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Child molesters’ retrospective accounts of their acts and subsequent reasoning on ethical issues Paris, Faye Ann 1992

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CHILD MOLESTERS' RETROSPECTIVE ACCOUNTS OF THEIR ACTS AND SUBSEQUENT REASONING ON ETHICAL ISSUES By FAYE ANN PARIS B.A., Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y , 1986 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Psychology We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1992 @ Faye Ann P a r i s , 1992 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that pemnission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of P s y c h o l o g y The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date September 30, 1992 DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT The primary purpose of t h i s project was to examine some of the factors which lead c h i l d molesters to sexually abuse t h e i r victims. To understand why these sexual a c t i v i t i e s occurred, molesters' own past h i s t o r i e s of abuse were considered. To determine how molesters sexually abused children, t h e i r approach to selecting, seducing, and s i l e n c i n g the children was examined. The secondary purpose of t h i s project was to evaluate the c h i l d molesters' strategies on e t h i c a l reasoning tasks a f t e r being involved i n a sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p with a c h i l d . Subjects included twenty convicted male offenders who volunteered to p a r t i c i p a t e while residing at a medium security prison: ten were convicted of e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offences, while the r e s t were convicted of i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offences. During unstructured interviews, these offenders provided descriptions of t h e i r previous sexual experiences, including the sexual a c t i v i t i e s that occurred with t h e i r victims. The semi-structured interviews consisted of meta-ethical tasks measuring the offender's sense of personal continuity over time and s k e p t i c a l doubt tasks measuring the offender's a b i l i t y to resolve c o n f l i c t i n g issues. These meta-ethical tasks were followed by normative e t h i c a l tasks involving three hypothetical dilemmas to measure moral competence and a personal dilemma to measure moral behavior. The r e s u l t s f o r the unstructured interview supported Marshall's (1989) theory that sex offenders select children that w i l l meet t h e i r needs, thus avoiding loneliness. Child molesters reported s e l e c t i n g more non-vulnerable than vulnerable children. Frequently they admitted seducing children through acts of comforting. Not only did they comfort the c h i l d , the c h i l d would comfort the molester. The majority of c h i l d molesters reported they knew the c h i l d would remain s i l e n t about the events that had occurred. The r e s u l t s for the meta-ethical task, personal continuum, indicated that c h i l d molesters who received the most treatment used higher l e v e l s of reasoning. They also used more f l e x i b l e s t r a t e g i e s on the skeptical doubt tasks. For the normative e t h i c a l tasks, performance by c h i l d molesters on the hypothetical dilemmas was more advanced than performance on the personal dilemmas. For the personal dilemmas, the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders i n the high-treatment group demonstrated less advanced leve l s of reasoning than the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders i n the low-treatment group. Further research i s needed to c l a r i f y these r e s u l t s from a t h e o r e t i c a l , empirical and p r a c t i c a l l e v e l . TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES v i ACKNOWLEDGMENT v i i INTRODUCTION 1 I. Child molesters 2 A. Three d e f i n i t i o n s 2 B. The c h i l d molesters' behaviors 7 1. Compulsive/repetitious a c t i v i t i e s ... 7 2. Recidivism 8 C. Extent of the problem 9 1. National rates of sexual abuse 9 2. Defining v i c t i m i z a t i o n 11 a. Short-term e f f e c t s 12 b. Long-term e f f e c t s 15 I I . Primary purpose of t h i s project 17 A. Selection process 19 B. Seduction process 21 C. Silencing process 25 D. Need for knowledge 27 1. Preventative programs 27 2. Training 29 3. Assessment/Treatment 29 E. Sources of information 31 1. Children 31 2. Child molesters 32 F. Reasons t h i s information i s unavailable... 32 I I I . Secondary purpose of t h i s project 34 A. Meta-ethics 35 B. Normative ethics 3 9 IV. Present study: hypotheses 45 METHOD 48 I. Subjects 48 II . Materials 50 III . Procedure 55 RESULTS 59 I. Unstructured interview 60 A. Background information 60 1. Parents 60 2. Peers 60 3. Self-description as a c h i l d 61 4. Childhood sexual experiences 61 5. Physical abuse 62 6. Self-description as an adolescent ... 63 7. Sexual experiences as an adolescent . 64 8. Events leading to offence 65 B. Selection of victims 66 1. Characteristics of the victims 66 2. Victims' r e l a t i o n s h i p to parents .... 67 3. Victims' r e l a t i o n s h i p to peers 68 4. Performance i n school/sports 68 C. Seduction of victims 69 1. Offenders' occupation 69 2. Methods used for seduction 70 D. Silencing of victims 72 1. Offender's comments to c h i l d 72 2. Suspicions of others 73 I I . Meta-ethical measures 74 A. Personal Continuum 74 B. Skeptical Doubt 75 I I I . Normative e t h i c a l measures 76 DISCUSSION 78 I. Primary purpose of t h i s project 78 A. Why c h i l d molesters abuse children 78 B. How c h i l d molesters abuse childre n 80 I I . Secondary purpose of t h i s research project .... 83 A. Meta-ethical issues 83 B. Normative e t h i c a l issues 84 I I I . Limitations of t h i s research project 85 REFERENCES 89 APPENDIX A. Unstructured Interview 114 APPENDIX B. Personal Identity Interview 122 APPENDIX C. Nascent Skeptical Doubt 126 APPENDIX D. Moral Judgment Interview 135 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1 The Operational Definitions of Terms for the Unstructured Interview 104 2 A Typology of Possible Continuity Warrants 106 3 Strategies for Dealing with Nascent Skeptical Doubt 108 4 Six Stages of Moral Judgment 109 5 Personal Continuum: Level of Reasoning by Treatment 113 6 Skeptical Doubt: Level of Reasoning by Treatment 113 ACKNOWLEDGMENT This project was an accumulation of contributions from numerous in d i v i d u a l s . Unfortunately, only a few can be mentioned. I would l i k e to thank my supervisor, John Y u i l l e , f or his support and guidance throughout the project. As well, I would l i k e to thank my committee members Michael Chandler and Larry Walker. I extend my appreciation to the prisoners at the Mountain I n s t i t u t e who volunteered to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s project. Many revealed intimate d e t a i l s of t h e i r personal l i v e s during the interview for the sake of t h i s project. Appreciation i s also extended to Gerry Borque, the cor r e c t i o n a l psychologist, f o r overseeing t h i s project at the i n s t i t u t e . Transcribing the interviews was a long and tedious process f o r many volunteers. Special thanks are given to Jan Bouchard-Kerr, not only for transcribing, but f o r her valuable feedback on the interview tapes. Last, but not least, I would l i k e to thank my immediate and extended family for t h e i r patience and encouragement. INTRODUCTION The purpose of t h i s project was to understand c h i l d molesters' a c t i v i t i e s presently occurring within North American society. Mohr, Turner, and Jerry (1964) emphasized the importance of r e s t r i c t i n g research on t h i s t o p i c to a s p e c i f i c place and time. Even though other s o c i e t i e s , such as the Phi l i p p i n e s , tolerate these a c t i v i t i e s to some extent our society enforces s o c i a l and legal consequences for engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children. Likewise, at d i f f e r e n t times i n history, such as i n Ancient Rome, men were given varying degrees of latitude to engage children i n sexual acts (Schultz, 1982; Brongersma, 1984). In our society no such range exists. Therefore, i t i s appropriate to r e s t r i c t the to p i c to "the nature and consequences of sexual behavior with children i n our society today" (Mohr, Turner, & Jerry, 1964, p. 11). Despite the s o c i a l and legal consequences, c h i l d molesters continue to engage i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with c h i l d r e n . Various theories, such as those reviewed by Lanyon (1991), speculated as to why these men choose ch i l d r e n as t h e i r sexual partners. In 1984 Abel and colleagues suggested that c h i l d molesters change t h e i r own perceptions of t h e i r sexual a c t i v i t i e s by using cognitive d i s t o r t i o n s . A common d i s t o r t i o n i s "A c h i l d who does not p h y s i c a l l y r e s i s t my sexual advances r e a l l y wants to have sex with me" (p. 47). However, even with these i n t e r n a l cognitive d i s t o r t i o n s , the c h i l d molester must be continuously aware of his external environment. To avoid unpleasant s o c i a l and legal consequences, the c h i l d molester modifies how he engages i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children. He must be cautious when se l e c t i n g and seducing a c h i l d . Also he must maintain the c h i l d ' s s i l e n c e over time. Even the sexual act can be modified by r e s t r i c t i n g the frequency or type ( i . e . , fondling to penetration) of behaviors to appease the c h i l d . Since c h i l d molesters must be aware of t h e i r relationships within a s o c i e t a l context, they undoubtedly possess the most knowledge about the events that occurred. In t h i s project, c h i l d molesters were interviewed to obtain information about t h e i r previous sexual a c t i v i t i e s , including the sexual acts that occurred with t h e i r victims. Background information regarding both the offender and v i c t i m i s e s s e n t i a l for a complete account of why and how they committed the offence. Furthermore, c h i l d molesters' subsequent reasoning on e t h i c a l issues was examined to understand the cognitive processes a f f e c t i n g t h e i r behaviors. Child Molesters Three d e f i n i t i o n s Understanding c h i l d molesters requires an overview of knowledge from three d i s c i p l i n e s : forensic and developmental psychology, along with c l i n i c a l psychiatry. Each d i s c i p l i n e defines and emphasizes d i f f e r e n t aspects of the offender's l i f e s t y l e . Forensic psychology considers adult sexual experiences with c h i l d r e n i n rel a t i o n s h i p to the criminal j u s t i c e system. In Canada, Martin's Annual Criminal Code (Greenspan, 1992) considered only the sexual acts committed, not sexual fantasies or urges. To be charged with a sexual offense against a c h i l d under the Criminal Code, the v i c t i m must be under 18 years of age. The sexual act i s considered an offense regardless of whether or not "consent" was obtained from the victim. The designated age of the offender can vary according to t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the victim. For example, offenses 151 (Sexual Interference), 152 (Invitation to Sexual Touching), and 173(2) (Indecent Acts/Exposure) stipulated that the person charged should not be under 12 or 13 years of age, unless they were i n a "p o s i t i o n of t r u s t or authority." In the case of i n t r a -f a m i l i a r offences, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the v i c t i m and offender i s of primary importance. Section 155 (Incest) stated, "Everyone commits incest who, knowing that another person i s by blood r e l a t i o n s h i p his or her parent, c h i l d , brother, s i s t e r , grandparent or grandchild, as the case may be, has sexual intercourse with that person" (p. 211). For incest cases, the age of the victim i s taken into consideration under l e g i s l a t i o n for related offences. For instance, section 171 (Householder Permitting Sexual A c t i v i t y ) stated that anyone who knowingly allows t h e i r premise to be used for i l l e g a l sexual a c t i v i t i e s can be charged. The maximum sentence i s f i v e years imprisonment, i f the vic t i m i s under 14. I f the v i c t i m i s over 14 but under 18, the maximum sentence i s two years. An offense against a c h i l d may r e s u l t i n various consequences ranging from an indecent act punishable by a summary conviction, to charges of indecent and sexual assaults, r e s u l t i n g i n an indeterminate period of incarceration (Supreme Court of B.C., 1986). The leg a l term used to describe adults who engage i n sexual offenses against a minor i s " c h i l d molester" (or simply " c h i l d sex offender"). According to Groth, c h i l d molesters may be c l a s s i f i e d into sub-categories as either "fixated" or "regressed offenders" (Groth, Burgess, Birnbaum, & Gary, 1978). The fi x a t e d offender's sexual orientation i s pri m a r i l y directed towards children, while the regressed offender would prefer a sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p with an adult but has turned to a c h i l d while under stress. Like regressed offenders, i n t r a -f a m i l i a l offenders are usually oriented towards female adults (Langevin & Lang, 1988). Fixated offenders, or e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders, are oriented towards childre n (Marshall, 1989). Lanning (1987) noted that these categories frequently overlap. Fixated offenders have been known to marry simply to obtain access to t h e i r spouse's ch i l d r e n , while the regressed offender may offend against h i s own and other people's children. There i s a d i s t i n c t i o n between a " c h i l d r a p i s t " and a " c h i l d molester." Sgroi (1978) stated, "most people imagine that sexual assault of a c h i l d by an adult w i l l be a b r u t a l and v i o l e n t act involving physical trauma to the c h i l d by f o r c i b l e penetration of the vagina, rectum, or mouth. [Even the l e g a l term "incest" stipulates that intercourse was committed.] Although these acts may occur, and occasionally do occur, most often the sexual assault w i l l be nonviolent and without f o r c i b l e penetration" (p. 131). This statement has continued to receive support (Groth, Hobson, & Gary, 1982). For instance, Langevin and Lang (1988) found that only one i n eight incest offenders are v i o l e n t . The non-v i o l e n t c h i l d molester comprises the majority of c h i l d sex offenders who also seek an emotional r e l a t i o n s h i p . The c h i l d r a p i s t can be viewed as a physical threat to the c h i l d , whereas the c h i l d molester i s a psychological threat (Groth, Hobson, & Gary, 1982). C l i n i c a l psychiatry considers c h i l d molesters according to the Diagnostic and S t a t i s t i c a l Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III-R) compiled by the American P s y c h i a t r i c Association (1987). They c l a s s i f i e d c h i l d molesters only i f they e x h i b i t pedophilic tendencies—reoccurring ( i . e . , f o r a minimum of 6 months) sexual fantasies, urges, or a c t i v i t i e s that involve a prepubescent c h i l d . Usually, the age of the patient (pedophile) i s at least 16 years, with the c h i l d ' s age less than 13 years. The minimum age i n t e r v a l frequently used to d i s t i n g u i s h the patient from the c h i l d i s 5 years. The DSM-III-R Training Guide (Reid & Wise, 1989) stressed that "the separate diagnosis of Pedophilia should not be made unless children are c l e a r l y the preferred victims" (p. 166). Lanning (1987) contrasted the p s y c h i a t r i c term "pedophile" with the legal term " c h i l d molester." He c l a r i f i e d that a l l pedophiles are not c h i l d molesters, because an adult may prefer to fantasize about a c h i l d , but not act upon these fantasies. As well, a c h i l d molester might not be a pedophile, i f t h e i r sexual preference i s adults, not children. For developmental psychopathologists the precise d e f i n i t i o n of terms i s not a problem because t h i s d i s c i p l i n e does not c l a s s i f y psychopathologies. Instead developmental psychologists "learn more about the normal functioning of an organism by studying i t s pathology and, likewise, more about i t s pathology by studying i t s normal condition" ( C i c c h e t t i , 1984, p. 1), To examine normal sexual development, Wolman and Money (1980) edited a handbook categorizing the stages of s e xuality throughout the l i f e span. As well, Goldman and Goldman's book (1988) e n t i t l e d Show Me Yours 1 described normal sexual development based on current research. Descriptions of normal sexual behaviors i n comparison to the c h i l d molesters' sexual behaviors are required by developmental psychopathologists to address why and how c h i l d r e n are sexually abused. The c h i l d molesters' behaviors Compulsive or repetitious sexual a c t i v i t i e s C h i l d molesters engaging i n e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offences against children have been reported to be compulsive or r e p e t i t i o u s . Lanning (1986) pointed out that they may v i c t i m i z e "dozens, hundreds or even thousands of children i n a l i f e t i m e " (p. 37). One e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offender, Clarence Osborne (Wilson, 1981) maintained records on 2,500 boys he molested over a twenty-year period. Although Osborne i s an extreme case, the sexual a c t i v i t i e s of the average c h i l d molester appear r e p e t i t i o u s . Abel, Mittelman, and Becker (1985) asked incarcerated c h i l d molesters to state the number of attempted and completed molestations they committed on children under 14 years of age. On average each molester attempted 238.2 molestations and completed 166.9. Each molester had an average of 75.8 victims. This large number of victims cannot be explained by the f a c t that c h i l d molesters are attracted only to children within a narrow age range. I t i s possible children mature beyond t h i s age range making them less a t t r a c t i v e to the offender, thus he seeks another younger victim. However, t h i s would only account for a small number of victims. A f t e r Conte (1991) reviewed Abel, Becker, Mittelman, Cunningham-Rathner, Rouleau, and Murphy's (1987) data, he concluded that even though e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders had numerous victims, i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders engaged i n more sexual acts with each victim. This conclusion i s supported by c l i n i c a l research on father-daughter incest. Herman and Hirschman (1977) found that the majority of women reporting sexual abuse by t h e i r fathers endured the abuse over a three-year period. Thus, both i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and extra-f a m i l i a l offenders appear to engage i n compulsive and r e p e t i t i o u s sexual a c t i v i t i e s . Recidivism. The expectation would be that recidivism rates f o r c h i l d sex offenders would be high i f these a c t i v i t i e s are compulsive. Romero and Williams (1985) compared the r e c i d i v i s m rates of three groups of sex offenders: e x h i b i t i o n i s t s , pedophiles ( i . e . , e x t r a - f a m i l i a l or i n t r a -f a m i l i a l offenders) and those who had committed a sexual assault. A ten-year follow-up study revealed that e x h i b i t i o n i s t s and pedophiles had not engaged i n as many nonsexual crimes as the sexual assaulters. However, the authors discovered that e x h i b i t i o n i s t s (41%) and pedophiles (33%) had been involved i n more sexual crimes than the sexual assaulters (23%). Overall the best predictor of r e c i d i v i s m for e x h i b i t i o n i s t s , pedophiles and those who had committed a sexual assault was the number of times they had been previously arrested. There was a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between previous arrests and recidivism. "That i s , past criminal behavior was the best predictor of future criminal behavior (as measured by a r r e s t ) " (Romero and Williams, 1984, p. 62). Erickson, Walbek, and Seely (1987) c l a s s i f i e d c h i l d sex offenders into subgroups of fathers, stepfathers, and extra-f a m i l i a l offenders. There were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between groups i n t h e i r nonsexual criminal records, however the fathers had fewer previous sexual offences than stepfathers and e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. Therefore, with the exception of fathers, i t appears that recidivism rates fo r c h i l d molesters appear high for sexual offences, yet do not generalize to nonsexual offences. In conclusion, i t i s apparent that both i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders engage i n compulsive, r e p e t i t i o u s a c t i v i t i e s . These problems are manifested i n high recidivism rates for sexual, rather than non-sexual offences. To obtain a broader depiction of the s i t u a t i o n , i n addition to emphasizing the need fo r more research i n t h i s area, l e t us consider the extent of the problem f o r the v i c t i m . Extent of the problem National rates of sexual abuse A recent survey by Finkelhor, Hotaling, Lewis, and Smith (1990) was the f i r s t undertaken n a t i o n a l l y i n the United States. They asked adults about any p r i o r h i s t o r y of sexual abuse. To discourage under-reporting four questions were l e f t " p a r t i a l l y undefined" (p. 20). For example, "When you were a c h i l d , can you remember any kind of experience that you would now consider sexual abuse involving someone touching you, or grabbing you, or k i s s i n g you, or rubbing up against your body either i n a public place or p r i v a t e — anything l i k e that?" (p. 20). These phone interviews included 1,145 men and 1,481 women. Results indicated that 27% of the women reported having been sexually abused, while 16% of the men reported being sexually abused. For both men and women the l i k e l i h o o d of being abused increased i f they were from unhappy homes, or i f the majority of t h e i r childhood had been with only one of t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l parents. L i v i n g i n the western regions was an addit i o n a l r i s k factor for both sexes. For men, having English or Scandinavian ancestors was a r i s k factor. For women, having "an inadequate sex education" was a r i s k factor (p. 24). Even though most of these findings can be supported by past research, Finkelhor et a l . expected that the current s t a t i s t i c s are underestimated, because some victims never di s c l o s e sexual abuse. S p e c i f i c information describing i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offences against children i s availa b l e from The Canadian Centre for Justice S t a t i s t i c s ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1991). They reported that 41% of sexual assault cases involving children were committed by t h e i r parents (24%) or other family members (17%). Female childre n were more frequently assaulted within the family unit (48%) than males (33%). Male children were more frequently assaulted by acquaintances (45%) than females (35%). A stranger was the offender i n only 8% of the cases for females and 14% of the cases f o r males. (In the remaining cases the offender's r e l a t i o n s h i p to the victim was unknown.) For other sexual offences, such as i n v i t a t i o n to sexual touching, there were no s t a t i s t i c a l differences i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the offender to the v i c t i m between male and female children. A f t e r c o l l a p s i n g groups, twenty-nine percent of the offenders were parents (13%) or family members (16%). Defining v i c t i m i z a t i o n Since high rates of c h i l d sexual abuse have been reported, i t i s important to understand the e f f e c t s of t h i s abuse on the victim. However, there are various ways of defining who i s a victim (Finkelhor, 1979): the consent standard, f e e l i n g victimized, and the community standard. The consent standard cannot be appropriately applied to children, since they are incapable of comprehending the meaning or consequences of engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s (Finkelhor, 1979). According to DeMott (1980), the c h i l d cannot know "when his or her normal process of sexual awakening and development are tampered with" (p. 16). The second way v i c t i m i z a t i o n can be defined i s to determine whether the c h i l d f e e l s he or she i s a victim. The advantage of t h i s approach i s that the c h i l d decides whether or not they are a victim at the time of the a c t i v i t y or l a t e r . The disadvantage to t h i s approach i s that the l a b e l " v i c t i m i z a t i o n " could be applied inconsistently. Ultimately, Finkelhor rejects t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , " v i c t i m i z a t i o n can take place even i f the victim does not n e c e s s a r i l y f e e l victimized and damaged, i f and when conditions of genuine consent are not possible at the outset" (p. 52). The t h i r d d e f i n i t i o n of v i c t i m i z a t i o n involves community standards. Finkelhor used the age of the c h i l d and the age of the adult to define v i c t i m i z a t i o n i n c h i l d sexual abuse cases. This approach i s consistent with other research, as well as with many legal systems. a. Short-term e f f e c t s Wachtel (1988) described four factors that could a f f e c t the c h i l d ' s i n i t i a l reaction to being sexually abused. The f i r s t f actor considers s p e c i f i c aspects of the abusive s i t u a t i o n . For instance, past research indicated that the e f f e c t s of abuse are more traumatic to the c h i l d i f repeated over an extended period of time. The e f f e c t s are i n t e n s i f i e d i f the offender i s the c h i l d ' s father or step-father. In addition, forcing the c h i l d to engage i n sexual acts increased trauma. The second factor considers other stresses i n the c h i l d ' s l i f e , such as psychological or physical abuse. This idea was explored by Deblinger, McLeer, Atkins, Ralphe, and Foa's (1989). They found that of 29 c h i l d r e n who were sexually abused, 20 were p h y s i c a l l y abused. The t h i r d factor focused on the personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the c h i l d including age, gender, temperament, i n t e l l i g e n c e , coping s t y l e , etc. The l a s t f a c t o r considers both the p o s i t i v e and negative aspects of the c h i l d ' s current environment. For instance, when dis c l o s u r e of the abusive s i t u a t i o n occurred, were the c h i l d ' s statements believed and supported, or denied and rejected? Wachtel maintained that each of these four factors should be evaluated, because the e f f e c t s of sexual abuse can i n t e r f e r e with the chil d ' s normal development. Beitchman, Zucker, Hood, DaCosta, and Akman (1991) reviewed forty-two studies on the i n i t i a l e f f e c t s of sexual abuse from a developmental perspective. Unfortunately, many of these studies were methodologically flawed, thus increasing the number of inconsistent r e s u l t s . Methodological flaws were discovered when studies on preschoolers were reviewed: i t was unclear whether sexualized behavior (e.g., sexual play with d o l l s , seductive behaviors, masturbation) was a consequence of sexual abuse. The findings varied according to the type of assessment procedure used. For school-age children of both sexes, i t was easier to assess inappropriate sexual behaviors. Sexually abused children engaged i n more inappropriate sexual behaviors than p h y s i c a l l y abused childr e n (Deblinger, McLeer, Atkins, Ralphe, & Foa, 1989). In addition, sexually abused c h i l d r e n had more problems with school, as well as emotional and behavior problems. But i t has been suggested that many of "these children had a pre-abuse h i s t o r y of p s y c h i a t r i c and/or developmental d i f f i c u l t i e s " (Beitchman, et a l . , 1991, p. 543). Due to these confounding factors, preschoolers or school-age children who have been sexually abused do not have symptoms that can be l a b e l l e d as a s p e c i f i c pathology. Sgroi, Porter, and Bli c k (1978) suggested twenty warning signs that may indicate a c h i l d has been sexually abused, including: 1. Overly compliant behavior. 2. Acting-out, aggressive behavior. 3. Pseudomature behavior. 4. Hints about sexual a c t i v i t y . 5. Persistent and inappropriate sexual play with peers or toys or with themselves, or sexually aggressive behavior with others. 6. Detailed and age-inappropriate understanding of sexual behavior (especially by young chi l d r e n ) . 7. A r r i v i n g early at school and leaving l a t e with few, i f any, absences. 8. Poor peer relationships or i n a b i l i t y to make friends. 9. Lack of tr u s t , p a r t i c u l a r l y with s i g n i f i c a n t others. 10. Nonparticipation i n school and s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . 11. I n a b i l i t y to concentrate i n school. 12. Sudden drop i n school performance. 13. Extraordinary fears of males (in cases of male perpetrator and female vi c t i m ) . 14. Seductive behavior with males (in cases of male perpetrator and female v i c t i m ) . 15. Running away from home. 16. Sleep disturbances. 17. Regressive behavior. 18. Withdrawal. 19. C l i n i c a l depression. 20. S u i c i d a l feelings. Some of these behaviors point to s p e c i f i c problems. For instance, cases of incest can r e s u l t i n an "overly compliant" c h i l d . As the authors explained, these children have l o s t control over t h e i r l i v e s , even over t h e i r bodies. At the other extreme, children who are "actor-outers" have probably spoken out about the sexual abuse with l i t t l e success. As a r e s u l t , t h e i r behavior deteriorates. A l l chil d r e n who have been sexually abused may act pseudomature. Many have taken on the r o l e of a parent or spouse, but underneath they are "a frightened, g u i l t - r i d d e n , lonely c h i l d " (Sgroi et a l . , 1978, p. 42). b. Long-term e f f e c t s Over time these short-term e f f e c t s appear even more serious and a wide range of long-term e f f e c t s have been reported. The most frequently reported problem by adults who have been abused as children i s sexual dysfunction (Beitchman et a l . , 1991). Women from c l i n i c a l samples frequently reported low lev e l s of sexual desire, flashbacks of the abuse during sexual r e l a t i o n s , as well as acts of promiscuity. Males i n a n o n - c l i n i c a l sample reported sexual problems, such as d i f f i c u l t y attaining or maintaining an erection, and premature ejaculation (Fromuth & Burkhart, 1989). These sexual dysfunctions were the main negative consequences reported by t h i s undergraduate sample of men. However, t h i s sample i s not representative of other male populations. For instance, the majority of offenders who abused these undergraduate men were females, rather than males. Their experiences were described as i n t e r e s t i n g and pleasurable. These findings contrast d r a s t i c a l l y with Vander Mey's (1988) review of 23 studies on the sexual abuse of males. They experienced a wide range of maladjustment (e.g., substance abuse to sexual dysfunctions) and lower sense of self-esteem (e.g., lack of control or power). As adults they were at a greater r i s k of becoming an abuser, than males who had not been abused as children. For incest cases, the consequences are even more serious. Vander Mey referred to a study undertaken i n Texas by Jus t i c e and Jus t i c e (1979). The consequences of father-son incest were: homosexuality (not as a choice, but as a forced l i f e s t y l e ) , drug abuse, loss of contact with r e a l i t y , the intergenerational transmission of male sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n , and an u n f u l f i l l e d desire to experience the g r a t i f i c a t i o n of t y p i c a l childhood needs (Briere, & Runtz, 1988, p. 67). Likewise, the long-term consequences were severe for two mother-son incest cases. The sons were reported to d i s t r u s t others, f e l t g u i l t y , displayed a low self-image, and lacked s o c i a l s k i l l s . A prevalent problem for women who have been sexually abused as children i s r e v i c t i m i z a t i o n (Beitchman et a l . , 1991). These women experienced increased acts of sexual assault as adolescents and adults, compared to other women. In adulthood they were more apt to experience other types of abuse, such as battering within t h e i r marital r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The consequence of being repeatedly abused was apparent by the various emotional symptoms displayed. Females i n a n o n - c l i n i c a l sample displayed numerous symptoms including "higher lev e l s of acute and chronic d i s s o c i a t i o n and somatization, along with greater anxiety and depression" (Briere & Runtz, 1988, p. 54). These symptoms were p o s i t i v e l y related to the type of sexual abuse that had occurred (e.g., number of abusers, parental incest, use of force, intercourse, and an extended period of abuse). Primary purpose of t h i s project Despite the short- and long-term e f f e c t s on the victim, c h i l d molesters continued to i n i t i a t e these sexual a c t i v i t i e s . Lanyon (1991) reviewed various theories speculating as to why children are chosen as sexual partners. Psychodynamic theories were frequently used to understand these behaviors. For instance, Groth believed that sexual offences are not motivated by sexual needs, but are a consequence of "unresolved l i f e issues" (p. 44). Marshall's (1989) theory i s an expansion of Groth's approach, and based on a developmental perspective. He believed that the unstable personal h i s t o r i e s of offenders i n t e r f e r e with t h e i r a b i l i t y to form secure attachments to t h e i r primary caregivers. As children, these insecure attachments a f f e c t t h e i r a b i l i t y to form peer r e l a t i o n s h i p s . They are unable to re l a t e a f f e c t i o n a t e l y or experience empathy fo r another person. As men, they do not know how to maintain interpersonal relationships: they seek intimacy through sexual encounters. However, these sexual encounters lack the intimacy they desire, thus forcing them into other r e l a t i o n s h i p s or "persistent promiscuity" and f r u s t r a t i o n . According to Marshall, both i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and extra-f a m i l i a l offenders turn to children for intimacy to avoid lon e l i n e s s . Unfortunately, research on sex offenders' r e l a t i o n s h i p s during childhood i s limited. Tingle, Barnard, Robbins, Newman, and Hutchinson (1986) compared the childhood experiences of 43 c h i l d molesters and 21 r a p i s t s . They found that 83% of the c h i l d molesters described t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with t h e i r mother as close or very close (r a p i s t s 55%). However, 23.3% of the c h i l d molesters found i t d i f f i c u l t to discuss t h e i r plans or problems with t h e i r mothers (rapists 19.1%). The authors suggested that t h i s "greater attachment to the mother" indicates "early dependency c o n f l i c t s " (p. 115). Neither group of sex offenders f e l t close to t h e i r fathers ( c h i l d molesters 48.6%; r a p i s t s 57.9%). This may be due to t h e i r father's abuse of alcohol ( c h i l d molesters 25.6%; r a p i s t s , 57.1%). Confounding these problems, during childhood 55.8% of the c h i l d molesters and 38.1% of the r a p i s t s had been sexually abused. The abuse began e a r l i e r for the c h i l d molesters (8.5 years, SD=4.93) than the r a p i s t s (9.2 years, SD=3.54). Langevin, Wright, and Handy (1989) compared the backgrounds of sex offenders who had been abused (201) during childhood to sex offenders who were never abused (261). The abused offenders viewed t h e i r fathers as more aggressive than non-abused offenders. The offenders' mothers were aggressive i n response to t h e i r husbands, but not to t h e i r children. Generally, the abused offender's homelife was marked by aggression and disorganization. In neither of these studies were i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders examined independently. Williams and Finkelhor (1988) reviewed ten years of studies on incestuous fathers. During the incestuous fathers' own childhood, he had been frequently abused or neglected. Physical abuse occurred more frequently than sexual abuse with either of t h e i r parents equally l i k e l y to be responsible. Neglect, or r e j e c t i o n , was more common by t h e i r fathers than mothers. Replication, as well as an extension of these findings, i s required. In contrast to the research supporting psychodynamic theories, the physiological theories were not considered by Lanyon (1991) to be s u f f i c i e n t explanations for engaging i n c h i l d sexual abuse. Empirical theories, he f e l t , provided more convincing explanations. As mentioned previously, i n 1984 Abel and colleagues theorized that c h i l d molesters change t h e i r own perceptions of t h e i r sexual a c t i v i t i e s by using cognitive d i s t o r t i o n s (e.g., "A c h i l d who does not p h y s i c a l l y r e s i s t my sexual advances r e a l l y wants to have sex with me.") (p. 47). However, when using these i n t e r n a l cognitive d i s t o r t i o n s , the c h i l d molester must be aware of h i s external environment to avoid s o c i a l and l e g a l consequences. Additional information i s needed to determine not only why, but how offenders sexually abuse children. S p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s project focuses on how c h i l d molesters select, seduce, and silence the children? Selection Process Early research by Gebhard, Gagnon, Pomeroy, and Christenson (1965) considered the age of the v i c t i m during the s e l e c t i o n process. They found that heterosexual extra-f a m i l i a l pedophiles chose s l i g h t l y younger victims than did incest, aggressive, or e x t r a - f a m i l i a l homosexual pedophiles. However, the age range was small: a half-year difference i n median ages (8.0-9.6 years) for a l l groups. The rel a t i o n s h i p of the offender to the victim was c l a s s i f i e d as either stranger, acquaintance, friend, or r e l a t i v e . While i n t r a - f a m i l i a l pedophiles by d e f i n i t i o n are r e l a t i v e s , heterosexual (41%) and homosexual (49%) e x t r a - f a m i l i a l pedophiles were most often considered "friends" of the victim. A f t e r collapsing categories 60.1% of the heterosexual pedophiles and 67.6% of the homosexual pedophiles were known to t h e i r victims. The only exception was when offenders aggressively assaulted female c h i l d r e n . In these cases, the offenders were usually a stranger (69.2%). Duncan and Hern's research (1980) support these early conclusions. They found that heterosexual c h i l d molesters chose younger victims. Half of the victims knew the offender. A re-occurring assumption throughout the l i t e r a t u r e i s that victims are selected because of t h e i r v u l n e r a b i l i t y . For example, Lanning (1986) suggested that male ch i l d r e n may be p a r t i c u l a r l y susceptible when they are from broken, problem-ridden, neglectful, or low income f a m i l i e s . Basta and Peterson (1990) compared family functioning for i n t r a -f a m i l i a l victims ( i . e . , by a family member) and extra-f a m i l i a l victims ( i . e . , by a teacher) of sexual offences and a control group. There was no difference i n family functioning between the two molested groups, although vic t i m s ' f a m i l i e s from both abused groups functioned lower than the con t r o l group. I t i s unknown whether t h i s lower l e v e l of functioning occurred before or a f t e r disclosure of the abuse. The authors believed i t was more l i k e l y that problems were present before disclosure. They suggested that family problems encourage vulnerable children to i n i t i a t e non-sexual contact with a pedophile (Sandfort, 1984; Virkkunen, 1975). These children may exchange a need for a f f e c t i o n for sexual favors (Lanning, 1986). However, some children who are sexually abused cannot be c l a s s i f i e d as vulnerable (Wilson, 1981). Therefore, Marshal's theory (1989) offered an alt e r n a t i v e explanation for why ch i l d r e n are sexually abused by focusing on the offender's, rather than the c h i l d ' s needs. Perhaps, the offender seeks a v i c t i m to s a t i s f y h i s needs for an intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p — a n open, affectionate, loving c h i l d . At present t h i s issue has not been resolved. Seduction Process Based on the idea of victim v u l n e r a b i l i t y , Virkkunen (1975) looked at the ch i l d ' s reactions towards the extra-f a m i l i a l offender. Out of 64 cases, 31 victims were l a b e l l e d "subjects" and 33 victims were l a b e l l e d "controls." The 31 subjects "repeatedly, on his/her own i n i t i a t i v e , v i s i t e d the offender notwithstanding the fac t that the l a t t e r committed unchaste acts and/or the v i c t i m displayed some kind of i n i t i a t i v e i n the offence i t s e l f " (p. 176). The 33 controls displayed "resistance" or a "passive a t t i t u d e " (p. 176) . The question to be addressed i s , "Why d i d the subjects maintain contact with the offender?" The authors discovered that the offenders used bribery even before the sexual a c t i v i t i e s occurred. These acts of bribery (e.g., giving the c h i l d candy or money) were a more prevalent gesture directed towards subjects (74.2%) than controls (30.3%). This gesture was even more prevalent with males (55%) than females (33.33%) (Duncan & Hern, 1980). Caplan (1982) described these i n i t i a l gestures as part of courting the c h i l d . This courtship progresses i n the same way as adult males pursue adult females. The example i s given of one suspect who "began his courtship with dinners, ballgames, t r i p s to an amusement arcade, and two expensive g i f t s , a p i n b a l l machine and a stereo set" (p. 50). This approach i s t y p i c a l of e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders who frequently buy the c h i l d g i f t s , or use other forms of bribery (Erickson, Walbek, & Seely, 1988) . In addition, the offender may slowly lower the chil d ' s i n h i b i t i o n s by arranging a s i t u a t i o n where the c h i l d must change t h e i r clothes (Lanning, 1986), or by presenting the c h i l d with pornographic materials (Erickson, Walbek, & Seely, 1988). In such cases, the offender usually s t r i v e s f o r the c h i l d ' s l o v e — t o be t h e i r f r i e n d . In contrast to the process of courting, Sandfort (1984) discovered that the sexual aspect may be introduced early i n the relationship, i n some cases even during the f i r s t s o c i a l contact with the c h i l d . The boy i s usually older, "13 or 14 years old, i s at a park or playground and i s offered money or re c r e a t i o n a l rewards for h i s co-operation" (Duncan & Hern, 1980, p. 13). Although these two seduction processes have some support i n the l i t e r a t u r e , there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t information r e l a t i n g these two processes to age, or other events. For eithe r approach, the power dynamics may change aft e r the sexual a c t i v i t i e s occur. "The young c h i l d , p a r t i c u l a r l y one who has been passed from adult to adult, learns that he or she possesses great powers" (Caplan, 1982, p. 50). They can manipulate the adult (e.g., for g i f t s or recreational a c t i v i t i e s ) , since the adult i s now obsessed with obtaining sexual favors from the c h i l d . The seduction process for i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders i s less extensive, as the offender i s i n a powerful p o s i t i o n of t r u s t and authority over the c h i l d . Children may even seek answers from a father who i s sexually abusing them. For example one incest survivor stated, "My father came into my room and I would think that I was dreaming. And the next day when asked about i t , he said, ^It was a dream.'" Slowly the c h i l d r e a l i z e d what was happening to her. "At f i r s t I'd wake up j u s t as he'd be leaving the room, and l a t e r on I f e l t him fondling me, touching my breasts and my ge n i t a l s . There was no intercourse at that time" (Delin, 1978, p. 121). During t h i s i n i t i a l phase, the victim reported f e e l i n g s p e c i a l , as she was receiving extra attention from her father. Unfortunately, she came to r e a l i z e the attention, a f f e c t i o n and caring only occurred within a sexual context. Lang and Frenzel (1988) compared the techniques used by 52 i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders (incest) to the techniques used by 50 e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders (pedophilic) to seduce female children into sexual a c t i v i t i e s . Maneuvers, such as sexually assaulting the c h i l d when asleep, were used by 41% of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and 17% of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. Other maneuvers involved attempts to keep the c h i l d unaware of what was happening. For instance, "accidentally touching" the c h i l d ( i n t r a - f a m i l i a l 75%; e x t r a - f a m i l i a l 56%), or presenting sex as a game ( i n t r a -f a m i l i a l 56%; e x t r a - f a m i l i a l 44%) were the most common maneuvers used by both groups to diminish awareness i n the c h i l d . I n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders t r i e d to cuddle t h e i r c h i l d (55%). E x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders offered to baby-sit (42%) children. For both groups the offences would frequently occur within the victim's or offender's home. To continue to e l i c i t the c h i l d ' s cooperation both groups used techniques, such as "the misuses of moral standards (e.g., " I t ' s ok. Everybody does i t . " ) or provided misinformation ( i . e . , t e l l i n g the c h i l d precocious sex play was good for them, would somehow make them better "lovers" i n l a t e r l i f e , or would allow them to develop mature bodies sooner)" (p. 310). In t h i s study, aggression i n the form of frig h t e n i n g the c h i l d was used by two-thirds of the offenders, while physical force was used by one-third of the offenders. As Conte pointed out, the "severity of the abuse can be defined i n many ways" (1991, p. 21). As well, these finding may be applicable only to female victims. Silencing Process In addition, the process of s i l e n c i n g children i s not understood. Lang and Frenzel's (1988) research on female victims compared and contrasted the s i l e n c i n g techniques of e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. Both types of offenders ( e x t r a - f a m i l i a l 40%; i n t r a - f a m i l i a l 85%) t o l d t h e i r victims that t h i s was our "special secret" (p. 311). This made the children f e e l s p e c i a l , "but i n a bewildering way" (p. 312). Other statements that served to sil e n c e the c h i l d included "I love you" (extr a - f a m i l i a l 6%; i n t r a -f a m i l i a l 68%), as well as, "Daddy's g i r l " or the "Your s p e c i a l approach" (e x t r a - f a m i l i a l 16%; i n t r a - f a m i l i a l 28%). Non-verbal techniques for maintaining the c h i l d ' s s i l e n c e included doing favors for the c h i l d ( e x t r a - f a m i l i a l 4%; i n t r a - f a m i l i a l 23%), or portraying a fatherly image (extra-f a m i l i a l 16%; i n t r a - f a m i l i a l 17%). For i n t r a - f a m i l i a l cases only, the fathers threatened that the family would s p l i t up (43%). Such techniques place a tremendous r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the c h i l d , as the following quote from an incest survivor demonstrates : Since I didn't t r y to change anything for so long, I f e l t responsible. The trouble must be with me and not my father. I also thought that i f I t o l d my mother she would have another nervous break down and that probably my dad would be so angry I'd have to leave home (Delin, 1978, p. 122). Survivors, l i k e t h i s woman, were questioned to determine why they maintained s i l e n c e over time. L i s t e r (1982) studied survivors of "war neurosis," as well as rape and c h i l d sexual abuse. Explanations given for maintaining s i l e n c e ranged from fear of r e t a l i a t i o n to wanting to help the offender. Some survivors engaged i n "magical thinking." They believed that i f they did not t a l k about the incident, then i t never happened. As well, survivors were concerned about other people's reactions. I f they t o l d , would they be believed? I f believed, would they be rejected? Santoro-Tomlin (1991) concluded that a stigma against incest victims i s common. This stigma " i s a mixture of contempt and compassion which leads to both exaggerated kindness and avoidance" (p. 558). For instance, female victims may be avoided when they are blamed f o r the sexual a c t i v i t i e s that occurred. Male victims may be avoided for going against masculine stereotypes. For instance, i f the offender was a male, i t i s feared that the v i c t i m w i l l be a homosexual. In Sandfort's study (1984), some of the boys remained s i l e n t believing t h e i r friends would think they were "gay" or "queer." On the other hand, i f the offender was a female, the masculine stereotype implies that the boy should have enjoyed the experience. Therefore, i t i s not su r p r i s i n g that most disclosures of sexual abuse by males and females are accidental, rather than purposeful (Sorensen & Snow, 1991). Sorensen and Snow (1991) studied 116 cases involving the disclosure of sexual abuse. Sixty-two percent were females, and 38% were males. These cases were confirmed by confessions (80%), convictions (14%), or medical evidence (6%). The authors found that 74% of the disclosures were accidental, p a r t i c u l a r l y for preschoolers, although adolescents frequently disclosed on purpose. Considering the stigma attached to d i s c l o s i n g , the adolescent findings appear contradictory to expectations. However, 24% of the purposeful d i s c l o s e r s occurred af t e r being involved i n educational programs, another 24% acted out of anger. Other factors that help overcome stigmatization need to be examined i n conjunction with the offender's techniques f o r s i l e n c i n g . Need for knowledge Information on why and how c h i l d molesters engage i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children could be used to provide programs fo r both victims and offenders. Preventative programs Be r l i n e r and Conte (1990) discussed how verbal and non-verbal behaviors by the c h i l d molester p r i o r to the abuse can be implemented into prevention programs. Non-verbal behaviors that might be warning signs were expressed i n the following statements by the c h i l d , "He'd look at me funny, pat me on the rear and wrestle" or "He'd give me l o t s of backrubs and play f o o t s i e s " (p. 33). The verbal behaviors described by the children were, "He'd t e l l me that I had b e a u t i f u l legs" or "He said I had a nice body and ought to show i t o f f " (p. 33). Other warning signs involved being treated s p e c i a l l y or i n an age-inappropriate manner. Further research i s required on how c h i l d molesters approach children, to adequately inform children of the events leading to sexual abuse. Prevention programs are also designed to i d e n t i f y offenders within the school system. An Enquiry i n the Sexual Abuse of Children by School Board Employees i n the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia (Sullivan & Williams, 1986) gave a number of suggestions for i d e n t i f y i n g e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders including extensive screening and criminal record checks. An anonymous c h i l d molester (Cook, 1989) recommended that educational s t a f f be aware of inappropriate a c t i v i t i e s exhibited by teachers. Psychologically, t h i s may be evidenced by an overinvolvement with a p a r t i c u l a r c h i l d . Behaviorally, t h i s might be demonstrated when a teacher uses the same washrooms, changing rooms, or showers as the c h i l d r e n . By being aware of these early warning signs, inappropriate behaviors might be detected and terminated before evolving into i l l e g a l offences. For i n t r a - f a m i l i a l cases, a dysfunctional family may be a warning sign of pot e n t i a l c h i l d sexual abuse. For instance, one warning sign reported by Langevin and Lang (1988) i s violence. One i n eight i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders are considered v i o l e n t . These vio l e n t tendencies are d i r e c t e d towards friends and family. Another warning sign i s the offender's mental state. Approximately half of these men are depressed, while a quarter are "disturbed, confused, and suspicious" (p. 7). However, the majority of i n t r a -f a m i l i a l offenders are not mentally i l l , but undergoing s t r e s s f u l circumstances. I t i s unknown what aspects of family l i f e contribute to t h e i r s t r e s s f u l states (e.g., the marital r e l a t i o n s h i p , employment), or i s i t known how these s t r e s s f u l circumstances led up to committing an offence. Additional information i s needed to a l e r t family members to p o t e n t i a l problems. Training If sexual abuse has been reported, s p e c i a l i s t s must determine whether the abuse ac t u a l l y occurred. Information describing c h i l d sexual abuse i s needed to t r a i n p o l i c e o f f i c e r s , c h i l d protection workers, and other s p e c i a l i s t s i n the f i e l d . For instance, descriptions of s p e c i f i c acts, progression of acts ( i . e . , fondling to o r a l , d i g i t a l to anal sex), and acts within interactions ( i . e . , intimate to group sex) could be of assistance when determining the c r e d i b i l i t y of statements. Assessment/Treatment Af t e r i t has been determined that sexual abuse has occurred, the c h i l d w i l l require treatment. Information describing the dynamics of the abusive s i t u a t i o n would benefit p s y c h i a t r i s t s , c l i n i c a l psychologists, and t h e r a p i s t s who are involved i n the treatment of sexually abused c h i l d r e n . Abused children may be unable to explain t h e i r experiences because of stress, embarrassment, or a lack of verbal s k i l l s . With more information, professionals may be better able to understand the ch i l d ' s experiences, and thereby i n t e r a c t more e f f e c t i v e l y with the c h i l d i n a therapeutic s e t t i n g . As well, the c h i l d molester w i l l require assessment and treatment. The assessment of offenders frequently involves the use of physiological (Abel, Becker, Blanchard, & Djenderedjian, 1978), psychological (Hall, Maiuro, V i t a l i a n o , & Proctor, 1986) or projective (Mohr, Turner, & Jerry, 1964) techniques. Information about the sexual events that occurred between the adult and c h i l d could be used to improve these assessment techniques. For example, the s t i m u l i ( i . e . , videotapes, audio-tapes, or slides) used with the penial plethysmograph could be more representative of the actual sexual a c t i v i t i e s that occurred. This assessment technique can be used for an i n i t i a l assessment, or repeatedly administered throughout treatment to evaluate progress. There are various forms of treatment for offenders, including orgasmic reconditioning, aversion techniques, and group treatment. Group treatments are considered a standard procedure (Beltrami, Ravart, & Jacob, 1988). According to La Torre (Underwood, 1989, p. 59), "Group therapy i s more e f f e c t i v e and e f f i c i e n t , because sex offenders tend to deny and minimize what they do and no one knows a sex offender better than another sex offender." By understanding why and how i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders commit i l l e g a l sexual a c t i v i t i e s , other forms of therapy could become more e f f e c t i v e . Sources of information Information describing c h i l d sexual abuse could be obtained from the two people witnessing the event: the c h i l d or molester. Children Under two conditions children may be able to provide information about t h e i r experiences of being sexually abused. F i r s t , they need to possess adequate verbal s k i l l s . Second, they must be w i l l i n g and able to speak about t h i s emotional event l o g i c a l l y . Berliner and Conte (1990) interviewed children between the ages of 10 and 18, who had been abused more than once. They had been i n therapy at the Sexual Assault Centre i n Seattle. The children responded to three areas of the process: the "sexualization of the r e l a t i o n s h i p , " the " j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the sexual contact," and the "maintenance of the c h i l d ' s cooperation" (p. 37). Although the children provided important information, the authors recognized the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e i r contributions. The c h i l d r e n could not see the sexual abuse as an i n t e n t i o n a l process carried-out by the offender. The authors stated, "Interestingly many professionals are as r e s i s t a n t as the victims to characterizing offender behavior as i n t e n t i o n a l sexual exploitation. This contrasts with what the offenders themselves say about t h e i r own conduct" (p. 38). Consequentially, i t i s necessary to understand these events from the c h i l d molester's perspective (see Table 1). C h i l d Molesters Only a few studies have involved interviewing c h i l d molesters to obtain t h e i r perspective on engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children. Subjects i n these studies were "successful" patients from treatment programs (Conte, Wolf, & Smith, 1989; Barnard, F u l l e r , Robbins, & Shaw, 1989), or from a pedophilic organization (Wilson & Cox, 1983). The Conte et a l . study was unique, as i t described offenders' sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children. Unfortunately, the sample s i z e was small and only the "trends i n the offenders' responses" were reported (p. 295). Additional information describing why and how convicted c h i l d molesters sexually abuse childre n i s needed. Reasons t h i s information i s unavailable This information i s not only lacking from the psychological and s o c i o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to obtain i n any written form. The reason f o r t h i s void i s a consequence of the d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t implications for the investigators of c h i l d sexual abuse. For instance, i n December 1977-January 1978 a Toronto based magazine. Body P o l i t i c , advocating the r i g h t s of homosexuals, published an a r t i c l e on sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s with c h i l d r e n (The C o l l e c t i v e , 1977-1978). The a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Men Loving Boys Loving Men" described the sexual experiences of three men who admitted to having sexual re l a t i o n s h i p s with children (Hannon, 1977-1978). After d i s t r i b u t i o n of the issue containing t h i s a r t i c l e , the publisher, two editors, and the author were charged under section 164 of the Canadian Criminal Code for mailing either "obscene," "immoral," "indecent," or " s c u r r i l o u s " materials (Adelman, 1981). From the r e s u l t i n g p r o v i n c i a l court case, Regina v. Pink Triangle Press et a l . (Canadian Criminal Cases, 1979), a number of precedents were set. To begin, the judge distinguished between describing an act and engaging i n an act: Almost d a i l y one can read the most d e t a i l e d descriptions of criminal acts of rape, c h i l d abuse, murder and the l i k e . The painstaking criminal can f i n d how-to-do-it a r t i c l e s i n almost every newspaper and magazine. Are these journals indecent or immoral because they write i n e x p l i c i t d e t a i l about indecent or immoral acts? I think not (p. 405). Next, the judge stressed the importance of understanding c r i m i n a l i t y : I t i s my opinion that the r i g h t of the public to be informed—that r i g h t which i s the cornerstone of freedom of the p r e s s — i n c l u d e s the r i g h t to know about t h i s type of behavior, the better to understand i t , the better to deal with i t (p. 406). In t h i s case the judge stressed the importance of understanding the sexual a c t i v i t i e s that occurred within a d u l t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The charges were dismissed. Since t h i s t r i a l , very few researchers have undertaken investigations i n t h i s area. Information from c h i l d molesters describing t h e i r sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children i s s t i l l needed. Secondary purpose of t h i s project The secondary purpose of t h i s project i s to evaluate c h i l d molesters' reasoning on e t h i c a l issues a f t e r being involved i n sexual relationships with children. The two approaches that were used to evaluate l e v e l s of e t h i c a l reasoning are well documented i n the l i t e r a t u r e . The f i r s t approach, meta-ethics, considers whether knowledge (or facts) can be acquired (e.g.. Are facts consistent with r e a l i t y ? ) . Assuming knowledge can be acquired, what methods should be used to obtain t h i s information? S p e c i f i c a l l y , meta-ethical approaches involve "the r e s o l u t i o n of c o n f l i c t i n g f a c t u a l and methodological issues" (Kurtines, Alvarez, & Azmitia, 1990, p. 286). In essence a meta-e t h i c a l approach i s used to determine the t r u t h . This approach i s currently exemplified i n the works of Broughton (1978), Kuhn, Pennington, and Leadbeater (1983), as well as Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, and Tarule (1986). The second approach, normative ethics, considers what i s morally r i g h t (Colby & Kohlberg, 1987). A normative ethics approach involves "the resolution of c o n f l i c t i n g norms, values, and p r i n c i p l e s " (Kurtines, Alvarez, & Azmitia, 1990, p. 286). As Kurtines, Alvarez, and Azmitia (1990) pointed out these two approaches appear separate, but at a meta-theoretical l e v e l these issues are i n t e r r e l a t e d . For instance, s c i e n t i f i c f a cts should not be ignored when considering moral issues, nor should moral standards be ignored i n s c i e n t i f i c research. At an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c l e v e l , these approaches need to be inte r r e l a t e d or integrated. Meta-ethics Meta-ethics involves a philosophical approach to the nature of existence. For instance, Broughton (1978) considered the basic nature of the " s e l f , " or s e l f knowledge. He believed a person's knowledge of themself developed through interactions with h i s or her environment. The more aware a person becomes of others i n h i s or her environment, the more the person comes to understand and redefine ideas about the s e l f (Damon, 1983). According to Reckless, D i n i t z , and Kay (1957) p o s i t i v e concepts of the s e l f and others can serve as " i n s u l a t i o n " against an adverse environment. Negative concepts of s e l f and others leave the i n d i v i d u a l unprotected i n t e r n a l l y . In Reckless et a l . ' s study, teachers were asked to choose boys from t h e i r s i x t h grade c l a s s who were most or least l i k e l y to come i n c o n f l i c t with the law. These boys were s i m i l a r on relevant measures such as race and socioeconomic status. The 125 "insulated" boys, or least l i k e l y to come i n c o n f l i c t with the law, described themselves and others p o s i t i v e l y . In contrast, the 101 "uninsulated" boys, or most l i k e l y to come i n c o n f l i c t with the law, described themselves and others negatively. A four-year follow-up study was conducted by Reckless and Dini t z (1967). One hundred and three of the 125 insulated boys, and 70 of the 101 uninsulated boys were located. They found that only 4% of the insulated boys, compared to 39% of the uninsulated boys had come i n c o n f l i c t with the law. The authors concluded that a good s e l f -concept produces a "strong inner s e l f , " while a poor s e l f concept r e s u l t s i n "weak inner d i r e c t i o n " (p. 517). Tannenbaum (1982) c r i t i c i z e d the authors for not emphasizing the need to maintain the boys' self-concept over time through confirmation of these boys' b e l i e f s by s i g n i f i c a n t others. However, Tannenbaum does acknowledge that these early researchers addressed an important issue: why do only c e r t a i n c h i l d r e n raised i n disadvantaged environments turn to criminal a c t i v i t i e s ? The answer, according to these researchers, was that other children develop a p o s i t i v e self-concept that provides i n s u l a t i o n from t h e i r environment. Communication within an adolescent's home may be an important factor i n developing a p o s i t i v e self-concept. Haddock and Sporakowski (1983) compared 22 status and 38 criminal offenders to 68 non-offending adolescents. Status offences, applicable only to a p a r t i c u l a r age range ( i . e . , 12 to 19), included i n c o r r i g i b i l i t y , truancy, etc. Criminal offences, applicable to juveniles or adults, included misdemeanors and felonies. Results indicated that status offenders scored lower on the Parent-Adolescent Communication Inventory than the other two groups. However, both offending groups scored lower than the non-offending group on Piers-Harris Children's Self Concept Scale. An intense treatment program for status offenders i n a group home was designed to change t h e i r self-concepts (Krueger & Hansen, 1987). The areas focused on during treatment were family, school and the community. Forty-six male and female adolescents participated i n the program f o r twelve months. Using the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) they found that males improved i n a l l areas except "physical," while females only improved on the "physical," " s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n , " and "family" scales. Males and females scores changed the most on the family subscales. Another treatment program for adolescents found that acquiring interpersonal s k i l l s and accepting the moral standards of the peer group p o s i t i v e l y affected t h e i r s e l f -concepts. The authors suggested that "self-concept may be . . . a running t a l l y of success" (Wasmund & Brannon, 1987, p. 99). This idea was supported by a study of adult female offenders. The authors suggested that "self-concept varies d i r e c t l y with both education and perceived s o c i a l r o l e i n the i n s t i t u t i o n " (Culbertson & Fortune, 1986, p. 48) . Unfortunately, the l i t e r a t u r e on self-concept " r a r e l y " considered the adult male offender (Holbert & Unnithan, 1990, p. 45). A program was designed to change the s e l f -concept of 15 male offenders at a minimum-medium secu r i t y prison over a ten-week period (Vicary & Good, 1983). The emphasis of the program was on family-related issues. The offenders were encouraged to discuss t h i s information with t h e i r f a m i l i e s through v i s i t s , phone c a l l s , and l e t t e r s . When comparing pre- to post-test scores, there was an increase on the family subscale. Unfortunately, t h i s increase i n s e l f esteem did not generalize into other areas. In the present project, the f i r s t meta-ethical issue, personal continuity, involves the process of reasoning through a global concept of s e l f for the past, present, and future. I t was anticipated that c h i l d molesters would have d i f f i c u l t i e s resolving t h i s issue, because of adverse l i f e experiences. This might be p a r t i c u l a r l y true for c h i l d molesters i n a low-treatment group ( i . e . , those with the l e a s t amount of treatment), because they had fewer opportunities to discuss t h e i r experiences with others. They might not be able to exhibit a complex view of the s e l f as "coherent" and "interprétable," instead viewing themselves i n terms of " s t a t i c " attributes (see Table 2). Unfortunately, the consequences of t h i s d i s a b i l i t y range from a f a i l u r e to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for one's actions to s u i c i d a l tendencies (B a l l , 1988; B a l l & Chandler, 1989). Coherence i s c r u c i a l within oneself and i n viewing others. The second meta-ethical issue, skeptical doubt, involves reasoning about the concept of knowledge based on our observations of others. As Perry (1970) explained, everyone constructs t h e i r own personal expectations of others depending upon how they were raised. But through exposure to divergent views, the li m i t a t i o n s of t h i s viewpoint becomes apparent (Perry, 1970; Banerjee, 1986; Kramer, 1987) . Three reactions to t h i s r e a l i z a t i o n are defended realism, dogmatism/skepticism, and post-skeptical rationalism. The defended r e a l i s t ' s p o s i t i o n i s that knowledge i s founded on "personal biases" or "vested i n t e r e s t s . " The dogmatist or skeptic believes knowledge i s a matter of "personal opinion." Although the dogmatist looks for an extra-personal choice, the skeptic dismisses a l l r a t i o n a l c r i t e r i a when making choices. The post-s k e p t i c a l r a t i o n a l i s t would state that even though knowledge i s subjective, there are " r a t i o n a l bases" for knowledge (see Table 3). I t was expected that c h i l d molesters from a low-treatment group would use less advanced strategies than molesters from a high-treatment group ( i . e . , those who received the most treatment). Normative ethics Normative ethics involves moral judgments or value statements about oneself and other people (Colby & Kohlberg, 1987) . These values pertain to "rights and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , rather than value judgments of l i k i n g and preference" (p. 10). I t i s assumed that value statements become rules or p r i n c i p l e s that a f f e c t behaviors (Colby & Kohlberg, 1987). Kohlberg (1981) described moral development as a progression i n concepts pertaining to j u s t i c e . These concepts are described within three l e v e l s : each l e v e l contains two stages (see Table 4). At the f i r s t l e v e l , "preconventional," an act i s r i g h t or wrong based on the consequences. The act i s r i g h t i f an appropriate authority designates the act as r i g h t . This b e l i e f i s conveyed i n Stage 1 where actions are encouraged by reinforcement or deterred by threats of punishment, or the use of power. This b e l i e f i s also conveyed i n Stage 2 where the expectation i s that actions are reciprocated p h y s i c a l l y , or pragmatically. The second l e v e l of moral development, "conventional," de-emphasizes the consequences of actions, while emphasizing conformity to family, group, or s o c i a l norms. In Stage 3, an individual's "intentions" appear more important than the acts committed. Additionally, there i s a concern f o r what i s considered "natural" behavior. At Stage 4, the focus on others enlarges to encompass society. I t i s believed that actions that maintain society are r i g h t . Thus, standardized practices, or fixed rules are appropriate when established by the proper au t h o r i t i e s . Beginning at the "postconventional" l e v e l , the group consensus, whether i n the form of rules or laws, can be f r e e l y reconstructed by i n d i v i d u a l s whose values are r e l a t i v e to the group. But the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r i g h t s and values are always recognized p r i o r to any contractual agreements. A l i m i t a t i o n of Stage 5 i s that c o n f l i c t s between contractual (or l e g a l agreements) and moral p r i n c i p l e s are recognized, but d i f f i c u l t to resolve. This problem i s overcome i n the f i n a l stage where abstract p r i n c i p l e s are chosen according to one's conscience. These p r i n c i p l e s are l o g i c a l , and consistent across cultures. "At heart, these are universal p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e , of the r e c i p r o c i t y and equality of human rights, and of respect for the d i g n i t y of human beings as i n d i v i d u a l s " (Kohlberg, 1981, p. 19). These s i x stages of moral development are not only i n t e r n a l l y consistent, but form an invariant sequence (Colby & Kohlberg, 1987). As well as defining the development of morality as a progression of concepts through stages, Kohlberg (Colby & Kohlberg, 1987) considered the p o s s i b i l i t y of orientations. These orientations were defined as four ways of viewing morality. The normative order orientation i s based on rules and the u t i l i t y consequences orientation i s based on consequences for oneself or others. While the j u s t i c e or fairness o r i e n t a t i o n i s based on " l i b e r t y , " "equality," " r e c i p r o c i t y , " and "contract" and the i d e a l s e l f or p e r f e c t i o n i s t i c orientation i s based on i n t e r n a l motives and v i r t u e s . Moral orientations appear to d i s t i n g u i s h between responses from s p e c i f i c populations. For example, i n a study by Trevethan and Walker (1989) on young offenders, moral orientations distinguished those rated as normal and delinquent ( i . e . , psychopathic and nonpsychopathic). Both delinquent groups responded more frequently with a u t i l i t a r i a n i s m orientation. This orientation i s considered less advanced, e s p e c i a l l y an e g o i s t i c u t i l i t a r i a n i s m o r i e n t a t i o n , which focuses on the s e l f , rather than others. I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that Newberger and Newberger (1988) constructed three developmental moral orientations based on Kohlberg's work, to describe i n d i v i d u a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l responses to adults engaging i n sexual r e l a t i o n s with children. The f i r s t , or " e g o i s t i c " o r i e n t a t i o n ignores the needs of the c h i l d , i n order to protect the c h i l d molester or i n s t i t u t i o n . An example of t h i s would be allowing a p r i e s t to continue h i s duties, by t r a n s f e r r i n g him to another l o c a l i t y . The second or i e n t a t i o n i s termed "conventional." Within t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n anyone believed to have committed an offense would receive the same legal consequences. These consequences implemented through p o l i c i e s and procedures would apply, regardless of the circumstances surrounding each case. A physician who molested a c h i l d , for instance, might be required to obtain therapy, even i f he d i d not admit to engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with the c h i l d . Within t h i s i d e a l i s t i c framework, the physician may continue p r a c t i c i n g , slowly drop-out of therapy, and avoid criminal charges. And t h i r d , an " i n d i v i d u a l i z e d " orientation, takes int o consideration each case from the perspective of the victim, offender, i n s t i t u t i o n , and community. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the v i c t i m needs to be protected and treated, and the offender requires support while undergoing criminal procedures. I t i s es p e c i a l l y important during t h i s time to recognize that the victim or offender might be s u i c i d a l (Wild, 1988; Morrison, 1988). The i n s t i t u t i o n must maintain p u b l i c " t r u s t and confidence" by maintaining a code of e t h i c s ; while the community standards require protection of c i t i z e n s , by deterring others by equal enforcement of the law. A review of the l i t e r a t u r e on normative e t h i c a l issues revealed a consistent finding: criminals exhibit lower le v e l s of moral reasoning (Thornton & Reid, 1982). To examine the p o s s i b i l i t y that d i f f e r e n t types of criminals use various lev e l s of moral reasoning, the authors compared 20 adult male prisoners to 20 adult male controls. The offences were c l a s s i f i e d as either prudent (10) or imprudent (10). Prudent offences were low r i s k ; imprudent offences were high r i s k crimes against persons without apparent advantages. Kohlberg's moral judgment interviews were administered to the three groups. Results indicated that males with prudent offences scored lower (Stage 2) than the males with imprudent offences and the control group (Stage 3). Males with prudent offences had more convictions, or were frequently imprisoned. This study was r e p l i c a t e d using a d i f f e r e n t measure of moral reasoning ( i . e . . Rest's Defining Issues Test), and younger adult male prisoners. The r e s u l t s supported the f i r s t study: more prudent offenders scored at Stage 2, while more imprudent offenders scored at Stage 4. A seven-month treatment program based on moral reasoning was established at minimum and medium se c u r i t y prisons (MacPhail, 1989). The program consisted of three modules. The f i r s t module dealt with moral problems through discussions, or r o l e playing. The second phase demonstrated counseling strategies, such as perspective taking, empathetic l i s t e n i n g , and the use of r e f l e c t i v e statements. The l a s t phase used guest speakers to discuss r e a l - l i f e moral dilemmas. F i f t y adult male offenders started the program (30 experimental, 20 controls), although only 27 completed the program (14 experimental, 13 co n t r o l s ) . These groups were administered Kohlberg's Moral Judgment Interview and Loevinger's Sentence Completion Test. Eighty-six percent of the experimental groups changed t h e i r l e v e l of moral reasoning i n a po s i t i v e d i r e c t i o n , usually from Stage 3 to Stage 3/4. Only 8% of the control groups changed t h e i r l e v e l of moral reasoning i n a pos i t i v e d i r e c t i o n . They maintained a Stage 3 l e v e l of reasoning. Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t was the finding that sex offenders who made the largest improvements i n moral reasoning did not improve t h e i r ego development scores. The authors suggested that the "sex offender lacks the a b i l i t y to act on what he knows" (p. 93). However, a lack of g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y across developmental domains ( i . e . , moral to ego development) does not necessarily imply a lack of g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y within the same domain ( i . e . , hypothetical dilemmas to r e a l - l i f e dilemmas). G e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y within the moral domain i s e s s e n t i a l , since male offenders exhibiting high l e v e l s of moral reasoning were more apt to make r e s t i t u t i o n to t h e i r victims (Van Voorhis, 1985), and exhibited encouraging r e c i d i v i s m rates ( L i t t l e & Robinson, 1989). In t h i s project, c h i l d molesters' moral reasoning was assessed using abstract, hypothetical dilemmas, and experientially-based personal dilemmas. Kohlberg preferred hypothetical dilemmas, as they eliminate preconceived ideas about a problem, but hypothetical dilemmas may lack g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y (Walker, de Vries, & Trevethan, 1987). In addition. Walker (1988) suggested that hypothetical dilemmas measure moral competence, while personal dilemmas are a more accurate indicator of behavior. Therefore, both types of moral dilemmas were used i n t h i s project. Present study; hypotheses In the present study, the following hypotheses were evaluated: F i r s t , when considering why sex offenders molested childre n t h e i r own attachment to primary caregivers as ch i l d r e n was considered. The hypotheses i n t h i s project were that e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders were insecurely attached (dependent) to t h e i r caregivers, while i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders were unattached to t h e i r caregivers. This idea was derived from Groth's (1978) c l a s s i f i c a t i o n scheme for c h i l d molesters. When considering how i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders select, seduce, and s i l e n c e c h i l d r e n over an extended period of time, d i s t i n c t i v e patterns were anticipated over time. Child molesters' st r a t e g i e s were expected to change i n the s e l e c t i o n of chi l d r e n , r e l y i n g on vulnerable children (e.g., from broken homes) only when inexperienced, but slowly approaching other children as experience i s gained. In a s i m i l a r manner, c h i l d molesters were expected to i n i t i a l l y seduce young children i n an intimate manner, but become bolder with older childre n i n t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n s of sexual rela t i o n s h i p s . The occupation of the offender was expected to r e f l e c t an int e r e s t i n children. Attempts to silence children would involve only b r i e f discussions, however, for d i f f e r e n t reasons depending on the type of abuse. For e x t r a - f a m i l i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , these children would want to avoid getting t h e i r " f r i e n d " i n trouble. With i n t r a - f a m i l i a l abuse, the children would not want to get t h e i r "father" i n trouble, or break-up the family. In either case, the children would f e e l responsible for p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n these a c t i v i t i e s . Many of these hypotheses were formulated from information provided by Cook (1989; 1989-1990). Second, the meta-ethical issues involved two general hypotheses. When considering the personal continuum, the pr e d i c t i o n was made that c h i l d molesters from a low-treatment group would demonstrate less e f f e c t i v e strategies when considering how they changed or remained the same than offenders from a high-treatment group. This was anticipated because a complex strategy of defining the s e l f allows for a more coherent and interprétable way of reasoning. When considering the c h i l d molesters' approach to deal with c o n f l i c t i n g sources of information, skeptical doubt measures were expected to reveal that offenders i n a low-treatment group would take a defended realism stance. While offenders from a high-treatment group would either take a dogmatic/skeptic, or a post-skeptic r a t i o n a l i s t p o s i t i o n . In t h i s study, measures of normative ethics were used to detect differences i n responses between offenders from a low-treatment group, compared to offenders from a high-treatment group. I t was not necessarily predicted that offenders with more treatment would score higher than offenders with less treatment on the hypothetical dilemmas. Although, for both groups of offenders the gap between stage scores from the hypothetical and p r a c t i c a l dilemmas would be compared: t h i s gap would be most evident for offenders with less treatment. This could indicate that the low treatment group was unable to apply t h e i r knowledge on issues r e l a t i n g to morality. METHOD Subjects Twenty male prisoners convicted of sexual offences against children volunteered to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s project The c h i l d molesters ranged i n age from 24.83 to 60.17 years with the average age being 45.29 years (SD=10.84). Ten of these men were convicted of offences against children outside the family unit and categorized as " e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders" (mean age=42.53, SD=13.30), while the other 10 men were convicted of offences against children within the family u n i t and categorized as " i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders" (mean age=48.04, SD=7.38). The assignment of subjects to categories was based on information obtained from the offender, although eighty-five percent of the convictions were v e r i f i e d with additional information from o f f i c i a l records. These twenty sex offenders were also categorized according to the length and type of therapy they had received: "high-treatment" (mean age=44.21, SD=10.94) versus "low-treatment" (mean age=46.61, SD=11.22) groups. The assignment of prisoners to these categories was based only on the information provided by the offender, as o f f i c i a l records did not contain the necessary information. A l l of these men were held at a medium security prison (S3) (CSC, 1982), designated for sex offenders. To encourage p a r t i c i p a t i o n , meetings were arranged at the prison by the Correctional Services of Canada (CSC) psychologist with three groups of sex offenders. The purpose of the project was discussed and consent forms were d i s t r i b u t e d . Questions r e l a t i n g to the project were answered i n a d i r e c t and open manner. Eight e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and seven i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders volunteered to p a r t i c i p a t e a f t e r hearing about the project through the groups, or members of the groups. Later, other sex offenders, not necessarily from these previously arranged groups, were contacted through the Nominal Role L i s t i n g ( i . e . , a l i s t containing the names of three hundred offenders at the prison, including those on day parole and b a i l ) . Of the thirteen offenders who were contacted, f i v e agreed (.38) to pa r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s project. An important issue for the offender and v i c t i m i s c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y . It was emphasized that any information disclosed by the offender would be considered c o n f i d e n t i a l . However, they were cautioned not to reveal i d e n t i f y i n g information about any p a r t i c u l a r victim. This was requested to maintain c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y for the victim and to protect the offender against further prosecution. Also, f o r the offender's protection, t r a n s c r i p t s were coded with an I.D. number i n place of t h e i r name. A f i l e r e l a t i n g t h e i r name to the I.D. number was kept separately, then destroyed upon completion of the project. In addition, the offenders were assured that information i d e n t i f y i n g a p a r t i c u l a r sex offender would not be published or released. While twenty sex offenders participated i n t h i s project, a few offenders did not complete, or adequately complete each session. Whereas everyone completed the unstructured interviews, less then twenty offenders adequately completed the semi-structured e t h i c a l interviews. For the meta-ethical measures, nineteen of the twenty offenders completed the Personal Continuum, while seventeen of the twenty offenders completed the Skeptical Doubt measure. For the normative e t h i c a l measures, nineteen out of twenty sex offenders participated i n both the hypothetical and personal dilemmas. (Although an a d d i t i o n a l sex offender only completed the normative measures.) The major reason given for refusing to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the semi-structured e t h i c a l interviews was an aversion to psychological t e s t i n g . The unsuccessfully completed interviews were a consequence of language problems. Materials Various approaches were used for the unstructured interview and semi-structured e t h i c a l interviews. The approach to the unstructured interview was based on the Step-Wise Interview Protocol ( Y u i l l e , Hunter, J o f f e , & Zaparniuk, 1992) . This protocol was modified from S t e l l e r , Raskin, Y u i l l e , and Esplin's Statement V a l i d i t y Analysis (SVA) interview. The purpose of t h i s approach i s to maximize accuracies, while minimizing inaccuracies i n the information obtained. For instance, the accuracy of the material can be maximized by audio-taping the sessions. In addition, accuracy can be improved by using memory r e t r i e v a l s t r a t e g i e s to e l i c i t information. One technique involves discussing the circumstances surrounding an event p r i o r to any discussion of the event, or "context reinstatement." Inaccuracies are minimized by asking general, then s p e c i f i c questions, thus avoiding questions that mislead the interviewee. This interview protocol generated an extensive amount of information from the c h i l d molesters regarding why and how t h e i r crimes were committed. The f i r s t part of the unstructured interview (see Appendix A) involved the c o l l e c t i o n of background information including: name, date of b i r t h , parents, s i b l i n g s , l e v e l of education, type of employment, and previous experience with the criminal j u s t i c e system. The f i r s t question involved a description of the offender's t y p i c a l day at the prison. The aim of t h i s question was to e s t a b l i s h rapport between the offender and interviewer, within the context of the unstructured interview. For questions 2-6 the offender was asked to describe h i s childhood and adolescence, including early sexual experiences. Questions 7, 8, and 16 inquired about l e g a l sexual a c t i v i t i e s ; while questions 9-15 inquired about i l l e g a l sexual a c t i v i t i e s . The e f f e c t s these i l l e g a l sexual a c t i v i t i e s had on t h e i r l i v e s was addressed i n questions 17-18. Questions 19a and 19b asked the offenders whether they ever p a r t i c i p a t e d i n treatment programs. If so, the type of programs were described. The l a s t question, number 20, considered how they viewed t h e i r future. I t was designed to end the interview on a p o s i t i v e note. I n i t i a l l y the offender was allowed to respond to each question without interruptions, regardless of inconsistencies or contradictions. The term f o r t h i s phase of the interview i s "free narrative." Generally, the open question phase and s p e c i f i c question phase followed the free narrative f o r each question. The exceptions to t h i s procedure involved questions 10-12. In these cases, the opening question and the s p e c i f i c question phases were not brought up u n t i l a f t e r the free narrative for each of these questions had been answered. The reason for t h i s change i n procedure was to avoid influencing the information given during the free narrative for each following question, since the opening and s p e c i f i c questions were the same for questions 10-12. The "opening question phase" provided the opportunity to gather more d e t a i l s about the information obtained from the offender i n the free narrative phase. This was accomplished i n two ways. F i r s t , by simply asking "Can you t e l l me more about..." (the issue i n question). Second, by having the offender specify "who, when, where, and what." This approach was more formal, since the interviewer wrote down the offender's responses to questions 10-12. These questions pertained to sexual a c t i v i t i e s within s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s . F i n a l l y , the " s p e c i f i c question phase" served two purposes. F i r s t , i t allowed the offender "to c l a r i f y and extend previous answers." The researcher a s s i s t e d by providing mnemonic devices, such as "exhaust memory." With t h i s technique the interviewee i s encouraged to provide as much information as possible, even i f i t seems t r i v i a l . Second, i t allowed the researcher to obtain s p e c i f i c information across subjects for each question. For example, question 3 asked them to describe t h e i r parents during childhood. Then they were asked s p e c i f i c a l l y what they l i k e d and d i s l i k e d about each of t h e i r parents. For each question, approximately three or four pieces of information were requested, although t h i s increased to fourteen pieces of information when discussing questions pertaining to s p e c i f i c incidents of sexual a c t i v i t i e s . At t h i s time, any inconsistencies or contradictions within the offender's statements were c l a r i f i e d . This approach contributed to an "open" atmosphere, and provided for an accurate presentation of events from the offender's perspective. The two types of meta-ethical measurements that were administered included the Personal Identity Interview procedure (see Appendix B) and Nascent Skeptical Doubt Interview procedure (see Appendix C). The Personal Identity Interview ( i . e . , personal continuum) procedure was o r i g i n a l l y developed by Chandler, Boyes, and Moran (1984) to assess the consistency of self-concept over time. For t h i s project, the l i t e r a r y character Jean Valjean from V i c t o r Hugo's writings was chosen to demonstrate t h i s procedure. In the narrative Valjean i s a notorious criminal who transforms h i s l i f e by helping others. The questions a f t e r the narrative r e l a t e to how Valjean has changed or remained the same throughout h i s l i f e . Then, s i m i l a r questions about the offender's own l i f e follow. This measure was used to evaluate the offender's sense of continuity of s e l f i n the past, present, and future. The second type of meta-ethical measures included a semi-structured Nascent Skeptical Doubt Interview procedure. This measure encouraged the offender to reason through hypothetical events when i t became apparent that t h e i r own perspective was limited. The Nascent Skeptical Doubt Interview procedure presented two dilemmas containing c o n f l i c t i n g pieces of information. The f i r s t dilemma, developed by Kuhn, Pennington, and Leadbeater (1983), described the same h i s t o r i c a l event from the vantage points of two countries i n c o n f l i c t . The second dilemma, developed for t h i s population, described two t r i b e s with c o n f l i c t i n g views on the appropriate treatment of children. The content of the second dilemma was thought to be more personal. Both Skeptical Doubt dilemmas forced the offender to come to terms with c o n f l i c t i n g " f a c t s . " The normative ethics measures, designed to assess moral development, consisted of three hypothetical dilemmas and one personal dilemma. The hypothetical dilemmas, according to Colby and Kohlberg (1987), were constructed over a 20 year period with the assistance of collaborators. For t h i s project Form B, Dilemma IV; Form B, Dilemma IV'; and Form A, Dilemma I were used (see Appendix D). Form B, Dilemma IV, and Form B, Dilemma IV' were chosen, so the content would not be construed as r e l a t i n g to c r i m i n a l i t y . Therefore, there would be no reason to answer the questions i n a s o c i a l l y acceptable manner. Form A, Dilemma I replaced Form B, Dilemma II , so that male offenders could i d e n t i f y with the characters ( i . e . , a dilemma describing a p o t e n t i a l c o n f l i c t between father and son, rather than mother and daughter), while maintaining the e s s e n t i a l moral issues ( i . e . . L i f e (Quality), Law/Life Preservation; Morality and Conscience/Capital Punishment, Punishment/Capital Punishment; and Contract, Authority). These hypothetical dilemmas require abstract reasoning, rather than previous experiences to a r r i v e at a resolution. The ultimate purpose of the hypothetical dilemmas i s to assess moral competence. In contrast, Lyons (1982) focused on previous experiences, with G i l l i g a n ( G i l l i g a n & Wiggins, 1987) developing the personal dilemma interview. For t h i s project, the offender was encouraged to discuss a moral dilemma he encountered at the prison. The t o p i c was l i m i t e d to incidents i n prison to avoid issues r e l a t e d to h i s crime. The personal dilemmas assess reasoning about previous behaviors, moral or immoral. Procedure The three sets of tasks were arranged to obtain the maximum amount of information with a minimum amount of resistance by the offender. The f i r s t procedure, the unstructured interview, provided the opportunity to e s t a b l i s h rapport between the interviewer and interviewee, while leading into material of an increasingly personal nature. The next procedure involved the meta-ethical tasks. The Personal Identity Interview involved personal, then hypothetical questions, thus providing an easy transference to the hypothetical situations presented i n the Nascent Skeptical Doubt task. The Nascent Skeptical Doubt task proceeded the normative e t h i c a l semi-structured interview to reduce the p o s s i b i l i t y of the respondent's viewing the Nascent Skeptical Doubt dilemmas as moral dilemmas. The normative e t h i c a l tasks, or moral dilemmas, included three hypothetical dilemmas and a personal dilemma. Thus the ser i e s of procedures began and ended with personal information—the type of material the offenders f e l t most comfortable discussing. A s p e c i f i c explanation of each procedure follows. The in s t r u c t i o n s given to the sex offenders f o r the unstructured interview discouraged the use of i d e n t i f y i n g information, to maintain c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y (see previous s e c t i o n ) . The interviewer also explained that the purpose of the project was "to understand the various ways adults r e l a t e to childr e n that could lead to sexual a c t i v i t i e s . " The unstructured interview proceeded i n a manner that could be described as Rogerian. The interviewer's objective was to "BE PATIENT," allowing the information to come from the offender. After the interview, i f the offender had a d d i t i o n a l comments, questions, or observations, he was encouraged to contribute t h i s information. The approach to the meta-ethical interviews was semi-s t r u c t u r a l . In the t r a d i t i o n of Perry (1970) the tasks were administered " i n as open-ended a way as possible so as to avoid d i c t a t i n g the structure of the student's (subject's) thoughts by the structure of our questions." In t h i s project the offender was encouraged to give as many answers as possible, since there are no r i g h t or wrong answers. The researcher continued to converse with the offender to obtain as complete of response as possible. This approach i s more pers i s t e n t than Perry's o r i g i n a l s t y l e , but i t was necessary to obtain scorable information. Usually the Personal Identity Interview and the Nascent Skeptical Doubt tasks were completed during the same session, although two sessions were occasionally required to adequately complete the tasks. The procedures used for the normative e t h i c a l interview were s i m i l a r to those used i n the meta-ethical interview. Colby and Kohlberg (1987) described t h i s interview as a "directed conversation." I t i s d i r e c t i v e i n terms of obtaining " c r i t i c a l " information to score. For instance, probes (e.g., "What do you mean by t r u s t , j u s t i c e , f r i endship, and so on?") were used under two conditions. The f i r s t condition occurred when the offender discussed his opinions, rather than reasons for his response. The second condition occurred when the offender's statements were unclear. To r e c t i f y either of these situations, one of ten types of probes were suggested by Colby and Kohlberg (1987, pp. 153-58). Examples of probes include, using "Why?," or "What do you mean?," or encouraging the offender to t e l l what he "should," rather than "would" do i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n . (Probing was necessary to obtain the best possible response.) RESULTS The unstructured interviews of 20 c h i l d molesters were on average 150.50 (SD=94.93) minutes long, and ranged from 54 to 452 minutes. The meta-ethical semi-structured interviews consisted of the Personal Continuum, and Skeptical Doubt tasks. The Personal Continuum tasks completed by 19 offenders took an average of 28.63 (SD=17.22) minutes, and ranged from 14 to 75 minutes. The Skeptical Doubt tasks, completed by 17 offenders took an average of 24.82 (SD=14.40) minutes to complete, and ranged from 7 to 60 minutes. The normative ethics tasks involved three hypothetical dilemmas and one personal dilemma. Nineteen offenders completed both types of dilemmas. The average normative e t h i c a l interview lasted 44.61 (SD=20.23) minutes, and ranged from 20 to 97 minutes. The audio-taped unstructured interviews were transcribed, then coded. There were 250 pieces of information that were coded across a l l subjects, of which 48 pieces of information were used for t h i s project. R e l i a b i l i t i e s on twenty percent (4 cases) of the unstructured interviews (250 variables) averaged 83%: 78%, 91%, 85%, and 78%. Considering the lack of research on why and how offenders sexually abuse children, t h i s project can be viewed as exploratory research. For the unstructured interview only descriptive s t a t i s t i c s were used: proportions for d i f f e r e n t offenders group. I n f e r e n t i a l s t a t i s t i c s were used to evaluate the e t h i c a l measures. Unstructured interview Background information Parents The c h i l d molesters were asked to describe t h e i r parents during childhood. They described each parent's a t t r i b u t e s i n physiological (.22) and psychological (.78) terms. Most of the physiological terms were p o s i t i v e (.42) (neutral .33; negative .25). Regarding the psychological terms, e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders frequently described t h e i r fathers negatively (.80) (positive .10; neutral .10). In h a l f of these cases, what they d i s l i k e d about t h e i r father was the lack of a v a i l a b i l i t y ( i . e . , "never spoke," or " d i s t a n t " ) . In addition, h a l f of these offenders described t h e i r mothers negatively (.50) (positive .20; neutral .30), as she too was considered unavailable ( i . e . , i n .60 of these cases). In contrast, i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders more frequently described t h e i r fathers (neutral .60; p o s i t i v e .20; negative .20), as well as t h e i r mothers (neutral .40; p o s i t i v e .30; negative .30) i n neutral terms. ("Neutral" e i t h e r r e f e r r e d to the fact they did not know t h e i r parents, or i f known they described them with an equal number of p o s i t i v e and negative attributes to t h e i r parents.) Peers During childhood, e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders not only described t h e i r parents negatively, they also described t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with peers negatively (.80) (po s i t i v e .10; neutral .10). Their reasons for having negative r e l a t i o n s h i p s ranged form being isolated to being teased. Some i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders also described t h e i r peer r e l a t i o n s h i p s negatively (.50) (positive .30; neutral .20). In each of these cases, the reasons given for problems with peer re l a t i o n s h i p s were being "withdrawn" or "lonely." Self-descriptions as a c h i l d C h i l d molesters' self-d e s c r i p t i o n s as children consisted of r e l a t i v e l y few physiological (.21), although many psychological terms (.79). Since most of the ph y s i o l o g i c a l terms were neutral (.80) (positive .00; negative .20), only the psychological terms w i l l be considered (positive .25; neutral .30; and negative .45). E x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders more frequently described themselves as children i n negative (.50) terms (positive .40; neutral .10). The most common negative descriptions involved being lonely as children. I n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders s e l f - d e s c r i p t i o n s were usually neutral (.50) (negative .40; p o s i t i v e .10). Childhood sexual experiences The childhood sexual experiences that were described by c h i l d molesters ranged from sexual play with peers to severe sexual abuse by older children or adults. Regarding sexual play, .50 of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders and .70 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders engaged i n t h i s type of a c t i v i t y as children. Examples of sexual play provided by offenders appeared r e l a t i v e l y normal: We'd play house and we'd be a l l curious about each o t h e r i t ' s kinda l i k e I ' l l show you mine, i f y o u ' l l show me yours. Such play between peers developed into intimate sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s for .20 of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders and .30 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. At l e a s t one incident of abuse by an older c h i l d or adult was reported by .70 of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and .50 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. Ninety-two percent of the offenders who had reported abuse described multiple incidents of abuse (.67), or multiple abusers (.58). The abusers were usually described as male (.73), although there were descriptions of female abusers (.27). Overall these sexual experiences were viewed unfavorably (.83) by the offender (favorable .085; neutral .085): half were viewed as traumatic. The abusers i n the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l cases, were usually described as male (.82), rather than female (.18). Seventy-three percent of these experiences were viewed unfavorably (.09 favorable; .18 neutral), with over h a l f described as traumatic. Phvsical abuse Another type of abuse frequently reported by sex offenders during childhood was physical abuse. This abuse was categorized as either mild, moderate, or severe. "Mild" p h y s i c a l abuse was defined as excessive d i s c i p l i n e , "moderate" as serious or unwarranted beatings, while "severe" abuse resulted i n permanent physical i n j u r i e s . Although more e x t r a - f a m i l i a l (.80) than i n t r a - f a m i l i a l (.70) offenders reported physical abuse, more i n t r a - f a m i l i a l (.40) than e x t r a - f a m i l i a l (.20) offenders reported being severely abused. Half of these i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported being severely abused by t h e i r mothers, the other half by t h e i r fathers. In a l l cases, the physical abuse was i n f l i c t e d by the c h i l d ' s caregiver (e.g., parents, f o s t e r parents, i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t a f f , e t c . ) . Self descriptions as an adolescent C h i l d molesters' s e l f descriptions during adolescence were i n p h y s i o l o g i c a l (.20) and psychological (.80) terms. A l l of the physiological descriptions of themselves were negative (1.00), unlike t h e i r neutral (.80) s e l f descriptions as children. Considering that adolescence i s a time of rapid physiological growth, descriptions such as "gangly" or "funny" looking seemed appropriate. Turning to the psychological terms, e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders continued to describe themselves negatively (.60) (positive .20; neutral .20). Like t h e i r descriptions of themselves as children, t h e i r most common description as adolescents was shy, or lonely. As well, i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders continued to use more neutral (.50) (positive .10; negative .40) descriptions of themselves. To further explore the c h i l d molesters' sense of s e l f during adolescence, they were asked about t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s during t h i s time period. Only .10 of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and .30 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported any p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s as adolescents. In addition, two-thirds of these i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders stated they were simply "anti-government" or "against the norm." The vast majority of offenders reported that they "didn't have any" or t h e i r p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s were "not strong" during adolescence. Regarding r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , only .20 of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and .50 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders stated they had such b e l i e f s during adolescence. However, occupational goals were of interest during adolescence, according to .70 of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and .60 of the i n t r a -f a m i l i a l offenders. Their desired occupations ranged from laborers to professionals. Sexual experiences as an adolescent When c h i l d molesters were asked to describe t h e i r sexual experiences during adolescence a wide range of responses were given. Th i r t y percent of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and .30 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported v i r t u a l l y no sexual experiences with the opposite sex except fantasies while masturbating. Forty percent of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and .20 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported having sexually deviant experiences (e.g., voyeurism, rape, e t c . ) . T h i r t y percent of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and .50 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders described r e l a t i v e l y normal ( i . e . , legal) sexual a c t i v i t i e s . Events leading to offence Each offender was asked to describe the events leading up to t h e i r f i r s t , two intermediate, and l a s t offences. Overall, e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders acknowledged t h e i r own r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r committing the offence (.375), as well as focusing on others' r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s (.375) or external circumstances (.25). For instance, one pedophile acknowledged h i s need for a re l a t i o n s h i p led to offending, because he had a "hard time separating a f f e c t i o n from sex." Other offenders stated they had reacted to t h e i r own previous abuse as a c h i l d , or adolescent. The i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders more often focused on others' (.63) r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s regarding the offence, rather than t h e i r own (.28), or the external circumstances (.09). For example, they focused on the v i c t i m — c l a i m i n g the c h i l d needed to be comforted, or that the c h i l d had problems—or they focused on t h e i r marriage, mentioning how i s o l a t e d they f e l t (in a couple of marriages, t h e i r sex l i f e had ceased to e x i s t ) . For both groups of offenders focusing on external circumstance referred to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of the victim. The v i c t i m could have spent the night at t h e i r house, or the offender had extensive amounts of time available to become overly involved with children (e.g., being on medical leave from work). Selection of victims C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the victims The average victim's age across offences reported by e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders was 10.49 (n=31), ranging from 5 to 25 years of age ( i . e . , one offender reported assaulting a female c h i l d , then adult). Two offenders reported committing assaults against a male c h i l d and a male adolescent. Overall, .30 of the sample reported committing offences across the age categories of c h i l d (0-12 years), adolescent (13-18 years), and adult (19 years and o l d e r ) . I n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported the average age of t h e i r victims across offences was 11.33 (n=3 0). The ages ranged from 3 to 18 years. Their offences appeared to be within the same age categories with two exceptions. The f i r s t exception was when the c h i l d they were offending became older. The second exception occurred when one offender was charged with offences against h i s c h i l d and adolescent, although he claimed to be innocent. Both extra- and i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported committing more offences against females than males. The e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported committing approximately two offences against females for each offence against a male (1.82:1). None of these offenders reported assaulting both males and females. The i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported a higher r a t i o of female to male victims (9:1) than the extra-f a m i l i a l offenders. However, .20 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders stated they had assaulted both t h e i r daughters and sons. Victims' relationship to parents The most common response across categories by extra-f a m i l i a l offenders was that they did not know t h e i r victim's guardians ( i . e . , 11 out of 31 (.35)). Of those offenders who did know t h e i r victim's guardians, .56 l i v e d with t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l mother and fathers, .33 with t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l mother and .11 with a b i o l o g i c a l mother and step-father. Their victim's relationships with t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l mothers when known were considered p o s i t i v e (.72) i n most cases (negative .22; neutral .06). For example, she was described as "loving and caring." The victim's relationships with t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l fathers or step-fathers, when known, was also described as posit i v e (.58) (negative .42; neutral .00) . A l l of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders knew where t h e i r children/victims resided at the time of the offence. Their victims usually resided with t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l mother and father (.566) or t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l mother and step-father (.233) ( b i o l o g i c a l father .067; b i o l o g i c a l father and step-mother .067; and step-father .067). These offenders described t h e i r victim's relationships with t h e i r mothers as s l i g h t l y negative (.54), although p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s were also prevalent (.42) (neutral .04). The negative comments included being unaffectionate or dist a n t . They described t h e i r relationships with t h e i r victims as s l i g h t l y more p o s i t i v e (.50) (negative .46; neutral .04). For example, they described t h e i r relationships as being affectionate and open. Victims' r e l a t i o n s h i p to peers When c h i l d molesters were asked about t h e i r v i c t i m s ' r e l a t i o n s h i p s with t h e i r peers approximately h a l f of the offenders i n each group ( e x t r a - f a m i l i a l : 15 out of 31; i n t r a - f a m i l i a l : 15 out of 30) could answer. Of those who knew, .60 of e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders described them as favorable (unfavorable .20; neutral .20). In contrast, i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders who knew described t h e i r v i c t i m s ' r e l a t i o n s h i p s with t h e i r peers as evenly s p l i t between favorable (.47) and unfavorable (.47) (neutral .06). Performance i n school/sports The information on victims' performance i n school and sports i s l i m i t e d due to the c h i l d molester's lack of knowledge. For school performance, both e x t r a - f a m i l i a l (.47) and i n t r a - f a m i l i a l (.57) offenders who responded described t h e i r victim's performance p o s i t i v e l y (extra-f a m i l i a l : negative .33, neutral .20; i n t r a - f a m i l i a l : negative .34, neutral .09). This pattern held f o r the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders' evaluations of t h e i r victims performance i n sports (positive .60, negative .20, and neutral .20). Although i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders were evenly s p l i t ( p o s i t i v e .47, negative .47) when evaluating t h e i r v i c t i m s ' sports performance (neutral .06). I t should be emphasized that a l l of the s e l e c t i o n variables were collapsed across the offender's f i r s t , two intermediate, and l a s t offences, since c h i l d molesters did not appear to become involved with d i f f e r e n t types of victims over time. However, there were vast differences when c h i l d molesters described t h e i r victims. They were described as affectionate to violent, forward to shy, people-loving to lonely, and very close to strangers. Seduction of victims Offenders' occupation F i f t y percent of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported using t h e i r occupational s k i l l s to seduce children into sexual a c t i v i t i e s during t h e i r f i r s t offence. This occurred d i r e c t l y by being responsible for the children under t h e i r care (e.g., teacher), or i n d i r e c t l y by using t h e i r occupational s k i l l s i n a way that attracted c h i l d r e n (e.g., b u i l d i n g toys). This pattern remained constant across a l l t h e i r offences (.47). This was not the case for i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders during t h e i r f i r s t offence. Ninety percent reported having occupations that were not involved with c h i l d r e n (e.g., manual labor). Only one of those offenders reported committing a crime while working, although t h i s was not an incestuous crime. Even the person who had a job that brought him i n contact with children, denied committing any offences when undertaking his professional duties. Across a l l offences i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported using t h e i r occupational s k i l l s to offend i n only .14 of the cases. Methods used for seduction Ninety percent of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders admitted i n i t i a t i n g sexual a c t i v i t i e s with the c h i l d during t h e i r f i r s t offence. But t h i s percentage dropped to .44 for both t h e i r intermediate and l a s t offences. Some offenders f e l t that t h e i r relationships with a c h i l d "just sort of evolved" into a sexual rela t i o n s h i p , or they believed the c h i l d wanted to become involved i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with them. One offender explained: This night she came i n to go to bed, she pulled t h i s long dress o f f , i t was her mother's dress, and she had nayry a s t i t c h on. And then she quick hopped under the covers and snuggled r i g h t up to me...And I never ever touched her or anything before l i k e that. But ah, well she was a l l gung-ho to be involved. From such quotes i t i s unclear whether the c h i l d was innocently seeking a f f e c t i o n , or had experienced previous sexual abuse. This pattern did not hold up for the i n t r a -f a m i l i a l offenders. Seventy percent stated they i n i t i a t e d the sexual a c t i v i t i e s for the f i r s t offence, while .87 and .75 acknowledged i n i t i a t i n g the sexual a c t i v i t i e s f o r the two intermediate and l a s t offences. For both groups of c h i l d molesters the methods they used for seducing the c h i l d were c l a s s i f i e d into four categories. These categories were labeled " p l a y f u l , " comforting," "lure/bribe," and "force." The most common method reported by extra- (.33) and i n t r a - f a m i l i a l (.46) offenders across offences, involved comforting. The offender was comforting a sick, frightened, or distressed c h i l d , or the c h i l d was comforting the offender. For instance, one offender stated, "And, uh, we were broke and I couldn't a f f o r d a mechanic and, uh, when I went home there was nobody there and I needed a shoulder to cry on so I, I went to my oldest daughter." In either case, the offender turned comforting into sexual a c t i v i t i e s , such as fondling. The next most frequently reported method used by c h i l d molesters was force. Both groups i n t h i s category frequently reported complimenting t h e i r victims i n i t i a l l y , before turning angry and taking what they wanted (extra-f a m i l i a l .28; i n t r a - f a m i l i a l .23). Over time t h i s pattern changed f o r one offender: Didn't r e a l l y get into sayin' "Ok. Yes, you do have nice eyes." I wasn't r e a l l y into that no more, r i g h t , so I j u s t . . . I just kept on doing more instead, instead of doing finger, I'd s t a r t entering her vagina and that was i t . I was v i o l e n t at the f i r s t . Other methods that were reported included l u r i n g , bribing, or blackmailing t h e i r victims ( e x t r a - f a m i l i a l .28; i n t r a -f a m i l i a l .23). Examples included not being able to play with t h e i r toys or other children, not going on outings, or being t o l d t h e i r mother wouldn't l i k e them anymore, since t h i s was her idea. The l a s t method "playfulness" was described l e a s t ( e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offences .11; i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offences .08). "Pedophiles do tend to put things i n t h e i r houses, consciously or subconsciously, that kids are attracted to l i k e Celecos or Atarisor...take them on outing...to the PNE," stated one offender. Although t h i s approach appeared to be the method least l i k e l y to be described by the offender, i t was the background upon which other methods were used by .50 of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l ( i n t r a -f a m i l i a l .00) offenders. Silencing of victims Offenders' comments to c h i l d Most offenders (ex t r a - f a m i l i a l .57, i n t r a - f a m i l i a l .50) did not i n s t r u c t the c h i l d to remain s i l e n t . The offenders tended to " t r u s t " even young children, b e l i e v i n g that they were "good at keeping secrets." In addition, two other reasons were given for believing the c h i l d would remain s i l e n t . F i r s t , the c h i l d would lose t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the offender i f they spoke up. "If anything was said t h i s would break-up t h i s sort of special r e l a t i o n s h i p and, therefore, the c h i l d wouldn't have the benefits he was getting [pause] or what the c h i l d perceived he was getting." Second, engaging i n i l l e g a l sexual experiences i s a very private, i f not embarrassing experience. One offender stated, "I knew that he wouldn't ta l k about i t with h i s friends, I f e l t he would be too embarrassed or...I mean as, as male or females do we t a l k about our improprieties sexually?" This would be p a r t i c u l a r l y true for older childr en. Of the cases where the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offender did t r y to s i l e n c e the c h i l d (9 out of 28, .32). Five of the 9 (.56) involved verbal manipulation or bribery. One offender explained that he probably said: Don't say anything or something l i k e that. This k i d l i k e d money, so I'd maybe give him a buck or something...don't be blabbering i t around. I might have even said you know i f you say anything I'm goin' be I'm going to get into a h e l l of a l o t of trouble or something l i k e t h i s . Generally t h i s type of manipulation was mild. However i n the other four cases threats of physical violence occurred. But only two offenders accounted for these four offences. In .33 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offences the offender admitted t r y i n g to silence the c h i l d . Six out of eight of these cases (.75) involved i n s t r u c t i n g the c h i l d not to t e l l . Occasionally bribery was used. In the other two cases, the fathers t o l d the c h i l d that i f anyone found-out, he would be sent to prison. In .11 percent of the extra-f a m i l i a l and .17 of the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offences the c h i l d molester d i d not know or could not remember i f he instructed the c h i l d to remain s i l e n t . Suspicions of others The e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders reported that less people were suspicious of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s during t h e i r f i r s t (.125), rather than intermediate (.167) or l a t t e r (.375) offences. They were primarily concerned about other children, or t h e i r victims' guardians finding out about t h e i r sexual a c t i v i t i e s . I n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders also reported that less people were suspicious during t h e i r f i r s t (.14), rather than l a s t offence (.25) (two intermediate .11). They were concerned about other children i n the family, or s o c i a l services finding out. Meta-ethical measures The meta-ethical measures consisted of a personal continuum and two skeptical doubt measures ( i . e . , L i v i a n War, and C h i l d Abuse). The personal continuum was administered to 19 c h i l d molesters, 10 were e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders, 9 were i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. While 17 c h i l d molesters p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the skeptical doubt tasks: 9 were e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders and 8 were i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. These c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s were the same as the those used for the unstructured interview. A l l c h i l d molesters were also c l a s s i f i e d into low- or high-treatment groups based on the amount of treatment they received. Treatment ranged from none to intensive treatment at the Regional P s y c h i a t r i c Center (RPC). The r e l i a b i l i t y i n c l a s s i f y i n g c h i l d molesters into treatment groups was r e l a t i v e l y high (.85). Personal Continuum The c h i l d molesters' arguments, i n response to challenging them on how they have changed or remained the same, were scored according to f i v e l e v e l s : Simple Inclusion, Typological, E s s e n t i a l i s t , Foundational, and Narrative Arguments. The higher levels require more e f f e c t i v e strategies. I t was predicted that i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders would have had more e f f e c t i v e strategies for de f i n i n g the s e l f than e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. The r e l i a b i l i t i e s for the scoring of these strategies was .84, when a l l of the interviews were re-coded. Using a Fisher Exact P r o b a b i l i t y t e s t these comparisons were found to be nonsignificant (p >.05). However, as predicted, the high-treatment group used more e f f e c t i v e strategies for defining the s e l f than the low-treatment group (p <.05). This i s apparent from Table 5 where .90 of the high-treatment group used l e v e l 3 or 4 ( i . e . , E s s e n t i a l i s t or Foundational) arguments, compared to .44 of the low-treatment group. Skeptical Doubt The s k e p t i c a l doubt tasks were scored according to the effectiveness of the strategies: l e v e l 1, Defended Realism; l e v e l 2a, Dogmatism; l e v e l 2b, Skepticism; and l e v e l 3, Post-skeptical Rationalism. The higher l e v e l s require more e f f e c t i v e strategies. I t was predicted that i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders would score higher then the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. Using the Fisher Exact P r o b a b i l i t y Test t h i s hypothesis was not supported (p >.05). Nor was the hypothesis supported that the high-treatment group would have more e f f e c t i v e strategies than the low-treatment groups (p >.05). Instead .89 of the offenders i n the high-treatment group took a subjective ( i . e . . Skeptical or Post-s k e p t i c a l Rationalism) form of reasoning, while only .11 took a dogmatic ( i . e . . Defended Realism or Dogmatic) perspective. This pattern was reversed for the low-treatment group: .625 reasoned dogmatically, while .375 reasoned subjectively. When the reasoning on the s k e p t i c a l doubt tasks were considered separately, the following r e s u l t s were obtained. F i f t y - t h r e e percent improved t h e i r performance on the Child Abuse task, while .47 maintained t h e i r performance. No one's performance decreased. The Sign Test revealed s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s (p <.01). The majority of c h i l d molesters who increased t h e i r scores moved from a l e v e l 1 on the Livian War dilemma to a 2a on the Ch i l d Abuse dilemma. R e l i a b i l i t i e s were .81 for both the L i v i a n War, and C h i l d Abuse dilemmas. The r e l i a b i l i t i e s for combining both dilemmas into an o v e r a l l score was .82. Normative E t h i c a l Measures To assess r e l i a b i l i t i e s on the normative e t h i c a l measures, a second coder re-scored f i v e dilemmas (.26 of the material). Both Global Stage Scores and Weighted Average Scores were calculated for the hypothetical and r e a l - l i f e dilemmas. For the hypothetical dilemmas there was 80% agreement for exact stage and 100% agreement within a h a l f stage score. For the r e a l - l i f e dilemmas there was 80% agreement for exact and half stage scores. R e l i a b i l i t i e s f o r the hypothetical dilemmas using the Weighted Average Score were high (r=.93). For the r e a l - l i f e dilemmas the r e l i a b i l i t i e s appear low (r=.25), however, excluding one subject r a i s e s the r e l i a b i l i t i e s (r=.95). To evaluate the c h i l d molesters' performance on the normative e t h i c a l measures, a 2 ( i n t r a - f a m i l i a l x extra-f a m i l i a l offenders) by 2 (high- x low-treatment) by 2 (hypothetical x r e a l - l i f e dilemma) analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted. The two independent variables (offender & treatment) were the between variables, while the one dependent variable (dilemma) was the within variable. Results indicated a s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t main e f f e c t for dilemma, F(1,15)=38.01, p <.001. The average score f o r the hypothetical dilemmas was 320.16, while the average score f o r the r e a l - l i f e dilemmas was 268.42. A three way in t e r a c t i o n between offender, treatment, and dilemma was also s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t , F(l,14)=9.20, p <.01. The simple e f f e c t s were analyzed for t h i s three way i n t e r a c t i o n . Results indicated that the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders i n the low-treatment group on average (316.67) scored at a higher l e v e l of moral reasoning on the r e a l - l i f e dilemma than the average (240.00) i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders i n the high-treatment group, F(1,15)=6.79, p <.05. No simple e f f e c t s occurred f o r the hypothetical dilemmas. DISCUSSION Primary Purpose of t h i s Research Project Why C h i l d Molesters Abuse Children The primary purpose of t h i s research project was to learn something about why and how c h i l d molesters sexually abuse children. Both Marshall (1989) and Tingle, Barnard, Robbins, Newman, and Hutchinson (1986) presented opposing theories to explain why adults sexually abuse children. Marshall believed that i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders were unable to form a secure attachment to t h e i r primary caregivers. This resulted i n an i n a b i l i t y to form other s o c i a l relationships, including intimate sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In contrast. Tingle et a l . believed c h i l d molesters were attached to t h e i r mothers, but had "early dependency c o n f l i c t s . " However, they were not close to t h e i r fathers. The hypotheses i n t h i s project were that e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders would be insecurely attached (dependent) to t h e i r caregivers, while i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders would be unattached to t h e i r caregivers. The c h i l d molester's descriptions of t h e i r r elationships with t h e i r parents did lend support to these predictions. Extra-f a m i l i a l offenders often described t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with t h e i r mother and father negatively: t h e i r parents were less a v a i l a b l e than desired. They appeared to be overly dependent on t h e i r parents. On the other hand, i n t r a -f a m i l i a l offenders usually described t h e i r parents i n neutral terms, as i f they were unattached to t h e i r primary caregivers. They frequently reported being p h y s i c a l l y abused by t h e i r parents—even severely. This finding i s consistent with Williams and Finkelhor's (1988) research. They suggested that i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders may have experienced abuse and neglect, with physical abuse being more prevalent than sexual abuse. Marshall's theory was supported i n that both groups of offenders reported problems with peer relationships during childhood. They often f e l t lonely and i s o l a t e d . However, these feelings d i d not appear to disrupt t h e i r childhood sexual explorations, but feelings of i s o l a t i o n may have in t e r f e r e d with t h e i r adolescent sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Thus, there i s p a r t i a l support for Marshall's work. The type of sexual play described by both i n t r a - f a m i l i a l and e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders during childhood was consistent with normal sex play (Goldman & Goldman, 1988). According to Goldman and Goldman, i t i s natural for children to explore t h e i r bodies through sex games, such as "Mothers and Fathers," and "Doctors and Nurses." Unfortunately, Goldman and Goldman did not address whether i t i s normal f o r c h i l d r e n to develop intimate sexual relationships with a peer. Such relationships were described by a few c h i l d molesters. During adolescence, however, over twice (.30) as many offenders as students (.12) (Goldman & Goldman, 1988) reported a lack of sexual relationships. Instead, they reported engaging i n sexual fantasies and masturbation. Of the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders who did engage i n sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s , t h e i r behaviors were often deviant. Deviant behaviors were reported less frequently for i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. How C h i l d Molesters Abuse Children I t was hypothesized that c h i l d molesters would i n i t i a l l y involve vulnerable children i n t h e i r deviant behaviors. Later, when more experienced, they would chose other types of children. This hypothesis blended past research i n d i c a t i n g vulnerable children are at an increase r i s k for abuse (Lanning, 1986) and Marshall's recent theory emphasizing the offender's needs when considering a victim. Unfortunately, the most common finding was that extra-f a m i l i a l offenders were unable to provide pertinent information regarding the victim. Any information they d i d provide was not supportive of the hypothesized sequence of events: e a r l i e r victims did not appear to be any d i f f e r e n t from l a t t e r victims. Generally, the trend was f o r victims to be well-adjusted. They usually l i v e d with t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l mother and father. They tended to get along well with t h e i r peers. Even t h e i r performance i n school and sports was good. Of course, i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders provided more information about t h e i r victims. Their victims usually resided with both b i o l o g i c a l parents, although a large proportion did reside with t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l mother and step-father. The i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders described t h e i r victim's r e l a t i o n s h i p with t h e i r mother as s l i g h t l y negative, unlike t h e i r own r e l a t i o n s h i p with the v i c t i m that was viewed as s l i g h t l y p o s i t i v e . Like the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l victims, they had many p o s i t i v e peer re l a t i o n s h i p s and performed well i n school and sports. Overall, the findings provided by both groups of c h i l d molesters supported Marshall's theory that sex offenders chose c h i l d r e n to s a t i s f y t h e i r own needs. Marshall's theory received further support when considering how sex offenders seduce children. The most coinmon method e x t r a - f a m i l i a l and i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders used was "comforting." Although many offenders sa i d they were comforting the c h i l d , others admitted they were i n need of comforting. In Lang and Frenzel's (1988) study of female victims, the method of comforting was more commonly used by i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders, but the authors did not mention the d i r e c t i o n of the comforting: offender to victim, v i c t i m to offender, or mutual. Another method offenders reported using to meet t h e i r own needs was the use of "force." They started by complimenting the victim, but snapped into a streak of anger, or l o s t control. Other frequently used methods were bribery, blackmail, and l u r i n g c h i l d r e n into sexual a c t i v i t i e s . Previous research emphasized the r o l e of bribery when "courting the c h i l d " (Virkkunen, 1975; Duncan & Hern, 1980; Caplan, 1982; and Erikson, Walbek & Seely, 1988). I f c h i l d r e n were bribed, Virkkunen found that they were more apt to make non-sexual contact with the offender. This non-sexual contact may have been interpreted as a desire for sexual contact by the e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. In t h i s project, offenders reported being aware of i n i t i a t i n g sexual contact f o r t h e i r f i r s t offence. However, following offences were described as evolving into sexual rel a t i o n s h i p s , or being i n i t i a t e d by the c h i l d . This was not the case for i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders, who acknowledged approaching the c h i l d for sexual favors across offences. I t was further hypothesized that offenders used t h e i r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n (e.g., teacher) or occupational s k i l l s (e.g., face painting) to engage i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children. This was reported frequently by e x t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders, although r a r e l y for i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders. Although i t should be emphasized that i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders by the nature of the rel a t i o n s h i p used t h e i r r o l e as an authoritative figure, or father figure to seduce t h e i r own children. Thus, both types of offenders abused t h e i r positions of t r u s t . As well, the offenders trusted the children not to speak out about the abuse. In t h i s project, the majority of offenders did not r e c a l l i n s t r u c t i n g t h e i r victims to remain s i l e n t . The offenders reported that even young childre n could keep secrets, while older children considered sexual a c t i v i t i e s a private matter. Those offenders who d i d i n s t r u c t t h e i r victim to remain s i l e n t , emphasized how they would get into trouble (e.g., going to prison). These findings were contrary to the o r i g i n a l hypothesis that c h i l d molesters would engage i n b r i e f discussions with the c h i l d to maintain t h e i r silence. However, the hypothesis that the v i c t i m would not want to get the offender i n trouble was supported. L i s t e r ' s (1982) research also suggested that victims want to help, not hurt the offender. Secondarv Purpose of t h i s Research Project Meta-ethical Issues The secondary purpose of t h i s research project was to understand c h i l d molesters' strategies for reasoning out e t h i c a l issues. The data from the f i r s t meta-ethical task, personal continuum, p a r t i a l l y supported the hypotheses. The high-treatment group did reason at more complex le v e l s than low-treatment group. If the suggestions of Reckless, D i n i t z , and Kay (1957), as well as Reckless and Dinitz (1967), are correct one would expect the high-treatment offenders to have a stronger inner s e l f that could " i n s u l a t e " them from "adverse environments." Since the c h i l d molesters' s e l f concepts were evaluated as an o v e r a l l formation, rather than i n subsections of performance, findings may generalize across areas. (Thus the same r e s t r i c t i o n s on Vicary and Good's, 1983, treatment program may not apply here.) To apply these findings, treatment programs need to be developed that focus on the formation of the c h i l d molester's concept of s e l f , while evaluating the r e s u l t s empirically. The data from the second meta-ethical task d i d not support eit h e r of the o r i g i n a l hypotheses. Instead of a continuum, the data described d i f f e r e n t types of strategies for the ske p t i c a l doubt task. The high-treatment group took a subjective, rather than dogmatic approach to the dilemmas. While the low-treatment group used more dogmatic strategies to the dilemmas. Although most offenders increased t h e i r performance on the Child Abuse dilemma, the movement was from a defended r e a l i s t ' s p o s i t i o n to a dogmatic p o s i t i o n . Note that t h i s i s the same l e v e l of reasoning the majority of offenders used i n the low-treatment group. A treatment program involving s o c i a l interactions between c h i l d molesters could be used to challenge t h e i r strategies when confronted with c o n f l i c t i n g information. A subjective approach to problem solving should be emphasized, since dogmatic positions may break-down once the offender i s away from a highly structured environment. The emphasis should be on the development of f l e x i b l e meta-ethical reasoning strategies. Normative E t h i c a l Issues Although past researchers suggested that low l e v e l s of moral reasoning were common i n criminal populations, Thornton and Reid (1982) found l e v e l s of moral reasoning varied across types of offenders. Moran (1987) and MacPhail (1989) observed that sex offenders have a r e l a t i v e l y high l e v e l of moral reasoning, but did not apply t h e i r knowledge. This could r e f l e c t a lack of motivation, or a b i l i t y . For t h i s project i t was hypothesized that c h i l d molesters would demonstrate t h i s inconsistency with a gap between scores on the hypothetical and r e a l - l i f e dilemmas. The data supported t h i s p rediction. This finding raises a t h e o r e t i c a l issue for Kohlberg's theory, regarding the structure c r i t e r i o n ( i . e . , i ndividuals would not be expected to use d i f f e r e n t forms of reasoning across contexts). Although there was a gap i n scores between the two types of dilemmas, there was a moderate c o r r e l a t i o n (r=.52) between the weighted average scores and 74% of the global stage scores were at the same or adjacent l e v e l s of reasoning. Thus there i s support f o r Kohlberg's structure c r i t e r i o n . An additional f i n d i n g was that the i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders i n the high-treatment group scored at a less advanced l e v e l than the i n t r a -f a m i l i a l offenders i n the low-treatment group on the r e a l -l i f e dilemma. A couple of t h e o r e t i c a l explanations may account f o r t h i s finding. Taking Marshall's perspective, i t could be theorized that these men have too high moral expectations for t h e i r a b i l i t y to inte r a c t s o c i a l l y . A second explanation i s that these men are not motivated to act morally. They are men without a conscience (Cleckley, 1982) . Future research i s needed to evaluate i n t r a - f a m i l i a l offenders who have received treatment, as they may be a serious threat to themselves and others. Limitations of t h i s Research Project The f i r s t major l i m i t a t i o n of t h i s project was the small sample s i z e consisting of convicted male sex offenders from a medium security prison. Although the interviews were in-depth, with a small sample siz e the information must be evaluated cautiously. As well, i t i s unknown how descriptive t h i s information i s of other populations that sexually abuse children. For instance, c h i l d molesters who have never been convicted of an offence may be fundamentally d i f f e r e n t from c h i l d molesters who have been incarcerated for an offence. Likewise, these data describe male, not female c h i l d molesters. Female offenders who commit the same type of offences against children may develop a l t e r n a t i v e strategies, e s p e c i a l l y i f t h e i r motivation for committing the offence i s d i f f e r e n t from males. F i n a l l y , i t i s unknown whether t h i s information generalizes to other prison populations. In t h i s project, the c h i l d molesters were re s i d i n g i n an i n s t i t u t i o n designated for sex offenders. Further research i s needed to compare t h e i r responses to other groups of c h i l d molesters. The second l i m i t a t i o n of t h i s study i s that a l l the data from t h i s project were obtained d i r e c t l y from c h i l d molesters through an interview conducted by a female researcher. I t i s the c h i l d molester's perspective being discussed, not the victim's. However, before the interview most molesters granted the researcher access to t h e i r f i l e s . This may have discouraged them from minimizing or denying t h e i r offences. The next point to be considered i s the sex of the researcher. Being interviewed by a female researcher may have been an i n i t i a l cause for concern by the c h i l d molesters (e.g.. Can a woman understand a man's sex drive?). However, by the end of the interview many offenders stated they f e l t more comfortable being interviewed by a woman than a man. To address these l i m i t a t i o n s , a f i l e study could be undertaken to compare the information obtained from the interview to the sex offenders' statements i n t h e i r f i l e s . Both types of information could be compared to vi c t i m statements. As well, the judges' comments and reasons for sentencing could be compared to the information provided by the sex offenders and victims. This would provide a more complete understanding of the events that occurred. The t h i r d l i m i t a t i o n of t h i s project i s that Marshall's theory, which appears to explain why and how c h i l d molesters abuse childr e n cannot be adequately tested without using attachment measures. Such measures have been designed by p s y c h i a t r i s t s and developmental psychologists. From a p s y c h i a t r i c perspective. C a l l (1984) described normal attachment from b i r t h to three years using seven stages. Developmental psychologists have used Ainsworth's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system (A=insecure-avoidant, B=secure, and C=insecure-ambivalent/resistant). Using t h i s system researchers (Egeland & Sroufe, 1981; Crittenden, 1981) have found that p h y s i c a l l y abused infants frequently display insecure-avoidant behaviors, and neglected infants display insecure-ambivalent/resistant behaviors. (There i s v i r t u a l l y no research addressing the e f f e c t s of sexual abuse on attachment formation.) Main and colleagues are extending t h i s research by establishing a D category for not-c l a s s i f i a b l e attachment behaviors, which can be broken down into subcategories. This approach i s e s s e n t i a l , as maltreated infants are not only at r i s k s o c i a l l y , they may have problems developing a po s i t i v e self-concept (Schneider-Rosen & C i c c h e t t i , 1984). According to Houck and King (1989), the long-term effects of maltreatment include psychopathologies, or c r i m i n a l i t y . Major l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s project are now evident, however, there were advantages to t h i s approach. The i n -depth personal interviews with c h i l d molesters provided an enormous amount of information. By examining t h e i r statements i t appears that c h i l d molesters are t r y i n g to meet t h e i r own needs by sexually abusing children. This may account for why and how children are sexually abused. These offenders require treatment to cease v i c t i m i z i n g themselves and innocent children. According to the present findings, treatment programs designed to emphasize meta-ethical reasoning appear promising. However, programs designed to increase moral reasoning ( i . e . , normative ethics) may be b e n e f i c i a l f o r some, but detrimental for other sex offenders. 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Interviewing children i n sexual abuse cases. In G. Goodman & B. Bottoms ( Eds. ) , Understandincf and improving children's testimony; C l i n i c a l , developmental and l e g a l implications. New York; Guilford Press. THE OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS OF TERMS FOR THE UNSTRUCTURED INTERVIEW 1. ) Selection a. ) Selection refers to the c h i l d molester's decision to chose a p a r t i c u l a r c h i l d f o r a sexual partner. Consideration w i l l be given to whether t h i s decision i s based on the v u l n e r a b i l i t y of the c h i l d . b. ) Selection variables pertaining to the c h i l d include: age, sex, parents ( b i o l o g i c a l , step, adopted, or f o s t e r ) , relationships (parents, peers), and performance ( a t h l e t i c , school). 2. ) Seduction a. ) This i s defined as the c h i l d molester's pattern of behavior to i n s t i g a t e sexual contact i n the re l a t i o n s h i p . This might occur i n i t i a l l y by choice of occupation, or other a c t i v i t i e s . I t also r e f e r s to the actual process of l u r i n g and d i s i n h i b i t i n g the c h i l d . b. ) Seduction variables pertaining to the offender's status include occupation (e.g., teacher), a c t i v i t i e s (e.g., sports coach). Seduction variables pertaining to the actual process include bribery (e.g., buying g i f t s ) , coercion (e.g., exposure to pornography), or force (e.g., use of physical strength). 3. ) S i l e n c i n g a. ) The range of methods used by the c h i l d molester to silence the c h i l d w i l l be considered i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to effectiveness over time. The question i s examined i n two ways: a c t i v i t i e s that maintain silence are compared to a c t i v i t i e s that break the silence. b. ) Silencing variables apply to discussions (e.g., "I wish we could t e l l " ) , techniques to i n s t i l l g u i l t (e.g., "I would go to j a i l " ) , or embarrassment (e.g., "Your friends would c a l l you gay."), and blackmail (e.g., releasing photographs of the c h i l d engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s ) . Suspicions by s i g n i f i c a n t others w i l l be considered. 4.) Sexual Acts a. ) Sexual acts pertain to any e r o t i c a c t i v i t i e s engaged i n by the c h i l d molester and c h i l d . b. ) Sexual acts include involvement with sexually e x p l i c i t materials; exposing genitals; fondling; o r a l , d i g i t a l , vaginal, or anal intercourse. A TYPOLOGY OF POSSIBLE CONTINUITY WARRANTS -STRUCTURAL WARRANTS-Level 1: Simple Inclusion Arguments Conception of Self The s e l f i s seen as a s t a t i c , composite c o l l e c t i o n or mosaic of juxtaposed attr i b u t e s . Change amounts to the simple addition or deletion of parts. Grounds of Continuity Claims A " s u f f i c i e n t " number of attributes c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of one's former s e l f are assumed to co-occur i n one's s e l f at the moment. Level 2: Typological Arguments Conception of Self The s e l f i s conceived of as a typologie space, each facet of which represents another side of one's f i x e d character. Change i s considered merely presentational and should be discounted as only apparent. Grounds of Continuity Claims Facets of one's character are sometimes ecli p s e d from view but, although hidden, remain as fixed features of the architecture of the s e l f . Level 3; E s s e n t i a l i s t Arguments Conception of Self The s e l f i s conceived of as a h i e r a r c h i c a l i z e d system governed by deep ly i n g e s s e n t i a l attributes. Change i s considered phenotypic, only occurring i n surface a t t r i b u t e s , but not i n the essential core of s e l f . Grounds of Continuity Claims Phenotypic changes are r a t i o n a l i z e d as a l t e r n a t i v e manifestations or paraphrases of a common, unchanging e s s e n t i a l core of one's i d e n t i t y . Level 4 : Foundational Arguments Conception of Self The s e l f i s understood as a network of r e l a t i o n s of implicative mediation tying the present to i t s ancestral past. Changes may be st r u c t u r a l but are seen to constitute the conditions of s a t i s f a c t i o n of a determining past. Grounds of Continuity Claims The novel aspects of the person one has become are seen to be coherently connected to the person one once was because i t would be l o g i c a l l y impossible to become the l a t t e r without previously having been the former. Level 5; Narrative Arguments Conception of Self The s e l f i s conceived of as an autobiographical or narrative centre of gravity. Changes may be s t r u c t u r a l and these s t r u c t u r a l changes are matched by changing constructions of the narrative meaning of the s e l f . Grounds of Continuity Claims The narrative that constitutes one's autobiographical s e l f i s counted as continuous so long as i t makes possible a coherent and followable network of interprétable connections. STRATEGIES FOR DEALING WITH NASCENT SKEPTICAL DOUBT Level 1: Defended Realism C r i t e r i o n for Knowledge Claim Absolute Certainty Explanation of Divergent Views Personal biases and vested interests block the sort of o b j e c t i v i t y that would lead to a consensus of trut h . Response to d i v e r s i t y Search for disinterested t h i r d party who can obje c t i v e l y a r b i t r a t e truth claims. Level 2; Dogmatism/Skepticism C r i t e r i o n for Knowledge Claim Absolute Certainty Explanation of Divergent Views Knowledge claims are inherently subjective and amount to no more than personal opinions which can not be evaluated r a t i o n a l l y . Response to d i v e r s i t y (D) Search out some extra-personal source of objective truth or (S) r e j e c t a l l r a t i o n a l c r i t e r i a and r e l y , instead, upon non-cognitive decision making str a t e g i e s . Level 3 ; Post-Skeptical Rationalism C r i t e r i o n for Knowledge Claim Relative Certainty Explanation of Divergent Views Knowledge claims are inherently subjective but standards of judgment can be found by which to evaluate such r a t i o n a l l y based truth claims. Response to d i v e r s i t y Search for r a t i o n a l c r i t e r i a by which to choose between one truth claim and another. SIX STAGES OF MORAL JUDGMENT Level 1; Preconventional; Stage 1. Heteronomous morality What i s r i g h t To avoid breaking rules backed by punishment, obedience for i t s own sake, and avoiding physical damage to persons and property. Reasons for doing r i g h t Avoidance of punishment and the superior power of authorities Sociomoral perspective of stage Egocentric point of view. Doesn't consider the intere s t of others or recognize that they d i f f e r from the actor's, doesn't r e l a t e two points of view. Actions are considered p h y s i c a l l y rather than i n terms of psychological interests of others. Confusion of authority's perspective with one's own. Stage 2. Individualism, instrumental purpose, and exchange What i s r i g h t Following rules only when i t i s to someone's immediate i n t e r e s t ; acting to meet one's own interests and needs and l e t t i n g others do the same. Right i s also what's f a i r , what's an equal exchange, a deal, an agreement. Reasons for doing r i g h t To serve one's own needs or i n t e r e s t s i n a world where you have to recognize that other people have t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , too. Sociomoral perspective of stage Concrete i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c perspective. Aware that everybody has h i s own interests to pursue and these c o n f l i c t , so that r i g h t i s r e l a t i v e (in the concrete i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c sense). Level 2: Conventional; Stage 3. Mutual interpersonal expectations. relationships, and interpersonal conformity What i s r i g h t Living up to what i s expected by people close to you or what people generally expect of people i n your r o l e as son, brother, friend, etc. "Being good" i s important and means having good motives, showing concern about others. I t also means keeping mutual r e l a t i o n s h i p s , such as t r u s t , loyalty, respect, and gratitude. Reasons for doing r i g h t The need to be a good person i n your own eyes and those of others. Your caring for others. B e l i e f i n the Golden Rule. Desire to maintain rules and authority which support ste r e o t y p i c a l good behavior. Sociomoral perspective of stage Perspective of the i n d i v i d u a l i n relationships with other i n d i v i d u a l s . Aware of shared feelings, agreements, and expectations which take primacy over ind i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s . Relates points of view through the concrete Golden Rule, putting yourself i n the other guy's shoes. Does not yet consider generalized system perspective. Stage 4. Social system and conscience What i s r i g h t F u l f i l l i n g the actual duties to which you have agreed. Laws are to be upheld except i n extreme cases where they c o n f l i c t with other fixed s o c i a l duties. Right i s also contributing to society, the group, or i n s t i t u t i o n . Reasons for doing r i g h t To keep the i n s t i t u t i o n going as a whole, to avoid the breakdown i n the system " i f everyone did i t , " or the imperative of conscience to meet one's defined obligations. Sociomoral perspective of stage Di f f e r e n t i a t e s s o c i e t a l point of view from interpersonal agreement or motives. Takes the point of view of the system that defines roles and r u l e s . Considers in d i v i d u a l r e lations i n terms of place i n the system. Level 3; Postconventional or pr i n c i p l e d : Stage 5. Social contract or u t i l i t y and ind i v i d u a l rights What i s r i g h t Being aware that people hold a var i e t y of values and opinions, that most values and rules are r e l a t i v e to your group. These r e l a t i v e rules should usually be upheld, however, i n the i n t e r e s t of im p a r t i a l i t y and because they are the s o c i a l contract. Some nonrelative values and r i g h t s l i k e l i f e and l i b e r t y , however, must be upheld i n any society and regardless of majority opinion. Reasons for doing r i g h t A sense of obligation to law because of one's s o c i a l contract to make and abide by laws for the welfare of a l l and for the protection of a l l people's r i g h t s . A fe e l i n g of contractual commitment, fr e e l y entered upon, to family, friendship, t r u s t and work obligations. Concern that laws and duties be based on ra t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n of o v e r a l l u t i l i t y , "the greatest good for the greatest number." Sociomoral perspective of stage Prior-to-society perspective. Perspective of a r a t i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l aware of values and r i g h t s p r i o r to s o c i a l attachments and contracts. Integrates perspectives by formal mechanisms of agreement, contract, objective i m p a r t i a l i t y , and due process. Considers moral and le g a l points of view; recognizes that they sometimes c o n f l i c t and finds i t d i f f i c u l t to integrate them. Stage 6. Universal e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s What i s ri g h t Following self-chosen e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s . P a r t i c u l a r laws of s o c i a l agreements are usually v a l i d because they re s t on such p r i n c i p l e s . When laws v i o l a t e these p r i n c i p l e s , one acts i n accordance with the p r i n c i p l e . P r i n c i p l e s are universal p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e : the equality of human r i g h t s and respect for the dig n i t y of human beings as individual persons. Reasons for doing r i g h t The b e l i e f as a r a t i o n a l person i n the v a l i d i t y of universal moral p r i n c i p l e s , and a sense of personal commitment to them. Sociomoral perspective of stage Perspective of a moral point of view from which s o c i a l arrangements derive. Perspective i s that of any r a t i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l recognizing the nature of morality or the fact that persons are ends i n themselves and must be treated as such. TABLE 5: LEVEL OF REASONING BY TREATMENT: PERSONAL CONTINUUM Level of Reasoning Subjects by treatment group 1. Simple Inclusion 2. Typological 3. E s s e n t i a l i s t 4. Foundational High-treatment (n=10) 1 (10%) 9 (90%) Low-treatment (n=9) 5 (56%) 4 (44%) TABLE 6: LEVEL OF REASONING BY TREATMENT: SKEPTICAL DOUBT Level of Reasoning Subjects by treatment group Dogmatic Subjective High-treatment (n=9) 1 (11%) 8 (89%) Low-treatment (n=8) 5 (62.5%) 3 (37.5%) APPENDIX A UNSTRUCTURED INTERVIEW Thank-you for agreeing to pa r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s project. Before we begin, I would l i k e you to know that the information discussed during t h i s interview i s c o n f i d e n t i a l , but please do not disclose information i d e n t i f y i n g a p a r t i c u l a r c h i l d (e.g., t h e i r name, address, e t c . ) . We make t h i s request to maintain c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y for the c h i l d and for your protection (e.g., against future prosecution). Any comments acc i d e n t a l l y made w i l l be removed when t r a n s c r i b i n g the tape. Also, for your protection the information disclosed w i l l be coded with an I.D. number, not your name. An independent f i l e r e l a t i n g your name to the I.D. number w i l l be kept separately, then destroyed upon completion of t h i s project. The goal of t h i s project i s to understand the various ways adults r e l a t e to children that could lead to sexual a c t i v i t i e s . This information i s needed so that we may deal more e f f e c t i v e l y with a l l types of children. To accomplish t h i s task, we need your assistance i n describing the a c t i v i t i e s that have taken place. For instance, what sort of c h i l d d i d you become involved with? Why? How d i d the re l a t i o n s h i p come to the point of a sexual act? Was anyone else aware of the s i t u a t i o n while i t was occurring? During the interview, please do not hesitate to o f f e r a d d i t i o n a l comments, questions, or observations you believe are important. Backcrround Information a. Name Date of B i r t h b. Parents Bro/Sis (bio/step/adopt/fost/other) (no./sex/order) c. Level of Education Employment (no./type) d. Experience with criminal j u s t i c e system p r i o r to your l a t e s t charge. If yes, age/type of offense/charge/legal consequences (fine, probation, incarceration) 1. How long have you been at the Mountain Institute? What i s a t y p i c a l day l i k e at the I n s t i t u t e (e.g., discuss work, educational, or recreational f a c i l i t i e s ) ? 2. Please, describe yourself when you were a child? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... - s p e c i f i c questions, family (parents/bro-sis) s e l f - c o n t r o l (exhibiting/lacking) peers (same/opposite sex) school (affect/performance) 3. Can you describe what your parents were l i k e during your childhood? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... - s p e c i f i c questions, l i k e d (involvement/affect) d i s l i k e d (substance abuse) (physical/sexual abuse) 4. Can you r e c a l l your f i r s t memories of any sexual experiences when you were a child? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me more about.... - s p e c i f i c questions, sex education (parents/peers/school) 1st saw adult genitals of (same/opposite) sex sex play (males/females/group) parents' reaction 5. How would you describe yourself during adolescence? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... - s p e c i f i c questions, i d e n t i t y ( p o l i t i c a l / r e l i g i o u s ) i d e n t i t y (desired occupation) 6. Can you r e c a l l any memories of your sexual experiences, during adolescence? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... - s p e c i f i c questions, sexual dreams, fantasies, magazines 1st aroused or ejaculated socio-sexual behavior (dating, relating) (kissing, fondling, d i g i t a l / o r a l / a n a l sex, intercourse) 7. Can you describe any sexual urges or fantasies that you experienced i n the past? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... - s p e c i f i c questions, deviant urges or fantasies (children/violent) healthy urges or fantasies (adults/non-violent) 8. Now, can you describe any sexual urges or fantasies that you experienced within the past s i x months? - s p e c i f i c questions, deviant urges or fantasies (children/violent) healthy urges or fantasies (adults/non-violent) 9. Do you think you are sexually oriented towards children? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... - s p e c i f i c questions, a. If yes, how many children have you been involved with? males/females preferred age range physical a t t r i b u t e s psychological a t t r i b u t e s b. If no, how would you describe your r e l a t i o n s h i p to children? 10. Can you describe your f i r s t sexual experience with a child? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Who, when, where, and what." - s p e c i f i c questions, (SELECTION) -c h i l d ' s : age sex parents (bio, step, adopted, foster) relationships (parents/peers) performance (athletic/school) (SEDUCTION) -inmate's: occupation at that time interactions with c h i l d r e n method (bribery, coercion, force) (SEXUAL ACTS) -c / i / b : e x p l i c i t materials - c / i / b : exposure - c / i / b : fondling - c / i / b : o r a l - c / i / b : d i g i t a l penetration - c / i / b : vaginal/anal penetration - c / i / b : other (SILENCING) - c h i l d : discussions -inmate: discussions g u i l t induced embarrassment blackmail -others: suspicions (How many times have your t o l d t h i s story? Who did you t e l l i t to? How many times have you thought about t h i s event? Do you do anything when thinking about t h i s event?) 11. Can you describe a sexual experience with a c h i l d , during your 20's, 30's,...? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Who, when, where, and what." - s p e c i f i c questions, (SELECTION) -c h i l d ' s : age sex parents (bio, step, adopted, foster) relationships (parents/peers) performance (athletic/school) (SEDUCTION) -inmate's: occupation at that time interactions with c h i l d r e n method (bribery, coercion, force) (SEXUAL ACTS) - c / i / b : e x p l i c i t materials - c / i / b : exposure - c / i / b : fondling - c / i / b : o r a l - c / i / b : d i g i t a l penetration - c / i / b : vaginal/anal penetration - c / i / b : other (SILENCING) - c h i l d : discussions -inmate: discussions g u i l t induced embarra s sment blackmail -others: suspicions (How many times have your t o l d t h i s story? Who did you t e l l i t to? How many times have you thought about t h i s event? Do you do anything when thinking about t h i s event?) 12. T e l l me about your l a s t sexual experience with a c h i l d , -free narrative -opening question phase, "Who, when, where, and what." - s p e c i f i c questions, (SELECTION) -c h i l d ' s : age sex parents (bio, step, adopted, foster) relationships (parents/peers) performance (athletic/school) (SEDUCTION) -inmate's: occupation at that time interactions with c h i l d r e n method (bribery, coercion, force) (SEXUAL ACTS) -c / i / b : e x p l i c i t materials - c / i / b : exposure - c / i / b : fondling - c / i / b : o r a l - c / i / b : d i g i t a l penetration - c / i / b : vaginal/anal penetration - c / i / b : other (SILENCING) - c h i l d : discussions -inmate: discussions g u i l t induced embarrassment blackmail -others: suspicions (How many times have your t o l d t h i s story? Who did you t e l l i t to? How many times have you thought about t h i s event? Do you do anything when thinking about t h i s event?) 13. Overall would you describe your re l a t i o n s h i p s with c h i l d r e n as primarily the same, or did the r e l a t i o n s h i p s vary? (If so, how?) -free narrative -opening question phase, "Who, when, where, and what." - s p e c i f i c questions, -one night stands -long-term (mo.'s, yrs.) -group sex (more than 1 adult more than 1 child) -intimate/romantic/playful 14. Could you describe the events that led up to being convicted of c h i l d sexual abuse? (Offender may not describe a p a r t i c u l a r child.) -free narrative -opening question phase, "Who, when, where, and what." - s p e c i f i c questions, (SELECTION) -c h i l d ' s : age sex parents (bio, step, adopted, foster) relationships (parents/peers) performance (athletic/school) (SEDUCTION) -inmate's: occupation at that time interactions with c h i l d r e n process that led up to accusation (SILENCING-REASONS FOR ACCUSATIONS) - c h i l d : discussions -inmate: discussions -others: suspicions (SEXUAL ACTS) -c / i / b : e x p l i c i t materials - c / i / b : exposure - c / i / b : fondling - c / i / b : oral - c / i / b : d i g i t a l penetration - c / i / b : vaginal/anal penetration (How many times have your t o l d t h i s story? Who did you t e l l i t to? How many times have you thought about t h i s event? Do you do anything when thinking about t h i s event?) 15. Were you ever involved i n other types of sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... "Who, when, where, and what." - s p e c i f i c questions, home photography/videos commercial pornography pedophilic organizations c h i l d p r o s t i t u t i o n 16. Can you describe other sexual experiences you have had that did not involve children? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... "Who, when, where, and what." - s p e c i f i c questions, heterosexual (married, yrs./children) bisexual homosexual 17. Were there any personal benefits or consequences for engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with a child? (How did you benefit...What were the consequences...) -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about... - s p e c i f i c questions, attention-affection self-esteem (increase/decrease) relationship (father figure/peer) reactions (family/friends) 18. Through-out your l i f e , what have been the l e g a l ramifications of engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children? -free narrative -opening question phase, "Who, when, where, and what." - s p e c i f i c questions, charges legal consequences (f ine/probation/incarceration) 19a. Were you p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n any treatment programs before you came to the Mountain Institution? - I f yes, could you describe the program? - I f yes, how long did you p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s program? 19b. Have you participated i n any treatment programs at the Mountain Institute? - I f yes, could you describe the program? - I f yes, how long have you participated i n t h i s program? 20. How do you view your future? (The purpose of t h i s question i s to end the interview on a p o s i t i v e note.) -free narrative -opening question phase, "Can you t e l l me any more about.... - s p e c i f i c questions, how much longer l i v i n g arrangements work APPENDIX B PERSONAL IDENTITY INTERVIEW Now I am going to show you some comics that deal with a famous l i t e r a r y character. I would l i k e to go over these c a r e f u l l y with you and when we have fi n i s h e d I am going to ask you some questions about what we have seen. I am e s p e c i a l l y interested i n how you understand the changes that happen to the main character i n t h i s story, so pay s p e c i a l attention to the way that t h i s character i s shown to change. (Read i l l u s t r a t e d booklet.) Now that you've heard/read the story of Jean Valjean, I'd l i k e to ask you some questions about him. There are no ri g h t or wrong answers. However, t r y to give as many answers as possible to the following questions: 1. How would you describe Valjean at the beginning of the story? 2. How was Valjean d i f f e r e n t at the end of the story? 3. Are there other ways Valjean might be d i f f e r e n t at the end of the story? 4. In summary then, how would you say he has changed? Those are a l l important ways he has changed, but remember that he also (was a t h i e f and a troublemaker at the beginning of the story) (was kind and generous at the end of the story) (went out of h i s way to help others at the end of the story). 5. Even though there were a l o t of these changes, what i s i t that makes Valjean the same person throughout the story? (Assuming that only a l i s t of s i m i l a r i t i e s i s offered) You are r i g h t - those are important ways that Valjean i s the same, but the other changes that we talked about s t i l l took place. Given a l l of these important differences, one must s t i l l decide what i t i s that continues to make Valjean one and the same person. What do you think makes him the same person? 6. (Survival test) If Valjean did not have the same ^ ^ ^ ^ would he s t i l l be the same person at the end of the story? (Use a number of items previously stated.) 7. What i s i t that makes him the same person through out the story? 8. Does Valjean think he i s the same person - that i s , when he remembers the person he was i n the beginning, does he f e e l that those things happened to the person he now takes himself to be? 9. How might Valjean explain to someone else that the same person could act i n a l l of the d i f f e r e n t ways that he acted throughout the story? We have been discussing changes i n the l i f e of a l i t e r a r y character - Jean Valjean - and my questions have been about how t h i s character can be understood to be the same person despite the fa c t that he went through a number of important changes i n the course of the story. Now, I want to ask some sim i l a r questions about you and your l i f e . 1. F i r s t , I would l i k e you to t e l l me the most important ways that you f e e l that you have changed i n the l a s t f i f t e e n years. How are you d i f f e r e n t than you used to be? 2. Are there other important changes you could mention? Great - those are obviously very important changes. 3. In addition, I imagine that some of your b e l i e f s are d i f f e r e n t from those that you held f i f t e e n years ago. Can you name some of these? 4. How about your attitudes toward things? Have you changed any of your attitudes or opinions over the l a s t f i f t e e n years? Great. We now have a long l i s t of changes that you f e e l have taken place i n your own l i f e . In a l l the ways that you have mentioned you are now very d i f f e r e n t than you were f i f t e e n years ago. S t i l l , a l l of these changes have taken place i n your l i f e and have happened to you. Like Valjean, the story you have t o l d me about your l i f e i s a story about one person. 5. What I now want you to explain i s why you think you are the same person that you were f i f t e e n years ago. What makes you the same person? 6. Given a l l of the changes you l i s t e d before, how can you say you are the same person? 7. What would you say to someone who pointed to a l l of the changes i n your l i f e and claimed that i t would be better to think of the person you are now and the person you were f i f t e e n years ago as two d i f f e r e n t people? 8. Think about a person i n a sim i l a r s i t u a t i o n and a l l the ways that you and he are a l i k e . In many ways you are probably more l i k e t h i s person r i g h t now than you are l i k e the person you were f i f t e e n years ago. Why do you say that you are s t i l l the same person, but that t h i s other person i s d i f f e r e n t from you? APPENDIX C NASCENT SKEPTICAL DOUBT INTERVIEW Introduction of task: North L i v i a and South L i v i a are two small countries that existed i n the nineteenth century i n central Asia. During the l a t t e r part of the century, there were a series of c o n f l i c t s between the two countries, termed the L i v i a n wars. The following are two b r i e f accounts of the F i f t h L i v i a n War, which took place i n 1878. (The interviewer reads both of the accounts o r a l l y , as the p a r t i c i p a n t follows with printed copies.) (Counterbalance the presentations.) A B r i e f Account of the F i f t h L i v i a n War by Abdul Holleanius National Historian of North L i v i a During a period set aside i n North L i v i a to honor one of t h e i r national leaders, the memorial ceremonies were interrupted by a sneak attack from the South Livians, beginning the F i f t h L i v i a n War. Because the North Livians were caught by surprise, they were unprepared at f i r s t and the South Livians won a few early skirmishes. But then the t i d e turned heavily i n favor of the North Livians. Before the North Livians could reach a f i n a l v i c t o r y , however, a neighboring large country intervened to prevent further bloodshed. Despite t h e i r early setbacks, the l a t e r sweeping v i c t o r i e s of the North Livians showed conclusively that they would have won, had the f i g h t i n g continued. As a r e s u l t of t h i s , the North Livians proved once again t h e i r m i l i t a r y s u p e r i o r i t y . Because of t h i s , the South Livians showed a new respect for the North Livians, and the South Livians f i n a l l y recognized that anything they gained from the North Livians would have to be worked out through peaceful negotiation. Thus ended the L i v i a n Wars. A Brief Account of the F i f t h L i v i a n War by Ibn Khaldoun National Historian of South L i v i a In the Fourth L i v i a n War, North L i v i a beat South L i v i a badly, took some of i t s land and refused to leave. When South L i v i a could no longer tole r a t e t h i s s i t u a t i o n , the F i f t h L i v i a n War began. The war took place with rapid, dramatic v i c t o r i e s f or South L i v i a , r e s u l t i n g i n great national celebration. After these dramatic v i c t o r i e s , the South Livia n s suffered some minor reverses. But, then, a neighboring large country intervened to prevent further bloodshed. Despite t h e i r l a t e r setbacks, the ultimate v i c t o r y of South L i v i a seemed assured because of i t s o v e r a l l p o s i t i o n of strength. As a r e s u l t of t h i s war, the South Livia n s f e l t a new self-respect. They had always f e l t embarrassed by t h e i r previous defeats, but now they had proven they were the equals of the North Livians on the b a t t l e f i e l d . Because the South Livians had achieved m i l i t a r y respect, they were w i l l i n g to work out future differences through peaceful negotiation, thus ending the L i v i a n Wars. Ask the pa r t i c i p a n t to "describe i n your own words what the F i f t h L i v i a n War was about and what happened." S p e c i f i c questions: 1. Whose f a u l t was i t that t h i s war took place? Why do you say that? Are you sure, based on what you read? Is there any other way to look at i t ? 2. Who was v i c t o r i o u s i n t h i s war? Why do you say that? Are you sure, based on what you read? Is there any other way to look at i t ? 3. Why d i d the L i v i a n wars end? Are you sure, based on what you read? Is there any other way to look at i t ? 4. Are the two hi s t o r i a n s ' accounts of the war d i f f e r e n t i n any important ways? In what ways are they d i f f e r e n t ? 5. Could both of these h i s t o r i a n s ' accounts of the F i f t h L i v i a n War be right? [If no] Why not? [If yes] How can that be? NASCENT SKEPTICAL DOUBT INTERVIEW Introduction of task: Two Indian v i l l a g e s , Ninac and Irque, existed deep i n the forests of the Northern Appalachian Mountain Range i n the 17th century. In the fourth decade of that century explorers discovered these v i l l a g e s . They l i s t e n e d to the myth of creation handed down through the voices of the Shaman of each v i l l a g e . (The interviewer reads both of the accounts o r a l l y , as the p a r t i c i p a n t follows with a printed copy.) (Counterbalance the reports.) Modified from the Canadian Cataloguing i n Publication Data, 1985 The Voice of the Irque Shaman Describing the Myth of Creation In the time of Creation, Irque's protector was a young man who was c r i t i c i z e d by hi s s i s t e r for his sexual preference for young boys. When he could no longer stand these c r i t i c i s m s , he began to compete with h i s s i s t e r to see whose creations showed the most strength, and cleverness. The young man created with a passion. He placed the sun i n the heavens. Then ordered the birds i n the sky to scoop up mud to create the earth. He made a beautiful place on earth fo r the children of his t r i b e to l i v e . He looked at the chil d r e n playing sexually with adults. A messenger from the chil d r e n t o l d him they were happy and free. Exhausted, the young man rested to see what his s i s t e r would do. Before she had a chance to compete with her brother, the young woman was stopped by t h e i r parents. They said that no world should have to endure the tensions between s i b l i n g s r e f l e c t e d i n the suspension of the heavens surrounding the earth. Despite the young man's exhaustion, the Irque's protector demonstrated h i s great powers. He had always been embarrassed about his sexual preference for children, but now he had proven he was the equal to his s i s t e r . Because the young man had achieved his s i s t e r ' s admiration, he was w i l l i n g to discuss his t r i b e ' s sexual preferences for chi l d r e n with her, thus ending the tension. The Voice of the Ninac Shaman Describing the Myth of Creation Before the time of creation, a young man t r i e d to overpower hi s s i s t e r with grandiose projects. But the young woman, who i s the protector of the Ninac people, was not intimidated for long. When she became distressed and overwhelmed by h i s work, the time of Creation began. She balanced h i s sun with a moon she created f o r the night. Then she created the great oceans by taking the r a i n from the sky to balance the mud of the earth. A messenger from the chi l d r e n t o l d her that some children had been sexually abused by her brother's t r i b e . The children were frightened and unhappy. She hid the children i n a dense forest, so her brother could not f i n d them. Then, she rested. Her brother began his work again, but before she could re-balance the universe, her parents interceded to end the tensions i n the universe caused by t h e i r creations. Despite her i n a b i l i t y to complete t h i s task, i t was obvious that her works served to balance the universe. Therefore, she could not help f e e l i n g proud. She had always f e l t i n f e r i o r to her brother, but now she had proven she was h i s equal i n her a b i l i t y to create. Because she was now respected by her brother, he was w i l l i n g to l i s t e n to her reasons f o r avoiding sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children, t h i s ended the tension. Now that you have read the descriptions of creation by the two Shaman, I'd l i k e to ask you some questions about them. 1. F i r s t of a l l , on the basis of what you've read, t e l l me what these two Shaman said about the events that occurred. 2. Are the descriptions of the events by the two Shaman d i f f e r e n t i n any important ways? 3. Why do you think these two Shaman t o l d such d i f f e r e n t accounts of t h i s time period? 4. How could the young man and young woman end up having such d i f f e r e n t things to say about the issue of sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s with children? 5. Do you think that one of them has got the facts wrong? How important i s that to the disagreement? (Would that be important to the disagreement?) 6. I f the young man and young woman had exactly the same information about the children's reactions, might they s t i l l disagree? How i s that possible? (Why i s that not possible?) 7. I t sounds as though you're saying that people can view things i n any way that they want. Is that what you are saying? 8. What i f another person talked to the messenger and decided that adults should be able to have sex with a c h i l d even i f the c h i l d does not want to, would that be an okay opinion to have? Why (or why not)? 9. What i f a group of authorities reviewed the positions of the young man and young women, do you think that the s p e c i a l i s t might know what was best to do for the children? What makes you say that? 10. Is there a way of deciding which of the messenger's reports should be paid the most attention? Could you explain why you think that? 11. What sorts of things should be considered i n order to determine what i s best i n regard to adults engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t i e s with children? General Section 1. What i s i t about some situations (the L i v i a n War situation) that makes finding out or deciding what i s r i g h t or best so hard? 2. Is that true just for that s i t u a t i o n or i s i t generally true? That i s , was that just an unusual s i t u a t i o n , or are there a l o t of situations l i k e that i n l i f e and i n the world? 3. How should we approach these sorts of si t u a t i o n s , what should we do? How should we decide what to believe and what to do? 4. We could j u s t decide to go our own ways when we disagree but, as i n these situations, we often cannot do that. What then s h a l l we do? How do we decide what to think i n these sorts of situations? APPENDIX D MORAL JUDGMENT INTERVIEW Introduction: I am going to describe several situations to you that involve questions of morality. I would l i k e you to answer some questions about each of these si t u a t i o n s . In answering the questions, i t i s very important that you t e l l me not only what you think should be done or what you think i s r i g h t but also why you think i t i s r i g h t . Form B, Dilemma IV There was a woman who had very bad cancer, and there was no treatment known to medicine that would save her. Her doctor. Dr. Jefferson, knew that she had only about s i x months to l i v e . She was i n t e r r i b l e pain, but she was so weak that a good dose of a p a i n k i l l e r l i k e ether or morphine would make her die sooner. She was d e l i r i o u s and almost crazy with pain, and i n her calm periods she would ask Dr. Jefferson to give her enough ether to k i l l her. She said she couldn't stand the pain and she was going to die i n a few months anyway. Although he knows that mercy k i l l i n g i s against the law, the doctor thinks about granting her request. 1. Should Dr. Jefferson give her the drug that would make her die? l a . Why or why not? 3. Should the woman have the ri g h t to make the f i n a l decision? 3a. Why or why not? 4. The woman i s married. Should her husband have anything to do with the decision? 4a. Why or why not? 6. Is there any way a person has a duty or obl i g a t i o n to l i v e when he or she does not want to, when the person wants to commit suicide? 6a. Why or why not? 7. Does Dr. Jefferson have a duty or obl i g a t i o n to make the drug available to the woman? 7a. Why or why not? 8. When a pet animal i s badly wounded and w i l l die, i t i s k i l l e d to put i t out of i t s pain. Does the same thing apply here? 8a. Why or why not? 9. I t i s against the law for the doctor to give the woman the drug. Does that make i t morally wrong? 9a. Why or why not? 10. In general, should people t r y to do everything they can to obey the law? 10a. Why or why not? 10b. How does t h i s apply to what Dr. Jefferson should do? Form B, Dilemma IV' Dr. Jefferson did perform the mercy k i l l i n g by giving the woman the drug. Passing by at t h i s time was another doctor. Dr. Rogers, who knew the s i t u a t i o n Dr. Jefferson was i n . Dr. Rogers thought of t r y i n g to stop Dr. Jefferson, but the drug was already administered. Dr. Rogers wonders whether he should report Dr. Jefferson. 1. Should Dr. Rogers report Dr. Jefferson? l a . Why or why not? Dr. Jefferson did perform the mercy k i l l i n g by giving the woman the drug. However, another doctor saw Dr. Jefferson give the woman the drug and reported him. Dr. Jefferson i s brought to court and a jury i s selected. The jury's job i s to f i n d whether a person i s innocent or g u i l t y of committing a crime. The jury finds Dr. Jefferson g u i l t y . I t i s up to the judge to determine the sentence. 2. Should the judge give Dr. Jefferson some sentence, or should he suspend the sentence and l e t Dr. Jefferson go free? 2a. Why i s that best? 3. Thinking i n terms of society, should people who break the law be punished? 3a. Why or why not? 3b. How does t h i s apply to how the judge should decide? 4. The jury finds Dr. Jefferson l e g a l l y g u i l t y of murder. Would i t be wrong or ri g h t for the judge to give him the death sentence (a l e g a l l y possible punishment)? 4a. Why? 5. Is i t ever r i g h t to give the death sentence? Why or why not? What are the conditions when the death sentence should be given i n your opinion? Why are these conditions important? 6. Dr. Jefferson was doing what his conscience t o l d him when he gave the woman the drug. Should a lawbreaker be punished i f he i s acting out of conscience? 6a. Why or why not? Form A, Dilemma I Joe i s a fourteen-year-old boy who wanted to go to camp very much. His father promised him he could go i f he saved up the money for i t himself. So Joe worked hard at his paper route and saved up the $100 i t cost to go to camp and a l i t t l e more besides. But just before camp was going to s t a r t , h i s father changed his mind. Some of his friends decided to go on a special f i s h i n g t r i p , and Joe's father was short of the money i t would cost. So he t o l d Joe to give him the money he had saved from the paper route. Joe didn't want to give up going to camp, so he thinks of refusing to give h i s father the money. 1. Should Joe refuse to give his father the money? l a . Why or why not? (Dilemma related) 2. Does the father have the r i g h t to t e l l Joe to give him the money? 2a. Why or why not? (Dilemma related) 4. Is the fac t that Joe earned the money himself important in t h i s situation? 4a. Why or why not? (Issue centered) 5. The father promised Joe he could go to camp i f he earned the money. Is the fact that the father promised the most important thing i n the situation? 5a. Why or why not? (Issue centered) 6. In general, why should a promise be kept? (General issue) 7. Is i t important to keep a promise to someone you don't know well and probably won't see again? 7a. Why or why not? (General issue) 8. What do you think i s the most important thing a father should be concerned about i n h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p to h i s son? 8a. What i s the most important thing? (General issue) 9. In general, what should be the authority of a father over h i s son? (General issue) 9a. Why? 10. What do you think i s the most important thing a son should be concerned about i n h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p to h i s father? 10a. Why i s that the most important thing? (General issue) Personal Dilemma 1. In general, what makes something a moral problem for you, or what does the word "moral" mean to you? 2. [construction] At the Mountain I n s t i t u t e , have you ever been i n a si t u a t i o n where you had to make a decision about what was r i g h t but you weren't sure what to do? Have you ever had a moral c o n f l i c t ? Could you describe the situation? What was the c o n f l i c t f o r you i n that situation? What was at stake for you? 3. [resolution] In thinking about what to do, what d i d you consider? 4. [evaluation] Do you think i t was the r i g h t thing to do? How do you know? 

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