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Toward sustainable communities : a planning framework for municipal and local governments Roseland, Mark 1992

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TOWARD SUSTAINABLE COMMUNITIES: A Planning Framework for Municipal and Local Governments by MARK ROSELAND B.A., Wesleyan University, 1978 M.A.L.S., Wesleyan University, 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1992 © Mark Roseland, 1992 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) Department of Community & R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date October 15, 1992 DE-6 (2/88) Abstract Some municipal and local governments are expanding their role in sustainable development, but little is known about the nature and extent of these initiatives. This study develops an urban-relevant understanding of sustainable development, then explores the role of North American human settlements in achieving sustainable development and the community-level planning implications of that role. It proposes a framework for sustainable community development, then identifies and evaluates the current range of relevant municipal and local government initiatives. The study data consist of case studies and examples of specific municipal and local government initiatives. Data sources were libraries, computerized databases, and networking. Hundreds of references and initiatives were identified, documented and reviewed. The focus of the data search was on the range of initiatives being practiced or proposed by municipal and local governments. The study develops the argument that sustainable communities require unprecedented and simultaneous emphasis on the efficient use of urban space (e.g., intensifying urban land use, increasing infrastructural efficiency); on reducing consumption of material and energy resources (e.g., generally minimizing the consumption of essential natural capital, encouraging regional self-reliance); on improving community livability (e.g., community development, healthy communities); and on organizing administrative and planning processes which can deal effectively, sensitively and comprehensively with the attendant socioeconomic complexities. The initiatives are categorized according to these criteria. Efficient Use of Urban Space includes transportation planning and traffic management, and land use and growth management. Reducing Resource Consumption encompasses atmospheric change and air quality, energy conservation and efficiency, waste reduction and recycling, and water and sewage. Improving Community Livability includes initiatives to green the city, develop a sustainable economy, and enhance both local community livability and global community responsibility. Administration for Sustainability encompasses investment and purchasing, leadership by example, environmental administration, and extending beyond municipal and local government. The study concludes that the elements for moving toward sustainable communities are being put in place but not, as yet, the necessary synthesis. The criteria of efficient use of urban space, reducing resource consumption, improving community livability, and administration for sustainability are necessary conditions for sustainable community development. 11 Table of Contents Title Page Abstract i i Table of Contents i i i List of Tables v List of Figures vi Acknowledgements vii I. Introduction 1 Statement of Purpose 1 Problem Statement and Research Objectives 3 Methods 4 Scope of the Study 6 Nature and Order of Presentation 7 II. The Meaning of Sustainable Development 12 The Meaning of Sustainable 15 The Meaning of Development 19 Is Planning Theory Relevant to Sustainable Development? 22 Greener Pastures 25 The Meaning of Sustainable Development 33 III. Toward Sustainable Communities 39 The Unsustainable Community 41 The Sustainable Community 42 Sustainability by Design 45 Local Governments for Sustainable Communities 54 A Framework for Sustainable Community Development 57 i i i IV. Municipal and Local Government Sustainable Development Initiatives 58 Introduction 58 Efficient Use of Urban Space 4-A. Transportation Planning and Traffic Management 59 4-B. Land Use and Growth Management 64 Reducing Resource Consumption 4-C. Atmospheric Change and Air Quality 68 4-D. Energy Conservation and Efficiency 74 4-E. Waste Reduction and Recycling 79 4-F. Water and Sewage 83 Improving Community Livability 4-G. Greening the City 86 4-H. Economic Development 89 4-1. Community Development 93 Administration for Sustainability 4-J. Investment and Purchasing 97 4-K. Leadership by Example 100 4-L. Environmental Administration 103 4-M. Beyond Municipal and Local Government 106 V. Conclusions and Discussion 108 General Conclusions 120 Suggested Areas for Further Research 122 Toward Sustainable Communities 125 References 130 Annotated Bibliography: Sustainable Development and Sustainable Communities 153 Appendix 1: Detailed Descriptions of Sustainable Community Initiatives 166 Appendix 2: Tools for Designing Sustainable Community Development Initiatives 202 iv List of Tables 2-1 Selected Global Economic Indicators 2-2 Selected Global Environmental Indicators 2-3 The Four Traditions of Planning Theory 3-1 Local Government Styles of Response With Respect 4-A Transportation Planning and Traffic Management 4-B Land Use and Growth Management 4-C Atmospheric Change and Air Quality 4-D Energy Conservation and Efficiency 4-E Waste Reduction and Recycling 4-F Water and Sewage 4-G Greening the City 4-H Economic Development 4-1 Community Development 4-J Investment and Purchasing 4-K Leadership by Example 4-L Environmental Administration 4-M Beyond Municipal and Local Government v List of Figures 1-1 A Planning Framework for Sustainable Community Development 9 1-2 Typology of Initiatives 10 3-la Before Development 46 3-lb After Conventional Development 47 3-lc After Creative Development 48 3-2 An Urban Cooperative Block 49 3-3 A Sustainable City Vision 51 3-4 A Nodal Vision of Urban Development 52 VI Acknowledgements This study could not have been completed without the inspiration and support of my research committee. I am particularly obliged to my research supervisor, William E. Rees, and to Peter Boothroyd for reading and commenting on a seemingly endless series of dissertation drafts. I am also grateful to Brahm Wiesman of the Univeristy of British Columbia's School of Community and Regional Planning, Councilmember Nancy Skinner of the Berkeley, California City Council, Michael Replogle of the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy in Washington, D.C., and Jeb Brugmann of the International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives for reviewing parts of the manuscript. Thanks also to my many friends and colleagues, especially Mike Beazley, Dianna Colnett, Dorli Duffy, Julia Gardner, Julian Griggs, Donna Sanford, and Mathis Wackernagel for unfailing encouragement and support, and to Renee Roseland for graciously tolerating the years I seemed married only to this study. Finally, I must acknowledge the municipal and local government politicians, staff and citizen activists around the world who developed the wide array of initiatives that make this study possible and who shared their data and their time with me. Your efforts to create a sustainable future have sustained me as well. vii Chapter One: Introduction Chapter 1 Introduction Statement of Purpose The purpose of this study is to stimulate and inform discussion about the community* role in sustainable development and to broaden our understanding of the opportunities for sustainable community development activity. The study aims first to develop an urban-relevant understanding of sustainable development, then to explore the role of North American human settlements in achieving sustainable development and the community-level planning implications of that role. To examine the extent to which communities in North America can contribute to achieving sustainable development, it proposes a framework for sustainable community development and then identifies and documents the current range of relevant municipal and local government initiatives. Much of the debate over the meaning of sustainable development focuses on the tension between the economic necessity for material growth and the ecological reality of limits. In Chapter Two I look closely at the meaning of the "sustainable" component of sustainable development and argue that from the ecological perspective "sustainability" requires maintaining an adequate per capita stock of environmental assets for use by future generations and avoiding further irreversible damage to any single significant asset. The debate over the meaning of "development" is at least as contentious as the debate over "sustainable." I argue that the "development" component of sustainable development can be described in terms of a social change process for fulfilling human needs, advancing social equity, expanding organizational effectiveness, and building capacity toward sustainability. From this perspective, sustainable development can be seen as having the following components: 1) it is a social change process for fulfilling human needs and advancing social equity; 2) it requires maintaining an adequate per capita stock of environmental assets for use by future generations and avoiding irreversible damage to any single significant asset; and 3) it is a process of expanding organizational effectiveness and building capacity toward 1 Throughout this study the term "community" is used to refer to geographic communities (as opposed to communities of interest, race, etc.) represented by a municipal or local government. 1 Chapter One: Introduction sustainability. This definition of sustainable development has profound political, social and economic implications, which are discussed in Chapter Two. In Chapter Three I explore the planning implications of sustainable development for North American communities and the municipal and local governments that represent them. While there has been considerable attention in recent years to thinking globally (e.g., the Montreal Accord on stratospheric ozone protection), relatively little attention has been devoted to examining local activity within this global context. Our communities as presently planned and developed are not sustainable in a global ecological sense. A typical North American city of 100,000 inhabitants imports 200 tons of food, 1000 tons of fuel, and 62,000 tons of water every day; it exports 100,000 tons of garbage and 40,000 tons of human waste each year (Morris 1990). Indeed, it is these unsustainably "developed" cities of the world that produce most of the world's solid and liquid wastes, consume most of the world's fossil fuels, emit the majority of ozone depleting compounds and toxic gases, and give economic incentive to the clearing of the world's forests (UNEP 1990). Seemingly ordinary local planning and development decisions have a significant impact on global environmental sustainability. Although local governments are not the only agencies charged with community planning and development, they are the only locally elected, representative and accountable bodies responsible for community decision-making. This makes them critical players in the movement toward sustainable communities. In September 1990, the World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future was held at the United Nations in New York City. Local government officials from some 45 countries around the world gathered at this historic event to discuss the role of local government in addressing global environmental problems. They recognized that local governments have been timid to act not only because resources at the local government level have been scarce, but even more because they have been inhibited by a narrow and ineffectual conception of the domain of local government concern (UNEP 1990). In this context of growing concern over global environmental problems, the purpose of this study is to stimulate and inform discussion about the community role in sustainable development and to broaden our understanding of the opportunities for sustainable community development activity. This study demonstrates that a vision of sustainable communities is beginning to emerge and that creative, transferable solutions to seemingly intractable sustainable development challenges are being developed by municipal officials and citizen organizations in communities across North America. However, as yet no major community 2 Chapter One: Introduction has come forward to embrace the image of itself as a sustainable community and use that image to build its future. This study aims to develop a framework which could itself contribute to sustainable community development. It attempts in part to bridge the gap between conventional community development concerns (of, e.g., local decision-making and self-reliance, cooperative endeavor and broad participation in community affairs) with more recent sustainability concerns. It shows that local governments can enable both self-reliance and sustainability by turning liabilities into assets (e.g., waste heat into electricity cogeneration) and by making a connection between local production and local consumption which contributes toward the internal development of the community. The movement toward sustainable communities is guided by community leaders who have participated in the initiatives described in this study. Sustainable communities of the future are being constructed by social invention today. Problem Statement and Research Objectives Problem Statement Sustainable development has important implications for urban form, for the material basis of urban life, and for community social relationships that must be expressed as practical measures in planning North American communities. Some municipal and local governments (e.g., Toronto, Vancouver) are expanding their role in sustainable development, but little is known about the nature and extent of these initiatives. A recent study published by the Intergovernmental Committee on Urban and Regional Research (Maclaren 1992) notes that: "... there has been little analysis of the methods for and implications of adopting sustainable development practices at the local level. In the absence of such research, municipalities attempting to resolve pressures in the urban environment are lacking in guidance about what sustainable development initiatives are possible..." Research Objectives The research objectives of this study are to: 1) develop an urban-relevant understanding of sustainable development, grounded in the broader theory of sustainable development; 3 Chapter One: Introduction 2) explore the role of North American human settlements in achieving sustainable development and the community-level planning implications of that role; 3) propose a framework for sustainable community development; and 4) determine what sustainable development initiatives are possible at the local level, by identifying and documenting the current range of municipal and local government initiatives, primarily in North America, which are contributing to sustainable community development. Methods Information and Data Sources The information employed in the study consists of case studies and examples of specific municipal and local government initiatives related to sustainable development. Documentary evidence was the primary source for the municipal and local government initiatives cited. Documentation included books; journal articles; memoranda and other communiques; agendas and other written reports of events; admininstrative documents such as proposals, progress reports, and other internal documents; formal studies or evaluations; published and unpublished conference presentations; and newsclippings and other articles appearing in the mass media. Data sources for this study were primarily libraries, computerized databases, and networking (e.g., attending key conferences, contacting authors of key reports). While there appears to be rapidly growing interest in this field, there has been little related research on the subject of this study, namely the planning implications of sustainable development per se at the community level. However, just as the field of "community planning" comprises a broad range of sub-fields, e.g., transportation planning, land use planning, economic development planning, etc., so the field of "sustainable communities" comprises a similarly broad range of sub-topics. Extensive searches for municipal and local government initiatives explicitly aimed toward achieving "sustainable development" or "sustainable communities" - including both academic and professional databases - provided virtually no results. Consequently, as there are substantial literatures on several of the related sub-topics categorized in Chapter Four (e.g., transportation planning, energy conservation), the data search yielded only municipal and local government initiatives specific to those areas. 4 Chapter One: Introduction Data Collection Methods Three kinds of data collection methods were employed in the research: 1. Hard copy searches for descriptions of relevant municipal and local government initiatives were conducted through extensive scrutiny of planning and environmental journals and books in the UBC Library, e.g., Environmental Abstracts, Environmental Periodicals Bibliography, newsclippings and other mass media articles. 2. Computer literature/database searches were conducted both through a) library sources, e.g., UBCUB, Comprehensive Dissertation Index, Dissertation Abstracts International, Ecological Abstracts, Enviroline, Environmental Bibliography, Social SCISEARCH (SSCI), and through b) database searches of key professional organizations, e.g., International City Management Association (ICMA), Intergovernmental Committee on Urban and Regional Research (ICURR). 3. Networking (e.g., attending conferences and contacting authors of reports) focused on sustainable development and local government was the most productive data collection method. Key conferences included the US National Public Hearing on Sustainable Development (Los Angeles 1989), the First International Ecocity Conference (Berkeley 1990), US National Task Force on Sustainability (Washington, DC 1990), the World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future (United Nations 1990), Implementing Sustainable Development in Municipalities (Toronto 1991), Green Strategies for Communities (Whistler 1991), World Cities and Their Environment: Congress of Municipal Leaders (Toronto 1991), and the Second International Ecocity Conference (Adelaide, Australia 1992). Interviews and correspondence with authors of key reports also provided much data, particularly administrative documents, that would be difficult or impossible to find using other methods. Data Analysis and Interpretation The focus of the data search was on the range of initiatives being practiced or proposed by municipal and local governments. There was no attempt to quantify the number of blue box recycling programs in Canada or otherwise determine the popularity of particular initiatives. Rather, the intent of the search was to ascertain the extent of social innovation in regard to sustainable community development. 5 Chapter One: Introduction Initiatives were selected on the basis of "good practice." Sustainable community development is more an approach than a distinct aspect of local government; therefore "good practice" should permeate all aspects of local government (ACC 1990). Initiatives were sought which aimed to 1) span all service areas; 2) relate to a local government's influence as a service provider and regulator, as an enabler, and as a major user of resources; and 3) be developed and applied consistently throughout the community (this is important because of the interconnected nature of sustainable community development goals). Other criteria for selecting initiatives were innovation, leverage, transferability, and potential effectiveness. Initiatives were sought which 1) demonstrate a novel approach to sustainable community development; 2) have leverage value vis-a-vis the components of the sustainable development framework elaborated in this study; 3) appear readily transferable to other jurisdictions (i.e., they are not unique to a particular micro-climate or culture); and 4) are likely to be effective.^ The range of initiatives identified here is not representative of municipal practice in the sense that a more conventional survey of municipal practice might achieve (see, e.g., Maclaren 1992). However, the intent of this study is not to represent the state of municipal practice but rather to identify the range of social innovation pertaining to sustainable community development. Hundreds of references and initiatives were identified, documented and reviewed in assembling this study; based upon this body of evidence the study can be considered representative of the current range of sustainable community development initiatives. Scope of the Study This research is limited geographically. The study focus is primarily on North American (i.e., Canadian and US) communities, although it includes many examples of municipal initiatives from Europe as well as a few from other parts of the world. There is an inherent danger in comparing local government initiatives beyond national borders, as illustrated by energy policy. In some cases, such as Denmark and Sweden, energy considerations have been integrated into the land use planning process within the framework * As discussed below, few data are presently available by which to judge the effectiveness of most of these initiatives. Potential effectiveness was judged on the basis of comments made in the literature and in interviews with knowledgeable practioners and observers. 6 Chapter One: Introduction of a strong national commitment to energy efficiency. Where there is no overriding national priority for energy conservation, commitment to energy conscious land use planning tends to be sporadic. In the US and the UK, for example, the pattern is one in which some planning authorities have made valiant efforts to include an energy dimension in their policies while others continue to afford it low priority or ignore it altogether (Owens 1990). Nevertheless, there is much to be gained by surveying the initiatives of local governments regardless of their national context. As stated above, the field of "sustainable communities" comprises a broad range of sub-topics, much as the field of "community planning" comprises a broad range of sub-fields. Each of these sub-topics could easily be the subject of its own dissertation (e.g., solar aquaculture technology for decentralized neighbourhood waste treatment; municipal procurement policies for recyclable materials; etc.), and it would be unrealistic to attempt to study each one comprehensively in a single research project. My purpose in this work is to view a broad set of topics holistically so as to develop an understanding of the planning implications of sustainable development per se at the community level. A Cautionary Note To date, few data are available by which to judge the success of most of the initiatives identified here. They have by and large only been implemented in the the last few years or even months; many are not actually yet in place (e.g., City of Vancouver 1990), and are therefore largely untested. What little data exist on those initiatives that have been implemented (e.g., Irvine, California's 46% reduction of CFC emissions in 1988-89 - see Appendix 1) cannot be independently confirmed. Nature and Order of Presentation The remainder of this study is presented in four chapters, references, an annotated bibliography, and two appendices. Chapter Two examines more closely the meaning of the terms "sustainable," "development," and "sustainable development." Economic and environmental perspectives on growth and development are contrasted in light of the Brundtland Commission's popularization of the term sustainable development and the concept of "natural capital" is explained. Next, the question of whether planning theory is relevant to sustainable development is addressed, followed by a survey of the paradigms associated with the steady state, appropriate technology, the conserver society, community 7 Chapter One: Introduction economic development, ecofeminism, social ecology, the green movement, bioregionalism, deep ecology, new physics, native world views, and the Gaia hypothesis. Each of these paradigms reflects wisdom that addresses, at least in part, principles that have been relatively neglected by planning theory. Drawing upon the full range of literature cited, "sustainable development" is defined, as discussed above, as having the following components: 1) it is a social change process for fulfilling human needs and advancing social equity; 2) it requires maintaining an adequate per capita stock of environmental assets for use by future generations and avoiding irreversible damage to any single significant asset; and 3) it is a process of expanding organizational effectiveness and building capacity toward sustainability. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the implications of this interpretation of sustainable development. Chapter Three explores the role of human settlements in achieving sustainable development and considers the implications of sustainable development for planning North American communities, focusing on the postwar pattern of Western urban development. It examines the characteristics of the unsustainable community, the sustainable community, sustainability by design, and the role of local government in moving toward sustainable communities. Based upon this analysis, it proposes a planning framework for sustainable community development. It develops the argument that sustainable communities require unprecedented and simultaneous emphasis on the efficient use of urban space (e.g., intensifying urban land use, increasing infrastructural efficiency); on reducing consumption of material and energy resources (e.g., generally minimizing the consumption of essential natural capital, encouraging regional self-reliance); on improving community livability (e.g., community development, healthy communities); and on organizing administrative and planning processes which can deal effectively, sensitively and comprehensively with the attendant socioeconomic complexities. These latter are crucial to coordinating and balancing the other three aspects (see Figure 1-1). 8 Chapter One: Introduction Figure 1-1 A Planning Framework for Sustainable Community Development Efficient Land Use Community Livability Administrative & Planning Processes Reducing Resource Consumption Chapter Four synthesizes the data collected on municipal and local government sustainable development initiatives into a typology. As discussed under Methods above, extensive searches for municipal and local government initiatives explicitly aimed toward achieving "sustainable development" or "sustainable communities" provided virtually no results. Yet, substantial literatures on several of the related sub-topics strongly indicated the existence of a range of initiatives which could be usefully set in a typology. The typology is presented in accordance with the criteria developed in Chapter Three, as follows (see Figure 1-2). Efficient Use of Urban Space includes the two distinct but integrally related categories of transportation planning and traffic management (Table A), and land use and growth management (Table B). Reducing Resource Consumption encompasses atmospheric change and air quality (Table C), energy conservation and efficiency (Table D), waste reduction and 9 Chapter One: Introduction recycling (Table E), and water and sewage (Table F). Improving Community Livability includes initiatives to green the city (Table G), develop a sustainable economy (Table H), and enhance both local community livability and global community responsibility (Table I). Administration for Sustainability encompasses investment and purchasing (Table J), leadership by example (Table K), environmental administration (Table L), and extending beyond municipal and local government (Table M). Figure 1-2 Typology of Initiatives Efficient Use of Urban Space Transportation Planning and Traffic Management Land Use and Growth Management Reducing Resource Consumption Atmospheric Change and Air Quality Energy Conservation and Efficiency Waste Reduction and Recycling Water and Sewage Improving Community Livability Greening the City Economic Development Community Development Administration for Sustainability Investment and Purchasing Leadership by Example Environmental Administration Beyond Municipal and Local Government Each Table is preceded by an introduction to the topic, based upon the literature. The Tables themselves are based upon the detailed descriptions of the initiatives provided in Appendix 1. 10 Chapter One: Introduction Chapter Five presents general conclusions with respect to the research objectives of the study, and suggests areas for future research. The framework developed in the study indicates that characteristics of municipal planning for sustainable development can be illustrated by examining a variety of specific measures based in real practice. While a commitment to sustainable development may not require every particular community to enact the exact measures identified in Chapter Four, it does require simultaneous initiatives in each category of the framework proposed in Chapter Three: efficient use of urban space, reducing resource consumption, improving community livability, and administration for sustainability. These are necessary conditions for sustainable community development. Whether they are also sufficient conditions for sustainable community development is a more difficult and debatable question; while it would be premature to make this claim at this point, the framework described here - in contrast to the temptation to think that the mere existence of a blue box recycling program makes a community sustainable - is certainly a major step toward determining sufficient conditions for sustainable community development. References, an annotated bibliography, and two appendices follow Chapter Five. The annotated bibliography reviews some of the important literature cited in my discussion of sustainable development (Chapter Two) and its implications for communities (Chapter Three); it also includes literature reviews pertaining to each of the elements of my typology (Tables 4-A through 4-M). Appendix 1 consists of detailed descriptions of the municipal and local government initiatives synthesized in the Tables of Chapter Four; Appendix 2 describes tools to aid in designing sustainable community development initiatives. 11 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development Chapter 2 The Meaning of Sustainable Development The literature on "sustainable development" has grown so rapidly that already at least 80 different definitions of sustainable development or some part of it have been identified (Mitlin and Satterthwaite 1991). Most of these are broadly consistent with the definition of the (Brundtland) World Commission on Environment and Development report, Our Common Future: "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs" (WCED 1987: 43). However, different interpretations of the term have very different implications for public policy, community and regional planning, and for the planned use of natural resources (including global life support systems, renewable and non-renewable resources). The debate over the meaning of sustainable development is illustrated by the contrasting indicators of our global well-being cited by economists and ecologists (see Tables 2-1 and 2-2.) As Brown (1991) notes, these particular leading economic indicators are overwhelmingly positive, while all the principal environmental indicators are consistently negative. It is well known that one of the reasons for such widespread disparity in these measures is reliance on faulty national accounting systems (e.g., GNP) which ignore or give a positive value to the environmental debts the world is incurring (see, e.g., Daly and Cobb 1989, Jacobs 1991, Henderson 1981). These disparities are rooted in sharply contrasting views of the world - economics and ecology are "two disciplines with intellectual frameworks so different that their practioners often have trouble talking to each other" (Brown 1991). Neoclassical economic responses to global environmental problems are generally based on faith in the power of technological progress, reliance on market forces, and growthist assumptions that there is no social development without an increasing GNP (see, e.g, Block 1990, Dasgupta and Heal 1979, Pezzey 1989, and Simon and Kahn 1984). Economic prescriptions which emphasize economic growth, deregulation, and free trade assume that freeing world markets allows the "hidden hand" of the marketplace to achieve the desired objectives. These responses have been criticized in detail elsewhere for their inability to produce satisfactory solutions (see, e.g., Daly and Cobb 1989, Jacobs 1991, Pearce et d 1989, and Rees 1992). 12 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development Table 2-1 Selected Global Economic Indicators Indicator Observation The Economy Gross World Product International Trade Employment Stock Prices Global output of goods and services totalled roughly $20 trillion in 1990, up from $15.5 trillion in 1980 (1990 dollars) World exports of all goods - agricultural commodities, industrial products, and minerals - expanded 4 percent a year during the eighties, reaching more than $3 trillion in 1990. In a typical year, growth of the global economy creates millions of new jobs, but unfortunately job creation lags far behind the number of new entrants into the labor force. A key indicator of investor confidence, prices on the Tokyo and New York stock exchanges climbed to all-time highs in late 1989 and early 1990, respectively. Source: Brown 1991 In contrast, ecological responses to global environmental problems are generally based on some notion of ecological limits (e.g., carrying capacity). As Rees (1992) argues, "some of the most substantive challenges to conventional thinking come from recent efforts to specify the limiting ecological conditions for sustainable development... Recognition of ecological constraints would obviously place unaccustomed boundaries on this debate... certain basic ecological requirements for sustainability are not negotiable. Industrial society is constrained by biophysical realities which, if heeded, provide objective criteria for sustainability." Despite this concern with limits, alternative development approaches can also involve growth, but a different kind of growth than that assumed under the economic perspective: "growth in human activity directed to working with, rather than against, nature and the sun; growth in appropriate technology; growth in satisfaction from meaningful work; growth in community organization. This perspective on growth is fundamentally different from that of the high-tech-oriented neoclassicists who claim that because of human ingenuity, because of the unlimited potentials for resource substitution, and because of increased efficiency of resource use, there are no limits to consumption. But it is the neoclassical perspective that still dominates thinking about growth, and unfortunately, sustainable development" (Boothroyd 1991). 13 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development Table 2-2 Indicator Selected Global Environmental Indicators Observation The Environment Forests Land Climate System Air Quality Plant and Animal Life Each year the earth's tree cover diminishes by some 17 million hectares, an area the size of Austria. Forests are cleared for farming, harvests of lumber and firewood exceed sustainable yields, and air pollution and acid rain take a growing toll on every continent. Annual losses of topsoil from cropland are estimated at 24 billion tons, roughly the amount on Australia's wheatland. Degradation of grazing land is widespread throughout the Third World, North America, and Australia. The amount of carbon dioxide, the principal greenhouse gas in the atmosphere, is now rising 0.4 percent per year from fossil fuel burning and deforestation. Record hot summers of the eighties may well be exceeded during the nineties. Air pollution reached health-threatening levels in hundreds of cities and crop-damaging levels in scores of countries. As the number of humans inhabiting the planet rises, the number of plant and animal species drops. Habitat destruction and pollution are reducing the earth's biological diversity. Rising temperatures and ozone layer depletion could add to losses. Source: Brown 1991 The World Commission on Environment and Development In December 1983, amidst growing concern over declining ecological trends and the seeming incompatibility of economic and environmental perspectives, the UN Secretary-General responded to a United Nations General Assembly resolution by appointing Gro Harlem Brundtland of Norway as Chairman of an independent World Commission on Environment and Development. The mandate of the Brundtland Commission, as it became known, was threefold (WCED 1987): 14 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development • to re-examine the critical issues of environment and development and to formulate innovative, concrete, and realistic action proposals to deal with them; • to strengthen international co-operation on environment and development and to assess and propose new forms of co-operation that can break out of existing patterns and influence policies and events in the direction of needed change; and • to raise the level of understanding and commitment to action on the part of individuals, voluntary organizations, businesses, institutes and governments. For the next few years the Commission studied the issues and listened to people at public hearings on five continents, gathering over 10,000 pages of transcripts and written submissions from hundreds of organizations and individuals. In April 1987 the Commission released its report, Our Common Future. At the core of the report is the principle of "sustainable development." The Commission's embrace of sustainable development as an underlying principle gave political credibility to a concept many others had worked on over the previous decade. The Commission defined sustainable development as meeting "the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs." This simple, vague definition has been criticized by some and hailed by others (Starke 1990). The term [sustainable development] has been criticized as ambiguous and open to a wide range of interpretations, many of which are contradictory. The confusion has been caused because "sustainable development," "sustainable growth" and "sustainable use" have been used interchangeably, as if their meanings were the same. They are not. "Sustainable growth" is a contradiction in terms: nothing physical can grow indefinitely. "Sustainable use" is applicable only to renewable resources: it means using them at rates within their capacity for renewal (IUCN 1991). The Meaning of "Sustainable" Since the publication of Our Common Future in 1987, intense debate has been generated in many countries over the meaning of the Commission's call for "sustainable development." In the context of other significant global reports on the environment over the last two decades (e.g., Limits to Growth, Global 2000), a major contribution of the World Commission was its explicit recognition that poverty is a major source of environmental degradation.1 For example, the collection and use of firewood by families in developing countries is sometimes considered a major reason for deforestation. While this connection may seem reasonable 1 In the words of the Brundtland Commission,"... poverty itself pollutes the environment... Those who are poor and hungry will often destroy their immediate environment in order to survive... poverty itself is a major global scourge" (WCED 1987, p. 28). 15 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development enough at first glance, it is not accurate - the main causes of deforestation are actually large-scale lumbering, agricultural expansion, overuse of existing agricultural land, burning of forests to encourage fodder growth, over-grazing and rapid urban growth (Pietila 1990). Although the Commission provided no analysis of the causes of poverty, it's concern about poverty lead it to the argument that economic growth must be stimulated. However, the major flaw of the Commission's well-intended but misguided analysis (and the likely reason Our Common Future has been embraced by governments and corporations as much as by environmentalists) is that it downplays the extent to which both poverty and environmental degradation result from wealth. The threat of atmospheric change, for example, clearly illustrates the role of wealth in global environmental damage. Fossil-fuel-based carbon emissions (e.g., carbon dioxide) are a leading source of atmospheric and potential climate change (e.g., global warming). The wealthy, energy-intensive quarter of the world's population is responsible for nearly 70 percent of these carbon emissions. It is a simple fact of atmospheric science that the planet will never be able to support a population of 8 billion people generating carbon emissions at even the rate of Western Europe today. Yet North Americans generate carbon emissions at twice the rate of Western Europeans (Flavin 1990). Some critics (e.g., Trainer 1990) were dismayed that the Commission chose economic growth and all its attendant social and environmental impacts (e.g., its tendency to exploit both labour and the environment) over a consciously appropriate development strategy for the Third World (e.g., adequate housing and clean water rather than export plantations and automobile factories). For others, the principal weakness of Our Common Future is that its call for growth was addressed not only to the developing countries but also to the industrialized countries. The Commission went so far as to call for a five- to ten-fold increase in world industrial output - without any analysis to show whether such economic expansion is ecologically possible (Rees 1992).2 Canada's official response to Our Common Future typifies the mainstream interpretations of sustainable development. It states that "sustainable economic development does not require the preservation of the current stock of natural resources or any z The Commission called for a "new era of growth," by which is meant "more rapid economic growth in both industrial and developing countries, freer market access for the products of developing countries, lower interest rates, greater technology transfer, and significantly larger capital flows" (WCED 1987, p.89). 16 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development particular mix of human, physical and natural assets. Nor does it place artificial limits on economic growth, provided that such growth is both economically and environmentally sustainable" (National Task Force on Environment and Economy 1987). In the debate over the meaning of sustainable development, this mainstream view has come under increasing scrutiny. Global resource depletion and pollution are forcing recognition that existing patterns of development and resource use are not sustainable (Rees 1990). Even conservative neoclassical economists are recognizing that the "sustainable" component of development requires that human activities today do not deplete what can be termed "environmental capital." The total stock of environmental assets which comprise this environmental capital may usefully be divided into three categories (Mitlin and Satterthwaite 1991): • non-renewable resources, such as minerals and fossil fuels; • the finite capacity of natural systems to produce "renewable resources" such as food crops, forestry products and water supplies - which are renewable only if the natural systems from which they are drawn are not overexploited; and • the capacity of natural systems to absorb the emissions and pollutants which arise from human actions without side effects which imply heavy costs passed onto future generations (such as activities that release chemicals which deplete the atmosphere's ozone layer and greenhouse gases which may cause serious climatic imbalances). "No one can doubt that the stock of non-renewable resources are finite. No one can doubt that eco-systems (individually and collectively within the biosphere) have limits in their capacity to absorb pollutants. There is agreement that some environmental assets are irreplaceable - for instance areas ... of outstanding natural beauty. The debate centres on which environmental assets are irreplaceable and the extent to which current (and projected) future levels of resource use degrade the capital stock of environmental assets for future generations, the extent to which one resource can be substituted for another (for instance, a synthetic substance replacing a natural one) and the extent to which pollutants derived from human activities are damaging the biosphere." Pearce et al (1989) argue that "future generations should be compensated for reductions in the endowments of resources brought about by the actions of present generations" (p.3), suggesting that each generation should leave the next a stock of assets at least as great as that which they inherited themselves. There are two possible interpretations of this condition: "weak sustainability," which aggregates all types of assets, and "strong sustainability," which differentiates between assets which are "natural" and those which are not, arguing that whatever the level of human-made assets, an adequate stock of environmental (or natural) assets alone is critical in securing sustainability (Daly 1989). 17 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development The weak sustainability interpretation reflects the neoclassical economic assumption that natural and non-natural assets are substitutable and that natural assets can be liquidated as long as subsequent investment provides an equivalent endowment to the next generation (Rees 1992). Yet in some cases, natural and non-natural assets are clearly not substitutable. For example, a sawmill cannot be substituted for a forest since the sawmill (non-natural capital) needs the forest (natural capital) in order to function (Daly 1989). The weak sustainability interpretation also assumes that other forms of capital (e.g., manufactured, financial, or human capital) can be converted back into natural capital. This interpretation does not take into account irreversible processes such as the extinction of species or the destruction of ecosystems. All this suggests that the weak sustainability interpretation is grossly insufficient; even Pearce et al agree that natural capital stock should only be destroyed if the benefits of doing so are very large or if the social costs of conservation are unacceptably large (Pearce et al 1990: 16). Yet this begs the key question: are we capable of knowing the social costs and benefits of destroying or conserving natural capital stock? Ecological economists can put a price on resources such as timber and fisheries; but the value of ecological process resources such as carbon absorption or photosynthesis cannot easily be quantified and monetized (Rees 1991). The very concept of econonomic "trade-offs" depends upon being able to put a price on the items traded. Resources that cannot be quantified or monetized also cannot be priced. It may be theoretically possible to trade-off some value of a fishery for some value of a timber harvest, but it may not be possible to price the value of the ozone shield. The economic benefits of destroying natural capital stock or the social costs of conservation may seem large, but only as a function of our inability to adequately assess such costs and benefits. So-called rational economic analysis has extended beyond its rational limits (Rees 1991). This suggests that it is time for a different kind of framework for planning and decision-making, guided by the understanding that natural capital stock should not be destroyed. "The pace of global ecological change suggests that human activity may already be undermining essential ecosphere functions. In these circumstances, it would be a 'sound risk-averse strategy' for society simply to accept, that while technically inestimable, the life support values of remaining stocks of natural capital are greater than any stock-depleting development values however large the latter might be. Given the threat to global security associated with irreversible disruptions of the ecosphere, and the 18 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development increasing probability of such events under prevailing development approaches, we are confronting a category of strong catastrophic risk which 'should, in the limit, not be undertaken at any price.' In short, if the potential benefits of conservation can be shown to approach infinity, the costs are irrelevant..." (Rees 1991) In terms of the life-support functions of natural capital, destruction of any single significant natural asset can be likened to destruction of any single bodily organ or system. The destruction of the ozone layer may have the same consequences, in planetary terms, as destruction of the immune system has for the human body; global warming may be analogous to a high fever. We do not ask those who suffer from heart disease to "trade" normal brain functioning for a healthier heart. Such choices are the stuff of literature's great tragedies; they only become more tragic if we insist upon this approach to deciding complex societal choices. Like a thermometer registering a fever, the accumulating trends of ecological decline (e.g., decrease in stratospheric ozone, increase in greenhouse gases, extinction of species, loss of biodiversity, etc.) are the indicators of our condition. The message is clear: sustainability means there is an "ecological bottom line." "The ecological bottom line for sustainable development can be stated as an economic metaphor: humankind must learn to live on the 'interest' generated by remaining stocks of living 'natural capital.' Any human activity dependent on the consumptive use of bioresources cannot be sustained indefinitely if it not only consumes annual production, but also cuts into capital stocks."3 (Rees 1991) To summarize, sustainability requires maintaining an adequate per capita stock of environmental assets for use by future generations and avoiding irreversible damage to any single significant asset.4 The Meaning of "Development" Despite the problems of the Brundtland Commission's analysis discussed above, the environmental problem of poverty (as well as the social, political and moral problem of d Rees also notes that "this shifts the emphasis of environmental policy from pollution control... to managing consumption. In thermodynamic (rather than mechanical) terms, all material economic production is actually consumption." (Rees 1991) 4 The phrase "adequate per capita stock of environmental assets" is used advisedly. Some authors (e.g., Mitlin and Satterthwaite 1991) use the phrase "a constant stock of environmental asssets"; however, the stock would only remain "constant" if populations and living standards also remained constant. 19 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development poverty) remains. The Commission was surely right in insisting that any acceptable strategy for reducing environmental abuses must also confront poverty. Environmental organizations and activists, especially in Canada and the United States, have tended to focus narrowly on specific campaigns of one kind or another, and may find it difficult to see how their work should fit into the larger social, political and economic context. Yet the current popularity of the term "sustainable development" requires those concerned with environmental protection to cooperate with others in meshing environmental critiques, goals and strategies with those of peace, social justice, equality and economy, etc. (Gibson 1991). "Development" is generally believed to be the only solution to poverty and malnutrition in the Third World and, according to economic statistics, appears to have been a remarkable success (see Table 2-1). Between 1950 and 1990 the global economy expanded fivefold, per capita income more than doubled, and material consumption soared (Postel 1991). In fact, however, the last 40 years of economic development has been a process of "bringing Third World countries within the orbit of international trade by influencing them to eliminate subsistence agriculture and artisan modes of production catering for a largely local market and to replace them with capital-intensive plantations and factories geared to the international market." It achieves precisely the same goals as its predecessor, colonialism: to obtain access to cheap raw materials, cheap labour, and a captive market for manufactured goods from the industrialized nations. Development has led to the emergence of a middle class consisting largely of government officials, traders and manufacturers, some of whom enjoy considerable affluence. But that class represents only a fraction of the total population of the Third World. "Specific policies designed to encourage economic development have caused increasingly serious social and ecological problems that have undoubtedly worsened the plight of most Third World people" (Goldsmith and Hildyard 1988). There have been some successes: life expectancy has risen, and humanitarian issues -refugee and child relief, and disease control - are now dealt with more effectively. Environmental reclamation measures are also growing, at both local and regional levels. But these are all "repair" efforts, rather than a correction of the root causes of poverty, debt and environmental destruction (Barnaby 1988). Even the institutions that have spearheaded development (e.g., the World Bank, UNFAO, USAID) admit their policies have been a failure. This is principally because these policies: 20 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development 1) destroy culturally in-built population-control strategies, inevitably causing a population explosion; 2) encourage the import of manufactured goods (forcing local artisans out of business and into urban slums) and the consequent accumulation of debt; and 3) encourage deforestation, cash crops, displacement and urban migration to satisfy the demands of the international market system (Goldsmith and Hildyard 1988). As a result of this failure, development agencies have proposed to replace conventional development with more sensitive types of "other development" (e.g., "rural development," "eco-development"), of which "sustainable development" is the most recent. Critics of the development system (e.g., Gran 1987) define development as "a social change process that involves four basic elements: advancement in material or service output (the growth factor); equitable spread and equity of benefits among participants; expansion of organizational effectiveness; and capacity building toward sustainability." "Democracy is an inherent part of the process. If we can end monopoly of economic, political or cultural resources, then equity, sustainability, efficiency and the environment all gain. Development so defined is participatory development; for people to prosper anywhere they must participate as competent citizens in the decisions and processes that affect their lives. Development is thus about the quantity and quality of empowerment and participation of people... Development so defined is not the purview of neoclassical economists. Indeed they are a large part of the problem" (Gran 1987). For our purposes, the "development" component of sustainable development can be described as a social change process for fulfilling human needs, advancing social equity, expanding organizational effectiveness, and building capacity toward sustainability. The latter two elements are self-explanatory. Human needs, in this context, refer to both material and non-material needs. Material or basic needs include those physical necessities of life such as adequate food, water, and shelter. Non-material needs relate more to broader "quality of life" issues such as health; political and spiritual freedom; human rights; clean, healthy and accessible natural environments; and meaningful work. Social equity includes both future (intergenerational) and current equity. Future equity depends largely upon achieving sustainability, i.e., maintaining ecological integrity. Current equity refers to the relations between the Industrialized Minority - the world's affluent - and the world's poor, both between and within countries; it requires not only maintaining ecological integrity but also meeting the full range of human needs, expanding organizational effectiveness, and building capacity toward sustainability. 21 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development The goals of this process can initially be taken as those contained in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 25, Section 1, reads: "Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and his [sic] family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his [sic] control" (quoted in Sieghart 1986).5 Most western observers would also insist that the right to vote within representative government structures be considered a minimum requirement of any development strategy. Is Planning Theory Relevant to Sustainable Development? In light of the preceding discussion, what can sustainable development proponents and practitioners hope to learn from planning theory? The answer depends largely upon 1) how sustainable development is interpreted, and 2) how planning theory is interpreted. As discussed above, the range of definitions, or interpretations, of sustainable development is quite broad. Like sustainable development, planning theory also suffers from an abundance of interpretation. There may well be as many definitions of planning theory as there are planning theorists. It is not the purpose of this discussion to go into an extensive discussion of what constitutes planning theory, but the subject of our inquiry demands that the question be addressed. A highly regarded planning theorist (Burchell 1988) describes the field as follows: Planning theory ... is a theory represented by a procedural rational model which is both simultaneously under attack yet reemerging as a defaultingly accepted explanatory structure for the actions of practitioners. The planning field has responded to the breakdown of the rationality model in four different ways (Alexander 1988): 1) the ritual response - not recognizing the breakdown and clinging instead to the old model, 2) the avoidance response - usually involves a substitution of other, more descriptive decision-making models, 3) the abandonment response" - which ^ In principle, Canada has already agreed to this priority, as a signatory to the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. ° An example of the abandonment grouping is this statement that "...we do not need a complete general theory of planning and we do not even need to agree on the definition of the field" (Mandelbaum 1988). 22 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development rejects both the rational model and any other similarly general construct as unnecessary, and 4) the search response - which offers other, more radical models as replacements for the rational paradigm. John Friedmann's 1987 treatise, Planning in the Public Domain (Friedmann 1987), currently the major text in planning theory, takes a broad view of the field: The major object of planning theory is to solve the "meta-theoretical problem of how to make technical knowledge in planning effective in informing public actions.'1 Focusing on the link between knowledge and action, Friedmann argues (p.39) that "a comprehensive exploration of the terrain of planning theory must cull from all the relevant disciplines those elements that are central to an understanding of planning in the public domain."'' Friedmann has framed two centuries of planning theory into four traditions. Social Reform and Social Mobilization, the two older traditions, reach back to the first half of the nineteenth century. Policy Analysis and Social Learning originated in the period between the Great Depression and World War II. Friedmann contends that depending upon education, tasks, and predilection, planners can identify who they are or their resultant efforts through one of these traditions (see Table 2-3). Table 2-3 The Four Traditions of Planning Theory8 Social Reform: includes the disciplines of sociology, institutional economics, and pragmatism. It recognizes the state as the vehicle of social action. Planning is a scientific endeavor to make state action more effective. The economy can be adjusted to serve representative needs through business-cycle analysis, input/output analysis, economic policy models, and others. Policy Analysis: includes the disciplines of systems analysis, welfare and social choice, and policy science. It concentrates on decision making as a means of identifying the best possible courses of social action. Planning is a decision process which emphasizes stages that begin with the identification of goals that will structure the decision and ends with program analysis, which evaluates the correctness of the decision. This is the rational model participated in by technical planners who view themselves as social engineers serving the existing power base. 7 Friedmann offers three conceptual definitions of planning. Planning attempts to link scientific and technical knowledge either (1) to actions in the public domain; (2) to processes of societal guidance; or (3) to processes of social transformation (pp. 38-39). These definitions, which emerge from one of the four historical traditions of planning thought, lead to very different choices for planning action. ° These summaries of Friedmann's traditions are adapted from Burchell (1988). 23 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development Social Learning: includes the field of organization development. It is an effort to minimize the contradictions between what we know and how we act. Planning attempts through social experimentation to change social behavior. This is accomplished by doing: knowledge is validated practice, and theory is enriched from lessons learned from experience. Planners and client actors are involved in nonhierarchical exchanges of information to further learning. Social Mobilization: includes neo-Marxism, the Frankfurt School (of critical theory), and a category Friedmann calls Utopians, social anarchists, and radicals. It is a view of the primacy of action from below. Planning is a political activity which attempts to change the status quo of oppression and alienation under capitalism. Social mobilization emphasizes the politics of disengagement and confrontation. The planner's role is one of community organization, advocacy presentation and interpretation of data, and representation within and cooptation of the decision-making process. The knowledge that we must act to achieve a more sustainable form of development has been with us for many years. But the great question that plagues sustainable development proponents is how do we achieve sustainable development, or, in the language of planning theory, how should this knowledge properly be linked to action? If we accept that this question, of knowledge and action, is the core concern of all the traditions of planning theory (Friedmann 1987, pp. 73-74), then planning theory by definition is, or should be, relevant to sustainable development. By this point, however, it is also apparent that the question we are attempting to answer, is planning theory relevant to sustainable development? is of little value in its present form. Familiarity with planning theory leads instead to the question, which planning theory traditions are relevant to sustainable development? Familiarity with sustainable development, on the other hand, leads to the question, which concerns of sustainable development are relevant to planning theory? Our question, then, ought to be stated thus: which planning theory traditions are relevant to which concerns of sustainable development? Sustainable development per se has only recently emerged as a distinct subject of inquiry; therefore it remains to be seen how planning theory can contribute to it. We can, however, examine which planning theory traditions historically offer the most guidance for sustainable development concerns, an exercise which reveals three interesting points. First, the most conventional, narrow interpretations of sustainable development primarily emphasize fulfilling material human needs, maintaining environmental assets for future generations (e.g., conservation), and future equity. The most relevant planning theory traditions from this perspective, social reform and policy analysis, have much to offer in regard to fulfilling material human needs, but are virtually mute on all the other 24 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development sustainable development components discussed above: advancing social equity, maintaining environmental assets for future generations, avoiding irreversible damage to any single significant asset, expanding organizational effectiveness, and building capacity toward sustainability. Given that social reform and policy analysis are the two dominant traditions in planning theory (constituting the heart of the "rational paradigm"), we can begin to see why planning theory has been slow to identify sustainable development concerns and give them appropriate prominence. Second, only the social learning and social mobilization traditions - not the dominant traditions in planning theory - offer guidance in regard to current equity, expanding organizational effectiveness, and building capacity. Third, despite the dimly-acknowledged contributions of the social learning and social mobilization traditions, there are still significant gaps in planning theory as it pertains to sustainable development, especially in the areas of future equity, building capacity toward sustainability, maintaining environmental assets for future generations, and avoiding irreversible damage to any single significant environmental asset. Planners concerned with these aspects of sustainable development will have to look to "greener" pastures for relevant theoretical guidance. Greener Pastures Planners concerned with future equity, building capacity toward sustainability, maintaining environmental assets for future generations, and avoiding irreversible damage to any single significant environmental asset will have to look to "greener" pastures for relevant theoretical guidance. "Fortunately, there is no shortage of 'unscientific' (but otherwise rational) concepts relevant to sustainable development. Authors in many disciplines have begun to articulate new worldviews and development principles that transcend the conventional emphasis on hard technology, material growth, and the marketplace as the wellspring of all social value" (Rees 1992). Here I briefly survey the paradigms associated with the steady state, appropriate technology, the conserver society, community economic development, ecofeminism, social ecology, the green movement, bioregionalism, deep ecology, new physics, native world views, 25 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development and the Gaia hypothesis.y Each of these paradigms reflects wisdom that addresses, at least in part, principles that have been relatively neglected by the four planning theory traditions. To attempt such a broad survey in such a short space I must of necessity overgeneralize, but I believe the view that emerges from this survey is worth that risk. Steady State: The steady state economy is defined as an "economy in which the total population and the total stock of wealth are maintained constant at some desired levels by a 'minimal' rate of maintenance throughput." The need for a steady state economy is based on the fact that "the world is finite, the ecosystem is a steady state. The human economy is a subsystem of the steady state ecosystem. Therefore at some level and over some time period the subsystem must also become a steady state" (Daly 1973). In this framework growth in material throughput is only allowed as a temporary passage from one steady state to another. The steady state framework implies a stable economy which could be achieved through conservation, increasing the durability of goods and creating closed-loop production systems. The emphasis is on recycling and the use of biodegradable products to minimize externalities, without necessarily reducing consumption by the Industrialized Minority. The framework suggests ways to correct the weaknesses of the current economic system but does not require major transformation in our philosophy or the predominant power structure. It also presumes that any type of technology which would allow a constant population to reach a steady state would be acceptable. Appropriate Technology:^ E.F. Schumacher in 1973 coined the term "intermediate technology" to signify "technology of production by the masses, making use of the best of modern knowledge and experience, conducive to decentralisation, compatible with the laws of ecology, gentle in its use of scarce resources, and designed to serve the human person instead of making him [sic] the servant of machines" (Schumacher 1973). The central tenet of appropriate technology (AT) is that a technology should be designed to fit into and be compatible with its local setting. Examples of current projects which are generally classified as AT include passive solar design, active solar collectors for heating and cooling; small windmills to provide electricity; roof-top gardens and hydroponic greenhouses; permaculture; and worker-managed craft industries. There is general agreement, however, that the main goal of the AT movement is to enhance the self-reliance of people on a local An earlier version of this set was published previously in Gardner and Roseland (1989). Also known as alternative, renewable, soft, intermediate, radical, liberatory, and human-scale technology. 26 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development level. Characteristics of self-reliant communities which AT can help facilitate include: 1) low resource usage coupled with extensive recycling; 2) preference for renewable over nonrenewable resources; 3) emphasis on environmental harmony; 4) emphasis on small-scale industries; and 5) a high degree of social cohesion and sense of community (see, e.g., Darrow 1981; Olkowski 1979; Mollison 1978,1979; RAIN 1981). Communities that could be said to be practicing AT include the Amish of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania and the Menonites of southern Ontario (Foster 1987). Conserver Society: In September, 1977, the Science Council of Canada reported to the Minister of State for Science and Technology on the implications of a conserver society for Canadians (Science Council of Canada 1977). Principles emphasized in the report have much in common with notions of the steady state and appropriate technology. They include economy of design; diversity, flexibility and responsibility; and respect for the regenerative capacity of the biosphere. Conservation of energy and materials, mainly through recycling and innovative technologies rather than reduced consumption, was a major thrust of conserver society thinking. Human needs were considered in terms of increased employment opportunities based on industrial growth in the technology sector. Locus of control was not an important theme in the Conserver Society philosophy. Community Economic Development: The concept of community economic development suffers from much the same abundance of interpretation that afflicts sustainable development. At their finest, however, the distinguishing features of community economic development are characterized by the following definition from the Social Planning and Research Council of British Columbia (Clague 1986): Community Economic Development is concerned with fostering the social, economic and environmental well-being of communities and regions through initiatives taken by citizens in collaboration with their governments, community agencies and other public and private organizations, that strengthen local decision-making and self-reliance, cooperative endeavor and broad participation in community affairs. Other observers describe CED in less flattering terms, arguing that in response to external funding priorities, community development organizations have lost their original focus on the creation of local employment opportunities and local control and generation of capital in low-income communities (Surpin and Bettridge 1986). Examples of CED range from small business counseling and import substitution ("buy local") programs to worker cooperatives, community development corporations, and community land trusts. Boothroyd (1991) argues that "[w]hether CED is practiced in hinterland resource towns, urban ghettos, obsolescent 27 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development manufacturing cities, or Native communities reserves, the general objective is the same: to take some measure of control of the local economy back from the markets and the state." Ecofeminism: Ecology and feminism meet in the critique of hierarchy and domination. Ecofeminism's strength is its historical analysis of the common domination of women and of nature, which argues that the domination of women by men stems from the same source as the domination of nature by man, that patriarchy and ecological destruction are inextricably linked phenomena (see, e.g., Ruether 1975, Daly 1978, Griffin 1978). Some ecofeminists argue that patriarchal thinking is perilous for both ecology and humanity in the nulcear age. Others see practical applications of ecofeminist thinking in self-knowledge and awareness as well as protest and civil disobedience (Plante 1986). However, "[d]espite an impressive number of publications, conferences, and speakers, there is no practical organization or defined agenda. Ecofeminism is still an idea" (Brown 1988). Social Ecology:* * Social ecology focuses its critique on domination and hierarchy per se: the struggle for the liberation of women, of workers, of blacks, of native peoples, of gays and lesbians, of nature (the ecology movement), are ultimately all part of the struggle against domination and hierarchy. Social ecology is the study of both human and natural ecosystems, and in particular of the social relations that affect the relation of society as a whole with nature. Social ecology advances a holistic worldview, appropriate technology, reconstruction of damaged ecosystems, and creative human enterprise. It combines equity and social justice considerations with energy efficiency and appropriate technology. Social ecology goes beyond environmentalism, insisting that the issue at hand for humanity is not simply protecting nature but rather creating an ecological society in harmony with nature. The primary social unit of a proposed ecological society is the ecocommunity, a human-scale, sustainable settlement based on ecological balance, community self-reliance, and participatory democracy. Social ecology envisions a confederation of community assemblies, working together to foster meaningful communication, cooperation and public service in the everyday practices of civic life, and a "municipalist" concept of citizenship cutting across class and economic barriers to address dangers such as global ecological breakdown or the threat of nuclear war. Cooperation and coordination within and between communities is considered able to transcend the destructive trends of centralized politics and state power. The city can 1 * Social ecology is a term with various meanings in various places, e.g., a branch of urban sociology. The social ecology referred to here, however, is focused primarily around the writings of Murray Bookchin. 28 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development function, social ecology asserts, as "an ecological and ethical arena for vibrant political culture and a highly committed citizenry" (Bookchin 1987). The Green Movement: The Greens believe in the "four pillars" of ecology, social responsibility, grassroots democracy, and nonviolence (Capra and Spretnak 1984).^ These pillars translate into principles of community self-reliance, improving the quality of life, harmony with nature, decentralization, and diversity.13 From these principles, the Greens question many cherished assumptions about the rights of land ownership, the permanence of institutions, the meaning of progress, and the traditional patterns of authority within society. The Greens recognize that their movement will have to take different forms in different countries (Capra and Spretnak 1984). Starting in the mid-1970s in New Zealand (where it was called the Values Party), France (Les Vertes) and West Germany (Die Griinen), the Green movement soon spread to many other developed countries in Europe and North America. In countries with proportional representation, such as the former West Germany, Green politicans have been elected to seats in the Bundestag. In North America, however, Greens admit their involvement in federal political campaigns is primarily a way to educate the populace and build the movement. Local campaigns may be considered more serious bids for power, as with the New Haven, Connecticut Greens who ran a slate of Green candidates for city council (Tokar 1987). Most North Americans still think Green simply means being pro-environment, but for Germans being Green means being feminist, supporting civil liberties, working for solidarity with Third World peoples, and standing for an end to the arms race (Swift 1987). Bioregionalism: The central idea of bioregionalism is place. Bioregionalism comes from bio, the Greek word for life, as in "biology" and "biography," and regio, Latin for territory to be ruled. Together they mean "a life-territory, a place defined by its life forms, its topography and its biota, rather than by human dictates; a region governed by nature, not legislature" (Sale 1985). A bioregion is about the right size for human-scale organization: it is a natural framework for economic and political decentralization and self-determination. Bioregional practice is oriented toward resistance against the continuing destruction of natural systems, such as forests and rivers; and toward the renewal of natural systems based 1Z Greens in the U.S. have generally expanded this list to include an explicit emphasis on decentralization (see, e.g., Tokar 1987). 13 Tokar (1987) adds freedom, equality, and democracy to the list. 29 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development on a thorough knowledge of how natural systems work and the development of techniques appropriate to specific sites (Dodge 1981). While bioregionalism as a movement is relatively new, its precursors date back at least a century.14 Like social ecology, it is rooted in classical anarchism. The implications of bioregional social organization are clearly for local political control by communities on their own behalf combined with broader allegiance to an institutional structure that governs according to an ecological ethic. Bioregionalism considers people as part of a life-place, as dependent on natural systems as are native plants or animals. By virtue of the emphasis it places on natural systems, perhaps, bioregionalism sometimes appears weak in terms of human systems. Deep Ecology:*** As distinct from "shallow ecology" or reform environmentalism, deep ecology is concerned, according to its proponents, with the root causes of our environmental crisis. Deep ecologists hold dear the principle that nonhuman life has value in itself, independent of the usefulness of the nonhuman world for human purposes, and argue that humans have no right to reduce the richness and diversity of life forms except to satisfy vital needs. They advocate a substantial decrease in human population, and a lessening of human impact on the nonhuman world. While major changes in economic, technological, and ideological policies would result from adoption of deep ecology principles, most remain more implicit than specific. "The ideological change is mainly that of appreciating life quality (dwelling in situations of inherent value) rather than adhering to an increasingly higher standard of living" (Devall and Sessions 1985). Proponents of deep ecology believe they have "an obligation directly or indirectly to implement the necessary changes" required to realize their principles (Devall and Sessions 1985). This emphasis on direct action has inspired, in particular, the Earth First! organization in the western U.S. states, which has focused on saving wilderness areas from road-building, logging and development. Of the frameworks reviewed here, deep ecology is the only one that intentionally deprecates material human needs. Strong opponents of deep ecology, such as Murray Bookchin, draw attention to deep ecology's potential to contravene the principle of social self-determination. 1 4 Elements of bioregionalism can be traced back to the writings of, for example, Kropotkin, Ceddes, and Mumford. 15 Inspired by Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess, deep ecology was popularized in North America by academics Bill DeVall and George Sessions, novelist Edward Abbey and Earth First! activist Dave Foreman. 30 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development Native Worldview:^ Although the subject of considerable debate, many observers (see, e.g., McNeely and Pitt 1985) argue that sustainable patterns of resource use and management have been reflected in the belief and behaviour systems of indigenous cultures for centuries. These systems traditionally have been based in a worldview that does not separate humans from their environment (Callicott 1982): The Western tradition pictures nature as material, mechanical, and devoid of spirit..., while the American Indian tradition pictures nature throughout as an extended family or society of living, ensouled beings. The former picture invites unrestrained exploitation of non-human nature, while the latter provides the foundations for ethical restraint in relation to non-human nature. The World Commission on Environment and Development recognized how much industrialized cultures have to learn about sustainability from traditional peoples, and at the same time, how vulnerable the latter are to encroachment by the former (WCED 1987). A Native Chief speaking at a symposium on sustainable development at the University of British Columbia suggested that mainstream Canadian society could learn sustainable ways from his people by looking at "Nuu-chah-nulth history, culture, and traditions and practices, and find(ing) out how they managed to survive for thousands of years before European contact" (Smith 1989). Gaia Hypothesis: In the early 1970s British scientist James Lovelock first proposed the revolutionary principle that the Earth is alive. He named his hypothesis of this newly recognized organism Gaia, after the Earth goddess of ancient Greece. In March 1988 the prestigious Chapman Conference - convened by the American Geophysical Union and drawing together leading physicists, biologists, and climatologists - took as its theme the Gaia Hypothesis, marking the coming of age of the Gaia principle as a respectable subject within the scientific establishment. According to the Gaia Hypothesis, life shapes and controls the environment, rather than the other way around. The two have evolved together such that every life form, from microbe to humans, is involved - simply by its own life processes - in homeostatic systems that have evolved to operate on a global scale. Just as a living creature keeps its temperature and chemistry in balance, so Gaia - all of life - maintains harmonious conditions on Earth. Lovelock speaks of the "vital organs" and the "skin" of Gaia: soil, algae, wetlands, rainforests. If humanity is to attain a sustainable relationship with Gaia, The author wishes to thank Dr. Julia Gardner for this discussion of native worldviews. 31 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development we have to seek fuller knowledge of how her systems work and learn to respect them (Barnaby 1988). To date the emphasis of this holistic hypothesis remains on this systemic level, and issues of human needs, equity, and social self-determination have not directly been addressed. New Physics:*' Recent advances in physics point to the emergence of the framework of self-organization. This framework identifies serious inadequacies in the traditional, mechanistic approach to science, in recognizing that any system cannot be understood simply as the sum of its parts, that system behaviour is not entirely predictable, and that in open systems processes are not reversable. Instead, the emphasis is on evolutionary instability and complex systems dynamics. These factors can, in the face of even a minor disturbance, lead to the unexpected emergence of higher levels of organization (Prigogine and Stengers 1984). Systems that function to reproduce themselves are called autopoietic and are also self-organizing. Consideration of the biosphere as an autopoietic system closely approximates the Gaian hypothesis. The principles of the new physics (also refered to as "Green Science") have not attained a high profile in their application to social systems and they do not point to a particular strategy, yet they hold the potential for new insights. The notion of co-evolution of a system with its environment supports a more wholistic perspective on "development" and the integration of human and non-human nature; the recognition of the volatility of complex systems suggests a rationale for a simpler social structure; and the theme of autopoietic processes recommends a greater respect for the life support system of the biosphere - the point of science becomes "not to control nature but to appreciate it" (Tudge 1989). Most important, perhaps, are the capabilities the self-organization framework presents for "dealing with self-transcendence, the reaching out beyond the boundaries of one's own existence, the joy of creation" (Jantsch 1980). Comparing the Planning Paradigms Comparison of these alternative planning paradigms with Friedmann's planning theory traditions reveals two overwhelming conclusions. First, the alternative planning paradigms are exceedingly rich in material relevant to sustainable development concerns, whereas Friedmann's four traditions of planning theory are relatively impoverished and uninspired 17 The label, 'The New Physics," was coined by Capra (1982). The author again wishes to thank Dr. Julia Gardner for this discussion of new physics. 32 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development in relation to sustainable development. Second, the alternative paradigms are particularly strong in the sustainable development areas where Friedmann's planning theory traditions are particularly weak: future equity, building capacity toward sustainability, maintaining environmental assets for future generations, and avoiding irreversible damage to any single significant environmental asset.18 Rees (1992) notes that "... while the mainstream sees sustainable development in terms of marginal adjustments to the status quo, a true alternative is congealing around new values associated with spiritual and personal development, harmony with nature, community, and mutual reciprocity. However central to human and ecosystems health, such intangibles are intractable to technical analysis and have been all but neglected by mainstream approaches... "To the modern mind, high on the rhetoric of global expansion, the alternative literature seems politically naive and economically simplistic. However, alternative concepts are often more firmly rooted in the soil of real human and ecosystems behavior than is the dominant paradigm. This should be kept in mind as we contemplate the present prognosis for sustainable development... serious analysis and interpretation of sustainable development places it beyond the reach of mere technological adjustment and extensions of neoclassical analysis. Developing sustainability may require profound changes in existing power relationships, a reordering of cultural values, massive institutional reforms, and reconsideration of the social role of economic growth." The Meaning of "Sustainable Development" Many people use the term "sustainable development" to mean either environmental protection or else sustained economic growth (presumably to pay for, among other things, environmental protection). As noted previously, even the Brundtland Commission accepted the need for a five- to ten-fold increase in world industrial output as essential for sustainable development. Environmental protection is like foam padding - it offers some protection from a fall. We congratulate ourselves if we double our spending to double the thickness of the foam, because we assume thicker foam means more protection. However, we only get more 10 This finding has significant pedagogical implications for the education and training of professional planners and other municipal officials who increasingly must address sustainable development issues and concerns in their work. It indicates that much of what is currently taught in the name of planning theory is of limited value in addressing sustainable development, and that planners concerned with these aspects of sustainable development must look elsewhere for relevant theoretical guidance. This implies that planning theory educators should re-evaluate their syllabi to expose their students to this body of literature. As Rees (1992) argues, sustainable development requires appropriate philosophy more than appropriate technology. 33 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development protection if we fall the same distance. Meanwhile, unsustainable development constantly increases the distance we're likely to fall. Sustainable development must therefore be more than merely "protecting" the environment: it requires economic and social change to reduce the need for environmental protection. Boothroyd (1991) describes the common (mis)use of "sustainable development" as follows: "The recent widespread endorsement of 'sustainable development' reflects not the emergence of a new dominant paradigm in policy circles but rather a continuation of the growth-with-trickle-down paradigm. Indeed, many business and political leaders now use the terms 'sustainable growth' and 'sustainable development' interchangeably. This view of sustainable development is held not only by those who see their sole task as stimulating growth but also by many of those who see their task as alleviating poverty. Most national and international development agencies have implicitly or explicitly defined sustainable development as sustainable growth, rather than as living within our means, and poverty alleviation as a matter of insuring that the poor receive some benefits from this growth, rather than as a process of redistributing consumption-power from the rich to the poor." Zethoven (1991) has identified three major strands of thought within the sustainable development debate: shallow, intermediate, and deep sustainable development. The shallow perspective regards species and ecosystems as actual or potential resources to be protected on the grounds of their instrumental value to humans. Future generations are morally insignificant, and environmental assets are substitutable for human-made assets. Intermediate sustainable development recognizes intrinsic value in the natural world and adopts the non-substitutability thesis, or constant natural capital concept (that the next generation should inherit a stock of environmental assets no less than the stock inherited by the previous generation). However, by encouraging economic growth which is not based on sound ecological principles and practices, it prejudices both environmental equity and intergenerational equity. Deep sustainable development also recognizes intrinsic value in the natural world and rejects the substitutability thesis. It differs from the intermediate perspective by rejecting economic growth as a means of securing environmental and intergenerational equity. "Economic growth is criticized as indiscriminate, inequitable, unrestricted, and lacking a notion of sufficiency... the economy is a subset of global and regional ecosystems. Those who adopt this position acknowledge that the entropy law rather than the market is the ultimate regulator of economic activity and that unlimited growth policies contravene this law. Only policies which recognize the entropy process, that is, those which are aimed at appropriate and finite development, can be considered sustainable" (Zethoven 1991). 34 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development Like other political objectives of its kind (e.g., democracy), we all agree with the need for sustainable development and disagree over what it entails. However, if we accept the basic argument described thus far, that "sustainable" requires living within our ecological means (i.e., by not depleting natural capital) and "development" is a goal-oriented social change process, then "sustainable development" has a core meaning which remains however it is interpreted. There are three elements to this (Jacobs 1991): • Environmental considerations must be entrenched in economic policy-making. Environmental and economic objectives must be placed within a common framework in which a variety of parallel objectives can be recognized. In particular, we must learn to live on the "interest" generated by remaining stocks of living "natural capital" (Rees 1991), and we must recognize that growth at the expense of sustainability actually makes us poorer rather than richer (Daly and Cobb 1989). • Sustainable development incorporates an inescapable commitment to social equity. This requires not simply the creation of wealth and the conservation of resources, but their fair distribution both between and within countries, including at least some measure of redistribution between North and South. Sustainability also requires the fair distribution of environmental benefits and costs between generations. • "Development" does not simply mean "growth," as represented by faulty measures of economic performance such as increases in Gross National Product (GNP). Development implies qualitative as well as quantitative improvement. In sum, sustainable development must be a different kind of development. It must be a pro-active strategy to develop sustainability. As noted in Chapter One, much of the debate over the meaning of sustainable development focuses on the tension between the economic necessity for material growth and the ecological reality of limits. In the twenty years since The Limits to Growth (Meadows et al 1972) was published, few researchers have seriously explored the implications of this concept for social organization. Ryle (1988) notes that "ecological limits may limit political choices, but they do not determine them." The heart of the growth issue is simply that "underlying the social democratic advocacy of economic expansion is the fact that within a capitalist market framework, 'growth' is indeed the prerequisite of much else: especially, of the provision of welfare services and the creation of jobs, and of national economic status vis-a-vis other capitalist powers. Thus the critique of growth becomes a critique of capitalism 35 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development and the market... an alternative would have to find new, non-market-based means of providing employment and of meeting welfare needs" [emphasis added]. At the same time, transforming the market framework to reflect true environmental and social costs is essential for wise and long-term planning. For example, the prices Americans pay for energy "externalize" annual costs in terms of corrosion ($2 billion), health impacts ($12-82 billion), crop losses ($2.5-7.5 billion), radioactive waste ($4-31 billion), military expenditures ($15-54 billion to safeguard Persian Gulf oil supplies in 1989), employment lost by importing rather than producing oil ($30 billion), and subsidies (roughly $50 billion in tax credits and research funding)*" (Hubbard 1991). Together, transforming the market framework and finding alternatives to it constitute the core challenge of sustainable development: ecological restructuring. One key to ecological restructuring in many areas would be a comprehensive environmental tax code that would place fees on carbon emissions from the burning of coal, oil, and natural gas, thereby slowing global warming; penalize the use of virgin materials, thus encouraging recycling and reuse; charge for the generation of toxic waste, fostering waste reduction and the development of safer products; tax emissions of sulphur and nitrogen oxides, curbing acid rain; and impose levies on overpumping groundwater, encouraging efficient water use (Postel 1991; see also von Weizacker 1992, Repetto and Dower 1992). An environmental tax code should be considered part of a broader effort aimed at ecological restructuring or conversion. Although the conversion literature is almost entirely devoted to the conversion from a military to a civilian economy, it provides penetrating insights into the conversion to an ecologically sustainable economy as well. In particular, "the features embedded in the conversion concept can help smooth the transition to a sustainable society by addressing misunderstandings about tension between the goals of full employment and a healthy environment. An ecologically inspired restructuring of the economy would involve a transition from activities that contribute most to global warming, ozone depletion, and other threats to human health and the environment. To be sustainable, an economy must rely more on renewable energy, emphasize conservation and efficiency, minimize waste and hazardous materials generation, maximize recycling, and i y Of the $50 billion in subsidies, $26 billion goes to fossil fuels, which supply 85 percent of the roughly 80 quadrillion BTUs consumed in the U.S. each year; $19 billion subsidizes nuclear power, which supplies about 7 percent of U.S. energy consumption; and $5 billion supports renewable energy sources, which supply about 8 percent of U.S. energy consumption (Hubbard 1991). 36 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development generally rely on environmentally benign products and production technologies. Oil and coal producers, auto manufacturers, timber companies, and branches of the chemical industry (such as the plastics packaging industry) would unquestionably be among those most affected by such a transformation" (Renner 1990: 23). Renner (1990) suggests that, in general terms, "the most effective approach might be to create the overall framework and provide the incentives for the production of socially useful products for which there is an obvious need but little or no effective market demand. The centerpiece of such a policy would be an alternative research and capital investment agenda to create initial market demand" (p.61).20 Beyond the overall framework provided by public policy, it is probably best to leave the actual implementation to local and regional groups and authorities. A decentralized, locally controlled effort not only tends to be much more sensitive to individual communities' strengths and weaknesses, but is also more likely to be both effective and politically popular. "To be effective, a conversion policy needs to be tailored to the specific needs of individual regions and to invest local and regional governments with sufficient authority and wherewithal in the entire endeavor. This implies a reversal of current trends. In short, conversion policy cuts right to the heart of governance structures" (Renner 1990: 61-62). Drawing upon the full range of literature cited in this chapter, sustainable development can be seen, as noted in Chapter One, as having the following components: 1) it is a social change process for fulfilling human needs and advancing social equity; 2) it requires maintaining an adequate per capita stock of environmental assets for use by future generations and avoiding irreversible damage to any single significant asset; and 3) it is a process of expanding organizational effectiveness and building capacity toward sustainability. This definition of sustainable development has profound political implications since it implies constraints on the capacity of individuals, companies and nations to use resources which they have the right to use within present law (Mitlin and Satterthwaite 1991). The social and economic implications of sustainable development are also profound, particularly with regard to social equity. As Boothroyd (1991) explains, z u 'The program might include measures to support the development of nonpolluting, appropriate-scale production technologies, enhance renewable sources of energy, boost energy efficiency and reforestation, strengthen public transportation, provide affordable housing and preventative health care, and improve educational services..." (Renner 1990: 61). 37 Chapter Two: The Meaning of Sustainable Development "The common approach to dealing with the sustainability imperative and its equity implications is to seek ways to increase the efficiency of resource use and human labour without polluting the environment, and to seek ways to ensure the poor benefit from growth without changing the distribution systems that create the poor in the first place. This non-compassionate approach to sustainable development simply adds environmental considerations to the growth-with-trickle-down policies that have guided national and international development for two centuries. Few seem to appreciate the radical implications of a commitment to development which is truly sustainable or to take a truly compassionate view of equity. That is to say, few seem willing to accept that a move to sustainability means ending growth in overall material and energy consumption, and that a move to compassionate sustainability, therefore, means that those of us who are richer will have to do with less in order that those who are poorer can not only survive but live in decency." (p.475) The definition of sustainable development put forward here also contrasts sharply with the Brundtland Commission's call for a five- to ten-fold increase in world industrial output. Despite the Commission's optimism, the combination of depleted resource stocks (e.g., fossil fuels, fisheries, forests) with degraded life-support systems (e.g., ozone depletion, global warming, acid rain) together make it highly doubtful that both the developed countries and the Third World can greatly increase their consumption without destroying major life-support systems. The missing element in the Brundtland Commission's analysis is a concept of sufficiency, or "enoughness" (Bender 1975).21 Society will eventually have to come to grips with the unaccustomed reality that beyond a certain point growth based on the consumption of essential ecological resources is "uneconomic growth that impoverishes rather than enriches" (Daly and Cobb 1989). Given that North Americans are among the world's most inefficient and wasteful consumers of materials and energy (WCED 1987), it is incumbent upon us to find ways of living more lightly on the planet. For North Americans to contribute to global sustainability will require major shifts in the lifestyles of the affluent. A wide variety of approaches are called for, including appropriate technology, recycling, and waste reduction. At a minimum, we will have to increase the efficiency of our resource and energy use. More likely, as Boothroyd (1991) argues, we will also have to reduce our present levels of materials and energy consumption. In either case, this will require a more globally conscious kind of local development than we are accustomed to. •" Daly and Cobb (1989, p. 76) also note that the Brundtland definition of sustainable development fails to distinguish "needs" from extravagant luxuries or impossible desires: "If 'needs' includes an automobile for each of a billion Chinese, then sustainable development is impossible." 38 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities' Chapter 3 Toward Sustainable Communities During the period that environmentalism became a force in North American public life, our cities and communities have sprawled without consideration for resource efficiency. Infrastructure has been constructed - housing, roadways and sewage systems, for instance - which encourages disregardful resource consumption. Water sources have been taxed or polluted. Built environments have been designed which alter micro-climates and promote photochemical smog formation. Environmental services, such as public transit systems, have been left without public support. Our settlements have not only become less and less habitable for humans and most other species. They now stand as the geographic point sources of most regional and global environmental problems, and threaten even the most distant wild areas saved by environmental advocates (Brugmann 1992). The definition of sustainable development put forward in the previous chapter acknowledges ecological limits to material growth. Recognition of ecological limits to material growth as embodied in the constant natural capital requirement for "strong sustainability" has profound implications for urban form, for the material basis of urban life, and for community st social relationships in the 21 Century. If the basic science is correct, we have no choice but to shift to more sustainable patterns of resource use and development. The longer we wait, the greater the risk of having to impose rigid regulations in times of crisis. The sooner we make these shifts, the more options we will have to create mechanisms of adjustment which are socially acceptable and economically feasible. Nearly half of the world's people will live in urban areas by the turn of the century (WCED 1987). The way these urban areas are developed will largely determine our success or failure in overcoming environmental challenges and achieving sustainable development. Cities provide enormous, untapped opportunities to solve environmental challenges, and local governments must and can pioneer new approaches to sustainable development and urban management. They must also assume the responsibility and marshall the resources to address the environmental problems facing their communities (Toronto Declaration 1991). Although common environmental themes unite the world's communities, the communities of the developing (Southern) world face distinctly different challenges than those faced by the communities of the developed (Northern) world. From the perspective of sustainable development, the basic problem with Northern cities is that they are unsustainable, whereas the basic problem with Southern cities is that they are underdeveloped. Most Northern city dwellers are adequately housed and fed, but they meet their needs by consuming at rates the planet cannot afford and polluting at rates the planet cannot tolerate. 39 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities Most Southern city dwellers cannot meet their basic needs for food, clean water, clean air, fuel, transport and an environment free of disease-causing agents. While this dichotomy is not entirely clear cut - i.e., there is poverty in many Northern cities, and many Southern cities live beyond their means in terms of consumption of natural resources such as firewood and water - it helps illuminate the essential challenge of urban sustainability both North and South: meeting basic needs without depleting or degrading environmental capital (Holmberg, Bass, and Timberlake 1991). The cities of the industrial world, with their inadequate urban policies and technology, set the standard to which city managers in low-income countries aspire - low density single family dwellings, cars, expressways, waste creation, air conditioning and profligate water use (White and Whitney 1990). Although the WCED wrote very little about them, the role of the cities of the industrial world deserves much more scrutiny in the context of human settlements and the environmental crisis, precisely because their impact on the world's changing ecosystems is so enormous. Approaches to accounting for the environment in urban economic development illustrate the differences between traditional environmental economics and a more ecological approach. Traditional environmental economics perceives environmental problems in terms of a deteriorating local environment, e.g., land-fills approaching capacity from the growing waste stream. Solutions are cast in terms of finding efficient trade-offs between economic growth and environmental quality and finding policy instruments that will internalize the costs of pollution to those firms causing the problems. In contrast, the ecological ("strong sustainability") approach reveals new facets of the problem that are invisible to conventional economic policy models. Here attention is on the total relationship between the human population of the urban region, prevailing levels of ecologically significant consumption, and the sustainability of the resource base (Rees 1992a). A recent publication from the International Institute for Environment and Development (Hardoy and Satterthwaite 1992) illustrates the general idea: "One way to consider the impact of a city on natural resources and eco-systems is to consider what William Rees has termed its 'ecological footprint': the land area and the natural capital on which it draws to sustain its population and production structure. Cities demand a high input of resources - water, fossil fuels, land and all the goods and materials that their populations and enterprises require. The more populous the city and the richer its inhabitants, the larger its 'ecological footprint' is likely to be in terms of its demand on resources and, in general, the larger the area from which these are drawn." 40 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities Although some of our cities may appear to be sustainable, analysis of the "ecological footprint" of industrial cities shows that they "appropriate" carrying capacity (Wackemagel 1991) not only from their own rural and resource regions but also from "distant elsewheres" (Rees 1992a) - in other words, they "import" sustainability. The flip side or importing sustainability is exporting ecological degradation, or unsustainability: "A wealthy city can export many of its environmental problems. Good environmental quality can be maintained in its own region by appropriating the ecological resources of other cities or societies by drawing natural resources from distant producer regions (including those in other continents) where their production or extraction cause serious problems of environmental degradation. Most cities in Europe, North America, and Japan can only have forests, parks, and nature reserves nearby because such land need not be utilized to meet the demand for food and other natural resources arising from city-consumers and entreprises; such food and natural resources are imported. Here, as in many other city-based environmental problems, the separation of 'urban' and 'rural' often obscures a detailed understanding of causes and of the options available for addressing the problems" (Hardoy and Satterthwaite 1992). The following sections consider the implications of sustainable development for planning North American communities, focusing on the postwar pattern of Western urban development. The Unsustainable Community Most North American cities were built using technologies which assumed that abundant and cheap energy and land would be available forever. Communities therefore grew inefficiently, and became dependent on lengthy distribution systems. Cheap energy influenced the construction of our spacious homes and buildings, fostered our addiction to the automobile, and increased the separation of our workplaces from our homes (Environment Council of Alberta 1988). As described by Calthorpe (1989), "The current round of suburban growth is generating a crisis of many dimensions: mounting traffic congestion, increasingly unaffordable housing, receding open space, and stressful social patterns. The truth is, we are using planning strategies that are forty years old and no longer relevant to today's culture. Our household makeup has changed dramatically, the work place and work force have been transformed, real wealth has shrunk, and serious environmental concerns have surfaced. But we are still building World War II suburbs as if families were large and had only one breadwinner, as if jobs were all downtown, as if land and energy were endless, and as if another lane on the freeway would end congestion." Urban sprawl is one legacy of abundant fossil fuel and our perceived right to unrestricted use of the private car whatever the social costs and externalities. Per capita gasoline consumption in US and many Canadian cities is now more than four times that of European 41 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities cities, and over 10 times greater than such Asian cities as Hong Kong, Tokyo, and Singapore. The biggest factor accounting for these differences in energy use appears to be not the size of cars or the price of gasoline, but the efficiency and compactness of land use patterns (Newman and Kenworthy 1989). One conclusion of a study prepared for the the US Government was that "sprawl is the most expensive form of residential development in terms of economic costs, environmental costs, natural resource consumption, and many types of personal costs... This cost difference is particularly significant for that proportion of total costs which is likely to be borne by local governments" (Real Estate Research Corporation 1974). Other local and regional consequences of sprawl, such as congestion, air pollution, jobs-housing location "imbalance," and longer commuting times are now commonly recognized. Yet, until recently, few researchers acknowledged that the land use pattern of North American cities also has serious global ecological ramifications. For example, residents of most Canadian cities annually produce about 20 tons of carbon dioxide per capita, placing Canada among the top three or four nations in terms of per capita contribution to potential climate change. In contrast, citizens of Amsterdam produce only 10 tons of carbon dioxide per capita per year. Sprawl, exclusionary zoning and low density account for much of this difference. According to recent research at the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis, if North American cities modeled future development on cities like Amsterdam, future carbon dioxide emissions here would only be half as much as current gloomy projections now indicate (Alcamo 1990). The Sustainable Community The postwar pattern of Western urban development is not only ecologically unconscionable but economically inefficient and socially inequitable. In contrast, sustainable development implies that the use of energy and materials be consistent with production by such "natural capital" processes as photosynthesis and waste assimilation (Rees 1990a,b). To some authors this implies increasing community and regional self-reliance to reduce dependency on imports (RAIN 1981, California Office of Appropriate Technology 1981, Morris 1982). The benefits would be reduced energy budgets, reduced material consumption, and a smaller, more compact urban pattern interspersed with productive areas to collect energy, grow crops, and recycle wastes (Van der Ryn and Calthorpe 1986). 42 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities Cities with low "automobile dependence" are more centralized; have more intense land use (more people and jobs per unit area); are more oriented to non-auto modes (more public transit, foot traffic, and bicycle usage); place more restraints on high-speed traffic; and offer better public transit (Newman and Kenworthy 1989). This suggests a new approach to transportation and land use planning in North America. In the absence of comprehensive planning, transportation has, almost by default, guided land use. Instead, land use planning should guide transportation, and transportation should be designed to accommodate and support planned growth, inducing the needed changes in urban form (Cervero 1991; Replogle 1990). The ideal urban form for a particular locale will depend to some extent on the nature of the energy supply options: for example, higher densities make most efficient use of district heating and public transport networks, while lower densities may make solar energy more viable. The location, gross density and form of new development should therefore be determined in conjunction with programs for energy supply and conservation technologies (Owens 1990). This principle is illustrated by a recent San Jose, California study which compared development pressures with or without a "greenbelt" to constrain development. Without it, 13,000 exurban homes would be developed which, compared to an equivalent number of units downtown and along the transit corridor, would require at least an additional 200,000 miles of auto commuting plus an additional three million gallons of water every day, as well as 40 percent more energy for heating and cooling (Yesney 1990). Another study, by Montgomery County, Maryland, found that continued growth in an automobile-dependent pattern would produce traffic congestion levels high enough to choke off economic development. However, an anticipated doubling of population and employment could be accommodated without excessive traffic problems if most new growth were clustered in pedestrian- and bicycle-friendly centers focused on an expanded rail transit and busway system. Through such strategies, the share of County work trips made by non-auto alternatives could double to 50%, resulting in only half the level of energy use and air pollution compared to the sprawled, automobile strategy (Replogle 1990). As these examples demonstrate, the pattern of growth is more important than the amount of growth in determining the level and efficiency of resource use and traffic congestion. They also show that working with established principles to reorient existing resources can contribute to such sustainability objectives as more efficient use of urban space, reduced consumption of resources, and improved community livability. 43 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities Movement toward sustainable communities requires a new kind of "ecosystem" thinking about human settlements. As described by Brugmann and Hersh (1991), In this century, the city has been imagined by sociologists, planners, and engineers as a bazaar, a seat of political chaos, an infernal machine, a circuit, and, more hopefully, as a community, the human creation "par excellence." These different ways of thinking about cities, their social forces, their market behaviours, their reliance on materials and processes from the natural world, both shape and constrain the programmes and policies that local governments put forward to serve the needs of urban people. The city can also be imagined as an ecosystem. Such a concept provides a tool to understand the complex relations between human activities and the environment, and how communities can organise their activities to both meet human needs and benefit the environment... Like a natural system such as a pond or forest, an urban ecosystem transforms energy (human labour, capital, fossil fuels) and materials (timber, iron, sand & gravel, information, etc.) into products that are consumed or exported, and into by-products. In natural systems by-products are recycled. We have designed and managed our cities so that these by-products often go unused as wastes. The impact of human activity on the environment can be highlighted by charting the dynamics of the system - the movement of materials and people, the flows of energy and capital, the locations where energy is stored or expended, the rates at which wastes are generated and recycled. By looking at the city as a whole, by analyzing the pathways along which energy and pollution move, we can begin to see how human activities create and direct pollution into local, regional, and global ecosystems. We can also see how these activities can be reorganised and reintegrated with natural processes to increase the efficiency of resource use, the recycling of "wastes" as valuable materials, and the conservation of energy. Australian researcher Peter Newman notes (1990) that "the most unsustainable form of settlement yet developed - the low density suburb - has been a relatively recent phenomenon, motivated by a strong anti-urban Anglo-Saxon sentiment and facilitated by the automobile. Social organisation for ecological sustainability will need to reverse this settlement pattern." His analysis of settlement patterns and sustainability suggests that sustainable settlements require making cities more urban and making the countryside more rural. Making cities more urban can be accomplished by "re-urbanising"1 city centres and sub-centres; re-orienting transport infrastructure away from the automobile; removing subsidies on the automobile; and providing a more public-oriented urban culture, assisted by attractive urban design (townscapes, streetscapes, malls and squares) and by "traffic calming" measures to facilitate bicycle and pedestrian use of residential areas and major roads. Making the 1 In discussing energy-efficient land use, some analysts use the term "reurbanization" to refer to increasing the intensity of activity within present urban boundaries and "hardening" the urban fringe (reducing sprawl), thereby making more effective use of existing services, reducing infrastructure costs, and relieving pressures on adjacent agricultural lands. 44 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities countryside more rural can be accomplished by means such as protecting and encouraging sustainable agriculture in rural areas and moving towards bioregionalism (e.g., air- and watershed management) as the basis of local government boundaries and responsibilities. Sustainability By Design The drawings which follow articulate some critical elements of making cities more urban and making the countryside more rural. They also illustrate how efficient land use, reduced resource consumption, and improved community livability can be achieved simultaneously. Yaro et al (1988) have developed practical planning standards which rural New England towns can adopt to protect their distinctive character while at the same time accommodating economic growth. Illustrating actual sites in western Massachusetts, their drawings show each site before development, after conventional development, and after what the authors call "creative development" (see Figure 3-1). In both development schemes, the same number of units have been added. While many aspects differ between the two development approaches, the most critical is that the conventional approach dramatically alters the land use pattern (e.g., agricultural lands are lost to suburban sprawl), while the creative approach absorbs growth without destroying future options (e.g., agricultural "capital" remains intact). 45 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities FIGURE 3-la Before Development CAPTION: Before development, after conventional development, and after "creative development." In both development schemes, the same number of units have been added. PERMISSION: Reprinted with permission from the Center for Rural Massachusetts/ University of Massachusetts at Anmherst, from the Center's Design Manual, by R.D. Yaro, et al, Dealing With Change in the Connecticut River Valley: A Design Manual for Conservation and Development. 46 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities FIGURE 3-lb After Conventional Development 47 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities FIGURE 3-lc After Creative Development 48 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities CAPTION: An existing single family neighbourhood (above) has been transformed into an urban cooperative block (below) - an urban "village cluster" which could include a community house, common back yards, common parking, and common resources. PERMISSION: Reprinted with permission from the Shared Living Resource Center, a non-profit organization dedicated to creating supportive shared living communities that integrate housing with cooperative living, ecological design and affordability. Shared Living Resource Center, 2375 Shattuck Ave., Berkeley, CA 94704, 415/548-6608. 49 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities Norwood (1990) illustrates a similar concept, but within the setting of a typical suburban block (see Figure 3-2). Variations on this theme are increasingly popular in new private market developments. In this case an existing single-family neighbourhood, characterized by under-utilized back yards, garages, attics, basements, and bedrooms, has been transformed into what the author calls an "urban cooperative block." The urban cooperative block concept could be organized around one or more small or home businesses; it could be designed to "recycle" obsolete corporate/industrial parks, shopping centres, and office complexes; or, as shown here, it could be the centre of a "village cluster" typical of the popular Danish cohousing communities, with a community house, common back yards, common parking, and common resources. Many forms of ownership are possible, ranging from a condominium corporation to a non-profit corporation with resident control, a limited equity cooperative, a community land trust, or a mutual housing association. Potential economic advantages include lowering housing costs through creating additional infill units and/or bedrooms, renting rooms and units, and allowing cottage industries or home businesses. By improving affordability, this model has the potential of serving a diversified and intergenerational cross-section of the population. Figure 3-3 illustrates a similar concept, but this time the setting is in a downtown core. Many ideas for urban sustainability are illustrated in this drawing, such as mixed-use zoning; streets devoted to walking, cycling, and public transport; heavy reliance on renewable energy sources; rooftop gardens and greenery; and separate "waste" containers for compost and trash. Note the integration of work and home, which reduces the need for travel. As described earlier, a recent San Jose, California study compared the impacts of 13,000 units of this kind of development downtown and along the transit corridor to an equivalent number of exurban homes. It found that the kind of development pictured here saved at least 200,000 miles of auto commuting plus an additional three million gallons of water every day, and required 40 percent less energy for heating and cooling (Yesney 1990). Calthorpe's "Pedestrian Pocket" is another variation on this theme, at the level of a compact neighbourhood. The "Pedestrian Pocket" is defined as a balanced, mixed-use area within a quarter-mile or a five-minute walking radius of a transit station. The functions within this 50 to 100-acre zone include housing, offices, retail, day care, recreation, and parks. Up to two thousand units of housing and one million square feet of office space can be located within three blocks of the transit station using typical residential densities and four-story office configurations (Kelbaugh 1989). 50 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities FIGURE 3-3 A Sustainable City Vision CAPTION: This sustainable dty vision emphasizes mixed-use zoning, pedestrian-, bicycle-and transit-friendly streets, renewable energy sources, and urban greenery. PERMISSION: From a drawing by Diane Schatz, reprinted with permission from Rain Magazine, PO Box 30097, Eugene, OR 97403, 503/683-1504. 51 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities Mnp 3. BERKELEY AND ITS CENTERS Map 5. BERKELEY, 15 TO 50 YEARS HENCE FIGURE 3-4 A Nodal Vision of Urban Development "The underlying concept behind drawing these circles [Map 3] is simply that distance requires energy and time to traverse. The greater the distance people have to travel, the higher the use of resources and the greater the production of pollution and waste of time. Therefore, we should build relatively compact centers. These areas will then work well with any public transit connecting them to other relatively high-use areas. Within and between the spots of higher activity people can find it easy and pleasant to walk and HKHKI-UvY AOMC0A COUNTY gp*e~2/ 52 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities Yiap 6. BERKELEY, 25 TO 90 YEARS HENCE Anp 7. BERKELEY, 40 TO 125 YEARS HENCE bicycle. This pattern of "spots" of development is based on the size of the human body and the speed of walking. It contrasts sharply with "strip" (one-dimensional or linear development) and "sprawl" (two-dimensional or flat development) created by and for things that weigh 10 to 40 times as much and travel up to 50 times as fast: automobiles" (Register 1987). PERMISSION: Reprinted with permission from Register, Ecocity Berkeley (see References). 53 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities Figure 3-4 brings the discussion to the level of the urban region, using the city of Berkeley, California as an example. Although these maps may at first appear to show the history of Berkeley, they actually demonstrate a sustainable future development pattern for this urban region. The first map in this set shows Berkeley and its town and neighbourhood "centers." These centers were selected as a compromise between the "ideal" centers -according to the natural features of the landscape such as ridgelines and steep slopes - and the existing centers. Over time, urban development is concentrated near these centers while surrounded by nonurban lands. Once again, the key feature is the pattern of urban growth. These drawings demonstrate a "nodal" rather than a "centralized" vision - a network of smaller, compact communities surrounded by nonurban land. As the city grows, and its "centers" become increasingly compact, the surrounding land can be reclaimed - as open space, forests, agricultural land, and wildlife habitat - to simultaneously benefit people and the environment. Sustainability by design offers possibilities for making subdivisions and other new "developments" more "sustainable." The drawings above illustrate some ways in which efficient land use, reduced resource consumption, and improved community livability can be achieved simultaneously. Yet the limitation of such design "solutions," of course, is that they do not address the community-wide inefficient land use, overconsumption of resources, and deterioration in livability wrought by the last several decades of unsustainable development. Nor do they address administrative and planning processes which can deal effectively, sensitively and comprehensively with the attendant socioeconomic complexities created by changing our approach to community development. For urban areas to develop sustainability will require policies that extend beyond physical design, policies that are the responsibility of local government. Local Governments for Sustainable Communities Although local governments are not the only agencies charged with community planning and development, they are the only locally elected, representative and accountable bodies responsible for community decision-making. This makes them critical players in the movement toward sustainable communities. In the words of Peterborough, Ontario Mayor Sylvia Sutherland (1991): 54 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities "We in local government are closest to our communities. We are closest to the people who must participate in a very direct and active way if the transition to sustainability is to have any hope of success. We are uniquely situated to assist in the evolution of new social values and practices. We can encourage co-operation between the sectors of the community with a stake in the environment and in development and sustainability. We can act as a catalyst for local action beyond the boundaries of our own jurisdiction..." Burlington, Ontario Alderman Jim Ryan (1992) concurs with Sutherland that sustainable development "requires that communities protect and enhance the environment upon which their future depends by changing the way they make decisions and by developing an ecological framework for planning sustainable communities. Translating the concept of sustainable development into action at the municipal level will require far-reaching institutional changes, changes in thinking, decision making, policy and process." Ryan continues: "Sustainable development is a global imperative with an urban focus, because that is where the greatest growth is occurring and where the majority of our global and regional environmental problems originate. It calls for a fundamental change in the way we plan and manage our urban centres. Municipal officials as stewards of local communities have a vital role to play in effecting the necessary change." There are a variety of ways that local governments can respond to sustainable development and global environmental concerns. For example, Gilbert (1991) has characterized eight styles of local government response with respect to potential climate change and global warming (see Table 3-1). Table 3-1 Local Government Styles of Response With Respect to Global Warming (Gilbert 1991) Style Examples 1. Flout the law ...Use illegally polluting vehicles. 2. Merely obey the law Do no more, or less, than is required. 3. Set a good example within the Intra-office recycling; use natural gas administration vehicles. 4. Advocate within jurisdiction Encourage reduction, reuse, and recycling; promote transit and district heating. 5. Legislate within jurisdiction Ban certain materials at landfill sites; local restrictions on automobile use. 55 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities 6. Advocate outside jurisdiction 7. Seek new legislative authority 8. Legislate outside jurisdiction Push for tighter automobile pollution standards; promote inter-city rail. To tax automobile ownership; to ban sale of items made with CFCs. Ban sale of items made with CFCs; ban use of many kinds of packaging. In September 1990, the World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future was held at the United Nations in New York City. Local government officials from some 45 countries around the world gathered at this historic event to discuss the role of local government in addressing global environmental problems. They recognized that local governments have been timid to act not only because resources at the local government level have been scarce, but even more because they have been inhibited by a narrow and ineffectual conception of the domain of local government concern (UNEP 1990). The result has been a lack of mobilization to address global problems that are largely rooted in local, day-to-day activity. Indeed, it is the world's industrial cities that produce most of the world's solid and liquid wastes, consume most of the world's fossil fuels, emit the majority of ozone depleting compounds and toxic gases, and give economic incentive to the clearing of the world's forests... Fortunately, in the face of global challenges, many local governments have started taking singlehanded initiatives to address the root causes of environmental decline. From recycling systems and traffic reduction programs to local bans of CFCs and city-to-city Third World development partnerships, local governments are serving as laboratories for policy invention in the environmental arena-While broad policy parameters are being formulated at the international level, local governments are developing the thousands of concrete changes in economic, political and social behaviour required to forestall an environmental crisis. The concrete innovations that they are testing are providing models for national level policies and programs (UNEP 1990). This is the context for the present study, and illustrates why it is important to stimulate and inform discussion about the community role in sustainable development and to broaden our understanding of the opportunities for sustainable community development activity. 56 Chapter Three: Toward Sustainable Communities A Framework for Sustainable Community Development What are the practical planning implications for North American (i.e., Canadian and US) communities of implementing sustainable development? Building upon the analysis of sustainable development in the previous chapter and analyzing the literature discussed in this chapter (see also the Annotated Bibliography), a set of criteria emerge which can be used to create a framework for sustainable community development. Applying the concept of sustainable development to North American communities begins with unprecedented and simultaneous emphasis on the efficient use of urban space (e.g., intensifying urban land use, increasing infrastructural efficiency); on reducing consumption of material and energy resources (e.g., generally minimizing the consumption of essential natural capital, encouraging regional self-reliance); on improving community livability (e.g., community development, healthy communities); and on organizing administrative and planning processes which can deal effectively, sensitively and comprehensively with the attendant socioeconomic complexities (Rees and Roseland 1991). These latter are crucial to coordinating and balancing the other three aspects (see Figure 1-1). Each of these criteria will be specifically addressed in the concluding chapter. The significance of these criteria for the postwar pattern of Western urban development, as typified by many North American cities and towns, is elaborated in the following chapter and in the Appendices. 57 Chapter 4 Municipal and Local Government Sustainable Development Initiatives Introduction This chapter synthesizes the data collected on municipal and local government sustainable development initiatives. These initiatives, which have been adopted, adapted or proposed by municipal and other governments in North America and elsewhere, satisfy the criteria of land use efficiency, reduced consumption of resources, improved community livability, and administration for sustainability. The initiatives are classified in Tables A through M according to which of the sustainable development criteria they most directly address. The Tables also indicate implementation mechanisms and jurisdictions in which these initiatives are being practiced or proposed.* In countries where federal initiatives have resulted in several local government responses, the name of the country is given. Efficient Use of Urban Space includes the two distinct but integrally related categories of transportation planning and traffic management (Table A), and land use and growth management (Table B). Reducing Resource Consumption encompasses atmospheric change and air quality (Table C), energy conservation and efficiency (Table D), waste reduction and recycling (Table E), and water and sewage (Table F). Improving Community Livability includes initiatives to green the city (Table G), develop a sustainable economy (Table H), and enhance both local community livability and global community responsibility (Table I). Administration for Sustainability encompasses investment and purchasing (Table J), leadership by example (Table K), environmental administration (Table L), and extending beyond municipal and local government (Table M). Each Table is preceded by an introduction to the topic, based upon the literature. The Tables themselves are based upon the detailed descriptions of the initiatives provided in Appendix 1. The jurisdictions are cited as examples; the listings are not intended to be comprehensive. 58 Chapter 4-A Efficient Use of Urban Space: Transportation Planning and Traffic Management The burning of fossil fuels in motor vehicles and the associated release of carbon dioxide is one of the prime contributors to atmospheric change. Beyond this, governments at every level are in fiscal crisis and mostly unable to adequately maintain and expand transportation infrastructure to keep pace with traffic growth. If we continue our present trends for the next few decades, we can also expect to see increasing congestion, longer commuting times, increasing demands for shorter work hours to compensate for longer traveling hours, and higher prices due to reduced worker productivity. Efforts to relieve traffic congestion alone do little to reduce polluting emissions or the amount of fuel consumed. Cities must now stress reduction of single occupancy vehicle trips as the only sound way to achieve improved air quality, reduce the energy consumption that is contributing to atmospheric change, and relieve traffic congestion. Transportation planning and traffic management initiatives are critical for sustainable urban development. These initiatives are usually motivated by goals to reduce the number of automobile trips; increase opportunities for non-auto transportation including bicycles, walking, rail, buses, and alternative vehicles; and reduce the use of gasoline and diesel fuel in conventional buses, autos and trucks. Pucher (1988) has shown that "differences in travel behavior arise largely from public policy differences, especially from differences in automobile taxation. In addition, variations in transit subsidies, land use controls, and housing programs significantly influence travel choice, although sometimes only indirectly. The success of public transportation depends more on supportive urban development and automobile taxation policies than on transit subsidies." A study of 32 major world cities, funded by the Australian Government, shows that there are very clear relationships between transport and urban form. Economic factors such as income and gasoline prices are less important than the direct policy instruments of 59 transportation planners and urban planners, such as the relative provision of infrastructure for automobiles and rapid transit, or the density of population and jobs. Cities with low "automobile dependence" are more centralized; have more intense land use (more people and jobs per unit area); are more oriented to non-auto modes (more public transit, foot traffic, and bicycle usage); place more restraints on high-speed traffic; and offer better public transit (Newman and Kenworthy 1989). Ending the widespread employer practice of providing free or heavily subsidized parking to employees is a promising option for relieving both traffic congestion and air pollution. According to one estimate (Willson 1989), the effect of free parking induces more travel than would free gasoline. It is important to investigate variations of pricing policies which minimize regressive impacts, or to develop complementary policies which mitigate those effects. Cameron (1991) notes that studies of employer-paid parking indicate that middle- to upper-income groups are the principal recipients of these benefits. Even this is not a critical finding since the policy prescription for parking is simply to offer employees the cash equivalent of the parking space, which could be a progressive policy. Transportation demand management (TDM) and transportation system management (TSM) consist of a wide range of measures aimed primarily at improving air quality and relieving traffic congestion. Gordon (1991) writes that "the goal of TDM strategies is to influence people to shift to more-efficient modes of transportation and to travel during off-peak hours. Some strategies attempt to manage transportation demand with regulations and pricing schemes, such as parking management and time-of-day charges for roads; others manage demand by promoting alternative-mode choices, such as ridesharing and telecommuting. In complementary fashion, TSM strategies aim to affect the supply of transportation services. The most successful policies integrate supply and demand strategies to create a transportation network that promotes efficient, low-polluting choices." Specific TDM/TSM strategies include (Gordon 1991): • parking measures • ridesharing • high-occupancy vehicle (HOV) facilities • variable-pricing schemes (e.g., congestion or time-of-day pricing) • telecommuting • alternative work schedules • bicycle and pedestrian use • innovative land-use planning 60 • innovative transportation technologies (e.g., traffic-signal synchronization) The initiatives in Table 4-A illustrate a range of strategies which address encouraging transit, managing transportation demand, emphasizing public (e.g., bus, rail) and alternative (e.g., bicycles, walking) transit, and reducing automobile dependency. 61 Table 4-A. Efficient Use of Urban Space: Transportation Planning and Traffic Management Initiative Purpose Mechanisms Practiced/Proposed Trip Reduction By-Laws Automobile Restrictions Road Pricing Parking Measures Public Transport Innovation Free or Inexpensive Transit Bicycle Transportation To reduce peak hour trips and increase the ratio of people to vehicles. To reduce urban air pollution, traffic congestion. To reduce car traffic in urban centres; also being used to fund public transit. To favour high-occupancy vehicles over single-occupancy vehicles. To provide an efficient and affordable public transport system. To encourage use of public transit. To make bicycling a better transportation alternative. Require employers to implement a program, including appointment of a transportation coordinator and any reasonable combination of commute alternatives designed to achieve the required target. Prohibit automobile use one or more day per week; fuel taxes. All drivers entering the city centre are required to display a valid monthly transit pass or other sticker. Preferential parking, parking pricing, parking offsets. Segregated bus lanes, express buses integrated with inter-district and feeder buses, 'boarding tubes' to cut boarding and deboarding times. Transit is free within the downtown core. Car-free bicycle routes; bicycle parking; shower and locker facilities in all new developments. Vancouver; Bellevue, WA; Montgomery County, MD; 37 California cities and counties; South Coast Air Quality Management District (California) Florence; Budapest; Santiago; Mexico City; Rome; Milan; Naples; Turin Singapore; Hong Kong; Holland; Stockholm; Oslo; Vancouver Ottawa; Vancouver; Portland, OR; Seattle, WA; Montgomery County, MD; Sacramento, CA Curitiba (Brazil) Seattle; Portland, OR; Syracuse; Salt Lake City Copenhagen; Palo Alto, Davis, Berkeley, CA; Bordeaux (France); Groningen (Holland); Toronto; Vancouver 62 Street Redesign Traffic Calming and Traffic Cells Telecommunications Transit Marketing To slow traffic speeds, reduce noise and exhaust, and make streets safer for pedestrians, children, seniors and bicyclists. To restrain traffic and reduce accident figures. To encourage alternatives to commuting. To encourage use of public transportation. Woonerfen, or "slow streets," with narrow lanes, curves, speed humps, shrubbery, slow speed limits, etc. Zone entire municipality for 30 KPH speed limit. Determine tasks/jobs, provide training and/or equipment. "Job ticket" flash passes for all municipal employees; low-fare public transit "environment pass"; flash transit passes for hotel guests; "transit credit card" bills employers for actual transit usage; program enables employers to distribute tax-free transit vouchers. Delft, Groningen, Maastricht (Holland); Saarbriicken (Germany); Berkeley, CA Saarbriicken (Germany) Portland, OR; Vancouver Frankfurt, Freiburg, Hamburg (Germany); Basel, (Switzerland); Phoenix, AZ; Philadelphia 63 Chapter 4-B Efficient Use of Urban Space: Land Use and Growth Management To encourage people to use the transportation system more efficiently we need to adopt land use policies which reduce our needs for transportation and let us meet those needs in more energy-efficient ways. Our needs for transportation arise directly from the way land is used in our communities. Through zoning and other techniques, land-use patterns and densities dictate travel volume, direction, and mode. In Canada and the US, our dispersed land use patterns are typified by the low density suburb. The problem with the low density land use pattern is not just its high energy use. Newman (1991b) notes that this settlement pattern has a complimentary set of environmental problems that all stem from its dispersed land use: High per capita auto emissions (both smog and greenhouse gases are directly related to the amount of gasoline used); High per capita water use (e.g., for lawn irrigation); High land requirements in both the block size and the road system required to service it (road provision is much greater in low density areas than in medium density areas); High stormwater pollution from the extra urbanized land (low density areas have double the stormwater pollution of medium density areas); High domestic heating energy due to the lack of a shared insulating effect when buildings are grouped (50% differences are found); Poor recycling rates due in part to the large cost involved in collection compared to a compact housing system (European cities have four to six times the recycling rates of North America); High physical infrastructure costs (utilities, pipes, poles, roads, etc.); and High social infrastructure costs (cars are required for participation in social life). Land use planning initiatives are often motivated by the recognition that transportation planning and traffic management initiatives, as discussed in the previous section, will 64 eventually be thwarted or simply overwhelmed by growth unless accompanied by long-term efforts to reduce the need for travel. Today there is also increasing recognition that to address problems such as air and water pollution, energy conservation, and infrastructure costs, land use planning initiatives are essential for moving toward sustainable communities. Although denser land use could help solve many of the environmental, social, and aesthetic problems of sprawl, widespread misconceptions about even moderate increases in density often prevent communities from adopting compact land use strategies. As Lowe (1992) observes, augmenting the density of development does not in itself create a harsh physical environment. For example, Copenhagen and Vienna, moderate density cities with 19 people per acre and 29 people per acre, respectively, are widely associated with urban charm and livability, whereas low-density cities such as Phoenix (5 people per acre) often are dominated by unwelcoming, car-oriented commercial strips and vast expanses of concrete and asphalt. The relationship between population density and automobile travel is further supported by a recent San Francisco area study (Holtzclaw 1991) in which odometer readings taken during biennial auto emissions (smog check) inspections were used to calculate the annual mileages for five communities within the San Francisco region. The study found that doubling residential or population density reduces the annual auto mileage per capita or per household by 20 to 30 percent. Using the Hertz Corporation's estimates of auto ownership and operating costs per mile, the average Nob Hill (177 households per acre) area family annually spends nearly $14,000 less on autos, uses 66 percent less gasoline, and emits 14 kg less hydrocarbons, 12 kg less nitrogen oxides, and 98 kg less carbon monoxide than the average Danville-San Ramon family (3.8 households per acre). The initiatives in Table 4-B illustrate a range of strategies which emphasize land uses that create travel patterns effectively served by energy-efficient travel modes, such as public transit, bicycling, and walking. 65 Table 4-B. Efficient Use of Urban Space: Land Use and Growth Management Initiatives Initiative Proximity Planning Purpose To encourage access by proximity rather than access by transportation. Energy-Efficient Land To control energy Use Planning demand through land use management. Compact Community Policies Urban Villages Urban Megaproject Planning To facilitate intensification. To provide for minimal auto dependence and densities which make rail highly viable. To apply sustainable development concepts to an urban megaproject. Mechanisms Developing policies and incentives; higher starting salary for new employees living closer to work. Energy conservation policies and commitments incorporated into comprehensive plan. Amend Official Plans, Zoning By-Laws and local building or development by-laws. Mostly private developments; some public developments. Minimize fossil fuel consumption; maximize solar access; natural storm water filtering; utilize waste heat; study solar aquatics potential; proximity planning policies; low parking standards; pro-cycling policies; composting space in basements; develop implementation strategy. Practiced/Proposed Vancouver; Denver, CO Portland Peterborough (Ontario) Arabella Park, Zamilla Park and Germering (Munich), Der Seepark (Freiburg), Kista (Stockholm); False Creek (Vancouver), River Place (Portland), Mission Bay (San Francisco) Toronto's Railway Lands (not adopted by City) 66 Land Stewardship Residential Intensification "Contmute-sheds" for Jobs-Housing Balance Building Permit Allocation To be the first guiding principle for land use planning. To create new residential units or accommodation in existing buildings or on previously developed, serviced land. To reduce traffic congestion and automobile emissions. To manage growth. Draft Official Plan Review Report states that "the extent to which an individual realizes the economic benefit of a land use change should be balanced by the community's desire in preserving the environment or certain land forms in the landscape." Creation of rooming, boarding and lodging houses; creation of accessory apartments; conversion of non-residential structures to residential use; infill; redevelopment. Subregional "commute-sheds" are designated as either job-rich or job-poor; planners try to redirect new jobs from job-rich to job-poor areas. Housing permits are allocated on a merit system that awards points for recreational amenities, landscaping and open space, design quality, impact on local infrastructure, and energy efficiency. Regional Municipality of Halton (Ontario) Kingston, St. Catherines, Metro Toronto South Coast Air Quality Management District (California) Key West, FL 67 Chapter 4-C Reducing Resource Consumption: Atmospheric Change and Air Quality There are three key areas of atmospheric change that concern local governments: local air quality, ozone layer depletion, and potential climate change (e.g., global warming). Local air quality obviously varies according to local conditions, but shares causes and solutions with broader atmospheric change issues. Ozone layer depletion and climate change are discussed below. Many scientists believe that the context for thinking about sustainable development for the next several decades will be global atmospheric change. Put simply, we are changing the composition of the earth's atmosphere. If the change continues at current rates, the world's weather may be significantly altered by the middle of the next century. Climate Change Global warming is one possible consequence of atmospheric change. In essence, we might be giving the planet a fever by increasing the Earth's natural "greenhouse effect." We know from personal experience that a fever allowed to rise unchecked poses serious health risks to the brain, the immune system, and many other key bodily functions. Likewise, an unchecked global fever poses serious health risks to food production systems (irrigation, growing seasons, crop failures, etc.) and many other key social and ecological functions that human civilization depends upon. Although atmospheric change is a complex technical issue, most local decision-makers require only a few basic concepts in order to comprehend its implications at the community level and to design community strategies to reduce the threat of atmospheric change. The greenhouse effect refers to heat retention in the earth's atmosphere. There has always been a natural greenhouse effect; without it the earth would be too cold for life. The problem now is what scientists call the enhanced greenhouse effect; in the last several 68 decades we have dumped additional quantities of "greenhouse gases" into the atmosphere which greatly increase its heat retention. For the majority of North American local governments, the most significant greenhouse gases to address are chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), methane, and carbon dioxide. Ozone Layer Depletion Scientists now believe that CFCs and other ozone-depleting compounds are largely responsible for the deterioration of the ozone layer that shields the Earth from the sun's harmful ultraviolet rays. These gases also contribute to the greenhouse effect, lingering 60-100 years in the atmosphere and, molecule for molecule, trapping 20,000 times more heat than carbon dioxide. Because it takes so long for ozone depleting chemicals to reach the atmosphere, the ozone depletions now being observed are actually the result of releases prior to the 1980s. Most CFCs and related chemicals are still on their way up. In 1987, 32 nations signed an international agreement to limit the production of CFCs. This agreement, known as the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer, was an important first step, but unfortunately even eliminating CFC production and use by 2000, as agreed to in London in the 1990 revision of the Protocol, is not sufficient to halt further destruction of the ozone layer. Recent reports suggest that damage to the ozone layer is accelerating and that ozone levels are dropping by some 8 percent per decade over North America (Stolarski et al 1991). For this reason, many local governments are calling for stricter actions. Making fast progress toward eliminating the release of ozone depleting chemicals is important since their ozone depleting capacity lasts for so long. Methane Methane is released from rotting organic matter such as bogs, wetlands, and landfills. Local governments can construct methane gas collection systems for their landfills. When collected, methane can also be used as an energy source for the landfill or sewage plant, or sold to other users. Carbon Dioxide Carbon dioxide lingers for 100 years in the atmosphere and accounts for about half of the greenhouse effect. Carbon dioxide is fully integrated into our daily activities since it is 69 released largely from fossil fuel combustion and from burning forests and plants. While deforestation may have contributed as much as 40% to the increase of carbon dioxide earlier in the century, 80% of today's carbon dioxide emissions are from fossil fuels - coal, oil, and natural gas - and these will continue to be the most significant source (City of Vancouver 1990). On a per capita basis, Canada and the U.S. are among the world's largest consumers of fossil fuels and among the largest producers of carbon dioxide. For example, despite its relatively small population (one-half of one percent of the world's population), Canada is responsible for fully 2% of global greenhouse emissions. Other industrialized countries such as Japan and the U.K., with comparable standards of living, produce only half as much carbon dioxide per capita as do the U.S. and Canada (Flavin 1990). If North Americans are to help in reversing climate change, we must reduce our carbon dioxide emissions and contribute to the development of cleaner and more energy-efficient technologies. Reducing atmospheric carbon dioxide emissions may require major long-term commitments and social reorganization. The sections in this chapter on transportation, land use, energy, and urban ecology are all directly concerned with the challenge of reducing our carbon dioxide emissions. The US Environmental Protection Agency has estimated that merely to stabilize atmospheric concentrations of CO2 at the current level, carbon emissions must be cut by 50-80 percent by the middle of the next century. A recent global action plan calls for the governments of all high- and medium-energy consuming countries to reduce their carbon dioxide emissions by 70% by 2030. Scientists and policymakers meeting in Toronto in June 1988 offered a short-term goal: cutting them by 20 percent by 2005 (Flavin 1990; IUCN 1991; Toronto Conference Statement 1988). Yet while international bodies and national governments struggle to formulate policies to achieve this goal, it is at the community level where most of these -policies will be implemented. In the face of such challenges, many local governments have started developing initiatives to address the root causes of environmental deterioration and to contribute solutions toward a sustainable future. While local governments must be sensitive to potential costs associated with legislative programs, policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions can be designed to achieve revenue neutrality (see, e.g., Wexler 1992). Beyond immediate cost concerns, however, local governments are beginning to recognize that net 70 fiscal, economic, and ecological benefits will accrue to those who get their environmental house in order. The initiatives in Table 4-C illustrate a range of strategies which address improving local air quality, eliminating ozone-depleting compounds, and reducing emissions of carbon dioxide, methane, and other greenhouse gases. 71 Table 4-C. Reducing Resource Consumption: Atmospheric Change and Air Quality Initiative Purpose Mechanisms Practiced/Proposed Ban on Ozone-Depleting Compounds CFC Recycling To ban the use, sale, and manufacture of ozone-depleting compounds within the jurisdiction To collect CFCs found in discarded refrigerators and air conditioners. By-law to prohibit the use, sale and manufacture of nearly all ozone-depleting compounds; require all service stations and repair shops to capture and recycle CFCs. Municipal employees collect the appliances and send them to a company that stores the CFCs in sealed tanks; recycled CFCs are used to repair older appliances. Newark, NJ; Irvine, CA Montreal Stratospheric Protection Accord To ban the local use of ozone-depleting substances by early 1992 and require the recovery and recycling of CFCs from products such as refrigerator-coolant units. 24 North American municipalities joined together in the Accord. Toronto, Los Angeles, and 22 other North American municipalities Carbon Reduction Targets To, e.g., reduce 1988 CO2 emissions 20% by 2005. Many measures, re: Toronto, Vancouver, electricity, Ottawa transportation, urban forestry, energy efficiency, etc. 72 Airshed Quality Management To substantially improve air quality. Tightening restrictions on the use of private automobiles and on pollution-causing industrial and household activities; requiring diesel buses, most freight vehicles, and 40 per cent of private automobiles to convert to cleaner fuels; anticipates total prohibition of gasoline fuels in automobiles by the year 2007. Los Angeles (South Coast Air Quality Management District) 73 Chapter 4-D Reducing Resource Consumption: Energy Conservation and Efficiency Current practices for the development, conversion and use of energy resources - especially the burning of fossil fuels - contribute to global warming, acid rain, health dangers through air pollution and residuals deposition, and depletion of natural resources. These problems already exert significant negative worldwide economic, environmental and social impacts. Furthermore, if the less developed countries increase their consumption to match that of the industrialized world, global stocks of petroleum will drop perilously low (Frosch and Gallopoulos 1989). Energy demand and use is a major contributor to the degradation of environmental resources, requiring far-reaching and far-sighted new management strategies if sustainable global development is to occur. In this section, "energy conservation" refers to changes in personal and organizational behaviour that result in lower energy consumption. "Energy efficiency" refers to technological changes that allow us to do what we already do while using less energy. "Energy substitution" refers to using the most environmentally appropriate source of energy to do a necessary activity. According to a US Environmental Protection Agency study, energy efficiency and renewable energy sources could play a major role in helping to slow and eventually stop global warming. If nations took full advantage of opportunities to improve energy efficiency, global fossil-fuel use and carbon dioxide emissions would grow slowly, if at all. And if, in addtion, renewable energy sources were developed to their full potential, fossil-fuel use and carbon dioxide emissions could be cut well below today's levels, eventually approaching the 50-80 percent reduction necessary to stabilize the global climate (US EPA 1989). "It has been calculated that increasing energy efficiency alone could reduce carbon dioxide emissions in several high-income countries by between 1% and 2% per annum. On 74 this basis the United States could readily cut its emissions by 60% by the year 2050" (IUCN 1991). Urban areas in Canada and the US are significant users of energy. Energy conservation reduces utility bills, saving money for local government and for the consumer. Conservation measures are far more cost-effective than building new power plants. Money spent on conservation stays in the local economy and helps develop local business. As described in earlier sections on transportation and land use, energy conservation should be an explicit objective of urban design. Conservation strategies can also be targeted at the residential, commercial and industrial sectors where large energy savings in lighting, heating, ventilating and air conditioning systems are possible (OECD 1990; Local Government Commission 1990). "Buildings in industrial countries typically devour 35-50 percent of national energy budgets, mostly for space heating and cooling, water heating, refrigeration, lighting, and cooking" (Lowe 1991). Renewable energy sources have significant potential which is presently underutilized. From wind turbines and photovoltaic cells to liquid fuels derived from biomass, the renewable energy technologies that have been developed are of startling versatility. Most produce little or no pollution and hazardous wastes; they are immune to foreign disruptions like the 1973 Arab oil embargo, and they provide a hedge against inflation caused by the depletion of fossil-fuel reserves. "Their development would almost certainly result in a net increase in employment, as renewable-energy industries generally require more labor, per unit of energy produced, than coal, oil, and natural-gas industries" (Brower 1990). City energy policy can promote more effective land use, energy efficiency, mass transit, and conservation of resources at the local level. To promote urban sustainability, cities can (City of San Jose 1991): • Set examples as model energy consumers in the operation of municipal facilities, vehicle fleets, and mass transit systems. • Plan, finance, and operate energy-efficient infrastructures for major water, waste water, and solid waste management systems. • Regulate and plan for energy use through local land use policies that effect the patterns of residential, commercial and industrial development. • Promote policies that improve air and water quality. • Enforce the energy efficiency standards of building codes more stringently. 75 • Institute energy efficiency service programs (such as weatherization or appliance efficiency) aimed at various community sectors. • Educate local residents and businesses by providing information on energy-efficient technologies, service providers, and financing opportunities. • Adopt site standards for renewable and alternative energy resources. • Use renewable resources such as solar, geothermal, hydroelectric, biomass, and wind at City-owned facilities. • Advocate and facilitate the development and implementation of energy policies and programs by utilities and other levels of government. The initiatives in Table 4-D illustrate a range of strategies which emphasize energy conservation, efficiency, and substitution (shifting away from dependence on fossil fuels toward renewable energy sources such as direct solar and photovoltaics). 76 Table 4-D. Reducing Resource Consumption: Energy Conservation and Efficiency Initiatives Initiative Purpose Mechanisms Practiced/Proposed Least-Cost Planning Utility Energy efficiency targets District heating and cogeneration Municipal energy conservation campaign Energy conservation retrofit ordinances Weatherization To allow consideration of investments for energy conservation and demand management on an equal footing with investments for new generating capacity. To increase energy efficiency in all sectors of the City by, for example, 10%. To combine heat and power production, reducing energy consumption and fuel emissions. To conserve energy. To conserve energy. To conserve energy. Strategic Corporate Plan treats conservation as an energy source. Seattle; several other U.S. cities Municipal policy. District-wide system of underground low-temperature hot water pipes supply space heating and domestic hot water to residential, commercial and institutional users. Infrared photos of energy leakage sent to each home in town by municipal utility. Requires all existing buildings to be brought up to an energy conservation standard at the time of sale. Free home weatherization inspections and advice, plus low-interest loans. Portland, OR; Toronto; Vancouver Helsinki; Saarbriicken; Cornwall County (UK) Osage, IO San Francisco Seattle 77 Energy Audits and Loans To conserve energy. Solar oven cookbook Local energy supply concept Energy-efficient neighbourhoods To promote solar cooking; to reduce air conditioning in overheated kitchens. To reduce dependence on fossil fuels; encourage renewable resource use. To conserve energy through urban design, site planning, development controls, and energy-efficient land use planning. Municipal utility promotes audits and arranges complete residential efficiency upgrades; also arranges for qualified contractors to do the work; cost includes grant and amortized hydro bill with immediate reduction in energy costs. Published and distributed by municipal utility. Promote direct solar, photovoltaics and district heating. Solar orientation of streets, cluster development, neighbourhood-level services and facilities, increased densities, natural drainage, narrow roads, energy conservation programs; "tradtional neighbourhood development" ordinances. Sacramento, CA Sacramento, CA Saarbriicken Davis, CA; Eugene, OR; Seaside, FL 78 Chapter 4-E Reducing Resource Consumption: Solid and Hazardous Waste Reduction and Recycling Although the exact ingredients of local garbage vary by place and time, generally our garbage consists of about 65% commercial wastes and 35% residential wastes. "About 37% of the average waste stream is made up of paper and cardboard, 26% is yard and food wastes, 10% is glass, 10% is metals, 8% is plastics, and the remainder is miscellaneous wastes-Packaging materials account for a third of the volume of our waste" (Local Government Commission 1990). Most North Americans generate about five pounds of solid waste each day - 90% of which ends up in landfills. Small wonder that many urban areas are running out or have run out of land disposal sites for solid wastes. Furthermore, high capital costs, public opposition to site selection, and uncertainties concerning the risks associated with emissions make incineration alternatives difficult to implement. To deal with solid wastes, waste reduction and recycling strategies will require major initiatives in many communities (OECD 1990). Solid wastes which are not recycled contribute to incinerator emissions or to the production of methane in landfills. Either way, they contribute to atmospheric pollution. Much of these wastes are in the form of nondegradable, nonreturnable, and nonrecyclable food and beverage packaging. Household organic wastes which are not composted also contribute to the production of methane. In addition, our garbage represents the energy equivalent of millions of wasted barrels of oil and other nonrenewable natural resources. Local governments need to develop comprehensive waste reduction strategies, focusing first on source reduction, then on reuse, recovery and recycling. Only when these approaches are exhausted should local governments turn to other, less environmentally sound alternatives. Hazardous and toxic materials in the waste stream are also a great concern in many communities. Urgent action is needed to reduce the amount and increase the recycling of hazardous waste and to ensure the proper disposal of what is left. This has prompted some 79 local governments to provide businesses with technical assistance to reduce their hazardous and toxic wastes. An essential part of a comprehensive waste reduction strategy is a procurement policy to purchase recycled and/or reusable products (see section 4-J). The initiatives in Table 4-E illustrate a range of strategies which address waste reduction, reuse, recovery, and recycling. 80 Table 4-E. Reducing Resource Consumption: Waste Reduction and Recycling Initiatives Initiative Purpose Mechanisms Practiced/Proposed Waste Reduction Targets Packaging restrictions To recycle, compost, or avoid production in 10 years (1998) of 60% of the total combined residential and commercial waste which would otherwise be generated within the City. To encourage a recyclable and compostable waste stream. "Precycling' campaigns To educate consumers to consider waste before they buy. Municipal composting To reduce yard wastes and to sell dry sewage sludge as a soil amendment. Municipal garbage composting Polystyrene plastic foam bans and restrictions Hazardous Reduction Waste To reduce waste. To prevent one-time use of polystyrene plastic foam by restaurants and retail food vendors. To reduce hazardous waste generation. Public education, Seattle curbside collection of recyclables and yard waste, commercial and apartment recycling, mixed waste processing, and possibly developing a food waste composting facility. Ordinance restricting Minneapolis nondegradable, nonreturnable and nonrecyclable food and beverage packaging - including national brands -originating at retail food establishments. Media, public events, Berkeley etc. Centralized San Jose composting program for 60,000 tons of yard waste per year. Municipal garbage Portland composting facility with 185,000 tons/yr capacity. Municipal by-law. Portland, Berkeley City staff provide businesses with technical assistance. Hayward, Santa Monica, and Berkeley, CA 81 Comprehensive Resource Recovery and Utilization Recycling Land Use Controls Redistributing Recycling Subsidies Dishmobile To recover and reprocess everything from glass, metals, paper and waste oil to cotton, animal bones, chemical fibres and human hair. To ensure that future owners and tenants will participate in city recycling programs. To provide an incentive to start recycling. To keep tens of thousands of non-biodegradable food containers from the landfill. State complex employing 29,000 full-time and many more part-time employees through a network of purchasing stations, integrated recycling centres, sales departments and retail shops selling reclaimed products. Set recycling space standards for all new buildings. A surcharge of A$ 1.50 per ton on local governments without recycling programs; subsidy of A$ 17.50 per ton for those with active programs. Mobile facility for food service at public festivals, equipped with a commercial-size dishwasher and enough plates and silverware to serve 600 guests. Shanghai Santa Monica, Davis, CA; Boulder, CO; Orlando, FL; Portland, OR New South Wales (Australia) Boeblingen (Germany) 82 Chapter 4-F Reducing Resource Consumption: Water and Sewage The quality of water affects the quality of the life it touches. Both groundwater and surface water systems have deteriorated in quality in many urban areas. In cities, the rates of water use and water pollution are a primary concern. Urban water management requires a great deal of space and energy for both supply and wastewater treatment. Water pollution in combination with a too rapid rate of water extraction can cause serious harm to hydrological systems. In the US, for example, the maintenance of adequate water supplies to urban areas in the western states and some of the major population centres of the northeastern states is emerging as a major issue, with rationing and curtailment of non-essential water use implemented in many of these areas during hot dry summers (OECD 1990). Lowe (1991) observes that there is an important relationship between water quality and land use. "[C]ar-dominated urban areas contaminate stormwater runoff with salt, oil, and toxic fluids from roads and parking lots. Suburbs allow large amounts of chemical fertilizers and pesticides to run off golf courses and large lawns. Construction sites from which trees and other natural vegetation are stripped add large amounts of eroded soil to runoff. Often, stormwater from cities and suburbs - together with agricultural runoff containing chemicals and animal wastes - constitute a greater hazard to water quality than factories and other specific sources do." Wastewater treatment is a particular concern in many communities. Many municipal wastewater treatment facilities are designed to provide at least secondary treatment. At the community level, contemporary wastewater treatment technologies are major environmental polluters on at least three fronts: • They produce an often-toxic by-product called sludge which is difficult to dispose of. • They use hazardous compounds in the treatment process which end up in the environment. 83 • Without massive federal subsidies, most communities cannot afford to build and operate advanced wastewater treatment facilities; their huge, expensive infrastructure is also difficult to change or adapt. Sustainable approaches to water management are urgently needed. Sustainable water management would aim to: • treat water at its pollution source; • discharge as high or higher quality water than is received; and • prevent soil and land degradation (healthy terrestrial ecosystems purify water). Many of the same land use principles that help urban and suburban areas to save energy - such as clustering development, discouraging automobile-oriented land use, and leaving natural vegetation intact - can help to assure that water resources will survive well into the future (Lowe 1991). The initiatives in Table 4-F illustrate a range of strategies which address water conservation, source protection, and source-centred treatment. 84 Table 4-F. Reducing Resource Consumption: Water and Sewage Initiatives Initiative Purpose Mechanisms Practiced/Proposed Water Offset Requirements Tenant User Fees for Water Grey Water Recycling Natural Water Purification To free up enough water for development. To protect water reserves and reduce the use of drinking water. To recycle waste water from residential sources. To purify water for swimming without resort to chemical treatment such as chlorination. Constructed wetlands Sewage treatment. Water Conservation Programs To conserve water. Solar Aquatics Waste Treatment Facility Septage treatment. Developers are required to: replace old toilets in existing buildings with low-flow models; install water-saving devices in toilets; install low-flow bathroom basin faucets, showerheads, and toilets. Retrofit water meters in apartments and bill tenants based upon water use. Use grey water from sinks, bathtubs and washing machines to irrigate trees and shrubs. A swamp pond system with 125,000 plants turns an artificial lake into an ecological preserve. Treat sewage effluent through a series of natural marshes and restored wetlands. Water conservation devices with free or low-cost installation; financed in part by a conservation incentive fee for non-participants. Greenhouse-scale "marshes" purify wastes. Santa Barbara, San Luis Obispo, and Santa Monica (CA); Newmarket (Ontario); Niagara Falls Hamburg (Germany) San Luis Obispo, Los Angeles (CA) Montreal Areata, CA; Denhma Springs, LA Santa Monica, CA; Minneapolis, St. Paul, MN; Southern California Providence, RI; Harwich, MA 85 Chapter 4-G Improving Community Livability: Greening the City-Greening the city refers to a spectrum of ideas and techniques ranging from edible planting and indigenous landscaping to community organizing to protect urban open space and restore creeks. These activities are motivated by awareness of factors such as the need to reduce our use of pesticides, conserve energy, clean urban air, absorb carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, and reduce the urban heat island effect. McCulloch (1991) notes that the economic and environmental costs of the urban heat island effect alone (in Los Angeles: increased electricity demand of US $100 million per year, plus a 30% increase in smog days) are enough to prompt city greening initiatives. Our urban ecosystems also serve as indicators of ecological health. Especially in urban areas, there is a fine line between ecological health and public health. No one wants their children to play in water that kills fish. Beyond this, if we accept the argument that sustainability requires cities to become more urban, they need to also become more pleasant. Lowe (1991) notes that "[g]iven the failure of many urban areas to offer humane, welcoming spaces, it is no wonder so many people flock to suburban shopping malls." One sure way of enhancing the quality of urban life is through "greening" the city. Greening the city means emphasizing an environmental perspective that begins with the city. It means combining urbanism and nature to create cities that are healthy, civilizing, and enriching places to live (Hough 1990). Perhaps the most important aspect of greening the city is that cities are where most of us live, and therefore cities are where most of us learn about the interplay between society and nature. It is a truism that many urbanites think food comes from supermarkets, water comes from faucets, and wastes are simply taken "away." In a democratic society, we cannot expect people to support sustainability policies if they have no experience of the ecological basis of life - our urban areas should demonstrate our dependence on ecological health. Nor can we expect people to support more ecologically appropriate urban lifestyles (e.g., more 86 compact communities, less use of private automobiles) unless our urban areas themselves become healthier. The initiatives in Table 4-G illustrate a range of strategies which address cultivating a sense of place, involving people in their neighbourhood open space, reducing pesticide use, conserving energy, cleaning urban air, absorbing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, and reducing the urban heat island effect. 87 Table 4-G. Improving Community Livability: City Greening Initiatives Initiative Creek Raising Green Guerrillas Tree Replacement Bylaws Natural Planting "Green" Roofs Integrated Pest Management Purpose To cultivate a sense of place; build community; and revitalize neighborhoods and commercial areas. To involve people in their own neighbourhood open space. To maintain the number of urban trees. To protect a critical aquifer district. To reduce heating and air conditioning requirements. To reduce reliance on pesticides. Mechanisms Raise and restore buried streams; new developments must incorporate existing streams into their landscaping. Neighbourhood groups clean and green vacant lots. Requires replanting of trees affected by development. Ordinances require that at least 80 percent of each lot be kept in its natural state, and no more than 15 percent of any lot can be planted in fertilized lawns or plants. Planning permission for structures with flat or gently sloping roofs is granted only if they are designed to be of the "living" variety. Many techniques to suppress, but not control, insect populations and keep damage to acceptable levels. Practiced/Proposed San Luis Obispo and Berkeley, CA; Burnaby, BC Lower East Side, Manhattan (New York City) Vancouver Southampton, NY Mannheim and Frankfurt (Germany) Burnaby, BC 88 Chapter 4-H Improving Community Livability: Economic Development Conventional approaches to economic development often produce enormous amounts of pollution and consume huge quantities of energy and materials while failing to deliver sufficient jobs. A host of existing government policies that encourage pollution and discourage job creation need to be overhauled. While many of these policies, e.g., taxation, are primarily within the jurisdiction of senior governments, municipal and local governments can begin to point the way toward a sustainable economy. Renner (1991) notes that "[t]he sooner we embrace the principles of sustainability as an essential goal of public policy, the less traumatic the transition will be. An early decision to alter or abandon environmentally destructive practices is likely to cause fewer economic problems or job losses than a reactive policy." A sustainable economy will emphasize two factors: sustainable employment, and economic demand management. Sustainable employment includes turning "wastes" into resources (e.g., recycling); improving efficiency with regard to energy and materials; converting to greater reliance on renewable energy sources; increasing community self-reliance (e.g., food and energy production); and sustainable management of natural resources (e.g., community forestry). Several kinds of community-oriented enterprises have proven valuable in the pursuit of sustainable employment. Community Development Corporations (CDCs), for example, have been active in rehabilitating or constructing affordable housing, creating jobs and businesses in economically disenfranchised areas, engaging in commercial and industrial real estate development to promote economic development in their communities, and providing job training and placement services. Likewise, community finance institutions such as community development credit unions, revolving loan funds, and housing trust funds have helped communities experiencing disinvestment and/or a lack of investment capital create their own financial institutions to retain or gain access to capital. 89 The other factor to emphasize in a sustainable economy is managing economic demand. In Chapter Two we noted that "development" can no longer simply mean economic "growth," but requires instead that we learn to live on the "interest" generated by remaining stocks of "natural capital." Just as sustainability has prompted a shift in our transportation and energy planning away from the traditional concerns with increasing supply to the new focus on managing demand, we must also shift our economic development emphasis from the traditional concern with increasing growth to reducing social dependence on economic growth, or what we might call Economic Demand Management (EDM). A primary focus of EDM should be reducing the need for paid work (Renner 1991) and considering productivity increases in the form of leisure time rather than increased output (Schor 1991). Local governments can promote EDM by, for example, land-use planning that links trip reduction with affordable housing, and by developing partnerships with institutions such as community land trusts to provide an expanding stock of permanently affordable housing. The initiatives in Table 4-H illustrate a range of strategies which address sustainable employment and economic demand management. 90 Table 4-H. Improving Community Livability: Economic Development Initiatives Initiative Sustainable Employment Plan Community Land Trusts Linkage Programs Local Self-Reliance Purpose To create jobs, spur private spending, conserve energy, and reduce CO2 emissions. To hold land for the benefit of a community and of individuals within the community. To provide funds for affordable housing, job development, and day-care, etc. New Product Development Increasing Affordable Housing Supply To encourage manufacturers to develop environmentally-friendly products. To keep housing prices affordable and to encourage access by proximity. To experiment with establishing closed-loop, self-sustaining economic networks. Mechanisms Public investment in energy conservation education, audits, and initiatives. A democratically structured nonprofit corporation, with an open membership and an elected board of trustees. Directing a portion of the value created by investment in areas undergoing substantial development to build affordable housing, provide job training, and fund social services in less fortunate neighbourhoods. Municipal government project researches environment-economy integration. New zoning codes that promote a variety of housing types, including smaller and multi-family homes. "Home-Grown Economy" project. Practiced/Proposed San Jose, CA Philadeplphia, PA; Burlington, VT; Atlanta, GA; New York City; Greenfield, MA; Providence, RI; Frankilin, NH; Norwich, CT Boston, San Francisco, Vancouver Gothenberg (Sweden) Portland, OR St. Paul, MN 91 Greenmarkets Local Currencies To preserve farmland and help farmers, while making fresh fruits and vegetables available in city neighborhoods. To invest energy grant money for long-term local development; to encourage carpooling. Citizens' organization working out of the mayor's office operates sites. Residents and businesses who signed up for an energy audit received fifteen "Prairie Bucks," good for the purchase of a compact fluorescent lamp at local hardware stores; "Rideshare Bucks" are offered according to the number of passengers in the car and the number of gallons required for the commute. New York City Lester Prairie, MN 92 Chapter 4-1 Improving Community Livability: Community Development Although some people confuse development with mere growth, development is actually a much more complex, rich term. This chapter explores sustainable community development both in terms of local community livability and also in terms of responsibility to the global community. The environmental advantages of urban areas - such as compact development, shorter travel distances, economically viable public transit, and per capita energy conservation - can only be realized if our communities are livable. Perhaps the most important indicator of "livability" is that livable communities are communities people want to live in. Municipal and local governments therefore need to address those issues that cause people to stay in their communities - e.g., employment and educational opportunities, accessible health care services, vibrant arts and culture, and a thriving non-profit sector, as well as those that cause people to leave - e.g., crime, dissatisfaction with existing housing choices, and lack of opportunity to participate in decisions affecting their lives and well-being. In many cities with good public transit systems, for example, a substantial proportion of the population is afraid to use the system after dark. The obvious consequences are that those who can afford it will drive or take taxis, those who cannot will either travel in fear or lock themselves up at home, and the public transit system will lose revenue. Lowe (1991) notes that "[planners and citizens, particularly in North America, often assume that moderate and high-density land use are synonymous with crime and unhealthy conditions. Yet there is no scientific evidence of a link between these social problems and density per se... where density and crime coincide, other, more powerful forces are at work; there is no inherent relationship between population density and urban social ills." Calthorpe (1989) observes that "[mjobility and privacy have increasingly displaced the traditional commons, which once provided the connected quality of our towns and cities. Our shared public space has been given over to the car and its accommodation, while our private world has become bloated and isolated... The automobile destroys the urban street, the 93 shopping center destroys the neighborhood store, and the depersonalization of public space grows with the scale of government. Inversely, private space is taxed by the necessity of providing for many activities that were once shared and is further burdened by the need to create identity in a sea of monotony." Sustainable community development implies that we address not only the "hard" urban environmental issues such as transportation, land use, air quality, and energy conservation, but also the "soft" issues such as public health and safety, gender equity, environmental education, and global environmental responsibility. Perlman (1990) has observed that "[e]very first-world city has within it a third-world city of malnutrition, infant mortality, homelessness and unemployment. Every third-world city has within it a first-world city of high tech, high fashion, and high finance. Seeing the cities of the world as a global laboratory breaks down the stereotype North/South technology transfer, and opens up the rich possibilities of South/North and South/South exchange, vastly increasing the number of potential solutions." The initiatives in Table 4-1 illustrate a range of strategies which address local community livability and global community responsibility. 94 Table 4-1. Improving Community Livability: Community Development Initiatives Initiative Worker Safety Healthy Community Projects Smoking Disincentives "Disassembly" Line Integrated Environmental and Social Policy Gender Equity Purpose To regulate the use of video display terminals (VDTs) in private businesses. To create healthy public policy at the community level. To ban cigarette vending machines from apartment buildings, gasoline stations, coin-operated laundromats and restaurants where the sale of alcoholic beverages is incidental. To integrate environmental and social policy. To provide food while training inmates for future employment. To respond to the special needs of women crime victims, and to create new career paths for women. Mechanisms : Municipal ordinance. Healthy community platforms, offices, and network. Municipal legislation. Apprentice shop for unemployed young people where discarded but serviceable equipment (e.g., refrigerators) is repaired and sold, and polluting substances are removed. Prison greenhouse pilot program using integrated fish culture and hydroponic vegetable production system. "Delagacias da Mulher," all-female police stations. Practiced/Proposed San Francisco Vancouver, Toronto, Edmonton, Montreal, Quebec City; Seattle New York City Zutphen (Holland) Bridgewater, MA Sao Paulo (Brazil) 95 Urban Environment Platforms Global Environmental Responsibility City-to-City Partnerships To build a united, broad-based political coalition for progress on sustainable community development. To save tropical rainforests. To cooperate on municipal environmental assessment; to promote "municipal foreign policy"; to support development education, liberation movements, and renewable energy use in developing countries. Policy platforms, candidate surveys, policy endorsements. Restrict or ban the use of tropical timber within municipal boundaries. "Twinning" or "linking" with sister cities; a local elected officials project; The Bulletin of Municipal Foreign Policy (now Global Communities); an overall partnership development program. New York City, Philadelphia, Victoria Many cities in the United Kingdom, West Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium Federation of Canadian Municipalities; US Local Elected Officials Project; Bremen (Germany) 96 Chapter 4-J Administration for Sustainability: Investment and Purchasing Government investment and purchasing has a great influence in the local economy. For example, in 1989 total government purchases in the U.S. amounted to approximately $916 billion or about 20% of the gross national product. About 13% of these purchases were made by state and local governments (Local Government Commission 1990). Municipal investment and purchasing is particularly important in terms of setting an example for private purchasers, creating new markets, and stimulating sustainable economic development. "Public purchasing policy and the promotion and maintenance of standards are central to an effective environmental strategy. They complement the activities of trade and industry and affect the quality of life of all sectors of the community" (ACC 1990). Municipal purchasing policies are often critical to the success of other sustainable community programs. For example, despite winning a United Nations environmental award in 1989, Ontario's Blue Box recycling system was soon suffering as municipalities realized the program did not pay for itself (Reguly 1992). As many communities have found out the hard way, municipal expenditures on recycling programs are not useful or cost-effective if there is no local demand for businesses which make recycled or reusable products. The initiatives in Table 4-J illustrate a range of strategies which address influencing the economy through municipal spending, setting an example for private purchasers, creating new markets for environmentally appropriate products, and stimulating sustainable economic development. 97 TABLE 4-J. Administration for Sustainability: Investment and Purchasing Initiatives Initiative Valdez Principles Purpose To promote environmental responsibility among businesses and local governments. Environmental Charter To make local governments model environmental citizens. Environmentally Sound Purchasing Policies To promote the purchase of reusable, recyclable and reclaimable materials. Mechanisms Elimination or minimization of pollution, sustainable use of natural resources, reduction and safe disposal of waste, energy conservation, environmental risk reduction, marketing of safe products and services, damage compensation, hazard disclosure, selection of environmental directors and managers, and annual environmental audits. Pledges to develop programs to provide clean water; improve air quality; expand recycling and minimize waste; foster sound energy policy; plan for environmentally responsible growth; implement environmentally sound procurement policies; enforce laws and improve oversight capacity; encourage environmentally responsible business practices; maximize citizen education and involvement; and implement the goals of this charter. Review and amend contracts and tender specifications for goods and services. Practiced/Proposed Ottawa, Vancouver, Los Angeles, New York City, Pasadena, Philadelphia; California, New Jersey, New York, and Minnesota. New York City Toronto 98 Governments Incorporating Procurement Policies to Eliminate Refuse (GIPPER) To incorporate environmental considerations into purchasing procedures, with the goal of 50 per cent reduction in waste generation by the year 2000. Intergovernmental committee from waste management and purchasing departments of federal, provincial and municipal levels of government and other concerned organizations. Ontario 99 Chapter 4-K Administration for Sustainability: Leadership by Example While progress in environmental management appears to be the order of the day, a look at even recent history gives cause for concern. For example, in 1990 Toronto made headlines around the world by becoming the first city to commit itself to reducing its 1988 level of carbon dioxide emissions 20% by 2005. Included in its "call for action" was a goal of "significantly reducing the number of commuting autos" and a strategy to "promote significant reductions in the energy intensity of transportation in the city" by promoting public transit, bicycling and walking (City of Toronto 1989). Yet ten years earlier Toronto City Council had passed an energy conservation by-law designed, among other things, to encourage development and redevelopment that would contribute to energy-efficient urban form, reduce the need for transportation, discourage automobile use and encourage public transit and bicycle transportation (Lang and Armour 1982). That the same environmental legislation was passed twice in ten years is a strong indicator that the earlier measures were not implemented. Another example of purported progress is the recent mushrooming of municipal and local government environmental departments, coordinators, task forces, staff committees, and citizen boards. At one level this certainly deserves applause. Yet a major survey of environmental management in nearly 3,000 North American local governments in 1973 found that 20 percent had staff environment committees, 40 percent had designated environmental coordinators, and 24 percent had citizen environmental boards. Inadequate funding, uncertainty and delay in program administration, inadequate communication with senior levels of government, and inadequate technical assistance were all perceived in the mid-1970s as major impediments to adequate local responses to environmental problem solving (Magazine 1977). Nearly 20 years later, this list still sounds familiar. How can we encourage sustainable policymaking and ensure sustainable implementation? Local government is an influential employer in most communities. The first step toward sustainable administration is leadership by example, particularly "greening" City Hall. We need to put our own house in order, using tools such as environmental audits, staff training, eco-counselling, environmental impact assessment, and state-of-the-environment reporting. 100 The initiatives in Table 4-K illustrate a range of strategies which address leadership by example. 101 TABLE 4-K. Administration for Sustainability: Leadership by Example Initiative Purpose Mechanisms Practiced/Proposed Municipal Environmental Offices/Positions Environment First Policy Assistant Mayor for the Environment Green Economic and Social Strategy Overcoming NIMBY To monitor and coordinate environmental management. To develop a broad-based, systematic approach to environmental enhancement at the local level. To raise the profile of environmental programs. To identify and promote emerging new environmental products and services; invest in environmental research and development; and develop an integrated approach to urban policy planning within City Council. To ensure that LULUs (locally unwanted land uses) are distributed equitably among resisting neighbourhoods. Ecosystem planners, environmental managers and program administrators, energy conservation offices. Environmental Think Tank; Environmental Coordinator. Elected "green" assistant mayor chairs a number of public/private committees that promote, monitor and administer environmental initiatives. "Green growth network" to develop a city-wide green economic and social strategy. Burnaby, Vancouver, Toronto; Portland, OR; Irvine, CA; Calgary; Baltimore; San Francisco, San Jose Waterloo Bordeaux (France) Sheffield (UK) Planning department calculates a ratio comparing each neighbourhood's existing LULUs to the overall population; neighbourhoods will not be expected to carry more than their fair share of facilities. New York City 102 Chapter 4-L Administration for Sustainability: Environmental Administration As noted in the previous section, the road to sustainable development is paved with failed efforts to incorporate the environment into everyday municipal decision-making. The first step toward sustainable administration is leadership by example. Unfortunately, energy-efficient light bulbs and reusable china in the City Hall cafeteria will not in themselves achieve sustainable development or slow global climate change. These kind of well-intentioned initiatives are but small steps toward creating sustainable communities. The second step toward sustainable administration is conceptual and organizational. One of the greatest obstacles to sustainability is the reductionist administrative mindset that subdivides problems and prevents the left hand of government from understanding what the right hand is doing. For example, despite considerable trumpeting of the Canadian government's "Green Plan," an analysis of the 1991 federal budget and spending estimates concluded that Ottawa spent billions of dollars in 1991 on programs and policies that create pollution and encourage environmental degradation (RFI 1991). Such bureaucratic schizophrenia is perpetrated at all levels of government as well as throughout academia. Sustainable communities cannot be achieved through the kind of fragmented and bureaucratized administration that characterizes senior government. At the community level the issues of, for example, transportation, land use, economic development, public health, environmental protection, and housing affordability cannot be successfully managed as separate problems by separate agencies using separate strategies. Conventional wisdom considers the environment as an administrative problem, to be solved by better management - understood as cutting the environment into bite-size pieces. This approach seems increasingly unable to deal effectively, sensitively, and comprehensively with environmental complexities. Rather than the environment as an administrative problem, it would appear that administration is itself an environmental problem. The alternative to conventional 103 municipal administration is an emerging form of what has been called "environmental administration." It can be characterized as non-compartmentalized, open, decentralized, anti-technocratic, and flexible (Paehlke and Torgerson 1990). Community "Round Tables" on the environment and the economy may prove to be a good example of environmental administration. It will take a great effort over a long time to turn the system of local government into a paragon of environmental administration, though try we must. In these transition decades, however, an effective and popular way to implement sustainable community development is urgently required. The initiatives in Table 4-L illustrate a range of strategies which address environmental administration. 104 Table 4-L. Administration for Sustainability: Environmental Administration Initiative Purpose Mechanisms Practiced/Proposed Environmental Commitments and Legislation Community Round Tables on the Environment and the Economy Environmental Enforcement Council Mission Statement Sustainable City Strategy Eco-Counselors Government-Community Partnerships To, for example, reduce the threat of atmospheric change. To bring diverse perspectives together to identify common ground and work collectively toward the goal of sustainable development. To improve the effectiveness of environmental policies and legislation. To promote sustainable urban development. To promote a sustainable future by conserving 10% of the projected energy use in all sectors in the year 2000. To review the environmental impact of all municipal practices. To support non-governmental organizations in achieving public interest goals. Targets and by-laws to reduce or eliminate emissions of carbon dioxide, CFCs, etc. Commnity "vision statements" or other documents attempt to establish goals, priorities and an action strategy. Police department enforces environmental laws; environmental officers and investigation teams. Official Plan mission statement. Education and persuasion, technical and design assistance, financial incentives, municipal operations, and policy and regulation. Recommend environmentally sound practices to various government departments. Rent-free office space, seconded research and support staff; granting power of eminent domain. Toronto; Irvine, CA; Vancouver Peterborough, Burlington, Kitchener, Guelph, Muskoka, Skeena, and Capital Regional District of Victoria Weert and Apeldoorn (Holland); Richmond and Los Angeles, CA Ottawa San Jose, CA Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, Austria, Italy, Spain, UK, France, Luxembourg, Belgium Toronto, Metropolitan Toronto, Boston 105 Chapter 4-M Administration for Sustainability: Beyond Municipal and Local Government The preceeding sections in this chapter identified the first two steps toward sustainable administration. The first is leadership by example. The second is to recognize that conventional municipal administration is itself an environmental problem and that we need a new form of "environmental administration" which is non-compartmentalized, open, decentralized, anti-technocratic, and flexible. For our communities to genuinely become sustainable communities, however, we also need to take a third step. The third step toward sustainable administration is improving the context for sustainable community planning and governance. This requires looking beyond the local level toward regional, provincial/state, and federal policies and programs. Recent research indicates that successful programs require three elements: 1) communities need some over-arching institutional arrangement with the capacity to build consensus toward a comprehensive long-term shared image of the region and where it should be heading; 2) this institutional arrangement should also have appropriate authority, resources, and incentives to help implement regionally approved policies; and 3) there should be some mechanism for metropolitan-wide property tax and general revenue sharing that minimizes inter-jurisdictional competition - to avoid distorting development patterns and undermining regional concerns (Rothblatt 1992). These programs should use means such as sustainability goals and targets, planning grants, technical assistance, and timelines. They should encourage, enable, and empower those communities which have already started to plan local initiatives for a sustainable future, and require the rest to begin. The initiatives in Table 4-M illustrate a range of strategies for improving the context for sustainable community planning and governance. 106 Table 4-M. Administration for Sustainability: Beyond Municipal and Local Government Initiative National Programs State Programs Regional Cooperation Municipal Foreign Policy Purpose To support nationwide programs of municipal plans for the environment; test administrative and organization models. To require all cities and counties in these states to plan their own development according to stipulated goals, such as energy conservation, protection of open space, and provision of affordable housing. To reduce competition between regional municipalities for commercial and industrial development. To influence national foreign policy. Mechanisms Multi-year action programs; municipal environmental committees; introduction of municipal EIA. Legislation calls for all state cities and counties to adopt comprehensive plans that meet state standards. Municipalities are required to pool a portion of their commercial and industrial tax base, which are pooled and then distributed throughout the metropolitan region according to each community's population and overall tax base. Offices of International Affairs; sister cities; nuclear-free zones; etc. Practiced/Proposed France, Norway, Finland, Holland Florida, Georgia, Maine, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Oregon, Rhode Island, and Vermont Minneapolis-St. Paul Los Angeles, Pittsburgh, Baltimore, New York City, Seattle, Dallas, Vancouver 107 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Chapter 5 Conclusions and Discussion The initiatives cited in Chapter Four clearly demonstrate that many creative, solution-oriented policy ideas for dealing with current and future sustainable development challenges are emanating from the local government level. Using the framework developed in Chapter Three, we can begin to identify broadly applicable strategies for planners and policymakers to hasten the development of sustainable communities. Efficient Use of Urban Space Transportation Planning and Traffic Management Urban transportation systems should be redesigned to minimize environmental impacts. Goals should include reducing the number of automobile trips; increasing opportunities for non-auto transportation including bicycles, walking, rail, bus, and alternative vehicles; and reducing the use of gasoline and diesel fuel in conventional autos, buses and trucks. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • encourage transit over personal automobile use; • identify means for managing transportation demands, especially of commuters; • emphasize bicycle and pedestrian networks as valid components of a regional transportation strategy; and • reduce "automobile dependency" by, for example: • restricting new road projects through the city; • restricting central city parking levels; • slowing traffic speeds; • discouraging single occupancy vehicles (SOVs); • encouraging high occupancy vehicles (HOVs); and • reorienting subsidies from private to public forms of transportation. The transportation and traffic initiatives show that there are many ways for communities to reduce automobile dependency, manage transportation demand, and encourage public (e.g., bus, rail) and alternative (e.g., bicycles, walking) forms of transit (Table A). Automobile trip-reduction by-laws, road pricing, preferential parking, regional carbon 108 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion dioxide taxes, street redesign and traffic calming, and many measures to encourage public transit and bicycle transportation can be actively encouraged. Few communities, however, seem to have grasped the connection between improving non-automobile forms of transit and reducing automobile dependency.1 For example, despite attempts to improve public and alternative transit, the speed and convenience advantages of the automobile over these other forms are rarely being reduced - except in those cities where the lack of planning initiatives (and the resulting congestion) has inadvertently created this disadvantage.^ In addition, public and alternative transit is chronically underfunded and is likely to remain so until automobile subsidies (e.g., free parking) are reoriented. Land Use and Growth Management Sustainable land uses create travel patterns effectively served by energy-efficient travel modes, such as public transit, bicycling, and walking. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • reduce the average length of daily automobile trips where other modes are not feasible; • reduce physical infrastructure and related costs of sprawl; • reduce per capita water and energy consumption; and • encourage reurbanization. The initiatives on land use and growth management (Table B) indicate that land use planning and controls can be created or strengthened (see e.g., Richardson 1989). Energy-efficient land use policies can be developed to reduce the need for transportation (Federation of Canadian Municipalities 1990). Grants and loans for transportation investments can be tied to compliance with requirements for regional land use planning and growth management. Sprawl can be attacked by setting maximum expansion limits and favouring growth near transit stations. Metropolitan planning can shift from access by transportation to access by proximity (City of Vancouver 1990). 1 One exception to this seems to be the traffic calming initiatives undertaken in Holland and Germany since the 1970s. Although there is increasing discussion of traffic calming in North America, most local governments here appear more reluctant to interfere with the public's perceived right to drive anywhere and anytime. 2 One recent study (Newman 1991a) suggests that congestion can actually be creatively exploited to reduce automobile dependency and improve air quality. While congestion reduces vehicle efficiency, it also encourages other modes of transportation and, more importantly, keeps urban areas from sprawling and hence building in even greater travel distances. 109 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion The effectiveness of compact urban development can be fully achieved only if governments remove the conflicting incentives posed by other (often national) policies such as artificially low gasoline prices. For example, fuel taxes that more accurately reflect the true environmental and social costs of private vehicle use - from the health costs of air pollution to the military costs of policing the Persian Gulf - would give an enormous boost to more efficient urban land use and raise revenue for investment in a broader range of transport options (Lowe 1992). Despite the absence of supportive national policy frameworks, municipal and local governments can do a great deal to create more energy-efficient travel patterns by concentrating activities in specific areas and developing a mix of land uses in those areas. Governments, investors, and banks should require analysis of alternative long term least-cost strategies for transportation and land use investments. Long term least-cost strategies would tend to give pedestrians, cyclists, and public transportation priority over the automobile. These strategies would favour the building of surface light rail and bikeway systems connecting higher density pedestrian-friendly city and suburban centers. They would also favour the building of bicycle parking garages, and they would lead to policies that slow down car traffic to improve conditions for pedestrians and cyclists (Replogle 1990). As recognized by the Canadian Institute of Planners, "If we are to achieve sustainable development, we will have to go beyond the notion that land is a mere commodity" (CIP 1990). The most promising initiatives found in this regard are Halton's land stewardship initiative (Table B) and community land trusts (Table H). Halton's draft Official Plan Review Report recognizes that "the extent to which an individual realizes the economic benefit of a land use change should be balanced by the community's desire in preserving the environment or certain forms in the landscape" (Regional Municipality of Halton 1991). The community land trust model stems from the ancient view of the earth as something naturally given, or God-given, to all people in common - something which, like the air above it, can never be owned in any absolute sense by individuals (ICE 1982). 110 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Reducing Consumption of Energy and Material Resources Atmospheric Change and Air Quality Sustainable approaches to air quality should emphasize an integrated strategy for improving local air quality while simultaneously addressing global atmospheric change issues. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • eliminate ozone-depleting compounds as soon as possible; and • reduce emissions of carbon dioxide, methane, and other greenhouse gases. The initiatives on atmospheric change and air quality indicate that measures to recycle, reduce, and eliminate ozone-depleting compounds and to reduce emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases can be undertaken in conjunction with measures to improve local air quality, traffic congestion, and land use efficiency (Table C). These initiatives indicate both the strengths and weaknesses of local government efforts to address global environmental problems such as ozone depletion and greenhouse gas build-up. Initiatives such as Vancouver's Clouds of Change program clearly demonstrate the potential of local governments to test and develop policies and programs which can be transferred to other jurisdictions and/or serve as models for provincial or federal initiatives. In parts of Canada, these initiatives have had something of a ripple effect, spurring similar efforts in other communities and at higher levels of government (see, e.g., CRD 1992). However, with the exception of some larger cities, few municipal governments have so far taken it upon themselves to explicitly address global environmental issues. In the US, the far-reaching air quality initiatives of cities such as Los Angeles have almost invariably been in response to non-compliance with Federal air quality standards. With local issues demanding local attention, it appears that few communities focus on seemingly distant global issues unless required to do so by senior government. Energy Conservation and Efficiency Sustainable energy policy should emphasize conserving energy, using energy more efficiently, and converting to renewable energy sources. The initiatives on reducing consumption of energy resources (Table D) show that energy efficiency can be increased in all sectors to reach specific targets, e.g., 20% by 2000. Energy conservation retrofit ordinances, renewable energy technologies, and least-cost utility planning can be encouraged and financially supported. It is worth noting, however, that there is relatively little municipal 111 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion effort in North America to promote energy substitution (shifting away from dependence on fossil fuels toward renewable energy sources such as direct solar and photovoltaics). Given the considerable interest in this area during the 1970s, one is forced to attribute the current dearth of activity to Canadian and US federal energy policies from the 1980s which continue to encourage dependence on fossil fuels, and to the concomitant lack of senior government support for renewable energy sources.'' Waste Reduction and Recycling Sustainable approaches to solid and hazardous wastes should emphasize waste reduction far more than recycling. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • adopt waste reduction targets combined with measures such as "precycling" campaigns and packaging restrictions; • divert an increasing proportion of the waste stream from landfills or incinerators to recycling and composting programs; • research and develop opportunities to convert "wastes" into resources; and • recycle, reduce, and properly dispose of hazardous and toxic wastes. The initiatives on waste reduction and recycling indicate that packaging restrictions can be adopted along with ambitious goals to reduce, reuse, reprocess and recycle waste (Table E). In recent years, recycling programs have become perhaps the most visible aspect of sustainable development in North America. However, they have been motivated not by the argument that North Americans must reduce their consumption of material resources, but rather by the simple fact that the majority of North American municipal landfills are quickly reaching capacity. Municipalities have been less amibitious about waste reduction than about recycling. Overt waste reduction initiatives such as "precycling" campaigns and packaging restrictions put municipal governments on the front lines in the battle not only against waste but against overconsumption per se, which can be an uncomfortable position in regard to local businesses who manufacture and/or sell wasteful packaging or items sold with it. The Shanghai example of comprehensive resource recovery and utilization dramatically demonstrates how far we still have to go in North America. For the moment, waste reduction targets seem to hold the most promise. "* For example, of the roughly $50 billion in energy tax credits and research funding granted annually by the US government, $26 billion goes to fossil fuels, $19 billion subsidizes nuclear power, and $5 billion supports renewable energy sources (Hubbard 1991). 112 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Water and Sewage Sustainable approaches to water and sewage should emphasize water conservation, source protection, and source-centred treatment. Increasing interest in biological alternatives (e.g., wetlands, solar aquatics) to conventional chemical-based sewage treatment systems should be encouraged, along with initiatives to protect water-related carrying capacity vis-a-vis new development. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • conserve water through offset requirements or user fees; • protect water supplies from the effects of industrial activity (e.g., discharges of toxic wastes directly or indirectly into the marine environment); and • prevent soil and land degradation (healthy terrestrial ecosystems purify water). The initiatives on water and sewage indicate that water conservation and source-protection programs can be combined with programs to protect water-related carrying capacity, and that biological sewage treatment systems can be a viable alternative to conventional chemical-based systems (Table F). Municipal and local governments have been slow to apply the notion of demand management to water. For example, many North American communities do not even meter water consumption. Growing populations combined with increasing rates of water consumption and concern over possible long-term climatic changes may force a change in attitude toward water resources, as indicated by Hamburg's tenant user fees for drinking water. Experience with water shortages is also encouraging some communities, especially in California, to investigate means of protecting water-related carrying capacity such as offset requirements and grey water recycling. Municipal wastewater treatment has long been dominated by a chemical engineering bias. Biological alternatives to conventional chemical-based sewage treatment systems will have to overcome considerable resistance from the engineering professions. Perhaps the best hope for protecting water resources in the near future is that urban decision makers will learn more about urban ecology and take measures to use urban space more efficiently, thus reducing waste, runoff, and sludge simultaneously. 113 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Improving Community Livability Greening the City Greening the city should emphasize the need to cultivate a sense of place, involve people in their neighbourhood open space, reduce pesticide use, conserve energy, clean urban air, absorb carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, and reduce the urban heat island effect. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • protect mature urban trees from development; • use integrated pest management strategies (instead of relying solely on pesticides); • restore urban wildlife corridors (e.g., creek raising); • encourage urban food production (e.g., community gardens); • encourage natural drainage rather than dependency upon storm sewers; and • line urban streets with shade trees. City greening initiatives indicate that involving people in their community and cultivating a sense of place can be readily combined with programs to protect and enhance open space and natural features (Table G). These initiatives appear to be among the easiest measures for which to gain public support. Perhaps more than other kinds of initiatives, many of them originate from community organizations and concerned citizens rather than from municipal officials or processes. However, they often seem to focus on improving a particular neighbourhood place (e.g., a creek) or protecting some special neighbourhood feature (e.g., mature trees) rather than on broader community environmental concerns. Economic Development A sustainable community economy should integrate traditional community economic development concerns with newer ideas about sustainability. It should emphasize community self-reliance in combination with sustainable employment and economic demand management strategies. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • make the local economy more diverse and self-reliant (e.g., re: food and energy production); • manage local "natural capital" so that future generations will also be able to benefit from the use of those resources (e.g., community forestry); 114 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion • encourage community-oriented enterprises (e.g., community development corporations, revolving loan funds) and locally- and worker-owned businesses; and • reduce social dependence on economic growth (e.g., by land-use planning that links trip reduction with affordable housing, or by developing partnerships with institutions such as community land trusts to provide an expanding stock of permanently affordable housing). The economic development initiatives indicate that local governments can exercise significant influence over the local economy (Table H). Some of the initiatives, such as linkage programs, stem from traditional community economic development concerns such as job creation, social justice and community empowerment. Others, such as San Jose's sustainable employment plan, represent the integration of traditional community economic development concerns with newer ideas about sustainability. New York City's Greenmarkets represent an attempt to make the local economy more diverse and self-reliant, rather than specialized and dependent on trade and natural resources. Gothenberg's municipal research and development initiative, St. Paul's home-grown economy project, and Lester Prairie's local currencies each demonstrate pioneering attempts to encourage community-oriented enterprises. Community land trusts hold promise as a way to advance social equity, to manage local "natural capital" so that future generations will be able to benefit from the use of those resources, and to reduce social dependence on economic growth. Community Development Sustainable community development should emphasize both local community livability and global community responsibility. Local community livability is enhanced by actions such as improving public health and safety, environmental education, and the quality of public space. Global community reponsibility is enhanced by efforts such as twinning programs with sister cities and by municipal foreign policy initiatives. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • improve safety for women, seniors, and children; • direct sufficient growth to older neighbourhoods so that their infrastructure does not deteriorate; • decrease the rate of lifestyle-related diseases (heart disease, emphysema, etc.); • discourage importing products or materials from - or exporting wastes to - areas with poor environmental or labour management practices; and • initiate "sister-city" or "twinning" relationships with communities in developing countries, and attempt to improve poor environmental or labour management practices which may exist in those communities. 115 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Initiatives such as the Bridgewater prison greenhouse aquaculture/hydroponic program, the Zutphen Sloopstraat ("disassembly line") project, and the healthy communities projects in many cities demonstrate ways municipal governments can enhance local community livability (Table I). Global community reponsibility can likewise be enhanced by efforts such as city-to-city "twinning" partnerships, which can range from modest Federation of Canadian Municipalities (FCM) projects to cooperate on municipal environmental assessment to Bremen's innovative "sustainable development" partnerships to suport development education, liberation movements, and renewable energy use in developing countries. However, few of these initiatives are explicitly motivated by an overriding concern for sustainability per se - more traditional humanitarian concerns (e.g., charity, rehabilitation, disaster recovery) generally appear to be sufficient motivators. Administration for Sustainability Investment and Purchasing Sustainable community investment and purchasing should emphasize explicit attempts to use municipal spending to influence the local economy, set an example for private purchasers, create new markets for environmentally appropriate products, and stimulate sustainable economic development. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • adopt codes for socially/environmentally responsible investment and purchasing; • purchase products made from recycled materials or create markets for such materials; • support locally owned and socially responsible businesses; and • support businesses with environmentally sound practices. The initiatives on investment and purchasing indicate that local governments can embrace social and environmental responsibility by adopting charters or codes such as the Valdez Principles (Table J). As with the issue of waste reduction, local officials are likely to be uncomfortable with the idea of adopting an investment and/or purchasing policy which may alienate offending local businesses. Intergovernmental committees such as GIPPER may be necessary to overcome this resistance. Leadership by Example Leadership by example is important not only because local government is an influential employer in most communities, but also because municipal initiatives are not likely to be 116 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion successful in the community if local government does not practice what it preaches. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • address sustainable development concerns on a daily basis (by, e.g., environmental managers, staff sustainable development committees, etc.); and • use monitoring tools such as environmental audits, environmental impact assessment (EIA), and state of the environment (SOE) reporting (see Appendix 2). Local governments can improve daily practice through administrative reorganization explictly designed to enhance sustainability (Table K). Although the proliferation of municipal environmental offices, positions, task forces, etc. is an encouraging development, many of these initiatives are plagued by the same kinds of obstacles identified by similar entities some 20 years ago (Magazine 1977). Waterloo's "Environment First" policy is a good example of government practicing what it preaches. One advantage these kinds of initiatives have over those of the 1970s is the wider availability of new monitoring tools. Interviews with numerous participants and observers, however, suggest that the key to success for many of these initiatives rests less on technique than on the dedication of the individual staff selected to implement them. Staff with long-standing background and personal interest in environmental matters are far more effective than those staff who are transferred, seconded or promoted from other municipal departments (e.g., engineering, finance, public health, etc.) simply on the basis of factors like seniority. To ensure the success of these initiatives, it is important to create mechanisms for involving concerned citizens and community organizations in their design and implementation. Bordeaux's "green" assistant mayor is an innovative way of accomplishing this, and leads toward the concept of environmental administration. Environmental Administration Environmental administration initiatives should emphasize administrative forms that are democratic, participatory, open, decentralized, and flexible. Concern that sustainable development cannot be achieved through traditional fragmented and bureaucratized administration has prompted the development of new administrative forms, such as Round Tables, at local and higher levels of government. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • adopt planning commitments and targets; • assure open and fair processes for citizen involvement in municipal decision-making; 117 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion • involve citizens in municipal decision-making (e.g., citizen-staff committees, task forces, etc.); • allocate resources for improving community sustainability and planning for growth management; • provide support for environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs); and • support ENGO participation in municipal decision-making. The environmental administration initiatives indicate that local governments can expand the domain of local government concern by, for example, involving local police departments in enforcement of environmental laws, and by reaching out to the broader community through local round tables, eco-counselors, and partnerships with non-governmental organizations (Table L). Senior government can play an important role in empowering or constraining local environmental administration initiatives. For example, open and fair processes for citizen involvement in municipal decision-making often exist in response to senior government requirements (e.g., Oregon's land use planning system requires all of its cities and counties to provide for widespread citizen involvement). Likewise, many communities that have allocated resources for improving community sustainability and planning for growth management have been required to do so by senior government.4 However, in cases where local government commitments and targets substitute for the absence of senior government standards, they are likely to be weakened if weaker senior government standards are introduced (e.g., it will be more difficult for Toronto and Vancouver to achieve their targets to reduce 1988-level CO2 emissions 20% by 2005 now that the federal government has committed only to freezing 1990 CO2 levels). Some local governments appreciate that environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) can be potential allies, and recognize the mutual benefit of government-community partnerships with ENGOs to achieve shared public interest goals. Direct cash grants to ENGOs are an obvious form of support; less obvious forms include subsidized or free office space, seconded research and support staff, granting powers such as eminent domain to a community organization, or using municipal powers (e.g., granting of building permits) to indirectly assist a community organization (e.g., a community land trust). 4 Canada's Community Round Tables hold some promise in regard both to open, fair decision-making processes and to allocating resources for sustainability planning. However, there are still many unanswered questions about the relationship between such "multi-stakeholder" attempts at an advisory "consensus" and genuine public participation in actual decision-making processes. 118 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Beyond Municipal and Local Government A commitment to sustainable community development should emphasize the importance of regional planning and cooperation (e.g., re: waste management and public transportation), encourage senior government direction and initiative in these areas, and encourage appropriate devolution of authority to local governments for implementing sustainable community development initiatives. Objectives should include measures, for example, to: • improve the effectiveness of regional planning; • reorganize regional governance if necessary to accomplish sustainable development goals (e.g., Air Quality Management Districts); • advocate for (and use) the policy-making authority and financial resources to work toward sustainable community development; and • advocate that senior governments encourage, enable, and empower those communities which have already started to plan for sustainable development, and require the rest to begin. Beyond the municipal and local government level, regional planning and appropriate devolution of authority to local governments for implementing sustainable community initiatives can be encouraged (Table M). Issues such as air quality, waste management and public transportation are almost invariably regional in nature and require regional initiatives, planning and governance. Regional planning powers vary widely - in some cases (e.g., tax pooling in Minneapolis-St.Paul) cooperation between regional municipalities can contribute toward sustainability, while in others (e.g., air quality in the Lower Mainland) regional governance may need to be reorganized to accomplish sustainable development goals (see City of Vancouver 1990). Analysis of regional sustainability issues leads to the conclusion that sustainable development anywhere requires sustainable development everywhere (Rees 1992). Although some regional governments have initiated far-reaching programs to address sustainability issues (e.g., California's South Coast Air Quality Management District), these have generally been in response to non-compliance with senior government standards. As demonstrated by the programs from Oregon, Norway, etc., sustainable community planning works best in the context of supportive regional, provincial/state, or national frameworks of goal-oriented planning - i.e., frameworks which encourage or require planning for sustainable community development. The more common approach - crisis management - is simply not adequate for achieving sustainable development goals. 119 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion General Conclusions Four general conclusions emerge from analyzing the data. The first is that, as demonstrated by the range of initiatives identified in this study, many local governments are aware of at least some elements of sustainable development and are making a contribution toward achieving it. These initiatives also show that social invention is alive and well; given the challenge - or the opportunity - local governments have developed a wide range of creative, solution-oriented innovations for responding to sustainable development concerns. The second conclusion is that some initiatives (e.g., blue box recycling programs) are politically easier than others (e.g., trip reduction by-laws) for local governments, and even though they may be more expensive and /o r less effective in terms of reducing urban environmental impact, the easier initiatives will be implemented first. Ingredients of political ease include factors such as politcal will, ease of implementation, level of community awareness (e.g., re: gravity of air quality problems, need to reduce automobile dependency, etc.), program cost, distributive effects, and timing.5 A related conclusion is that great intentions do not necessarily equal great actions. For example, although it is too soon to judge the effectiveness of Vancouver's Clouds of Change initiative, nearly two years after Council approved the report's recommendations it is apparent that the City is dragging its feet in terms of their implementation. This underscores the importance of administration for sustainability as a component of the framework developed in this study.^ s Timing includes elements such as the current and projected state of municipal finances, the amount of public interest consumed by other local issues (e.g., a major development or a political scandal), the date of the next election, and the media attention associated with related local and non-local events. For example, one elected official attributed Council approval of an ambitious series of environmental proposals in large part to her ability to put the package on the Council agenda just prior to Earth Day. ° From the perspective developed here, a primary weakness of this Vancouver initiative is that it leaves implementation entirely in the hands of the bureaucracy rather than building in an ongoing citizen participation mechanism to monitor progress. An initiative as ambitious as Clouds of Change (see Annotated Bibliography) also needs a champion in City Hall. When Council approved the recommendations in 1990, participants and observers alike expected the soon-to-be-staffed Special Office for the Environment to be that champion and, among other things, to develop a public involvement mechanism. However, for a variety of reasons (e.g., an inexperienced Environment Manager who only lasted a few months and is unlikely to be replaced), the initiative has been left without an effective champion in the bureaucracy and without a mechanism to involve the public. The Mayor has reportedly suggested that perhaps the Task Force on Atmospheric Change which designed the initiative should be brought together occasionally, but this is a far cry from the kind of regular, ongoing citizen participation illustrated here under environmental administration (Table L). The author served as Research Director for the Task Force. 120 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion The final conclusion is that while many individual initiatives are impressive in scope or design, most of them appear to have been adopted piecemeal rather than as part of a broader framework. In other words, the elements for moving toward sustainable communities are being put in place but not, as yet, the necessary synthesis. There is nothing surprising in this last finding; after all, the very concept of sustainable communities is relatively new and, at least at this time, esoteric. Some might argue that a synthesis is not even necessary. Perhaps incrementalism is all we can hope for - it certainly seems to be producing some impressive results. Yet these successes come in spite of the fact that most community decisions which affect sustainability (e.g., re: land use, transportation and air quality) are made with little or no attention to their synergistic effects, and indeed may even conflict with broader sustainability objectives. A 1981 study of potential sustainability strategies for the city of Portland, Oregon made some observations which still hold true today: "A sustainable city thinks of itself whole, moves with change, and plans for permanence. Above all, this implies an acceptance of responsibility and nurturing of solutions at the local level: conserving indigenous resources and managing them for sustained yield; fostering local production to meet more of local needs; designing political systems to support decision-making at the lowest possible level; and, everywhere, encouraging low-cost, community self-help strategies that empower people to help themselves. The vision is still a distant one. It may require nothing less than a reorientation of our values. But doing such things, a city will survive and endure. Pieces of such a vision have already begun to appear: neighbourhoods that have experimented with integral food, energy and waste systems; cities that have built energy conservation into their street design, zoning and building codes; urban regions that are assessing the levels of growth and development that can be supported by their air-and watersheds; whole states that are being studied to determine their ability to become self-reliant in food production. Make no mistake about it, the transition has begun. But, as yet, no major community has come forward with a new image of itself that integrates all these ideas and uses that image to build its future" (RAIN 1981). The present study demonstrates that a vision of sustainable communities is beginning to emerge and that creative, transferable solutions to seemingly intractable sustainable development challenges are being initiated by municipal officials and citizen organizations in communities across North America. Yet, while individual initiatives are undoubtedly innovative, and certain programs far-sighted, overall they present a disjointed and incoherent package. 121 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Although the language of sustainability is just now starting to appear in official documents such as Council Mission Statements (e.g., City of Ottawa 1991), in 1992 it is still true that "no major community has come forward with a new image of itself that integrates all these ideas and uses that image to build its future." It seems plausible, therefore, that the framework developed here, which builds both upon the literature cited and upon the range of initiatives identified in this study, could itself contribute to sustainable community development. Perhaps, as well, it could hasten the day when a major community does step forward to embrace the image of itself as a sustainable community and uses that image to build its future. The framework developed in this study indicates that characteristics of municipal planning for sustainable development can be illustrated by examining a variety of specific measures based in real practice. While a commitment to sustainable development may not require every particular community to enact the exact measures identified in Chapter Four, it does require simultaneous initiatives in each category of the framework proposed in Chapter Three: efficient use of urban space, reducing resource consumption, improving community livability, and administration for sustainability. These are necessary conditions for sustainable community development. Whether they are also sufficient conditions for sustainable community development is a more difficult and debatable question; while it would be premature to make this claim at this point, the framework described here - in contrast to the temptation to think that the mere existence of a blue box recycling program makes a community sustainable - is certainly a major step toward determining sufficient conditions for sustainable community development. Suggested Areas for Further Research This study broadens our understanding of what sustainable development initiatives are possible at the local level. Further research will be required both to monitor the development of new initiatives which expand the current range and also to evaluate the many initiatives now or soon to be underway but which are too new to be evaluated at this time. 122 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion As discussed earlier, most of the initiatives identified in this study have only been implemented in the last few years or even months; many are not yet actually in place (e.g., City of Vancouver 1990), and are therefore largely untested. A key area for further research is evaluating these initiatives. Most individual initiatives can (eventually) be evaluated according to local government data. For example, Irvine, California's 1989 ordinance "Governing the Manufacture, Distribution, Sale and Recycling of Products Which Utilize Ozone Depleting Compounds" is attributed with reducing CFC emissions of large users in Irvine by 46% in 1988-89 (UNEP 1990). Within the first year of Mexico City's 1989 "Hoy No Circula" ("Day Without A Car") program, the city recorded a 23% reduction in air pollutant emissions (UNEP 1990). As a result of bicycle transportation incentives, bicycle commuters now account for more than 40 percent of passenger trips in some Dutch cities. As a result of integrated transportation and land use planning, most people in Curitiba, Brazil prefer mass transit for routine urban travel, despite one of the highest per capita rates of motor vehicle ownership in the country (Bleviss and Walzer 1990). As Maclaren (1992) notes, this kind of information is already becoming increasingly important to municipal and local governments as they respond to public pressure to implement sustainable development initiatives. Beyond evaluating individual initiatives, another area of future research is evaluating the overall sustainability of a municipality. Some of the administrative and monitoring tools described in Appendix 2 (e.g., environmental audits, environmental impact assessments, state of the environment reporting) can contribute to these evaluations; however, for evaluating the overall sustainability of a municipality they are often too narrow in scope or else oriented to evaluating specific projects rather than entire communities. This study argues that becoming a sustainable community means embracing a new paradigm; consequently, the framework developed and elaborated here may provide a better initial benchmark for evaluating a municipal commitment to sustainable development than more conventional monitoring tools. The area of community control over the economy, at least within the context of sustainability, has barely been explored. While this study has attempted in part to bridge the gap between traditional community economic development concerns and newer ideas about sustainability, considerable research is required to increase our understanding of issues such as community self-reliance, sustainable employment, and economic demand 123 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion management/ Further research should explore the role of community-oriented enterprises (e.g., community development corporations) and locally- and worker-owned businesses in developing a sustainable community economy. It should also examine the role of municipal government in enabling such activity. Another area deserving considerable attention is government-community partnerships for sustainable community development. Further research should explore mechanisms for multiplying accomplishments within the constraints of limited financial and staff resources, providing municipal support for environmental non-government organizations (ENGOs), and encouraging ENGO participation in municipal decision-making. The role of regional governments in implementing sustainable development initiatives, particularly in those areas where there are interdependencies between regional and local initiatives (e.g., waste management, transportation planning), is another area of future research briefly addressed in Chapter Four (see Table M). Detailed case studies of a few types of initiatives or a few cities would provide greater understanding of decision-making processes, problems, successes and other issues (Maclaren 1992). These latter studies might also be strengthened by employing more traditional analytical approaches to the study of local government, such as institutional analysis and public choice theory.8 A related area of future research, also addressed briefly in Chapter Four, is the role of provincial/state policies and programs in constraining or empowering local governments to undertake and implement sustainable development initiatives. Similar research could be conducted with a focus on national government policies and programs, such as the programs in France, Norway, Finland, and Holland (see Table M and Appendix 1). As well, the issues related to minimum vs. maximum and local vs. senior government sustainable development standards (e.g., re: reduction of greenhouse gases) are worthy of further investigation. ' Two examples of economic demand management worthy of more detailed investigation are Portland's zoning codes (Table H) and Montgomery County's proposals 1) to make housing affordable by land use planning that reduces the need for a second vehicle and 2) to charge separately for parking so as to lower housing costs, car ownership, and trip generation (see Appendix 2). 8 According to Crossley (1989), although they go by various names, there are three main analytical approaches to the study of local government. Mainstream, institutional analysis focuses on questions of public administration and is traditionally concerned with enhancing the capacity of local governments and ensuring more effective coordination of their activities. Critics from the left have tried to show what interests governments serve, "focusing especially on the way that planning and services provided by local governments have benefitted property owners," and often leading to arguments to redirect public policy to compensate for past neglect. The third approach, public choice theory, also stresses the link between economic and political concerns, but "adopts a more pluralistic conception of the number of groups which have an influence on government, and draws parallels between people's behaviour in the public and private sectors." 124 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Finally, an area deserving attention is the role of international agencies (e.g., World Bank, IMF) and policies (e.g., GATT, Free Trade Agreements) in relation to local government sustainable development initiatives. Toward Sustainable Communities Local governments are coming to recognize their responsibility to develop sustainable communities. The innovations they are testing are providing models for national level policies and programs (UNEP 1990). Indeed, as the Chair of the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy wrote in a recent letter to the Prime Minister, "It is becoming apparent that almost every issue of sustainable development which emerges at the local level will be replicated, in one form or another, at the provincial, national and international levels" (Connell 1991). In the absence of national public policy frameworks explicitly focused on ecological restructuring, or conversion (see Chapter Two), the framework developed in this study and the initiatives identified here begin to delineate fragments of a strategy for encouraging a globally conscious culture of sustainability in our communities. They also suggest some principles for both local and senior government officials to consider in designing effective sustainable community development policies. These principles, in conjunction with the tools described in Appendix 2, can help local government officials and concerned citizens design initiatives that address local and global problems within a broad understanding of sustainable development. This requires attention not only to substantive strategies (e.g., re: reducing resource consumption) but also to administrative and planning processes that advance social equity, build public support, ensure adequate opportunities for public participation, and help develop consensus for moving toward sustainable communities. • Sustainable development requires sustainable communities: Seemingly mundane local government decisions may have a more profound impact on the future of the global environment than all the handshaking and speechmaking by heads of state at the recent "Earth Summit" (the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janiero, Brazil, in June 1992). Yet while the initiatives cited in this study are encouraging, it appears that most local governments around the world experience external institutional constraints on the development and implementation of local sustainability policies. 125 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion Global sustainable development requires local authority and capacity for sustainable urban management and development. Despite the concentration of population in urban areas, most municipal and local governments do not have the regulatory and financial authority required to effectively contribute to sustainable community development. Lowe (1991) observes that experience in the industrial countries has demonstrated that placing the burden for infrastructure, education, and social services on property taxes can lead local governments to act irresponsibly - for example, allowing ecologically destructive development of valuable open space, or excluding low-taxpaying land uses such as affordable housing. Other levels of government must provide resources and support for the financing, management and policy-making authority necessary for local governments to achieve sustainable development in their communities. This implies a stronger role for municipal and local governments in moving toward sustainable communities. Local governments will need to develop and implement a wide range of initiatives such as those described in Chapter Four. Senior governments will need to ensure that local governments have the authority and capacity for sustainable community development. In the Canadian context this may imply some delegation of powers from Provincial to municipal governments as well as enshrining some municipal government rights within the Constitution (see, e.g., City of Vancouver 1991, M'Gonigle 1991). In both Canada and the US, municipal and local governments will need national funding commensurate with their increased responsibilities for achieving sustainable development. • Sustainability can mean "less" as well as "more": As discussed in Chapter Two, so long as sustainable development is conceived merely as "environmental protection" it will be understood as an "added" cost to be "traded" against. Once sustainable development is conceived as a different kind of development, such trade-offs become less critical: the new focus is instead on finding ways to stop much of what we are already doing and use the resources thus freed for socially and ecologically sustainable activities. Conceptualized in terms of demand management, this principle has long been obvious in the area of energy conservation and efficiency (see Table D). More recently, it has become evident in areas such as transportation planning (see Table A) and water management (see Table F), and is also emerging as a new focus for economic development strategies (see Table H). • Social equity is not only desirable but essential: Inequities undermine sustainable development, making it essential to consider the distributive effects of actions intended to 126 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion advance sustainable development.9 Growth management ordinances in many western U.S. cities, for example, enacted to safeguard the environment and protect the quality of community life, have caused local housing supplies to tighten, driving up prices and causing serious affordability problems for low- and moderate-income households. As these households leap-frog across preserved open space to less expensive communities in the region, additional commuting, traffic congestion, and air pollution threaten the very quality of life at which the control measures were aimed in the first place (van Vliet 1990). • Sustainable development requires planning: The concept of ecological restructuring, or conversion (as opposed to environmental protection through piecemeal legislation), "invokes notions of planning, of political control of the economy, which have been driven into ideological retreat" (Ryle 1988). For example, many observers consider Portland to be a model North American sustainable city; however, few realize that Portland's considerable accomplishments are due in large measure to the fact that the State of Oregon requires its cities to produce comprehensive plans to achieve the state's land-use planning goals (e.g., conserving energy). Goal-oriented planning is further discussed in Appendix 2. • Public participation is itself a sustainable development strategy: To a considerable extent, the environmental crisis is a creativity crisis. By soliciting the bare minimum of public "input," rather than actively seeking community participation from agenda-setting through to implementation, local and senior decision-makers have failed to tap the well of human ingenuity. They have failed to recognize that only by encouraging social innovation can the myriad challenges necessary to develop sustainable communities be successfully met. Public participation mechanisms such as community round tables (Table L) and urban y An example of how inequities can undermine sustainable development is the case of Regulation XV, the trip reduction bylaw (see Table A) promulgated by California's South Coast Air Quality Management District (SCAQMD), which mandates employers with more than 100 employees to develop plans to increase "average vehicle ridership" and thereby cut down on auto use and the resultant pollution. In 1990 SCAQMD supported a plan of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors to comply with that rule by placing a parking tax of $70 to $120 per month on its employees - many of them clerical and secretarial workers making no more than $1500 per month - after free parking had been a negotiated union benefit for more than 10 years. Yet even when presented with evidence by the Service Employees International Union, the Natural Resources Defense Council, and others that the county's plan would, in fact, increase pollution, place undue burden on low-income workers, and violate SCAQMD's own policy of not approving plans "subject to collective bargaining," the SCAQMD staff refused to withdraw support of what critics called "the county's tax-the-workers program." SCAQMD spokespersons explained that while they felt badly that the workers were being punished, their mandate was to reduce average vehicle ridership regardless of questions of social equity. In response, labour and community groups spent months organizing a broad coalition in support of this proposed amendment to the rule: "Any employer plans to comply with Regulation XV and to increase average vehicle ridership: 1) Cannot interfere with workers' rights to bargain collectively; 2) Cannot impose undue economic hardship on workers; and 3) Cannot have racially or gender-based discriminatory impacts" (Mann 1991). 127 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion environment platforms (Table I) are essential for overcoming resistance from entrenched interests (e.g., automobile and oil industry opposition to automobile restrictions) and for broadening the "narrow and ineffectual conception of the domain of local government concern" (UNEP 1990). Effective and acceptable local solutions require local decisions, which in turn require the extensive knowledge and participation of the people most effected by those decisions, in their workplaces and in their communities. Sustainable development will not come easily - it requires significant change in our structures, attitudes and values. Sustainable development implies constraints on the capacity of individuals, companies and nations to use resources which they have the right to use - and are encouraged to use - under present legal and economic arrangements. Although even the most conventional analyses recognize the need for changing these arrangements, few openly acknowledge that moving toward a sustainable society requires more than minor adjustments to existing practices. Wachtel (1989) observes that the key to a sustainable future lies not in making us more competitive but rather in making us more perceptive, more able to realize what we have, what we need, and what are the long-term consequences of the short-term choices we are making. Many North Americans intuitively understand that the reason why economic growth no longer brings a sense of greater well-being, why the pleasures our new possessions bring swiftly melt away, is that at the level of affluence of the North American middle class "what really matters is not one's material possessions but one's psychological economy, one's richness of human relations and freedom from the conflicts and constrictions that prevent us from enjoying what we have." Indeed, we have attempted "to use economics to solve what are really psychological problems." Like others writing in the growing sociological literature on the "communitarian approach" (e.g., Bellah 1991, Lasch 1991), Wachtel argues that our societal focus on productivity and economic efficiency as defining values leads to greater emphasis on competition, the pursuit of self-interest, and the stimulation of demand. "This in turn means still more decline in the security to be gained via shared ties and a stable, securely rooted place and way of life, still more need to compensate by organizing everything around what enables us to have 'more,' still more decline of traditional sources of security, and so forth. Thus, the more fully we have committed ourselves to increasing material abundance as our ultimate societal value, the more we have undermined older sources of security and made ourselves dependent on material goods for our sense of well-being to an unprecedented degree" (Wachtel 1989). 128 Chapter Five: Conclusions and Discussion The challenge ahead is to explore the implications of a sustainable future and to find a new set of guiding images and metaphors suited for it. Sustainable communities are the next steps in suggesting an alternative vision of the future that is not just a bitter necessity (e.g., re: reducing materials and energy consumption) but holds out promise of a genuinely better life. Sustainable communities do not mean settling for less, but rather thinking of new opportunities along a different, and perhaps more satisfying, dimension. Within this larger context, the initiatives evaluated in this study can be viewed as illustrative of values that are prerequisite for a sustainable society. The initiatives themselves serve not only as points of intervention but also as processes for social learning by which municipal and local governments can effect positive change toward a sustainable society. Developing a sustainable society requires both shifting away from values which encourage unsustainable behaviours and also shifting toward values which promote sustainable practices. It is here, in the realm where knowledge and action are linked, that planning theory may be able to make a significant contribution. As portrayed by these initiatives, active social learning programs - attempts through social experimentation to change social behaviour - can be effective not only in preventing a host of environmental and related social disasters, but also in creating healthy, sustainable communities which will be more pleasant and satisfying for their residents than the communities we live in today. With their relatively wealthy and well-educated populations, North American communities have a moral obligation to demonstrate leadership (and consequently benefit from) developing the knowledge, technologies, and processes the world requires for sustainability in the coming decades. Planners have a special obligation and ability to frame issues, assume leadership, champion initiatives, and demonstrate sustainable alternatives in their everyday practice. With creative leadership we may yet be able to leave our children a legacy of which we can be proud. Sustainable communities require unprecedented and simultaneous emphasis on the efficient use of urban space; on reducing consumption of material and energy resources; on improving community livability; and on organizing sustainable administrative and planning processes. This synergistic approach will enable our communities to be cleaner, healthier, and less expensive; to have greater accessibility and cohesion; and to be more self-reliant in energy, food and economic security than they now are. Sustainable communities will not, therefore, merely "sustain" the quality of urban life - they will improve it. 129 References Chapter One Association of County Councils (ACC), Association of District Councils, and Association of Metropolitan Authorities, Environmental Practice in Local Government (London: Association of District Councils, 1990). 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Cameron, M., Transportation Efficiency: Tackling Southern California's Air Pollution and Congestion (Boulder, CO: Environmental Defense Fund and Regional Institute of Southern California, 1991). City of San Jose, Sustainable City Strategy 1991-1992 (San Jose, CA: City of San Jose, Office of Environmental Management, 1991). City of Toronto, The Changing Atmosphere: A Call To Action (Toronto: City of Toronto, 1989). City of Vancouver, Clouds of Change: Final Report of the City of Vancouver Task Force on Atmospheric Change (Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1990, 2 Volumes). * References listed here refer only to literature cited in the introductions to the Tables in Chapter Four. References for the initiatives cited in the Tables, which are based on Appendix 1, are listed with the references for Appendices 1 & 2. 136 References Flavin, C , "Slowing Global Warming," in Brown, L.R., et al, State of the World 1990: A Worldwatch Institute Report on Progress Toward a Sustainable Society (NY/London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1990), pp. 17-38. Frosch, R.A. and N.E. Gallopoulos, "Strategies for Manufacturing," Scientific American 261(3): 144-152, September 1989. Gordon, D., ed., Green Cities: Ecologically Sound Approaches to Urban Space (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1990). Gordon, D., Steering a New Course: Transportation, Energy, and the Environment (Cambridge, MA: Union of Concerned Scientists, 1991). Holtzclaw, J., "Explaining Urban Density and Transit Impacts on Auto Use," presented to State of California Energy Resources Conservation and Development Commission, Docket No. 89-CR-90, January 15, 1991. Hough, M., "Formed by Natural Process: A Definition of the Green City," in Gordon 1990. Lang, R. and A. Armour, Planning Land to Conserve Energy: 40 Case Studies From Canada and the United States (Ottawa: Lands Directorate, Environment Canada, 1982). Local Government Commission, "Model Ordinances for Environmental Protection" (Sacramento, CA: Local Government Commission, 1990). Lowe, M.D., "Shaping Cities: The Environmental and Human Dimensions," Worldwatch Paper 105 (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, 1991). Lowe, M.D., "City Limits," Worldwatch 5(1), Jan/Feb 1992, pp. 18-25. Magazine, A.H., Environmental Management in Local Government: A Study of Local Response to Federal Mandate (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1977). McCulloch, J.A.W., "Overview of International Conference on Cities and Global Change" (Toronto, June 1991), prepared for "World Cities and the Environment" Conference, Toronto, August 25-28,1991. Newman, P., "Suffocate City," Consuming Interest, June/July 1991b, pp. 13-18. Newman, P. and J. Kenworthy, Cities and Automobile Dependence: An International Sourcebook (Brookfield, VT: Gower Technical, 1989). Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Environmental Policies for Cities in the 1990s (Paris: OECD, 1990). Paehlke, R. and D. Torgerson, eds., Managing Leviathan: Environmental Politics and the Administrative State (Peterborough: Broad View Press, 1990). Perlman, J.E., "The Mega-Cities Project," presented to the World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future, United Nations, New York, September 5, 1990. Pucher, J., "Urban Travel Behavior as the Outcome of Public Policy: The Example of Modal-Split in Western Europe and North America," Journal of the American Planning Association 54(4): 509-520, Autumn 1988. 137 References Reguly, B., "Blue Boxes: Why They Don't Work," Financial Times of Canada, February 3, 1992, p. 1. Renner, M., Jobs in a Sustainable Economy, Worldwatch Paper No. 104 (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, 1991). Resources Futures International (RFI), "Ottawa Creates Pollution," analysis commissioned by Southam News, in Vancouver Sun, April 23,1991. Rothblatt, D., "Swimming Against the Tide: Metropolitan Planning and Management in the United States," Planning Practice and Research 7(l):4-8, Spring 1992. Schor, J.B., "Global Equity and Environmental Crisis: An Argument for Reducing Working Hours in the North," World Development 19(1): 73-84, 1991. Stolarski, R.S., P. Bloomfield, R.D. McPeters and J.R. Herman, "Total Ozone Trends Deduced From Nimbus 7 TOMS Data," Geophysical Research Letters 18(6): 1015-1018, June 1991. Toronto Conference Statement, "The Changing Atmosphere: Implications for Global Security" (Toronto: Environment Canada, June 27-30,1988). US Environmental Protection Agency (US EPA), Policy Options for Stabilizing Global Climate, Report to Congress, 1989 (draft), cited in Brower, 1990. Wexler, P., ed., Cool Tools: State and Local Policy Options to Confront a Changing Climate (College Park, MD: University of Maryland Center for Global Change, 1992). Willson, R.W., et al, "Parking Subsidies and Commuter Mode Choice: Assessing the Evidence" (Los Angeles: Southern California Association of Governments, 1989), cited in Cameron 1991. The World Conservation Union (IUCN), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), Caring for the Earth: A Strategy for Sustainable Living (Gland, Switzerland: IUCN/UNEP/WWF, 1991). Chapter Five Bellah, R.N., et al, The Good Society (New York: Knopf, 1991). Bleviss, D. L. and P. Walzer, "Energy for Motor Vehicles," Scientific American 263(3):103-109, September 1990. Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP), "Reflections on Sustainable Planning: The Implications of Sustainable Development for Planning and the Canadian Institute of Planners" (Ottawa: CIP, 1990). Capital Regional District (CRD), Task Group on Atmospheric Change, CRD Healthy Atmosphere 2000: Report of Draft Recommendations of the CRD Task Group on Atmospheric Change (Victoria, B.C.: Capital Regional District, July 1992). City of Ottawa, Official Plan Volume I: The Primary Plan (Ottawa: City of Ottawa, Final Draft, February 1991). 138 References City of Vancouver, Clouds of Change: Final Report of the City of Vancouver Task Force on Atmospheric Change (Vancouver: City of Vancouver, June 1990). City of Vancouver, "Towards a New Generation of Government - Making Government Work For You: A Call to Action by the City of Vancouver" (Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1991). Connell, G.E., Chair, National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy (NRTEE), letter to the Prime Minister, in A Report to Canadians (Ottawa: NRTEE, 1991). Crossley, D., A Bibliography on Local Government in British Columbia (Victoria: Ministry of Municipal Affairs, Recreation and Culture, Policy and Research Branch, 1989). Federation of Canadian Municipalities, A Guidebook on Transportation Energy Management (Ottawa: Federation of Canadian Municipalities, 1990). Hubbard, H. M., "The Real Cost of Energy," Scientific American 264(4): 36-42, April 1991. Institute for Community Economics, The Community Land Trust Handbook. Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1982. Lasch, C , The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (New York: W.W. Norton, 1991). Lowe, M.D., Shaping Cities: The Environmental and Human Dimensions (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, Paper 105, 1991). Lowe, M.D., "City Limits," Worldwatch 5(l):18-25, Jan/Feb 1992. Maclaren, V.W., Sustainable Urban Development in Canada: From Concept to Practice (Toronto: ICURR Press, 1992), Volume 1: Summary Report. Magazine, A.H., Environmental Management in Local Government: A Study of Local Response to Federal Mandate (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1977). Mann, E., L.A. 's Lethal Air: New Strategies for Policy, Organizing, and Action (Los Angeles: Labor/Community Strategy Center, 1991). M'Gonigle, M., "Recasting the National Debate," The Canadian Forum, LXX(802): 11-15, September 1991. Newman, P., "Greenhouse, Oil and Cities," Futures, May 1991a, pp. 335-348. The Editors of RAIN, Knowing Home: Studies for a Possible Portland (Portland: RAIN, 1981). Rees, W.E., "Understanding Sustainable Development: Natural Capital and the New World Order" (Vancouver: UBC School of Community and Regional Planning, 1992). Regional Municipality of Halton (Ontario), Land Stewardship & Healthy Communities: A Vision for the 90's and Beyond, Official Plan Review Report B4 (draft), January 1991. Replogle, M., "Sustainable Transportation Strategies for World Development," presented to the World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future, United Nations, New York, September 7, 1990. 139 References Richardson, N. Land Use Planning and Sustainable Development in Canada (Ottawa: Canadian Environmental Advisory Council, Environment Canada, 1989). Ryle, M., Ecology and Socialism (London: Radius, 1988). United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), "Call to a World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future," United Nations, New York, September 5-8,1990. van Vliet, W., "Human Settlements in the U.S.: Questions of Even and Sustainable Development" (Toronto: University of Toronto Centre for Urban and Community Studies; draft prepared for the Colloquium on Human Settlements and Sustainable Development, June 21-23,1990). Wachtel, P., The Poverty of Affluence: A Psychological Portrait of the American Way of Life (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1989 [originally published New York: Free Press, 1983]). Appendices 1 & 22 4-A. Transportation Planning and Traffic Management Associated Press, "Traffic Controls Heeded Not By Hot-BIooded Commuters," Vancouver Sun, December 27,1991, p. D18. Association of County Councils (ACC), Association of District Councils, and Association of Metropolitan Authorities, Environmental Practice in Local Government (London: Association of District Councils, 1990). California Department of Transportation, A Directory of Trip Reduction Ordinances, Second Edition (Sacramento: Division of Transportation Planning, 1990). Cervero, R., "Transit Pricing Research: A Review and Synthesis," Transportation 17:117-139, 1990. City of Portland, Office of Neighborhood Associations (ONA), Press Release, January 9, 1990. City of Vancouver, Clouds of Change: Final Report of the City of Vancouver Task Force on Atmospheric Change (Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1990). Epstein, L.R. and R.W. Driscoll, "Clearing the Air, Muddying the Water," Planning 57(8):24-25, August 1991. French, H.F., "You Are What You Breathe," WorldWatch, 3(3): 27-34, May-June 1990. Friends of the Earth (FOE/UK), Traffic Calming in Residential Areas (London: FOE, n.d.). 1 The references for Appendix 1: Initiatives, and Appendix 2: Tools, have been combined according to topic. 140 References Giuliano, G., K. Hwang, D. Perrine, and M. Wachs, "Preliminary Evaluation of Regulation XV of the South Coast Air Quality Management District," unpublished paper, 1991. Keeler-Hemphill, D., "Curitiba: Brazil's Ecological City," Environmental Planning Quarterly 9(2):5-14, Spring 1992. Leonhardt, W., "Integrated Urban and Transport Planning in Saarbrucken," presented to the World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future, United Nations, New York, September 7,1990. Local Government Commission, "Model Ordinances for Environmental Protection" (Sacramento: Local Government Commission 1990). Lowe, M.D., "Rethinking Urban Transport," in Brown, L.R., et al, State of the World 1991: A Worldwatch Institute Report on Progress Toward a Sustainable Society (NY/London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1991), pp. 56-73. Montalbano, W., "A War on Urban Smog is Running Out of Gas," Los Angeles Times, reprinted in Vancouver Sun, February 1, 1992, p. B6. Newman, P., "Suffocate City," Consuming Interest, June/July 1991, pp. 13-18. Newman, P.W.G., and J. R. Kenworthy, "Transport and Urban Form in Thirty-Two of the World's Principal Cities," Transport Reviews, 1991, 11(3): 249-272. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Environmental Policies for Cities in the 1990s (Paris: OECD, 1990). Pendakur, V.S., "City Center Traffic Restraint Schemes: The Singapore Experience" (Vancouver: UBC Planning Papers, CS #14, 1986). Public Innovation Abroad (PIA), various issues. Rabinovitch, J., "Curitiba: Towards Sustainable Urban Development," Environment and Urbanization 4(2), forthcoming October 1992, quoted in Hardoy, J.E., and D. Satterthwaite, Environmental Problems in Third World Cities: An Agenda for the Poor and the Planet (London: International Institute for Environment and Development, 1992). Replogle, M., "Integrating Low and High Tech Transportation Strategies," presented to Second Annual Transportation 2000 Conference, Snowmass, Colorado, October 6-8,1991. Totten, M., Energywise Options for State and Local Governments: A Policy Compendium (Washington, D.C.: National Center for Policy Alternatives, 1989), draft. Vancouver Sun, "City of Bikes," Vancouver Sun, October 19, 1991, p. El. Ville de Montreal, Montreal: The Sustainable Development Option (Montreal: Ville de Montreal, 1991). 4-B. Land Use and Growth Management Abberger, W., "Growth Management Through Land Acquisition," in DeGrove 1991. 141 References Allen, G., et al, "Greenlands: A Sustainable Development Plan for Toronto's Waterfront Railway Lands," submitted to the City of Toronto, October 21,1990. American Planning Association (1991a), "Solving Traffic Woes by Balancing Jobs and Housing," in DeGrove 1991. American Planning Association (1991b), "Taming the Exclusionary Effects of Growth Controls," in DeGrove 1991. Calthorpe Associates, in association with Mintier & Associates, "Transit-Oriented Development Design Guidelines," prepared for Sacramento County Planning & Community Development Department, November 1990. Calthorpe, P., "Pedestrian Pockets: New Strategies for Suburban Growth," in Kelbaugh 1989. City of Vancouver, Clouds of Change: Final Report of the City of Vancouver Task Force on Atmospheric Change (Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1990). DeGrove, J.M., ed., Balanced Growth: A Planning Guide for Local Government (Washington, D.C.: International City Management Association, 1991). Duany, A., "Reinventing the Suburb," presentation to the Urban Development Institute, Pacific Region, Vancouver, B.C., September 24, 1991. Gordon, D., Steering a New Course: Transportation, Energy, and the Environment (Cambridge, MA: Union of Concerned Scientists, 1991). Heyerdahl, B., "TDRs: An Innovative Approach to Growth Management," in DeGrove 1991. IBI Group, "Greater Toronto Area Urban Structure Concepts Study - Summary Report," prepared for the Greater Toronto Coordinating Committee (Toronto: IBI Group, 1990). Kasowski, K., "Oregon: Fifteen Years of Land-Use Planning," in DeGrove 1991. Kelbaugh, D., ed., The Pedestrian Pocket Book: A New Suburban Design Strategy (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1989). Kingston Planning Report April 15, 1987, Item No. 213, File 60.73.70. Knack, R.E., "Tony Nelessen's Do-It-Yourself Neotraditionalism," Planning 57(12): 18-22, December 1991. Land Trust Alliance, "Land Trusts" (Washington, DC: Land Trust Alliance, n.d.). Lowe, M.D., "Portland Bypasses Progress," Worldwatch 4(5), Sept/Oct 1991a, pp. 9, 30. MacBurnie, I., "Reconsidering the Dream: Towards a Morphology for a Mixed Density Block Structure in Suburbia," paper presented to Colloquium on Sustainable Housing and Urban Development, Institute of Urban Studies, University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg, Manitoba, November 16,1991. McCulloch, J.A.W., "Overview of International Conference on Cities and Global Change" (Toronto, June 1991), prepared for "World Cities and the Environment" Conference, Toronto, August 25-28,1991. 142 References Metropolitan Toronto Planning Department, Policy Development Division, "Housing Intensification," Metropolitan Plan Review Report No. 4 (Toronto: Planning Department, 1987). Ministries of Municipal Affairs and Housing, "Land Use Planning for Housing" (Toronto: Ministry of Government Services, 1989). Newman, P., "Greenhouse, Oil and Cities," Futures, May 1991a, pp. 335-348. Newman, P., "Urban Villages - Concept for the '90s," Presentation to ECODESIGN Conference, RMIT, Melbourne, Australia October 18-20,1991c. Newman, P.W.G., and J. R. Kenworthy, "Transport and Urban Form in Thirty-Two of the World's Principal Cities," Transport Reviews, 1991, 11(3): 249-272. Okamoto, P., "The Neo-Traditionalists: Peter Calthorpe and Andres Duany/Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk," The Urban Ecologist, Fall 1991. Owens, S.E., "Land Use Planning for Energy Efficiency," in Cullingworth, J.B., ed., Energy, Land, and Public Policy (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1990), pp. 53-98. Peterborough Task Force on Sustainable Development, Report of the Task Force on Sustainable Development for the Peterborough Area (Peterborough, Ontario: Task Force on Sustainable Development, 1991). Regional Municipality of Halton (Ontario), Land Stewardship & Healthy Communities: A Vision for the 90's and Beyond, Official Plan Review Report B4 (draft), January 1991. Royal Commission on the Future of the Toronto Waterfront (RCFTW), D. Crombie, Commissioner, Watershed (Toronto: RCFTW, 1990). St. Catherines Planning Report July 22, 1987, Item No. 433, File 60.80.1. Stone, K.E. and R.H. Freilich, "Writing a Defensible Growth Ordinance," in DeGrove 1991. Taylor, M., "Mashpee Commons and Seaside," in Urban Ecology, Report of the First International Ecological City Conference (Berkeley, CA: Urban Ecology, 1990). 4-C. Atmospheric Change and Air Quality City of Ottawa, Official Plan Volume I: The Primary Plan (Ottawa: City of Ottawa, Final Draft, February 1991). City of Toronto, The Changing Atmosphere: Strategies for Reducing COi Emissions, Volume One: Policy Overview, Volume Two: Technical Volume (Toronto: City of Toronto, Special Advisory Committee on the Environment, Report Number Two, March 1991). City of Vancouver,C/o«ds of Change: Final Report of the City of Vancouver Task Force on Atmospheric Change (Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1990, 2 Volumes). International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives (ICLEI), "The Urban CO2 Project," Project Proposal (Cambridge, MA: ICLEI, 1990). 143 References International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives (ICLEI), The Urban CO2 Project (Toronto: ICLEI, 1991). Local Government Commission, Model Ordinances: Addressing Ozone Layer Destruction (Sacramento, CA: Local Government Commission, 1990). Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Environmental Policies for Cities in the 1990s (Paris: OECD, 1990). South Coast Association of Governments (SCAG) and South Coast Air Quality Management District (SCAQMD), Air Quality Management Plan: South Coast Air Basin (Los Angeles: SCAG/SCAQMD, 1989). South Coast Air Quality Management District (SCAQMD), The Path to Clean Air: Attainment Strategies (El Monte, CA: SCAQMD, 1989). Starke, L., Signs of Hope: Working Towards Our Common Future (NY: Oxford University Press, 1990). United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), International Union of Local Authorities, and Center for Innovative Diplomacy, World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future (Congress Program), (NY: UNEP, 1990). Ville de Montreal, Montreal: The Sustainable Development Option (Montreal: Ville de Montreal, 1991). 4-D. Energy Conservation and Efficiency City of Portland Energy Office, "Draft Portland Energy Policy," City Heat 2:1, Winter 1990, pp. 1-8. Corbett, M.N., A Better Place to Live: New Designs for Tomorrow's Communities (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1981). Duany, A., and E. Plater-Zyberk, "The Second Coming of the Small Town," The Wilson Quarterly (Winter 1992), reprinted in Utne Reader No. 51, May/June 1992, pp. 97-100. Helsinki Energy Board, District Heating (Helsinki: Helsinki Energy Board, 1989). International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives (ICLEI), The Urban CO2 Project (Toronto: ICLEI, 1991). International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives (ICLEI), "Energy Conservation/Finance: Saarbriicken, Germany," Case Study No. 4 (Toronto: ICLEI, 1992). Kelbaugh, D., ed., The Pedestrian Pocket Book: A New Suburban Design Strategy (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1989). Lang, R. and A. Armour, Planning Land to Conserve Energy: 40 Case Studies From Canada and the United States (Ottawa: Lands Directorate, Environment Canada, 1982). Leonhardt, W. (Chairman of the Board of Directors, Stadtwerke Saarbriicken AG, West Germany), "Local Concepts for the Reduction of CO2," presentation to the World 144 References Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future, United Nations, New York, September 7,1990. Local Government Commission, "Model Ordinances for Environmental Protection" (Sacramento, CA: Local Government Commission, 1990). Lowe, M.D., "Shaping Cities: The Environmental and Human Dimensions," Worldwatch Paper 105 (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, 1991). Millyard, K., "A Preliminary Carbon Dioxide Inventory for the City of Ottawa" (Ottawa: Friends of the Earth, 1992). Okamoto, P., "The Neo-Traditionalists: Peter Calthorpe and Andres Duany/Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk," The Urban Ecologist, Fall 1991. Oregon Revised Statutes, Title 20, Chapter 215. ORS @ 215.044 (1989). Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Environmental Policies for Cities in the 1990s (Paris: OECD, 1990). Public Innovation Abroad (PIA), various issues Vermont Statutes Annotated, Title 24, Part 2, Chapter 117, Subchapter 5 @ 4382 (1989). 4-E. Waste Reduction and Recycling Bulletin of Municipal Foreign Policy, "Working Together for a Cleaner Planet," Bulletin of Municipal Foreign Policy, Vol. 5, No.2, Spring 1991, p.16. Canli, S. and S.W. Gordon, "New on the Recycling Scene: Land Use Controls," Urban Land, May 1991, pp. 34-35. City of Seattle, Resolution 27871 (1988). Geiser, K., "The Greening of Industry: Managing the Transition to a Sustainable Economy," Technology Review, August/September 1991, pp. 64-72. Gram, K., "North Shore Sets the Recycling Pace," Vancouver Sun, December 8, 1990, p. Gi l . Gunnerson, C.G., Resource Recovery and Utilization in Shanghai, UNDP/World Bank Global Programme of Resource Recovery (s.I., 1987), cited in United Nations Centre for Human Settlement (Habitat), Urbanization and Sustainable Development in the Third World: An Unrecognized Global Issue (Nairobi: United Nations Centre for Human Settlement (Habitat), 1989). International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives (ICLEI), The Urban COi Project (Toronto: ICLEI, 1991). Knapp, D., "Designing for Total Recycling," in Urban Ecology, Report of the First International Ecological City Conference (Berkeley, CA: Urban Ecology, 1990). 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Economic Development Boothroyd, P., "Community Economic Development: An Introduction for Planners" (Vancouver: UBC Centre for Human Settlements, 1991). Boston Redevelopment Authority (BRA), "Linkage" (Boston: BRA, Winter, 1988). Bruyn, S.T., "Beyond the Market and the State," in S.T. Bruyn and J. Meehan, eds., Beyond the Market and the State: New Directions in Community Development (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). Flavin, C. and N. Lenssen, "Designing a Sustainable Energy System," in Brown, L.R., et al, State of the World 1991: A Worldwatch Institute Report on Progress Toward a Sustainable Society (NY/London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1991), pp. 21-38. Geiser, K., "The Greening of Industry: Managing the Transition to a Sustainable Economy," Technology Review, August/September 1991, pp. 64-72. Institute for Community Economics (ICE), The Community Land Trust Handbook (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1982). Institute for Community Economics, Community Economics (No. 18, Summer 1989). 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Canadian Press, "Melbourne Looks to Toronto for Ways to Makes Streets Safe," Vancouver Sun, October 26,1991b, p. C9. Dauncey, G., "New Council Offers a Humane Victoria," Victoria Times-Colonist, December 6, 1990. Farrow, M., "Campbell River's Heart Beats in African Town," Vancouver Sun, September 4, 1991, p.l. Hamilton Spectator, "Hamilton Women's Group Plans to Take Safety Audit of City," reprinted in Vancouver Sun, September 18, 1991, p. A4. Levi, C , "Growing Fish Salad: An Experiment in Integrated Aquaculture," Nor'Easter, Spring 1991, pp. 14-17. Los Angeles Daily News (LADN) with New York Times News Service, "L.A. City Council To Vote on Total Restaurant Smoking Ban," Vancouver Sun, October 16,1990, p. A5. 148 References McCamant, K. and C. Durrett, Cohousing: A Contemporary Approach to Housing Ourselves (Berkeley: Habitat Press, 1988). Ministry of Education (Victoria, Australia), Ministerial Polio/: Environmental Education (Melbourne: Ministry of Education, 1990), quoted in Victorian Environmental Education Council (VEEC), Educating For Our Environment (Melbourne: VEEC, 1991). Newman, P., "Successful Ageing, Transport and Urban Design," presented to Conference on Successful Ageing, Canberra, Australia, November, 1991. New York Times News Service, "San Francisco to Get VDT Regulations," Vancouver Sun, December 27,1990, p. A13. Perlman, J.E., "The Mega-Cities Project," presented to the World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future, United Nations, New York, September 5, 1990. State Office of Development Cooperation (SODC), Bremen's Development Cooperation (Bremen, Germany: Senator of Economy, Technology and Foreign Trade, State Office of Development Cooperation, 1990). Taylor, C , "Taking Back the Night," Vancouver Sun, October 19, 1991, p. B5. Towns and Development, "Getting to Know Towns and Development" (The Hague: Towns and Development: Local Initiatives for Global Development, n.d.). Urban Ecologist, "Ecological Rebuilding in the United States," The Urban Ecologist, Fall 1991. Victorian Environmental Education Council (VEEC), Educating For Our Environment (Melbourne: VEEC, 1991). Zweig, R., "Development of an Integrated Aquaculture System at the Southeast Correctional Center in Bridgewater, Massachusetts" (Cambridge, MA: MIT Sea Grant Program, 1990). 4-1. Investment and Purchasing Association of County Councils (ACC), Association of District Councils, and Association of Metropolitan Authorities, Environmental Practice in Local Government (London: Association of District Councils, 1990). City of New York, The Environmental Charter for New York City (New York: City of New York, Office of the Comptroller, 1990). City of Toronto Council, Report No. 33, Item 17, adopted September 21,1989. 4-K. Leadership by Example Association of County Councils (ACC), Association of District Councils, and Association of Metropolitan Authorities, Environmental Practice in Local Government (London: Association of District Councils, 1990). 149 References City of Ottawa, Urban Environmental Conservation Strategy: Framework Document (Ottawa: City of Ottawa, Department of Engineering and Public Works, 1990), discussion paper. City of Waterloo, Environment First 1990 Review Report (Waterloo: City of Waterloo, Report CAO 91-15,1991). Davies, K., "The Role of Environmental Considerations in Municipal Decision-Making in Canada and Some Preliminary Comments on Municipalities and the Proposed Canadian Environmental Assessment Act (Bill C-13)," unpublished paper prepared for The Federal Environmental Assessment Review Office, September 1991. Eco-Conseil, "Introducing Environmental Counselling for Local Authorities in France: A Successful Experiment" (Strasbourg: Institut Pour Le Conseil En Environment, 1991). Magazine, A.H., Environmental Management in Local Government: A Study of Local Response to Federal Mandate (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1977). Public Innovation Abroad (PIA), various issues Richardson, N., "Regional Overview Paper: Canada" (Toronto: University of Toronto Centre for Urban And Community Studies; draft prepared for the Colloquium on Human Settlements and Sustainable Development, June 21-23, 1990). Sheffield City Council, Sheffield 2000: The Development Strategy (Sheffield, UK: Sheffield City Council, n.d.). World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future, Congress Report (Cambridge, MA: International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives, 1990). 4-L. Environmental Administration Association of County Councils (ACC), Association of District Councils, and Association of Metropolitan Authorities, Environmental Practice in Local Government (London: Association of District Councils, 1990). Association of Netherlands Municipalities (ANM), Municipal Environmental Policy in the Netherlands: Setting Out For Sustainable Development (The Hague: Association of Netherlands Municipalities, 1990). British Columbia Round Table on the Environment and the Economy (BCRTEE), Sustainable Communities: Getting Started (Victoria: BCRTEE, n.d.). City of Ottawa, Official Plan, Volume I: The Primary Plan (Ottawa: City of Ottawa, February 1991), final draft. City of San Jose, Sustainable City Strategy 1991-1992 (City of San Jose, California: Office of Environmental Management, March 1991). Daly, H.E. and J.B. Cobb, Jr., For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy Toward Community, the Environment, and a Sustainable Future (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989). Eco-Conseil, "Introducing Environmental Counselling for Local Authorities in France: A Successful Experiment" (Strasbourg: Institut Pour Le Conseil En Environment, 1991). 150 References Foulds, D.W., "Environmental and Economic Sustainability Go Hand in Hand," Municipal World, July, 1990, p. 5. Friends of the Earth (U.K.), The Environmental Charter for Local Government (London: FOE, 1989). Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto, Council Meeting Minutes, December 5,1990. Appendix A: Report No. 34 of the Management Committee. National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy (NRTEE), Sustainable Development and the Municipality (Ottawa: NRTEE, n.d.). Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), New Environmental Policies for Cities (Paris: OECD, 1991). Peirce, N.R., and C.F. Steinbach, Enterprising Communities: Community-Based Development in America, 1990 (Washington, D.C.: Council for Community-Based Development, 1990). Public Broadcasting System, The Race to Save the Planet (Boston: WGBH, 1990). Reeve, N., "Sustainable Development in Municipalities: Making It Work," position paper of the Forum for Planning Action (Vancouver: FPA, 1988). Ryan, J. (Burlington, Ontario Alderman), "Existing in Harmony with the Environment," Municipal World 101(3): 3-5, March 1991. Toronto Declaration on World Cities and Their Environment (Toronto: World Cities and Their Environment Congress of Municipal Leaders, August 28,1991). World Congress of Local Governments for a Sustainable Future, Congress Report (Cambridge, MA: International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives, 1990). The World Conservation Union (IUCN), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), Caring for the Earth: A Strategy for Sustainable Living (Gland, Switzerland: IUCN/UNEP/WWF, 1991). 4-M. Beyond Municipal and Local Government American Planning Association (APA), "From the Capitals," Planning 58(2):5, Feburary 1992. Association of Netherlands Municipalities (ANM), Municipal Environmental Policy in the Netherlands: Setting Out For Sustainable Development (The Hague: Association of Netherlands Municipalities, 1990). Bjork, S., and N. McLaren, "Environment and Health: The Norwegian Response," in Urban Ecology, Report of the First International Ecological City Conference (Berkeley, CA: Urban Ecology, 1990). Global Communities, "Municipal Foreign Policy: News and Commentary," Global Communities, Winter 1992, pp. 6-7. Jalkanen, P., "The Role of Finnish Municpalities on the Way Towards the Sustainable Future" (Helsinki, Finland: Environmental Department, The Finnish Municipal Association, 1990), unpublished paper. 151 References Lowe, M.D., "Shaping Cities: The Environmental and Human Dimensions," Worldwatch Paper 105 (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, 1991). Lowe, M.D., "City Limits," Worldwatch 5(l):18-25, Jan/Feb 1992. National Growth Management Leadership Project (NGMLP), Developments 2(1 ):5, Summer 1991. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Environmental Policies for Cities in the 1990s (Paris: OECD, 1990). Public Innovation Abroad (PIA), various issues Rohse, M., Land Use Planning in Oregon (Corvallis, Oregon: Oregon State University, 1987). Secretary of State, Oregon Blue Book 1989-90 (Salem, Oregon: Secretary of State, 1989). Toronto Declaration on World Cities and Their Environment (Toronto: World Cities and Their Environment Congress of Municipal Leaders, August 28,1991). The World Conservation Union (IUCN), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), Caring for the Earth: A Strategy for Sustainable Living (Gland, Switzerland: IUCN/UNEP/WWF, 1991). 152 Annotated Bibliography Annotated Bibliography: Sustainable Development and Sustainable Communities Chapter 2. The Meaning of Sustainable Development Lester Brown, et al, State of the World: A WorldWatch Institute Report on Progress Toward a Sustainable Society (NY: W.W. Norton & Co., annual). This annual volume includes consistently credible research relating to the challenge of sustainable development. Topics addressed in 1991 included energy, waste, forestry, urban transport, overconsumption, green taxes, and the environmental impacts of war. The Worldwatch Institute also publishes an excellent series of papers and a bi-monthly magazine, World Watch. Herman E. Daly and John B. Cobb, Jr., For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy Toward Community, the Environment, and a Sustainable Future (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989). Daly, a World Bank economist and Cobb, a theologian, teamed up to critique "mainstream" economic thinking and offer a new paradigm for economics, public policy, and social ethics. Their work is based on a concern with building community, achieving equity and social justice, and maintaining high levels of economic well-being while conserving and enhancing environmental resources. Daly and Cobb argue that the "welfare approach to social justice" must be replaced by a more comprehensive approach in which municipalities expand their authority and responsibility in order to work with local citizens on projects designed to enhance community capacity environmentally, socially and economically. They believe that the promotion of greater levels of self-reliance within the geographic boundaries of the municipality should provide one basis for this new approach. For example, they suggest that using wastes as raw materials and emphasizing the local production of goods and services for local use, using locally-based resources, is likely to have a far greater positive impact on social welfare than is the further expansion of human services. Perhaps Daly and Cobb's greatest contribution is their index of sustainable economic welfare (ISEW). As an alternative accounting system to the GNP, the ISEW attempts to factor in the social and environmental costs of growth in measures of: • income distribution, as a measure of equity; • net capital growth, in order to assess whether capital formation is proceeding "in step" with population growth, as a measure of the sustainability of current economic activity; • sources of capital (i.e., internal or external), as a measure of self-reliance; • natural resource depletion, as a measure of how much future generations will need to be compensated for the loss of services from exhausted nonrenewable resources; • environmental damage, as a measure of the costs of noise, air and water pollution; • value of unpaid household labour, in order to ensure that the index does not discriminate against non-waged contributions to general welfare. 153 Annotated Bibliography Whereas GNP for the US has risen annually for the last few decades, the ISEW shows a similar pattern of improvements in the 1960s, little growth in the 1970s, and decline in the 1980s. The exercise underscores the authors' argument that growth at the expense of sustainability makes us poorer rather than richer. The important question, they conclude, is whether we continue to focus our efforts on increasing total output or whether we redirect our focus toward sustainability. Michael Jacobs, The Green Economy: Environment, Sustainable Development and the Politics of the Future (London: Pluto Press, 1991). This book is primarily about environmental economic policy in industrialized countries, which Jacobs argues are mainly responsible for the environmental crisis. Jacobs rejects both the traditional Green movement demand of "zero growth" and the new economic orthodoxy which seeks to give the environment a monetary value. He argues that sustainability provides an objective both morally defensible and capable of being translated into policy. He then describes a range of instruments by which economic activity can be constrained within environmental limits, and shows how environmental policies need not hurt the poor. His discussion includes regulation versus financial incentives, the role of government expenditure, and integrating equity with social policy. The last section of the book addresses questions of measurement in the context of environmental decision-making. Jacobs' final chapter addresses the impact of a Green economy on our lives. Jacobs makes a cogent distinction between "standard or living," as equated simply with disposable income, and "quality of life," the sum of all things which people purchase collectively, whether through public expenditure (e.g., public education) or not purchased at all (e.g., air quality). Will people be willing to forgo constant expansion of material possessions in favour of a more sustainable lifestyle? The important point, he notes, is not how likely such a change in culture might be - whether or not the change occurs is for us to decide. Cultures and tastes are influenced by a whole range of social and political factors which themselves can be changed and developed by political parties, pressure groups, voluntary organizations, individual behaviour and cultural activity. In this sense achieving a sustainable economy in industrialized societies is not ultimately a question of economics but rather a question of manifesting the desire and will to change. Linda Starke, Signs of Hope: Working Towards Our Common Future (NY: Oxford University Press, 1990). Starke's book records some of the progress made in the first few years after publication of Our Common Future, and points to initiatives underway around the world by governments, industry, scientists, non-governmental organizations, the media, and young people. While not intended to be comprehensive, it shows that those working toward a sustainable future no longer toil alone. World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). This is the report of the Brundtland Commission discussed above. The Commission's main recommendations are to revive economic growth; change the quality of growth; conserve and enhance the resource base; ensure a sustainable level of population; reorient technology and manage risks; integrate environment and economics in decision-making; reform international economic relations; and strengthen international co-operation. The Commission's call for a five- to ten-fold increase in world industrial output, without any analysis to show whether such expansion is ecologically possible, is highly questionable. The World Conservation Union (IUCN), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF),Caring for the Earth: A Strategy for Sustainable Living (Gland, Switzerland: IUCN/UNEP/WWF, 1991). Dozens of governments 154 Annotated Bibliography and international agencies contributed to this report, which sets out 132 measures that must be implemented over the next ten to twenty years if the Earth is to remain capable of supporting its population. The report estimates that ensuring the long-term survival of the planet will cost $1,288 billion over the next decade (equal to three times Canada's national debt), much of which could come from reducing military spending, selling "Earthcare Bonds," and other financial mechanisms. Additional recommendations include creating an international body to monitor the environment on a global scale, controlling population growth, minimizing the depletion of non-renewable resources, and sharing resources between rich and poor countries and with future generations. This report stands out as essential reading for two reasons. It is the the first such document to propose a global action plan that will - sooner or later, in this format or another - have to be adopted. It is also the first such report to recognize that local governments are key units for environmental care. Chapter 3. Toward Sustainable Communities Marcia D. Lowe, Shaping Cities: The Environmental and Human Dimensions (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, Paper 105, 1991). This paper provides an overview of urban environmental planning issues in cities around the world, with considerable attention to the challenges facing Third World cities. The future growth of cities "can either recognize the limits of the natural environment, or destroy the resources on which current and future societies depend; it can meet people's needs equitably, or enrich some while impoverishing or endangering others." It concludes with a framework for urban land use policy which emphasizes adequate information, regional cooperation, and strong support from national governments. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Environmental Policies for Cities in the 1990s (Paris, OECD, 1990). This report examines various existing urban environmental improvement policies, proposes ways and means to improve policy coordination with regard to urban environmental impacts, and describes policy instruments available to national, regional and local governments. It also assesses local initiatives in three areas of concern: urban rehabilitation, urban transport and urban energy management, and proposes policy guidelines for improvement in these areas. The report emphasizes the need to develop long-term strategies, adopt cross-sectoral approaches, facilitate cooperation and coordination, enable polluters to absorb environmental and social costs through fiscal and pricing mechanisms, set and enforce minimum environmental standards, increase the use of renewable resources, and encourage and build upon local initiatives. Several descriptions of urban environmental policies and programs in OECD countries are included. Richard Stren, Rodney White, and Joseph Whitney, editors, Sustainable Cities: Urbanization and the Environment in International Perspective (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991). Based on a 1990 colloquium at the University of Toronto, this volume brings together comprehensive studies of the urban experience in the U.S., Canada, Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Japan, Southeast Asia, China and Hong Kong, Africa, and Latin America. The chapters examine the meaning of sustainable development in a specific region, the growth and structure of urban systems, the effects of possible climatic changes on urban areas, and the political environment within which cities operate. Chapters conclude with policy proposals for increasing sustainability. Urban Ecology, Report of the First International Ecocity Conference (Berkeley, CA: Urban Ecology, 1990). At the First International Ecocity Conference in 1990, over 700 attendees from around the world gathered in Berkeley, California to discuss urban problems and submit 155 Annotated Bibliography proposals toward the goal of shaping cities upon ecological principles. Over 80 sessions addressed the broad spectrum of ecocity concerns. The Second International Ecocity Conference was held in Adelaide, South Australia in 1992. Sim Van der Ryn and Peter Calthorpe, editors, Sustainable Communities: A New Design Synthesis for Cities, Suburbs and Towns (San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1986). Architects Sim Van der Ryn and Peter Calthorpe's seminal volume grew out of an intensive week-long workshop with thirty leading innovators in ecology and community design. It includes contributions from biological designer John Todd, economist David Morris, planner Clare Cooper-Marcus, businessman Paul Hawken, bioregionalist Peter Berg and agriculturalists David Katz and Fred Reid. Hawken postulates that the shift to a post-industrial economy requires a design shift from consumption toward efficiency, i.e., doing more with less. Katz argues that the post-industrial suburb will be more site-specific and rely more on local people and local intelligence rather than standard formulations from afar. Reid argues for diversity in transportation options, noting that lighter, more efficient autos are only an interim step towards diversity in land use planning, with more emphasis on clustering, density, and mixed-uses. Cooper-Marcus notes our existing land use patterns are built on outdated notions of the nuclear family with one wage earner (as much as on outdated notions of cheap oil, land and water), and that the shift toward a service economy should mean more work opportunities in or close to residential neighbourhoods and greater accessibility to public transport. Morris argues that cities and neighbourhoods will gain greater economic and political independence as local self-reliance provides cheaper and more stable services than can be provided by large centralized industries or government (e.g., utilities). Todd argues that the sustainable settlement can reintegrate today's "producer" and "consumer" roles at home and elsewhere, with the household, through its design, producing some of its own food, energy, and even employment on site, rather than being merely a place of consumption. Despite a wide range of expertise and opinion, the common perspective of these authors is characterized by an emphasis on energy efficiency, stressing passive solar heating and cooling; encouraging local food production and reliance on local resources; and fostering creation of on-site jobs and neighbourhood stores to revitalize communities and eliminate wasteful commuting. These physical layouts, in turn, encourage social interaction by clustering dwellings and creating common-use areas and shared facilities, while increasing security and stressing appropriate scale. Chapter 4-A. Transportation Planning and Traffic Management Deborah Gordon, Steering a New Course: Transportation, Energy, and the Environment (Cambridge, MA: Union of Concerned Scientists, 1991). Gordon argues that the pollution, congestion, and damage to health caused by our dependence on motor vehicles are the hidden costs of our transportation system. As these costs continue to mount, we will pay them increasingly with our time, health, and welfare. In this report the Union of Concerned Scientists makes bold recommendations for policymakers seeking to ameliorate a host of problems associated with the US transportation sector. Issues addressed include greenhouse gases and other air pollutants, alternative transportation fuels, ultra-fuel-efficient vehicles, innovative transportation strategies, and public-policy options and recommendations. Comprehensive and well referenced, this book is a tremendous resource. Montgomery County Planning Department, Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission, Comprehensive Growth Policy Study, Volume II (Silver Spring, MD: Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission, 1989). This document describes how a set 156 Annotated Bibliography of alternative future growth scenarios were constructed and the results of applying two computerized impact assessment simulation models, TRAVEL and FISCAL, to the alternative growth scenarios. Peter Newman and Jeffrey Kenworthy, Cities and Automobile Dependence: An International Sourcebook (Brookfield, VT: Gower Technical, 1989). Based on extensive research, this landmark study examines urban form, transport and energy use in thirty-two cities in North America, Europe, Asia and Australia. The data cover approximately 100 parameters for 1960,1970 and 1980 and include parking, car ownership and use, roads, congestion, public transport, modal split and energy consumption; city form is characterized by central, inner and outer area population and employment data. The study confirms that the shorter distances inherent in medium- and high-density urban areas correspond with much more walking and cycling. For example, in the West European cities in the study - with an average of some 85 people and jobs per hectare - more than 21 percent of workers walk or cycle to work. By contrast, in the study's U.S. and Australian cities, with about 20 people and jobs per hectare, only 5 percent of workers walk or cycle to their jobs. Transportation: An International Journal Devoted to the Improvement of Transportation, Planning and Practice devoted a special issue (Volume 17, No. 2,1990) to Transportation Demand Management (TDM). TDM consists of efforts to induce behavioural changes on the part of travelers in order to maximize efficiency in the use of existing transport systems. Examples of TDM programs include employer subsidies of monthly transit passes in lieu of employer-provided parking facilities, encouragement of carpooling and vanpooling through financial incentives and preferential parking, and encouraging "telecommuting." Chapter 4-B. Land Use and Growth Management Michael N. Corbett, A Better Place to Live: New Designs for Tomorrow's Communities (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1981). Village Homes, Michael and Judy Corbett's 70-acre (28 ha), 270-unit solar subdivision in Davis, California is a pioneering example of sustainability by design which has received considerable attention. The development incorporates a wide range of innovative measures in a plan which satisfies three basic conservation objectives: reduction in total energy consumption, efficient use of energy, and conversion to renewable energy resource usage. The five main characteristics exhibited by this subdivision and neighbourhood design are: intensive land use, prominent use of solar energy, functional landscaping (e.g., trees were selected for maximum summer and minimum winter shading), energy-efficient transportation (all roads end in cul-de-sacs, making it faster to walk than drive from one area to another; a comprehensive greenbelt pathway is tied into the City bikeway network), and involvement of residents. The Corbetts attempted to facilitate "sense of community" through physical design, by establishing a homeowners association to participate in development and management decisions, and by becoming Village residents themselves. Michael Corbett later became mayor of Davis. Doug Kelbaugh, ed., The Pedestrian Pocket Book: A New Suburban Design Strategy (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1989). This little book documents a design charette with architect Peter Calthorpe at the University of Washington in 1988, testing Calthorpe's "Pedestrian Pocket" concept on a site next to a proposed rapid transit line. It shows that strategic interventions could affect the structure, legibility, and sense of place in suburbia. It contends that finite centers of community are achievable, and that affordability, traffic decongestion, open space, mixed population, and mixed use are all mutually compatible. Alex Krieger, ed., Andres Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk: Towns and Town-Making Principles (NY: Rizzoli International Publications, 1991). Based on an exhibition at the Harvard University Graduate School of Design in 1990, this volume consists of architectural plans and drawings woven together with essays by design theorists Alex Krieger, Leon Krier, William Lennertz, Patrick Pinnell, and Vincent Scully, Jr. As proponents of 157 Annotated Bibliography "neotraditional" town planning, Duany and Plater-Zyberk advocate designing suburban subdivisions in the manner of towns. They also challenge zoning conventions and write design codes that favour traditional patterns of placemaking. Duany and Plater-Zyberk are widely known for their design of the resort community of Seaside, on the Florida panhandle. This volume appears to be the first book-length treatment of their ideas. The Land Trust Alliance is the US national organization of land trusts. Founded in 1982, the Alliance provides specialized services, publications, information, and training for land trusts and other conservation organizations, and works for public policies that advance land conservation. The Alliance recently published Starting a Land Trust: A Guide to Forming an Land Conservation Organization (Alexandria, VA: Land Trust Alliance, 1990). Michael A. Mantell, Stephen F. Harper, and Luther Propst, Creating Successful Communities (Washington, DC: Island Press, 1990). Volume I is subtitled A Guidebook to Growth Management Strategies; Volume II is a Resource Guide. These books are particularly useful in regard to agricultural land, wetlands, historic and cultural resources, and open space. They also include useful information on easements and conservation restrictions, and on growth management tools and techniques. Montgomery County Planning Department, Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission, Comprehensive Growth Policy Study, Volume I (Silver Spring, MD: Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission, 1989). Summarizes the major conclusions of a far-reaching technical study of congestion, affordability, policy-making and growth management. The Real Estate Research Corporation's (1974) massive study for the US Government on The Costs of Sprawl still stands as a classic. Three community types were analyzed: the "low density sprawl" community (entirely single-family homes, 75 percent in traditional grid pattern typical of suburban development); the "combination mix" community (20 percent of each of five types of dwellings, half in planned unit developments, half in traditional subdivisions); and the "high density planned" community (40 percent highrises, 30 percent walkups, 20 percent townhouses, and 10 percent clustered single family homes, all clustered together into contiguous neighbourhoods). A major conclusion of the study was that sprawl is "the most expensive form of residential development in terms of economic costs, environmental costs, natural resource consumption, and many types of personal costs... This cost difference is particularly significant for that proportion of total costs which is likely to be borne by local governments." Samuel N. Stokes, et al, Saving America's Countryside: A Guide to Rural Conservation (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1989). This book was written for the U.S. National Trust for Historic Preservation. It focuses on protecting the entire spectrum of a rural community's resources - natural, historic, scenic, and agricultural. Twenty-eight recent case studies are documented. The chapter on land protection techniques that local governments can use is particularly valuable. Sim Van der Ryn and Peter Calthorpe, editors, Sustainable Communities: A New Design Synthesis for Cities, Suburbs and Towns (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1986). Recently re-released in paperback, this is a stimulating collection edited by two forward-looking architects. See annotation under Chapter 3 in this bibliography. Robert D. Yaro, et al, Dealing With Change in the Connecticut River Valley: A Design Manual for Conservation and Development (Amherst, MA: Center for Rural Massachusetts, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 1988). This volume attempts to develop practical planning standards which rural New England towns can adopt to protect their distinctive character, while at the same time accommodating economic growth. 158 Annotated Bibliography Chapter 4-C. Atmospheric Change and Air Quality Kai Millyard, A Preliminary Carbon Dioxide Inventory for the City of Ottawa (Ottawa: FOE, 1992). This report attempts to inventory carbon dioxide emissions not only from city operations but from the entire municipality. Although the focus is on Ottawa, appendices describing the methods used to ascertain these figures may be useful in estimating carbon dioxide emissions in other jurisdictions. City of Toronto, The Changing Atmosphere: Strategies for Reducing CO2 Emissions, Volume One: Policy Overview, Volume Two: Technical Volume (Toronto: City of Toronto, Special Advisory Committee on the Environment, Report Number Two, March 1991). In 1990, Toronto made a commitment to reduce the city's net CO2 emissions by 20 percent, relative to the 1988 level, by the year 2005. By "net" emission reduction, the city's Special Committee meant some combination of direct emissions reductions and creation of an offsetting "carbon sink" (e.g., financing reforestation in Southern Ontario or Central America). In 1991 the Toronto Special Committee revised its position, arguing that the city can reduce its gross carbon dioxide emissions by a full 20% without the need for an offsetting carbon sink. They outlined a set of strategies to achieve this target while still accommodating up to 20 percent growth in the number of people living and working in the city. The report includes strategies for measuring and allocating CO2 emissions reductions, electricity use, natural gas use, district heating and cooling, building, transportation, urban forestry, energy efficiency, education and advocacy. City of Vancouver, Clouds of Change: Final Report of the City of Vancouver Task Force on Atmospheric Change (Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1990, 2 Volumes). After public consultations based upon its research, Vancouver's Task Force on Atmospheric Change published its two-volume Clouds of Change report in June 1990. Volume One explains the causes of global and local atmospheric change, the known and probable effects of atmospheric change, and the role of the City in acting to protect public health by reducing the hazards posed by atmospheric change. The report sets forth a framework for action based on targets to eliminate or reduce emissions of ozone-depleting chemicals, carbon dioxide and related pollutants. Thirty-five major recommendations are presented regarding administrative organization, transportation planning and traffic management, land use planning, energy efficiency, public health, a regional carbon dioxide tax, urban reforestation, waste reduction and recycling, leadership by example (e.g., procurement policies), and public involvement and education. Volume Two is a set of model and example by-laws from other jurisdictions which are referenced in the report. Vancouver City Council approved the report's recommendations in October 1990. Chapter 4-P. Energy Conservation and Efficiency Center for Renewable Resources, Renewable Energy in Cities (NY: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1984). This book supplies some of the information needed to develop local energy plans and policies based on the use of energy conservation and renewable energy technologies. It provides technical information to help city energy officials discriminate between appropriate and inappropriate technologies and options; explains constraints and opportunities with respect to land use patterns, building stocks, energy supply and distribution networks, and social and economic conditions; and examines the links between energy and housing, employment, and economic development. Reg Lang and Audrey Armour, Planning Land to Conserve Energy: 40 Case Studies From Canada and the United States (Ottawa: Lands Directorate, Environment Canada, 1982). Although the case studies are dated, this volume contains a wealth of useful information. The case studies are in five categories: community energy profiles, municipal plans and 159 Annotated Bibliography policies, new communities and residential development, non-residential land use, and land use and development controls. Chapter 4-E. Waste Reduction and Recycling Institute for Local Self-Reliance, Beyond 40 Percent: Record-Setting Recycling and Composting Programs (Washington, D.C. & Covelo, CA: Island Press, 1991). This book offers ample proof that community recycling and composting operations can be our primary solid-waste management strategies. Case studies document the operating experiences of seventeen US communities - urban, suburban, and rural - all with materials recovery levels of over 30 percent. Fourteen have total, residential, or commercial materials recovery rates at or above 40 percent. The book discusses the advantages of mandatory recycling, its economic incentives, the collection of source-separated yard wastes for composting programs, and the benefits of extending programs beyond the residential sector to the commercial sector. It also provides specific examples of how your community can plan and implement recycling and composting programs that will work. The Institute for Local Self-Reliance is a non-profit organization promoting self-reliance for cities. Since 1974 ILSR has been providing research and technical assistance to citizens, local governments, and small businesses on waste utilization, closed-loop manufacturing, and materials policy. Beyond 40 Percent is part of an ongoing series of technical reports prepared by ILSR staff. Chapter 4-F. Water and Sewage John M. Teal and Susan B. Peterson, "The Next Generation of Septage Treatment," Research journal Water Pollution Control Federation (WPCF) 63(1): 84-89, January/February 1991. This paper describes the preliminary results of a pilot experiment run by Ocean Arks International in the town of Harwich, Massachusetts, in the summer of 1988 at the town landfill. The landfill held the lagoons, inlined pits in the sand, into which septage was pumped for disposal. Liquids seeped through the bottom of the lagoon or evaporated and the remaining solids were eventually placed in the landfill. During the experiment, septage was pumped from the active lagoon into the treatment system and the effluent was returned to the lagoon. Metals were sequestered in the system and all but lead met drinking water standards in the effluent. Metals in fish living in the last tanks met food standards except for antimony, cadmium, and lead. Methylene chloride, trichloroethene, and toluene were high in the influent but met drinking water standards in the effluent. Nancy Jack Todd and John Todd, Bioshelters, Ocean Arks, City Farming: Ecology as the Basis of Design (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1984). This book extends the work of design pioneers such as R. Buckminster Fuller and Gregory Bateson in developing renewable energy and systems based on natural cycles in agriculture, aquaculture, fuel resources, and general design. It describes a spectrum of innovative experiments integrating small, self-adapting systems with 21st-century biotechnologies. Includes sketches of a neighbourhood sewage treatment facility, a solar sewage wall, rooftop farming, sidewalk gardening, warehouse farming, and bus stop and sidewalk aquaculture. Chapter 4-G. Greening the City Hashem Akbari and Haider Taha, The Tree-House Effect: The Impact of Trees and White Surfaces on Residential Energy Use in Four Canadian Cities (Ottawa: Friends of the Earth, 1991). A technical report by scientists with the Heat Island Project of the University of California-Berkeley and the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory of the US Department of Energy. 160 Annotated Bibliography Peter Berg, Beryl Magilavy and Seth Zuckerman, A Green City Program for San Francisco Bay Area Cities and Towns (San Francisco: Planet Drum Books, 1989). This intriguing book arose from a set of symposia on urban sustainability in the San Francisco Bay Area in 1986. The premise of the participants was that cities must be transformed into places that are life-enhancing and regenerative, and that enormous changes in a society can come from a handful of citizen planners who restructure how they live and actively influence others. Topics include urban planting, transportation, planning, energy, neighbourhood character and empowerment, recycling and reuse, celebrating life-place vitality, urban wild habitat, and socially responsible small businesses and cooperatives. Each chapter includes a section on "What can cities do to promote ...?," long-term visions for municipal action, a "fable" to illustrate the way beneficial changes could occur, and a section on "... in Green City: what's possible?" Gerald F.M. Dawe, editor, The Urban Environment: A Sourcebook for the 1990s (Birmingham, UK: Centre for Urban Ecology, Nature Conservancy Council, and World Wide Fund for Nature, 1990). This 636 page book contains 1,768 abstracts of articles, papers, reports and books on various aspects of urban ecology. Each abstract is classified by means of key words which tie into the main indexes (plant and animal, town and city and subject indexes), as well as with graphic symbols designed to give a first-glance impression of the emphasis of each abstract. The book is a useful guide to work carried out in the 1980s on urban landscape, wildlife, climate, pollution, and ecosystems. David Gordon, ed., Green Cities: Ecologically Sound Approaches to Urban Space (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1990). What is the Green City? This anthology begins with a series of attempts to articulate ideas on culture, globalism, international economics, and local initiative. The bulk of the book is devoted to strategies and techniques for "naturalizing" and "greening" urban areas. The final section describes how some local organizations have overcome institutional and social barriers in their attempts to realize visions of the green city. Appendices include a list of horticultural services and suppliers; a bibliography on urban wilderness and ecological landscaping, edible landscaping, groundcovers and herbs, and urban agriculture and gardening; and a listing of selected organizations and demonstration projects. International Society of Aboriculture, Municipal Tree Manual (Urbana, 111: International Society of Aboriculture, 1990). A municipal ordinance to control the planting and care of trees is a critical tool for improving the health of a city landscape. This report is a comprehensive guide to drafting or revising such an ordinance. It includes three sample ordinances as well as additional ordinance sections and commentary. Also included is a useful and well-illustrated section on management standards and specifications that can be developed as an appendix to a tree ordinance or as a separate management document. Contains examples from the field and useful advice on contract specifications and standards. Gary Moll and Sara Ebenreck, editors, Shading Our Cities: A Resource Guide for Urban and Community Forests (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1989). This valuable reference, published under the auspices of the American Forestry Association, explains how to preserve and extend urban forests. The authors argue that beyond the aesthetic benefits of parks and tree-lined streets, trees can also reduce energy demand (by providing cooling shade), improve air quality, protect water supplies, and signal community stability. The book includes practical measures to save existing trees, information on how to start an urban forestry program, and profiles of successful projects in Los Angeles, Philadelphia, New York, Atlanta, and other cities. US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), Cooling Our Communities: A Guidebook on Tree Planting and Light-Colored Surfacing (Washington, D.C.: US EPA, 1992, S/N 055-000-00371-8). This guidebook was developed specifically for reducing summer heat in cities. It discusses ways of reducing the effects of urban "heat islands," and the likely environmental 161 Annotated Bibliography and economic benefits of taking appropriate measures. Includes resources, references, sources of support, descriptions of mitigation efforts already underway, and technical appendices. The Urban Ecologist is the newsletter of Urban Ecology, a California non-profit organization founded by Ecocity Berkeley author Richard Register. Although primarily focused on the San Francisco Bay Area, this group organized the First International Ecocity Conference in 1990. The conference emphasized the need to rebuild our cities in harmony with nature, and the newsletter includes vignettes of ecological rebuilding around the world. Chapter 4-H. Economic Development Sustainable Employment Frank T. Adams and Gary B. Hanson, Putting Democracy to Work: A Practical Guide for Starting Worker-owned Businesses (Eugene, OR: Hulogos'i Communications, 1987). This is a comprehensive "how-to" guide for setting up a worker-owned organization. As a changing economy forces many businesses to the brink, more workers are considering buying them. This book tells how to do it and how the worker-owner edge can make a difference. Topics include organizing, managing, participating, assessing, technical assistance, capital, taxes, law and the business plan, with examples from the U.S. and Europe. Also includes examples and models on the decision-making process, by-laws, board and officer roles, legal structure, membership, meeting process and voting. Edward J. Blakely, Planning Local Economic Development: Theory and Practice (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1989). This comprehensive volume, combining theoretical and practical information, is indispensable for local economic development planning. Topics include the planning process, analytical techniques, selecting a strategy, locality and business development, human resource development, community-based economic and employment development, preparing project plans, and institutional approaches. Keith M. Cossey, Co-operative Strategies for Sustainable Communities: Community-Based Development Organizations (Sackville, N.B.: Mount Allison University, 1990). This paper focuses on the role of community development corporations as a vehicle for sustainable community development. Floyd W. Dykeman, ed., Entrepreneurial and Sustainable Rural Communities (Sackville, N.B.: Mount Allison University, 1990). This collection links theory and action by focusing on rural community adaptation/innovation and support systems for rural community development. Dykeman's introductory essay discusses a range of alternative organizational structures for community development, from development corporations to local government committees. David Morris, An Environmental Policy for the 1990s: Fashioning the Molecular Basis for a Green Economy (Washington, DC: Institute for Local Self-Reliance, 1990). Morris is well known for his work around the concept of local self-reliance. The Institute for Local Self-Reliance'sCarbohydrate Economy Project is researching the feasibility of moving toward a plant matter based economy, with the objective of substituting plant matter for a third of our current consumption of fossil fuels. In this essay Morris argues that all environmental and economic development policies should be guided by a molecular accounting system, with the goal of extracting the maximum amount of useful work on a sustained basis from every molecule. A fascinating, forward-thinking piece on creating a new economy that integrates concerns about democracy, equity, economic development, and the environment, with attention to the role of local as well as senior government. Sustainable Developments Policy Paper by The Canadian Manufacturers' Association suggests that embracing the concept of sustainable development offers "our best opportunity 162 Annotated Bibliography to work in a spirit of cooperation with governments and members of the public to achieve practical and cost-effective solutions to our environmental problems." Economic Demand Management Severyn T. Bruyn and James Meehan, eds., Beyond the Market and the State: New Directions in Community Development (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). Part One of this fascinating and informative collection of essays explores new community-oriented enterprises such as CLTs, CDCs, worker and consumer coops, and community financial institutions. Part Two examines local, regional and national strategies to enhance local self-reliance, including education and legislation. Of particular note is Karl Seidman's essay, "A New Role for Government: Supporting a Democratic Economy." The Institute for Community Economics is a non-profit corporation providing technical and financial assistance to community land trusts, limited-equity housing coops, community loan funds, and other grassroots organizations, as well as providing information and educational material to the general public. The Institute authored The Community Land Trust Handbook (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1982), and also publishes a quarterly journal, Community Economics. Ward Morehouse, ed., Building Sustainable Communities: Tools and Concepts for Self-Reliant Economic Change (NY: Bootstrap Press, 1989). The three major sections of this book deal with community land trusts and other forms of community ownership of natural resources; worker-managed enterprises and other techniques of community self-management; and community currency and banking. Also included are a lexicon of social capitalism and a bibliography of key works on self-reliant economic change. Community Forestry The British Columbia Village of Hazleton's 1991 Framework for Watershed Stewardship is a key document for forest communities struggling to gain some measure of control over the local forest base. The Framework is based upon Hazleton's 1990 "Forest Industry Charter of Rights," which was adopted wholly or in principle by at least eleven municipalities and regional districts in British Columbia. The original Charter was revised to reflect growing understanding of the principles of "new forestry" at the Community Options Forestry Conference at the University of Victoria, February 15-17, 1991. Although the Framework is focused on British Columbia, it could serve as a model for communities in other jurisdictions where forest resources are primarily controlled by senior government agencies. The Framework argues that forests are unique resources which should be stewarded to maintain ecological diversity and integrity; guarantee biologically sustainable levels of resource harvest and extraction; require maximum value-added manufacturing of all resources; provide stable, fairly paid, and challenging employment; support a fair return on natural resource industry investments; and allow stable growth of regions whose communities control management of their local watersheds. Orville Camp, The Forest Farmer's Handbook: A Guide to Natural Selection Forest Management (Ashland, OR: Sky River Press, 1984). This book describes a sustainable all-age, all-species forest management system that does not involve clearcuts, burning, or herbicides. It also includes an appendix on designing appropriate access roads for a kinder, gentler forestry. Forest Planning Canada is a bi-monthly which rightly describes itself as "Canada's community forestry forum." Ruth Loomis, Wildwood: A Forest for the Future (Gabriola, B.C.: Reflections, 1990). Describes the sustainable forest management practices of Vancouver Islander Merv Wilkinson. 163 Annotated Bibliography Chris Maser, The Redesigned Forest (San Pedro, CA: R. and E. Miles, 1989). Maser is a consultant on sustainable forestry and was formerly a researcher for the US Bureau of Land Management. This book has won unqualified praise for its clarity and relevance to current issues in forestry. The Trumpeter: Journal of Ecosophy is a quarterly which addresses serious discussions of ecophilosophy, but also includes good coverage of books and developments in community forestry. Chapter 4-1. Community Development Medea Benjamin and Andrea Freedman, Bridging the Global Gap: A Handbook to Linking Citizens of the First and Third World (Cabin John, MD: Seven Locks Press, 1989). This book launched Global Exchange, a non-profit research, education and action centre focusing on US-Third World internationalism. Global Exchange's version of internationalism recognizes that the interests of the Third World coincide with the interests of the majority of North Americans. For example, less poverty abroad would mean fewer companies abandoning the US and Canada in search of cheaper labour; higher standards of living in Third World countries would mean more markets for our goods; greater democracy overseas would mean less US tax dollars wasted on military aid to repressive regimes. Includes information on municipal foreign policy and an extensive Resource Guide. Dorit Fromm, Collaborative Communities: Cohousing, Central Living, and Other New Forms of Housing with Shared Facilities (NY: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1991). This volume focuses on housing forms characterized by residents taking the initiative to plan and manage their neighbourhoods. It includes case studies of Dutch, Danish, Swedish, and U.S. prototypes, and offers guidelines on transplanting European models to North America. Issues and obstacles are addressed, and a variety of tenure and management styles are discussed. The book features models for urban, suburban and rural environments. The appendices include community diagrams, comparisons of ownership types, sample design programs and bylaws, and definitions of housing terms. Kathryn McCamant and Charles Durrett, Cohousing: A Contemporary Approach to Housing Ourselves (Berkeley: Habitat Press, 1988). McCamant and Durret are an American husband-wife design team, and leading experts on cohousing. After an extensive study of cohousing in Denmark, where they lived in or visited 60 communities, they introduced cohousing to North America through this book. Cohousing is written in three sections. The first introduces cohousing and explains how it works. The second is an inside look at eight cohousing communities. The third, "Creating Cohousing," considers the evolution of cohousing, the development process, design considerations, and translating cohousing to North America. Healthy Communities Peter Boothroyd and Margaret Eberle, Healthy Communities: What They Are, How They're Made (Vancouver: UBC Centre for Human Settlements Research Bulletin, 1990) explores the meaning of healthy communities and how they can be created. The authors define a healthy community as "a community in which all organizations from informal groups to governments are working effectively together to improve the quality of all people's lives." Brijesh Mathur, editor, Perspectives on Urban Health (Winnipeg: University of Winnipeg, Institute of Urban Studies, 1991) is a collection of essays on urban health and wellness and the implications of healthy cities for urban planning. 164 Annotated Bibliography Chapter 4-T. Investment and Purchasing Local Government Commission, Local Government Procurement and Market Development (Sacramento, CA: Local Government Commission, 1989). A how-to guide for adopting a recycled product purchasing policy. Chapter 4-K. Leadership by Example Association of County Councils, Association of District Councils, and Association of Metropolitan Authorities, Environmental Practice in Local Government (London: Association of District Councils, 1990). The three U.K. national local authority Associations teamed up to produce this impressive notebook-style publication in an attempt to raise environmental awareness throughout local government. The first edition concentrates on examples of best available practice within U.K. local authorities; while few of these are in themselves relevant to North American municipal and local governments, this book would be a good model for a similar effort on this continent. Chapter 4-L. Environmental Administration Friends of the Earth (U.K.), The Environmental Charter for Local Government (London: FOE, 1989). This package includes the 15-point Charter (reprinted in Appendix 2), a guide to local government in the U.K. (including a glossary of council jargon), and a book of 193 practical recommendations. In addition to many of the topics covered in the present volume, the Charter recommendations cover everything from employment policies (drop any requirement for transport planners to be Members of the Institute of Civil Engineers) to travel allowances (which should not discriminate against the non-car user). Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Environmental Policies for Cities in the 1990s (Paris, OECD, 1990). See annotation under Chapter 3 in this bibliography. Chapter 4-M. Beyond Municipal and Local Government Global Communities, a newsletter of the Institute for Policy Studies, reports on issues such as economic conversion, nuclear free zones, municipal environmental initiatives, and municipal foreign policy. The National Growth Management Leadership Project (NGMLP) is a coalition of state and regional conservation and planning organizations in 18 states. Founded in 1988, the NGMLP advocates regional and statewide land use planning as a policy tool to address land conservation, housing, transportation and other key growth management concerns. In 1992, the NGMLP opened an Office of Federal Policy in Washington, D.C. to monitor oppoortunities for strengthening federal programs and policies related to growth management efforts at the state and regional level. NGMLP's study on "Managing Growth to Promote Affordable Housing" found that modest increases in housing densities and a wider range of housing types can positively influence the affordability of housing on a regional basis. LUTRAQ, a national research project on the land use, transportation, air quality connection, is expected to produce valuable new computer models of transit-oriented (vs. auto-dependent sprawl) land use development patterns when it is completed in 1992. The NGMLP also publishes a newsletter, Developments. 165 APPENDIX 1: Detailed Descriptions of Sustainable Community Initiatives 4-A. Transportation Planning and Traffic Management Trip Reduction Bylaws Montgomery County, a suburb of Washington, D.C., has instituted both developer requirements and a Ride Share Ordinance. Developers must prepare a ten year trip reduction plan that includes elements such as personalized ridesharing assistance, shuttle van services, transit pass subsidies and other measures. The Ride Share Ordinance requires new employers to achieve a specified increase in transit use by their employees; penalties are exacted if goals are not met. This ordinance has achieved a 31.7% increase in the number of carpools and a 59.6% increase in transit commuters within just one year. Other communities that have adopted similar ordinances include Bellevue, Washington, and at least 37 cities and counties in California (Local Government Commission 1990; Cal DOT 1990). Regulation XV of the South Coast Air Quality Management District in Southern California requires all work sites with 100 or more employees to implement a ridesharing program and to increase the organization's "average vehicle ridership" to a specified target. After more than a year of experience, the first evaluation of the program's result