (Paris: Les Librairies Associes, 1964), p.12. Girard de Rialle, "Les Nubiens au Jardin d'Acclimatation," La Nature, no.5 (1877), p.198. Ibid, p.198. Schneider, p.127. Ibid, p.129. Ibid, p.128. Ibid, p.130. Fulbert-Dumonteil wrote accompanying pamphlets to exhibitions held at the Jardin between 1886-1893. See bibliography. "Discussion sur les Fuegiens," Bulletin de la Societe d'Anthropologic, 3eme serie, 4 (1881), p.775. "Extrait d'une notice publiee par M. Corra sur les Fuegiens," Bulletin de la Societe d'Acclimatation, p.cxx. Schneider, p.142. Discussions among anthropologists, recorded in the Bulletin de la Societe d'Anthropologic clearly reveal a preoccupation with physical characteristics. Schneider, pp.129-130. Leonce Manouvrier, "Sur les Fuegiens du Jardin d'Acclimatation," Bulletin de la Societe d'Anthropologic, 4 (1881), p.768. The tableau chromatique used in these cases was developped by the well known anthropologist and phrenologist Paul Broca. In a publication of the Societe Nationale d'Acclimatation, the Fuegians together with the Papous and the Veddhas were described as "les representants les plus inferieurs, les 88 moins outiles, les moins inventifs de notre genre." See "Extrait d'une notice publiee par M.Corra..." p.cxxii. This construction of the Fuegians as one of the most human 'inferior' groups had also been propagated in the 18th century in Antoine-Francois Prevost's Histoire Generale des Voyages (Paris: Didot, 1746-1759). Charles Darwin also reiterated this view when he described the Fuegians and Patagonians he had met during his world trip on the Beagle as the "most miserable creatures on earth". Manouvrier, "Sur les Fuegiens du Jardin d'Acclimatation," p.761 Schneider, p.131 On the predominance of physical anthropology in France during the 19th and early 20th century see: Donald Bender, "Early French Ethnography," Ph.D dissertation, Northwestern University, 1971. Also see Jean Poirier, Ethnologie Generale (Paris: Gallimard, 1968). William Cohen, The French Encounter with Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), p.214. On theories of race and their ideological underpinnings also see Michael Banton, The Idea of Race (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1977) . Cohen, p.210. Ibid, p.230 Ibid. Ibid, pp.210-213. Bulletin de la Societe D'Anthropologie, "Discussion sur les Fuegiens." 4 (1881), p.866. See for example the various discussions on Fuegians, Kalmouks and Galibis by members of the Soci6te d'Anthropologic in Bulletin de la Societe d'Anthropologic, 5 (1882), pp.602-643. Donald Bender, "Early French Ethnology," p.15. Bulletin de la Societe d'Acclimatation. 3eme serie, 9 (1882), p.cxxi. John Tagg, The Burden of Representation: Essays on Photographies and Histories (Amherst: University of Massachusets Press, 1988), p.11. See for example articles in the Petit Parisien, cited in Schneider, p.125. 89 Fulbert-Dumonteil. Guerrieres et Guerriers du Dahomey au Jardin D'Acclimatation. (Paris: Librairie du Jardin d'Acclimatation, 1890), p.l. Schneider, p.123. Bulletin de La Societe D'Acclimatation, 3eme serie, 9 (1882), p.cxxii. See for example Chapters 5 and 13 of Prevost's Histoire Generale des Voyages for descriptions of Hottentots and Fuegians. Clemence Royer, the first French translator of Charles Darwin's Origins of Species, for example emphatically used those terms in her speech "De la Classification des Races Humaines," at the Congres des Sciences Ethnographiques in 1878. Michele Duchet, Anthropologie et Histoire au Siecle des Lumieres (Paris: Editions Francois Maspero, 1971), p.209. Clemence Royer, "De la Classification des Races Humaines," Congres International des Sciences Ethnographiques, p.163. For details on Royer's Social Darwinism see: Linda Loeb Clark, Social Darwinism in France (Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1984), pp.12-16. Cohen, The French Encounter with Africa, p.242. For an excellent discussion of the close relationship between geographical societies and business interests in France see: Schneider, An Empire for the Masses, pp.24-31. Schneider, p.125. The press had given wide coverage to the 1890-1893 war between France and Dahomey. For a discussion of the eighteenth-century's episteme see Michel Foucault, Les Mots et les Choses (Paris: Gallimard, 1967); Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other: How Anthropology makes its Objects (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983)/ James Boon, Other Tribes, Other Scribes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other: How Anthropology Makes its Objects, p.107. Ibid. The Marquis of Condorcet, Maine de Biran and P.J.G Cabanis were the most well-known members of this late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century philosophical and political group. The Ideologues' view that mythologies and 90 superstitions from the past had to be combatted by direct observation and empirical facts was implemented in the schools that were created by the Convention. Maureen Ryan, "Ethnographic Curiosity and Colonial Agendas: The Power of Art in the Voyages to Africa," Talk given at the Universities Art Association of Canada. (Kingston, Ontario: November 1991), p.8. Francois Robichon, "Le Panorama, Spectacle de L'Histoire," Le Mouvement Social, no.131, (Avril-Juin 1985), p.82. For a discussion of the educational function of the public museum see: Michael Ames, Museums, the Public and Anthropology: A study in the Anthropology of Anthropology (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986); Carol Duncan and Alan Wallach, "The Universal Survey Museum," Art History 3 (Dec. 1980), pp.448-486. Elizabeth Williams, "Art and Artifact at the Trocadero," in Objects and Others: Essays in Material Culture. George W. Stocking Jr, ed. (Wisconscin: The University of Wisconscin Press, 1985), pp. 145-148 Nelia Dias, Le Musee d'Ethnographie du Trocadero 1878-1908 (Paris: Editions du CNRS, 1991), p.99. Ibid, pp.98-99. Ibid, pp.139-145. On the classificatory schema of Pitt-Rivers and Franz Boas, also see: George W. Stocking Jr, ed. Objects and Others: Essays in Material Culture. (Wisconscin, Wisconscin University Press, 1985) Dias, Musee D'Ethnographie du Trocadero, p.130. Ibid, p.160. Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other, p.10 6. Ibid. p.121 On Buffon's influence on the Eighteenth century, see pp. 229-280 of Michele Duchet's Anthropologie et Histoire aux Siecle des Lumieres. For Buffon's ideas on the visual see: Alex Potts, "Natural Order and the Call of the Wild: The Politics of Animal Picturing," Oxford Art Journal, 13: 1, (1990), pp.12-33. Phillip R. Sloan. "The Idea of Racial Degeneracy in Buffon's Histoire Naturelle," in Studies in the 18th Century-Racism in the 18th Century. H.E Pagliaro, ed. (Cleveland: Press of Western University, 1973), pp.293-319. 91 58. Alex Potts, "Natural order and the call of the Wild: The Politics of Animal Picturing," p.22. 59. Cited in Potts, p.22. 60. Dias, Le Musee d'Ethnographie du Trocadero, Chapter 4 and 5. 61. See Duchet, Anthropologie et Histoire au Siecle des Lumieres for an excellent discussion of the 18th century's notion of progress. On Darwin's reception in France see: Linda Loeb Clark, Social Darwinism in France. 62. Duchet, Anthropologie et Histoire aux Siecle des Lumieres, p.235. 63. Dias, Le Musee d'Ethnographie, p.127. 64. Schneider on page 126 indicates that the admission fee to the Jardin D'Acclimatation was between 50 centimes and one franc. 65. Cited in Sylviane Leprun, "Paysages de la France exterieure: la mise en scene des colonies a l'Exposition du Centennaire," p.100. 66. Ibid, p.106. 67.For Europeans, another race's degree of culture was to be judged by the complexity of their politicalinstitutions, religious beleifs, marriage patterns, architecture, art and literacy. The frame of reference or point of comparison for this evaluation was of course European culture. 68. Leprun, "Paysages de la France Exterieure," pp.108-114. 69. For an overview of the French image of China in the eighteenth and nineteenth-century see: Basil Guy, The French Image of China Before and After Voltaire Studies on Voltaire and the 18th Century (Geneva: Institut et Musee Voltaire, 1963); Hugh Honour, Chinoiserie: The Vision of Cathay (New York: Harper and Row, 1961); Adolf Reichwein, China and Europe: Intellectual and Artisitic Contacts in the 18th Century. (London: Kegan Paul, 1925). 70. Cohen's French Encounter with Africa provides to my knowledge the best overview of how Africa was viewed during the 18th and 19th century. 71. Chapters 2-5 of Prevost's Histoire Generale des Voyages, for example, constructed Africans in this light. 72. Cited in Leprun, "Paysages de la France exterieure," p.107. 92 This point is also made by Debra Silverman, p.78. Ibid, p.78. Ibid. Frantz Jourdain, "L'Exposition a vol d'oiseau", L'Illustration, (5 Mai 1889), p.370. Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas, pp.21-22. Cited in Greenhalgh, p.21. Burton Benedict, Anthropology of a World's Fair, p.19. Paul Greenhalgh, "Education, Entertainment and Politics," in The New Museology Peter Vergo ed.(London: Reaktion Books, 1989) pp.90-91. Gamier wanted the houses to be permanently exhibited at the Bois de Boulogne after the Exposition. This would have placed them in close proximity to the Jardin d'Acclimatation also situated in the Bois de Boulagne. Leprun, Le Theatre des Colonies, p.132. Silverman, p.82. Curtis Hinsley, "The World as Market Place," p.346. The 'ethnographic' exhibits on the Midway Plaisance at the 1893 Chicago World's Fair were inspired and modelled on the 1889 colonial exhibit. Hinsley, "The World as Market Place,' p.346. Greenhalgh, "Education, Entertainment and Politics," p.91. Le Petit Francais Illustre, 25 Mai 1889, p.263, cited in Leprun, "Paysages de la France exterieure," p.100. Le Petit Francais Illustre, 20 Juillet 1889, p.263, cited in Leprun, "Paysages de la France exterieure," p 99. 93 CHAPTER 3 THE COLONIAL FLANEUR: VIEWING IN THE ILLUSORY TOUR DU MONDE A more detained description of the visitor's route is provided in Chapter 1. Benedict, Anthropology of a World's Fair, p.49. Cited in 1889: La Tour Eiffel et L'Exposition Universelle, p.117. Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas, p.85. Cited in Le Livre des Expositions Universelles 1851-1989 (Paris: Editions des Arts Decoratifs et Hersher, 1983), p.90. The view that non-Europeans were more childlike than Europeans was also widely held among the avant-garde. The childlikeness and 'naive' quality of non-European art, especially that of the Japanese, however, was much admired because it indicated a closer relationship to nature and to one's creative self. It is also interesting to note that Monot has chosen to describe only the female viewer's interaction with the peoples on display and not that of the male viewer's. The women's interest in the 'other' is described as a kind of 'fantaisie' and divertissement. Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observor: On Vision and Modernite in the Nineteenth-Century (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990), p.14 Ibid, p.96 Nicholas Green, The Spectacle of Nature: Landscape and Bourgeois Culture in Nineteenth Century France (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), p.25 On Vision and Modernite in 19th century Paris also see T.J Clark, The Painting of Modern Life: Paris in the Art of Manet and His Followers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984). The connection between World Expositons and department stores was made by Walter Benjamin in various of his writings but particularely in his Arcades Project. See Susan Buck-Morss, The Dialectics of Seeing: Walter Benjamin and the Arcades Project (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp.83-86. 94 Rosalind H. Williams, Dream Worlds; Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982) provides an excellent analysis of the connection between Expositions and department stores. I owe much of my information on the subject to her analysis. Also see Shane Alder Davis in "Fine Cloths on the Altar: The Commodification of Late Nineteenth-Century France," Art Journal, Volume 48, 1 (Spring 1989), pp.85-89. L'Illustration, (November 3, 1900), cited in Leprun "Paysages de la France," p.125. Maurice Talmeyr, "L'Ecole du Trocadero," Revue des des Deux Mondes, no.162 (November 15, 1900) p.201. Quoted in Rosalind Williams, Dream Worlds, p.68. Timothy Mitchell makes an interesting argument in Colonising Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988) that the 'real1 world came to be grasped as an exhibition in the late 19th century. Rosalind Williams also makes this point in Dream Worlds, p.71. While Rosalind Williams argues that it was Exposition that copied department stores, Shane Aldar Davis argues the reverse. L1Exposition en Poche. Guide Pratique. (Paris: Office des Guides Conty, 1889) p.61 cited in Le Livre des Expositions Universelles 1851-1989, p.90. In Le Theatre des Colonies, Sylviane Leprun discusses how the mise en scene of colonial exhibit drew upon the aesthetic language of three leading painters of the Orient--Eugene Delacroix, Horace Vernet and Eugene Fromentin. It is also interesting that L'Illustration during its coverage of the 1889 Exposition, offered to its readers a two page fold-out engraving of the evening parade.[Figure 22] The image which could be detached and used as poster called up the mise en scene of Delacroix's 'Cortege of the Sultan of Morocco entering Meknes.' Leprun, Le Theatre des Colonies, p.201. On the make-up of L'Illustrtaion's reading public see Marc Angenot, Le Centennaire de la Revolution-1889. (Paris: La Documentation francaise, 1989) p.61 Cited in Le Livre des Expositions Universelles 1851-1989, p.90. 95 Le Petit Parisien did introduce in honour of the Exposition, an 8 page weekly which included images and back-ground stories of the event. See Schneider, p.8. I have unfortunately not had access to that material. Schneider, p.79. Jules Charles-Roux, the organiser of the 1900 colonial exhibit had, like Eugene Etienne, very stong ties with business groups involved with imperialists expansion. A strong advocate for the colonisation of Madagascar, he was the president and vice president of seven major corporations including the Compagnie Generale Transatlantique- a very important maritime insurance firm and the Compagnie Universelle du Canal de Suez. He was also sat on the board of 18 other companies and was very involved with the Parti Colonial—serving as the President of the Comite de Madagasar and L'Union Coloniale Francaise, vice-President of the Comite du Maroc, and a member of Asie Francaise. See Abrams and Miller, p.692. Schneider, p.177. At the 1900 Exposition, the colonies of other imperial nations were also displayed; France had been accused of chauvinism at the previous exposition for displaying primarily its own colonies. Schneider, p.144. Ibid, p.179. Maurice Talmeyr, "L'Ecole du Trocadero," p.199. My information on these 'Distant Visions' comes from Rosalind Williams, Dream Worlds. Williams, p.73. Ibid. Schneider, p.179. Greenhalgh, p.1. Reberioux, "Au tournant des Expos," p.8. Susan Buck-Morss, The Dialectics of Seeing: Walter Benjamin and the Arcades Project, p.86 See for example Debra Silverman's article. Schneider, p.192. 96 Ibid. Robert Mandell, Paris 1900, p.109. Francine Muel, "Les Institueurs, les Paysans et l'Ordre Republicain," Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, no 17-18 (Novembre 1977), p.41. In Francine Muel, p.41. On the institutionalisation of the Revolution by republicans see Chapters 3 and 4 of Alice Gerard's La Revolution Francaise, Mythes et Interpretations, 1789-1970 (Paris: Flammarion, 1970). And for an excellent analysis of the ideological functions of education in France during the 1880's see Chapter 5 of Sanford Elwitt's The Making of the Third Republic (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1975). Sanford Elwitt, p.175. Ibid, p.180. Ibid, p.201. On the terrorist bombings and violent strikes that occured in the early 1890's see: Robert A. Nye, Origins of Crowd Psychology: Gustave Le Bon and the Crisis of Mass Democracy in the Third Republic (London: Sage Publications Limited, 1975) Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observor, p.6. CONCLUSION 97 Michel Foucault's concept of Power, for example,is one that sees it as diffuse and diffused throughout society. Power for Foucault does not come from top down. It is not homogeneous and does not emanate from a single point—from a dominant class upon a dominated class. For a summary of his views on power see his Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Writings, 1972-1977 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980). Crary, p.14. Schneider, p.142. Schneider also makes this point about the Dahomeyan exhibits p.142. See the pamphlet that accompanied the Pai-Pi-Bri exhibition. Fulbert-Dumoneil, Les Pai-Pi-Bri, (Paris: C.Blot, 1893). "C6te d'lvoire," Grand Dictionnaire Larousse, Vol 3 (1960-64), p.2674. Maurice Delafosse, "Les Agni," L'Anthropologie, Vol 4 (1893), p.444. Schneider, p.142. Fulbert-Dumononteil, Les Pai-Pi-Bri, pp.4-5. The exhibits organized by private promoters at the Champ de Mars during the mid 1890's were initially very popular. They were, however, quickly discredited for being fraudulent and 'inauthentic.' The Tuaregs, displayed by Charles Bruneau (the most successful of the promoters), for example, were not representatives of the nomad group which French soldiers had fought in Timbuctu, as Bruneau claimed, but inhabitants of coastal Algeria. See Schneider, p.146. By 1900, private 'ethnographic' shows had ceased. The image of the colonies became primarily controlled by the government. After the 1900 Exposition Universelle, a series of expositions coloniales were mounted- the first one in 1906 in Marseilles- by the government and pro-colonial lobby groups. Schneider, p.145. 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"Ethnographic Curiosity and Colonial Agendas: The Power of Art in the Voyages to Africa," Talk given to the Universities Art Associations of Canada. Kingston, Ontario, November 1991. Rydell, Robin. All the World's a Fair. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984. Royer, Clemence. "De la Classification des Races Humaines." Congres International des Sciences Ethnographiques. Paris: 1878. pp. 155-163. 106 Schneider, William. An Empire for the Masses: The French Popular Image of Africa, 1870-1900. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1982. Schroeder-Gudehus, Brigitte. "Les grandes puissances devant l'Exposition Universelle de 1889." Le Mouvement Social, no. 149. (Oct-Dec 1989) pp.15-24. Smith, Robert J. The Ecole Normale Superieure and the Third Republic. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1982. St-Hilaire, Geoffroy. "Rapport presente au nom du conseil d1administration a l'assemblee generale ordinaire des actionnaires." Bulletin de la Societe d'Acclimatation. 3eme serie 9 (1882) pp. cxii-cxx. Silverman, Debra. "The 1889 Exhibition: The Crisis of Bourgeois Individualism." Oppositions, 8 (Spring 1977) pp.71-91. Simon, Pierre, J. "Portraits Coloniaux des Vietnamiens" in L'Idee de Race dans la Pensee Politique Francaise Contemporaine. Pierre Guiral and Emile Temime, eds. Paris: Editions CNRS, 1977. Sloan, Phillip R. "The Idea of Racial Degeneracy in Buffon's Histoire Naturelle." in Studies in the 18th Century- Racism in the Eigteenth Century. H.E Pagliaro, ed. Cleveland: Press of Western University, 1973. pp.293-319. Stewart, Susan. On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature,the Gigantic, the Souvenir and the Collection. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1984. Stocking, George W. ed. Objects and Others: Essays in Material Culture. Wisconsin, University of Wisconsin Press, 1985. Tagg, John. The Burden of Representation: Essays on Phographies and Histories. Amherst: University of Massachusets, 1988. Talmeyr, Maurice. "L1Ecole du Trocadero," Revue des Deux Mondes, no.162 (November 15, 1900) pp.198-213. Taussig, Michael, Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man, A study in Terror and Healing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. Williams, Elizabeth. "Art and Artifact at the Trocadero" in Objects and Others: Essays in Material Culture. George,W. Stocking Jr, ed. Wisconscin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1985. pp.145-166. Williams, Rosalind. Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982. f PlOVt*. H||CJ^ ! Plan de ['Exposition des Colonies o Pesplnnade des Invalides. Figure i: Plan of the Colonial Exposition at the Esplanade des Invalides, LTII lustration, May 11, 1389. LILLUSTRATION SAM EDI MAI 1889 47' AunJr. — A° ?i I M P O S I T I O N U N I V E l l S E L L E . — Les lisseuses Kabyles a l'espianade des Involldcs. Figure 2: "Les tisseuses kabyles a l'espianade des Invalides." 1889 Exposition Universelle, L'Illustration, May 25, 1889. gure 3: "L*Exposition Algerienne: Un campement de tribus nomades." 1889 Exposition Universelle, LrIllustration. June lf 1889. ^'EXPOSITION ALCERIENNB. — InleYieur d'uno tente. Figure 4: "Interieur d'une tente." 1889 Exposition Universelle, L'Illustration. June 11,1889. ne t'MUS too t> Figure 5: Le Palais des Colonies. (Photograph from the archives of the Bibliotheque Historique de la Ville de Paris.) ^ILLUSTRATION 111 v dn Numiro : 75 centimes. SAMEDI 11 MAI 1889 C Annie. — N' S41 INAUGURATION DE L'EXPOSITION UNIVERSELLE Le President de la Republique acclame a sa soi'lio de l'Exposition coloniale. Figure 6: "Inauguration de I'Exposition Universelle: Le President de la Republique acclame a sa sortie de I'Exposition Coloniale." L'Illustration. May 11, 1889. 112 Figure 7: Photographs and sketches of groups displayed at the Jardin d'Acclimatation. From right to left:—Aracauans, North American 'Indians', Ceylonese, 'Eskimos', 'Lapps' and Nubians. Reproduced in Bylviane Leprun, Le Theatre des Colonies. (Paris: Editions de L'Harmattan, 1386). 113 i f ' " ' •--• - * ^ •_~^.._^a*r-Figure 8: "Les Nubians du Jardin dfAcclimatation." L'111ustration, August 4, 1877. 114 Tableau ties mensurations e/fectuces sur lei Fuegiens [i Itommes et 4 femmes). i Hommes. Femxne9. Centimes Cantiemes Moyeniiet. de la taille. Moyennes. de la taille. Taille 1",612 » 1",516 » Grande envergtire 1 ,636(3) 101.4 1 ,520 100.02 Hauteur du vertex au-dessus dusol, lesujet etant assis. 829.2 51.4 789(1) 52.3 Te-tt. Diametre ant.-post. max.. . . 196.7 12.2 193.2 12.7 — transverse max. . . 157.2 9.7 155.0 10.2 Indice cephalique 79.97 » 80.20 » Diaraetre oblique auriculo-bregmatique. , 187.2 g.5 136.5 9.0 Du vertex au trou auditif... 144.7 8 9 131.0 8.6 Hauteur to tale de la tile, du vertex a la pointe du men-ton 242.0 15.0 224.0 14.7 Diametre frontal minimum.. 103.2 6.4 102,0 6.7 13 Hommes. Femmes. Designation. -• •^^^_«^.^^^^— »^M a^'"v^a^p_. Centiemes Centiemes Moyennea. de la taille. Moyennes. de la taille. Circonference du thorax a la ceinture 873.5 5S.2 958.0 63.1 Membres. Membre superieur de I'acro-mion a l'extremite du me-Jius 73o.o 45.6 676.0 41.5 Dcl'acromionarepicondyle. 297.a 18.4 265.5 17.5 De l'epioondyle a Papophyse stylol'de du radius 255.7 15.8 225,5 14.8 Longueur de la main (de l'a-popliyscttyloideaumedius) 182.5 H.3 uo.O 18.8 11.3 Membre infcricur (de I'cpinc iliaque au sol) 876.0 54.3 820.5 54.1 De I'epine iliaque a I'interli-gne artioulaire du genou.. 4C1.0 Jx.S 432.0 28.4 Du genou a la malleole int.. 352.7 21.83 37.2 22.3 Hauteur de la malleoie au-dessusdUsol 62.2 3.8 51.2 3.3 Longueur du pied 246.5 15.2 227.0 14.9 15 Haul..de lasaillie du mollet. 312.0 1.9 256.0 1.7 Cirnonf. max. du mollet 314.0 It).; 309.7 «0.4 Circonf. miu. de la jambc (sus-malleolairc) 200.7 12.4 205.5 13.5 Korce dc? pression de deux - ft hommes (dynamometre), '-"" 40 kilogrammes Enf»",!- Lepluajge. Le plus jeune. ' W e • •- 0»\91s. 0™,762 'Circonference au niveau des mamelons. 602 475 Au niveau de 1'umbilic , „ - ,„ Figure 9: Chart showing measurements taken on the group of Fuegians exhibited in 1881. Bulletin de la Societe d*Anthropologic Volume 4 (1881). 115 i.JS [•: •.GJF.NNF.Snu-JARI jj;,l •A(.C!. 'ATI! Figure 10: Pierre Petit, "Fuegiennes au Jardin d'Ac c1i mat at i on." Bulletin de la Societe d'Anthropolaqie, Volume 4 C1881>. 116 Figure ii: "La Pagode d'Angkor." 1889 Exposition Universelle, (Photograph from the archives of the Bibliotheque Historique de la Ville de Paris.) 117 Figure 12: "Interior court of the Pavillion Cochin—Chinois." 1889 Exposition Universelle, CPhotograph from the archives of the Bibliotheque Historique de la Ville de Paris.) 118 Figure 13: "Palais de L*Annam-Tonkin." 1883 Exposition Universelle, (Photograph from the Bibliotheque Historique de la Ville de Paris.) Figure 14: •Village Canaque." 1889 Exposition Universelle, (Photogragh from the Bibliotheque Historique de la Ville de Par is.) 119 Figure 15: "Theatre annamite." LTIllustration. June 13,1889. 120 Figure 16: "La Rue du Caire," 1889 Exposition Universelle, L'111ustr at ion. June 13, 1889. 121 L'HISTOIRE DE L'HABITATION. — Maisons Romane, Gothlque, Renaissance et Russe. Figure 17: Charles Garnier's "L'Histoire de L'Habitation." 188S Exposition Universelle, LfIllustration, May 14, 1889. *A* f™ Uii-^S -**S: ^ li S j^ " .,' I- sriliilg .sH&si r^Bi^^^^g^s^ ZESS-HAB1TATIONS. — PLANCUE I. — 1. Habitat tons iroglodytiqUM .. « >.•» t i« n . t.ftwtrrs a Pnom-Penh: 3. Habitations mtulolsn: *. Hultes de Pfaux-RouRes: S UalMti 2," H ? . b " " ! . " " J ' S S ^ i S d « Pelade* rt d « Etnisqun: 10. Habitation On Germain*: II Malwn tiitation de rancirnne Arte: du moyi*ti iige: 23. Habitation in : 30. Habitations negrea de 1'OtiKunda: 31 Village dlnka: 33, Habitations du COIIRO belfte: 33. F i g u r e 18s P l a t e for t h e a r t i c l e " H a b i t a t i o n . " L a r o u s s e du XXeme S i e c l e . 123 Figure 19: Reconstructed Senegalese 'village* at the Paris 1889 Exposition Universelle. Reproduced in Debra Silverman, "The 1889 Exhibition: The Crisis of Bourgeois Individualism." Oppositions, 8 (Spring 1877}. 124 LILLUSTR AT ION SA.M KI 11 \r, ,i r I N i s.v. i <7« Ann en. — ;V° 24U .^.^i^V^K^.^-V. Figure 20: "Les voitures annamites a l'Esplanade des Invalides." 1889 Exposition Universelle, LfIllustration. June 13, 1889. 125 Figure 21: "L'Exposition algerienne a 1'Esplanade des Invalides: Le cafe maure." L r111ust rati on. May 11, 1889. 126 * i v •«•••> \^mm >J,»^-Figure 22: "Le defile* du cortege—f&te de nuit a 1'exposition coloniale." 1889 Exposition Universelle, L'111ust r at i on, September 7, 1889. 127 EXPOSITION UNIVEBSELLE. — Le pavilion de 1'Algdrie. Figure 23: "Le Pavilion d'AlgeYie." 1889 Exposition Universelle, LfIllustration, June 1, 1889. 128 .**** i am E^KiJjh'ii''-l'',r"',','<M*^J^'','*x1>M' ' W ' '"'' ^fcttav S r i u v a h m A,ins un villa '••i&-"i.-.:r-'.:.-' Figure 24: "Senegalais dans un village." 1889 Exposition Universelle, Photograph reproduced in Le Livre des Expositions Universeiles: 1851-1989. (Editions des Arts Decoratifs et Herscher, 1983.> 


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