Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

St. Martin of Braga : sources for his tolerance toward the rustici in sixth century Galicia Follis, Edward Kim 1992

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata


831-ubc_1992_fall_follis_edward.pdf [ 1.72MB ]
JSON: 831-1.0086519.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0086519-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0086519-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0086519-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0086519-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0086519-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0086519-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

ST. MARTIN OF BRAGA: SOURCES FOR HIS TOLERANCE TOWARD THERUSTICI IN SIXTH CENTURY GALICIAbyEDWARD KIM FOLLISB.A., The University of Manitoba, 1983M.T.S., Regent College, 1988A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES(Religious Studies)We accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardsTHE UNIVERSiTY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAOctober 1992@Edward Kim FollisIn presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.Department of Religious StudiesThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate cj-rhr.1 19ODE-6 (2/88)iiABSTRACTA short time after the II Council of Braga in A.D. 572, Bishop Martin ofBraga wrote a letter to his fellow bishop, Polemius of Astorga. The letteraddressed a concern which Polemius had raised in their correspondence regardingthe first canon of the recent council, which instructed the bishops to call the peopleof the Church together, and “teach them, so that they will flee the errors ofidols...”1 In response, Martin composed a sermon designed to serve Polemius as amodel for his instruction of those rural peasants who still maintained strong tieswith their traditional pagan religion. During the middle ages, the sermon,commonly known as De Correctione Rusticorum, caught on as a guide for bishopsand missionaries facing the same task as Polemius.Martin’s sermon is of value to scholars because of its detailed catalogue ofpagan practices. However, the sermon stands out from others in the same genrebecause of its tolerant approach to the pagani. While J.N. Hillgarth and PeterBrown, among others, are surprised by Martin’s tolerance, few have consideredwhy this bishop from Northwestern Iberia was so gentle with his waywardcharges.2Alberto Ferreiro, in an article which appeared in the American BenedictineReview, December 1983, attributes Martin’s tolerance to his classical educationand training. In advancing this thesis, Ferreiro refers to Martin’s heavyindebtedness to Seneca in several other writings, and references to his knowledgeof classical authors, notably Plato, by Fortunatus. While Martin’s knowledge of1”. ..convocata plebe ipsius ecclesiae, doceant illos, Ut erroresfugiant idolorum...”Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Anilpissima Collectip, vol. 9, 838.Note: All translations are mine unless otherwise stated.2 Evidence from Augustine, Caesarius of Arles and the Council of Elvira reveals that thenonnal western approach to pagan survivals was confrontational in nature.iiithe classics may be a contributing factor, it is only one element in the makeup of acomplex man who labored in a unique situation.In this study, Martin emerges as an adventuresome man whose thirst forknowledge put him at odds with the anti intellectual policies of Emperor Justinian.He entered monastic life in the east just as the Academies were closing in Greece.Prior to the crushing of Origenism in A.D. 553, Martin stayed a step beyond therepressive emperor by retreating to the kingdom of the autonomous Sueves inGalicia. When migrating west, Martin brought with him the literary andintellectual heritage of eastern monasticism. This material included the Sayings ofthe Desert Fathers and a collection of canons from various eastern Councils.Claude W. Barlow edited this literature along with the extant writings of Martin inMartini Episcopi Opera Omnia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950).In Galicia he found a people beyond the control of Justinian, and theChurch hierarchy as well. Located at the fringes of the Roman Empire, Galiciawas marginally influenced by the Catholicism which dominated southern Iberia.Indeed, a dispirited Church was overpowered by both a vital indigenous paganism,a persistent Priscillianism, and the Arianism of the independent Sueves.Lacking the support at the disposal of bishops in southern Spain and Gaul,Martin of Braga never attempted to enforce Catholicism on the populace. Instead,in his sermon, commonly known as De Correctione Rusticorum, Martin adapts hiseastern monastic experience to the cultural and religious situation in Galicia inorder to persuade his semi-pagan converts to give up their traditional paganpractices. His message of salvation rests theologically on the principles ofOrigenism and is characterized by the pastoral tone of the Desert Fathers. Theeasterness of Martin’s sermon is discerable when compared with the Sayings of theDesert Fathers and Origen’s De Principiis and contrasted with the sermons ofCaesarius of Aries and Augustine’s De Catechizandis Rudibus. While Ferreiroivpoints the search for the source of Martin’s tolerance in the right direction, he failsto recognize the influence of Martin’s eastern monastic experience as a whole onhis his pastoral endeavours.VTABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT iiChapterFROM PANNONIA TO GALICIA 4A. The Journey EastB. Egyptian Monasticism in the Sixth CenturyC. Justinian’s Influence on Monastic LifeD. The Journey WestE. St. Martin’s Monastic HeritageSummaryHISTORY OF GALICIA 19A. Human Settlement to Roman OccupationB. The Period of Suevic Domination: 409-587SummaryIII RELIGION IN GALICIA PRIOR TO ST. MARTIN’SARRIVAL 27A. The PaganiB. The Spread of ChristianityC. The Priscillian FactorD. The Religion of the SuevesSummaryIV FROM MONK TO BISHOP 46A. The Politics of Galicia: 550-572B. Life At DumiumC. From Dumium to II Braga (572)viV DE CORRECTIONE RUSTICORUM AND ITS GENRE .72A. PurposeB. StyleC. StructureSummaryVI De Correctione Rusticorum: An “Eastern Response ToPagan Survivals In Galicia 79A. IntroductionB. De Correctione Rusticorum And The Sayings Of TheDesert FathersTolerant ApproachesParallels In TheologyEastern Versus Western TheologyC. Martin Of Braga And Caesarius Of Aries: ConflictingApproaches To Pagan SurvivalsD. The Tolerant Bishop: “A Man For All Seasons”viiACKNOWLEDGEMENTI would like to acknowledge the support of my wife, Lori Follis, whocourageously accepted the lot of student life, along with the challenge of raisingthree children. I am ever indebted to her commitment to this project.1INTRODUCTIONA short time after the II Council of Braga in A.D. 572, Bishop Martin ofBraga wrote a letter to his fellow bishop, Polemius of Astorga. The letteraddressed a concern which Polemius had raised in their correspondence regardingthe first canon of the recent council, which instructed the bishops to call the peopleof the Church together, and “teach them, so that they will flee the errors ofidols...”1 In response, Martin composed a sermon designed to serve Polemius as amodel for his instruction of those rural peasants who still maintained strong tieswith their traditional pagan religion. During the middle ages, the sermon,commonly known as De Correctione Rusticorum, caught on as a guide for bishopsand missionaries facing the same task as Polemius.Martin’s sermon is of value to scholars because of its detailed catalogue ofpagan practices. However, the sermon stands out from others in the same genrebecause of its tolerant approach to the pagani. While J.N. Hillgarth and PeterBrown, among others, are surprised by Martin’s tolerance, few have considered1” ...convocata plebe ipsius ecclesiae, doceant illos, Ut erroresfugiant idolorum...”Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amlpissima Collectio, vol. 9, 838.Note: All translations are mine unless otherwise stated.2why this bishop from Northwestern Iberia was so gentle with his waywardcharges.2Alberto Ferreiro, in an article which appeared in the American BenedictineReview, December 1983, attributes Martin’s tolerance to his classical educationand training. In advancing this thesis, Ferreiro refers to Martin’s heavyindebtedness to Seneca in several other writings, and references to his knowledgeof classical authors, notably Plato, by Fortunatus. While Martin’s knowledge ofthe classics may be a contributing factor, it is only one element in the makeup of acomplex man who labored in a unique situation.In this study, Martin emerges as an adventuresome man whose thirst forknowledge put him at odds with the anti intellectual policies of Emperor Justinian.He entered monastic life in the east just as the Academies were closing in Greece.Prior to the crushing of Origenism in A.D. 553, Martin stayed a step beyond therepressive emperor by retreating to the kingdom of the autonomous Sueves inGalicia. When migrating west, Martin brought with him the literary andintellectual heritage of eastern monasticism.In Galicia he found a people beyond the control of Justinian, and theChurch hierarchy as well. Located at the fringes of the Roman Empire, Galiciawas marginally influenced by the Catholicism which dominated southern Iberia.Indeed, a dispirited Church was overpowered by both a vital indigenous paganism,a persistent Priscillianism, and the Arianism of the independent Sueves.Lacking the support at the disposal of bishops in southern Spain and Gaul,Martin of Braga never attempted to enforce Catholicism on the populace. Instead,in De Correctione Rusticorum, Martin adapts his eastern monastic experience tothe cultural and religious situation in Galicia in order to persuade his semi-pagan2 Evidence from Augustine, Caesarius of Aries and the Council of Elvira reveals that thenonnai western approach to pagan survivals was confrontationai in nature.3converts to give up their traditional pagan practices. His message of salvationrests theologically on the principles of Origenism and is characterized by thepastoral tone of the Desert Fathers. Through the labor of Martin of Braga and hisremarkable sermon, the spirit and message of eastern monasticism shapedmissionary efforts in Galicia and beyond.4Chapter 1FROM PANNONIA TO GALICIAA. THE JOURNEY EASTMartin’s life began in A.D. 520 somewhere in Pannonia. As a young man,he left his native land on a journey which would eventually end in thenorthwestern corner of the Iberian Peninsula. Our knowledge of his life prior tohis arrival in Spain in A.D. 550 is sketchy. In a short poem, entitled “EpitaphiumEiusdem”, written to honor Martin of Tours, the author refers to himself both as“famulus Martin eodem Nomine”, and as “pannoniis Genitus”.1 Martin of Bragawas well aware that both he and Martin of Tours shared Pannonia, located inmodern Hungary as their birth place. common These two phrases constituteMartin’s autobiographical references. Our remaining source of information aboutMartin is found in Gregory of Tours’ History of the Franks, written between A.D.580 and 584. While Martin only speaks in his poem about “crossing vast waters toGallicia”, Gregory fills in some significant detail.1 The extant works of Martin of Braga are: Pro repellenda iactantia, Item de superbia,Exhortatio humilitatis, Canons of the Second council of Braga, De ira, De CorrectioneRusticorum, Formula Vitae honestae, De trina mersione, De Pascha, and a few poems. Thecomplete collection of these works and all sources that make mention of Martin can be found inClaude W. Barlow. ed., Martini Episcopi Opera Omnia (New Haven: Yale University Press,1950). Hereafter it will be cited as Barlow, MEB. The poem appears on page 283.5“...he set forth for the east to visit holy places, and became so well versed in lettersthat he was second to none among the men of his day”.2 This brief statementcontains two pieces of information around which a general biography can becreated. Martin went to the holy land, although where specifically is notmentioned. However, during his sojourn there, he recieved an excellent educationwhich Venantius Fortunatus describes and praises in a letter to Martin.3 Thequality of Martin’s education leads Alberto Ferreiro to surmise that he lived amonganchoritic monks where he had access to extensive libraries.4While the description of Martin’s activity in the east is marginal, it isprobable that he spent a significant period of time in a monastic community thatpossessed a substantial library, where he absorbed both the classics and the lore ofdesert monasticism. In order to understand this formative period in Martin’s life, itis helpful to construct a profile of the desert monasticism Martin experienced inthe early sixth century.B. EGYPTIAN MONASTICISM IN THE SIXTH CENTURYOur sources offer no direct clues from which to determine the nature ofMartin’s monastic experience. However, certain inferences can be drawn bothfrom our knowledge of sixth century Egyptian monasticism in general. Sincehistorical sources for the period are scant, this knowledge is gleaned mainly fromthe Sayings of the Fathers and the Questions and Answers of the Greek Fathers.Inferences can also be drawn from our profile of the mature Martin. Martin’s2 Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, trans. and intro. O.M. Dalton (Oxford:University Press, 1927), vol.V:37.3 Barlow, MEB., 294-298.4 Alberto Ferreiro, “The Westward Journey of St. Martin of Braga,” Studia Monastica 22(1980): 244.6journey east seems to fit with a general immigration of monks to Egypt, andAlexandria in particular.Alexandrie fut de tous temps un sejour recherche’ par les moinesetrangers; la resistance dogmatique des uns, l’instinct voyageur desautres, en faisalentarriver un grand nombre dans ses murs.Including Martin in the stream of “moines etrangers” who poured into Alexandriawould explain his access to classcal education. The monasteries surroundingAlexandria possessed excellent libraries. Regrettably, these manuscripts as well asworks of art were all destroyed along with the monasteries at the beginning of theseventh century.6While much of Martin’s time would have been given to study, he was partof a monastic tradition which maintained a direct involvement with the generalpopulace. The monks worked to lift the people out of their semi-paganism. Theywere not only concerned with idol cults, but also the pagan morality whichaccompanied the ancient religions.Historically the monks had opposed the indigenous paganism whichcontroled life in the neighbouring villages. In her description of monastic life inthe fourth century, based on the Sayings of the Desert Fathers Benedicta Wardremarks:The paganism of the Egyptian villages lay all around the monks; partof their rejection of the villages was their rejection of the paganisminterwoven into life on the land; and the conversion of the paganswas, if not a major concern, at least something they would do if theycould.7While the monks attempted to halt pagan practices, they opted to use prayer ratherthan coercion, characteristic of the western sources. Abba Apollo is reported to5 Paul van Cauwenbergh, Etude sur les moines d’ Egvi,te : deouis le Concile deChalcedoine (451’) jugu’ a l’invasion arabe (640) (Milan: 1973), 73.6 Ibid., 78.7 Benedicta Ward SLG, Lives of the Desert Fathers (Oxford: SLG Press), 18.7have stopped a pagan procession by his prayers. Macanus converted a paganpriest by seeing him as a man to be treated with consideration rather than as anenemy to be attacked. As the populace developed respect and admiration for theirmonastic neighbours, the monks were asked to bless the waters of the Nile in theplace of the pagan priests.8 The monks of Martintsera continued this non-coercivepolicy toward paganism, although they sought its eradication.The monks also ministered to the social needs of the populace. On certaindays, the doors of the monasteries were opened so that the people could findassistance; none were refused.9 Like the approach to paganism, the monks’ socialpolicy also had strong historical roots.In his study of Monophysite sources, K.H. Kuhn found that in the fifthcentury, when economic conditions in Egypt were disastrous, most of the entrantsinto the monasteries came from the poverty stricken peasantry. Whole families,including wives and ôhildren, often joined the community together.10While the urban setting of Alexandria made contact between the monks andthe populace inevitable, even in the Nile Valley the matters of everyday lifebrought the two groups together. The monks practiced various crafts, likeweaving, and traveled the Nile in order to sell their wares.11Martin’s monastic experience, which centered around study, would havealso brought him into contact with the Alexandrian population. Historically themonks had lived close to the people: religiously, socially and economically. Themonks sought to live at peace with their neighbours, even though they opposed the8 Ibid.9 van Cauwenbergh, ‘Etude sur les moines d’ ‘Egvpte, 173-74.10 K.H. Kuhn, “A Fifth Century Egyptian Abbot” J.T.S. 5 (1954): 36-48.11 James E. Goehring and Birger A. Pearson ed., The Roots of Egyptian Christianity,(Philadelphia: Fortress Press 1986) 236.8indigenous paganism. They remained close to the needs of the people andresponded whenever possible. This pattern continued into Martin’s own time.C. JUSTINIAN’S INFLUENCE ON MONASTIC LIFEWhy did Martin find Alexandria attractive? Was his interest largelyacademic, or were there other motivations? Paul van Cauwenbergh in his generaldescription of the “moines etrangers” suggests that the majority were eitherescaping theological controversy or searching for adventure. Martin’s journey, andindeed the great peregrination to Alexandria is more explicable when placedwithin the context of the political events of his time.Martin lived during the reign of Emperor Justinian (A.D. 527-565).Justinian sought a return to the heady days of a united and orthodox empire. Hisambitions were therefore both political and theological, with little distinctionbetween the two. Justinian considered himself the heir of Constantine and equal tothe twelve apostles.12 He considered it his duty to restore the whole of the God-ordained Roman Empire to Trinitarian Christianity. In the west he attempted toreclaim the Roman provinces which had fallen into the hands of the Arian Germantribes. According to John W. Barker, an authority on Byzantine history:Thus, for reasons of religion and geography, Justinian’s reconquestprogram was limited in practical terms to the three major ArianChnstian barbarian kingdoms of the Western Mediterranean:Vandalic North Africa, Ostrogothic Italy, and Visigothic Spain.13Like his predecessors, Justinian saw political and religious unity asmutually reinforcing. He took a direct role in the theological controversies in the12 John W. Barker, Justinian and the Later Roman Empire (Madison, Wisconsin:University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), 274, cited by Alberto Ferreiro, “The Westward Journey ofMartin of Braga,” Studia Monastica 22 (1980): 248.13 Ibid., 97.9east and sent out missionaries to evangelize heretics and pagans. Justinian’s policytoward the Monophysites, Manichaeans, and pagans eventually involved coercion.In A.D. 529 he closed the academies, a move which crippled classical studies.Procopius, a contemporary historian, describes Justinian’s actions against heresy:Agents were sent everywhere to force whomever theychanced uponto renounce the faith of their fathers... Thus many perished at thehands of the persecuting faction. . . and thenceforth the wholeRoman Empire was a scene of massacre and flight. 14Martin’s formation took place under a repressive regime which at timesresorted to brutality to enforce religious uniformity. While our scant sources giveno hint that Martin was unorthodox in his theology, his interest in classicaleducation was politically incorrect. Is it coincidental that Martin’s sojourn inEgypt occurred during Justinian’s ascendancy, or was Martin seeking intellectualfreedom? While Martin’s motivation for heading east is uncertain, Justinian’spolicies toward both the monastic communities and classical education must haveplayed contributing roles.When Martin arrived in Alexandria, he found a monastic communitytorn apart by theological conflict. The heavy-handed Justinian directly intervenedin the affairs of the monks to bring them under his control. The task of subduingthe monastic community proved difficult, even for the stubborn Justinian. Thefiercely independent nature of the monastic communities and the variety of theirdoctrinal understandings complicated his task. Theologically, monasticismencompassed a broad spectrum of expression, ranging from a rural illiterateMonophysitism to an urban, literate Origenism. Both these extremes, althoughmutually exclusive, disturbed the uniformity which Justinian coveted. Also,during the theological controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries, the monks14 Procopius, Secret History, trans. and ed. Richard Atwater (Ann Arbor: University ofMichigan Press, 1961), 58-59. cited by A. Ferreiro, “The Westward Journey of Martin ofBraga,”, 249.10had taken an active and often disruptive role.15 Therefore, in the interests oforthodoxy and harmony, he intervened.The Monophysite communities presented both a theological and a politicalproblem for Justinian. Not only was he endeavoring to rally the Empire aroundCatholicism, but around Constantinople as well. The Monophysites, who wereconcentrated in Egypt opposed the authority of Constantinople in keeping with thehistorical rivalry between the latter and Alexandria. Therefore, Monophysitismwas not only unacceptable theologically but politically as well.The influence which the Monophysite monks exercised in Egypt made theman important target for the Emperor. In A.D. 554 many monks from Syria andEgypt were brought to Constantinople to discuss theological questions. In A.D.563, four hundred monks, including the Archimandrite Abraham of Peboauassembled at Constantinople “on the order of the emperor” to have discussionswith the Chalcedonians.16 When Abraham refused to comply with Justinian’sorder to accept the Chalcedonian Definition, the rebel monks were chased into thedesert and back to their monasteries.The schisms under Justinian brought about the establishment of newmonasteries. In the great cosmopolitan city of Alexandria, a variety of forms ofthe monastic life were present, with each cenobium existing independently. Theancient convents were given to the orthodox, due to severe measures on the part ofthe imperial government. Since these older houses would have possessed thelibraries, orthodox monks like Martin had access to the manuscript collections.1715 At the end of the fourth century, the Origenist monks of Nitria, led by the TallBrothers, sought the help of the embattled John Chrysostom. The Patriarch of Constantinoplewas condemned in A.D. 400 on the charge of Origenism, and the monks fled back to the desert.Following the Council of Chalcedon in A.D. 451, the Monophysite monks rioted along with therabble.16 van Cauwenbergh, Etude sur les moines d’ Egvote, 154-55.17 Ibid., 171-72.:iiIt appears that Martin left Pannonia for Alexandria in part because of thesuppression of classical learning. His desire to study the classics immediately puthim at variance with the intolerant Emperor. Joining the monastic movement wasnot a politically wise move. Although Martin was not a Monophysite, andtherefore escaped the persecution which those monks endured, literate orthodoxmonks were not exempt from Justinian’s interference. Justinian repressededucation because he believed it encouraged independent thinking.In his examination of intellectual spirituality at this time, Jon Dechowpoints out that from the Council of Chalcedon in A.D. 451 until Martin’s time, theByzantines sought to eliminate Origenism in Egypt.18 Origenism, with itsspeculative character, was a threat to uniformity.Origenism had shaped the spirituality of the Greek speaking monks ofUpper and Lower Egypt. At Alexandria a continuous Origenist school persisted.In Egypt the tradition was perpetuated by Didymus the Blind (A.D. 3 13-398) andEvagrius (A.D. 346-399). Evagrius settled in Nitria, south of Alexandria where headapted Origen’s speculative and contemplative thought to the needs of themonastic movement.19 Origenism provided an ideal philsophical framework formonasticism. According to Dechow, “Origenists offered a more coherent theology18 Jon Dechow, Dogma and Mysticism in Early Christiani’: Epiphanius of Cyprus andthe Leacv of Origen Patristic Monogragh Series 13 (Belgium: Mercer University Press, 1982),464.19 Joseph Trigg, Origen: The Bible and Philosophy in the Third Century Church(Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1983), 246-48.According to Trigg, Evagrius’ disciple, John Cassian (A.D. 360-435), who took desertmonasticism and Origenism to the west, was more selective than his teacher.“Thus Cassian, whose understanding of contemplation and the relation of the human will to God’sgrace was genuinely Origen, had little interest in Origen’s speculative concerns. As a result,Origen’s understanding of contemplation became less intellectual and more affective as it enteredthe contemplative tradition in the west.”12and a tighter rationale with universalist tendencies that had taken easy root inmonastic soil”.20The successful speculative framework which Origenism provided proved tobe its undoing. The broad range of theological possibilities which it offered madepolitical and ecclesiastical leaders nervous. Their interests were best served by acarefully monitored and well defined orthodoxy. In A.D. 399, Theophilus ofAlexandria demanded that the Coptic monks give up anthropomorphic conceptionsof God. The monks refused and Theophilus, who faced alienating his allies,reversed his view. He immediately began attacking the literate monks in Nitria.21Led by the Tall Brothers, these monks pleaded their case to the embattled JohnChrysostom. He took up their cause, but was himself deposed in A.D. 400 oncharges of Origenism.22Under Justinian, the official battle against Origenism which began with thecondemnation of Origen during the trial of Chrysostom in 400, culminated in theanathema against Origen at the Fifth Council of Constantinople in A.D. 553.The nature of Martin’s education was certainly not typical of the normsdesired by Justinian. While the Monophysites were singled out, the literateorthodox monks were also suspect because their education threatened the religiousuniformity which Justinian coveted. Martin’s intellectual monasticism put him inconflict with his emperor.20 Dechow, Dogma and Mysticism, 463.21 Nitria was an important monastic center with connections to the catechetical school atAlexandria. At the end of the 4th century Nitria had a population of approximately 3,000 monks.Trigg, Origen, 148.22Ibid., p. 253.13D. THE JOURNEY WESTIn A.D. 550, Martin left Egypt and set sail for the Spanish coast. Thereasons Martin chose Spain are unclear, since the source material offers no explicitexplanation.23 The lack of sources led some scholars to consider Martin’s motivesundeterminable.24 But A. Ferreiro, in “The Westward Journey of Martin ofBraga” suggests that several possibilities can be inferred from the context ofMartin’s time.25Ferreiro considers Martin’s sense of a divine call as significant, especiallygiven the respect for divine intervention of his day. Martin describes his ownmotive as “divinus nutibus actus”26 . The weight given to this divine call dependson the validity one attributes to such calls in general.Ferreiro then cites C.P. Caspari’s 1883 study of Martin of Braga’s i2Correctione Rusticorum to set forth a possible factor.Probably Roman Catholic pilgrims out of Galicia whom heencountered in Palestine or somewhere in the Orient told him aboutthe affliction of the Church, above all in their homeland.27Caspari finds this explanation likely because the east was a populardestination for Westerners anxious to visit the holy sites.The Iberian Peninsula saw many of its populace join this easternperegrination. Barlow notes that Idacius, Hosius of Cordoba, Paulus Orosius,Turibius [and Ageria] were among earlier travelers who went east seeking23 William A. Hinnebusch, list. Martin of Braga: The Apostle of the Sueves” (Master’sdissertation, Catholic University of America, 1936), 25.24 “II est impossible de savoir quelles raisons l’avaient determine a cc voyage...,” inDictionnaire de Theologie Catholique, 1928 ed., s.v. “Martin de Braga.”25 Ferreiro, “Westward Journey,” p. 243-251.26 Barlow, MEB, 109.27 Ibid., 245.14educational opportunIties. The sixth century saw Leander of Seville and JohnBiclaro venture east to Constantinople. Leander became aquainted with Gregorythe Great while John spent seventeen years (A.D. 559-576) studying Latin andGreek in the east. Therefore, it is possible that Martin learned of the west throughcontact with western travelers.28The missionary opportunities in the west had attracted easterners since St.Paul. St. Martin of Tours (A.D. 3 11-397), who became a formative influence inMartin of Braga’s life, was a native of Pannonia.29 A generation later, JohnCassian (A.D. 360-435) came west bringing with him the monastic lore of thedesert.3° The fifth century migrations of the Germanic tribes, and thecorresponding spread of Arianism, made the west a target for missions.As Ferreiro argues, the close east/west contact and the missionary attractionof the west probably played a role in Martin’s decision to migrate to Spain. But,why did he chose Galicia and its Suevic overlords? Since the Sueves hadoriginated from Martin’s native Pannonia, he may have shared a similarity of race.Reports of the sorry state of the Church in Galicia may have played on Martin’sdistant relationship with its occupiers. Ferreiro is convinced that “the kinship thatMartin felt for the Sueves was a deciding factor in choosing Galiciaspecifically” 31While Martin’s affinity for the Sueves may have helped him settle onGalicia as the location of his missionary endeavours, the political climate of thetimes probably made this remote corner of Iberia desirable as well. Ferreiro tries28 Ibid., 246.29 Christopher Donaldson, Martin of Tours (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980),passim.30 Owen Chadwick, John Cassian: A Study in Primitive Monasticism (Cambridge:University Press, 1950), passim.31 Ferreiro, “Westward Journey,” 248.15to argue that Martin went to Iberia because he supported Justinian’s efforts to bringthe peninsula under Byzantine control. He points out that Martin’s arrival insouthern Spain coincided with the major Byzantine thrust into the region in A.D.550, and therefore alleges that Martin’s presence in Spain is an example of theeastern “social consciousness” toward the west. On the other hand, Ferreiro alsoindicates that Martin was opposed both to the Emperor’s methods of conversion toorthodoxy and his sanctions against classical education.32 While Ferreirorecognizes Martin’s antipathy for the methods of Justinian, he alleges that Martinwas still in step with Byzantine policies vis-a-vis missionary activity.It seems more likely that Martin’s migration to Galicia may have had amore urgent motivation. It is possible that Martin sought Galicia in order to befree from the ruthless Justinian. His reason for leaving Egypt may have been thesame as his reason for choosing Alexandria in the first place: intellectual freedom.The scope of Martin’s learning which spanned both pagan authors and the ChurchFathers, led Portuguese scholar Mario Martins to describe him as “a humanistmonk who anticipated Renaissance humanism by close to a thousand years”.33 IfMartins’ enthusiastic assessment of St. Martin is even partly accurate, his existenceunder Justinian would have been precarious. In Galicia, Martin found a havenbeyond the emperor’s reach.During the years leading up to the Fifth Council of Constantinople, life forthe literate monastic communities must have been oppressive. Ferreiro seems tounderestimate the pressure to conform which Justinian placed on the monks.Ferreiro only notes that, “Although St. Martin of Braga was a monk, he was in32 Ibid., 249.33 Mario Martins, Correntes da Jiosofia Reliiosa em Braa (seculos IV-VIfl (Portugal:Livraria Tavores Martins, 1950), 232. Martins is quoted by Alberto Ferreiro in “The MissionaryLabors of Martin of Braga in 6th Century Galicia,” Studia Monastica 23 (1981): 17. Ferreirotempers Martin’s assertion as “overly enthusiastic” and then goes on to qualify the term“humanist” as primarily a description of someone who knew classical Latin and Greek.16touch with the social and political movements of the East.”34 Monastic life washardly the detatched exercise which Ferreiro’s statement implies. Martin was partof a community directly threatened by Justinian’s policies.As Justinian escalated his campaign against the monks, the communitybegan to fear for its existence. It was during the period leading up to the FifthCouncil of Constantinople that the Sayings of the Fathers were collected andrecorded. The texts which Martin brought west and eventually translated intoLatin was copied during this period of ferment. Until the sixth century, theSayings were a living, oral tradition. With the threat to monasticism came thedesire to preserve the tradition. Did Martin participate directly in the compilationof the text? The possibility is worth considering. Certainly, it is probable thatMartin brought his text from Egypt to Galicia. According to Barlow:It has long been a plausible theory that the manuscript whichPasachius [a monk at Dumium] used had been brought from the Eastby St. Martin. At any rate, this is our earliest evidence that thismaterial had found its way to Spain, although the Spanish monkswere undoubtedly interested in Eastern forms of monasticism andwere already becoming acquainted with Cassian.35Martin’s possession of a copy indicates that he had access to the text. Also,our knowledge of his literary ability argues circumstantially for his involvement inthe compilation process.The events of that decade convinced many monks to leave Alexandria.36The timing of Martin’s departure from the East is significant. He left in aboutA.D. 550, just three years before the decisive Fifth Council of Constantinople, andfour years prior to Justinian’s confrontation with the Monophysite monks. Ferreiromay be correct in considering interaction with travellers and Martin’s ethnicity as34 Ferreiro, “Westward Journey,” 249.35 Barlow, MEB, 12.36 van Cauwenbergh, Etude sur Les Moines D’ Evote, 78.17factors which contributed to his decision. However, his suggestion that Martinwent to Galicia in support of Justinian’s policies seems to underestimate thepolitical implications of Martin’s educational pursuits. It appears likely that themonk was attracted to Galicia because it was beyond the emperor’s control.E. ST. MARTIN’S MONASTIC CULTUREDespite the best efforts of Justinian, St. Martin left Egypt with a high levelof education. During his time in the East, Martin studied both Greek and Latin.Venantius Fortunatus (A.D. 530-600) historian, poet, and Bishop of Potiers recallsconversing with Martin about Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Chryssipius, Pittacus, aswell as Latin Fathers Hilary of Potiers, Gregory the Great, Ambrose of Milan, andAugustine of Hippo.37 While Fortunatus’ list is helpful, it does not reveal whichof these sources Martin studied while in the east. It is probable that the Greekclassical sources would have been readily available there. Once in Spain, Martindeveloped a strong appreciation for Seneca. His work, the Formula VitaeHonestae was based on a lost work of Seneca and was commonly attributed to theformer during the Middle Ages.38Not surprisingly, it is the heritage of the Eastern Church which Martinbrought west to Spain. Once in Galicia, Martin translated the Sententiae PatrumAegyptiorum from Greek into Latin, and his monk Paschasius likewise translatedthe Interrogationes et responsiones Graecorum patrum. Also, at the secondCouncil of Braga in A.D. 572, Martin used a collection of canons from the easterncouncils to support his policies. Although Martin was likely exposed to westerntheology during his time in Spain, the literary heritage of the east was theformative influence on his thinking.37 Barlow, MEB, 295-296.38 Ibid., 204.18SUMMARYWhen young Martin left Pannonia he embarked on a formative experiencewhich would shape every facet of his personality. Given the quality of hiseducation and his monastic training, it appears that he spent time in the greatschools around Alexandria. There he was immersed in both the monastic lifestyleand the academic education which he sought. These pursuits put him at odds withJustinian who feared the disruptive effects of intellectual freedom. Shortly beforeOrigen was anathametized and the monks were scattered, Martin left the east for aremote corner of the world which happened to be beyond the reach of Justinian.Although Martin left the east, he brought his monastic and intellectual heritagewith him. This heritage would have a profound impact on his adopted land.19Chapter 2HISTORY OF GALICIAA. HUMAN SETI’LEMENT TO ROMAN OCCUPATIONPart of the Iberian Peninsula, the region of the northwest known as Galicia,is geographically isolated from the rest of the land mass. Spain’s geography isdominated by a series of mountain raiges which divide the peninsula into distinctregions. Historically, these natural barriers effectively stifled communication andinteraction between Galicia and other regions. In the days of the early Empire, theRomans increased this isolation by constructing a string of forts across centralSpain. This action restricted the impact of Roman civilization on the northernregions, which retained some features of Iron Age culture until the eighthcentury.1The geography of the peninsula influenced the movement of people into theregion. In the first millennium B.C., European Celts migrated into the north, whileAfrican Iberians moved into the south. Later the Carthaginians occupied thesoutheastern coasts and the Greeks, followed by the Romans, the northeasterncoasts. While the Romans subjugated Spain by A.D. 14, their hold on the northwas tenuous. Few Roman towns were founded there, and pre-Roman tribalorganizations continued to survive. These two factors combined to limit the1 Roger Collins, Early Medieval Spain: Unity in Diversity. 400-1000 (Hong Kong:MacMillan, 1983), 7.20cultural assimilation of the Indigenous population. The Roman presence waslargely confined to military occupation and mining. However, the Galicians andthe Asturians defied the Romans and raided their occupiers. Therefore, theRomans developed a military frontier to keep them out.2 Galicia’s geographicisolation enabled its inhabitants to maintain cultural independence from Rome incontrast to the south which was more easily absorbed into Roman culture.B. THE PERIOD OF SUEVIC DOMINATION: A.D. 409-587The period between A.D. 409 and 587 is bracketed by two events whichhad important consequences for all Spain, and for Galicia in particular. The periodopened with the invasion of the peninsula by the Germanic tribes and ended withthe conversion of Reccared to Catholicism which united the region politically.The intervening years witnessed the occupation by the Germanic tribes whichchanged the character of the whole peninsula.In A.D. 409 the Germanic tribes crossed the Pyrenees, and thus completedtheir westward expansion. The Sueves, the Alans, and two tribes of the Vandalssubjected Spain to their control. The name “Sueves” was originally a collectiveterm encompassing a number of tribes: the Semnones, Marcomanni, Quadi,Hermunduri, Vangiones and others, united in a common cult of the god ItZiuII.3Historically the Sueves had continually threatened the northern frontier of theRoman Empire. In B.C. 58 Caesar drove them back across the Rhine in order tosecure Gaul. In A.D. .17 they becamefoederati of the Romans, but for the nextthree centuries regularly broke the peace.2 Ibid., 9.3 William A. Hinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga,” 1.21In the winter of A.D. 406 the Asdingian and Silingian Vandals and theAlans were joined by the Quadi in a crossing of the Rhine. During the winter ofA.D. 409 the invaders took advantage of relaxed Roman defenses and crossed thePyrenees. For two years they terrorized the peninsula until disease and famineforced them to sue for peace with the Romans. A treaty with the Empire in A.D.411 recognized the four tribes asfoederati and assigned them the task of defendingSpain from attack. The territory was distributed by lot: the Alans received bothLusitania and Carthegeniensis, and the Silingians received Baetica. The lessnumerous Asdings and Sueves shared Galicia.4For the Empire, the treaty of A.D. 411 was only a short term solution whichit broke at the earliest convenience. In A.D. 416, the Visigoths made peace withRome and were commissioned to drive out the four tribes. Led by King Wallia,the Visigoths defeated the Alans and completely destroyed the Siligian Vandals.The Sueves and Asdings escaped a similar fate when the Empire withdrew theVisigoths from Spain. The Asdings moved south to Baetica to replace the Silings,leaving the Sueves in sole occupation of Galicia.5 The Sueves exercisedautonomous control over Galicia from A.D. 411 until A.D. 585.The Sueves seem to have existed beyond the control and concern of theEmpire. E.A. Thompson finds the isolation and independence of the Sueves quiteremarkable. Historians of the day said little or nothing about them. Thompsoncharacterizes Galicia during the late fifth and early sixth centuries as “a forgottenrealm, a ghost kingdom”.64 Ibid., 4.5 E.A. Thompson, “The End of Roman Spain: I,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 22(197 8) :24.6 Ibid., 25.22Under the Sueves, the province was subject to a continuous cycle ofplunder and devastation. Numbering only between 20,000-25,000, the Suevesconcentrated around Braga, the old imperial capital.7 While some lived in the city,most lived in the surrounding rural areas. From their bases, the Sueves launchedraids into the countryside, terrorizing the populace and devastating the region’seconomy. The small Roman population lived in fear of the Sueves. During theEaster of A.D. 460, the barbarians caught the city of Lugo off guard and killedmany Romans. The ravaging of their own territory caused food shortages whichforced the Sueves to conduct raids outside Galicia. The Sueves persisted in theirnomadic ways to the detriment of themselves as well as their subjects.In AD. 429, the Vandals left en masse for Africa, leaving the Suevesbehind as a remnant of the A.D. 409 invasion. The Sueves exploited this vacancyby ranging further south, although they avoided Tarraconensis which remainedunder imperial control. In the 440’s the Romans took advantage of stability inGaul and entered a treaty with the Visigoths to regain complete control of Spain.Acting initially in the interests of Rome, the Visigoths invaded the peninsula inA.D. 456 and defeated the Suevic king, Rechiarius near Astorga. The loss wasquickly followed by the sacking of Braga and the death of Rechiarius himself.These events destroyed the strength and unity of the Suevic kingdom and confinedit to Galicia.Significantly, the dynasty which had ruled the Sueves since their entry intoSpain, disappeared with the death of Rechiarius. The tribe was subsequently ledby a succession of rival war-leaders. These emerging leaders stepped up theinternal destruction of Galicia in order to support themselves with booty.Thompson notes that from A.D. 469 when Hydatius ended his historical work,7 Ibid.23until about A.D. 560, the names of Galician leaders are unknown. Isidore, in hisHistory of the Sueves refers only to many Sueveic kings, all of whom were Arianheretics.8 These overlords managed to maintain independence until A.D.585, butunder the watchful eye of the Visigoths whom they never challenged.9Life within Galicia under the Sueves was brutal and unstable. The eventsof A.D. 456 only exacerbated the situation by disrupting any political unity whichpreviously existed. Bullied by their Arian masters, the small Roman populationwas so demoralized, that according to Salvian, “a great number of Romansincluding the nobles had become barbarians”.10 The indigenous people, mostlyCells, who had been little affected by the Roman occupation, were unlikely tohave been elevated by the Sueves.The picture which can be assembled of the state of affairs within the Suevickingdom is vague and confused. E.A. Thompson observes that the Suevian kingsthemselves are shadowy figures whose policies are indecipherable.we do not know even that they had policies. Perhaps they justlashed out blindly from year to year at any place they suspectedwould supply them with food, valuables or money. They weremarauders and so far as Hydatius knew, they were nothing else.11As a kingdom, independent from Rome, Galicia did not use the Romanlegal system nor seemed concerned with precedent or protocol nor did it developrelations with the outside world. The outside world in turn cared little about theSueves. The Romans wrote much about the kings of Gaul, who interacted with8 E.A. Thompson, “The End of Roman Spain: Ill,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 25(198 1): 189.9 Collins, Early Medieval Spain, 23.10 E.A. Thompson, “End of Roman Spain: II,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 21(1979):25.11 E.A. Thompson, “The End of Roman Spain: IV,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 23(1979): 1.24their Roman subjects and employed them in their courts. About the aloof Sueveshowever, little was recorded. As Thompson so colorfully states:no one cared about the personality or the activities of a mountainbrigand in Galicia at the world’s edge. What went on in thoseremote and rain-swept uplands interested nobody, except theunfortunates who lived there.”12Through Hydatius we discover that the isolation of Galicia was accentuated by thereclusive Sueves. Not only did they withdraw from other kingdoms, but also fromtheir Roman subjects whom they exploited. Otherwise, they left the Romans aloneand attempted no integration with the previous masters of the area.13SUMMARYThe movement of peoples into Galicia was affected by the geography of theregion. The isolated nature of the area presented difficulties for the Romans, whomanaged only a slim military and commercial presence. The entry of the Suevesonly accentuated the isolation of Galicia. The Sueves attempted little contact withthose outside their kingdom, and were content to pursue a barbarian lifestyle. Lifein Galicia under the Sueves was a bleak and isolated existence compared tosouthern Spain and Gaul.12 Ibid., 2.13 Ibid., 4.25Chapter 3RELIGION IN GALICIA PRIOR TO ST.MARTIN’S ARRIVALThe political situation facing Martin was unstable and confused, and thecondition of religion in Galicia did not assist his efforts to convert the populace toCatholicism. Several factors combined to make Galicia difficult to penetrate:referred to as the pagani, the mostly rural indigenous population eclipsed the restof the population of the Peninsula in their practice of paganism, a shallowChristian presence, the fallout of Priscillianism and the modest receptivity on thepart of the formerly Arian Sueves toward Catholicism. In addition, the populationwas dispersed throughout the mountainous region, thus contrasting with theurbanized people with whom Caesarius and Augustine dealt. Just as the politicalsituation in Galicia was unique to the rest of the peninsula, so was the state ofreligion in this “lost realm”.A. THE PAGANILittle is known about the religious beliefs and practices of the earlyinhabitants of Spain in general and Galicia in particular. However, the existenceof inscriptions and shrines indicate that cults centering around a variety of localdeities thrived. Significantly, the highest level of this cultic activity centered in26the northwest. The deity, Endovellicus had his cultic centre near the city of Ebora,which is in modern Portugal. He was invoked on the tops of mountains as aprotector over the region. Other gods were also invoked on mountain tops. On anountain near Braga, an inscription was found to the god Dercetius. JupiterLadicus seems to have been worshipped on a mountain near Lugo. JupiterCandamius presided over the mountain near Astorga.1In addition to mountain gods, worship of rivers is evident, especially in thenorthwest. Inscriptions located near Braga are dedicated to Tomeobrigus andDurbeicus, who probably presided over the present day Tamaio and Avo rivers.Fountain divinities also abounded in Spain. An inscription on a fountainnear Braga is dedicated to the god Tongoenabiacus. A picture accompanying theinscription indicates that he was supposed to bring fertility to the countryside.2The worship of the Lar and Genius are considered a native cult. Stones were alsoconsidered sacred, including one fascinating example located near Braga. theinscription reads:Diis Deabusque Aeternum Lacum Omnibus Numinibus Lapitearumcum hoc templo sacravit. . . in quo hostiae voto cremantur.3Stephen McKenna asserts that the stone was a place where sacrificial victims wereoffered.These descriptions of cultic practices provide an understanding of religiouslife in pre-Christian Spain. However, when these mountain, river, fountain andstone worship places are considered in terms of their geographic locations, aninteresting pattern emerges.1 Stephen McKenna, Paganism and Pagan Survivals in Spain Up To The Fall Of TheVisgothic Kingdom, The Catholic University of America Studies in Mediaeval History n.s., vol. 1(Washington: Catholic University of America, 1938), 7.2 Ibid.3 Ibid., 9.27Astorga--Aernus, Ameuncus, Bodus, Daraedudis, Coso, *Degante, Mamdica,*Menovjacus, Vaccaburius, Vagdonnaegus.Braga--Abiafelaesurraecus, Abna, Aegiamunniaegus, Ameipicer, Banderaeicus,Bandua, Bandueaetobrigus, Bmervasecus, Bormanicus, *Cab,*Castaecae, Cauleces, *Coronus, Cusicelenses, Cusuneneaecus,Durbedicus, Durius, *Frovida, Nabia, *Netacj, *Ocaere, *Saur,Tameobrigus, Turolici, Turiacus.Caceres--Angefix, Arentius, Bandoga, Bcantunaecus, Bidiesis, Boutes,Caparenses, *Eaecus, Labarus, Macer, Reuveanavaraecus, Runesius Cesius,Silonsaclo, *Saga, Suttunius, Tiauranceaicus, Toga, Tribarone.Lisbon*Aracus, Bandiarbariaicus, *Ceus, Coniumbricenses.Lugo--Ahoparaliomegus, *Caulex, Crougintoudadigoa, Cuhueverralagecu,Edovius, *Objane, Regoni, *Verore. Saragossa--Obana, Stelatesa.Toledo--Aelmanius, Leiossa, Lougiae, Lumiae, *Mogoninon, Pindusa, *Togotj,Varcilenae.Uncertain Places--Cecealgi, *Fajcus, *Salogu.The symbol * denotes that the name of the deity is uncertain.From the above list it can be inferred that northwestern Spain was thedominant center of native religion. McKenna attributes this concentration to thefact that “the aborigines from southern and eastern Spain had adopted not merelythe civilization, but also the religion of the Romans”.4On top of the native religions were layered the religious practices of Spain’ssuccessive invaders. The worship of Baal was introduced by the Phonecians andCarthaginians. In the northeast, the Greeks established the worship of Artemis,who was also revered by the locals. The Romans surpased their predeccessors intheir influence on the religion of the peninsula. The emperor cult appears to havedominated in Baetica, Lusitania and the Terraconensis. A popular form of theimperial cult practiced only in Spain, was the worship of all the divi. TheCapitoline deities were also popular especially among civil officials and freedmen. The soldiers fostered the cult of Jupiter. Most of the inscriptions to him are4 Ibid., 10.28found near Braga and Lugà where the Legio VII Gemina was stationed. Theoriental mystery cults made inroads in the maritime and military cities. Popularamong eastern merchants and Roman soldiers, these cults did not take hold amongthe natives.It appears that syncretism between religions occurred in Spain and mostnotably in the northwest. Near Braga an altar was dedicated to more than twentyGreco-Roman deities. More syncretistic inscriptions have been discovered innorthwestern Spain than any other part. This higher level of syncretism may bedue to the strong Roman military presence, and the subsequent introduction of themystery and Jupiter cults, combined with the high level of religious observanceamong the natives. Whatever the reasons, the garrison towns of Braga and Lugocontinued to thrive as cultic centers throughout the period of Roman occupation.5B. THE ARRIVAL OF CHRISTIANITYThe evidence for the introduction of Christianity is limited. It appears thatby the A.D. 250’s churches had been established in Leon-Astorga, Merida,probably Saragossa and Tarragona. The evidence suggests that the faith wasspread by Roman soldiers and merchants, probably coming from Africa.6 Innorthwestern Spain, colonization was marginal in comparison with the south andsoutheastern regions. Hillgarth cites a study which indicates that littleurbanization occurred in Galicia. The opposition between the urban HispanoRomans and the rural indigenous populace limited Christianity to the towns.5 Ibid., 12-23.6 J.N. Hillgarth, “Popular Religion in Visigothic Spain,” Visigothic Spain: NewApproaches, Edward James ed. (Oxford: 1980), 12.29Therefore, the small pockets of Christians in Leon and Astorga did not penetratethe countryside with their faith. In the assessment of Hillgarth:The task of the Christian Church in the peninsula has to be seenagainst these sharp contrasts: between Romanized Baetica and thelargely un-Romanized north.7Due to the limited Roman presence in the northwest, Christianity failed to make adeep impression in that region.8 By A.D. 300, Arnobius is able to write in hisAdversus nationes that there were “innumerable Christians” living in Spain.9Arnobius’ statement may have held some general accuracy, but it is probably notreflective of the northwest. The development of Christianity in northwestern Spainhas a unique history which must be isolated from the context of SpanishChristianity in general.While church leaders broke the hold of paganism in the southern andeastern provinces, the old ways seem to have died harder in Galicia. Palol’s map ofearly Christian funerary inscriptions, which lists 158 places, reveals virtually noevidence before the sixth century from the whole Meseta, northern Portugal,Galicia, or Leon. Only six of the fifty places where Palol indicates early Christianmonuments, are to be found in the center or the northwest. 10An accurate picture of the distribution of Christians in Spain is difficult toobtain. However, the distribution of bishops and priests who attended the Councilof Elvira held in A.D. 305 provides some clues. Of the nineteen bishops inattendance, nine, including Ossius of Cordoba, were from Baetica, five, includingthe presiding bishop Felix of Acci, were from Carthaginiesis, and threerepresented Lusitania. The northern provinces of Terraconiensis and Galicia each7 Ibid., 7.8 Ibid., 12.9 McKenna, Pagan Survivals, 27.10 Ibid., 12-13.30sent only one bishop. Of the 24 priests in attendance, 20 came from Baetica andthe remainder from Carthageniensis. It is not surprising, given the demographicbreakdown of the participants that the council was held at a location in Baetica.Council participation indicates that while the Spanish Church’s influencewas strong in the southern provinces, in the north, its authority was greatlydiffused. The representation from Galicia and Terraconiensis shows that the paxromana, which facilitated the spread of Christianity elsewhere, produced little fruitin more isolated regions.The canons of Elvira, particularly those directed against paganism, shouldbe considered in light of the distribution of the participants. The preceedings wereundoubtedly dominated by the southern bishops due to their numerical superiorityand the inclusion of Felix and Ossius within their ranks. Therefore, the canons ofElvira represent solutions advanced by the southern bishops to deal with theirproblems. The council dealt rigorously with paganism, passing eight-one canonsagainst heathen immorality. The Lapsed were denied holy communion, evenarticulo mortis. These canons, more severe than those enacted at Nicaea, wouldhave required strong authority to enforce. While the southern bishops, backed bya considerable Christian presence, were able to consider such measures, it isdoubtful whether their lone colleague from Braga had the same clout. Therefore,while Elvira represents a triumphal moment in Spanish Christianity, its impact waslargely restricted to the south.The Council of Elvira was closely followed by the Edict of Tolerationenacted in A.D. 313 by Constantine, which gave Christianity a new advantage inits competition with paganism. Throughout the fourth century, Christianitystrengthened its official position, culminating with the proscriptions against11 Mansi, Sacrorum Condiliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio vol. 2, (canon 1).31paganism by Theodosius iii A.D. 392. These official events create the impressionthat the Spanish Church was thriving. Indeed, McKenna concludes that:The epoch-making events that opened the fourth century were towitness the gradual decline of pagaism and the predominance ofChristianity through-out the greater part of the Peninsula.12However, J.N. Hillgarth perceives that these official pronouncements may notindicate a positive state of affairs. “From the Council of Elvira one gains theimpression of a Church whose members are hardly emerging from paganism.”13He interprets the canon forbiding the lending of dresses to pagan processions as anattempt to prevent Christians from sacrificing at the city temples. Other canonsforbid banquets in cemeteries. Surviving monuments suggest a Church of theaffluent. Hillgarth interprets the lack of references to the dedication of churchesand the deposition of relics before the mid-sixth century as further evidence ofweakness.14It appears that paganism was alive and well in Spain. Although theTheodosian code contained harsh proscriptions against idolatry, importantexceptions were made for Spain. In A.D. 399, Arcadius and Honorius ordered aPretorian official to destroy the temples of the pagans where this could be done“sine turba ac tumultu”. There appears to have been a large enough number ofpagans to call for discretion on the part of those charged with the destruction ofshrines.15 The movement against paganism still continued to meet significantresistance in certain localities at the end of the fourth century.Whatever gains were achieved by the Spanish Church in the fourth centurywere crippled in the next by two problems: the rise of Priscillianism and the12 McKenna, Pagan Survivals, 38.13 Hillgarth, PoDular Religion, 13.14 Ibid., 13-14.15 McKenna, Pagan Survivals, 43.32adoption of Arianism by the barbarian invaders. Both these events had a strongereffect in Galicia where the Church had made little headway against paganism inthe first place.C. THE PRISCILLIAN FACTORToward the end of the fourth century, a divisive movement sprang upwithin Spanish Christianity which both side-tracked its assault against paganismand became a new threat. Priscillianism, a lay-aescetic movement, questioned thepower of the Church hierarchy. At the center of the movement stood thecharismatic Priscillian. In A.D. 370, while still a layman, he traveled throughMerida, Cordova and the surrounding regions promising perfection to thosewilling to follow his ascetical practices. He emphasized the study of the Bible, theabolition of sexual discrimination, a high set of behavioral standards and elevatedthe position of the laity, especially teachers.16 Lay people, rich, poor and clergyalike were attracted by his powers of persuasion. Bishops Instantius and Salvianusfueled his ascent by conferring Holy Orders on Priscillian and eventuallyconsecrating him Bishop of Avila. The new sect soon infiltrated Portugal,Andalusia, Galicia and Southern France.The Catholics responded swiftly and ruthlessly to the movement. Inflamedby Hydatius, Bishop of Merida and Ithacius, Bishop of Ossonuba, the issue sooninvolved civil as well as ecclesiastical authorities. Important figures like PopeDamasus, Ambrose of Milan, Martin of Tours, and the Emperor Maximus weredrawn into the fray. By A.D. 378, the movement was brought to the attention ofPope Damasus by Hyginus of Cordova and Hydatius of Merida, who were16 Henry Chadwick, Priscillian of Avila (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 8-10.33concerned by the growing trength of the movement in their sees. Althoughsanctioned by the Church, Priscillian’s doctrines continued to gain adherents,including Symposius, Bishop of Astorga. In A.D. 383, the civil authorities, whowere anxious to restore order, charged Priscillian and his ally Evodius withpracticing magic and immorality.17 Once charged, they were sentenced to thestrongest punishment allowed for such offenses under Roman law, and executed atTreves in A.D. 385. The sentence was protested by Martin of Tours anddisapproved by Pope Siricius and Ambrose.Dispite the death of its founder, Priscillianism maintained popularity,particularly in Galicia, where Priscillian was venerated as a martyr.18 Anexamination of the doctrines of the movement reveal that it naturally suited thereligious climate of the Spanish northwest. The Priscillians taught a dualismbetween mind and body. The soul on its journey encounters evil spirits, who castit into a body. Christ frees the soul by means of magic. The saints must recognizethe struggle between body and soul and overcome the body.19 This dualismincluded a lively interest in the demonic world. The emphasis on magic and thedemonic may have made the belief system attractive to the Galician populace.At the ecclesiastical level, the controversy seemed to divide the Peninsulainto north and south. The strongholds of Priscillianism were Cordova inAndalusia, Merida and later Avila, and Astorga in Galicia. But the eye of thestorm was Galicia, which included Braga, Cauca, Segovia, Avila and Palencia.20Madoz bases this observation on the word of contemporary witnesses.Prosper of Aquitaine refers to Priscillian as “episcopus de Gallaecia.” Hydatius,17 J. Madoz, “Arianism and Priscillianism in Galicia,” Classical Folia vol.5 (195 1):5-25.18 McKenna, Pagan Survivals, 66.19 Ibid., 62.20 Madoz, “Arianism and Prisdillianism in Galicia,” 13.34in his Chronicle, claims that “After the death of Priscillian, the heresy overranGalicia.” Bachiarius, a native of the region was tarred with the heresy when hetraveled abroad:suspectos nos, quantum video,facit non sermo sed regio; et qui defide non erubescimus, de provincia confutamur.21The attempt to stamp out Priscillianism by executing the leaders proved tobe a hasty miscalculation. In Galicia where the reaction was most violent,Priscillian’s death was almost considered martyrdom. His shortcomings wereoverlooked in light of his suffering. His remains were reclaimed and were buriedamidst great ceremony. His name was entered in some martyrologies, along withthe names of some of his disciples.In A.D. 400, the Council of Toledo in Carthaginiensis, drew up twelveanathamas against the Priscillianists and then examined the ten Priscillianistbishops of Galicia. The six who repented of their fault retained their sees, much tothe anger of the bishops of Baetica and Carthaginiensis. The debate at the councilcould only have served to accentuate the isolation of the Galician church. In theA.D. 440’s, the Galician church charted its own course on the Priscillian issue.Balconius of Braga did not discourage a renewed interest in Priscillianism.22At the civil level, the Roman authorities issued an edict in A.D. 407 whichplaced great penalties on the Priscillianists. However, the barbarian invasionslimited Roman authority to the Teraconensis, thus curtailing the campaign of theemperor against the heresy. Hillgarth suggests that, like Donatism in Africa,Priscillianism survived, once coercion had ceased, in almost “complete fusion”with Catholicism.23 According to McKenna:21 Ibid., 13.22 Chadwick, Priscihian, 208.23 Hillgarth, “Popular Religion,” 15.35Priscillianism survived longest in Galicia, and prevented theecclesiastical authorities there from giving the people a thoroughtraining in the teachings of Christianity. The result was that pagansurvivals were found in Galicia even during the closing years of thesixth centuries.24Whatever the official attitude of the Church, Priscillianism remained a factor inGalicia.The Priscillianist controversy underscores the long-standing cultural,religious and political differences which existed between the Romanized south andthe independent north. In Madoz’s opinion, Priscillianism exploited thesedifferences in the following ways: The Gnostic and Manichean character appealedto the superstitious nature of the native population in the northwest. Also,Maximus who represented the authority that executed Priscillian had replacedEmperor Theodosius the Spaniard, who also had roots in Galicia.In the person of Maximus were combined both the usurper of theglories that rightly belonged to Galicia, and the executioner who putPriscillianand his followers to death.25Thus loyalty to Priscillian became a patriotic reaction against Maximus.When Galicia fell into the hands of the autonomous Sueves, it was a landwith raw religious and political wounds. The “injury” of Priscillian’s executionwas only deepened by the heavy-handed actions by the southern bishops at theCouncil of Toledo in A.D. 400. The dispute helped to inhibit any influence theRoman-controlled Catholics may have been able to exercise within Galicia.2624 McKenna, Pagan Survivals, 74.25 Madoz, “Arianism and Priscillianism in Galicia,” 15.26 Chadwick, Prisdihian, 209.36D. THE RELIGION OF THE SUEVESWhen the Sueves entered the Iberian peninsula in A.D. 409, they did notshare the heterodox Christianity of the Visigoths and Vandals.The majority of theinvading tribes had been evangelized by Arian missionaries with the support ofValens and other Arian Emperors.27 The Sueves took only two years to travelfrom Pannonia to Galicia. Therefore, they were not “Romanized” like otherGermanic tribes.28 Under king Hermeric, A.D. 409-440/41 and king Rechila A.D.440-448, the Sueves remained for the most part pagan. However, Rechila’s son,Rechiarius, inexplicably converted to Catholicism. His conversion is something ofan anomaly since he was the earliest of all known Germanic kings to haveembraced the Nicaean Faith.29 William Hinnebusch assumes that the Suevesfollowed their king into his faith.3° However, Hydatius only refers to Rechiarius’personal conversion and gives no indication of a mass conversion. Indeed, itappears that, given his aggressive behavior, Rechiarius failed to follow his ownfaith. According to Thompson:no Suevic king was more viciously opposed to the Romans orwas a more malignant marauder of theirpersons and property thanthe first Catholic to reach the throne of Galicia.31The conversion of Rechiarius to Catholicism represents only a brief footnote in thereligious history of the Sueves, and is significant because it happened at all.27 3. Madoz, “Arianism and Priscillianism in Galicia,” 5.28 E.A. Thompson, “Roman Spain: II,”:8.29 E.A. Thompson, “Conversion of the Spanish Suevi to Catholicism”, in VisigothicSpain: New Approaches, ed. Edward James, (Oxford:1980), 79.30 Hinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga,” p. 6. “This is apparent from the fact that Idatiusand Isidore style the lapse of the Sueves into Arianism under Remismund in 464, as apostacy.”31 Thompson, “Conversion”, 80.37Recharius and one of his immediate successors, Remismund, set the stagefor the conversion to Arianism when they married Arian princesses sent from theVisigothic court at Toulouse. In A.D. 465, the year following the marriage ofRemismund, the Arian missionary, Ajax arrived in Galicia. Described byHydatius as a “natione Galata”, he probably came from Asia Minor. Ajax was anapostate from Catholicism who had become a priest or bishop in Gaul. His workin Galicia was supported by the Gothic King, Theodoric II, who may have seen apolitical advantage in converting the Sueves to his faith. According to Hydatius,Ajax proceeded to introduce the Sueves to the “poison” of Arianism, and in a fewyears the majority of the tribe converted. Since Hydatius’ concludes his chroniclein A.D. 469, nothing is known about the history of Galicia in general and thereligion of the Sueves in particular until A.D. 560. St. Isidore only remarks thatthe Suevic kings who followed continued in the Arian heresy.32Though the Suevic kings before the arrival of Martin of Braga in A.D. 550were pagan, and later Arian, there is no record that they persecuted their Roman-Christian subjects. Although they plundered the Romans as a source of livelihood,they never persecuted them as Christians. In A.D. 440 Salvian laments that “agreat number of the Romans, incuding the nobles became barbarians”.33 Thislapse was prbably due more to the demoralization of the Romans than to coercion.Hydatius records that in A.D. 441, Bishop Sabinus was removed from his see ofSeville and replaced with Epiphanius by King Rechila. Hydatius expressesdisaproval with the new bishop, which indicates that he was probably aPriscillianist. However, according to Thompson, no connection can be drawnbetween Epiphanius’ faith and his appointment.32 Isidore of Seville. Historia Gothomm Wandalorum Sueborum. in Chronica minora,“Mon. Germ. hist., auct. ant.,” ed. T. Mommesen. Berlin: 1894, XI, 302-303. sidore wrote thisabout 624.33 Thompson, “Roman Spain: II,” 25.38Any sporadic outrages by the Sueves against churches and the clergythat may have been perpetrated-- and very few are specified--wereconcerned with property, politics and plunder, not with religion.34Since the reign of the Arian kings in Galicia is largely undocumented, theirrelationship with their Catholic subjects cannot be determined. However, sincesources after A.D. 560 make no reference to past persecution, it can be assumedthat these kings were indifferent to the religion of the Hispano-Romans.SUMMARYThe religious history of Galicia prior to A.D. 550 was shaped by threefactors: a strong syncretistic paganism, a shallow Christian presence which wasweakened by Priscillianism, and by the independent Sueves who belatedly gave uppaganism only to embrace Arianism. While the entire Peninsula faced the factorsof paganism, Priscillianism and Arianism, it appears that the isolated CatholicChristians in Galicia experienced them more intensely than did their southernneighbors. In the assessment of 3. Madoz, “Galician Arianism was superimposedupon the idolatry of the Suevi; then Priscillianism came to leaven the mixture.”35In Madoz’s opinion, this exotic religious heritage presented a difficult obstacle tothe missionary efforts of the sixth century.To evaluate the missionary work of the Church in Galicia underMartin of Braga it is necessary to understand the nature of theheresies which infested the masses. The work of the Church amongthe Suevi in Galicia must be seen against the background of aPriscillianism that had merged withthe current Arianism.3634 Thompson, “Conversion,” 78.35 Madoz, “Arianism and Priscillianism in Galicia,” p. 6.36 Ibid.39Chapter 4FROM MONK TO BISHOPWithout question, Martin of Braga was the most significant literary andorganizational force in Galicia Church during his era. Indeed, Martin’s workinfluenced Spain and the rest of Medieval Europe as well. However, Martin isalso hailed by Hinnebusch as the “Apostle of the Sueves”. He is convinced thatonce the conversion of the Sueves was begun in 550 under Chararic, “St. Martin ofBraga arrived from the Orient and took an active part in the conversion”.1 Theevidence which directly links Martin to the evangelization of the barbarian tribe isnot conclusive. It appears that while Martin provided leadership for the HispanoRoman populace, political factors may have limited his work among the Sueves.Indifference on the part of the Suevic authorities may have even affected Martin’sefforts among the Hispano-Romans. The nature of Martin’s activities in Galicia asbishop is an important backdrop for his literary activity; and more particularly forhis pastoral activity as reflected in De Correctione Rusticorum.1 Hinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga,” 38.Hinnebusch accepts Gregory of Tours’ account of the coinciding arrivals of the relics of Martin ofTours and Martin of Braga. He argues that Chararic preceded Theodomir as king of the Suevesand that the conversion to Catholicism began during the reign of the former. “St. Martin ofBraga,” pp. 34-36. The chronology of the Suevic kings during the time of Martin will beunravelled later in this chapter.40A. THE POLITICS OF GALICIA: 550-572In A.D. 550, St. Martin completed his journey from the east and landed onthe Iberian Peninsula. The date of his arrival can be deduced from the History ofthe Franks of Gregory of Tours. Gregory gives the date of Martin’s death as “atthis time (the fifth year of king Childebert II, the year 580) died the blessedMartin, bishop of Galicia, greatly lamented by his people. . . “, and later says thathe”.. . was consecrated bishop, in which dignity he passed some thirty years, anddeparted to the Lord full of good works”.2Isidore offers additional information on Martin’s activities in Spain.Martin, most holy pontiff of the Dumien Monastery, having sailedfrom Oriental parts, came to Galaecia, where he established theconversion of the Suevi people from Arian impiety to the catholicfaith and holiness of religion, he confirmed bishops, builtmonasteries and put down copies and precepts of institutions.3According to Gregory of Tours, the young monk’s arrival in port coincidedwith the shipment containing the relics of St. Martin of Tours.I believe this to have occurred by Divine Providence, that on thevery day on which the blessed relics were taken up, he (Martin)should have left his fatherland, and thus to have entered the port ofGalicia together with the relics.42 Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, in Gregorii Episcopi Turonensis historiarumlibri X, “Mon. Germ. hist., script. rer. Mer.,”j ed. B. Krusch. Hannover: 1937. V, 37, cited inMEB. 300-301.“Hoc tempore et beatus Martinus Galliciensis episcopus obiit, magnum populo iii faciensplanctum.. .episcopus ordinatur...In quo sacerdotio impletus plus minus triginta annis,plenus virtutibus migravit ad Dominum.”3 Isidore of Seville, caput XXXV, P1. LXXXIX, col. 1041.4 Gregory of Tours, Dc virtutibus sancti Martini, in Gregorii Turonensis opera. Libri octomiraculorum, “Mon. Germ. hist., scriptores rerum Merovinicarum,” ed. B. Krusch. Hannover:1885. I, 594-596, cited in MEB. 298-300.“Sed nec hoc credo sine divina fuisse providentia, quod ea die se commoveret de patria,quae beatae reliquiae de loco levatae sunt, et sic simul cum ipsis pignoribus in Galliciaeportum ingressus sit.”41According to Gregory, the relics were sent at the request of king Chararic, whohoped they would work a cure on his leprose son. When his son was healed, theArian king and his household converted to Catholicism. However, E. A.Thompson questions the veracity of Gregory’s claim. He diputes both thechronology of the events and the historicity of Chararic based on evidence fromthe councils of Braga and other historical documents.5 It is more likely that theyoung Martin entered Galicia with little fanfare.Since the historicity of Chararic is questionable, then it is probable that theSueves remained Arian until the rise of their first Catholic king. The preamble tothe canons of the First Council of Braga states that in 561, Ariamir permitted theconvocation of the Council in the third year of his reign.6 Therefore it can beinferred that the conversion to Catholicism began sometime between May 558 andMay 561. How can Isidore’s reference to king Theodomir, whom he dates 551 -565 be reconciled with the dating of Ariamir? John of Biclarum, a contemporaryof these events, records in his Chronicle that in 570 Miro succeeded Theodemir asking of the Sueves. Thompson infers from the conflicting evidence that Isidorewas mistaken in his dating of Theodomir, and that the latter followed Ariamir andsurvived until 570. Miro ruled Galicia during Braga II.Thompson offers an explanation which satisfies Isidore’s claim thatTheodemir was the first Catholic king of the Sueves. In the Parochiale of SuevicGalicia, it is recorded that on 1 January 569, King Theodemir summoned acouncil to meet in Lugo “to confirm the Catholic Faith”. If the Parochiale iscorrect, then the offical condemnation of Arianism occurred in 569. Thompson is5 E.A. Thompson, “The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi to Catholicism” VisigothicSoain: New ADproaches ed. Edward James, (Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1980) 83.6 Barlow, MEB, 105.7 Thompson, “The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi,” 87.42puzzled that this condemnation did not occur earlier at Braga I under Ariarnir. Thecondemnation in 569 would also explain why there is no reference to Arianism atBraga 11.8It appears that when Martin arrived in 550, Galicia was controlled byunknown Arian kings. The conversion to Catholicism occurred between Martin’sconsecration as bishop of Dumium in 556 and Braga I in 561. This period ofCatholicism continued up through the reign of Miro and particularly, the writing ofDe Correctione Rusticorum in 572. Martin’s tenure in Galicia spanned theconversion from Arianism to Catholicism.B. LIFE AT DUMIUMWhen Martin arrived in Galicia, he immediately established a monastery atDumium, about a mile’s distance from Braga.10 Here he labored as abbot untilabout A.D. 556, and then as bishop. At Dumium, Martin appears to have found anopenness to his eastern style of monasticism. Indeed, northern Spain had probablyalready experienced the influences of the eastern desert. The north contrastedsharply with the south where the approach to monastic organization was muchmore western in orientation. Rather than write a rule in the tradition of Benedict,Martin drew directly from the literature of eastern monasticism for the training ofhis monks.Prior to Martin’s arrival, divisions existed between the monasticismpracticed in northern and southern Spain. In the north, eastern approaches seem tohave taken root while the south was more western and Benedictine.8 Thompson, “The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi,” 90.9 Barlow bases the chronology of Martin’s consecration on a breviary at Braga. MEB, 3.10 Hinnebusch, St. Martin of Braga, 50.43Hillgarth rejects thenotion of a uniform Spanish church, and a uniformSpanish monasticism.The task of the Christian Church in the peninsula has to be seenagainst the sharp contrasts between Romanized Baetica and thelargely un-Romanized north.11He characterizes the monasticism which developed around Seville, Toledo andSaragossa as “urban and more strictly suburban” as opposed to “a more rigorousnative tradition” which emerged in the north.12 In the two regions, the Churchoffered different alternatives. In the south, ecclesiastical leaders chose to spreadreligion through an alliance with the wealthy rather than the rustici. Themonasteries were part of the institutional structure of the Church. Monks were cutoff from their fellows and formed a professional elite which tended to look downon the average person.13 Since northern Spain had been little influenced byRoman society and Christianity before A.D. 500, traditional structures were notestablished. Therefore, Christianity took a more popular form.Instead of the example of the apostles, stressed by Isidore, in thenorth we have that of the Desert Fathers, and instead of the greatmonasteries such as Agali near Toledo, to which leading courtiersretired (to re-emerge later as bishops), in Galicia we have a monasticpopulation consisting largely of slaves, who could even becomeabbots. The entry of whole families into the religious life,dependence on a pastoral economy, the harshness of the disciplineobserved and the constant menace of armed attack are other featureswhich distinguish the Galician monasteries -contractual, egalitarian,unstable and potentially short-lived from those of the south.14The monasticism of Martin’s experience was not aloof, but directly involved in thelives of the populace.15 It appears that Galicia offered Martin the opportunity todevelop an eastern-style monasticism of the people rather than the upper class.11 J.N. Hillgarth, “Popular Religion in Visigothic Spain,” 7.12 Ibid., 37.13 Peter Brown, The Making of Late Antiquity (Harvard: University Press, 1978), 110.14 J.N. Hillgarth, “Popular Religion,” 37.15 Peter Brown, The Making of Late Antiquity, 109.44Martin probably had contact with local monks once he arrived in Galiciasince there is evidence of monasticism prior to his arrival. Egeria, the literate nunwho chronicled her journey to Palestine at the end of the fourth century may havecome from Galicia.16 The canons of the first council of Braga (561) showevidence of an established monasticism. One canon orders that monastic customsshould not be confused with ecclesiastical regulations.17 Another canon decrees:so that whatever cleric, monk, or lay person may be detected stillholding or defending such errors (Priscilhanism) may be cut offimmediately from the body of the Catholic church as a truly corruptmember.18Hinnebusch concludes from these canons that:there still existed in Galicia a monasticism which had beeninfluenced by and was still inclined toward Priscillianism. Thismonasticism must have been made up of the Roman inhabitants ofGalicia, the Priscillian element of the population.19Hinnebusch’s assessment of the texts of Martin leads him to believe that it“seems probable” that this monasticism was eastern in orientation. However, henotes the possibility that the rule of St. Caesarius of Aries, which was prevalent innorthern Spain, may have been used. The councils of Tarragona, A.D. 516, (canon11) (7) and Lerida, A.D. 524, (canon 3) (8) refer to the decrees of the Gallicanbishops on matters pertaining to monasteries and abbots.20 Among the Gallicanclergy, only Caesarius had written a rule to that point in time. A Gallicaninfluence might explain Martin’s access to the sermons of Caesarius from which heborrows.16 A. Bludau, Die Pigerreise der Aetheria, (Paderbom: 1927), p. 244, cited inHinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga”, 47.17 Mansi, IX, col. 777, cited in Hinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga”, 48.18 Ibid., col. 774.19 Hinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga”, 49.20 Ibid., 50.45There is no direct evidence of the rule which was instituted at Dumium byMartin. Barlow finds no evidence that any of the earlier rules were used there.Hinnebusch claims that Martin was probably unfamiliar with the rule of Benedict,since it was only written in 530 and was little known in the east. He surmises thateven had Martin learned of either the rule of St. Benedict or St. Caesarius, hewould not have adopted an unfamiliar rule.21The scholarly consensus is that Martin used the eastern traditions of theDesert as his rule. Barlow points to the Sayings of the Desert Fathers as the guidefor the community.22 Ferreiro is convinced that “these were undoubtedly used asrules of faith by the monks of Dumium”.23 Hinnebusch also claims that thePachomian rule was utilized by Martin.During his time as abbot, Martin translated the Sayings of the EgyptianFathers, and his monk Paschasius translated the Questions and Answers of theGreek Fathers from Greek into Latin for the edification and guidance of thecommunity.24 The translation project was a time consuming task, so Martinemployed the assistance of Paschasius who was trained in Greek. Since Martinbecame bishop in A.D. 556, and he only arrived in A.D. 550, Barlow estimatesthat the collection was probably translated in A.D. 55525Paschasius’ knowledge of Greek raises two possible explanations: either hewas a local recruit who was trained by Martin or he accompanied Martin fromEgypt. Hinnebusch suggests that the latter case is true.21 Hinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga”, 51.22 Barlow, MEB, 3.23 Alberto Ferreiro, “The Missionary Labours Of St. Martin Of Braga in 6th CenturyGalicia,” Studia Monastica 23 (1981):11-26.24 Since these monastic texts are referred to by a variety of names, when referring to thecorpus as a whole, I will use the term Savings in deference to its usage by Benedicta Ward.25 Claude Barlow, The Iberian Fathers, The Fathers of the Church, vol. 62 (Washington:The Catholic University Press, 1969), 113.46It seems probable that Paschasius learned Greek in the East and thathe and other monks came with Martin to Galicia. It does not seemlikely that Martin would endeavour to impart a knowledge of Greekto a native of Galicia. Furthermore, Martin would hardly have hadtime for such a task, occupied as he was with the conversion of theSueves.26No direct evidence exists to prove or disprove Hinnebusch’s claim. Paschasius,himself, makes no mention of the length of his relationship with his abbot. In thepreface to the Interrogationes et responsiones Graecorum patrum, Paschasiuscomplains to Martin that “I would have refused this unaccustomed task, if I hadbeen allowed. . . being prohibited by my lack of ability and self-conviction”.27This statement sounds like the words of a discouraged novice; especially when hecalls translating an “unaccustomed task”. However, it is possible that Paschasiuswas unfamiliar with Latin, not Greek.Since I must accede to your request, I shall not mention myability, but rather shall display even in an assigned work theconfidence which I owe to you. But since there are many books ofthese eloquent men written in the Latin language, with the reading ofwhich I have been admittedly acquainted under your instructions, ifyou happen to find anything inserted here from those sources oranything not eloquently expressed, please do not consider it myfault, because I have translated those writings exactly as they were inthe manuscript that was given to me, although I admit that I am notable to do even that correctly.28From this passage it is possible to surmise that Martin instructed Paschasiusin Latin, and that the monk was already versed in Greek. The translator’sfrustration with his efforts would then be understandable. This senario would fitHinnebusch’s assertion. If Paschasius was an easterner himself, he would havebeen much more able to instruct the monks at Dumium in the traditions of theDesert Fathers. It appears that Paschasius helped Martin provide a source of26 Hinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga”, 54.27 Claude Barlow, The Iberian Fathers, Fathers of the Church vol. 62 (Washington: TheCatholic University of America Press, 1969), 117.28 Ibid.47Desert Fathers. It appears that Paschasius helped Martin provide a source ofspiritual direction for the community at Dumium.Eastern influences in the life and Rule of St. Fructuosus lead Hinnebusch tospeculate that Martin also brought an older rule with him from the east, which waspassed on to succeeding generations. Fructuosus was bishop of Dumium and thenMetropolitan of Braga seventy years after the death of Martin. Valerius ofBierzo, author of the Vita Fructuosi, records that “Fructuosus, after embracing thecenobitic life, in which he was fortunate enough to found many and variedmonasteries, retires to the desert in order to advance in holiness and develop hisspiritual life.”29 Manuel Diaz y Diaz finds that Spanish anchorites like Fructuosusand his biographer, Valerius of Bierzo, were “more or less influenced by themonastic tradition, especially the Oriental” in their interest in the desert. Diazreflects that: “The allusion to the monastic life in the Thebaid, appears, almost asan obsession in the account of Bierzo”.3° In the preface of the Vita Fructuosi, onereads:postquam ex Aegyto orientali prouincia excellentissima sacraereligiois praemicarent exempla. . . hic uero (Fructuosus) ita...emicuit Ut ad patrum se facile quoaequaret antiquorum meritisThebaeorum; in the epistola Egeriae de laude Valerii this allusion isfound: partem orientalis ingressa (Egeria) sanctorum summo eumdesideno Thebaeorum uisitans. . . cainobia similiter et sanctaanachoretarum ergastula; in the “de caeleste reuelatione”: dum ohm.beatissimus Fructuosus. . . heremiticam duceretv vitam adinstarque orientalium monachorum. . . ita gloriosus emicuit utantiquis Thebaeis patribus se facile quoaequaret.31Given his respect for desert monasticism, it is no surprise that Fructuosus,drew up an “eastern rule” for his monastery at Compludo, near Dumium.29 Vita Fructuosi, p. 8, cited in Manuel Diaz Y Diaz, “Ermetical Life in VisigothicSpain,” Classical folia 23 (1969):210-227.30 Manuel Diaz Y Diaz, “Eremetical Life in Visigothic Spain,” Classical folia 23(1969):210-227.31 Bierzo, Vita Fructuosi, preface.48Hinnebusch concludes that if the rule of Benedict was observed in Galicia duringthe time of Martin, Fructuosus would not have written his own. Also, Hinnebuschconsiders Fructuosus’ knowledge of Jerome’s translation of Pachomius’Rule as“some indication that the Rule of Pachomius was known and used at the monasteryof Dumium” 32Hinnebusch argues indirectly that Martin used the Rule of Pachomius atDumium by pointing out the eastern influences in the life of his seventh centurysuccessor. References to Ageria in the Vita Fructuosi imply that easternmonasticism had influence in Galicia prior to Martin’ arrival. It could well be thatthe Rule of Pachomius, along with the work of Jerome was propagated by thatitinerant nun. It is possible that Martin knew of the acceptance of easternmonasticism in Galicia before his migration. The existence of an eastern ethos inGalicia makes it probable that Martin used the rule of Pachomius which heaugmented with the sayings of the Desert Fathers.Hinnebusch claims that the nature of life at Dumium is gleaned soley fromthe translations of the Sayings of the Fathers by Paschasius and Martin.Otherwise, “Its rule, spirit, and mode of life are shrouded in darkness”.33However, one poem which Martin composed for the refectory of the monastery,does offer some insight into the quality of life which the monks experienced.Through these two sources, we can gain a second hand understanding of the kindof monasticism which developed at Dumium.Given the priority which Martin placed on translating The Sayings, the textwas undoubtedly an important resource for the community. According toHillgartb, text functioned as exempla for the people. Martin’s use of the Sayings32 Ibid., 53.33 Hinnebusch, “St. Martin of Braga”. 57.34 J.N. Hillgarth, “Popular Religion in Visigothic Spain,” 34.49of the Fathers was consistent with the role of the material in the east. The materialwas aimed at a monastic audience, but the underlying ideas were of interest toothers as well.The purpose of the text was to edify rather than promote monasticorganization.35 Benedicta Ward describes the sayings and stories as “vivid,colorful pictures”.36 Groups of monks preserved the sayings of their founder orspiritual father. These nucleii of material were compiled, rearranged and enlarged.The ad hoc development of the text contributed to its chaotic nature as scribesadded material to existing collections.37 The Sayings are a collected wisdomwhich assists those seeking spiritual development.The tone of the Sayings is best categorized as pastoral and exhortativerather than legislative. The material seems to be based on the psychologicalpremise that individuals in need of correction respond better to instruction thanharsh discipline. To Benedicta Ward, the sayings reflect a humble self-appraisalwhich produced a compassionate response.The monks did not of course claim to be the only Christians, nor thebest Christians. They were simply men following out the Christianvocation in a particular way. The monks saw themselves not asbetter than others but as more needy, more sinful, and therefore moreready to receive the mercy of God; if they could be saved, theythought, that there was then hope for anyone.38Abbot Silvanus captures the humble tone of the not measure yourself with the great, but believe yourselfinferior to every creature... Have discernment, criticize yourself, butdo not judge your neighbor nor look down upon the sins of other35 Benedicta Ward SLG, The Wisdom of the Desert Fathers (Oxford: SLG Press, 1986),introduction.36 Ibid.37 Columba Stewart OSB, The World of the Desert Fathers: Stories and Savings from theAnonymous Series of the Apophthegmata Patrum a translation and edition (Oxford: SLG Press,1986), introduction.38 Ward, Wisdom of the Fathers, introduction.50people, nor bewail your own sins, nor be anxious for the deeds ofany man.39The pastoral attitude of the monks extended beyond their own ranks to thepopulace. One father warned his disciple to “...consider that you sin more than he(a sinner) does, even if he is a layman, unless he blasphemes God, which is a signof heretics.”4°In a remarkable incident, a harlot asked her brother, a monk, if shecould have salvation. He replied: “If you wish it, there is salvation.” Because shedied before receiving the rites of the Church, the brothers disagreed about hersalvation. However, God revealed to them the penitent nature of her heart and thatHe had received her repentance because of her sincerity.41 The models providedby God and His holy fathers are not that of harsh enforcers but of gentle pastors,both toward monks and lay-persons alike. The pastoral approach of the Sayings ofthe Desert Fathers guided the discipline and relationships at Dumium.Martin’s relationship with those under his charge at Dumium can in somemeasure be discerned in a poem of his own composition which was inscribed onthe wall of the refectory.Item Eiusdem In RefectorioNot here are the meals embellished with goldenNor will Assyrian purple give to youNor will many-coursed banquets be placed on a sideboard gleaming withthe art of polished wood,Nor will a goblet be given here whose side, adorned perchance withburnished metal, a twisted handle binds.I do not have wines from Gaza, Chios, and Falernum, andWhatever you may drink sent from Saraptenan vine,But whatever the slight fare of my table does not offerThis let a full grace supply for you.4239 Sententiae Patrum Aegyptiorum, 109, Barlow, MEB, 49.40 Interrogationes et responsiones Graecorum patrum 17.2, Barlow, Iberian Fathers,140.41 Ibid., 17.2, 140.42 Barlow, MEB, 282. Two-thirds of the poem is borrowed from Sidonius Apollinaris’Carmen 17. My thanks to Dr. Elizabeth Bongie for revising my attempted translation.51The poem implies a rapport and intimacy between Martin and the communitywhich offsets the austerity of their circumstances. While the entire life of themonastery cannot be inferred from this inscription, it does provide an indirectglimpse. Significantly, its tone fits with the intimate spirit of eastern monasticismevident in the Sayings of the Desert Fathers.A remarkable similarity exists between the monasticism of the desert andthe descriptions of monastic life at Dumium. Martin established his monastery onthe eastern model of his own experience, in contrast with the westernizedmonasticism of southern Spain. Given his intellectual ability, Martinundoubtedly could have found a home in the monastic world of the urban,Christian south, yet he chose the rural, largely pagan north. Once in Galicia,Martin established a monastery at Dumium based on the pattern of his monasticexperience in the east.Dumium contrasted with the elitist institutions of southern Spain whichwere dominated by the aristocracy. Martin did not attempt to establish a western-style institution, but instead chose a pastoral, egalitarian model. The fact thatGalicia was likely already familiar with eastern forms of monasticism made it anideal home for the independent Martin to exercise his vocation.C. FROM DUMIUM TOIl BRAGA A.D. 572In A.D. 556 Martin became bishop of Dumium. This change in roleincreased his influence within the structure of the Galician Church. During histenure at Dumium he took part in the First Council of Braga in 561. The highpoint of his career occurred after his nomination as the Bishop of Braga and theMetropolitan of Galicia, when in 572 he presided over the Second Council ofBraga. As the most influential bishop among the Galician Church hierarchy, he52led his fellow bishops in their attempt to establish orthodoxy and orthopraxy.Martin charted a tolerant and educational approach to correcting aberrations infaith and behaviour. Suprisingly, he dealt exclusively with the Hispano-Romanproblems of Priscillianism and paganism, while ignoring the Arianism which theSueves had only recently abandoned.Martin was the dominant intellectual figure among his fellow bishops. He isconsidered to be the author of the acts and canons of both Braga I and Braga II. Healso added a translation of a collection of eastern canons to proceedings of theSecond Council.43 De Correctione Rusticorum and De Ira were written inresponse to two bishops who sought Martin’s advice at the SecondCouncil. Three other moral treatises, Pro repellenda iactantia, De superbia andExhortatio humilitatis were written by Martin with strong dependence on Cassian’sConferences and Institutes. Sometime after the accession of Miro, king of theSueves, in 570, Martin wrote him an essay on the four cardinal virtues, entitledFormula vitae honestae. Written in a classical style, the work borrows heavilyfrom Seneca.45 Martin also turned his pen to doctrinal disputes. In a shorttreatise, De trina mersione, he defends the local baptismal formula against a criticfrom Visigothic Spain.46 Martin also added his wisdom to the dating of Easter43 Barlow Iberian Fathers, introduction. He considers Martin to be the sole author of thecouncil’s canons. “Because Martin is the only person living in the province at this time who isknown ever to have written anything, it seems plausible to assign these words to him. Theuniformity of the texts throughout both of the Councils and a comparison of the accentual cursusin them and in known works of Martin help to support the theory that he was responsible for thepresent form of the ecclesiastical texts, although it will probably never be possible to demonstratethis beyond a doubt.”44 Barlow, Iberian Fathers, 7.45 Ibid., 11-13.“An accident in one of several manuscripts in the Middle Ages caused the little book tolose its Martinian preface, after which scribes and readers easily concluded that they werestudying a genuine work of Seneca. . . Numerous very early versions were made inItalian, French, German and other languages.”46 Ibid., p.13.53question in De pascha. Asin the baptismal issue Martin diverged from thepractice of the Spanish Visigoths.47 Of course, Martin is most famous for hisCorrectione Rusticorum, which was written for the benefit of one of his fellowbishops following Braga II. A collection of three poems complete Martin’s extantwork. The longer poems contain material taken from the works of Dracontius andSidonius Apollinaris.48 Isidore refers to a volume of letters and a rule composedfor converted Arians. He is also given credit for features of the Mozarabic ritualand the ritual unique to Braga itself.49Martin’s literary output and the dependence of others upon his intellectualability attest to his influence upon the thinking of the Galician Church. A clearevidence of his rising influence can be seen in the two Councils of Braga, heldduring Martin’s tenure in Galicia. At the First Council, Martin was the third of ninebishops to sign the acts and canons. This council was preoccupied with thesurvival of the Priscillianism, which is proof of the continuation of that heresy inthe region.5°in some parts of Spain a single immersion was onserved for the purpose of avoidingthe taint of Arianism. But the triple immersion is not one of the points in which theArians are heretical, and Martin reminds Boniface that the Sabellians practice simpleimmersion.”47 Ibid., p. 14.“This is, then, another important Church matter in which the Galicians did not agree withthe Visigoths. Although this treatise had no later effect on the rest of Spain, it did passdirectly into the larger collections of paschal computations and was transmitted fromSpain to Ireland.”48 The poems of Martin of Braga are found on page 282, in Barlow, MEB.49 Barlow, Iberian Fathers, 15.“A completely separate manuscript tradition has preserved three poems by Martin ofBraga. One is an inscription for a basilica, another for a refecrory; these were perhapswritten for the dedication of a church in honor of St. Martin of Tours at Dumium in 558.The third is an epitaph of six lines, which informs us that Martin of Braga was born inPannonia, came to the West by sea,and followed in the steps of his patron, Martin ofTours. The longer poems contain material taken from the works of Dracontius andSidonius Apollinaris.”50 Barlow, MEB, 81.54The Second Council of Braga, held on June 1, 572 was dominated byMartin, the host bishop, both conceptually and ecclesiastically. Between the twocouncils, the number of bishoprics had been expanded to twelve, and dividedequally under the Metropolitan Sees of Braga and Lugo. Whereas the First Councilattacked Priscillianism, the Second focused upon paganism.51 Significantly,neither council refers to Arianism which had so recently been the faith of theSueves. Even if we accept Thompson’s proposal that Theodemir condemnedArianism in 569, it is hard to believe that traces of the heresy did not still exist inat least the same measure as Priscillianism. Why was no attention paid toArianism even as great concern was being expressed over Priscillianism andpaganism?Ferreiro makes an important distinction in the status of Arianism and that ofPriscillianism and paganism. When Ariamir converted to Catholicism heimmediately changed the offical religion of his kingdom. The Suevic ruler wasattempting to sever his kingdom from any link with the Visigoths who threatenedthe independence of Galicia, including their Arian faith. Therefore, in the Suevickingdom, a “political stigma” was attached to Arianism.52In contrast to Arianism, Priscillianism and paganism were of lesser concernto the secular authority.51 A. Ferreiro notes that:“Whereas in the First Council of Braga, seventeen canons (Braga I, Canons 1-17) aredevoted to heresy, in the Second council of Braga only four canons (Braga II, Canons 36,58, 67,70) address the issue: Vivis, Concilios, pp. 67-69 and 96 -103. In the SecondCouncil the canons that address pagan customs are 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, pp.102-104. The First council contains not a single reference to pagan customs.”52 Ferreim, “St. Martin of Braga,” 377.“Ideally, when a king convered, his people were to follow suit and adopt the religion oftheir ruler”. James Thayer Addison, The Medieval Missionary: A Study of theConversion of Northern Europe A.D. 500-1300 (Philadelphia: Porcupine Press 1976) p21.55Even though the Sueves were officially Catholic, traces ofPriscillianism remained among them and the Hispano-Romans, aswell as Catholics who practiced pagan customs. None werepolitically stigmatized, as the Anans had been, thus explaining theabsence of attacks against them from the monarchy. The struggleagainst pagan customs and Priscillianism lay exclusively in thehands of the Church.53It is possible that Ariamir, Theodemir and Miro were largely occupied with thepolitical rather than the theological implications of religion. Perhaps the Suevicpopulation were little concerned about the particulars of their religious affiliationwhen faced with the pressing matter of survival.54 It seems that both Councilswere mainly of interest to the Hispano-Romans, who used their new politicalfreedom to address long-standing causes of concern. Even though now united byreligion, the Sueves and Hispano-Romans may have continued to exist as “twosolitudes”.What then do we make of the declarations of Hinnebusch and Ferreiro thatMartin of Braga actively evangelized the Sueves? On the one hand, Isidore claimsthat Martin played an important role in the conversion of the Sueves. However,Isidore does not make him responsible for converting the king. Thompson findsthe career of Martin among the Sueves to be shrouded in ambiguity.There is something of a mystery about this eminent man. When thebishops spoke about him at the Tenth Coucil of Toledo in 656 theyrefer to him as the ‘Bishop of Brap of glorious memory’ and as thefounder of the monastery at Dumium. They said not a word of hishaving destroyed Arianism in Galicia or of his having converted thebarbarians there to the faith of Nicaea. And the voluminous minutesof the Third Council of Toledo, which met in May 589, althoughthey include more than one reference to the conversion of theSueves, pass over Martin in complete silence. But what is little shortof amazing is that the excellent John of Biclarum, whose chroniclecovers the years 567-90, never breathes his name, says nothing at allabout him, fails to mention his death in 579, and might even seemnever to have heard of him. I do not know how to account for thisextraordinary omission.5553 Ibid.54 In 585 the Visigoths under Leoveguilus invaded and destroyed the Suevic kingdom.55 Thompson, “The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi,” 89.56Not only are the above mentioned sources silent, but Martin himself makes nomention of his own activity among the Sueves. Whatever interraction there wasbetween Martin of Braga and the Sueves, its nature remains uncertain.What is known about Martin is his activity among the Hispano-Romanpopulace. At the Second Council of Braga, the bishops took aim at the pagan ritesand observances which continued to be practiced by the Hispano-RomanCatholics. As the presiding bishop and author of the canons of the Council,Martin takes a tolerant approach to offenders.56 In no instance does he strengthenhis canons with threats of punishment. The selection of canons from variouseastern Councils, which he incorporates into the proceedings, are also non-coercive in tone.57 The strongest sanction against pagan practice is five yearspenance.58 Usually the canon is simply a gentle admonition to exchange thepagan way for the Christian alternative.59Martin, along with the other bishops saw education as the best means oferadicating paganism and instilling Christian patterns of behavior. The first canon56 Hillgarth, “Popular Religion in Visigothic Spain,’t 49.“Martin of Braga-who wrote in the Suevic kingdom but under a Catholic ruler-wasexceptional in not threatening pagans with physical punishments. Gregory the Great andthe Spanish fathers were less patient. Isidore declared: ‘where the bishop cannot revail bypreaching the {secular} power should act by fear.’ In 686 Julian of Toledo admitted thatthere may still be increduli, but they cannot escape ‘the dominion of Christ-since they arehard pressed by rulers in whose hearts Christ already dwells.”57 Among the manuscripts which Martin brought with him from the east was a collectionof canons from the eastern Councils. He added eighty-four in order to augment those agreedupon by the Galician Bishops. Again, Martin’s eastern background influences his approach toministry.58 Mansi, Sacrorwn Conciliorum Nova Et Amplissima Collectio, vol. 9, columns 835-860.“LXXXIIf anyone following the customs of pagans, introduces diviners, and soothsayers into hishome, in order to send bad spirits out of the doors or procur mischief, or carry out thepruifications of the pagans; they must do five years penance.”59 “LXXVIt is not lawful for Christian women to observe some unreality in their wool working, butlet them call on God’s help, who gives the wisdom of weaving.”57charged the clergy to instruct the laity in matters of faith. This first canonprompted Polemius of Astorga to write his Metropolitan for some advice on themethod and content of this instruction. Martin answered with De CorrectioneRusticorum.SUMMARYWhen Martin entered Galicia, he labored for at least the first eight yearsunder an Arian king. Duing this time he established a monastery at Dumiumbased on an eastern model. His approach was well accepted by the IlispanoRomans, who were already inclined toward eastern ways.Since the relationship between the Sueves and their Hispano-Romansubjects was strained, he probably had little interraction with his overlords.Between 558 and 561, after Martin was consecrated bishop, Ariamir turned toCatholicism, thus sweeping his people within the fold of orthodoxy. However, noevidence links Martin directly to his conversion, nor with the conversion of theSuevic people. The First and Second Councils of Braga deal exclusively withmatters of importance to the Hispano-Romans. There are no references toArianism, which the Sueves had so recently abandoned. Either Arianism, unlikePriscillianism, had been completely eradicated, or the Sueves were toopreoccupied with matters of survival to care. If the Sueves were so casual abouttheir own faith, its hard to believe that they would support the Hispano-Romans intheir attempts to suppress Priscillianism and paganism. As Metropolitan of Braga,Martin’s approach to strengthening the faith of the Hispano-Romans was tolerantand educational. While this methodology seems to flow naturally out of hiseastern monastic background, in Suevic Galicia, he probably had few otheroptions.58CHAPTER 5De Correctione Rusticorum AND ITS GENREDe Correctione Rusticorum is part of a genre of instructional literatureintended to help the rural peasant class break free from pagan practices. Scholarshave long remarked about the distinctively tolerant nature of the De CorrectioneRusticorum in contrast with other material on the same issue. In order to explainthe tolerance of De Correctione Rusticorum, the sermon must first be understoodin terms of its motives and the patterns it establishes for the future of the genre.1Therefore the purpose, style and structure of the sermon will be analyzed. Martin’ssermon parallels Augustine’s De Catechizandis Rudibus in structure and shows afamiliarity with the sermons of Caesarius of Aries.A. PURPOSEIn the months following the Second Council of Braga in A.D. 572, Martinwrote a letter to one of the participants, Bishop Polemius of Astorga. In theopening sentence, Martin refers to some correspondence recently received fromPolemius asking for advice “pro castigatione rusticorum”. Since Martin wrote thedocument as a letter, he probably did not give it a title. However, as the sermon1 Mark Vessey was particularly helpful in pointing out the uniqueness of Martin’s sermoncompared to Augustine and Caesarius on the same issue.59which the letter contains, became widely circulated, it received a distinguishingtitle. Martin’s reply to Polemius has been variously entitled Epistula ad Polemium,Pro Castigatione Rusticorum, and most commonly De Correctione Rusticorum.2Polemius’ request for assistance was likely made in response to the firstcanon of the aforesaid council which instructed, that the bishops, during thetwenty days prior to Easter, should:Convocata plebe ipsius ecclesiae doceant illos Ut errores fugiantidolorum vel diversa crimina, id est homicidium, adulterium,periurium, falsum testimonium, et reliqua pecata mortifera, aut quodnolunt sibi fieri, non faciant alteri, et ut credant resurrectionemomnium hominum et diem recepturus est.”3Martin provides his colleague with a sermon that he could preach to the rustici,[rural as opposed to urban lower class] in order to fulfill his obligation as bishop.B. STYLEMartin immediately declares that his style of writing will be tailored to suitthe ears of his audience. “necesse me fuit. . .cibum rusticis rustico sermonecondire.” In his critical edition of the works of Martin, Barlow argues againstCaspari and Harold Farmer, both of whom contend that while Martin uses thepopular language of the educated, his sermon is neither ungrammatical noruncouth.4 Barlow, using manuscript evidence, demonstrates that Martin“deliberately uses vulgarisms” in order to appeal to his hearers. Barlow citesseveral grammatical patterns which occur in the manuscripts. The patterns are notconsistent, which indicates that corrections were subsequently made by copyists.However, the persistence of the odd form convinces Barlow that the unusual was2 Barlow, MEB, 159.3 Barlow, MEB, 119.4 Barlow, MEB, 160.60the original. In his edition of the text, Barlow examines the three examples ofmare in the ablative singular. The eight manuscripts are divided, with some usingmare and some man. However, two manuscripts consistently use the unusualform in all three instances, convincing Barlow that mare was used by Martinhimself. Barlow catalogues the frequency of other uncommon forms. Theseinclude nine cases of the accusative for the ablative of place, six occurrences of theablative for the accusative with verbs of motion. He uncovers nine other suchunusual grammatical usages, and believes that all were the choice of Martin and insome cases can be attributed to his Greek background.5Barlow, therefore retains the vulgarisms which other editors havecorrected. He supports his decision by pointing to fragments of Arian sermons,the homily of Pirminius, the contemporary inscriptions, and the Itala versions ofthe Bible, which all share “rustic” traits. The difference between these andMartin’s sermon is that the former were written by the uneducated and the latterpurposely written for the uneducated.6 Barlow takes seriously Martin’s intentionto offer “cibum rusticis rustico sermone”. Since Barlow’s edition was published in1950, it has remained a standard among scholars. Barlow brings us more closelyin touch with Martin’s audience and also reveals the relationship which existedbetween Bishop Martin and his people.C. STRUCTUREDe Correctione Rusticorum closely resembles Augustine’s De catechizandisRudibus in form. Like Martin, Augustine wrote his instruction in answer to arequest from a fellow bishop. Augustine begins: “Petisti me,frater Deogratias, Ut5 Barlow, MEB, 161-162.6 Barlow, MEB, 163.61aliquid ad te de catechizandis rudibus, quod tibi usui esset scriberem.” He alsoencourages Deogratias to tailor instruction to suit the educational background andvocation of his listeners.I can testify to you from my own experience that I am differentlystirred according as he whom I see before me waiting for instructionis cultivated or a dullard, a fellow citizen or a stranger, a rich man ora poor man.. .And since the same medicine is not to be applied toall...”7Augustine proceeds to supply Deogratias with a model catechetical address,suitable for “one of the uneducated class, yet not a man from the country but atownsman such as you come across in great numbers in Carthage...”8Both Augustine and Martin structure their instructions with a similaritywhich Barlow finds striking. Chapter three of De Catechizandis states that thebeginner “is first instructed from the text: ‘in the beginning God created heavenand earth’, down to the present period of Church history. a general andcomprehensive summary”. Augustine follows up in chapters seventeen andnineteen with a summary of world history from the creation to the flood. Martincovers the same period in his own chapters three, four, five, and six. In chapterseven, Augustine turns his attention to instruction in the resurrection, the lastjudgment, and eternal rewards and punishments. Martin follows the same programin his chapters thirteen and fourteen.Barlow also observes certain verbal parallels which indicate Martin’sdependence on Augustine. He compares Augustine 26.8: “misit unigenitum filiumsuum, hoc est verbum suum”; with Martin 13.3: “misit filium suum, id estsapientiam et verbum suum”. Parallels between Augustine and Martin in purpose,7 St. Augustine, The First Catechetical Instruction (De Catechizandis Rudibus), trans.Rev. Joseph P. Christopher, Ancient Christian Writers vol. 2 (Maryland: Newman Press, 1947),p. 50.8 Augustine, De Catechizandis Rudibus, 52.62structure and language make it probable that Martin depended on De catechizandisRudibus when writing his own sermon.In addition to Augustine, it appears that Martin was influenced by thesermons of Caesarius of Aries , which were widely circulated in the west. WhileBarlow admits that direct parallels are hard to establish, the same themes receivesimilar treatment.9 Of particular significance is Caesarius’ sermones Xll,3-4 onrenunciation at the time of baptism in which the formula is “Abrenuntias diabolo,pompis, et operibus eius?”; XIII,1 on using the sign of the cross to ward offdemons; XIV, Homilia ubi populus admonetur on avoiding pagan sacrifices: LII,2on women’s superstitions; LIV, 1 on the loss of the effects of baptism by those whocontinue to observe pagan practices; LIV,5 on various superstitions probablycommon to both Gaul and Spain; CXCIII,4 on the origin of the Greek gods Mars,Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn)0Martin and Caesarius share a common catalogue of pagan practices whichindicates that Martin probably had access to Caesarius’ sermons.SUMMARYMartin’s letter to Polemius is part of a genre of instructional literatureintended for uneducated and quasi pagan converts. Martin borrows from thecontributions of Augustine and Caesarius and in turn becomes a resource forsucceeding generations of missionaries. In the sermons of Eligius of Noyon (A.D.588-659), portions of De Correctione Rusticorum are adapted to fit a new9 Barlow, MEB, 164.10 St. Caesarius of Aries, Sermons, trans. and ed. Sister Mary Magdeleine MuellerO.S.F.,The Fathers of the Church, vois. 47 and 66 (Washington: Catholic University of AmericaPress, 1964 and 1973)63context.’1 Pirminius of Reichenau (d. A.D. 753) extended Martin’s influence intothe eighth century. While the material was reworded in certain instances,Pirminius preserved most of the text unchanged.12 The continuous recycling ofthese instructions proves that Martin and Polemius shared in an ongoing struggleto instruct pagan converts in the way of faith.11 Barlow, MEB, 165.12 Barlow, MEB, 166.64Chapter 6De Correctione Rusticorum: AN “EASTERN” RESPONSE TO PAGANSURVIVALS IN GALICIAINTRODUCTIONScholars, like J.N. Hillgarth and Peter Brown, have long remarked aboutthe distinctively tolerant nature of the De Correctione Rusticorum in contrast withother material on the same issue. While Martin borrows elements of style andstructure from the work of western bishops like Caesarius of Arles and Augustineof Hippo, his sermon has a singularly gentle quality. Why is Martin’s response sodifferent from that of others who faced similar circumstances? It will be arguedthat the tolerant quality of DCR reflects the eastern monastic heritage of theauthor.The thesis will be tested in four ways: firstly, the sermon will be comparedto the collection of Savings of the Fathers which he brought to Galicia andAugustine’s De Catechizandis Rudibus in order to accentuate its eastern quality.Secondly, parallels between the theology of the DCR and Origenism whichinfluenced the thought of the Alexandrian monastic communities will beconsidered. Thirdly, Martin and his response to paganism will be compared toCaesarius of Arles and his approach to the same issue. By comparing Martin witha typical western bishop, the “oriental” character of the bishop of Braga can bedemonstrated. Finally, the thesis that Martin’s tolerance is a product of his65monastic experience will be tested against Alberto Ferreiro’s thesis that Martin’sclassical background is the source of his tolerance.A. DE CORRECTIONE RUSTJCORUM AND THE SAYINGS OF THEFATHERSWhen Martin stepped onto the shores of Galicia, he carried with him thecollected experience of the monastic communities of the east in the form of theSententiae Patrum Aegytiorum and the Interrogationes et responsionesGraecorum patrum. He founded his monastery upon this corpus and used it as asource for the spiritual development of his monks. Once elected Bishop of Braga,it seems logical that Martin would have utilized those same resources in his effortto bring his charges into an orthodox confession and life style. When DCR isanalyzed in comparison with these collections of sayings of the Fathers, parallelsemerge both in the sympathy extended to the hearer and in the theology.1 Thesecommon themes are accentuated when the DCR is compared to Augustine’s DeCatechizandis Rudibus which although it was Martin’s source for structure, did notshape the theology of his sermon.1. TOLERANT APPROACHThe tone of DCR is pastoral rather than legislative. The opening and closingwords set the spirit of the sermon. In chapter two he greets his hearers as “flukarissimi” and concludes in chapter seventeen with “dilictissimifihii”. Indeed,1 References to De Correctione Rusticorum will now be noted as DCR. The numberswill correspond to the chapters of DCR as found in Barlow’s edition of the sermon in his MartiniEpiscopi Bracarensis Opera Omnia. The text appears on pages 183-203.66DCR is written in the spirit of the Sayings, which emphasize the benevolence ofGod and the monks. The following story illustrates the dominant theme offorgiveness. A bishop asked an angel why, when two known adulterers appearedat communion, one was bright and the other dark. The angel replied that theformer had sought forgiveness while the latter had not. As the bishop marveled,the angel explained the character of God.This you should know, that no sins of men overcome the goodnessof God, if only through repentance each one destroys the sins whichhe has previously committed. For God is merciful and knows theweakness of the human race and the strength of their passions andthe ability and malice of the devil, and when men fall into sin, He isindulgent as if to sons and awaits their conversion; upon the penitent,as if upon those who languish, He has compassion and mercy: Hesoon dissolves their sins and even allows them the rewards of thejust.” IRGP 23.1Abbot Moses asked Abbot Silvanus: “Can a man make a new start from dayto day?” Silvanus replied: “If he is a workman, he can take up and start from dayto day”. SPA 109.14Throughout the Sayings, the Divine attitude toward manis marked by a constant willingness to forgive. The Fathers encourage thisattitude among the monks who tend to sit in judgement on others. Silvanusreminds the not measure yourself with the great, but believe yourselfinferior to every creature, that is, viler than every man, howevergreat a sinner he may be. Have discernment, criticize yourself, butdo not judge your neighbor nor look down upon the sins of otherpeople, nor bewail your own sins, nor be anxious for the deeds ofany man. Be of gentle spirit, not inclined to anger... if you hear ofanyone that he is acting unjustly, reply in these words: Am I a judgeof these things? I am but a man and a sinner... SPA 109.When the sin of another is discerned, its disclosure must be done with greatcare.67A Brother asked an old man: “If I see some sin among the brothers,do you bid me make it known?” He answered: “If they are elders orof your own age, warn them humbly without criticism, so that evenin this you may be found humble.” SPA 106The tolerance advocated in the above Sayings is characteristic of the whole corpus.The monk must strive for self discernment rather than focus on the sin of others.In examining his own sin, the monk should not despair, but take comfort in thebenevolence of God.In the same fashion, Martin encourages the rustici with the benevolence ofGod. He reminds the rustici that:If anyone realizes that after receiving baptism he has done thesethings and broken the faith of Christ, let him not despair of himself,nor say in his heart: “Because I have done such evils after baptism,perhaps God will not forgive my sins”. Do not doubt the mercy ofGod. Only perform in your heart your pact with God. DCR,17.He then reinforces his message by quoting from Ezekiel 18.21-22: “On whateverday the wicked man turns away from his sins and does what is just, I too will notremember his crimes”. Martin’s words are reminiscent of Silvanus who exhortsthe monks that “each day as you rise in the morning begin in every virtuousdeed...” SPA 109. Martin offers the rustici a God who is ever ready to forgive.Nowhere in the sermon does Martin appeal to his own position andauthority in order to enforce compliance. In the final chapter he refers to himselfas “nos humillimos exiguos”, and his hearers as “fratres etfihii karissimi”. DCR 18.Martin uses the superlative both to express his affection for his hearers and his lowestimate of himself. Absent is any reference to the bishop’s power and authorityover his people; instead a more familial relationship is expressed. Martin offerstruth in the context of spiritual equality before God. The admonition of Silvanusto “believe yourself inferior to every creature” seems to underly Martin’s responseto the rustici. Like Silvanus, Martin invites a reflection on truth, but does notoverride free choice. Martin’s final words to the rustici reflect this same hesitancyto judge.68Behold, with the testimony of God and His holy angels who arelistening to us as we speak, we have fulfilled what was due to yourgoodness, and have lent you the money of the Lord, as we werecommanded. It is for you now to think and work, so that each one ofyou may return as much as he receives with interest when the Lordcomes on the day of judgment. DCR 19.Rather than threatening the fallen with punishment or excommunication, Martinleaves the issue at the discretion of the rustici to reflect upon his words and then toact accordingly. At no time does the bishop threaten to forcibly change thepractices of the people.2. PARALLELS IN THEOLOGYIn the DCR, Martin develops an understanding of man which is closely akinto the one contained in the Sayings of the Fathers. Both assert that ignorance ofGod is at the root of man’s dilemma. Ignorance causes man to be easily distracted,and the devil and demons take advantage of this condition. Man must beawakened to his plight and recall the symbols and ordinances of the Church toescape this entrapment. Emphasis is placed on the restoration of the lapsed ratherthan on their punishment. When the Sayings and the sermon are compared, acommon anthropology becomes evident.Out of the Savings there emerges a consistent understanding of the humancondition. Man is in relationship with a benevolent God and attempts to improvethat relationship in the face of his own passions and ignorance. His struggle iscomplicated by the devil and demons who contend against him.A recurring theme is man’s struggle with his passions which distract himfrom contemplation of God. The soul falls easy prey to its passions. According tothe Fathers: the soul “inclines to what is transitory and unclean”. SPA 29 ...“thesoul loves the passions”. SPA 3069Since man’s passions cloud his thinking, he combats them through self-examination and contemplation of God.A certain brother said to an old man: “My thoughts say to me; ‘I amgood.” The old man answered: “He who does not see his sins alwaysthinks he is good; but he who see his sins can never be persuaded byhis thoughts that he is good, for he knows what he sees. Therefore,one needs to work hard to reflect upon himself, for negligence, sloth,and idleness cause the eyes of the mind to be blind.” Interrogationeset responsiones Graecorum patrum 15.42The true danger for the monk is not the sin which he sees, but that which ishidden from his view.A certain brother said to Abbot Pimenius: “My thoughts do not allow me tohave regard for my sins, but fathers compel me to think of my sins.” AbbotPimenius replied with a story about Abbot Isidore, saying: “While Abbot Isidorewas weeping in his cell and his disciple was sitting in another cell, it happenedthat the disciple went to him during the very hour that he was weeping and asked:‘Why are you weeping, father?’ He replied: ‘I am weeping for my sins, son.’Again, he said: ‘You have no sins, father.’ The old man replied: ‘My son, if Godwere to manifest my sins to men, He would need not three nor four men, butmany, many more.” IRGP 15.5Once passions are recognized through self examination, a monk will remainfree only if he contemplates God. A brother asked an old man: “What shall I do,father, about lustful thoughts?” He replied: “Pray God that the eyes of your soulmay see the help which comes from God, which surrounds man and saves him”.SPA 4. Those able to control their thought lives were models for the community.2 References to Interrogationes et reponsiones Graecorum patrum will now be noted asIRGP. The numbers will correspond to the chapters of IRGP as found in Barlow’s English editionof the text in “The Iberian Fathers”, The Fathers of the Church, vol. 62, pp. 117-171. The text ofInterrogationes et responsiones is not included in Barlow’s Latin edition because the text wastranslated by the monk Paschasius of Dumium whom Martin taught Greek. Martin assigned hisstudent the task of translating the text for the benefit of the monastery at Dumium. Martin’sdesire to have the text translated shows the value he places on the collection as a means foredifying the community.70“It was said of Abbot John that he never permitted an idle thought to enter hisheart nor spoke of the things of this world.” SPA 51 The monk aims to make Godthe focus of his thoughts. “...if God is before your eyes, the enemy will in no wisebe able to frighten you.” SPA 24In the DCR, Martin’s anthropology parallels that developed in the Sayingsin several ways. In his understanding of the human condition, Martin seesignorance as man’s central problem and the chief result of the Fall. “genushominum... obliti creatorem suum deum multa scelerafacientes.” DCR 5. Afterthe flood, as man increased, “obliviscentes iterum homines creatorem mundideum” began to worship nature. DCR 6. In paragragh seven, Martin describesmen as ignaros homines. He specifically refers to the ignorantes rustici inreference to his own audience. DCR 8,10.In both the Sayings and DCR, the human perdicament is ignorance of God.In the Fall men chose to forget God, and consequently they now lack theknowledge needed to extricate themselves from their plight. While man isresponsible for not reflecting on God, the devil and the demons consort to keepman distracted.The monk’s struggle with his passions and pursuit of humility iscomplicated by the activities of the devil and his demons who attempt to thwart hisprogress. SPA 42. These enemies operate in two ways: They take advantage ofman’s thoughts and passions, and they deceive man through trickery.The demons attack man internally through his desires. IRGP 25.3, 25.4.They also act through thoughts which are not focused on God. IRGP 2.1. Inaddition to internal attacks, the devil and demons also attack externally by meansof their powers of deception. It is against these powers that a monk must guard.These attacks come in a variety of forms. In one instance it comes in the form ofblasphemy. IRGP 1.5. At other times the demons disguise themselves as monks.71IRGP 1.8. Idle thoughts and human passions are internal tools which the demonsuse against the monks. As well, they attack exernally through disguise anddeception to lead the monks astray.In the collected sayings, a defense against the devil and demons isprescribed for the monastic community. Several elements of the Christian lifehave the power to defeat evil forces. Abbot Macanus advises Theoctistus to:Fast until evening, and ever and increasingly meditate on somethingfrom the Gospel or from other sacred Scriptures: and when somethought comes to you, never let the eyes of your heart look down,but raise them up, and soon the Lord will aid you.” IRGP 1.8.These spiritual exercizes develop the monks “inner eyes” which make himaware of the devil’s work. IRGP 44.8.Therefore, fasting, meditation on scripture and reflection on the Lord, helprepel attacks.At another time, the same Macanus rendered the devil helpless through hishumility. The devil boasted to Macanus that he surpassed the abbot in fasting andwatchfulness, but admitted that “ one thing you conquer me, ...your humilityalone overcomes me.” IRGP 13.6. The exercise of good works thwarts the devilby permitting him “no room” to enter. IRGP 26.3.In addition to these measures, the monk receives divine assistance in hisstruggle against the devil. The sign of the cross is used by Abbot Pimenius to castout a demon. IRGP 14.1. Elsewhere, the power of the demons is broken duringworship within a church. Abbot Paul the Simple once wept while watching a manunder the control of demons enter a church. During worship the man heard theword of the Lord, repented and left with a clear conscience accompanied by hisholy angel. IRGP 23.2. The monk is able to combat the devil by calling “the LordGod to my aid against him”. IRGP 44.8.72A monk can battle against the deceptions of the devil through his own workof fasting, meditation, good works, and the exercise of virtue and divine assitanceprovided by the sign of the cross, church worship and calling upon God.The monk is not only led astray by his own passions, but may fall victim tothe deceptions of the devil. The demonic forces attempt to block perception of thedivine. The monk seeks to develop inner eyes in order to perceive these demonicschemes and maintain contemplation of God.In DCR the devil and demons also take advantage of human ignorance bytricking man into worshiping them.Thus the devil and his ministers, the demons, who were cast downfrom the sky, seeing ignorant men who had dismissed God theircreator, and were mistaking the creatures.., they began to showthemselves in diverse forms and to speak with them and demandedof them that they offer sacrifices to them and worship them as God...DCR7.The sin of the rustici is not deliberate, but caused by deception. Afterlisting a number of their pagan practices in paragragh eleven, Martin asks intwelve, “Don’t you clearly understand that the demons are lying to you in thesesuperstitious practices...?”. Man’s dilemma is that he is being victimized onaccount of his ignorance by the devil and demons.3. EASTERN VERSUS WESThRN THEOLOGYSince Martin sees ignorance as man’s basic problem he offers the rustici asoteriology which is fundamentally cognitive. At this stage in his theology,Martin diverges from Augustine who has a different understanding of both whatman needs and what God offers. Augustine considers carnality to be the root ofthe human perdicament, and therefore requires that man undergo a physical73salvation. This difference in soteriology is significant because it indicates the“non-western” nature of Martin’s thinldng.Martin’s soteriology, which he explains in thirteen, solves theanthropological problem. What God offers corresponds directly to what manneeds.Pro qua etiam causa, dum vidisset deus miseros homines ita a diabloit angelis eius malis inludi Ut, obliviscentes creatorem suum, pro deodaimones adovent, misitfihium suum, id est sapientiam et verbumsuum, Ut illos ad cultum yen dei de diaboli errore reduceret.Because man’s problem is one of ignorance and deception, Martin characterizesthe Son as sapientia and verbum. The activity of the Incarnate son corresponds toHis nature. According to Martin, the Son praedicavit hominibus.He taught them (docuit illos) to leave their idols and their wickedworks, to desert thepower of the devil, and to return to the worshipof their creator. DCR 13.Neither in his anthropology nor soteriology does Martin refer to thephysical corruption of man or to Christ’s incarnation, death and resurrection asproviding a physical redemption. The emphasis is strictly on renewal throughinstruction in the truth. This instruction is two-fold: firstly, to recall men toworship of God and secondly, to reveal the deceptive ways of the devil. ForMartin, salvation is a cognitive enterprise. The divine teaching mission of the Sonprovides a model for Martin’s own endeavors. Martin expands the mandate of thegreat commission to include teaching “those who have been baptized to departfrom their evil ways...” DCR 13. Built into Martin’s theology is the concept thatman requires saving knowledge to escape his situation.Although Martin draws his method and structure from Augustine, he doesnot reflect the former’s anthropology and soteriology. In his shorter form ofinstruction, Augustine states that man’s problem is not ignorance or forgetfulness,74but that man has chosen to abandon God and thus “deserto creatore suo”.3 Thisaction led to the “humilitate nostrae mortalitatis”.4 Indeed, Augustine is careful tosafe guard the incarnate Son from the taint of human flesh. “A came quippecontaminari non poterat, ipse carnem potius mundaturus.”5 If flesh possess thethreat of contamination to Christ, and itself requires purifying, then man’s problemis his contaminated flesh.It is precisely this contaminated flesh which Christ came to purify. Man’sproblem is more physical than cognitive. Christ achieved man’s redemptionthrough his “hominis assumptione”.6Redemption is accomplished through thephysical fact of the incarnation. Augustine emphasizes that Christ lived a humble,sinless life in the body. It is through Christ’s physical crucifixion that man’storments are ended.7 The triumph over human flesh is emphasized at the expenseof Christ’s teaching. Salvation is understood as a movement from carnality tospirituality brought about by the grace of God. The damned are those “qui in eumcredere omnino noluerunt”, and those who wittingly remain in carnality in fullview of God’s grace.8 Augustine and Martin differ on the fundamental question ofthe nature of the human perdicament. For Augustine the problem is carnalitywhile for Martin ignorance is the enemy.In addition to the differences in soteriology, Martin’s understanding ofdemons differs from that of Augustine. Unlike Augustine, he believes that it is atthe point of ignorance that the devil attacks men. According to Augustine:3 St. Augustine, De Catechizandis Rudibus, xviii.4 Ibid., xvii.5 Ibid., xvii.6 Ibid., xxii.7 Ibid., xxii.8 Ibid., xxii.75“The devil and his spirits rejoice that they are adored and worshiped in suchsculptured images while they feed their own errors upon the errors of men.”9 LikeMartin, Augustine believes that the demons are worshiped in idols. The devilspeaks seductive words and Christians are warned to “beware lest that enemy stealupon you from some other quarter.”10 Augustine does emphasize the deceptiveaims and abilities of the devil. However, he does not depict him as one who preysupon the ignorance of men but as their accomplice who merely acts upon theircarnal nature.Martin overlooks Augustine’s physical emphasis in soteriology in favor of acognitive model. While Augustine describes the Son as “Word”, Martin describesHim as “Wisdom and Word”. This difference is significant because Augustinewrote for the same purpose as Martin. Given Martin’s habit of borrowing from hissources, it is interesting that he used the structure of De Catechizandis Rudibus butnot the theology.Martin’s willingness to diverge from Augustine in his soteriology indicatesa fundamental difference in their theologies. It appears that Martin depends uponanother philosophical system for his understanding of salvation.B. DE CORRECTIONE RUSTICORUM AND ORIGENISMIn the theology of the DCR, Martin shows the influence of Origenismwhich persisted in the east until A.D. 553. These Origenist themes can bediscerned in Martin’s cognitive understanding of the fall and salvation.Martin presents the creation of both angels and men in a non-Origenistmanner. Origen’s idea of the pre-existence of intelligences is no where present.9 Ibid., xviii.10 Ibid., xxv.76Angels were created first, during the creation of heaven and earth (DCR 3), whileAdam was created in a subsequent act. DCR 5. Barlow suggests that Martin’sunderstanding of the nature of angels may have been drawn from Augustine’s DeCivitate Del, xii. 1. Martin’s view of creation is orthodox, which is not suprisinggiven the furore which surrounded Origen’s controversial understanding ofcreation.Like Augustine, Martin attributes the fall of the devil and his followers topride. DCR 3. However, the fall of man, and his salvation are described in rationalterms, reminiscent of Origen and Evagrius. The participation of the demons inman’s fall also has Origenist overtones.When Martin’s concepts of the Fall and Salvation are compared with thoseof Origen and Evagrius, a striking similarity emerges. In his De Principiis, Origenpresents a rationalistic understanding of Salvation.11 Man progresses toward Godby virtue of his rational nature. (Bk.I,3.8). This rational nature becomes capableof receiving Christ through the sanctifying work of the Holy Spirit. Throughparticipation in the Holy Spirit, a man “advances and comes to higher degrees ofperfection” until he becomes “more worthy to receive the grace of wisdom andknowledge, in order that all stains of pollution and ignorance may be purged andremoved...” Since salvation is advancement in knowledge and removal ofignorance, in the Fall, the opposite occurs. In Bk.I,4 Origen remarks that “allrational creatures if they become negligent gradually sink to a lower level”. Ifnegligence is quickly addressed, recovery is possible.Origen attributes the Fall to human “negligence” (Bk.I,5), “sloth” (Bk.I.5),and “weariness” (Bk.II,9). By succuming to these failings, man is drawn from the11 All references to Origen’s De Principils are taken from Koetschau’s text. Origen OnFirst Principles, introduction and notes by G.W. Butterworth, introduction to Torchbook editionby Henri De Lubac, (New York: Harper @ Row, 1966).77opposite of good which must be evil. Bk.II,9. As the nous falls and cools tobecome a soul, it is embodied with pneuma and sarx. While the pneuma attemptsto guide the soul back to God, the sarx is “subject to deceptive imaginations andpassions.”12 Origen presents the person as a dicotomy of soul and body, with thepneuma opposing the body. Plato offers a similar understanding of anthropologyin his Phaedrus.Evagrius understands man as a trichotomy. As the nous falls it expands toinclude a soul. The soul has three parts: the rational, the irrascible and theconcupiscible. In the latter two parts, passions, delusions, and vice can takecontrol. The nous can be “distracted from God by the forces at play in the soul”.13Once a man becomes negligent and begins to fall away from the good, he isaided in his descent by “apostate and exiled powers” Bk.III,3-4. Origen citesseveral Old Testament examples of such assistance, most notably in I Kings,where a spirit “by its own will and choice elected to entice and practice deceit”.Bk. 111,2.1. These apostate and exiled powers which have departed from Godcomposed these errors and deceits of false doctrine either from the purewickedness of their minds and wills, or else from envy of those for whom, oncethey have learned the truth, that there is prepared a way of ascent to that stationfrom which the powers have fallen, and from a desire to prevent any suchprogress. Bk.III,3-4.These spirits, therefore use duplicity to prevent man from returning to hisformer state. Origen advises that:a mind that is watchful and casts asided from itself whatever is evilcalls to its side the assistance of the good; whereas on the contraryone that is negligent and slothful, being less cautious, gives a placeto those spirits which, like robbers lying in ambush, contrive to rush12 Michael O’Laughlin, “The Anthropology of Evagrius”, Origen of Alexandria, ed.Charles Kannengiesser and Wffliam Petersen, (Notre Dame: 1988) 357ff.13 Ibid., p. 365-66.78into the minds of men whenever they see a place offered to themthrough slackness... Bk.ffl,3.4Advance and fall are both rational processes which depend upon humanwill. If the mind is distracted it begins a fall, which if unchecked becomes adescent into sin. This fall is assisted by powers, motivated by envy andwickedness, who seek to deceive fallen minds to prevent a return to blessedness.It is not suprising that Origen, who understands the Fall as a rationalprocess describes salvation in rational terms. In explaining the incarnation, heconsiders the Son’s principle qualities to be Wisdom and Word. Wisdom islogically prior, since Proverbs 8.22 states that she is the “beginning” in which,according to John 1.1, the Logos is found: “in the beginning was the Logos”. TheSon is Logos in both the rational, philosophical sense, and the biblical sense.Martin’s rational understanding of Fall and Salvation is remarkablyakin to that of Origen. Origen attributes the Fall to “negligence” and “sloth”. ForMartin the Fall commenced when the devil, being “invidia ductus” persuaded manto disobey God. DCR 4 Adam and Eve, “obliti creatorem suum deum”, succumedto the devil and “multa scelerafacientes, inritaverunt deum ad iracundiam”. DCR4 After the purge of the flood, and the restoration of the race through Noah,“obliviscentes iterum homines creatorem mundi deum, coeperunt, dimissocreatore, colere creaturas”. DCR 6The devil and the demons were quick to take advantage of human folly, andadopted forms which the “ignaros homines” began worshiping. DCR 7Furthermore, Martin despairs that men become unwitting accomplices in their owndesruction. DCR 12 While Martin sees the fall as a cognitive problem, he alsounderstands salvation as a cognitive process. It is when God saw that man had“obliviscentes creatorem suum” that he sent his son “id est sapientiam et verbumsuum”. DCR 13 In order to save men, the son “praedicavit hominibus: docuitillos” DCR 13 The process of salvation for Martin is intellectual. Remarkably, he79describes it in Origenist terms, calling the Son “Wisdom and Word”. Although itcannot be affirmed that Martin was influenced by Origenism, the facts that hestudied in the hotbed of Origenism and describes salvation in Origenist termsmakes it seem highly possible.C. MARTIN OF BRAGA AND CAESARIUS OF ARLES: OPPOSINGAPPROACHES TO PAGAN SURVIVALSMartin’s tolerance toward his wayward rustici requires a context. Thiscontext is provided by placing Martin’s sermon alongside other literature on thesame subject. In his work, The Conversion of Western Europe, J.N. Hillgarthcompares De Correctione Rusticorum to other texts of the same genre. Maximusof Turin, writing after A.D. 405, pleaded with landholders in northern Italy toremove idols from their private estates. Caesarius of Arles never hesitated to useforce. Gregory the Great 5 90-604, also advocated its use. In his Registrum IV of594 Gregory repeats the arguments of Maximus of Turin. Once the entire IberianPeninsula was united under the Visigoths, the Church Councils of Toledoattempted without success to enforce compliance. In 693 canon 2 of Toledo XVI“acknowledged the wide spread existence of pagan practices, for which itprescribes very severe penalties”.14 Hillgarth declares that Martin is “exceptionalin not recommending the use of force against the recalcitrant pagan or hisshrine.”15Martin’s tolerance is brought into sharper focus by comparing him withCaesarius of Aries 503-543. Caesarius is typical of bishops in southern Spain andGaul, who adopted a more proscriptive stand against paganism than did Martin.14 Hillgarth, Conversion of Western Europe, 53.15 Ibid.80The roots of this difference reach into the backgrounds of Caesarius and Martin.Caesarius was a Gab-Roman aristocrat who was educated in westernmonasticism. His experience was fundamentally different than the eastern-trainedMartin. The situations in which they worked were as opposite as their personalbackgrounds. Caesarius had the support of stable political and ecclesiasticalestablishment which Martin did not. The comparison with Caesarius provides aperspective which underscores the uniquenss of Martin’s approach to pagansurvivals.Caesarius of Aries followed a path which was common for young GalloRoman aristocrats of his time. Born in 470 to a leading family in Burgundy,Caesarius expressed a desire for holy orders at age 18. After serving the localbishop for two years, he joined the monastery at Lerins. His zeal for self denialdrained his strength and Caesarius was sent to Aries to recover. There, heimpressed Eonius of Aries who made him a deacon and then a presbyter. Thoughaway from the monastic life, he continued to live by the regulations of Lerins.Soon Caesarius was drawn back to monastic life and spent three years as abbot ofan island monastery until he was nominated as successor in Aries.Caesarius entered his new office at Aries as a product of his monastictraining. According to Adalbert de Vogue, the Regula Orientalis was probably therule in effect at Lerins during Caesarius’ tenure.16 In his commentary on the rulesof Lerins, de Vogue remarks that:In its original sections which most likely come from Lerins, theOriental Rule accords no attention whatsoever to the spiritual life ofindividuals. The entire interest of the legislator is concerned withcommunity organization and precisely with the hierarchy. Allofficers receive their share of directives in a style both ample andprecise. When all of them have passed in review from top to bottom,16 Adalbert De Vogue, “The Regula Orientalis in the Context of the Rules of the Fathersat Lerins,” Monastic Studies 13 (1982):39-45. This commentary on the rule is preceded by atranslation of the Regula Orientalis into English by Nathan Munsch.81one arrives at the simple brothers who are invited, above all, to beobedient to them. The Oriental Rule finishes with the correction offaults which is regulated with an extraordinary wealth of gradations.It appears that Caesarius was trained in a system which stressed hierarchy andcorrection. Given the nature of his monastic experience, it is not remarkable thatCaesarius was heavy handed as a bishop.Caesarius stepped into a role which was as much political as it was pastoral.As bishop he represented the interests of the Gallo-Romans before the barbariansand fulfilled important civil functions. He is credited with saving Bordeaux fromfire in 506, during a period in exile. When control of Arles shifted from theVisigoths to the Ostrogoths in 508, Caesarius was instrumental in preventing theplunder of the city. In 513 he received the endorsement of the Arian Theodoric aswell as the Pallium from Pope Symmachus. From 536 to the end of his life heenjoyed the support of the Frankish Christian, King Childebert.17The political nature of his office required that Caesarius have control overhis people. Since Religious unity among the populace directly effected the powerof the bishop, aberrations could not be tolerated. Bishops like Caesarius sought toprotect their status.Peter Brown in Society and the Holy in Late Latin Antiquity claims that thebishops in the west maintained power by setting themselves apart as the possessorsof the Holy. The cult of the martyrs and their relics was directly controled by thebishops who drew authority from the cult.According to Brown:The rise to power in Western Europe of the Catholic Church wasintimately connected with this localization of the holy. Bishopsgained their unique position in society by orchestrating andcontrolling the religious life of the great urban shrines of the westernMediterranean.1817 Caesarius of Aries, Sermons vol.1, Fathers of the Church, vol.31, introduction.18 Peter Brown, Society and the Holy in Late Latin Antiquity (Berkley: University Press,1982), 8.82Through their association with the relics, the bishops gained a permanent specialstatus which gave them authority both pastorally and politically. This specialstatus was threatened by pagan centers of worship because they rivaled the powerof the bishop. Caesarius had important political reasons for quashing paganpractices.When the factors of Caesarius’ religious training and the political realitiesof his office are understood, the reasons behind his policy toward pagan survivalsbecome evident. Trained in an environment which demanded strict obedience toauthority, Caesarius sought the same response of loyalty to his office. Sincepaganism was a disloyal act, it required stiff punishment.Hillgarth describes Caesarius as one who “provided different medicine fordifferent wounds”. In his pastoral efforts:.he attracted some with soft speech and frightened others withsharper words, correcting some with threats, some with charm, hedrew some back from vices by love, others by severity, warningsome in general terms by proverbs, reproving others moreroughly 19Caesarius’ resorted to coercion to strengthen his position. He often ordered theChurch doors to be closed after the gospel to ensure that everyone heard thesennon.2°Not only did Caesarius flex his ecclesiastical muscle in the friendlyconfines of the Church, but in the centers of paganism as well. In sermon xiii heexhorts his people to “destroy all the temples which you find”.21 Temples includevows to trees, prayers to fountains, diabolical phylacteries, magic letters, ambercharms, and herbs.19 Hillgarth, Conversion of Western Europe, 17-18.20 Ibid. 27.21 Caesarius of Aries, Sermons vol. 183Caesarius of Aries provides a measure against which to compare Martin ofBraga because he responds to similar pagan survivals to those encountered byMartin. As Jeffrey Richards reflects:Opinions on how to deal with the recalcitrant peasants varied. St.Caesarius of Aries wanted to beat it out of them.. .St. Martin of Bragabelieved in the use of persuasion and reasoned argument to win themover.22The opposite nature of their responses is noteworthy because of Martin’s apparentborrowing of Caesarius’ sermons. Why the marked difference in response? Thedifferences in their training and the circumstances of their offices may provideimportant clues. Martin was trained and educated in an egalitarian environmentwhich stressed identification with the common people. Caesarius entered Lerinsas an aristocrat, and this background was reinforced by the monastery’s emphasison hierarchy and obedience. As a bishop in Galicia, Martin’s position lackedpolitical clout because of the weak state of both Catholicism and the small Romanpopulace. Also the shifting state of affairs in the kingdom of the Sueves madepolitical influence difficult.D. THE TOLERANT BISHOP: “A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS”Scholars, including J.N. Hillgarth, Peter Brown and Jeffrey Richards findthe tolerance of Martin of Braga remarkable in light of the methods normally usedto bring the rustici into line. However, few have attempted to explain hisdivergence from the norm. In 1983, Alberto Ferreiro, then a graduate student atthe University of Santa Barbara attributed Martin’s tolerance to his classical22 Jeffrey Richards, Consul of God: The life and times of Greorv the Great (London:Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980), 19, cited by Alberto Ferreiro, “St. Martin of Braga’s PolicyToward Heretics and Pagan Practices,” American Benedictine Review 34:4 (December1983):372-395.84background. It will be argued that while Ferreiro points the discussion in the rightdirection, he emphasizes one facet of Martin’s background at the expense of thebroader context of his monasticism. Also, Ferreiro does not take into accountMartin’s situation in Galicia. His tolerance must be seen as the application of thetotality of his eastern monastic experience to the religious climate in northwesternIberia in the sixth century.Alberto Ferreiro, advances his thesis concerning the sources of Martin’stolerance in an article entitled “St. Martin of Braga’s Policy Toward Heretics andPagan Practices”, which appeared in the American Benedictine Review ofDecember, 1983.23 The article was extremely useful in the preparation of thisthesis and provided a point of entry into De Correctione Rusticorum. The articleprovides a comprehensive overview of Martin’s life and the circumstancessurrounding the writing of his sermon. However, two gaps in the argument leadFerreiro to atthbute Martin’s tolerance to his classical training alone. Firstly, helimits his discussion of Martin’s monastic background to only four sentences.24Secondly, although he offers an excellent summary of life in Galicia under theSueves, he fails to draw a connection between these conditions and the tone ofMartin’s sermon.Ferreiro’s only interest in Martin’s monasticism is the possibility that it wasthe source of his education in Greek and Latin. He does not consider the quality ofthat experience nor the formative influence of eastern monasticism on the young23 Alberto Ferriero advances his explanation of Martin’s tolerance toward paganpractices in an article entitled “St. Martin of Braga’s Policy Toward Heretics and PaganPractices,” American Benedictine Review, 34:4 (December 1983) :372-395.24 “Born in Pannonia, present-day Hungary, he ventured east to the Holy Land where helived the monastic life. Martin was well versed in Greek and Latin, evidence that heattended good schools, possibly during his visit to the East. Gregory tells us that Martin“was so imbued with learning that he was held second to none in his time.” It was duringhis eastern itinerary that he made his decision to go to western Europe.”Barlow, MEB, p. 300.85monk. Ferreiro therefore misses the possibility that the years of monastic trainingwere not merely a good educational opportunity, but immersion in a culture andlifestyle. The fact that Martin founded the monastery at Dumium on the collectedSavings of the Fathers and possibly the Pachomian Rule is evidence of his respectfor his monastic heritage. He deliberately founds an eastern monastery in awestern locale.When the sermon is read in the context of the eastern monastic literatureand milieu, parallels in tone and theology emerge which indicate the influence ofhis monastic experience. Tolerance marked the lifesyle and teaching of the DesertFathers. The contrasting example of Caesarius of Arles reveals the influence ofthis monastic heritage. Caesarius’ heavy-handed approach to paganism reflects hisstrict training at Lerins.The cognitive understanding of sin and salvation which characterize thesermon is fundamental to Origenism. It may not be coincidence that Martinmigrated west only just ahead of the eradication of Origenism from Egypt byJustinian. His brief attention to the formative years of Martin’s life seems to havecaused Ferreiro to see the educational aspect alone as important rather than theentirety of the episode.Although Ferreiro summarizes the situation in Galicia, he does not exploreits implications for Martin and his mission.25 Ferreiro recognizes that the makeup of the populace made Martin’s sermon necessary. “. . . Martin encountered apeople that possessed minimal Roman influences, and were steeped in paganpractices, Arianism, and Priscillianism.”26 He also underscores that practicing25 Ferreiro, “St. Martin of Braga’s Policy”. Ferreiro raises the issue at the beginning ofthe article:“In order to understand Martin’s views, one must first consider his audience, namely, theSueves, a Gennanic tribe, and the indigenous Hispano-Romans.”26 Ibid., 375.86pagan customs drew no political stigma and he notes the absence of “attacksagainst them from the monarchy”. Ferreiro declares: “The struggle against pagancustoms and Priscillianism lay exclusively in the hands of the Church”.27However, he fails to consider that these severe conditions may have forced Martinto compromise his approach to combatting pagan survivals.In comparison to Martin, Caesarius of Arles who possessed tremendouspolitical power, was able to pronounce and enforce harsh measures againstpaganism. Could not Martin’s tolerance be in part a response to the limitedimperial influence in Galicia?Having passed over Martin’s monastic heritage and the circumstances inGalicia, Ferreiro points to Martin’s study of the classics as the root of his tolerance.“One basic difference between Martin and those who espoused violence is that heincluded the study of the classics whereas others shunned them altogether.”28 Onthis subject Ferreiro compares Martin to Caesarius of Aries as an example of onewho did not study the classics. Ferreiro refers to the Vita S. Caesarii whichexplains that Caesarius was warned in a dream to give up pagan studies. Heresponded and “contemsit haec protinus”29 Ferreiro asserts that because Martin“held a tolerant attitude toward pagan authors.. .it could be that this tolerance foundexpression with regard to unbelievers.”30By his own admission, Ferriero’s thesis causes him to make severalassumptions. He sees some parallels between Martin’s concept of evil and that ofPlato. However, since we do not have a list of the works of Plato which Martinread, “firm borrowings by Martin cannot be established with certainty.” Ferreiro27 Ibid., 377.28 Ibid., 381.29 PL 67:1004-05, cited in Ferreiro, “St. Martin of Braga’s Policy,”:381.30 Ferreiro, “St. Martin of Braga’s Policy,”:381.87can only surmise based on Martin’s knowledge of Greek and his admission toFortunatus that he had read Plato.Ferreiro draws a parallel between Martin’s connection of sin and ignoranceand the same connection which Plato’s makes in his Laws. Suprisingly, he fails toperceive the same connection in the collected Savings of the Fathers; a sourcewhich Martin did study. Also, he does not consider the possibility that Martin mayhave gained his platonic understanding of sin from Origenist sources.Ferreiro turns from the classics as a possible source for tolerance to theScriptures and the Church Fathers. “The bishop’s non-violent attitude originatednaturally from the apostolic example and the Fathers.”31 This argument begs theobvious question; if the Scriptures and the Fathers produce a non-violent approachin Martin, why do they not have the same effect on Caesarius, Augustine andothers who did not share his opinion?Finally Ferreiro suggests that Martin may have followed in the footsteps ofMartin of Tours who opposed the execution of Priscillian. It is possible thatMartin of Braga chose Martin of Tours as the patron saint of Galicia because ofthis episode. However, we cannot over look the fact that Martin of Tours pulleddown shrines, built churches on their remains and instructed his monks to guardthe sites to ensure that the pagans did not return.32 Martin of Tours fails tomeasure up to the tolerant example which might explain the behavior of the bishopof Braga.In the end Ferreiro admits the tenuous nature of his thesis. Although he isable to confirm Martin’s dependence on Seneca, nowhere does Martin declare his31 Ibid., 384.32 Christopher Donaldson, Martin of Tours (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980),111.88views on any classical authors. Although nothing in Martin’s writings refutesFerreiro’s claim, there is no clear support.SUMMARYFerreiro is helpful in openning up the discussion on the sources for Martin’stolerance. However, it appears that a more comprehensive study of Martin’sbackground and the uniqueness of the situation in Galicia sheds new light on ourunderstanding of this complex individual and De Correctione Rusticorum.89CONCLUSIONThe tolerance which Martin of Braga displayed toward the wayward rusticiunder his care contrasts with the heavy-handed approach favoured by otherbishops, like Caesarius of Axles. Discerning the factors which shaped his pastoralstyle is not easy. The sources for his life prior to arrival in Spain in A.D. 550 aresketchy. Biographical information covering Martin’s career in Galicia is brief andonly of a general nature. However, when the biographical material is placed in thecontext of Martin’s circumstances, an explanation for his tolerance can bediscerned.Martin’s development as a young man took place among literate monks inthe east. Given the quality of his education, it can be assumed that he lived in ornear the intellectual hotbed of Alexandria. The young monk’s decision to pursuelife in such an environment demonstrates something of his character. Martin’sthirst for knowledge ran against the policies of Justinian who suppressedinstitutions of learning. In addition to his classical education, Martin wasimmersed in the mileu of eastern monasticism which was intimately connectedwith the needs of the surrounding people. Martin’s departure from the eastcoincided with the escalation of Justinian’s anti intellectual policies whichculminated in the anathema against Origen. Martin’s respect for the tradition he90left behind is evident in the collection of monastic and canonical literature hebrought to Galicia.In Galicia, Martin found a remote haven beyond the reach of Justinian, andindeed of the Roman world as well. Due to its geographic isolation, thismountainous corner of the Iberian peninsula had largely resisted Roman influencesand retained much of its Celtic culture. The small Roman presence meant that theChurch had made only slim inroads into the religion of the populace. The ArianSueves who had bullied the region since the early fifth century, treated theCatholics with callous indifference. These Catholics, still tainted by their historicsupport for Priscillian, had little contact with the powerful ecclesiasticalinstitutions in the south.Martin developed a mission to the people based upon his eastern monasticheritage. He established a monastery at Dumium which was modeled after theegalitarian communities of his eastern experience. The literature of the DesertFathers and possibly the Rule of Pachomius furnished his rule.Martin was elevated to Bishop of Dumium and then Metropolitan of Bragaduring the conversion of the Sueves to Catholicism. The role of Martin in thisconversion is difficult to accertain. While Isidore connects him with the event,other contemporary sources are less clear. It appears likely that the Suevic king,Ariamir embraced Catholicism more for political than religious reasons.Certainly, the First and Second Councils of Braga were strictly concerned withPriscillianism and pagan practices which were problems of the Hispano-Romans,and ignored Arianism, only recently abandoned by the Sueves.In A.D. 572, following II Braga, Martin wrote De Correctione Rusticorumwhich stands out from other examples of its genre because of its tolerant nature.The reasons for this distinctive quality can be attributed to two sources: theauthor’s background in eastern monasticism and the circumstances within Galicia.91The sermon reflects the egalitarian attitude found within the monasticliterature which Martin brought from the east. Also, theologically it shows theinfluence of Origenism and the literature of the desert. Martin’s Origenist view ofthe Fall and Salvation, which sees the human problem more in cognitive thanphysical terms is remarkable since Martin did draw some of his material fromCaesarius and Augustine. Ferreiro emphasizes the influence of Martin’s classicalbackground when explaining his tolerance. While his classical education did helpshape his world view, the exact nature of that education is difficult to determine.It is probably better to see Martin’s classical training as part of his overall monasticexperience. It was the sum of that experience which produced his tolerantapproach.The sermon was also shaped by the political and religious realities of sixthcentury Galicia. While the Church had recently gained new official freedoms, itdoes not appear to have enjoyed the direct support of the Sueves in its efforts toeradicate paganism. Lacking offical sanctions, the Church was left to battle theentrenched paganism of the local populace which had hitherto run largelyunchecked. These circustances may have limited the use of more forceful meanshad Martin wished to employ them. In the De Correctione Rusticorum, Martin ofBraga, lacking political support, draws on his monastic heritage in order to curbthe paganism of his rural charges.92WORKS CITEDPRIMARY SOURCESAugustine of Hippo, Saint. The First Catechetical Instruction (De CatechizandisRudibus). vol. 2, Ancient Christian Writers Translated by Rev. Joseph P.Christopher. Maryland: 1947.Caesarius of Arles, Saint. The Sermons of Casarius of Arles. vols. 47 and 66Fathers of the Church. trans. and ed. Sister Mary Magdeleine MuellerO.S.F. Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1964 and 1973.Gregory of Tours, Saint. De virtutibus sancti Martini, in Gregorii Turonensisopera. Libri octo miraculorum, “Mon. Germ. hist., scriptores rerumMerovinicarum,” ed. B. Krusch. Hannover: 1885. I, 594-596, cited in MEB.298-300..Historia Francorum, in Gregorii Episcopi Turonensis historiarumlibri X, “Mon. Germ. hist., script. rer. Mer.,”j ed. B. Krusch. Hannover:1937. V, 37, cited in MEB. 300-301.____________History of the Franks, trans. and intro. O.M. Dalton Oxford:University Press, 1927.Isidore of Seville, Saint. Historia Gothorum Wandalorum Sueborum. in Chronicaminora, “Mon. Germ. hist., auct. ant.,” ed. T. Mommesen. Berlin:1894, XI, 302-303.Martin of Braga, Saint. Martini Episcopi Opera Omnia, trans. and ed. by ClaudeW. Barlow. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950.___The Fathers of the Church, vol. 62, The Iberian Fathers. trans. anded. by Claude W. Barlow. Washington: The Catholic University Press,1969.Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio. vols. 2, 9, ed. JoannesDominicus Mansi. Austria: Akademishe Druck, 1960.Procopius, Secret History, trans. and ed. Richard Atwater Ann Arbor: Universityof Michigan Press, 1961, cited by A. Ferreiro, “The Westward Journey ofMartin of Braga.”: 243-25 1.93Beirzo, Vita Fructuosi. cited by Manuel Diaz Y Diaz, “Ermetical Life inVisigothic Spain.” Classical folia 23 (1969):210-227.Secondary SourcesAmann, E. Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique. 1928 ed., s.v. “Martin deBraga.Barker, John W. Justinian and the Later Roman Empire (Madison, Wisconsin:University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), 274, cited by Alberto Ferreiro, “TheWestward Journey of Martin of Braga.” Studia Monastica 22 (1980): 248.Bludau, A. Die Pigerreise der Aetheria, (Paderbom: 1927), A. p. 244, cited byHinnebusch, William A. “St. Martin A. of Braga: The Apostle of theSueves.” M.A. diss., Catholic University of America, 1936.Brown, Peter. The Making of Late Antiquity. Harvard: University Press, 1980.Brown, Peter. Society and the Holy in Late Latin Antiquity. Berkley: 1982.Chadwick, Henry. Priscillian of Avila. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976.Chadwick, Owen. John Cassian: A Study in Primitive Monasticism. Cambridge:University Press, 1950.Collins, Roger. Early Medieval Spain: Unity in Diversity. 400-1000. Hong Kong:MacMillan, 1983.De Vogue, Adalbert. “The Regula Orientalis in the Context of the Rules of theFathers at Lerins.” Monastic Studies, no.13 (1982): 39-45.Dechow, Jon. Dogma and Mysticism in Early Christianity: Epiphanius of Cyprusand the Legacy of Origen. Patristic Monogragh Series 13. Belgium: MercerUniversity Press, 1982.Diaz Y Diaz, Manuel. “Eremetical Life in Visigothic Spain.” Classical Folia 23(1969): 210-227.Donaldson, Christopher. Martin of Tours. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,1980.94Ferreiro, Alberto. “The Missionary Labours of St. Martin of Braga in 6th CenturyGalicia.” Studia Monastica 23 (1981): 11-26.Ferreiro, Alberto. “The Westward Journey of St. Martin of Braga.” StudiaMonastica 22 (1980): 243-25 1.Ferreiro, Alberto. “St. Martin of Braga’s Policy Toward Heretics and PaganPractices.” American Benedictine Review 34:4 (1983): 373-395.Goebring, James E. and Birger A. Pearson. The Roots of Egyptian Christianity.Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986.Hillgarth, J.N. “Popular Religion in Visigothic Spain,” Visigothic Spain: NewApproaches, Edward James ed. Oxford: 1980.Hinnebusch, William A. “St. Martin of Braga: The Apostle of the Sueves.” M.A.diss., Catholic University of America, 1936.Kuhn, K.H. “A Fifth Century Egyptian Abbot.” J.T.S. 5 (1954): 36-48.Martins, Mario. Correntes da Jiosofia Religiosa em Braga (seculos IV-VII).Portugal: Livraria Tavores Martins, 1950, cited by Alberto Ferreiro. “TheMissionary Labors of Martin of Braga in 6th Century Galicia.” StudiaMonastica23 (1981):17.McKenna, Stephen. Paganism And Pagan Survivals in Spain Up To The Fall OfThe Visgothic Kingdom, The Catholic University of America Studies inMediaeval History n.s., vol. 1. Washington: Catholic University ofAmerica, 1938.Madoz, J. “Arianism and Priscillianism in Galicia.” Classical Folia vol.5 (1951):5-25.O’Laughlin, Michael. “The Anthropology of Evagrius”, Origen of Alexandria. ed.Charles Kannengiesser and William Petersen. Notre Dame: 1988.Richards, Jeffrey. Consul of God: The life and times of Gregory the Great.London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980, cited by Alberto Ferreiro. “St.Martin of Braga’s Policy Toward Heritics and Pagan Practices.” MonasticStudies 25 (1983): 373-395.95Stewart, Columba OSB. The World of the Desert Fathers: Stories and Sayingsfrom the Anonymous Series of the Apophthegmata Patrum a translation andedition. Oxford: SLG Press, 1986.Thompson, E. A. “The End of Roman Spain: I.” Nottingham Medieval Studies 22(1978):._______“The End of Roman Spain: III.” Nottingham Medieval Studies 25(1981):.•“The End of Roman Spain: IV.” Nottingham Medieval Studies 23(1979):.“Conversion of the Spanish Suevi to Catholicism.” Visigothic Spain:New Approaches. ed. Edward James. Oxford: University Press, 1980.Trigg, Joseph. Origen: The Bible and Philosophy in the Third Century Church.Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1983.van Cauwenbergh, Paul. Etude sur les moines d’ ‘Egvpte : depuis le Concile deChalc’edoine (451) jugu’ a l’invasion arabe (640). Milano: CisalpinoGoliardica, 1973.Ward, Benedicta SLG. Lives of the Desert Fathers. Oxford: SLG Press.Ward, Benedicta SLG. The Wisdom of the Desert Fathers. Oxford: SLG Press,1986.


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items