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Place names and the rediscovery of former landscapes in Izumo City and Hikawa Town, Japan Yamamoto, Midori 1992

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PLACE NAMES AND THE REDISCOVERY OF FORMER LANDSCAPES IN IZUMO CITY AND HIKAWA TOWN, JAPAN By MIDORI YAMAMOTO B.A., Ritsumeikan University, 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1 992 ©  Midori Yamamoto  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of  Geography  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE.6 (2/88)  7-3  I  ABSTRACT  Place names in Japan are closely connected to the land where they were named. Differences between Japan and the West regarding the concept of “what is named” are introduced, and universal characteristics of place names are reviewed. Some of the unique and complex characteristics of Japanese place names are also examined. In Japan, especially since early in the Meiji Period (1 808-1 912), many traditional place names have been lost, mainly due to attempts to reduce and simplify names through local government reform. In this thesis, an analysis is made of place names collected from land registration maps issued in 1889 in Izurno City and Hikawa Town, Shimane Prefecture, Japan. Ancient physical and historical landscapes are reconstructed by investigating the distribution patterns and etymologies of place names occurring in the research area. This research shows that place names are valuable messages from the past that tell us many physical and historical features about the land of the past.  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page  ABSTRACT  .  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  .  iii  LIST OF TABLES  iv  LIST OF FIGURES  v  LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS  I  viii  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS CHAPTER 1: 1-1. 1-2. 1-3.  1 1 4 7  INTRODUCTION The Objective of the Thesis and Research Methods What is a Place name 7 The Nature of Place Names  CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND OF JAPANESE PLACE NAMES 2-1. Special Characteristics of Japanese Place Names 2-2. Review of Research on Japanese Place Names  11 11 28  CHAPTER 3: THE PHYSICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF IZUMO REGION  36  CHAPTER 4: REVIEW OF PLACE NAMES IN IZUMO REGIONS 4-1. Review of Historical Place Names 4-2. Physical Place Names  49 49 55  CHAPTER 5: 5-1. 5-2. 5-3.  RECONSTRUCTING THE PAST BY USING PLACE NAMES Reconstruction of Historical Landscapes Yago--Names of Individual Households Reconstruction Of Former River Channels Using Place Names  .  .  .  67 67 85 88  CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  112  BIBLIOGRAPHY  115  III  LIST OF TABLES  Page  Table 2-1. Table 4-1. Table Table Table Table Table Table Table  4-2. 5-1. 5-2. 5-3. 5-4. 5-5. 5-6.  Chronology of Some Common Place Name Elements in Japan. List of Municipalities and Names of Gods Who Engaged in Reclaiming Land Place Names of the Fudoki Era and their Names Today List of Place Names in Kami-Agu Village List of Yago in Kami Agu Village List of River-Related Place Names List of Oki Place Names in Izumo City List of Kami, Naka, and Shimo Element Place Names List of Hara, Para, Bara Element Place and Subdivision Place Names .  iv  .  .  21 the 52 53 74 76 95 96 97 98  LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 2-1. Figure 2-2. Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure  2-3. 2-4. 2-5. 2-6. 3-1. 3-2. 3-3. 3-4.  Figure 3-5. Figure 3-6. Figure 4-1. Figure 4-2. Figure 4-3. Figure Figure Figure Figure  4-4. 4-5. 4-6. 4-7.  Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure  5-1. 5-2. 5-3. 5-4. 5-5. 5-6. 5-7. 5-8. 5-9. 5-10. 5-11. 5-12. 5-1 3.  Figure 5-14. Figure 5-15.  Model of Land Division Under the 12t1-System Place Names of Remnants of the Old .IQLI-System, Shiga Prefecture Model of Hierarchy of Administrative Divisions Example of Systematic Renaming of Koaza Example of Ainu-Origin Place Names Tsuru Place Names in Japan The Location of Shimane Prefecture in Japan The Location of Izumo City and Hikawa Town Altitudes in the lzumo Region The Location of Shrines, Temples, and Burial Mounds during the Fudoki Era--A.D. 733 The Location of Shrines and Temples during Unyo-shi Era--A.D. 1717 Distribution of Prehistoric Remains Land Registration Map of Shurimen Village Distribution of ]I (,..) and Yama (iJ-) Place Names in Izumo City Distribution of ]j (.) and Yama (ti.) Place Names in Hikawa Town Development of lzumo Plain Distribution of Prehistoric Remains in Izumo Region Distribution of Hara (*) and iaQ () Place Names in lzurno City and JaQ Place Names in Hikawa Distribution of Hara Town The Location of Agu District in Hikawa Town Political Map of lzumo during the Fudoki Era Kami-Agu Land Registration Map of Agu Village Simplified Map of Land Registration of Kami-Agu Distribution of Households by Type of Yago in Kami-Agu Distribution of River-related Place Names in Izumo City Distribution of River-related Place Names in Hikawa Town Geomorphology in the Izumo Plain Old Map of lzumo Plain--A.D. 650 (?) Districts in lzumo City Former River Channels and Shore Lines during the Fudoki Era . . Distribution of River-related Place Names in Tobigasu, Takaharna, Kawato, Yotsugane, and Takamatsu Districts in Izumo City Model of.QkI Place Names Distribution of Qici Place Names in Izumo City  (fl”)  v  22 23 24 25 26 27 40 41 42 43 44 45 59 60  .  61 62 63 64  .  65 77 78 79 80 81 82 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107  LIST OF FIGURES. Continued:  Page Figure 5-16. Chronological Occurrences of Place names in Various Documents Figure 5-17. Distribution of Place Names with Kami (), Naka (tv), or Shimo ( f. ) Elements Figure 5-18. Hara Q) and Subdivision Place Names Figure 5-19. Model of River Course Change and Subdivision Place Names .  vi  .  .  .  108 109 110 111  LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS Page Photograph Photograph Photograph Photograph Photograph Photograph  1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.  Izumo Plain, Looking Northward Pine Hedges on Izumo Plain Close-up of Pine Hedges Bronze Daggers Recovered at Koji-Dani Site in Hikawa Town Jhohira Yama Agu Shrine, Looking Southward  VII  .  .  46 47 48 66 83 84  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  I am deeply indebted to Professor Richard Copley, my thesis supervisor, for his encouragement, guidance, and support in the completion of this thesis. I also express my sincere thanks to my other committee member, Dr. David Edgington, for his insightful comments and inspiration. Special thanks are due Professor Masyoshi Kusaka of Tokushima Bunri University, and Mr. Mitsuaki Sugitani, Head of Hikawa Town Board of Education. Thanks are due Mr. and Mrs. Wang Yaolin for editing and drawing maps. I would also like to express my gratitude to my parents, Kosei and Toshie Yamamoto, and especially to my fiance, Joe Pidutti, for their continued encouragement and patience; without them, my thesis would not have been possible.  VIII  CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1-1.  The Objective of the Thesis and Research Methods  At some point in their lives, most individuals have pondered the names of places in the land in which they were born. Common to many of these deliberations is an interest in an area’s history and development. It is not unusual, then, that the history or origin of place names has become a topic of interest and conversation. It also comes as little surprise that as a field of study, place names attracts scholars from a variety of disciplines. Although many people in Japan show a deep interest in Place names, many traditional place names have been lost from official documents and even from common usage. This has happened in spite of the fact that many of these lost names were replete with more than a thousand year’s history and related messages of the land in their very names. Still, apart from famous temples or statues of Buddha, place names in Japan seem somehow destined to be treated without due respect, possibly because to the local people, they appear immaterial, or perhaps as a result of their familiarity; but in any case, “...traditional place names have been slaughtered  ...  it is becoming almost  impossible to return to the former state” (Tanigawa, 1988). Recent modernization, especially after the beginning of the Meiji Period until present time, has allowed Japan to make unparalleled economic progress and enjoy remarkable accomplishments. However, Japan’s modernization did not come without a price. Traditional customs, culture, language in Japan and so on inevitably are affected by modernization’s effect on traditional place names. Many traditional place names were erased mainly by consolidations of lower divisions of cities, towns, and villages during  2 the Meiji Period 1 and thereafter, after the World War Two when almost all Japanese cities had to be rebuilt. 2 The improvement of Address System Law, which was carried out in 1962, also led to the loss of many place names. The main purpose of the law was to improve the convenience of official procedures. To do this, many traditional names were replaced by numbers. Not only were place names changed, but also traditional areas or regions, such as villages or neighbourhoods, were divided or consolidated. Totally different areas emerged bearing old names, or sometimes completely new names were given (Tanigawa, 1988). The main objective of this thesis is to show that Japanese place names are extremely precious entities which are closely connected to the land and the people who inhabited it: They tell us about the land and the people of the past. Moreover, place names often are keys unlocking otherwise unknowable secrets regarding the historical and physical background of the land. In the first chapter, the concept and the general characteristics of the place names are identified and discussed.  In the second chapter, some special characteristics of  Japanese place names will be explained using actual examples. A review of research on Japanese place names conducted by various Japanese scholars will also be introduced ‘In modern times, three major consolidation projects were instigated in Japan: 1) in 1873-1877, 2) in April, 1889 and 3) in October 1953. The second project was particularly efficacious in reducing the numbers of cities, towns, and villages from a total of 71,314 in December 1888 to 15,859 in December 1889. This was conducted throughout the nation with the exception of Hokkaido and Okinawa. The objective of this project was to improve the administrative and financial foundations of each mu n I ci pa Ii ty. 2 C ities which were burned down carried out city reconstruction projects, building wider divisions of each spatial unit than had existed previously. Accordingly, many lower divisions were extinguished (Fujioka, 1 968).  3 and examined.  In the third chapter, the historical and physical background of the  particular region of study--the Izumo Region on the Japan Sea Coast of Honshu--will be introduced. In the fourth chapter, place names in the lzumo Region will be reviewed. In the fifth chapter, historical landscape and former river channel of the Izumo Region will be reconstructed using place names. Place names in the vicinity of Izumo City and Hikawa Town in Shimane Prefecture were chosen for special study for three major reasons: First, the area’s land formation was influenced by the presence of a river which significantly changed its course in the past, consequently affecting the physical landscape differently from time to time. Owing to the history of the physical landscape, there exist at once a unique mixture of both old and new areas. Second, the history of the people living in the area has been greatly influenced by the river, as will be expanded upon later. Third, there is a unique data source available, a geographical gazetteer of the middle eighth century, the Izumo Fudoki, explained more fully later, which and it chronicles the pre-modern landscape of this and other areas at that time. The writer’s field work in izumo and Hikawa was conducted over a period beginning in March, 1991 and terminating in May, 1992. One of the aims of the field work was to collect place names that are no longer in use. Most of the place names used in this thesis were collected from Chisekizu (or “land registration maps”), issued in 1889 and kept at the Izumo Regional Office of the Ministry of Justice, the City Municipal Office of lzumo, and the Town Municipal Office of Hikawa. 3 Most of the place names  3 C hisekizu is a map attached to land registration records. On this detailed map, each plot of land is drawn with an indication of land utilization and boundaries. This system has been in use since 1874 (Kuwabara, 1976).  4 in the land registration maps of 1889 have been left behind, discarded, destined to remain in dust-covered anonymity. Some pre-modern names were collected from Gokenchi-cho, published between the seventeenth and nineteen centuries: The writer  consulted a copy which is kept in the Hiroshima University Library. 4 Interviews were conducted with forty eight households in Kami-Agu Village in Hikawa Town, in order to find out if they had yago. Yago are household names, a peculiar Japanese kind of place names, which are discussed in Chapter Five. They are only known to household members and their neighbours. The writer, in the course of these interviews, learned that they all received their yago ten or twelve generations ago, and only a few of the older interviewees knew that some of the households derived their yago from nearby place names.  The writer also would like to make mention of the difficulties in proving and supporting the standard history of the area, drawing only from the ancient place names which were collected. Especially in modern times, many place names seem to have been whimsically modified for official convenience or otherwise. 1-2.  What is a Place name? What is a place name?  Simply speaking, it is a proper noun describing a  distinctive area of land. For many of the cases, place names describe some of the  Over one hundred land registration maps of the Izumo Region were collected for this research. The writer will not detail the name of each map in this thesis. 4 K enchi is a general term applied to cadastral surveys conducted in Japan, particularly from sixteenth century through the Edo Period (1600-1868). Kenchi-cho is the report of the survey. This survey report includes the area size, the name of cultivator or owner, the quality of paddy field, and sometimes the place names of cultivated land (Oishi, 1 980).  5 outstanding characteristics of the land precisely; e.g., Nagaharna (3ç) “Long beach.” In other cases, they relate to human interaction with the land; e.g., Kanda or Jinden  ) “Rice field contributing grain to the shrine.” Human beings need to  (  distinguish one area from another, and so names provide a linguistic frame of reference. As Stewart said: “No tribe has ever been discovered so primitive as to be without names, both for people and for places” (Stewart, 1 975).  After an area of land has been  perceived as being an entity separate and uniquely different from other places around it, it requires naming. The process of finding a name takes different forms in different times and places, and this process will be discussed later. In order to be recognized, remembered, and accepted by generation after generation as a place name, one may well assume that the name must accurately reflect the place. However, in fact, many place names that have survived for a long time have no meaning to the people who use them. It is also important to appreciate that the term “place name” itself has a different meaning in different places. G.F. Delaney’s definition of a geographical place name is at once concise and precise: may be regarded as a name A geographical place name given to a landscape feature, either natural or artificial, which by its presence, in more or less permanent form, constitutes a geographical reference (Delaney, 1 972). ...  He further points out that if reduced to absurdity, the name of a local bistro constitutes a point of geographic reference, adding that if such names do in fact constitute a point a geographic reference in the context of common use, they can be so described. Later,  6 in this context, Delaney offers The Chalk Pits or The Hoodoos as examples of names that share the characteristics of designating “things” as well as a “place” element (Delaney, 1 972). It may seem from this definition that, as Stewart points out, entities that are named must be regarded on two levels: the external physical level, and secondly, the internal psychological, or even philosophical level (Stewart, 1 975). Japanese scholars have failed to provide any distinction between natural and artificial landscape features. The word for place name in Japanese is chimei (i)  means “ground, soil, or place”; mei  (  (): chi  ), as used here, means “name.” The  concept and definition of chi merely as meaning ground is ambiguous. Saying that chi generally refers to land, soil, area, ground in general, may provide a clearer definition of the term. This definition, however, provides no clear understanding as to whether place names refer merely to the land, or to artificial structures built on the land, or to both occurring simultaneously. It was with this ambiguous meaning of the key term chimei that Japanese scholars approached place names, until K. Yamaguchi introduced Japanese scholars to the definition of a place name according to The Economical and Social Council of the United Nations: All the entities existing on the ground including artificial structures, physical entities such as mountains, rivers, lakes, cities , villages and traditional and vernacular names known widely among people at certain areas, are called geographical names overall. These geographical names can be classified into two groups: one group is called toponym “, or feature names, which refer to physical entities and/or geographical configurations; the other group is simply called a place name, referring to names of  7 the place where people inhabit or recognize (K. Yamaguchi, 1 974)5  In this latter case, Yamasuchi is apparently referring to names of buildings and settlements. Most of the place names in this thesis are the names of places where people inhabit. 1-3.  The Nature of Place Names  Place names possess some distinctive characteristics as place names no matter in which country they exist, and they often tell us hidden stories of the land they refer to. Some of these are ‘hidden stories’ that only yield their secret after careful analysis. In this chapter, the writer would like to describe common characteristics of place names. Presumably, place names originally were simple descriptions of the general characteristics of the land for which they were named. This is in agreement with the fact that in any given country, there are a high ratio of place names which simply reflect the natural landscape of the area they relate to (K.Kagami, 1974). The vast majority of these descriptive place names are, according to Aurousseau, compound names comprised of a “specific part” and a “generic part.” (Aurousseau, 1957) The generic refers to a particular class of geographical feature such as mountain, river, lake, city, and so on, while the specific is a modifying term which differentiates between entities of a similar generic. Thus Tokyo  (  ) “east capital” in Japan; Lake Tahoe in U.S.A.; or Ayers  Rock in Australia are all examples of this characteristic.  5 T his quotation, and all other quotations from Japanese sources found in this thesis, has been translated by this writer.  8 Another interesting characteristic of place names is, as Stewart asserts, that they exist in harmony with the usages of the local language. Stewart even speaks of place name grammar which, he says reflect “spirit of the language” (Stewart, 1 975). For example, English place name grammar allows the use of noun-noun construction, such as found in the name “Portsmouth.” More important for the present research, place names also reflect the spirit of the place. Place names often reflect the language spoken in the area at the time when they were named. This is shown by the fact that several distinctive dialects still survive in their place names (though not necessarily in common speech) and by the consistency of the distribution patterns of place names and dialects. K. Kagarni shows that distribution of Japanese place name term toge  () “mountain pass” fits a particular Japanese dialect  region (K. Kagami, 1952). Another common property of place names is that they indicate certain socioeconomic or sociocultural phenomena such as: reclamation of land, land ownership, religion, historical events and so on (Ekwall, 1960). The nature of the people inhabiting the land manifests itself in the giving, maintaining, or shifting of the place names. Stewart maintains: Among a people with a culture dominated by religion, as in India, the place names will be largely religious. Among peoples with a strong sense of personal property, like the Angles and the Saxons, many names will be those of landowners. A people with a strong sense of the past like the Maoris, give names based on incident (Stewart, 1 975). ...  9 Recently, in Japan, as in other countries, people have started naming areas after some desirous future or a fictitious talisman, or simply because the name sounds beautiful. These “dream” names appear to have no physical, cultural, or historical relationship between the names and the land to which they are applied. Quite a few names of this type have recently emerged in  new residential areas in Japan, for  example, a map of Ube City in Yamaguchi Prefecture now indicates, among other names, Rainbow Town, Swan Market, Hope Town, New Heaven Town, Sun Park, Sunshine Town, and Pelican Village. In spite of this recent trend, it is seen that few names which have widely divergent images from the land and the culture they pertained to survive, as place names have to be recognizable and acceptable by people through generations (Yanagida, 1933). Finally, possibly the most significant characteristic of place names is that they have the tendency to change through time. The Japanese geographer K. Yamaguchi describes this phenomenon using his own term “reincarnation of place names”, and explains it as follows: The distribution of place names at present should be understood as momentary aspects of them. Also, place names should be treated as transitional aspects at present. Place names are alive. They should be understood in terms of the whole process of their occurrence, diffusion, and extinction (K. Yamaguchi, 1974). Place names have a human-like quality: they develop and change. This is because human beings need to give name references to the land in order to distinguish a certain  10 area from another, thus, place names migrate, expand, disappear, and rejuvenate with the needs of the people. In this chapter, concepts of place names and common natures of what place names have in general were explained. In the following chapter, the writer would like to introduce some specific characteristics of Japanese place names, as well as review research on Japanese place names.  11 CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND OF JAPANESE PLACE NAMES 2-1.  Special Characteristics of Japanese Place Names  As people tend to form an understanding of things from their own frame of reference, it is desirable here to mention some fundamental differences in the concept of place names between Japan and the West. In Western, or even in Chinese society, every single street is named and distinguished from other similar entities. The names of the streets work as indicators to describe certain geographical locations. In Japan, on the contrary, the land is perceived as being seoarated by streets or roads; thus, the space between the streets and roads are named, while some streets remain unnamed. This system, known as the jon-system in Japan, imposed a warp and weft, a framework, on the land. 6 It deeply affected the way places were named in Japan (T. Mizuno, 1957). During the seventh and eighth centuries, this system of land division was borrowed from China and adopted widely in Japan. Under the jon-system, large squares  6 O chiai offers a particularly concise description of the jon-system as follows: System of land division in use in the seventh and eighth centuries. Under the Taika Reform of 645, tracts of land were divided into squares measuring six cho to a side(one cho = 10gm). Counting from north to south, these units were designated jo-1,jo-2, etc; from east to west, the same units were called ri-i, ri-2, etc.. Each of these units were further divided into thirty-six equal and numbered squares, called tsubo, each having an area of one square cho. Thus, it was possible to indicate any parcel of land by specifying in which tsubo, ni, gun (district), and kuni (prefecture) it lay. The field divisions were demarcated by foot paths and irrigation ditches. Ochiai continues: land development under thejori-system was discontinued at the beginning of the Heian Period (794-1 1 85), although early in the nineth century the system was extended to cover uncultivated areas as a means of bringing more territories under central control. To this day, fields in the Kyoto-Nara-Osaka regions retain the dimensions and contours of the ancient jon system. Traces have been found as far north as Akita Prefecture and as far south as Kagoshima Prefecture as well as in remote mountain areas (Ochiai, 1 967).  12 of land were divided into thirty six smaller parcels called tsubo. Tsubo were subdivided into ten strips called tan, using either nagachigata, “long land style” or haorigata, “half fold style,” method of division (Figure 2-1). Although both streets and intervening parcels of land were named initially, gradually over many years, the use of Street names was lost all over the country, with the exceptions of certain old cities such as Kyoto and Nara in which all streets kept their formal names (Webb, 1 965). Figure 2-2 is an actual map of cadastral boundaries constructed according to thejori-system in Shiga Prefecture. Figure 2-2 shows that the land is divided by roads and space between the roads is named. There is a special nomenclature for each class of the various-sized parcels in the jon-system, The smallest parcel is called aza (‘). People used to provide local names for each aza, although only a limited group of people knew and used that name. Thus, aza place names were much more like nicknames than conventional place names. Each aza is comprised of an individual paddy field (see Figure 2-2. and 2-3). At present, the ancient place names of aza no longer exist, having been replaced by the application of a series of numbers identify them (Kuwabara, 1 976). Aza are grouped together to form the next larger category of land called koaza (‘)-). Koaza place names have become the smallest unit of officially recognized place names. Koaza place names had been widely utilized to distinguish one place from another until the Meiji Period (Ochiai, 1 967). Most of the time, koaza place names tend to reflect the physical and/or historical background of the land. Figure 2-2 shows that many of the koaza place names given during the implementation of the jon-system still survive today although the jon-system was discontinued at the beginning of Heian Period (794 A. D.- 1185). For example, words underline in the koaza place names on the map in Figure 2-2, are names once used as  13 units of measurement in the jon-system. In this example from Shiga Prefecture, we see lchi-no-tsubo, “first tsubo,” Hattan “eight tan,” and so on. The koaza place names were grouped together to form a large unit, called oaza either a shi  ). Group of oaza comprise  (?ç) “city”, machi (j) “town” or mura (ç) “village.”  Do refers to a large  region, Ken refers to a prefecture, and To and Fu refer to larger metropolitan areas (Figure 2-3).  It was mentioned before that many of koaza place names were  permanently erased from the maps, although these koaza were widely used by people until after World War Two. One of the foremost reasons for the loss of these koaza names was the consolidations of many small villages, and as a result, many koaza were absorbed by other existing koaza. Some koaza have been given new names, using a system of numbers and geographically descriptive adjectives. Figure 2-4 is an example showing this change. In this case, the change followed a law issued in 1962. Similar modifications were implemented nationwide as early as beginning of the Showa Period, the aim being the rationalization and simplification of governmental and municipal office work (Matsumoto, 1 983). Here, the writer would like to explain why some Japanese place names were changed to more simplified forms of description. It is well known that some written forms of Japanese place names are extremely difficult to pronounce, or, at times, even to understand. It is not so well known, however, that many of the meanings of those place names are still under dispute among scholars. For example, the meaning of the Mt. Fuji, the most famous mountain in Japan, is under dispute. It has been advocated  14 7 language word, ‘hochi’, by Batchelor (1929) that Fuji was derived from the Ainu  “grandmother,” God of fire. “K. Kagami objected to this idea; he argued that ‘Fuji’ is an ancient Japanese word meaning “sloping mountains,” claiming coincidence between the distribution of fuji-element place names and the sloping condition of the land at the places (K.Kagami, 1955). In direct contrast to Japanese place names are the Ainu-origin place names distributed mainly on Hokkaido and the northern part of Honshu Island (Figure 2-5). Although the ratio and the actual numbers of Ainu-origin place names are quite small when one looks at Japan’s total distribution of place names, there exist large differences inherent between Ainu-origin place names and Japanese place names. Regardless of how lengthy the place names are in the Ainu language, all of the place names originating in Ainu can be easily and accurately translated. This is because there is only one style of naming employed for Ainu-origin place names, a direct result of the Ainu people’s reliance on nature’s bounty to maintain their hunting and gathering societies. As their lifestyles were focused on the close relationships with nature, accordingly, all Ainu origin place names were named by describing the subtle features of nature and relating objects in tangible descriptions (Matsurnoto, 1983). Japanese place names, on the other hand, since they may refer to a wide range of phenomena, are much more difficult to understand, and debates about their origins or meaning are common place. Whenever we investigate Japanese place names, several characteristics must be taken into account.  Ainu is the name of an aboriginal minority group distinguished from Japanese by 7 their culture, language, and facial features.  15 First, the fact should be emphasized that in ancient Japan before the third century, A.D., there did not exist any written form of Japanese language; therefore, place names were passed-down orally. In the third century, kanji, the Japanese name for Chinese characters, were adopted from China (Sato, 1 988). In order to describe Japanese place names using kanji, ancient Japanese people attempted to describe place names using two major methods. One of these methods involved the use of kanji which had the closest Chinese pronunciation to the then-existing Japanese pronunciation of the place name. The meaning of the kanji was not considered important, the emphasis was placed on finding kanji with a similar phonetic sound similar to the Japanese name. The second method used kanji which had the same meaning as the Japanese place name; although, as a result, the pronunciation of a given character might vary slightly or even greatly from the former pronunciation of the Japanese place name. The former method was adopted much more frequently than the latter method, especially for the purpose of describing place names and names of persons (Ikebe, 1966). However today, after such a long period of time, the original meaning or the original pronunciation of Japanese place names have sometimes been forgotten. For some place names, their former meaning or pronunciation in the old oral tradition has been replaced by a foreign kanji-based pronunciation. A dramatic development in the eighth century made Japanese place names even more difficult to understand. Empress Genmei’s edict of 713 A.D. that ordered the production of the Fudoki also required changing or simplifying the written forms of place names, proclaiming that only one or two characters should be used, and that any characters with negative meanings or connotations were to be avoided (Yamanaka,  16 1 968). This has complicated the study of the origin of Japanese place names causing Japanese scholars no small amount of grief and frustration. For example, there is a place called Aika Town in Shimane Prefecture. Currently, the two Chinese characters used to describe the place name are, ai  (9)  “autumn,” and ka  (-J  “deer.” However, in  Warn yoshyo, published around 934 A.D., we find that it used to be written as (lkebe, 1 966). Obviously, these kanji were used to describe the pronunciation, not the meaning of the place name. After 71 3, these three characters were changed to the two current kanji for Aika which have a far more agreeable meaning.  If one fails to check  the former written style of description in kanji, one might perhaps draw a hasty superficial conclusion that Aika  (‘)t) was named either after the place where one  or several deer had formerly lived or had been spotted in autumn, or that the physical features of the area were of such a configuration that they suggested a certain species of deer. In reality, neither logical assumption is true. This example, one of the countless examples available, tells us that we have to exercise extreme caution in our investigation of Japanese place names. K. Yamaguchi has provided another example of how deceptive Japanese place names can be. Figure 2-6 illustrates his comments. There exist many place names pronounced ‘-tsuru’ on Kyushyu Island especially in southern Kyushyu. As this case shows, if certain types of place names show certain distribution patterns, particularly if they are distributed as a cluster of place names with common aspects, it is safe to say that the pronunciations of the term are treated as some common noun or as some dialects used in the area. In the case of ‘tsuru’, the common background is that most ‘tsuru’ place names are found to be distributed close to rivers. Written kanji forms are either () “water flows” or ,  17 “crane”, although neither of characters in the first compound could have been pronounced as ‘tsuru’ originally. From this fact, we can guess that ‘tsuru’ originally meant the place where the river flows.” In order to describe “tsuru” by written forms, the kanji were used in the ideographic and not the phonetic manner. That is to say, the actual meaning of the kanji used were perfectly matched, except for the fact that people at that time neglected the actual pronunciation of the two kanji. (K. Yamaguchi,1 974) ‘  According to the law passed in 71 3, and also from the complications resulting from the aforementioned inconsistencies in pronunciation of the written form, the written form of some tsuru names changed to  ‘‘  which means “crane” and is  pronounced identically to tsuru meaning, “the place where the water flows.” It is easy to misunderstand the origin and meaning of place names if one has only a superficial understanding of the written word or does not pay attention to sound developments over time. This is a typical example of the snares with which Japanese place names abound. The elements of kanji also can be recombined to create new words; the resultant combinations are innumerable.  Here, yet another interesting example of the  fundamental complexity of Japanese place names is offered by A. Kagami (1975): “Place names created from two or more different place names are just like new substances created by a chemical reaction.” In the same paper, A. Kagami provides another example of how place names have been influenced by the nature of kanji; There was a village called Seitetsu (- ), meaning “clear philosophy”. This village name was created by the consolidation of four smaller villages. They were Minakami (k.. - ) “upper water,” Aoki ( .. ) “blue wood,  18 “Orii (:01 % ) “?“, Hi-no-Kuchi (j../ t ), “the mouth of a dam.” Nobody could guess the origin of these place names. Seitetsu was a concoction created by using the part of each of four characters underlined above. [underline added] (A.Kagami, 1975) Mistaken ideas about the origin of specific place names could be easily made if the record of the consolidation of the village were not known. It can sometimes be dangerous attempting to understand place names individually, focusing on the literal meaning of place names. It is notable that certain archaic Japanese terms which were once used to describe subtle geographical features still survive in place names (Yanagida, 1933). These archaic terms, which are no longer used in modern Japanese speech and as a result are familiar only to the philologist, manifest their meanings only when they are investigated as a group of names with common root words or etymologies, at which point the names can finally be connected with the physical landscape in which they are distributed (K. Yamaguchi, 1 974). In order to avoid the pitfalls of some deceptive names, it would be a more profitable approach to try to understand place names as a group which have some nature in common (Yanagida, 1933; K. Kagarni, 1967). The chameleon-like magic of kanji would thus overpower the meaning of the Japanese place names to a lesser degree, and would provide less concrete ground for isolated, inspired conjectures. Fortunately, not all Japanese place names have such a complex and confusing history. Rather, many Japanese places were named in a very simple-minded fashion; their names were simply describing the natural landscapes in a tangible way, much as  19 the Ainu before did. We have realized already that some place names are very easy to understand--they have always meant what they obviously mean today--and that other place names have origins cloaked under a fog of ambiguity which is very difficult to penetrate unless we first investigate the land’s history, former physical geographic configurations, language, or culture. In any case, whenever we want to know the land through place names, it is helpful to classify place names into groups in order to make it easier to understand them. As Stewart explains: The advantages of the system of classification may be briefly outlined. 1. It deals with specifics, not generics, and thus particularly with the name as a distinguishing feature. 2. It is close to and in harmony with the names, and to his feelings. It is complete, that is, it allows for the classification 3. of every individual name... 4. The system easily allows for dual or multiple origins or for borderline cases... The system accommodates both the name-giving of 6. primitive peoples and that of sophisticated peoples (Stewart, 1975). Various classifications in the literature on Japanese place names will be reviewed in Chapter 2-2. Here, the writer would like to divide Japanese place names into two major categories, and will offer a brief explanation for doing so. One category contains physical place names. This group of names refers to those which are named simply for the purpose of describing the natural landscape. They are universally distributed throughout Japan. This type of name is usually a two-kanji name,  20 the combination of modifying adjective and normal noun; in most cases an adjectives describing the size, colour, type, or location of a place is combined with a noun such as mountain, valley, river, cloud, and so on. So we find Shimizu “clear water” (3), Shiraishi “white stone”  (7 ), and Nagayama “long mountain”  which are all  examples of this type of name. Physical place names also occur with great frequency in the research area. The second major group comprise historical place names. Historical place names in Japan emerged under the influence of human activities at a certain time. Typical activities include: reclamation of land, urban planning, religious ceremonies, military encounters, and so on. The chronological emergence of these place names can be reconstructed to the extent that they reflect a particular type and period of human influence. As we have already seen in Figure 2-1, Ichi-jo “first line” San-jo “third line”  (  —‘  ), Ni-jo “second line” (  (7’,), are clear examples of historical place names which can  ), be  traced to the eighth century when the jon system of land division was instituted. Table 2-1 indicates how place names can be listed chronologically. The chronology of place names is extremely valuable for reconstructing the historical landscape of a given area, hence there exists a cogent argument for the treatment of place names not only as historical messages from the land, but also as cultural extensions of it.  21  Table 2-1. Chronology of Some Common Place Name Elements in Japan.  No. Pronun.  1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22  Ira, Era Tadokoro Sue, Haji Agata -be -Jo, ri, -no-sho Besho Honjo Ryoke -ryo Dol Horinouchi -yashiki Tashiro -no-miya Zaike -ka -juku -shinden -kaikon -nojo  Kanji  Approx. Date  300  /  u4f ‘  ‘s  ‘  /  600 700 800 900 900 900 900 1200 1200 1250 1250  ‘  j--  (After K. Kagami, 1 958)  1250 1450 1700 1900  A --.-.-  (  d2 —  I clió (109 m or 358 It)  ‘‘Il.  Isubo— (1 sq cho)  WE  —  c:- ri  —  —  —  I  —  .1 I  III  1 tan  1 lan  I tan  Methods of subdividing tsubo  nagacliigata method  haorigata method  I tan  ‘-  Figure 2-1. Model of Land Division Under the J.QJ1-System (Adapted from Ochai, 1987)  22  23  jw,Jt [....:;;:::  --.J  $  :::_::•  L  Ltii1z -  -  + tr I  Th  -  n4j4H.Hiiaz: £::i:.:; 1[z! i *100  •  —  I• smaii Peck  00  0  I —i__  —  : Upper •—  ‘  ;L€r p  Novh  •rsu’cJ  J j  ‘ •  a  1  t-Ort  •4  •  Fi r  ;h  ,Pc47I(y •eep  dc’  p  •  b  •  p  1W?NQ  5e:o,,: 1  I North,  p  rnohNin-rh’fhh-d  •  ;Md41e;PYI  / I  Uryi. •  •  •q  • .  •O  •  ‘We$1N.c1  p  :-r ;beacI:tj,  •  a:  a  Padcy  Su-3e(?),  I  ikee  ‘  •a 4,-h: • P  I  b  Q5iev’  •  One  a’  •1  •  frya  dot  •pddy:  o  •  p  •  Pocc’  Figure 2-2. Place Names of Remnants of the Old j.Q[j-System, Shiga Prefecture (Adapted from Ochial, 1 967)  .1  24  cz  Aza  Koaza  U  To Do  I:EE1—  Koaza  Oaza  1 Gun  Aza  1E__  J  LrnrJ  Fu Ken  Figure 2-3. Model of Hierarchy of Administrative Divisions  Figure 2-4. Example of Systematic Renaming of Koaza (Adapted from Matsumoto, 1983)  •  •.  we.cr  noih  • ec1l0r  25  26  Figure 2-5. Example of Ainu-Origin Place Names (Reproduced from K. Kagami, 1954)  Figure 2-6. Tsuru Place Names in Japan  (Adapted from K. Yamaguchi, 1974)  27  28 2-2.  Review of Research on Japanese Place Names  Although Japan’s place name density is one of the highest in the world at 140 per square mile (Stewart, 1 975), the study of Japanese place names has received comparatively little attention from prominent western scholars of toponymy. Stewart 8 comments that in Asia: .place names stand by the million. Little is available, however, in place name study. Only from general dictionaries may something be learned of the origin of the Asian names... (Stewart, 1975). Prominent among scholars in the field of toponymy is the brilliant Eilert Ekwall, acknowledged by many as an inspiration and principal influence. Ekwall’s 1924 Survey of English Place Names, a compendium of etymological origins, is still one of the  definitive works on the subject. While he has had a marked influence on this writer, his failure to use maps and make a geographical analysis of distribution patterns combined with a tendency to approach names individually would flaw his work as a model for the study of Japanese place names. Margaret Gelling along with Kenneth Cameron were also outstanding in the field of place name studies. Gelling (1 978) influenced many by her attempts to draw spatial distribution patterns to support her claims or to arrive at new understandings, while her contemporary, Cameron, has produced what may the most substantial recent contribution to the study of English place names--his book English Place-Names (1961).  8 S tewart estimates that the density of place names in the U.S.A. is one per square mile (Stewart, 1975).  29 It bears mention, however, that all three scholars were concerned almost entirely with etymological approaches to English place names.  While this approach suffices for  England where many elements in the language were only recently introduced (Gelling, 1 974), this writer believes that a broader approach to Japanese place names study is necessary. Of some thirty books written by G.R. Stewart, Names on the Globe (1975), and American Place-Names (1 970) are prime examples of the stimulating and informative  work his readers have come to expect. American Place-Names is arguably the definitive reference source for students of place names in the U.S.A., and his approach to place name study, which involves understanding the minds and motives of the namer, is inspirational, as is his unique method of categorizing names. Names on the Globe is an extremely comprehensive and ambitious work, but as Stewart himself points out, the lack of information on Japan and his inability to understand Japanese language largely impairs the work, resulting in only a few superficial references to Japanese place names. Chamberlain (1 887) and Batchelor (1 929) are notable for their attempts to deal with Japanese place names. Chamberlain’s pioneering work was, regrettably, written at a time when little was known of Japan. Batchelor specifically addressed his work to Ainu origin place names, going so far as to attempt to explain origins of names in south western Japan using the Ainu language. Although his efforts were applauded by Japanese scholars, his findings were in serious disagreement with his contemporary or younger colleagues (Chin, 1 956). Place names studies in Japan can be divided into two groups, according to whether they emphasize a linguistic or etymological approach or, on the other hand,  30  depend mainly on a contextual or geographical method. In the first group, earlier names and origins of a particular place name is sought. These etymological studies often make use of Japan’s oldest surviving gazetteer, the Fudoki mentioned earlier, complied in 713 A.D. 9 Ordered by Empress Genmei, a Fudoki was published for each prefecture existing at that time. Of the five Fudoki which remain, only Izumo-no-Fudoki (733 A.D.), has been preserved in its entirety. It contains information about Izumo’s administrative system, natural resources, topography, shrines, folklore, and so forth. In addition to providing a catalog of major place names and their respective locations, Fudoki offer commentary on the origins of place names. Most of these accounts regarding the origin of place names are stories from folklore or ancient mythology. These are filled with a pantheon of related gods and goddesses. Many of them are accounts detailing how various Japanese gods created notable elements in the landscape, and how the land was named after them (see Chapter 4-1). This folklore appears to reflect the people’s wish that the land be blessed by one of the gods, which number in the hundreds in the Japanese pantheon (Kawazoe, 1981). Although these stories may be said by some to have a certain lack of credibility (Ishizuka, 1 984), none can dispute that Fudoki are a valuable resource, largely owing to the descriptions they contain of major places at an early time.  9 F udoki are collections of eighth century reports on the natural resources, geographical conditions, and oral traditions of each of the approximately sixty Japanese prefectures. The only five Fudoki of any substantial length which have survived are the reports from the prefectures of Bungo (now part of Oita), Harima (Hyogo), Hitachi (Ibaragi), Hizen (now part of Saga and Nagasaki), and Izumo (Shimane), (Kojima, 1 970).  31 Another valuable document for place name studies is, Wamyo Rui lyushyo which ° This is an encyclopedia complied around 934 1 is often called simply Wamyoshyo.  A.D. containing a list of the major place names existing at that time. The research of place names in the modern era has had its emphasis still focused on the etymological origins of the existing place names (A.Kagami, 1 979). Gazetteers continued to be published about every ten years (Tomimoto, 1902; Ota, 1912). Although they were often produced for military reasons, they are still of significant historical value. The most important gazetteer of modern times is the five-volume gazetteer produced byT. Yoshida, The Dai-Nippon Chimei lisho (1600) which covered all of Japan. It also included considerable historical material and attempted to explain the historical background of each of the place names it mentioned. What the writer has called the contextual or geographical approach to place names studies did not appear in Japan until it was inaugurated by Yanagida in 1933. Yanagida and scholars following in his footsteps sought to understand the physical, social, historical, and cultural backgrounds of place names; not simply seeking the origin of place names from merely an etymological perspective. In this new geographical approach, the focus of study was broadened, and so was the amount of information yielded, allowing new perspectives on a formerly one-track field of study. Yanagida, well known in Japan as a folklorist, was very interested in place names and tried to understand place names in a macroscopic sense--names as one element in  10 is a Chinese-Japanese dictionary directed by Minamoto-no-Shitagau and Wsmyosho published around 934 A.D. Encyclopedic in nature, the work assembles the names of many objects and classifies them according to traditional categories, e.g., heaven and earth, human relations, and literary sources (Ikebe, 1 966).  32 the whole cultural melange of a place (Yanagida, 1972). He took a broad view while other scholars spent most of their energy pursuing the origin of each individual place name. He classified place names into three major groups on the assumption that place names reflected stages in the social and economic development of a community’s land. He arranged his three groups according to how the place names fit into a three-stage chronology of social and economic history. The oldest group of names he called, Riyo chime!, “utilization place names,” which occur when people identify some distinctive  characteristics of the land and  incorporate them in the place names. Place names in  this group neither mention nor acknowledge land ownership, nor do they make any reference to land boundaries. These names provide simple descriptions of the land’s eminent physical characteristics. Roppn-Matsu (j(* “six pine trees”, and Kawamagari (ii))  “the place where river winds” are examples of the group. In the second group of place names, Senkyo chimei, “possessor place names,”  appears. These are place names which were required when people inhabited newly reclaimed land and needed to distinguish that new land from the other land. The third group, the last to appear, Yanagida called Bunkatsu-chimei, or “subdivision names.” These names identify areas that need a new name after a plot of land is subdivided into two or more new areas. These newly subdivided areas tend to retain the original place names with the addition of another modifying Kanji, such as kami, naka or shimo  meaning “upper, middle or lower” respectively. Other  commonly encountered modifying characters include: higashi, nishi, kita and minami (‘-kj), meaning “east, west, north and south” and shin  (T) “new” or moto ( )  “old.” Yanagida’s approach to understanding place names is outstanding in that he  33 grasped place names as valuable objects of information, to be understood in terms of the process of development of the land on which they were located. Yanagida investigated place names from political, social, and cultural stand points. His work was not limited to pursuing origins of names from a purely etymological approach. Yanagida also achieved noteworthy results researching Japanese linguistics and pointing out that many of the archaic words describe minor physical features. Whether or not these features are apparent to modern Japanese people, many of them still survive in modern place names. Like Yanagida, the geographer K. Kagami grasped place names as groups involving common characteristics of place names (K. Kagami, 1 957-8). He concentrated on the geographical distribution of place names. Yanagida had done detailed research on the distribution pattern of dialects in Japan (Yanagida, 1933), later pointing out that the distribution pattern of some dialects is circular with its centre being the oldest area (Yanagida, 1 936). By looking at the distribution pattern of place names, Kagarni tried to ascertain their centre of geographical distribution (K. Kagami, 1959). He named certain place names “fossil  toponomiqu&’,  which serve  as  an indicators of the time of  their occurrence (K. Kagami, 1 964). Kagarni was also the first geographer in Japan to tackle place names with a geographical method under the name toponomique geographie.”  toponimique geographie” is the field of study According to Kagami, 1  whereby we search for the process of cultural development or vestiges of racial migrations by mapping and analyzing regional distribution patterns of place names (K. Kagami, 1957).  He drew many distribution maps of place names.  His work is  remarkable for its concept of treating place names as a group, paying particular  34 attention to distribution patterns, and to finding the centre of occurrence of place names. K. Yamaguchi is another geographer engaged in the study of Japanese place names (K. Yamaguchi, 1974, 1 967, 1979, 1981). He classified place names into four groups. First, Chikei-go, “topographic names,” are those which describe local physical features. Second, Hosiei-go,  “legal and political names,” are place names that reflect  local political situations, military actions, land ownership, and taxation. Names in the third group, “Shakai-go, “social names” were derived from local social groups. Finally, Seikatsu-go, “life names” were derived from local religion, superstition, folklore, food,  housing, and so on (K. Yamaguchi, 1 974). From his theory of place names, there is much to learn. He treated place names as transformable, calling the entire process of transformation of place names “the reincarnation of place names.” This is to say, place names come into existence, spread out, and sometimes become extinct; all of this corresponding to the people and people’s necessities toward the land and related place names at that time. Therefore, a place name should be understood not as an individual entity at a certain time, but rather as a cultural product in a frame of time in an entire circle of transition. Yamaguchi also claimed that individual place names were to be treated as a part of a group of place names (Yamaguchi, 1 974). He named it “a flock of place names”, names which came into existence under certain specific conditions. Therefore, this “flock of place names” is a group of place names which have common characteristics. This is because, he claimed there are certain factors controlling the origin and development of place names in a limited area. His concept of place names is unsurpassed when one considers that he was not shackled by traditional research  35 methods that simply pursued the origin of place names. He tried to understand the land itself through groups of place names and the factors which occurred in their origin. His was simply the fundamental aim of geography: to understand the land. The preceding was a brief introduction to some of the major place name studies in Japan. A. Kagami said that the academic value of place name studies is higher now than it was when the quest was simply the origin of place names (A. Kagami, 1979). In fact, however, it seems to the writer that the field of place name studies in Japan is still not receiving proper and due respect in many circles.  This is possibly because  many place names in Japan can be interpreted in various different ways, owing to the complexity of the Japanese language. Thus, The most successful place name studies using place names in Japan are studies that reconstructed ancient land division system using place names derived from the jon-system. In this case, however, place names can be supporting evidence only when the jon grid is discovered. Thus, many geographers regard place studies as proving useful information only when the place name analysis is supported by material evidence. The future task of place name studies in Japan should be to develop a multi-sided methodology, using not only etymological and philological approaches but also historical, geological and geographical approaches. The following chapters are to show that we can rediscover the past through actual place names in Japan, by analyzing place names etymologically and geographically.  36 CHAPTER 3: THE PHYSICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF IZUMO REGION  The research areas of this thesis, lzumo City and Hikawa Town, are located in Shimane Prefecture, which is located at the north-eastern edge of Honshu Island facing the Japan Sea (Figure 3-1). Izumo and Hikawa are located on the lzumo Plain, which is an alluvial plain formed by the Hii River and the Kando River, both of which originate in the Chugoku Mountain Range. The Izumo Plain stretches approximately 20 km. from east to west, and approximately 5 km. from north to south. The northern section of this plain adjoins the Kitayama Mountain Range, with Shinji Lake to the east of the plain and the Japan Sea to the west. The Hii River, which has played a great part in the formation of this fertile alluvial plain, has a length of 1 53 km. and a drainage area of 2,070 square km. At present, the Hii River flows northward after it enters the plain, later abruptly turning east and flowing into Shinji Lake. The length of the Kando River is 87 km. and it has a drainage area of 471 square km. This river flows to the west, and changes its course to the north, finally turning west again as it flows into the Japan Sea (Figure 3-2). Figure 3-3 is a map showing altitudes of various places on the Izumo Plain. As this map shows, this alluvial plain is generally very flat. The 5m and 1Cm contour lines clearly show the shape of a fan in the map. This alluvial plain had been built up by the accumulation of large amounts of soil and natural debris brought down from the mountains. Not surprisingly, the physical landscape of this plain used to be very different from today (Hayashi, 1 991). According to the description in Izumo-no-Fudoki, the major difference was a radically different course of the Hii River; in the eighth  37 century this major river of the Izumo Plain flowed west into the Japan Sea instead of east into Shinji Lake (Y. Mizuno, 1 972). Also included in the Fudoki are lists naming the various shrines and temples then existing on the Izumo Plain. Figure 3-4 shows the location of the religious structures listed in Izumo-no-Fudoki. Drainage of the land and subsequent new settlements between the eighth and eighteenth centuries are evident from a comparison of Figure 3-4 and Figure 3-5, which is drawn from a list naming existing shrines and temples in Unyoshi, published in 1717 A.D.” (Nagasaka, 1971). Throughout the ages in Japan, there has always existed at least one shrine in each village or hamlet, regardless of the community’s size. Shrines are thought to protect the people of the area in their endeavors while simultaneously ensuring bountiful harvests. In other words, it can be said that where there are religious structures, there are also organized groups of people in Japan. From figures 3-4 and 3-5, the expansion of the cultivated land area on the Izumo Plain is clearly shown. Needless to say, it was the Hii River which had the greatest influence in the formation of the Izumo Plain, and this river has long been notorious for its frequent 2 It is believed that the Hii River made its major change in and damaging floods.’ 1635, when it began flowing east draining into Shinji Lake (Izumo City Board of  11 is a geographical gazetteer published by Nagahisa Kurosawa in 1717 A. D.. Unyoshi This gazetteer describes the names of temples and shrines, scenic areas for each of the municipality in Shimane Prefecture at that time (Nagasaka, 1971).  12 to The History of lzumo City (1 951), there were frequent floods by the According Hii River, for example in the Edo Period (1 600-1868 A.D.), floods occurred on average once in ten years, and in the Meiji Period, three major floods were recorded. More recently, at the end of August, 1873, the levees alongside the Hii River were completely destroyed by after the flood (Izumo City Board of Education, 1951).  38 Education,  1951).13  In all likelihood, the Hii River changed its course during the  catastrophic flood of 1 635 (Hikawa Town Board Education, 1 977). Thereafter, the alluvial action shifted to the east side of the plain where Hikawa is located. People have been living on the Izumo Plain for well over a millennium, as is evident from the innumerable shell mounds, prehistoric remains, and clusters of ancient tomb mounds and various other archaeological findings scattered over the plain (Figure 3-6). Izumo is also well known as an area of mythology and folklore, such as in the famous story where all gods living all over Japan assemble once a year at the lzurrio Shrine, a major religious centre located at the western end of Izumo Plain, approximately one kilometre inland from where it meets the Japan Sea. This annual occurrence takes place in November. The Japanese refer to November as “Kan-na zuki,” or “No God Month,” as the entire pantheon of Japanese gods assembled at Izumo to engage in various activities that would appear blasphemous to Non-Buddhists. Imagine hundreds of bleary-eyed, libidinous, sake-imbibing celestial beings simultaneously giving vent to frustration or ecstasy and it is not difficult to imagine how much the very gods themselves await their annual sojourn on the Izumo Plain.  Even to this day, and  doubtless for years to come, the mortal denizens of the Izumo Plain hold a huge festival to commemorate the event which is famous nationwide, attracting visitors from all over the country. Much folklore and many traditions related to various gods and goddesses appearing in this area can be found in the oldest written material in Japan, Kojiki issued  13 scholars have accepted the document appearing in the History of Izumo Many (early 18th century). In this document, it is recorded that the Hii River changed its course as a result of the big floods which occurred in 1635 and in 1637.  39 14 Amongst them, the most famous story is the tale of a big snake with in 712 A.D. 15 It seems that this big snake was symbolic of the eight heads and eight tails. irresistible power of nature; the big snake undoubtedly represented the Hii River, which has constantly threatened people living in the area with floods. The river was seen to be the incarnation of a big snake. Currently, the Izumo Plain is well known as a leading rice cultivating area in Shimane Prefecture. The lower reaches of the Hii River are peppered with scattered villages in which there has developed a very unique and beautiful landscape, as can be seen from the local farmhouses bearing their tall pine hedges planted on the north and west side of the houses to act as a windbreak (Photographs 1, 2,  3).16  Kofiki is japan’s oldest chronicle, recording events from the mythical age of the 14  gods up to the time of Empress Suiko (593-628 A.D.). The compiler, Ono Yasurriaro stated in the preface that it was presented to the reigning Empress Genmei on 9th, March 712 A.D. (Kawazoe, 1981). 15 story is one of the most famous pieces of mythology (Kojiki) known to almost This everybody in Japan. The plot of the story is as follows: There was a young god called Susano’o-no-Mikoto. One day. he was walking alone and he saw an old man and his wife who were crying with their young daughter. Susano’o came up and asked why they were crying. They said that there lived a big snake with eight heads and eight tails near the mountain. The snake came down to the village once a year, demanding a sacrifice. If no sacrifice is prepared to offer him, the snake would destroy the village and kill the people. Their daughter was supposed to be the sacrifice that year. After Susano’o heard the story, he taught them how to make sake and instructed them to put the sake in eight pots. Upon doing that, they were to wait for the snake to come. The snake finally appeared. He found the tempting sake and drank all eight pots. He then fell into a deep sleep. Susano’o leapt to the snake and cut the eight heads off, killing the snake. The villagers were so happy to hear that the snake was killed that Susano’o was offered the daughter to show their immense appreciation. Susano’o got married to the young daughter and they lived happily ever after (Noguchi, 1978). 1t is a unique landscape in which developed the long stretch of villages by the 16 expansion of plains created by the alluvial action of the Hil River. Wherever the Hii River meets the plain and flows northward, most villages are located parallel to its north-south axis lines. Where the Fiji River Flows eastward, then, villages tend to be located on the east and west stretches, occupying mainly the limited slightly higher level of land such as the former natural river banks.  Figure 3-1. The Location of Shimane Prefecture in Japan  40  hInj1 Ie  N MatNue  Kitayama Mountains  w  Figure 3-2. The Location of Izumo City and Hikawa Town  41  42  327 1.6  15  neD.  6.1  424D  /6,  L  0.9 0.8  1.5  -,  &5 5.6 6 8.0  2.7  12 3.0 11  8.1 8.4 6 ç2.7 zo 8 • 2.7 1 0.1)1 9.ogs.m( 31 6.5 122 1 0.2  1.4  S  3%  Figure 3-3. Altitudes in the Izumo Region (Adapted from Hikawa Town Board of Education, 1951)  ‘-‘el  43  o  Izumo Shrine: fi  20  ‘ H  H  H  &  H  0000 0000  o  1  2’ 3KM  Figure 3-4.. The Location of Shrines, Temples, and Burial Mounds during the Fudoki Era--A.D. 733 (Adapted from Izumo City Board of Education, 1951)  Izurno Shrine i  P1  N  P1  N  J1  I1  I I’  P1  P1  1 fl  P1  P1 ,  fl  P1 P1  LatcN  P1  Figure 3-5. The Location of Shrines and Temples during Unyo-shi Era--AD. 1717 (Adapted from Izurno City Board of Education, 1951)  44  45  Figure 3-6. Distribution of Prehistoric Remains  (Adapted from Shimane Prefecture Board of Education, 1 980)  —-  Photograph 1. Izumo Plain, Looking Northward  46  Photograph 2. Pine Hedges on Izumo Plain  47  48  Photograph 3. Close-up of Pine Hedges  49 CHAPTER 4: REVIEW OF PLACE NAMES IN IZUMO REGIONS 4-1.  Review of Historical Place Names  All  Japanese  people are very familiar with the place name Izumo; according to  mythology, Izumo is the birthplace of many gods and the very birthplace of Japan itself (Kadowaki, 1990). Izumo area is blessed with an abundance of ancient place names which appear in the Izumo Fudoki. Needless to say, the Fudoki has been a focal point of research for many Japanese scholars. Some terms used  in  the Fudoki have different  meanings today; a brief explanation of some of these changes would be useful here. The term koku/kuni  (}J ), which today means “country,” was formerly employed  to mean “prefecture;” hence, lzumo Koku referred to Izumo Prefecture. The term kori  (  ) referred to “county.”  municipalities called “sato” (4’ called  “sato,”  but written:  Each karl was further broken down into smaller  ). Sato were further divided into smaller units, also  ( ). Although the two terms share a similar pronunciation,  please note that the written characters are different. The larger sato could be called towns; the smaller sato were villages. At the time of the Fudoki, one of the smaller sato ideally had fifty households. If a village had less than fifty households it was referred to as amarube The Fudoki not only listed place names. It enumerated municipalities and villages while endeavoring to provide explanations for the place names under for the larger places. The Fudoki offered derivations for kori and for larger sato, but only enumerated the smaller sato. Another source of early place names used in the Izumo area was issued in 739 A. D., merely six years after the publication  of  the Fudoki. This second document is called  50 Izumo Koku Taizel Shinku Rekimei Cho. It is a record of the names of welfare recipients.  During that period, rice and salt were given to various citizens: those over eighty years of age, single and elderly men and women, orphans under fifteen years of age, the needy, and the disabled. This document was noteworthy in that it not only listed the names of the recipients, but it also listed their village or municipality. Although only the Izumo County and Kando County list of welfare recipients, have survived to the present day, these counties contained all of the municipalities listed in the Fudoki. From the information contained in these two documents, we know that Izumo-no Koku  (,J- ), or what today is known as Shimane Prefecture  was  divided into nine counties. Among them, Izumo County and Kando County closely correspond to what are now Hikawa Town and Izumo City respectively. In the Fudoki, eighteen municipalities were listed, nine in Izumo County and nine in Kando County. Seventeen of these eighteen place names were the names of gods or they described actions allegedly perpetrated by gods. The eighteenth municipality derived its name from a nearby physical feature. Unquestionably, this shows that the area’s people wished to sustain a close tangible relationship between the gods and themselves; presumably this ultimate show of respect for the Creators would land them in good stead, ensuring the future prosperity of themselves and the area. Table 4-1 provides the names, and derivation suggested in the Fudoki, of every municipality listed in Izumo and Kando Counties. The table also provides the numbers of villages occurring within those municipalities. Table 4-2 lists, in the left column, the ancient place names appearing in the Fudoki, while the right column provides the  51 present names of these places, if they currently exist. (Fudoki names are located in Figure 5-2.) It is significant that eleven of the Fudoki’s seventeen municipal place names which were derived from the names of deities still exist today. These ‘godly’ names have a high survival rate. As regards village place names, forty-seven villages were enumerated in the Fudoki, and, of these, nineteen village names appeared in the Izumo Koku Taizei Shinku Rekimei Cho. Eight of these ancient village place names still exist today. Again,  we find evidence of the immortality of place names related to the gods. From these figures it is interesting to note that human place names appear to withstand the passage of time better than physical-element place names do. Perhaps this is because, the ancient, physical-element descriptions of the land’s distinguishing features were no longer appropriate and the name had to be changed. Given enough time reference to physical qualities of the land proved to be more fragile than reference to its spiritual qualities.  52  Table 4-1. List of Municipalities and Names of Gods Who Engaged in Reclaiming the Land Name of Mun.  No.of villages  Name of gods relating to the area  25  Yatska-Mi zuomi-no-Mikoto  3  2  Takebe (Uya) Shitsunu  Yamato— Takeru—no—Mikoto (Uyatsube—no-Mikoto) Komomakura—Shitsunuchi  3  Kawachi  3  [Inside the river]  4  Izumo  3  Yatsuka—Mi zuomi—no— Mikoto  5  Kizuki  3  6  mu  3  7  Mitami  3  Alcabusuma—Inuosumi— Hikosawakw-no-Mikoto Aineno-Mishirota  8  Uka  2  Amenoshita-tsukurashi  9  Kanbe  2  Kuma—no—Kamuro  *  1  *  Izuino County  Kando County  3  22  1  Asayama  2  Onamuchi -no-Mikoto  2  Heki  3  Heki—no—Tomobe  3  Yaxnuya  3  Yamuya-hiko-no-Mikoto  4  Yanu  3  Yanuwakah ime  5  Takashi  3  Aj isuki-Takahiko  6  Koshi  3  7  Namesa  2  [derived from People from Koshi) Amenoshita-Tsukurashihi  8  Taki  3  Adakayanushi-Takikihime  9  Amaribe  Amaru means surplus  10 Sayu  [derived from a person from Koshi called Sayu] [same as Taki (8)]  11 Taki-no-Uinaya 12 Kanbe  Kuma—no—Kamuro (After Kadowaki,  1990)  53 Table 4-2. Place Names of the Fudoki Era and their Names Today In Fudoki Era *  1  Izuino County Takebe or Uya Municipality Hane  Village  ? ?  At Present Takebe, Uya-dani Hane  ? U  2  Shitsunu  Municip.  Fukada Kuda Inukai  Village ?  Kawachi  3  Shichi  Municip.  Kawachi Shrine at Kaluishima.  Village  Irni Osa  ‘I  4  Izumo  Municip. Village  Izumo City ?  ‘I  2  5  Kizuki  Municip.  Inasa  Village  Kizuki Inasa  ? ‘I  6 mu  Municip.  River, in Tobigasu  Village  ?  ? I,  7  Mitami Municip.  Mitaini  ? Village  ? ? 8  Uga Municipality  ? ?  Village  Kuchi-jg,  Shrine  54 9 Kanbe  Municip.  ? Village ? “ *  1  Kando County Asayaina Municip. Hiebara Village Kaya  2  Asayama district Hiebara  Heki Municip.  ?  Kuwaichi Village Ehara Hosoda 3  Yamuya  Municip.  Enva district  ? Village ‘I  4 Yanu  Municip.  Yano  ? Village ? “ ? “ 5  Takashi  Municip.  Takanishi  ? Village ? “ Is  6 Koshi Municip. Ashiwata Village Oda ? 7  Namesa Municipality Ane Village Chii  8  Taki Municip. ? Village ? ? “  9  Kando Municip. (After Hiraizumi,  Koshi, Kami-koshi Ashiwata  Namesa Ane-Dani Chii-no-Miya Tagi  Kando River 1953)  55 4-2.  Physical Place Names  The combined area of Izumo City and Hikawa Town can roughly be divided into two major areas, one is the alluvial plain formed by the Hii River, the other being the mountainous areas which flank it to the north and south. Here, the writer would like to show how the physical landscape of the Izumo Region is reflected in its place names. To do this, four common physical-element place names were collected and assembled into three groups, these being: yama (U) “mountain,” tani  ()  “valley,” and names containing no  (fl’) or hara  (j.) “flat place.”  Figure 4-1 is a map of Shurimen, a village in Taisha Town located east of the lzumo Taisha Shrine. This village was chosen as an example because its northern half is mountainous while its southern portion is situated on the plain. From this map, it is clear that in the mountainous area there are significantly more place names than occur on a similar-sized portion of the plain.  A possible reason for this is that the  mountainous area has comparatively more physical features than the plain area, therefore the land is divided into smaller units corresponding to the dictates of the terrain. Each of the small divisions of the plot, then, required naming. On the contrary, the land on the plain is comparatively nondescript being rather uniform in appearance and the plots are larger because of the consolidation of farmland. As time progresses, each plot becomes larger and larger owing to further consolidations, and as this occurs, less names are required to identify them. At this point the writer would like to shift attention to the presence of mountain-element and valley-element place names as these two appear frequently in the mountainous portion of the research area.  56 Figures 4-2 and 4-3 are the distribution maps of mountain-element and valleyelement place names. It is interesting to note that mountain-element place names, which might be expected to appear more frequently than valley-element place names in the mountainous areas, in fact did not. Only twenty three mountain-element place names were found: eighteen in lzumo City, and five in Hikawa Town. There are many more valley-element place names, forty in lzumo City, and thirty in Hikawa Town. If one looks at the distribution of valley-element place names, one finds that quite a few valley-element names are found in mountainous area. This suggests that people began inhabiting the valley areas before they spread to the plain, which in prehistoric times was subaqueous, and even when newly formed, was no doubt too wet to permit either cultivation or habitation. In prehistoric times before the formation of the alluvial fan that is now the Izurno Plain, the area was covered by sea, out of which rose the Kitayama Mountains to the north and the Chugoku Mountains to the south. In the Izumo Fudoki, this flooded area was referred to as the Kando Inlet. Its transition from arm of the sea to alluvial plain is shown in Figure 4-4. In prehistoric time, people inhabited the low-lying valleys to the north and south of the former Kando In let. Many of these valleys are currently identified by valley-element place names. Figure 4-5 shows the distribution of various archaeological findings including: prehistoric shell mounds, ancient grave sites, ancient bronze daggers (Photograph 4), and ancient ceremonial bronze drums, the locations of which closely correspond to the distribution of valley-element place names. 17 The valley areas appear to have been favoured for  As recently as 1 984, a major archaeological discovery occurred in Kojin-Valley, 17 unearthing 358 rectangular bronze daggers dating back to the Yayoi Period (300 B.C.-  57 early habitation for many reasons, the most obvious of which involve the ease of obtaining water, the protection afforded by the physical geography of the valleys, and the ease of obtaining food from the Kando Inlet. So, from the overwhelming dominance of valley-element place names occurring in the mountainous region, it is apparent that the existence of valleys as entities were of greater significance to the local inhabitants than the mountains as entities. Hara and no are the most common place names occurring on the Izumo Plain. Hara and no refer to a flat area such as a field or plain, and little differentiation is evident between the two terms; although, as will be seen, the frequency of their occurrence is unequal. Figure 4-6 and 4-7 show the distribution maps of hara and no place names in the Izumo area. Looking at these maps, one can see the unequal occurrence of the two terms: in Izumo City there are seventy three hara place names, while only two no place names occur in the same area. Hikawa Town has seventeen hara place names and only six no place names. One peculiar occurrence of hara-element place names is their occasional emergence in the Chugoku Mountain Region to the south of the plain, particularly on the upper reaches of the Kando River in the district of Ottachi. Hara-element place names also occur near upper reaches of the Kando River, near Sata Town and above, where the river valley is relatively broad, in what otherwise is a very mountainous area.  300 A.D.). This evidence is particularly significant in that it proves the presence of ancient human activities in the valleys bordering what was formerly the Kando Inlet (Hikawa Town, Board of Education, 1972).  58 Although some hara and no-element place names occur in mountainous regions, they are used to identify relatively flat areas within that mountainous region.  o  •  100  290  3o0  • s  m.  .‘  \  _i  •  .-  *  ,  (Adapted from land registration map, 1889)  Figure 4-1. Land Registration Map of Shurimen Village  •  .‘  59  60  ‘°  ii.  t-r  ..i  v  If 1’  ./  j.  fli  °i4J k._  --  I  A  S II  I %LI  Wi  / /1  p  n::: ::::. 2  Figure 4-2. Distribution of Tani  ()  and Yama  (t-\)  Place Names in Izumo City  (Complied from land registration maps, 1889)  61  —“..  /44  --—-  /\r•  • Tani P lace Names AYama Place NameS  Figure 4-3. Distribution of Tani  ()  and Yama (tJ-) Place Names in Hikawa Town  (Complied from land registration maps, 1889)  62  a.  Jomon Era  (6000—5000 B.P.)  b.. Yayoi Era (2000 B.P-)  d. present Day  Figure 4-4. Development of Izumo Plain  (Shimane Prefecture Board of Education, 1980)  63  N  ._Z  •  .\) I  II  W  -  •Ancieflt Tomb 0 Shell Mou ndsi  -+ Jomo n  a nd/er Yayoi Relics  Figure 4-5. Distribution of Prehistoric Remains in Izumo Region  (Shimane Prefecture Board of Education, 1 980)  64  5”é •. I I  L  /  1.  1’  •  (: • •...III  • • ii ‘1  -Th I • •.  rr20  74 j T \‘///J ‘t51/ -s1)/F19 L &/4XI 1M’1 f7/iY71f/)/LVh?  1 I 01 /! 77/4-i W//Y/////,i  11 IZ76 ZW/’  I  • hara, par a no 3  Figure 4-6. Distribution of Hara  () and N () Place Names in Izumo City  (CompHed from land registration maps, 1889)  65  /1  *  1/  MO •  •..  3  —..  •hara,bara, para  Figure 4-7. Distribution of Hara  ())  and  ()  Place Names in Hikawa Town  (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  66  Photograph 4 Bronze Daggers Recovered at Koji-Dani Site in Hikawa Town  67 CHAPTER 5: RECONSTRUCTING THE PAST BY USING PLACE NAMES 5-1.  Reconstruction of Historical Landscapes  In this section, the writer would like to illustrate how place names can aid reconstruction of the  historical landscape in times and places with sparse written  records. Place names have often been treated with suspicion as uncertain or ambiguous fragments of information. This is largely because  place names can be interpreted in  various ways, a result of the complicated nature of language and semantics, different methodological approaches and so on. However, much can be learned from place names, as the writer wants to demonstrate in the following examples from the Izumo Plain. Place names studied in this section were collected mainly from Japanese land registration maps issued in 1889, and partly from Gokenchicho, a survey published in 1658.18  Most of these place names are no longer in use. People discarded these place  names without realizing their value. Agu district, which currently belongs to Hikawa Town, is located at the foot of the Chugoku Mountain Range and occupies the southern portion of Hikawa (Figure 5-1).  During the Fudoki era, the present Agu District is  believed to have been included in one of the lower divisions of Izumo, Kawachi  (-cj)  9 The territory of Kawachi in the eighth century included “inside the river fIoodplain.  18 all the villages of Agu District, only Kami-Agu was treated in the copy of 0f Gokenchi-cho, which the writer consulted at Hiroshima University Library. 19 Kawachi does not exist as a community’s name, but there is a shrine called Today, Kawachi Shrine, which is located at Kamishima, Izumo City. Kamishima is the name of the village made by the consolidation of Kamigo and Naka-no-Shirna (Ikeda, 1 987).  68 the present day villages of Ibo, Iwakal, Agu, Kamigo, Funatsu and Naka-no-shima (Ishizuka, 1 986) (Figure 5-2). The name Aqu also appeared in the list of shrines in the Fudoki. Recorded as Agu-no-Yashiro “Agu Shrine”, this shrine is regarded as the same shrine later listed as Ago-no-Yashiro  ° which was 2 Ago Shrine” in Engishiki,  written  ’ The old shrine still stands on the hill overlooking Agu 2 between 905 and 927 A.D. village. (Photograph 5) It is credited with providing protection for the village through the ages. It was not until 1191 (the end of Heian Period, 794 A.D.-1 185 A.D.) that Agu 22 The name Agu was used to identify the land first appeared as a secular place name. 23 In that era, there was a rapid expansion of donated to the Izumo Shrine by Kokuzo. private properties called Shoen, which were cultivated under the names of influential 24 shrines, temples, or noble families after the collapse of the land allotment system. The agricultural products of Agu were donated to Izumo Shrine in order to earn the  20 is a collection of fifty books of supplementary governmental regulations Engishiki of the early tenth century (Torao, 1 963). 21 was explained in Chapter 2-1, in order to describe Japanese place names, kanji As sometimes was used only as phonetic tool. The meaning of kanji used were less important in this case. As a result, the kanji used in the name changed frequently with 733 A.D. to time. The name Agu in the ancient records changed its form Agu Ago () in the tenth century, and Ago (jf- ) in 1114, Ago (-) in 1285 to Agu (‘,) at present (Hikawa Town Board of Education, 1972). ln Senge-monjo issued in 1191, it is recorded as follows: “...in 1114, Agu ws 22 commendated to lzumo Taisha (Izumo Shrine) by kokuzo, Izumo Kanamune. (Shimane Prefecture Board of Education, 1966). Kokuzo were local chieftains who governed small territories. 23 The land allotment system promulgated under the Ritsuryo System had begun to 24 fray at the seams. Peasants and aristocrats alike were seeking a new and more compatible form of landholding. This was aided unintentionally by the government’s support of the land reclamation to encourage the development of new paddy fields ( Kadawaki, 1967).  69 patronage of Izumo Shrine, which was a very influential religious institution at that time (Hikawa Town Board of Education, 1 972).25 For many years after 1191, no records on Agu can be found.  Apart from  documents relating to this area, it is apparent from the shape of a local mountain, and its present name that there used to exist a castle atop the mountain. This mountain, directly north of Agu village, is strangely flat on top (Photograph 6). This mountain is called Johira Yama  “castle mountain,” and, as the name implies, the villagers  of Agu say that castle once stood on the mountain--a castle constructed by the head of a powerful local clan, the Kasais. However, as no written records on this matter remain, we do not know exactly when it was built, if at all, nor do we know how long the Kasai 26 However, according to Agu-Sonshi, “The History of Agu Village,” we a castle stood. learn that Kasai Tanetsuke, a vassal of the nationally prominent Ashikaga clan, was responsible, in 1361, for the construction of Komyoji Temple, which is located directly south of Johira Yama (Komura, 1 934). Eighteen generations of the Kasai clan were found in the graveyard of Komyoji Temple. As a result of these findings, Agu illustrates how place names such as Johira Yama can be used to support the reconstruction of past events and past landscapes.  25 power of the Izumo Shrine was so great in those days that its boundless The domain were referred to as TaishaJyuni-go Nana-ura, “Izumo Shrine’s Twelve villages and seven ports.” Agu was one of the innumerable ‘twelve villages.’ (Hikawa Town Board of Education, 1977) 26 comments on the castle as follows: “There is an open space with the length lkeda of 1 6Cm, the width of 7m. This is called Baba, “a riding ground of samurai” by local villagers (Ikeda, 1 987).  70 Figure 5-3 is a topographic map of the Kami-Agu area today. This area is mainly divided into two parts--one is Kami-Agu “upper Agu” which is a village facing the Hii River and is located at the foot of Johira Yama, and the other is Hatatani,”dried paddy field valley,” which is located alongside the Hatatani River.  Figure 5-4 is a land  registration map of Agu village as it existed in 1889, showing roads, irrigation canals, rivers, place names and their related boundaries. Figure 5-5 is a map the writer has drawn from Figure 5-4 in an effort to enhance recognition of place names and boundaries. Table 5-1 lists the place names occurring in Kami-Agu village in 1889 and their respective translations. As is apparent from Figure 5-3, Kami-Agu village sprawled over the long and narrow plain between Johira Yama and the Hii River. In Kami-Agu village, an area named Kaki-no-Uchi  (-r))  “inside the hedge,  (#1 in Table 5-1) is worthy of special attention. Many different interpretations of the term, Kaki-no-Uchi (also called Kaito, Kaichi, Gaito, or Gaichi) have been offered. K.Yanagida wrote: “within the territory controlled by a powerful ruler, some people are allowed to live inside the boundaries of the ruler’s private residence. This was called Kaito, “inside the hedge.” Subsequently, it came to refer to the communities within the  village, because originally it was surrounded by hedges” (K. Yanagida,1936). The present location of Kaki-no-Uchi is presumed to be somewhere in the vicinity of the area where the upper stream of the Hatatani River meets the path to johira Yama. From Figure 5-5, the reader can see that the neighbouring place names Higashi  () “east”, (#2), and le-no-oku ( Kaki-no-Uchi as the centre. Tonoda  ) “behind the house” (#3), relate spatially to “lord’s rice field  ,“  (#4) and Karni-Tonoda  “lord’s upper rice field” (#5), were presumably cultivated areas located within  71 the lord’s territory and from which rice was presented to the lord, who, in this case, would have been the head of the Kasai clan. Evidence of moats which used to surround parcels of property can be found from the former place names of Goroemon-Bori “Goroemon’s Moat,” (#6), and Suijin-Bori ((j, “Water-God’s Moat,” (#7). Medieval samurai (baronial families) customarily constructed moats around their land. It is also well known that they tended to construct a shrine in close proximity to their residences. In Kami-Agu, Agu Shrine is located at Kariyama (ju  ), “trimmed  mountain,”, (#8) which is located very close to the Kaki-no-Uchi property Do-no-Oku (‘,) “behind the shrine” (#59). As its name suggests, is located in the mountains north of the Agu Shrine at Kariyama. Shinden-mawari (iii) “around the shrine’s rice field,” (#9), was a rice field not subject to taxation because the rice cultivated in this area was offered to the shrine, which in this case was Agu Shrine. Terada (i ),“the temple’s rice field” (#16) was land from which the rice was offered to a temple. Presumably this is the area called Mido  (  ), “the main building of a temple,”  (#1 2). Although at present there is no temple in the area, the name on the 1 889 map gives us reason to believe that one formerly stood here. To the west of the Hatatani River is a sloping hill 1 77 meters in elevation. Here are two place names which suggest the former existence of some kind of military institution. One is Takamaru,  (  ) “tall structure,” (#1 1), and the other is Tatehira  ) (#10), which presumably originally meant “shield plain.” Places with Maru  as an element in their names are frequently associated with either ancient grave sites or castles. In the case of Takamaru, because other place names with Maru such as Ushiro Maru, and Sun-Maru were found in Gokenchicho in 1 658, it seems proper to regard this  72 place name as one derived from some institution related to the protection of the villages. As for Tatehira located to the east of Takamaru, although kanji, tate  (), “to  stand up” was used for the name on the map of 1 889,the writer suggests that originally Tatehira  (- S ) “shield plain,” was used and somehow the character was changed.  This type of replacement occurs very frequently in Japanese place names. The fortifications suggested by these names cannot yet be detected by any other form of evidence, showing again the usefulness of place names for reconstructing past landscapes. The location of the three place names Muko-Yashiki (i)Q, “house on the other side” (#22); Muko-Bayashi, “forest on the other side” (#2 3); Mukai, “well on the other side”  (fj) (#24); and Muko-Yama, (f)a-’ ) “mountain on the other side”  (#2 1) are very interesting in that the term ‘muko’ meaning “the other side,” tells us that the centre of the village existed on “this side.” Those responsible for originating these place names, the namers, presumably lived in the village. “This side” was probably near Agu Shrine, or possibly near Kaki-no-Uchi, the former residential area of a samurai family and their employees. It is safe to say that “this side” of the village, contrary to “the other side,” must have been the hub where the main activities of the people were performed at the time they were named. Place names help us to understand the relative importance of different areas in former times. If we investigate the place names on the east side of the village in 1889, we find many religious place names such as Kojin-Biro stays” (#17); Jizo-Bara  “the open space where Kojin  j, “God’s plain” 7 ((}) “Jizo’s plain “(#1 3); Kan-Bara (  (#18); and Miya-Mawari  “around the shorine,” (#14). From the high frequency  73 of occurrence of religious place names, we can appreciate that religion had a powerful influence on people at that time. Also on the east side of the village is Daiku-ga Ichi  (#20). Although  the literal translation of these characters is “carpenters’ market,” it is difficult to know for certain whether this should be pronounced Daiku-ga-Ichi, in which case it would mean “carpenter’s market” or Daiku-Gaichi, in which case it would mean “group of people,” people in this case referring to carpenters. Gaichi or Gaito are equivalent to Kaichi Kaito or Kaki-no-Uchi,” the inside of the hedge” a community discussed earlier.  Apart from (#20), the other place names cannot be found to support the idea that the eastern part of Kami-Agu village was a market area.  74 Table 5-1. List of Place Names in Kami-Agu Village • • .• •• •• . . .. . . . .•.. .•.••• • • ••••• • • • ••.• •• • • . • • • . . . .. .. • . .  1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.  Kaki-no Uchi Higashi le-no-Oku Tonoda Kami-Tonoda Goroeluon-Bori Suijin-Bori Kariyama Shinden-mawari Tatehira Takamaru  12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.  Mido Jizo-bara Miya—iuawari Jizo-bara-oki Terada Kojin-biro Kanbara Kanbara—oki Daiku-ga-ichi Mukoyama Mukoyashiki Mukobayashi Mukai. Ushi-ga-dani Fukatsubo Hattanba Onari Danbara Danbara-mawari Nakaya Ashi Amo Enoki Enoki-mae Toraya Matsu-no-ki Miya-nawate Dekiji-higashi Dekiji Kuro-nakai Dodo En’no—ya—mae Watari—domari Sasayama Ko-no-su Sakai—dani  Inside the hedge East Behind the house Lord’s paddy field Lord’s upper paddy field Goroemon’s moat Moat of water god Trimmed mountain Around god’s paddy field Shield plain (?) Tall structure of a castle, the “keep” Main body of religious structure Jizo’s plain Around shrine Offshore of Jizo plain Temple’s paddy field Kojin’s open space God’s plain Offshore of Kanbara Carpenters’ market Mountain on the other side House on the other side Forest on the other side Well on the other side Cow valley Deeply padded field Aewa with eight-tan-width Person’s name (?) Stepped plain Around stepped plain Family name (?) Legs (?)  (?) Elm tree In front of Enoki (Probably derived from yago) Pine tree Shrine’s path East of newly reclaimed land Newly reclaimed land Black (----?) The sound of flowing water In front of en’no—ya (yago?) Dead end after crossing Bamboo mountain Nest of birds Border valley  75 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63.  Juro—dani Katada Sandoji Otake-mine Otake-toge Kotani Kotani-jiri Ushi-no-shita-dani Sasayama Besho-dani Tengu-dani Do-no-oku Johira Yamahira Matsu-no-ki Hira-no-shita  Juro’s valley Firm paddy field Sando temple (name of the temple) Big bamboo ridge Big bamboo pass Small valley Edge of Kotani Below Cow valley Bamboo mountain Besho’s valley Goblin’s valley Behind the temple Castle plain Mountain plain Pine tree Below the plain  Note: numbers refer to these locations depicted in Figure 5-6  (Compiled from land registration maps of Agu village, 1889)  76 Table 5-2. List of Yago in Kami Agu Village .. . . . . . . . . .. . ... . e. . • • • • • ........ . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. .  1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38  le-no-Oku Sakane Shin-gaichi Kami-Hoshina  Behind the house Place name (?) New house Upper Hoshina  Hira-Yashiki  Flat house  Kariyaiua Yabu Ishibashi Kami-yashiki Naka Nakanishi Terahata Kuramoto Yamane Shinya Koji-ya Enoki Sasayama Edo-ya Kobiki-ya Tokoya-gaichi Ide-no-shimo Oku  Trimmed mountain Bush Stone bridge family name (?) Upper house Centre Middle-west Temple’s dry paddy field Family name (?) Family name (?) New house Fermented rice shop Elm tree (place name) Bamboo mountain (place name) Shop came from Edo Saw shop Barber shop Lower Ide (Ide is probably a place name) Inside  Danbara Setoya Miyamawari  Stepped plain (place name) China shop Around shrine (place name)  Kami-Sandoji Miya-higashi Oke-ya Kora-ga-dani Demise Mukoyama Dote gashira Nii-ya  Upper Sandoji (place name) East of shrine Bucket shop Kora valley (place name) Branch shop Mountain on the other side (place name) Head of river bank New house  (Compiled from interviews at Kami-Agu Village in 1991 and 1992)  77  SHINJI LAKE  — ••  ••  S .4—.  l..% .  ./•_••  /  HIKUA  S ( S  ‘  .4  — IZUMO  _.\s  —  S  a’ 3obra.c’  \.  •‘  •Sb.mo-&. 0  I  z  A 9 kan,A  3  Figure 5-1. The Location of Agu District in Hikawa Town  78  T  N  ‘flu /_  1%”Cu,+akebe’ H’ “  •YamUYa  Japan  //  1Koshij  Taki—eki  .  k  Kanbe’”  ArnarubeL.(... Taki ..  /‘  \  -“  )  i  1 Kami-Agu  4 Ibo  2 Shimo-Agu  5 Kamishima  3 Iwakaj  Figure 5-2. Political Map of Izumo during the Fudoki Era (Adapted from Nagata, 1988)  79  Figure 5-3. Kami-Agu (1:10,000 Topographic map)  ,•i—  ‘I  •  1  •  I  I  ,,  L  -  : 1  ‘‘‘i’  J  ,  1  —  J  -.  :  ‘  •  A4  —  L ‘  :  IIi  .  I’ •L•.  •  ,..iJ’.’..,  7  .1  7”  ,i,&’j  :•r(.  !  ,,  .  .  .  ‘i’  •  :.-  •..,  I  b  I  -  .  .  : ‘  ‘  :...  4:  -  I  I  t  ••  .  .  _,  .  .:  Ill  I  •.  •  ‘  ç4  e 4  “  ,  1•  .  —..  •  ,.•,  (i  ;••  .•..,  /  •.  ..  ‘1’  •y  97  (Agu Village land registration map, 1889)  / j  •..  ‘•  •  II  ‘  r  ‘  ..  .  —  j•  .  4; 1  ,:  / I  :  -•——-—-—----—‘  Figure 5-4. Land Registration Map of Agu Village  j  .  l•  K  (i.  •,, .I.•  .L..  ‘  t ii*.  •‘•.4  •  .  —  ‘  I  0  81  rs\ / Il  CU  \L-LJJr’ 92.  8  58  k4sc  —fl L-1I  3*  3.  / 2.  62  6  ci  .  3 -  It zq  o  23 33  zc  fl,.  jZjs%èT  o c E ;o 3 :E c 2 o Figure 5-5. Simplified Map of Land Registration of Kami-Agu (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  82  )\  +  I  r  13  •  • •  ,j  rf  •  jo  •.• ••  •  9 t  .?S  o  -OO  00  300  36  • .•  Yago Yago Yago Yago  derived derived derived derived  from from from from  Household with Yago, origin unclassified place names Household without Yago location Iii occupations blood-related relationships  S  E.!1  Figure 5-6. Distribution of Households by Type of Yago in Kami-Agu  (Complied from interviews conducted in 1991, 1992)  83  Photograph 5. Jhohira Yama  I  Photograph 6. Agu Shrine, Looking Southward  I  84  85 5-2.  Yago--Names of Individual Households:  Here the writer would like to demonstrate how the names of individual households can further our understanding of the former landscape of a place. Household names are called yago in Japanese. Yago even refers to the nickname of each house in the village. It is not known how long yago have been used in Japan, but, in some areas, yago names are used more frequently than family names, especially in those villages where many people have the same family names. Generally speaking, yago names are important in small villages located in very isolated areas.  In such  remote places, yago tend to be commonly used even today, while in places such as newly developed areas or in big cities with their continuous exchange of people, we find few still using yago. The evolution of yago is explained by K. Maniwa as follows: Yago emerged to distinguish families in a village dominated by one family name. In order to have yago, the house has  to be recognized as one belonging to the village. People in the village get together and decide the suitable yago for the house. After the house has yago, the house has to hold a party to celebrate that the house has been admitted as a new member of the village. Yago is in this way transferred through generations. (Man iwa, 1 988) Maniwa further classified the various types of yago as follows: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)  Yago named according to place names in which the household is located. Yago adopted to show this Yago’s blood-related relationship with another already existing yago. Yago derived from the location of the house in the village. Yago derived from the family’s home town. Yago derived from the family’s occupation.  86 (6)  Others.  As noted earlier, interviews were conducted with forty eight households in Kami-Agu Village, in order to find out if they had yago, and how, and to find its meaning. From the interviews, the writer learned that all households received their yago ten or twelve generations ago, and only a few of the older interviewees knew that their own yago was derived from nearby place names. Figure 5-6 is a simplified map of Kami-Agu village showing the location and the type of each yago in the village. Table 5-2 lists the names of yago and their respective English translations. Thirty four households out of thirty eight households of Karni-Agu own yago. Ten households have yago derived from place names. Six households have yago derived from the location or compass direction of the house in the village. Eight households have yago derived from names of occupations once practised in the family. Three households show consanguineous relationships in their yago names. If attention is paid to the location of those households with former occupation names, it is quite easy to see that the eastern half of Agu village has a higher concentration of yago derived from former occupations such as Oke-ya, “bucket shop” (#33); Koji-ya, “fermented rice shop” (#18); Kobiki-ya,”saw shop,” (#22); and so on. It is likely that all of these yago have persisted through the many generations since the  87 Medieval period of the Kasai clan, since yago, like place names, tend to reflect the function of each house within the village and tend to be transferred through generations. Even today the eastern half of Kami-Agu shows a markedly different appearance from the western half of the village. From ancient place names and yago, the historical landscape of Kami-Agu can be recreated: there probably used to exist here a small-sized village at the foot of the castled mountain, and in the village was the residence surrounded by moats of those in power.  Unpretentious activities by small-  scale craftsmen and merchants appeared on the east side of the village. Their existence can be supported not only by place names such as Daiku-ga-Ichi, but also by the distribution of households with occupation-type yago. On the far western side of Kami Agu village, there seem to have been some kind of facilities with close relationships with the castle on the mountain. Although many of the area’s place names unfortunately were erased in the years since they were first recorded, we can still perceive many vivid clues enabling us to reconstruct past landscapes of Kami-Agu using place names and  yago from surviving maps and documents. Despite a dearth of tangible evidence, pieces of the cultural and historical puzzle begin to fall into place if we investigate the place names and yago not only from the perspective of the archaeologist, historian, or philologist but also from the synergistic panorama afforded by objective, geographicallyoriented approaches from all three fields of study. 5-3.  Reconstruction Of Former River Channels Using Place Names  Many place names on the Izumo Plain describe or in some way relate to the rivers on the plain. This is not surprising, considering the close relationships between the people living on the Izumo Plain and the Hii and Kando rivers.  88 Figure 5-7 and 5-8 are maps of river-related place names collected from land registration maps published in 1889. Place name elements that clearly relate to a river are elements like Kawa, Gawa,  (ii),  3) “river,” or Dote,  () Tsutsumi,  “river  bank,” and so on. From the distribution of these river-related place names, one can reconstruct the courses of the river in times past. This is especially evident in the case of the Hii River, which as we mentioned earlier, underwent a radical course change in 1 635. A row of river place names can be found alongside the Hii River shore from upstream where the river meets the plain to the lower part of the river where it flows into Shinji Lake. Apart from these two main rivers, the Hii and Kando rivers, there are many smaller rivers and irrigation canals running in various directions on the plain. Places along these smaller water courses, however, seldom carry river-related place names. The smaller rivers play a comparatively minor role in peoples’ lives compared with the strong influences of the Hii and Kando rivers. It is not too much to say that the Hii and Kando rivers have been focal points for life on the Izumo Plain. The writer would now like to show how former river courses of the Hii River are still marked on maps in the form of “vestige” river names--derived from the days when the river used to flow westward. That the Hii River used to flow to the west until the middle of the sixteenth century fits with geological evidence and with landscape descriptions found in the 27 Figure 5-9 is a geomorphological map of the Izumo Plain which shows the Fudoki.  Amongst the many scholars who adopted and supported former ideas of the 27 location of the Hii River without any proof, lshizuka tried to clarify the location of the former river course of the Hil River not only from the ancient document and maps, but also from the existence of abandoned natural levees or ancient river beds.  89 geological evidence of abandoned river courses of the former Hii River (Naruse, 1975). Figure 5-12 will help the readers to find these former river channels. The description of the Hii River in the Fudoki is as follows: The Hii River flows from its source, Torikami Mountain, which borders two provinces, one of which is Izumo, the The river, then, flows north through other being Hoki. Kawachi, and Izumo. It then turns to the west, running through mu, Kitsuki, finally flowing into the Kando Inlet [of the Japan Sea]. (Hiraizumi, 1953) ...  Figure 5-10 is purportedly a map of the lower divisions of Izumo Plain during the Fudoki Era. From recent research on this area, it is becoming an established theory that the Hil River used to flow through the Kawato district of Izumo City flowing until it reached Hamayama where it shifted south, forming a lagoon near the present mouth of the 28 Figure 5-12 shows the location of Kando River (Ishizuka, 1986) (Figure 5-11, 5-12j the Hil River’s courses during the Fudoki Era, according to lshizuka. He also points out that it would be natural to think that there was a confluence of the Hil River with tributaries flowing both east to Shinji Lake and west to Kando Inlet (Ishizuka, 1 986). Now, the writer would like to focus attention on place names which existed in 1 889 in the area where the Hii River flowed westward before changing its course in 1 635. Figure 5-1 3 shows the distribution of river-related place names collected from  According to Fudoki-sho written in 1 683, there was a lake called Hishine-no-lke 28 around northern Hamayama. Even after the Hii River shifted its course easterly, the area around Hishine Lake was swampy and unsuitable for cultivation. It was said to be 1608-1643 when a canal was constructed by Miki Yohei for the purpose of draining this area. Subsequently, six new villages emerged, these being Hishine, Nyunan, Shurirnen, Tsunematsu, Eda, and Yashima (Nagata, 1 988).  90 land registration maps of the area in 1889. Table 5-3 is a list of river-related place names and their respective translations. In the northern area of the Kawato districtKawato meaning “river trace”--it is notable that there are three place names derived from the name “river bank” (#6,7, and 8 in Figure 5-1 3 and Table 5-3). Also noteworthy is the place name Kishibun, “shore side” (#9); it presumably existed on the former river bank, although today it is 1 km. inland. Near the border of the Tobigasu district and the Kawato district, there also exist place names which identify the former existence of the river bank (#1 ,2,3,4, and 5). Kawarazaki in Takahama district (#10) refers to a lowlying point or peninsula of land at the river’s edge. The place name Takahama is identified in the Izumo Tashiaryo Chushin-jo of 1256 as one of the twelve domains of the Izumo Shrine (Nagata, 1988). Subsequently, in 1655, part of Takahama was divided in two, one area being called Yamakata, “mountain side”, the other being called Satokata, “village side” (Figure 5-1 3) (Nagata, 1 988). One may suppose that ten or twenty years would have been long enough for the land to dry out completely, allowing the establishment of a new village after the Hii River changed its course about 1 635. At present, the name Satokata still remains as a place name; on the other hand, Yamakata was further divided and the name Yamakata no longer exists. Another name indicative of the former landscape is the term oki, which means “offshore” and is usually used with reference to deep water or the blue water of the ocean. An interesting nuance of the term oki is that people never call the area to which they are native “oki”. For example, there is an island called Oki-no-Shima, “Offshore Island,” in Shimane Prefecture, located approximately 70 km. offshore from Honshu Island. Needless to say, this island was named Oki-no-Shima by the people living on  91 Honshu Island, not by the people on Oki-no-Shima itself. Therefore, the writer would like to note that no matter where the oki names are located, there should exist a namer village inshore from the oki-named village serving as a reference point. As the original meaning of the term “offshore” suggests, the writer conjectures that there should exist, or have once existed, some form of waterfront facing the oki villages. This conjecture is supported by the map in Figure 5-14. The seventeen oki names in lzumo City show a peculiar geographical pattern, which is indicated in Figure 5-1 5.  Table 5-4 lists these names and their English  translations. Most of the oki names are distributed along the riverside except for these numbered 1,2,3,4, and 5, which presumably identify points along former and perhaps “lost” channels of the Hii River. This is a new discovery; this kind of analysis hitherto does not appear to have been considered by other Japanese scholars. As for investigating place names in general, it is difficult and often important to determine the time when the name was first used. In order to improve our knowledge of the history of the Hii River,it is important to know when the river-related place names on the Izumo Plain were adopted. Documents useful toward this end, all of them mentioned before in this thesis, are: Izumo Fudoki (733A.D.)  ;  land surveys of  the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; and land registration records of 1889. Figure 5-16 is a map showing the approximate date of first use in available documents of place names which still exist in the area. As this area has a thin corpus of paleography, the map might be less precise than desired. It is, nevertheless, of some assistance for understanding the history here. From the chronological occurrences of place names distributed in this area, it is possible to divide these place names into three major  92 groups. The place names occurring in Group A predate the place names which occur in Groups B and C. It is interesting to examine Figures 5-16 and 5-12 and note there is ample reason to suppose that the place names examined in this chapter correspond to the location of the former course of the Hii River, as area A is quite possibly Harnayama, which, as seen in Figure 4-4, is proved to be very old; on the contrary, Group B is in all probability newly reclaimed land after the former Hii River changed its course. Group C relates to the area which, during the Fudoki Era, was covered by the Kando Inlet. The writer conjectures that after the Kando Inlet had dried up, the presence of the Kando River flowing through area C prevented settlement in the area until recent times. Another way to reconstruct the past from place names is to look at subdivision names, as Yanagida explained (Yanagida, 1 933). If a village is divided into two or more parts, or if new villages share some common characteristics such as similar physical or human conditions, these new villages will tend to share common elements in their place names; they will be distinguished from each other through use of such place name elements as: Kami(t  (, ,  ),  Nakafl  ),  upper, middle, and lower,” Higashi M or Shimo( ),  Nishi(), Kita(k), Minami()  Neast  west,  north, south,” and Shine), or Moto  “new, old,” and so on. Figure 5-17 shows the distribution of Kami, Naka, and Shimo  place names in the area where the Hii River once flowed. Table 5-5 lists place names with Kami, Naka, and Shimo elements. The arrows on the map indicate the directions from upper to lower for each place name. From this map, it is easy to see that all the directions implicit in the place names correctly correspond to what was likely the actual direction of river flow in times past when the river flowed along this route. In Figure 51 7, nineteen sets of subdivision names with Kami, Naka,  or  Shimo were found (A-S). The  93 arrow from Al (upper Takeshi) to A2 (lower Takeshi), needless to say, parallels to a former channel of the Hii River. In this area where the Hii River once flowed, two more cases of concordance between river and special place names were found. One is the channel shown as Bi, B2, B3; here the river flowed from Bi, Kamisawa, “upper marsh” to B2 Nakazawa “middle marsh, “to B3, Shimosawa, “lower marsh.” Another old section of the river is indicated along the line from Cl, Kamishimada, paddy field,”  to  C2,  Shimoshimada,  “lower  island  arrow indicating a southward flow of the former Hii  beach”  to  D2,  Hamashita  “lower  probably reflects a winding lower  to  exist  east  of  Hamayama  Park.  beach.”  this  paddy field.”  Not  River from  Nakaharna “middle  case,  the  Dl,  far  direction  of  away  island  the  is  an  arrow  reach that once flowed into Lake Hishine, which used  The  geography  examples of how contemporary place names  is yet  In  Hupper  of  these  place  names  offer  good  whisper hints of a former landscape. There  another method by which place names can be used to investigate the location of  former  river  channels.  It  depends  on  observing  the  distribution  of hara  or  bara place  names, both of which are pronunciations of the Kanji that refers to “flat area.” Hara place names in Izumo City are found in two groups as was discussed in earlier chapter (see chapter 4-2). There is a big concentration on the middle-north-east plain, and another well dispersed group in the mountains and flat areas. The writer would like to look more closely at the area shown in Figure 5-18. Most of the area encircled corresponds to the area where the river formerly flowed to the west. Table 5-6 is the list of hara place names and their respective translations. Notable is the large number of hara place names with subdivision adjectives such as Nishihara, “west plain,” or Maebara, “front plain.” These subdivision hara place names are especially common in  94 Takahama and Takamatsu districts. (see for example, #3,4,5 12,13,30,31,32, and 33 in Table 5-6). Some hara place names such as Arihara(#28) and Himehara (#25) prove to be quite old names derived from ancient shrine names which appear in the Fudoki period. However, the subdivision place names are quite new (Nagata, 1 988). After the Hii River changed its course to the east, the abandoned river channel was gradually  cultivated, creating new land between the plots of agricultural land that existed before. This process is illustrated in Figure 5-1 9. The new land lying between two “old lands” tends to be named by subdivision names. In this area, as shown by the orientation in Figure 5-18, the naming process included the use of place names with  “north” and  “south” in their names. Many of these “north” or “south” subdivision names are concentrated in Takahama district, just where we would expect the secondary reclamation of land after the river changed its course to be most common. It is also very interesting to find that a place name called Sakai, “border” (#49) in Figure 5-18, is located where the Hii River used to be : The river that served as a border is now long departed, but the “border” name remains and still marks the spot. From these clues investigated from place names, the writer concludes that although a period of two hundred and fifty years has elapsed since the Hii River changed its course, the place names which occur in that area continue to suggest the existence of the former river course in their names.  95 Table 5-3. List of River-Related Place Names No.  Names  Translation  1  Teigai  Outside of the river bank  2  Hama  Beach  3  Hamada  Beach paddy field  4  Enoki—ga--oki  Offshore of elm tree  5  Furudote  Old river bank  6  Kodote  Small river bank  7  Teigai  Outside the river bank  8  Odote  Big river bank  9  Kishibun  Shore side  10  Kawarzaki  Tip of the river shore  11  Shinkawa  New river  12  Shinkawa  New river  (Compiled from land registration maps of Tobigasu, Kawato, Takahama Districts, 1889)  96 Table 5-4. List of Oki Place Names in Izumo City  No  Place name  Translation  1  Oki  Offshore  2  Hon-ga Oki  Offshore of the moat  3  Oki  Offshore  4  Enoki-ga Oki  Offshore of the elm tree  5  Oki  Offshore  6  Oki-kami  Upper offshore  7  Oki—na]ca  Middle offshore  8  Oki-shimo  Lower offshore  9  Oki-kami  Upper offshore  10  Mimie—Oki  Offshore of Mimie name)  11  Okita  Offshore Paddy field  12  Magi-Oki  Offshore of Magi name)  13  Do-no-Oki  Offshore of temple  14  Nakashima Oki  Of shore of Nakashima (Nakashima is a place name)  15  Sono-mae-Oki  Offshore of in front of it  16  Shinden-Oki  Offshore of the newly developed paddy  17  Tanaka-Oki  Offshore of paddy field  (  Mimie is a place  (Magi is a place  (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  97 Table 5-5. List of Kami, Naka, and Shimo Element Place Names No. Al A2 Bl B2 B3 Cl C2 Dl D2 El E2 Fl F2 Gl G2 Hi H2 H3 Ii 12 Ji J2 J3 Ki K2 Li L2 L3 Mi M2 Ni N2 N3 01 02 P1 P2 Qi Q2 Ri R2 Si S2  Place Name Kami- Takeshi Shimo-Takeshi Kami-Sawa Naka-Zawa Shiiuo-Sawa Kami-Shimada Shimo-Shimada Naka Haiua Hanta Shita Kami-Gumi Shimo-Gumi Kami-Muko Shimo-Muko Kami-Sawa Shimo-Sawa Magi-Kami Magi-Naka Magi-Shimo Kami-Shingu Shimo-Shingu Mukobara—Kami Mukobara—Naka Mukobara-Shimo Maehara—Kami Maehara—Shimo Kami—Yagura Naka—Yagura Shimo-Yagura Naka-Gaichi Shimo-Gaichi Asayalna—Kami Asayama—Naka Asayama—Shimo Kamigyo Shiiuogyo Kaini-Gumi Naka-Gumi Kami—Tonoda Tonoda Kami —Nagahama Shimo-Nagahama Unate-Kami Unate-Shimo  Translation Upper Takeshi Lower Takeshi Upper marsh Middle marsh Lower marsh Upper island paddy Lower island paddy Middle beach Lower beach Upper group Lower group Upper over there Lower over there Upper marsh Lower marsh Upper Magi Middle Magi Lower Magi Upper new shrine Lower new shrine Upper Plain over there Middle plain over there Lower plain over there Upper front plain lower front plain Upper Yagura Middle Yagura Lower Yagura Middle Gaichi Lower Gaichi Upper morning mountain Middle morning mountain Lower morning mountain Upper town Lower town Upper group Middle group Upper lord’s paddy Lord’s paddy Upper Long beach Lower Long Beach Upper Unate Lower Unate  (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  98 Table 5-6. List of Hara, Para, Bara Element Place and Subdivision Place Names No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47  Name  Translation  Hoshi bara Besho bara Higashi bara Naka hara Nishi hara Kawara zaki Aoki bara Yontan bara Miyadai bara Hakkoku bara Idagawara Nakahara Nakahara Ita—gozen bara Soto hara Hodohara Ike hara Horihara Kitsune hara Hashi hara Yanagi hara Mae hara Icho bara Gotan bara Himehara Nicho bara Kayahara An hara Ihara Nakahara Nishihara Maehara Kitaihara Nishi yama Higashi gumi Naka gumi Mae gumi Kami suzi Kita chodoni Kita Jiromaru Kita gotanda Minami Jiromaru Minami Chodori Minami gotanda Kamisawa Nakazawa Shimosawa  Hoshi’s plain Besho’s plain East plain Middle plain West plain Tip of the river shore Blue wood plain Four—tan Plain Shrine??? plain Eight-koku plain Ida’s river shore Middle plain Outside plain (?) plain Pond plain Moat plain Fox plain Bridge plain Willow plain Front plain Icho-width plain Five tan plain Princess plain Nicho-width plain Bush plain (?) plain Well plain Middle plain West plain Front plain North plain West mountain East group Middle group Front group Upper line North long bird? North Jiromaru North five-tan paddy field South Jiromaru South long bird? South five-tan paddy field Upper Marsh Middle marsh Lower marsh  (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  99  Figure 5-7. Distribution of River-related Place Names in Izumo City (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  100  N --  •  •  • •  •  •...-  S  •  ‘I  •  •  s  •  5  \• 1 I  2  3 _  1CM  ..  •  Figure 5-8. Distribution of River-related Place Names in Hikawa Town (Complied from land registration maps, 1889)  101  Figure 5-9. Geomorphology in the Izumo Plain (Adapted from Naruse, 1 975)  102  .1:  .  1”  .  q\ -‘& .-v f\ qt- •<3\ \/: /N-  -2-\  —-  -  f  -  i  .-  )  -  J  —..‘  I  _-v  /? -.,.  •--•  ! z  I  ,11  -  q  4 q  Ii  --  i  -  -  t  (J -  I  :‘I  -,‘,  -  Z  1(  I-  If  -  Figure 5-10. Old Map of Izumo Plain--A.D. 650  (Reproduced from Yotsugane Village, 1 986)  -.  (?)  103  N 4  7  g.j  -obigasu, 1 T .’-”’ /•  _—t  —I’  N  UI  —‘\  “6fsugan’e-.  /4  Irn’.ci NagahaFflat  :1  :/  :7  ‘--I.’  EnY8  -‘  ,-  ‘4  ‘  ‘. Kando iJinzaic  I  N:’  \__.  •  I i  \ :  )  “  ——  Kanutsu  “-‘‘  I  t  :c:t-fl / Lt c  HieI’ra -;  S S\ J ‘1 /  Asaa\  Ottachi,fj-_rk  r•k  (  ( -  s  ‘-J /  :  ‘.  ((  2  .‘  ‘  w _/\  S  ‘>  s__fl’  \  /  •  I  I  I  ..  N  .  “(0 1 2  Figure 5-1 1. Districts in Izumo City  1;  104  N I  T  gz;kj 11 HM •f L’ /\ Hii \ I ‘.‘.  .  -‘-,  River  0  ,:i /r) ‘•‘•.‘:/  HM:  Hamayama  Kando River  Figure 5-12. Former River Channels and Shore Lines during the Fudoki Era (Adapted from Ishizuka, 1 984)  :1  I  5  S  :  —.:  S..  Takarnatsu  • /cZ.  •,i  .  • .•.. •.. .••  S.  S.  ...  ••.  ., •. • ... • ••.•••  Se..  ..s•  Kawato  •.  . . S  /  •••  •  0 j gasu  •IO_.wt.•  tsugafle 0 ,y  ¶  \ 1aka8  ••. ••••••.  ‘.•  1  • %  :•  S  •  Figure 5-13. Distribution of River-related Place Names in Tobigasu, Takahama, Kawato, Yotsugane, and Takamatsu Districts in Izumo City (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  :1  :1 .1  1  a  106  Figure 5-14.  Model of ici Place Names  107  .J  I :%‘  /  rT1L 1 I  I  Zá2Z • OKI  JV/  /f  / .‘J  Figure 5-15. Distribution of  :1!  Qicl  i-  (V  3 KM  Place Names in Izumo City  (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  •  •  \,)  2  ‘  .  a  T  4  3 K M  i_,•1  4.,,  •  /  r  •  .  ) L  /  •  •.  •.•  (  . •••  0  ,,—  • . .1  •:-  •  I  •;\ •  a  \  ..1  •;  A  1800-1889  • -  1700-1799  1636—1699  *  +  + •.tf  •1 _—.  a a  (Adapted from Nagata, 1988)  Figure 5-16. Chronological Occurrences of Place names in Various Documents  “  1  log  Figure 5-17. Distribution of Place Names with Kami or Shimo (f.) Elements  (.r.-),  (Compiled from land registration maps, 1 689)  Naka (i42),  44  /  a  9  •  .••  (\ •  33  ()  if :  7  90.  2.4.  •  •. ..•  •  OO:  r7  0•7.9  ••.•  •..:  :•.•  o  I :  .  \•  / •  O i  A36  and Subdivision Place Names  A  ic’AA  ii  /  (Compiled from land registration maps, 1889)  Figure 5-18. Hara  •  ç • __c•’—.••:.>  0  _.—.  /  Q--  ‘‘  //--——  ç  1•  /  subdivjjo Asubdivjsjon  •hara+  hara  Al’  LV  B  —  /  Figure 5-19. Model of River Course Change and Subdivision Place Names  —  -  RL’JE.R  R’v  FOMEJ  112 CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  The preceding chapters have worked toward supporting the fundamental objective of this thesis, which is the investigation and analysis of how traditional Japanese place names, many of which are no longer marked on contemporary official maps, reflect both physical and human characteristics of a given region. The different concepts of “what is named” between Japan and the West were examined showing that in the West, a clear distinction exists between place names and geographical names, while in Japan, the term chimei, meaning place name, is a comparatively vague, allinclusive term. Universal natures of place names were introduced with reference to the published -  works of a cross-section of international scholars resulting in the occurrence of five common characteristics: 1) place names are used to provide a frame of reference to distinguish separate entities, 2) place names were originally simple descriptions of the land, 3) place names exist in harmony with the usages of the local language, 4) place names indicate certain socioeconomic and/or sociocultural phenomena, 5) place names tend to develop, expand and change. Key differences in the perception of place names between Japan and the West were examined. Notable among them was the concept that in the West, streets are named and the land is generally unnamed, while in Japan the land is perceived as places being separated by the streets, resulting in the streets remaining unnamed while the land or places bounded by streets receiving names. The complexities of the Japanese language were investigated, with examples, in an attempt to demonstrate that a purely etymological approach to the understanding of Japanese place names is inadequate.  113 In order to make Japanese place names easier to understand, the writer suggested that Japanese place names can be divided into two groups: physical place names, that is, names which describe the natural landscape, and historical place names or names which emerged under the influence of human activities at a certain time. Literature on the study of Japanese place names was reviewed, focusing on three scholars: Yanagida, K Kagami, and K. Yamaguchi, who were the first Japanese scholars to approach place names from a non-etymological starting frame. Izumo City and Hikawa Town in Shimane Prefecture were chosen as the area of research for two principal reasons. The first was the presence of the Hii River, a major river which changed its course in the recent past. The second reason was the existence of an ancient gazetteer called Izumo-no-Fudoki which was published in the eighth century, recording the major place names and describing the natural landscape at that time. Place names dealt with in this thesis were collected from a variety of sources spanning a period from 733 A.D. to modern day. Using the place names collected, the writer attempted to examine them from four different approaches. First, an attempt was made to review the place names recorded in the Fudoki to ascertain whether they still survived. Second, as there are approximately one thousand place names occurring in the research area, the incidence of mountain and plain-element names were investigated in an effort to illustrate and analyze their distribution patterns. Third, the village of Kami Agu was selected as an example in an attempt to reconstruct the former historical landscape using place names and yago. Finally, the former course of the Hil River was reconstructed by investigating the distribution of river-related, oki, and subdivision place names.  114 From the foregoing evidence, it was demonstrated that an area’s place names make frequent and subtle reference to the qualities of a land and its people. In the research area there still exist place names which prove the existence of a former river; oki place names whose etymology further supports the existence of waterfront; and subdivision names which indicate not only the former existence of a river, but also the direction of the water’s movement. Special attention was paid to this latter group and a model was constructed to clarify the process of creating subdivision names. Place name analysis, if approached from a variety of perspectives, can be a valuable tool in reconstructing the physical and historical landscape, even when there exist no local archives. Through the reconstruction of a former landscape, using discarded place names, the present work makes a contribution to the study of place names. Since the number of place names in Japan is decreasing, it is the desire of this writer that place names be sincerely regarded as capsule historical documents. Hopefully this work will impress upon the reader that if a place name is deliberately or inadvertently altered, or its use discontinued, a page of history chronicling humanity’s union with the land is willingly and irretrievably rent from global cultural heritage.  115 BIBLIOGRAPHY  Asayama, Akira. “Izumo-no-koku-Fudoki ni Okeru Chirigaku jono Sho-mondai” [Some geographical problems mentioned in Izumo Fudoki]. In Izumo Fudoki no Kenkyu [A study of Izumo Fudoki] pp.449-502, 1953. Ashikaga, Kenryo. Koaza-chimei Kashu no Genjyo to Rekishi Chirigaku ni Okeru Koaza mei no Yuyosei” [The present conditions of collecting place names in historical geography]. Chirigaku Hyoron [Geographic Review j 38(6) [1965]:23-24. Aurousseeu, Marcel. The Rendering of Geographical Names. London: Hutchinson University Library, 1 957. Batchelor, John. Ainu-go Yori Mitaru Nihon Chimel Kenkyu [A study of Japanese place names from Ainu language perspective]. Tokyo: Bunroku-sha, 1929. Cameron, Kenneth. 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