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Science and technology education in a civilizing mission MacIvor, Madeleine 1993

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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY EDUCATION IN A CIVILIZING MISSION  by MADELEINE MACIVOR B.Ed., University of British Columbia, 1987  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Mathematics and Science Education We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1993 © Madeleine Maclvor, 1993  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at The University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of Mathematics and Science Education The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date: 31 August 1993  ABSTRACT This thesis is a study of science and technology education in the context of an early Aboriginal-missionary interaction at Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, British Columbia between 1857 and 1887. Drawing on a variety of historical sources, the study investigates how science and technology education were used by lay missionary William Duncan to further the dual goals of christianization and civilization among the Tsimshian. The thesis also investigates the varying responses of the Tsimshian to Duncan's educational initiatives. The thesis argues that science and technology education at Fort Simpson and Metlakatla was implemented in an attempt to culturally dominate the People. Duncan used science and technology education to promote christianity, to undermine the People's traditional beliefs about the natural world, to promote literacy over orality, and to inculcate Victorian work values. Furthermore, the technological and domestic training introduced by Duncan facilitated the development of materials and skills necessary for the physical development of the mission village, isolated the People from other labour markets, and encouraged industriousness. Domestic education was intended to give the women the skills necessary to adopt European dress and to prepare them for their roles as mothers in christian, civilized homes. Science and technology education was also intended to fill the void resulting from the banning of traditional practices. The People, however, were not passive victims of Duncan's educational practices. While many rejected Western schooling, others accommodated  ii  Abstract schooling for various intellectual, practical, economic, political, cultural, and spiritual reasons. Resistance was always a theme in the history of schooling in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla. Resistance was particularly strong among the Chiefs, and this resistance was a factor in the relocation of the People from Fort Simpson to Metlakatla, B.C., and later to Metlakatla, Alaska. This case study illustrates that Western school science was a site of cultural domination and resistance, and raises questions about appropriate education for Aboriginal people in science and technology. The thesis concludes by locating this case study within the history of Western schooling of Aboriginal people, and calls for the reconstruction of the science curriculum to meet the needs and aspirations of the People.  iii  Table of Contents Abstract ^  ii  Table of Contents ^  iv  Acknowledgements ^  vi  Chapter One: Science Education And Cultural Domination ^ Introduction ^ The Problem ^ Science Education And Social Control ^ Methodology ^ Significance ^ Questions Explored ^ How The Story Unfolds ^ Limitations ^  1 1 1 3 9 10 11 11 12  Chapter Two: The Context of the Meeting ^ 14 Introduction ^ 14 The Tsimshian ^ 15 Victorian England, the CMS, and William Duncan ^28 Chapter Three: Fort Simpson: The Early Years ^ Introduction ^ Education in Fort Simpson ^ Schooling within the Fort ^ Day School ^ Science and Technical Education ^ Science Education in the Community ^ Responses to Educational Initiatives ^ Intellectual and Practical Benefits ^ Economic and Material Considerations ^ Issues of Politics and Prestige ^ Cultural and Spiritual Responses ^ The Move to Metlakatla ^  43 43 49 49 50 53 58 60 61 64 66 68 76  Chapter Four: The Metlakatla Mission ^ Introduction ^ Education In Metlakatla ^ Duncan's Attitude Towards Education ^ Duncan's Attitude Towards the People ^ Aboriginal and Other Missionary Teachers ^  80 80 84 84 86 87  iv  The School ^ Adult Classes ^ Day School ^ Boarding School ^ Industrial Training ^ Science Education in the Community ^ Summary ^ Government support ^ Responses to the Educational Intiatives ^ Intellectual and Practical Benefits ^ Economic and Material Considerations ^ Issues of Politics and Prestige ^ Cultural and Spiritual Responses ^ The Move to Alaska ^  90 90 94 96 100 103 106 107 112 113 118 120 125 134  Chapter five: 142 Cultural Domination and Resistance ^ 142 Introduction ^ 143 Social Control in the Civilizing Mission ^ 147 Government Response ^ Responses to Education in the Civilizing Mission ^ 148 148 Accommodation ^ 150 Resistance ^ 151 Western Schooling and Aboriginal Peoples ^ 155 The Current Picture ^ Science Education ^ 156 Bibliography ^  160  Appendix A: Laws of Metlakahtla ^  168  Appendix B: School Routine For Adults ^  169  Appendix C: School Routine for Children ^  170  Appendix D: School Attendance Rates ^  171  v  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  The goodwill, friendship, support, and advice of my many friends, colleagues, and instructors at the University of British Columbia, and elsewhere, have contributed to the development of this work. In particular I would like to thank my committee members Verna J. Kirkness, Jane Gaskell and especially my advisor and friend, Jim Gaskell. I thank my friends Cathy James and Sheila Te Hennepe for their comments, encouragement, and long walks on the beach. I am grateful to David Fayegh and Val Freizen for help with computers. I appreciate the patience and encouragement of my children, Motion, River, and Gabrielle, and I apologize to them for so often being a student when I should have been a mother. And I thank my own mother, Dorothe Stevenson, for her continued emotional, spiritual and financial support of my endeavors. The responsibility for errors and omissions is, of course, mine. This responsibility weighs heavily upon me, and at times paralyzed me. The words of a song by Leonard Cohen provided me with much courage: Ring the bells that still can ring. Forget your perfect offering. There is a crack, a crack, in everything. That's how the light gets in. 1  1 Cohen, L. 1992.  vi  CHAPTER ONE: SCIENCE EDUCATION AND CULTURAL DOMINATION INTRODUCTION Was it only yesterday that men sailed around the moon ... And can they now stand up on its barren surface? You and I marvel that man should travel so far and so fast ... Yet, if they have travelled far then I have travelled farther ... and if they have travelled fast, than I faster ... for I was born a thousand years ago ... born in a culture of bows and arrows. But within the span of half a lifetime I was flung across the ages to the culture of the atom bomb ... And from bows and arrows to atom bombs is a distance far beyond a flight to the moon. 1 With these words, the late Chief Dan George eloquently hints at the impact of Western science and technology on Aboriginal 2 cultures. However, the literature on both the history of science and technology and the history of science and technology education in Canada, has tended to ignore the effect of Western science and technology on Aboriginal people. 3 This thesis will explore the role that Western science and technology education played in early missionaries' attempts to acculturate Aboriginal people.  THE PROBLEM Science and technology were introduced by missionaries to Aboriginal 1 Chief Dan George cited in Waubeageshig 1979, 161. 2 As Hampton (1988, 2) points out, "No name contains a people, and none is truly accurate."  In this work I have chosen to use the words "Aboriginal people" or "People" to refer generally to those whose ancestry is traced to the original inhabitants of what is now Canada. "First Nations" and "Indians" are also used. "Indigenous" refers to original inhabitants in the international context. "White", "European", "Euro-Canadian" or "Westerners" is used to refer to those of European descent. No disrespect is intended. 3 See for example Berger 1983; Zeller 1987; Berg and MacKeracher 1985; MacKeracher 1985.  1  Science Education and Cultural Domination communities as part of the complex process of acculturation, through schooling, at the work place and in the community. However, acculturation, "the process of learning those cultural ways of an ethnic collectivity to which one does not belong" 4 is not a unilateral process. The control necessary for the imposition of one culture is never absolute; the recipients are capable of rejecting or selecting from that which is presented. The tension between the goals of the missionary educator as "an agent of cultural change", and Aboriginal people as active agents in selective accommodation is investigated in this thesis. This issue is pursued through a case study of the Aboriginalmissionary interaction between the Tsimshian 5 and William Duncan at Fort Simpson (later known as Port Simpson) and Metlakatla, British Columbia between 1857 and 1887. Such a study is significant because Metlakatla is hailed as one of the earliest successful Aboriginal-missionary endeavors in British Columbia, and it served as a model for subsequent missionary efforts. 6 For these reasons, Metlakatla has been the subject of many studies.? However, none of these studies explores the role of Western science and technology education in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, nor do they present the Tsimshian as collaborators in the civilizing mission.  4 Kallen 1982, 147. 5 Spelling of words and names, particularly those of Aboriginal origin, vary from author to author over time. Contemporary spellings are used in this work, unless contained within quotes. 6 Fisher 1977, 136-137; Knight 1978, 248; Usher 1974, 86-88. 7 See for example Halcombe 1872; Welcome 1887; Actander 1909; Usher 1974; Bowman 1983; Murray, 1985.  2  Science Education and Cultural Domination SCIENCE EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CONTROL Contrary to liberal educational perspectives which view education as a politically neutral force which can redress social inequalities by providing students with the skills and knowledge necessary for equal access to economic rewards, many critical educational analyses see education as a hegemonic form. The day to day school experience, the curriculum, and educational theory, policy, and practice are seen as elements of social control: institutions of cultural preservation and distribution like schools create and recreate forms of consciousness that enable social control to be maintained with out the necessity of dominant groups having to resort to the overt mechanisms of domination. 8 Knowledge that becomes school knowledge, is not neutral, but rather preselected and interpreted to reflect the social and economic interests of those with power. Some forms of knowledge as social control are easily recognized. For example, religious instruction plays an obvious role in the civilizing mission context. However, problematizing secular content may be more difficult. This is particularly true in the case of science and technology education, possibly because we've been socialized to accept the "positive ideal" of science. 9 This positivist view of science is commonly perpetuated through the educational authority of science texts, 19 even though evidence from the philosophy, history, and sociology of science indicates that this view is "completely untenable" i 1 and obfuscates a more realistic vision of science as 8 Apple 1990, 3. 9 Apple, 1990, 88; Hodson 1987b, 531; Hodson and Prophet 1983, 266. 10 Factor and Kooser 1981, 3; Souque 1987, 83-84. 11 Gauld 1982, 118.  3  Science Education and Cultural Domination a social construct, laden with both discipline-centred and social values)- 2 Various studies have shown that science curriculum, like other knowledge transmitted through the education system, "reflects both the distribution of power and the principles of social control." 13 Early initiatives aimed at providing science education to the poor in Victorian England have been interpreted as attempts by liberal reformers to maintain the social and economic structure. 14 Education in colonial Africa and Asia reflected colonizers' attitudes towards the colonized, and the need to increase economic production while maintaining the status quo. This resulted in different educational opportunities in different countries, and a tendency to favour low status vocational and technical training rather than the academic education desired by many of the colonized. 15 Interestingly, scientific and technical accomplishments of the various colonized people helped shape colonizer's attitudes and educational policy. 16 In a more contemporary context, evolutionary theory is used in China to reinforce political messages: "'redness and expertness' coexist in a marriage of scientific fact and political and ideological rhetoric." 17 Different "political filters" are utilized in biology education in East-Germany, WestGermany, United States and the United Kingdom. 18 Such examples demonstrate that science education is not politically neutral; rather, it 12 Aikenhead 1985, 457-459. 13 Bernstein ctd. in Hodson 1987b, 530. 14 Hodson, 1987a, 139-171 ; 1987b, 531-536; Hodson and Prophet, 1983, 263-274. 15 Headrick 1988, 304-351. 16 Adas 1989, 271-342. 17 Swetz, 1986, 9. 18 Jungwrith, 1981, 253-258.  4  Science Education and Cultural Domination reinforces the existing social ethos. Hodson states that science curriculum: is socially constructed, being the product of particular sets of choices made by particular groups of people, at particular times, in furtherance of their particular interests. Thus, it represents the triumph of a particular interest group. 19 While such an interpretation may account for the intentions of those in power, it ignores the responses of the targets of such social control goals, and provides an incomplete picture. As Gaffield states, the history of education cannot simply be viewed as the imposition of schools on powerless and passive populations.... The complete history of public schooling is not only the history of subordination and victimization. Rather [it] is the history of local adaptation and intervention, and of social interaction as much as it is of social control and assimilation. 2 ° Both social control and accommodation and resistance are at work in the context of Aboriginal education. In a study of the Kamloops Indian Residential School in British Columbia, Haig-Brown states that: The most outstanding feature which is revealed by this study is the extent and complexity of the resistance movement which the students and their families developed against the invasive presence of the residential school.21 Similarly, Miller's account of residential schooling across Canada in the late 19th and early 20th centuries demonstrates that the People: were actors who pursued their interests and struggled to preserve their identity. They resisted, evaded, and defied efforts to control their decision making, limit their traditional rites, and deprive them of their children:22 19 Hodson 1987b, 538. 20 Gaffield ctd in Wilson 1984, 13-14. 21 Haig-Brown, 1988, 21. 22 Miller 1991, 340-341.  5  Science Education and Cultural Domination This perspective is particularly important in the context of early Aboriginal-missionary interactions where the People formed the dominant group, both in terms of numbers and power, and will be explored in a specific case study of Aboriginal-missionary interactions at Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, B.C. Fort Simpson and Metlakatla provide ideal contexts for an exploration of the role of science and technology education in Aboriginal-missionary interactions. As stated previously, Metlakatla was one of the first mission villages in B.C., and its success established it as a model to be followed by other missionaries. Furthermore, its success in secular areas was well known. In addition to some agricultural initiatives, the People operated a wide range of pre-industrial craft enterprises and an industrialized salmon cannery. Even contemporary critics of the mission did not deny its secular success, but rather implied that such success was at the expense of spiritual growth. 23 While many works have been published about William Duncan's work at Metlakatla and Fort Simpson, most offer us the "civilization-versussavagery" interpretation of Aboriginal-mission history. Ronda and Axtel describe this genre succinctly: Consumed with zeal, so runs the argument, missionaries struggled against nearly overwhelming odds to bring the joys of Christian salvation and the benefits of Western civilization to heathen savages. 24 Typical of such mission history "classics" are works like Stranger than 23 Knight 1978, 54-55; Usher 1974, 111. 24 Ronda and Axtell 1978, 2.  6  Science Education and Cultural Domination Fiction by John Joseph Halcombe (1872), The Story of Metlakahtla by Henry S. Wellcome (1887); and the Apostle of Alaska by J. W. Arctander (1909). In these books Duncan emerges as a uniquely dedicated and resourceful man who single-handedly, and at great personal risk, brings christianity and civilization to uplift the "heathens" from their degraded state. Metlakatla is seen as: a civilizing work without parallel, alike remarkable for the original thought and genius displayed, and for the heroic courage in execution. 25 Philis Bowman's (1983) work, Metlakahtla - The Holy City!, is a more modern example of this same genre. While these works are interesting as missionary classics, and provide some useful information about missionary efforts at Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, they eulogize rather than analyze Duncan's relationship with the People, and fail to acknowledge the collaborative nature of the relationship. There are, of course, a few contemporary works that offer us a different picture, such as Peter Murray's (1985) popular history, The Devil and Mr. Duncan, and Jean Usher's (1974) William Duncan of Metlakatla. While Murray is somewhat successful in offering a more balanced picture of Duncan, he perpetuates that notion that the People's community at Fort Simpson, in 1857 was "demoralized, squabbling and often violent" and that potlatching had degenerated "into a drunken orgy punctuated by gunfire." 26 According to Murray, Duncan ensured the Tsimshian's survival by 25 Wellcome 1887, 1. 26 Murray 1985, 10.  7  Science Education and Cultural Domination introducing industry and isolating the People in a mission village, not to christianize 27 them, but rather to "soften the blow" of cultural change. 28 Murray's work, while rich descriptively, is lacking analytically. Usher convincingly portrays Duncan as a "agent of cultural change", purposefully applying a policy developed by Henry Venn of the Church Missionary Society. Unfortunately, she tends to underplay the People's role in the creation of their own history at Fort Simpson and Metlakatla. Metlakatla is referred to as "Duncan's success" which was facilitated by the Tsimshians' various predispositions and their "natural adaptability". Even Metlakatla's dissolution is attributed to Duncan's "evident failure to satisfy their [traditional Tsimshian leaders'] psychological needs." 29 In virtually all the literature, schooling and industrial training warrant some consideration. Usher's work is notable for the analysis of the reasons that lay behind the introduction of such education. However, education remains peripheral to Usher's more general interest of Duncan as an agent of social change. Jarboe's (1983) work, Education in the New Metlakahtla, Alaska mission settlement, does focus on education. However, little is said about education in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, B.C. In all the works, science education is largely ignored. In this work I propose to reexamine the sources, paying particular attention to the role of Western science and technology education in Fort 27 In this work words like "christianity", "christians" and "christianize" are not capitalized.  Nor are words like "shaman" and "shamanism". No disrespect is intended.  28 Murray 1985, 11-12. 29 Usher 1974, 135.  8  Science Education and Cultural Domination Simpson and Metlakatla, and the responses of the People to missionary initiatives.  METHODOLOGY A defining factor in this, as in all historical research, is the availability of relevant source materials. Fortunately, there is a large body of information relating to William Duncan and Metlakatla. Such sources include Duncan's personal and official correspondence, journals, notebooks, etc. Other information comes from the Church Missionary Society (CMS), Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) at Fort Simpson, the Department of Indian Affairs (DIA), newspapers and periodicals. Secondary sources have also proved invaluable. This thesis draws upon anthropological literature which "provides the historian with descriptions of Indian cultures as well as insights into Indians' response to the impact of Europeans." 30 Much of the anthropologists' work among the Tsimshian draws upon material collected by Tsimshian ethnographers William Beynon and Henry Tate, who collaborated with anthropologists Marius Barbeau, Franz Boaz, and Viola Garfield. In addition, a limited number of Tsimshian sources do exist in the form of letters and petitions sent to Duncan, the CMS, and various Government agents. This thesis will be further enriched by the use of historical photographs. As J. Robert Davison states: 30 Fisher 1977, xiii-xiv.  9  Science Education and Cultural Domination At the verbal level we learn much, but photographs can penetrate directly into the ineffable region beyond the uttered word where we feel and experience as much as think. Captured within the 'mirror with a memory' is frequently a faithful reflection of the individual and interpersonal dynamics of an entire society, focused intensely into one visual image no bigger than a postcard. 31  SIGNIFICANCE Understanding contemporary Aboriginal issues, including educational concerns, necessitates an understanding of the historical context in which Aboriginal and Euro-Canadian relations developed. 32 Until recently, Aboriginal people were at the fringes of mainstream Canadian history; they were "not even minor actors in the Canadian drama, simply stage-props against which others work out their roles." 33 More recently, however, Canadian scholarship has turned to portraying the People as active agents in determining their own, and Canada's history.  34  Educational history has also  been affected. 35 This thesis will carry on this trend. The People will shed their roles as spurious props and emerge in key roles in the unfolding drama, demonstrating that even when constrained by conditions imposed on them by others, Aboriginal people took an active role in the creation of their own history. In addition, by looking at the intentions and consequences of science and technology education in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, this study will 31 Davison 1982, 34. 32 Gibbins and Ponting 1986, 18; Barman, Hebert and McCaskill, 1986, 2. 33 Walker, 1983, 346. See also Trigger 1985, 3-49. 34 See for example, Fisher 1977; Knight 1978; Trigger 1985; Tennant 1990; Cox 1991. 35 See for example, Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986; Haig-Brown 1988; Miller 1991.  10  Science Education and Cultural Domination contribute to the growing body of literature on the history of science and technology eduction. In this context, the thesis will bring a new perspective to the issues of science education and social control.  QUESTIONS EXPLORED The thesis will be directed at the following questions in the context of Aboriginal-Missionary encounters in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, B.C. 1.What role did Western science and technology education play in Duncan's attempts to christianize and civilize the People? 2. How did the People respond to Duncan's educational initiatives? More specifically, the thesis will explore these questions in the context of schooling, industrial training, and in the broader community.  HOW THE STORY UNFOLDS Chapter Two, "The Context of the Meeting", locates the interaction between the People and Duncan within the context of two changing cultures. This chapter first looks at the Tsimshian world, and discusses their territory and resources, political and social organizations, and the their involvement with trade. Changes that occurred within Tsimshian society as a result of contact with Euro-Canadians during the early maritime and land-based fur trade periods are also discussed. The next section brings the discussion to Victorian England which was undergoing rapid change as a result of industrialization. The Church of England was also undergoing change as a result of the evangelical movement. The reader is then introduced to the  11  Science Education and Cultural Domination Church Missionary Society and its role in foreign mission work. Duncan is shown to be typical of the lay missionaries who were trained by the CMS for foreign mission work. Chapters Three and Four, "Fort Simpson: The Early Years" and "The Metlakatla Mission", look at the initiatives undertaken by Duncan in his attempts to christianize and^civilize the People. Special attention is paid to education generally, and science and technology education specifically. Chapter Four also includes a discussion on Government support for Metlakatla. Each Chapter includes a discussion of the Peoples' responses to Duncan's educational initiatives, and demonstrates that the People's reactions to Western schooling varied from accommodation to rejection, and these reactions were based on a variety of intellectual, pragmatic, material, political and cultural reasons. Chapter Five, "Cultural Domination and Resistance", summaries the role that science education played in contributing to the dual goals of christianization and civilization in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla. Again, discussion also highlights the various responses of the People to education in this civilizing mission. Education in Metlakatla is contextualized within the history of Western education of Aboriginal people in Canada. The present situation in science education for Aboriginal students is discussed, and serves as a basis for calling for a radically new science curriculum.  LIMITATIONS This work focuses on a specific Aboriginal community, collaborating  12  Science Education and Cultural Domination with a specific missionary, within a specific historical context. Any conclusions drawn from this study should not be uncritically applied to other Aboriginal-missionary interactions at other times and other places. However, it is hoped that this work may provide some insight that may be useful for others exploring different situations, providing of course, that the uniqueness of each Aboriginal-missionary encounter is kept in mind. Historical researchers must often depend upon Euro-Canadian accounts for insight into Aboriginal responses to early contact situations. Unfortunately, most of the information this thesis draws upon was written by non-Tsimshian people. The Tsimshian story remains to be told. And like other works, this thesis represents a selective choice of information which has been reinterpreted by the author. The history of Metlakatla contains many stories. This is just one of them.  13  CHAPTER TWO: THE CONTEXT OF THE MEETING INTRODUCTION Every Aboriginal and missionary interaction was, and continues to be, unique, depending upon the contexts in which the two are brought together. In an attempt to set the scene for the interaction between the People and William Duncan, this chapter explores these differing contexts in which the People and Duncan lived. The first section explores the world of the Tsimshian. It looks at the land, the resources provided by the land which supported the People, and the relationship that developed between the People and the land. It then looks at the People's social organization, including clans, houses, and status; and institutions, including the feast complex, secret societies, and shamanism. The People's extensive involvement in trade, and the changes in their world as a result of participation in the maritime and land based fur trade are also discussed. The next section introduces the reader to Victorian England, which was in the midst of changes brought about by industrialization. The evangelical movement within the Church of England, the resulting foreign mission movement, and particularly the Church Missionary Society are then discussed. Particular attention is paid to Henry Venn and the Native Church Policy, and the role that education played in missionary work. William Duncan, the lay missionary who would work among the Tsimshian is then  14  The Context of the Meeting introduced.  THE TSIMSHIAN Many of the People trace their origins to Temlaxam, a village located on the plains near the upper Skeena River. According to oral traditon, disrespect shown to non-humans resulted in catastrophes, destroying Temlaxam and scattering the People. 1 They settled, moved and resettled along the Nass and Skeena Rivers and their tributaries, and to the coast and coastal islands and "In this manner the crests are scattered over the whole coast." 2 The Nisga'a settled along the Nass River; the Gitksan settled along the upper Skeena River; the Coast Tsimshian settled along the lower Skeena, the coast and surrounding islands; and the Southern Tsimshian extended Tsimshian territory to the south to Swindle Island. These four linguistically and culturally related groups, the Nisga'a, Gitksan, Coast Tsimshian, and Southern Tsimshian are the People known collectively as Tsimshian. 3 The rich and varied environment which makes up Tsimshian country, provided the People with a cornucopia of resources. From the rivers came salmon and oolechan; from the ocean came cod, halibut, herring, seals, sea lions sea otters and whales. Land-based hunting provided the people with 1 Cove and MacDonald 1987a, 248-261. Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw (1989, 23, 37-38) support oral tradition with reference to a landslide which occurred three thousand five hundred years ago in the Chicago Creek drainage, resulting in the damming and rising of Seeley Lake. 2 Boas 1916, 727. 3 Sequin 1984a, ix; Halpin and Sequin 1990, 267-269. Some authors, such as Duff 1964; Garfield, 1966; and MacDonald and Cove 1987a; 1987b do not differentiate between the Southern and Coastal Tsimshian.  15  The Context of the Meeting  caribou, elk, moose, mountain goat and sheep, bear, deer, fox, porcupine and other small game Along the ocean shores, clam, cockles, crabs, mussels and seaweed were collected. Crabapples, various berries and roots supplemented their diet. These foods were collected in such abundance that the People were able to preserve the excess for later use and for trade. 4 The land also provided the People with raw materials for the manufacture of goods. Among the Tsimshian were skilled artisans who worked with a variety of materials including wood, bone, shell, horn, copper, roots, bark and animal hair. House fronts were painted and carved to publicly proclaim the House's history and lineage. Huge poles were erected in honor of deceased Chiefs. Even every day items, such as storage boxes, canoes, serving dishes and fish hooks were beautifully rendered. Ownership of some goods was restricted to those of high rank and wealth, while other items were restricted to those involved with the supernatural through secret societies or shamanism. And while much of the work was the domain of men, the most prized of all the chiefly symbols, the Chilkat blanket, was a product of women weavers. So wonderfully crafted were many of these items that they were, and continue to be, prized items of trade. 5 The close relationship the People had with the land shaped their view of the world. Theirs was a world in which fish, animals, humans and spirits are all a part of an "interacting continuum". The boundaries between the Garfield 1966, 13-15; Halpin and Sequin 1990, 269-271. While past tense is used in this work, the People continue to gather the resources of the land today. Furthermore, the use of past tense in reference to other cultural practices is not meant to suggest that such practices no longer continue. 5 Sequin 1984a, xiv. 4  16  The Context of the Meeting human and non-human were fluid, allowing each to take on the form of others, and thereby participate in the other's reality. 6 Out of this perception came a relationship of reciprocity which acknowledged and honored human and non-human interaction, and which required human observation of certain practices, such as the proper disposal of non-human remains, to ensure that such relationships maintained their balance. Human interaction with both animals and spirits had future repercussions. The belief in human and non-human reincarnation bound the People to respectful treatment of animal remains as improper treatment would block reincarnation, and the animals would not return to feed the People. Thus, Chiefs had to ensure animals and fish were treated respectfully, thereby ensuring that they would return and give themselves for future use. 7 The Tsimshian are organized into four matrilineal exogamous clans. Among the Coast and Southern Tsimshian, these divisions are known as Blackfish (or Killer Whale), Wolf, Raven and Eagle. Corresponding clans exist among the Gitksan and Nisga'a, and among other nations such as the Haida and Tlingit. 8 Besides structuring marriage relationships among Tsimshian and neighbouring Peoples, the clan system provided a sense of relatedness and solidarity which transcended individual villages to encompass other 6 Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw 1989, 23; Guedon 1984a, 137-142. 7 McNeary 1984, 9; Gisday Wa & Delgam Uukw 1989, 23. 8 Garfield 1966, 18-20; Seguin 1984, x; Halpin and Sequin 1990, 274-275. Precontact villages were likely composed of one or two clans.  17  The Context of the Meeting Tsimshian groups and their Haida and Tlingit neighbours. According to Herbert Wallace, "in case of warfare between the Tsimshian and the Haida, a Tsimshian would help one of the same crest among the Haida, and vice-versa. In times of peace, it is a law that one in one crest will help another in the same crest." 9 While clan members assumed kinship and solidarity, they were so widely dispersed that many do not know each other. Much more closely related were the members of local matrilineages known as waabs or Houses. 10 House boundaries did not correspond to the large, cedar plank dwellings the People occupied, as each household included both clan members, their spouses, children, people related to other lineages, and slaves. Rather, House refered to those directly related to the lineage chief. House members resided in one or several households, and larger lineages were composed of several Houses of differing status. Each House was identified by its crests, visual representations of extraordinary events in House history which were depicted on architectural structures like house posts, house fronts, and totem poles, and on crest bearing regalia such as robes, head-dresses, hats, armour and masks. 11 Members of each House were really the series of ranked names owned by the House and 'put on' by individuals who typically held such names until 9 Cited in Halpin 1973,63. In this context, "crest" is used to refer to clan. 10 Garfield 1966, 22; Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw 1985, 25. 11 Seguin 1984b, 112; Garfield 1966, 22-23; Halpin 1973, 59-60; Halpin and Seguin 1990, 274; Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw 1989, 25; Cove 1987, 126-127.  18  The Context of the Meeting  their death. The carrying of ranked names resulted in a continuum of individuals who were perceived to be more and less rea1.  12  These people  were known as: Real People (Semooget), Nobility (Algyagask), Commoners or ordinary people (Liksgiget), Unhealed People (Wa'ayin), and Slaves (Hlalingit). 13  Real People were those who carried chiefly names. To be worthy of such a name one must have been high-born, demonstrated exemplary behavior, and feed and distributed property through the potlatch. Nobility is said to have bridged the Real People and the Ordinary People, and consisted of higher ranking members of the Liksgiget. Ordinary People provided the economic and moral support for the Real People. The Unhealed People could include members of any of the status groups. Through deviant behavior, Real People, Nobility or Commoners can be placed into this category; slaves could be raised to this category. Additionally, children who were illegitimate or the result of an hypergamous marriage are Wa'ayin. Slaves, accumulated through trade or capture, served as workers and servants. They also had value as property for trade or distribution in the feast system. 14 Once invested with the name of a high Chief, the carrier acquired ownership of the property associated with the name. With such ownership came many responsibilities. It was the Chief who allocated, organized and 12 Seguin 1984b, 111-115; 1985, 45-48; Cove 1987, 39. 13 This list combines the ranking of Halpin 1973, 100-102 and Cove 1987, 245. In Halpin, Algyagask is included in the Liksgiget category, which she refers to as Councillors. Wa'ayin is not included in the "Totemic Categories" identified by Cove. Rather, Wa'ayin appears in his "Secret Socieity Categories". 14 Cove 1987, 136-140, 143; Seguin 1984b, 111,115-116; Garfield 1966, 26-31; Donald 1991, 162-163.  19  The Context of the Meeting directed the use of the land and resources among House and non-House members, and defended lineage territories against claims of other lineages and nations. And it was the Chief who assumed responsibility for the reciprocal relationship with the land. 15 Significant changes in social order were publicly recognized and legitimized through the feast complex, known as the potlatch. Feasts were given for a variety of reasons including the building of a house, initiations into secret societies, the piercing of the nose, ears and lips of young highranking people, marriage, naming, death, challenges to the social order, and cleansing (to "wash off' shame from an individual or group). Such feasts were public events involving the sharing of food, the display of crests, and the distribution of property to those who performed services and who witnessed and validated the events. 16 The yaokw or potlatch, the most formalized of these events, was hosted by the entire village for members from other villages when changes were of significance beyond the local community, such as the death of a Chief and the installation of the successor. The luulgyit or feast was specific to the village itself, and was hosted by one clan to legitimize clan specific events such as naming. The maxye'tsu, or competitive potlatch, allowed for the reordering of social rank and the re-establishing of solidarity through public feasting and property distribution. The haleyt, an integral part of Tsimshian religion, involved the ritual display of supernatural powers and was connected to 15 Garfield 1966, 26-27; Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw 1989, 32-33. 16 Vaughn 1984, 64; Miller 1984, 28; Halpin and Seguin 1990, 278.  20  The Context of the Meeting secret ceremonies. 17 Establishing relationships with the supernatural was important in Tsimshian society, and every free person 18 was expected to belong to one of two secret societies, the MitLa (Dancers) or the Nulem (Dog-Eaters), through which initiates were brought into contact with the supernatural through the re-enactment of extraordinary events. The initiation process for both the Dancers and Dog-Eaters was similar, and began with Chiefs throwing their power into initiates (usually young children). Initiates were then secluded for several days, having gone to Heaven. The return of the initiates, particularly in the case of those of high status, was a dramatically staged event involving elaborately constructed supernatural beings. When the initiates returned, they were said to be possessed and behaved wildly. Those initiated as Dog-Eaters craved dog flesh. The initiate was captured and restrained by society members, and isolated from non-initiates. During this time, the initiates wore rings of cedar bark around their necks. Gradually the powers possessing the initiate were removed, as were the cedar bark rings, and the removal of the last ring signified the healing of the initiates and membership in the society. 18 There were two other societies 20 , the Destroyers (ludzista I winanal) 17 Miller 1984, 27-32. The maxye'tsu, though atypical, were common during the period following the relocation of nine Tsimshian tribes to Fort Simpson. 18 Cove 1987, 245. Slaves and wa'ayin did not participate. 19 Cove 1987, 249-264; Garfield 1966, 46; Guedon 1984a, 153-155. First hand accounts of initiations appear in Cove. 20 There is some disagreement about whether or not these should be called secret societies. See Cove 1987, 267; Garfield 1966, 45.  21  The Context of the Meeting  and the Cannibals (xgedam I ulala), whose membership was more exclusive. Only Chiefs and high-ranking People could belong to the Destroyers, and the Cannibals were limited to certain Chiefs who had inherited the rights. Initiation into these followed a process similar to that of the Dancers and Dog-Eaters, and involved being sent to and brought back from Heaven in a state of possession necessitating the removal of powers and the initiates reintegration into society. While in the state of possession, Cannibals sought human flesh, while Destroyers attacked property. 21 Membership in these societies was costly, as payment was necessary not only for the ceremonies, but also for feasts which accompanied different stages of the initiation. High-ranking positions within the societies were open only to the very wealthy, and were often the prerogative of certain lineages. The hierarchy of the societies reflected that of the social structure.  22  Nevertheless, secret societies gave almost everyone access to supernatural powers. Many People, however, were resistant to acquiring such power, possibly because Ordinary People associated these powers with witchcraft, or because of the associated costs, necessitating their coercion with the threat of witchcraft. 23 While powers are made known through the recreation and dramatization of supernatural encounters in the potlatch and in secret societies, the vision quest involved direct encounters with other realms. Through a process involving fasting, bathing, internal cleansing with 21 Cove 1987, 264-275. 22 Cove 1987, 241-245; Garfield 1966, 45-46; Guedon 1984a, 153-155. 23 Cove 1987, 247-249, 281.  22  The Context of the Meeting purgatives, continence and isolation, individuals entered altered states of consciousness (visions, dreams, hallucinations, trances) of varying degrees, and made contact with supernatural powers for personal gain in hunting, fishing, love and wealth. If the vision proved fruitful, it was publicly dramatized, thereby acknowledging the powers, the link between the individual and the supernatural and between humans and non-humans, and added to the store of House prerogatives where powers could be evoked through the recreation of the event. 24 Shaman (halaidim swanaskxw or swanaskxw) played a significant role in Tsimshian society because they utilized their powers "for the common good." 25 There were many forms of halait (power), but that of a medicineman who went about curing people was the most important. While many claimed to have this power, only a few really had it. This power came unexpectedly. Whomever this power struck became very ill and would be near death. He (or she) would go into many trances and have visions in which the different (spirit) aides appeared that the new medicine-man would have. His songs and amulets would be shown to him in a vision. These he would use henceforth as his own. 26 Self-healing was a prerequisite to becoming a shaman as the acquisition of such powers was often signalled by the onset of illness, which had to be overcome with the help of experienced shaman. Gradually, the novice learned to control and utilize their powers to cure individuals and to promote communal well being by protecting the village from witches, disease, 24 Garfield 1966, 38-41; Guedon 1984a, 143-146. 25 Garfield 1966, 48. There are references to those who used their powers for personal gain.  See Garfield 1966, 47; Guedon 1984b, 177-178.  26 Sam Bennet cited in Guedon 1984b, 176.  23  The Context of the Meeting  and bad spirits, by communicating with non-human realms, by predicting the consequences of warfare and hunting, and by locating fish and game.  27  Like other People indigenous to this region, the Tsimshian were involved extensively with trade. Specific Tsimshian tribes had exclusive trading rights with their foreign partners. Such trade was facilitated by ocean and river travel, and by a network of inland trading routes, often referred to as "grease trails". 28 Trails were owned by specific families, and ownership was clearly marked by clan carvings. To further enhance their trading interests, Chiefs built and maintained bridges connecting trails. Additionally, throughout the eighteenth century, numerous forts were erected to control trade. 29 By the 1750's, the Tsimshian in the Prince Rupert area were exchanging over fifty different items along twenty distinct trade routes. Russian, Chinese, Spanish-Mexican, and European trade goods were transported along these trading routes to Tsimshian territory three-quarters of a century before the Tsimshian made direct contact with Westerners. 30 The last quarter of the 18th Century ushered in the maritime fur trade, with the first recorded contact between the Tsimshian and Europeans occurring in 1787 when the vessels Princess Royal and Prince of Whales visited the Southern Tsimshian village of Kitkatla. 31 The People's previous 27 Guedon 1941, 147; 1984b, 176, 209. 28 Halpin ,and Seguin 1990, 281; MacDonald 1984, 74-77; Cove and MacDonald, 1987b, x-ix. 29 MacDonald 1984, 78 suggests that there may have been over 100 such forts used by the  Haida, Tsimshian and Tlingit during the eighteenth century.  30 Barman 1991, 15; MacDonald 1984, 74-76. 31 Halpin and Seguin 1990, 281.  24  The Context of the Meeting experience with inter-tribal trade proved to be good preparation for commerce with Europeans. The Tsimshian were astute dealers who rejected trinkets and low quality goods in favour of those items valued within their society. Initially, metals were the most popular trade item demanded by the People. Over time, other items such as clothing, fabric, blankets, rum, tobacco, muskets, powder and shot became important in trade. 32 Not only were the People selective about what items they would accepted in barter, but they also exerted a great deal of control over the price of furs. As trading ships became more numerous 33 the Tsimshian, and other Aboriginal traders, proved to be adept at manipulating competition among the Russian, American and British traders. As one American trader on the Northwest Coast stated in 1799: the Indians are sufficiently cunning to derive all possible advantage from competition, and will go from one vessel to another, and back again, with assertions of offers made to them, which have no foundation in truth, and showing themselves to be as well versed in the tricks of the trade as the greatest adepts. 34 Gradually, European traders adapted their commercial practices to accommodate the People's preferences by remaining in the same location for longer periods of time, allowing the People on board, incorporating elements such as singing and gifting into business transactions, and trading more extensively with Aboriginal leaders, many of whom enjoyed substantial profits by gathering furs from others and reselling them to European 32 Fisher 1977, 4-8; Duff 1964, 57. 33 Fisher 1977, 13. Between 1785 and 1825, 330 ships came to the Northwest coast to trade  for furs.  34 Richard Clevland cited in Fisher 1977, 9.  25  The Context of the Meeting  traders. 35 This "mutually beneficial trading relationship" was maintained when the center of commerce shifted from ships to trading forts. In an attempt to eliminate Russian and American trade competition on the coast and secure greater profits, the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) established Fort Simpson at the mouth of the Nass River in 1831. In 1834, the Fort was relocated to the Tsimshian peninsula. Russian and American trade was not easily usurped, however, and the People were able to work competition to their advantage. 36 Overtime, the Fort men and the Tsimshian developed an interdependent relationship. While the Tsimshian relied on the Fort people for Western goods, the Company employees relied on the People for furs, and often for provisions and companionship. And while the Europeans found certain aspects of Tsimshian life objectionable, they had a vested interest in maintaining traditional life ways and had little power to direct change. The Tsimshian were very much in control of their own society, despite the fact that change was taking place. 37 Such change included increased contact with other Aboriginal groups resulting in greater cultural exchange, and increase in potlatching and other ceremonies stimulating artistic production. Alcohol was introduced, prostitution was instituted. New wealth was unevenly distributed, and those leaders who acted as intermediaries in the fur trade amassed greater wealth, 35 Fisher 1977, 9-12. 36 Fisher 1977, 26-29. 37 Fisher 1977, 34 44.  26  The Context of the Meeting power and prestige, and were able to expand their labour force for the hunting and processing of furs. 38 To gain greater control over Fort commerce, nine Tsimshian tribes relocated their winter villages to Fort Simpson. As the "home guard", these People were able to maintain and strengthen their position of privilege as brokers and dealers in the fur trade, further consolidating the position of mercantile leaders, such as Legaic. In addition, the move precipitated the reranking of those tribes who relocated to Fort Simpson. 39 While such changes were rapid and profound, they were largely controlled by the Tsimshian who selectively integrated aspects of Western society in their own, and utilized existing social structures to incorporate change. As Duff states, "the trade stimulated the culture to further growth, but that growth was along its own distinctive lines." 40 Beyond the control of the Tsimshian, however, were diseases introduced by the newcomers. Upon contact with Europeans, the People of the Northwest Coast were exposed to lethal infectious diseases such as influenza, dysentery, malaria, measles, smallpox, whooping cough, typhus and typhoid fever. Most destructive of all, however, was small pox. A small pox outbreak which reached Fort Simpson in September of 1836 and ran its course by August of 1837, killed almost one third of the Tsimshian. And while young children are generally more susceptible to small pox, it was the elderly and male Tsimshian who proved the most vulnerable. Depopulation 38 Fisher 1977, 17-21, 45-46; Duff 1964, 57-58. 39 Fisher 1977, 29-30, 46-47; Duff 1965, 58. 40 Duff 1965, 54.  27  The Context of the Meeting through disease dramatically decreased the People's ability to harvest, process and trade furs and food provisions. Moreover, the many elders who passed away were likely among the most traditional and conservative of the People who carried the responsibility of cultural transmission. The ineffectiveness of traditional treatment likely undermined the People's confidence in the shaman. And the fact that few Europeans perished may have caused the people to speculate on their apparent power. 41 It was into this world of intensified social change complicated by depopulation that the Church Missionary Society sent young William Duncan to begin his work preaching among the Tsimshian.  VICTORIAN ENGLAND, THE CMS, AND WILLIAM D UNCAN Victorian England, like the world of the Tsimshian, was undergoing rapid transformations. Innovations in agricultural practices and technology increased agricultural production, and as more land was enclosed for cultivation huge numbers of rural peoples were displaced and moved to new industrial towns and cities seeking employment. The industrialization of the work place replaced human and animal energy with inanimate energy sources and machines, resulting in huge increases in production, particularly in coal, iron and textile industries. And while this was accompanied by substantial growth in per capita income, making England the richest country in the world, wealth was unevenly distributed and there was much poverty. 42 41 Fisher 1977, 44-45; Boyd 1990, 137; Duff 1964, 40-43; Gibson 1989, 38-41. Fisher seems to underplay the significance of depopulation through disease. 42 Briggs 1987, 216-241.  28  The Context of the Meeting The middle class was becoming increasingly important, and with its rise came changes in attitudes and practices which emphasized individualism, free trade, competition, and developments in banking and financial institutions. 43 Material progress was facilitated not only by scientific, technological, and commercial changes, but also by what Samuel Smiles referred to as "the civilization of what we call the 'masses'." 44 The ideal of "self-help" 45 became a Victorian ideal and was circulated widely through popular success literature which elevated "the self-made man into an almost mystical figure, and as a corollary [provided] the detailed analysis of the ingredients of his success." 46 Duty and public service were other ideals espoused by Victorians. Accompanying these changes in the secular world were changes within the Church. The evangelical movement began in the late 18th century as a response to the growing contempt that many held for the established church. Upper class affiliations to the church were seen to be superficial; pastoral positions were often filled by young gentry seeking respectable professions rather than responding to religious callings; abuses such as absentee vicars and "foxhunting and boozing parsons" enjoying high livings through the church were common place. Evangelicalism rose in opposition to these concerns. 47 43 Wrigley 1988, 9-44; Briggs 1987, 216-241; Barnes 1985, 6-14. 44 Briggs 1987, 223. 45 The doctrine of self-help originated among working peoples as collective and cooperative attempts at social advancement. It was, however, quickly appropriated by the middle class to promote individual laissez-faire. For a discussion see Harrison 1957. 46 Harrison 1957, 156. 47 Nock 1988, 19-20.  29  The Context of the Meeting  To the evangelical, baptism and confirmation were empty rituals unless accompanied by a "second birth" through personal religious experiences. With such rebirth came the mandate to lead others to christianity. Religion was serious business, not satisfied by token gestures, but necessitating real commitment, in terms of both time and financial support. Additionally, behavioral expectations were high and evangelicals "banned most frivolities as 'un-Christian' except the pleasures of the table." 48 For the evangelical, christianity was the only true religion, and the duty to spread that religion extended beyond class, nation, and "race" to include all humans throughout the world. The evangelicals believed that not only is life without Christ incomplete and unfulfilling, but those who died without embracing christianity would suffer eternal damnation. "[T]he awful spectacle of 'myriads' of helpless and ignorant 'heathen' rushing into hell disturbed the peace of mind of evangelical Christians of many different denominations.... " 49 The energy and enthusiasm of the evangelicals had a tremendous impact on the missionary movement. As observed in the Church Missionary Atlas, It is certain, as a matter of fact, that the commencement of the present century witnessed such an outburt of Missionary Zeal as was unknown before, quickening into new energy the few Institutions already established, and initiating many more whose growth and expansion have far outstripped the most sanguine anticipations of their founders.50 48 Nock 1988, 20-22. 49 G.A. Oddie cited in Nock 1988, 24. 50 CMS 1873, 7.  30  The Context of the Meeting One of the institutions initiated at this time was the Society for Missions to Africa and the East in 1799, which, in 1812, became known as the Church Missionary Society (CMS). It was "the first Institution which sent forth Clergymen of the Church of England to preach exclusively to the heathen." 51 By the middle of the 19th century, the CMS had established a network of missions throughout the world. By 1857, the year William Duncan began working among the Tsimshian, the CMS had established 136 mission stations staffed by 218 clergy (46 of whom were Indigenous) and 2367 mission laborers (2210 of whom were Indigenous) such as teachers and mechanics. 52 By drawing on the experience and expertise gained in previous missionary encounters, the CMS was attempting to approach their work more systematically by ascertaining the underlying principles governing missionary work to guide future actions. In the eyes of the CMS, "Missionary action is an inductive science and must be dealt with accordingly." 53 The CMS's work among Indigenous people was shaped by their perceptions of others. The CMS took the position that "all researches ... tend to confirm and illustrate the brief Scriptural statements that God 'hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth,'" Human variation was seen to be the result of environmental and cultural factors such as isolation from Western civilization and religion. 54 51 CMS 1859, 8; CMS 1873, 8. 52 CMS 1859,"Chronological Chart of the Progress of the Church Missionary Society", n.p. 53 Usher 1971, 31; 1974, 12. 54 CMS 1859, 9; CMS 1873, 9. Usher 1971, 32; 1974, 12 makes this same point.  31  The Context of the Meeting  Nonetheless, the CMS's perception of Indigenous people was highly ethnocentric. They felt that Indigenous people were inferior, and "[ailmost universally, the missionaries saw the native as childlike." 55 The CMS reflected the tendency of other Victorians to evaluate cultures in terms of technological achievements; 66 manufactured articles from various countries were seen to be "accurate indices of the limit to which civilization had attained in them respectively." 57 Like the cultural evolutionists, the CMS envisioned a hierarchy of human civilizations, with Victorian England at its apex, evolving through progressive developmental sequences. Because diversity was seen to be developmental, Indigenous people were seen to have the potential of progressing to the level of Europeans. Such a perception justified the paternalistic approach advocated by the CMS in relation to the treatment of non-Western peoples. 58 For the CMS, christianity was intrinsically linked with civilization; "they could not conceive of a civilized man who was not Christian, nor could they envisage an uncivilized Christian." 59 This link between christianity and civilization was common. Prince Albert, in a speech given before the Society for the Propagation of the Bible in 1851 stated that "civilization rests on Christianity, could only be raised on Christianity, can only be maintained by Christianity."60 55 Usher 1971, 33; 1974, 13. 56 Adas 1989, 144-146. 57 Usher 1971,38; 1974, 15. 58 Usher 1971, 33-34; 1974, 13-14. 59 Usher 1971, 37; 1974,15. 60 Stock 1899, 2:12.  32  The Context of the Meeting But civilization meant more than just church membership. To the missionaries, "Civilization meant to them all that they considered best in their own way of life." 61 It included conformity to European social norms and customs in terms of dress, manners, living arrangements, religious practices, technology, industry and commerce. Furthermore, civilization necessitated the adoption of values, such as those promoted in success literature, which would motivate Indigenous people to both produce and consume goods.  62  Theoretically, christianization took precedence over and was a necessary part of civilization. In practice, however, christianization and civilization proceeded hand in hand, partly because, as Reverend Samuel Marsden discovered, The attention of the Heathen can be gained and their vagrant habits corrected only by the arts [of civilization]. Till their attention is gained, and moral and industrial habits are induced little or no progress can be made in teaching them the gospe1. 63 By the middle of the 19th century, under the leadership of Henry Venn, the CMS was clearly committed to the joint civilization and christianization of Indigenous people. 64 Henry Venn, a major player in the CMS and Secretary of the CMS Parent Committee from 1841 to 1872, created much of the policy guiding missionaries of this era, and was the architect of the Native Church Policy (NCP). Committed to the Victorian ideal of "self-help"; inspired by Apostle 61 Ajayi 1965, 14. 62 Ajayi 1965, 14-16; Usher 1974, 15-16. 63 Usher 1971, 40-41; 1974, 17. Marsden was a CMS missionary who worked among the Maori People in New Zealand. 64 Usher 1971, 41; 1974, 17.  33  The Context of the Meeting Paul's missionary vision of the development of local, self-governing churches; and cognizant of the fact that global christianization depended on the active participation of Indigenous people, Venn was intent on the indigenization of christianization. 65 The NCP was based on "[t]he principles of self-support, self-government and self-extension." 66 To facilitate this process, European missionaries were directed to study the language, lifeways and thinking of the host group. This knowledge, combined with empathy for the People, would help the missionary "win the hearts of the people" 67 and provide insight into how aspects of the culture could be appropriated for missionary ends. 68 The church was to permeate the daily lives of the People in an attempt to counter perceptions of "Christianity as a White man's religion." 69 As it was seen more expedient for Europeans to acquire the host language than to attempt to provide universal English literacy, effective evangelizing necessitated scriptural translations into aboriginal languages." Gaining the support of local authorities was important in both influencing the whole community and ensuring the protection of missionaries. Hence, Chiefs were to be treated with respect and deference. 71 Formal education played a significant role in the work undertaken by the CMS, and missionaries were committed to the education of the whole 65 Usher 1971, 42-46; 1974, 17-18; Stevenson 1988, 112; Nock 1988, 34. 66 Venn cited in Usher 1971, 46. 67 Usher 1971, 50; 1974, 25. 68 Usher 1971, 50; 1974, 19, 25; Stevenson 1988, 113. 69 Usher 1971, 43; 1974, 19; Stevenson 1988, 112-113. 70 Stevenson 1988, 113-114. 71 Usher 1971, 51; 1974, 25-26.  34  The Context of the Meeting community: males, females, adults and children. However, academic achievement was not the primary goal. The driving force behind Indigenous education was the desire to have the People read the bible. This was particularly true in adult education, where the scholars seldom attended day school. To this end, literacy in Indigenous languages was the focus of the adult education in Sunday schools, evening classes, and catechism classes. 72 Children's education was broader and included "the four R's: Religion, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, with sewing for girls where there was a lady teacher." 73 In larger missions, the curriculum expanded to include other subjects such as geography or grammar. Most school subjects were taught in English, not only because many of the missionaries and school teachers often had limited use of Indigenous languages, but also because school texts were only available in English. Additionally, missionaries and teachers saw English as "the language of commerce and civilization." 74 Religion, however, was usually taught in the People's language so that it could be readily comprehended. Many missionaries felt that academic education, by itself, was dangerous, instilling both pride and "habits of idleness" among the students. 75 A missionary in Abeokuta, who was criticized for including too much academic content in his curriculum, pointed out that "it is feared ... 72 Ajayi 1965, 131-133. 73 Ajayi 1965, 138. 74 Ajayi 1965, 140. 75 Ajayi 1965, 147.  35  The Context of the Meeting that a superior education makes young men often useless or worse than useless." 76 Manual labour was promoted to offset such tendencies. Venn was particularly committed to industrial education of Indigenous people as it inculcated appropriate work ethics. Idleness was seen as a great waste, and according to Venn, England's social advancement ... has all sprung from God's blessing upon her industry.... In India, New Zealand, and all our missions anindustrial department is being added to our schools.'" '  The blending of academic and industrial education, particularly for Indigenous people, was seen as the most appropriate form of schooling. In the eyes of the CMS, The separation of scholastic life and manual labour is a refinement of advanced civilization. It may be doubted whether even in this case it is desirable, but certainly it is not desirable in a mission school. 78 In addition to the establishment of industrial schools, CMS missionaries facilitated industrial training in non-institutional settings through apprenticeship with trades people from within or beyond the mission community. In Nigeria, for example, CMS imported sawyers, carpenters, brick and tile makers who took on apprentices. Additionally, the CMS brought in and operated printing presses and young people were trained in printing and publishing. Medical practitioners at the missions sometimes trained boys to assist them.79 76 G. F. Buhler cited in Ajayi 1965, 151. 77 Usher 1971, 48; 1974, 22. 78 Ajayi 1965 144; Usher 1971, 48; 1974, 22. 79 Ajayi 1965, 156-160.  36  The Context of the Meeting The education of female Indigenous people warranted special attention, as a focal point for christianity was the home. Venn stated that the standards of christianity in Indigenous communities would be low "until you have a generation nursed in the lap of Christian mothers and taught to lisp the name of Christ." 80 Boarding schools were often established to meet the unique needs of females. The Peoples themselves were expected to bear most of the financial burden for their own conversion. Building schools, paying teachers, buying texts were the People's responsibility, as were the raising of funds to support the local church and the sick. To finance such endeavors and to ensure the wealth necessary to acquire goods seen as essential for christian lifestyles, economic development was promoted. Missionaries were directed to initiate commercial pursuits appropriate to both the people and the region. 81 Despite this interest in economic development, Venn believed that commerce should be separate from missionary affairs. Missionaries "were to encourage native industry and lawful commerce, without involving the Mission in the charge of trading." 82 The ideas and policies espoused by Venn were profiled in CMS publications such as the Church Missionary Intelligencer, in correspondence and personal meetings between the CMS and individual missionaries. Additionally such ideas were integrated into the curriculum at schools such as the Highbury Training College for Schoolmasters, where William Duncan 80 Usher 1971, 49; 1974, 23. Emphasis in original. 81 Usher 1971, 47-49; 1974, 21-22. 82 Venn cited in Stock 1899, 2:110.  37  The Context of the Meeting  trained prior to his work among the People.  83  Until the 1870's, the majority of English missionaries came from the working or lower middle classes, and William Duncan was "fairly typical" of the many artisans and trades people who joined the foreign ministry at this time. 84 The dual aims of christianity and civilization necessitated missionaries who could do more than preach; practical experience in business or industry would aid in the spread of industry, trade and commerce among the "heathen". Becoming a missionary resulted in a rise in social status. Many people from the lower classes, "fired by a powerful social and spiritual drive for self-improvement" 85 sought missionary service as a means to bolster both status and self-esteem. 86 Duncan was born on April 3, 1832 to Maria Duncan, a single parent, and was raised by his grandparents, William and Elizabeth Duncan in Beverley, Yorkshire, a village of 12,000. He was schooled in arithmetic, geography, geometry, religion, reading, and writing, at the National School in Beverley. Upon leaving school at the age of thirteen or fourteen, Duncan took a course in penmanship. Duncan gained employment with George Cussons and Sons, a tanning firm, first as an errand boy, then as bookkeeper, and finally as a travelling salesperson. 87 Through his work, Duncan's social status was being elevated. And as he became more familiar with the middle class he became painfully aware of 83 Usher 1974, 26. 84 Nock 1988, 11; Murray 1985, 17. 85 Murray 1985, 17. 86 Murray 1985, 18; Nock 1988, 11-12. 87 Murray 1985, 18-20; Usher 1974, 3.  38  The Context of the Meeting his own origins, as revealed in his journal entry of July 13, 1854: Travelling also threw me among a class of society which were above what I had been used to, and when seated in a beautiful room surrounded with comforts and at a table covered with the good things of this world, when all my wants were readily and eagerly supplied and I mixed among a class of men far my superiors in education, rank and abilities and treated respectfully by them, Oh! I used to feel my heart overflow in gratitude, for God's wonderful love in thus elevating me from the dunghill and raising my head thus in so little time and so graciously and greatly surpassing my every expectation. 88 Duncan was committed to improving his status, and the church would be the vehicle for that improvement. Duncan's involvement with the church began early in his life. By the time Duncan was nine, he was singing in the church choir, and he attended church twice on Sunday's for years. At sixteen, when his voice changed, he began teaching Sunday School. He became close friends with Reverend Anthony Carr of St. John's, who is credited with developing Duncan's evangelical bent, and attended Carr's sermons and Bible classes, and discussed religion with him. Additionally, Duncan's social life revolved around church activities. 89 Thoughts of foreign missionary service first occurred to Duncan when he was eighteen, and after attending a missionary recruitment meeting in November of 1853, Duncan was determined to follow this path. In July of 1854 Duncan began training at CMS's Highbury Training College for Schoolmasters, where he studied arithmetic, grammar, history, geography, liturgy, church history and teaching methodology. Additionally he gained 88 Usher 1974, 3-4. 89 Murray 1985, 19; Usher 1974, 6-7.  39  The Context of the Meeting  practical experience teaching in local Sunday schools and working among the poor." His work at Highbury College gained the praise of his teachers and other students. Duncan however, was very critical of the students, finding them "not good enough, rich enough, polite enough and intellectual enough." 91 Overtime, Duncan became more solemn and pompous. He reported his peers for minor infractions and refused to join in celebrations. Because of such behavior, Duncan was "held in abomination by some of the students." 92 Duncan left Highbury prior to completing his training when he was asked by the CMS to go to Fort Simpson to establish a mission among the Tsimshian. 93 Interest in establishing a mission on the Pacific north west was expressed as early as 1819, when a "highly-respectable Canadian merchant" with the North-West Fur Company suggested to the CMS that the People of that area were "a superior people likely to respond to Christian instruction." 94 Interest in establishing such a mission was rekindled when in July of 1856, an article by Captain James C. Prevost, a naval officer recently returned from the Northwest Coast, appeared in the Church Missionary Intelligencer. In it, Prevost described the Tsimshian and called for the establishment of a mission: 90 Murray 1985, 21-23; Stock 1899, 613; Usher 1974, 8-10. 91 Usher 1974, 9; Murray 1985, 23. Emphasis in original. 92 Cited in Murray 1985, 24. 93 Usher 1974, 26-27; Murray 1985, 24-25. 94 Stock 1899, 2:611.  40  The Context of the Meeting to introduce among them the knowledge of the Gospel of Christ, under the conviction that it would prove the surest and most fruitful source of social improvement and civilization, as well as of spiritual blessings infinitely more valuable, and would be found the only effectual antidote to the contaminating vices which a rapidly increasing trade, especially with California and Oregon, is bringing in its train. 90 Venn selected William Duncan to fill this call. On December 23, 1856, Duncan sailed from Plymouth aboard the H.M.S. Satellite under the command of Captain Prevost who had offered free passage to a missionary who would work among the Tsimshian. 96  95 Stock 1899, 2:613. 96 Murray 1985, 15-16; Usher 1974, 26-27.  41  The Context of the Meeting  William Dune an. 97 97 William Duncan. British Columbia Archives and Records Services. Catalogue no. 19678.  Negative no. A-7033.  42  CHAPTER THREE: FORT SIMPSON: THE EARLY YEARS INTRODUCTION This chapter examines Duncan's early work among the Tsimshian at Fort Simpson from October of 1857 to May of 1862. While all of Duncan's activities were geared towards the christianization and civliziation of the People, particular attention is paid to Duncan's educational initiatives and the role that science and technology education played in furthering his goals as a missionary. In addition, the responses of the Tsimshian to western education will be explored. The chapter concludes with a look at the relocation to Metlakatla, B.C., and a discussion of some of the factors which served to motivate Duncan and many of the People to leave Fort Simpson and establish this mission village. The voyage from Plymouth to Vancouver Island took four months, and Duncan did not arrive at Esquimalt Harbour on Vancouver Island until June of 1857. The final stage of the journey to Fort Simpson was delayed until September of 1857. Meanwhile, Duncan stayed at the home of Reverend Edward Cridge, Fort Victoria's Anglican chaplain. Besides assisting Cridge with his work and familiarizing himself with members of colonial society such as James Douglas, Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company and Governor of the Colony of Vancouver Island, Duncan studied the Tsimshian language under the instruction of "a young intelligent man" named  43  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  Wehawn. 1 In September of 1857, Duncan boarded the HBC ship Otter for the final leg of the trip from Esquimalt to Fort Simpson, and on October 1, he arrived in Fort Simpson. At the direction of James Douglas, Fort factor Captain McNeill provided Duncan with room and board at the Fort. Following instructions from Douglas to approach his work among the People with caution, Duncan spent much of the first nine months of his stay within the confines of the Fort where his contact with the People was largely limited to those who entered the stockaded Fort grounds. In this state of semi-isolation Duncan began studying the People's lifeways and languages, as encouraged in Venn's policies. Tsimshian language acquisition was facilitated by the hiring of a Tsimshian man named Clah at the cost of one and a half blankets a month. 2 Clah "was of inestimable value to Duncan, serving him not only as instructor but as devoted friend, defender, interpreter, guide, intermediary, and advisor on policy in dealing with the other Indians." 3 It was from Clah that Duncan learned about Tsimshian society. My Indian teacher tries everyday to lift up the veil a little higher to let me see his people. 4 But Duncan could only view the People from his ethnocentric 1 Duncan to Venn, 27 July 1857, Church Missionary Society. Papers related to Canada.  1821 - 1950, (here after cited as CMS Papers), 31. 2 Duncan journal, 30 November 1857, William Duncan. Correspondence, Diaries, Notebooks, Entry-Books, Mission Records, 1853 - 1916 (here after cited as Duncan Papers), C-2154. 3 Barnett 1942, 20. 4 Duncan journal, 28 January 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  44  Fort Simpson: The Early Years perspective as a Victorian evangelist. True, some of Duncan's perceptions of the People and their abilities, though highly ethnocentric, were positive, as indicated by the following journal entry: They are a very fine - robust & exceedingly intelligent race. I have already seen specimens of their skill in both the useful & fine arts which would not shame European skills to have produced. The superior industry is universally acknowledged by those who know them. 5 For the most part, however, such positive views were overshadowed by more negative perceptions, as illustrated in Duncan's First Report to the CMS from Fort Simpson. Using the European standards maintained by the HBC as criteria to judge the People by, Duncan contrasted the "clean & orderly" life within the Fort with the Tsimshian dwellings which he perceived to be "dingy smoky huts in which filth & general uncomfortableness are the most striking to a visitor." Fort employees were seen to be industrious while the Tsimshian were slothful. The Fort people were "particularly even handed & scrupulously exact in all their dealings", while "this heathen people are notorious thieves & their word is never to be relied on." Duncan criticized the People for their practice of polygamy, and identified pride, vengeance, excitability, dishonesty and treachery as characteristic of the People. Duncan was particularly critical of the shaman, who in Duncan's view, were little more than charlatans. I believe that any shrewd or eccentric man may by fasting successfully prognosticating - or otherwise acting so as to excite the superstitious reverence of the people in his favour - may secure a footing in this lucrative profession.6 5 Duncan to Venn, 6 October 1857, CMS Papers, 31. 6 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31.  45  Fort Simpson: The Early Years The feast-complex with its accompanying distribution of wealth seemed exceedingly wasteful to Duncan who was deeply committed to selfhelp through thrift. They never think of appropriating what they gather to enhance their comforts, but are satisfied if they can make a display like this now and then.... And thus it is that there is a vast amount of dead stock laid in the Camp - doomed never to be used, but only now and then to pass from hand to hand for the mere vanity of the thing.? In Duncan's mind, the Tsimshians' "lack of even a shadow of a Christian virtue", despite over twenty years of contact with Europeans was due to attempts at civilization without christianization. 8 civilization apart from christianity has no vitality - how then can it impact life? It is the fuel without the fire, how then can it radiate heat? Civilization appeals to the eye & to the hand but not to the heart. It may move the muscles but it cannot reach the hidden springs of life. Proofs of this abound here. 9 On June 13, 1858, Duncan finally ventured outside the confines of the Fort to share christianity with the People. On that day Duncan preached in Tsimshian to large assemblies of the People in the houses of the tribal Chiefs. Throughout his stay at Fort Simpson, such sermons, and conversations with individuals and groups provided Duncan with opportunities to proselytize. 10 Duncan also used the medical knowledge he gained at Highbury as an entry into the People's lives. Though initially cautious about dispensing medical aid, Duncan began extending his ministrations, and visits to the sick became a major activity. Between December 29, 1859 and January 10, 1860, 7 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31. 8 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31. 9 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31. 10 Usher 1974, 46-48.  46  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  Duncan paid eighty visits to the twenty-one patients he was seeing at the time. 11 These visits involved more than the administering of medical aid and advice. Duncan seized these encounters as opportunities to promote European standards of hygiene, 12 and to speak out against the shaman. 13 Additionally, as Usher points out, such visits became Duncan's "most common approach in presenting the Gospel to the Indians." 14 By going among the sick & administering a little medicine I have had far greater opportunities for speaking about spiritual things & also learning more of the density of that darkness which surround thes [sic] benighted people. It is by such visits that I hope to secure their confidence & strike most effectually at their superstitions. 15 While sermons, individual and group discussions, and visiting the ailing all provided Duncan with opportunities to promote christian and civilized lifestyles, education "was the most important and the most direct agent of acculturation at Fort Simpson." 16  11 Duncan, Register of visits to Sick Indians Fort Simpson, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 12 Duncan journal, 14 February, 3 March 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal, 8 March 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 13 Duncan journal, 25 November 1858, 14 February, 28 March 1861, Duncan Papers, C2154; Duncan journal, 16 and 21 November, 14 December 1861, 8 March 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 14 Usher 1974, 44. 15 Duncan journal, 17 September 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 16 Usher 1974, 48.  47  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  Clah, Duncan's Tsimshian instructor. 17 17 Old Clah. British Columbia Archives and Records Service. Catalogue no. 94549. Negative no. F-8904. He was later known as Arthur Wellington Clah.  48  Fort Simpson: The Early Years EDUCATION IN FORT SIMPSON  Schooling within the Fort Initial forays into the schooling of the People at Fort Simpson were modest, and confined to the Fort. On October 13, 1857 Duncan began classes with five "half breed" boys, the children of Tsimshian women and their nonTsimshian partners who were employed by the Hudson Bay Company. 18 The curriculum consisted of reading, writing, counting, religious instruction and hymn singing, and despite the fact that Duncan encountered language difficulties, he was pleased with the students' progress. 19 After four months Duncan wrote: For the small portion of time I have been able to devote to my five little pupils - they have made rapid progress. Indeed I feel astonished to see how soon they have got into my way & the general improvement in their manners habits & appearance. 20 While Duncan was thus occupied within the confines of the Fort, several Tsimshian people expressed both their interest in, and their willingness to, participate in these educational activities. 21 Such interest was fanned both by Duncan's seclusion within the Fort, 22 and by the 18 Duncan journal, 7 and 13 October 1857, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 19 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858. CMS Papers, 31. Duncan considered  language the greatest barrier to the students progress. Those residing at the Fort spoke two aboriginal languages, Chinook, English and French. The children intermixed all five languages. 20 Duncan journal, 17 February 1858. Duncan Papers, C-2154. 21 Duncan journal, 16 October, 2 November 1857, 6 and 23 May, 26 June 1868, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 22 While this seclusion was suggested to Duncan by Governor Douglas as a safety measure Barnett (1942, 20) states that Duncan and Clah conspired to create curiosity among the People by combining Duncan's isolation within the Fort with Clah's reports to the People about Duncan and his religion.  49  Fort Simpson: The Early Years production of hand written books, created by Duncan for his scholars. The books are of my own making and I add a little each day. This measure I have adopted more as a stimulant to the Indians outside than anything else. When they see these little books and hear their own people read and explain them, I think that a good effect will be produced. 23 Late January, 1858, Clah told Duncan that the Tsimshian were anxiously awaiting instruction, and were concerned that the Fort people were purposely "monopolizing my [Duncan's] time & attention in order to keep them [the Tsimshian] in ignorance". 24 After visiting 140 houses while conducting a census in order to "get as accurate a view as possible of the field to be cultivated," 25 Duncan was convinced that the Tsimshian were: longing for instruction. The presence of whites & their visits to the South have shaken their superstitions & awakened inquiry.... There is a general belief among them that the whites do possess some great secret about eternal things & they are grasping to know it. 26 The People's apparent desire for acquiring western knowledge would be met when Duncan opened a school outside the confines of the Fort.  Day School When school finally opened outside of the Fort on June 28, 1858 classes were held in the house of Legaic, the highest ranking Chief in Fort Simpson, and were attended by high ranking individuals. On that first day, 26 children of chiefly lineage attended morning class. The afternoon class 23 Cited in Usher 1974, 43. 24 Duncan journal, 28 January 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 25 Cited in Usher 1974, 43. 26 Duncan journal, 17 January 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  50  Fort Simpson: The Early Years consisted of fourteen or fifteen adults, mainly women from the Fort, who were considered by Duncan as "some of the most influential in the tribe". 27 Duncan's journal provides some insight on the nature of the curriculum. I began with the Alphabet on the Blackboard & I had 10 of the best copying the letters on slates & finished with showing them a few matters of order. They went through drilling & marching very heartily but without a smile. Indeed they seemed so astonished they had not the power to laugh. 26 Day school operated for less than a month and during this brief time student attendance was irregular. Inter-tribal tension, trips to Victoria, and salmon fishing all took their toll on attendance. 29 By July 23, 1858 school was cancelled when Legaic left on a trading trip. The irregular attendance which characterized that first month of school would continue as a common theme in the school history as the Tsimshian people incorporated Westernstyle education into their existing social/economic/cultural framework on their own terms. On November 19, 1858 the school house was completed and classes were open to all of the People, regardless of status or lineage. 30 Those who attended school were taught the basics of English literacy through a curriculum which was overwhelmingly religious in content. In February, 1858 Duncan noted that the students could:  27 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31. 28 Duncan journal, 28 June 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 29 Duncan journal, 10, 11 and 18 July 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  30 Duncan journal, 10, 18 and 23 July, 19 November 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  51  Fort Simpson: The Early Years read & interpret about 200 words & eight lessons on religion containing from 30 to 40 words each. They can sing 6 hymns & are learning God save the Queen. They can repeat simultaneously answers to 12 questions in the catechism I have drawn up. They know what things are pleasing to God & what make Him angry[.] [Tilley know the consequences to us of both courses of conduct bad & good. They have learnt what are the proper express[ions in] prayer.... They have learnt how to speak in terms of civility to their fellow man & had several of their ways corrected. 3 ! To eliminate the need to constantly rewrite lessons on the black board, Duncan wrote out 31 reading lessons on large sheets of paper. Twenty-one of these lessons dealt with "the simplest religious instruction", while the other ten were comprised of "syllables[,] words & sentences to assist in teaching spelling and English." 32 These, combined with the 12 illustrated scripture lessons sent to Duncan by Mr. Cridge provided "a significant introduction to Bible reading and ordinary school books." 33 The religious educational focus was further supported through a booklet Duncan had printed in Victoria entitled Help to Christian Disciples. The booklet contained "a Morning Hymn - an Evening Hymn & a Hymn to our Savior - also a Prayer - a short catechism & 55 texts from Scripture." 34 While school readers and bibles were limited in number, Duncan had two hundred and twenty-five of these little booklets, hence whole classes could work with the same material. 35 As Duncan felt that adult scholars could not learn from the prepared charts, Duncan gave them little booklets in which he daily wrote "the 31 Duncan journal, 18 February, 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 32 Duncan journal, 2 June 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 33 Duncan journal, 4 May 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 34 Duncan journal, 24 October 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 35 Duncan journal, 1 and 19 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  52  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  simplest & plainest truths in religion." 36 More advanced scholars were asked to record their thoughts in journals. 37 An excerpt from Shooquanahts's journal indicates that Duncan was not only imparting religious teachings, but was also instructing the students on the value of industry. I could not sleep last night. I must work hard last night. I could not be lazy last night. No good lazy - very bad. We must learn to make all things. 38 In addition to teaching religion, reading, writing, the value of industry, students were taught some basic arithmetic." Drilling (which had earned praise from Samuel Smiles for the discipline and training it imparted), gymnastics and English games were occasionally taught." Faces and hands were inspected daily for cleanliness, 41 and because soap was expensive, Duncan taught the students to use clay and water to clean their hands. 42 And sometimes, the scholars were even exposed to scientific and technical knowledge.  Science and Technical Education Despite the fact that Duncan's educational initiatives were driven by religious motivation, science held an important place in the curriculum. Victorian Canadians, like their counterparts in England, saw science and 36 Duncan journal, 2 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 37 Duncan journal, 4 and 5 April 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 38 Cited in Usher 1974, 46. 39 Duncan journal, 17 February 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 40 Cited in Usher 1974, 48.  41 Cited in Usher 1974, 47.  42 Duncan, Customs & History, Duncan Papers, C-2158.  53  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  religion as mutually reinforcing, a notion which found its expression in 17th century natural theology. As Berger states: The chief claim of natural theology was that there existed an overall design in nature, a rank and order in the chain of life, and a regularity in operation of laws, all of which were evidence of a transcendent guiding intelligence. For theologians these truths became abstract arguments for the existence of God; for naturalists they offered a religious sanction for scientific investigation. Nature was worth studying because it was a product of divine activity; since God created everything, the more intricate the pattern discovered, the more testimony there was to his wisdom and artistry." 43 Like his contemporaries in England, Duncan saw the natural world as a reflection of God's handiwork: When we look abroad on this vast universe - wherever the eye may alight - on land - or sea - or sky, we mark Jehovah's impress on them all. Transcendent beauty & unerring harmony reigns throughout. Magnificence sits on every leaf. Majesty rides on every wave & glory twinkles in every star. Whence all this splendour? - They with one universal finger point to God. Why all this costly array - this rich diffusion of loveliness? Creation answers in general accents - for man her lord is this grand display - to make him happy - to constrain his love & to elevate his praise to the ... beautiful & loving Creator. 44 For Duncan, all the splendour in the universe was created by God for the enjoyment and spiritual enrichment of man. Furthermore, Duncan believed that Observation is one way of getting knowledge, it gives us our first idea of things being knowledge got at first hand. Religious, Moral, & Natural observation may be derived from every occurrence in life & appearance in nature. 45 It is not surprising, therefore, to find that Duncan made frequent use 43 Berger 1983, 32. 44 Duncan, Notebook, 24 August 1856, Duncan Papers, C-2160. 45 Duncan, Notebook 1852, Duncan Papers, C-2157.  54  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  of analogies to the natural world to illustrate religious and moral teachings. "God's Greatness & our littleness" was illustrated with reference to "the vastness of the Universe & compar[ing] our world to a pebble." 46 The need to "Prepare to Meet God" was illustrated by reference to the process by which gold is purified. 47 And on another occasion Duncan used the illustration of the Moth destroying itself by flying into the candle & referred them to & warned them by the sad fate of one of the Fort men ... who was lately killed at Victoria in a drunken row." Like his counterparts working among the urban poor in England, Duncan incorporated object lessons into the curriculum. 49 Object lessons, in which common objects were used to develop students' observation, description and classification skills, were among the earliest attempts to include science in the elementary curriculum in England. However, the primary purpose in incorporating such lessons was not to promote scientific understanding, but rather to impart religious and moral teachings,  50  and it  is probable that Duncan utilized object lessons for similar purposes. But the use of Western science was not restricted to the illustration and reinforcement of religious and moral principals. Duncan used knowledge from Western science specifically to undermine the People's beliefs in their own knowledge base. In July of 1861, Duncan writes that he lectured the students on a variety of topics including: 46 Duncan journal, 3 August 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 47 Duncan journal, 1 January 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. For an account of how refining of silver was used in a similar manner in Victorian England, see Layton (1973, 25-26). 48 Duncan journal, 19 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 49 Duncan, Customs & History, Duncan Papers, C-2158. 50 Layton 1973, 24-26; Hodson 1987, 142.  55  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  the balloon - the diving bell - Rain-...Air - heat - wind - the Sun[,] Moon & Stars - the tides - Eclipses - Seasons &c. These lectures gave me opportunity to knock down many of their superstitions. For about nearly all these subjects they have traditions. 51 In this same journal entry, Duncan goes on to describe his understanding of Tsimshian beliefs regarding tides, the moon, stars, rain, and wind, and his desire to replace such beliefs with contemporary Western understandings. It is, of course, impossible to say whether or not such lectures resulted in a conceptual change among the students. However, given the tenacity of students' perceptions, it is unlikely that Duncan was as successful as he thought he was in: shame[ing] them out of the belief in these silly tale[s] & [giving] them the truth so far as I could drawing lessons from the subjects before we left. 52 Clearly, the Tsimshian world view conflicts with Duncan's notion of how the universe worked. The Tsimshian believe that they have a reciprocal relationship with other organisms, requiring them to treat other beings appropriately to ensure this mutually beneficial relationship. Part of this appropriate treatment necessitates acknowledging and thanking fish for continuing to give themselves up as food for the Tsimshian. Duncan, however, found the practice preposterous, as in his belief system, it was God who controlled the actions of fish and game, and he lectured the students on the appropriateness of thanking God rather than fish for their food.  51 Duncan journal, July 29, 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 52 Duncan journal, 29 July, 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  56  Fort Simpson: The Early Years I tried to show them the absurdity of offering their thanks to the gifts instead of the giver by asking them if I was to give a boy a cap - would he thank the cap or me who gave it to him. To thank the cap they saw was absurd - then I said do not the Chimsyan [sic] thank the fish & other food when they take it but they do not thank God who gives it. 53 While Duncan remarks that the students "seemed much impressed" with his views on thanking God rather than the fish, One man ... made an answer sufficiently loud to be heard by all ... 'The Chimsyan [sic] do not understand.' Meaning they did not understand to thank God for their food. 54 Apparently Duncan's explanation was not readily integrated into the Tsimshian's concepts of how the world worked. The school curriculum also included domestic and technical education. In October of 1859, sewing classes began, and they were supervised by a Tsimshian woman who attended school regularly. Sewing classes seemed to be restricted to female students who engaged in making shirts.  55  Duncan's  motives for initiating these classes may have gone beyond the desire to teach these young women domestic arts. Duncan found the People's practice of wearing only a blanket for clothing disconcerting. Sewing classes provided the People with the skills to make European styled garments. Additionally, at this same time Duncan was encouraging students to make or acquire clogs as "Naked feet are a hindrance to our progress in school." 56 Those students who followed this directive would be awarded with a shirt. Thus even the products of newly acquired technical skills could serve to motivate and 53 Duncan journal, 24 February 1860. Duncan Papers, C-2154. 54 Duncan journal, 24 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 55 Duncan journal, 28 October, 2 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 56 Duncan journal, 2 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  57  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  reward change. A request from the Bishop George Hills, Diocese of Columbia resulted in an addition to the school curriculum - that of hassock crafting.  57  After  providing students with initial instructions in hassock making, Duncan gave out presents of clothing, 58 and hassock production soon began. Not all the students would work up to expectations, and Duncan remarks that "I have a little trouble to get the boys to do the work well." No such comments, however, were made about the quality of the female student's work. In fact, the first hassock was finished by a Chiefs daughter. 59  Science Education in the Community The use of Western scientific and technological knowledge to illustrate and reinforce religious and moral teachings was not restricted to the school house. Rather, Duncan brought such pedagogic techniques with him on his visits to homes in the community, as indicated by this journal entry after an evening visit to an unspecified house. They seemed much struck in one house when I told them about the greatness & number of the starts - the power and providence of God. I referred to the steam boat engine for an illustration of both God's creative & protecting Hand. The Engine neither made nor protects itself ... In speaking of our not being able to see God - I told them that we dared not to look upon the Sun for if we did blindness would [result] - but God is infinitely more glorious than the Sun - how then can we look upon [Him] & live. 89 57 Murray 1985, 58; Duncan journal, 21 March 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 58 Duncan journal, 23 March 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 59 Duncan journal, 2 April 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  60 Duncan journal, 20 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  58  Fort Simpson: The Early Years Again, while visiting in homes in the community, Duncan made recourse to his scientific understandings in an attempt to undermine Tsimshian beliefs. For example, while visiting in the camp in February of 1860, Duncan and an unnamed Chief discussed thunder and lightening. Duncan's understanding of the discussion was that the Tsimshian believed that lightening comes from the eyes of an eagle, and that this eagle's talons tear apart trees, and that lightening and thunder occur when a shaman is decapitated. Naturally, Duncan felt it necessary to quash such beliefs: Although I tried to explain matters to him a little for some time he would not believe ... but when I told him of the dreadful effects of lightening in England & other places & also about the Lightening Conductor he seemed to yield & fall at a solemn silence. 61 Nor were such educative instances limited to the People residing around Fort Simpson. Where and whenever opportunities arose, Duncan attempted to change the People's conception of the universe. While visiting in the Nass, Duncan told the people that their oral histories "were like tales told by old women to keep children quiet", and that it was really God who was responsible for the feats attributed to legendary heros. 62 A few days later, in another village on the Nass, Duncan used scientific knowledge to attack the villagers understandings of the moon. I commenced & by ... illustration & appealing to their common sense & the knowledge of the moon which the telescope had revealed. I think I shook the faith in the ancient talk. 63 Clearly Duncan incorporated science and technical education into his 61 Duncan journal, 27 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 62 Duncan journal, 6 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 63 Duncan journal, 10 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  59  Fort Simpson: The Early Years teachings in order to illustrate and reinforce religious and moral teachings and to undermine the Peoples' traditional beliefs and practices. Additionally, through instruction, students were exposed to technical skills necessary for the adoption of European dress while simultaneously creating rewards to motivate change. By making hassocks, the students' energies were directed towards creating goods used in christian worship. It is obvious that science and technical education, like other aspects of the curriculum at Fort Simpson, were utilized to advance the dual goals of christianity and civilization. What is less clear is how the People reacted to these educational initiatives.  RESPONSES TO EDUCATIONAL INITIATIVES It is difficult to reconstruct the responses of the Tsimshian to the educational initiatives undertaken by Duncan as few Tsimshian written sources exist for the nineteenth century. However, careful readings of nonTsimshian texts, in which the People's reactions are alluded to, indicate that the people responded to Duncan's education initiatives in a variety of ways for a variety of reasons. For the sake of this paper, responses have been grouped as follows: intellectual and practical benefits, economic and material considerations, issues of politics and prestige, and cultural and spritual responses. Within these categories there are a wide variety of responses indicating both accommodation and resistance. Such groupings are both arbitrary and overlapping and reflect the understandings I have gained while pondering the events. At best, they can only be viewed as tentative  60  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  reconstructions of the People's responses based on extremely limited sources. The majority of the Tsimshian, particularly the adults, choose to forego the benefits of Western education. Duncan saw this rejection of schooling as a result of cultural conflicts, language difficulties and indifference. They find my teaching & other ways so opposed, they have such a dislike to leave their own camp - and perhaps through my meager acquaintance with their tongue they hear nothing or little striking or new - these combined with the deadly influence of their deeply rooted superstition & heathenish security or rather indifference keeps them away. 64 While the majority of the People rejected education outright, others choose to either attend school themselves or send their children to school. Such participation mystified Hamilton Moffat who replaced Captain McNeill as Fort factor: Mr. Moffat said to me on the gallery to day that it was a great wonder to him that the Indians continued to come to school without being paid to do so. He expected six Months would have tired them & he cannot understand them attending so regularly as they do. 65 Novelty may well have accounted for the initial interest in schooling. However, it does not account for the students' continued presence, particularly since Duncan's curriculum clearly and purposefully conflicted with Tsimshian culture. Why then did the People participate in the schooling?  Intellectual and Practical Benefits Of course, like humans everywhere, some of the People were drawn to 64 Duncan journal, 17 October 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 65 Duncan journal, 17 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  61  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  school by a desire for intellectual development, and Western education provided another route through which intellectual development could occur. Even before beginning school outside the Fort, Duncan was convinced that the People were "longing for instruction." 66 Among the scholars were some who demonstrated exceptional motivation and ability. Of an unnamed young man Duncan wrote, "He attends school but he does not learn quick enough & wants a book which he may ponder over at home. 67 Clah "made amazing progress & would have made more if others of the class could have kept pace with him. "68 Participation in Western schooling was also motivated by pragmatic reasons. As Phillip Drucker states: during the later half of the 19th century many Indians came to the conclusion that learning English, and at least a modicum of literacy, were becoming more and more essential for dealing with the whites. 69 Some of the People who attended classes did so because they wanted to learn to read, write and count. 70 It is likely that many of the People saw practical advantages, particularly in the area of trade with Europeans, in gaining some Western knowledge. Duncan makes frequent reference to conversations with those who felt that education was particularly appropriate for the children. It is impossible to know to what extent Duncan's teachings influenced 66 Cited in Usher, 1974, 43. 67 Duncan journal, 1 August 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 68 Duncan journal, 2 June, 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 69 Drucker, 1958 1941. 70 Duncan journal, 27 December 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal, 20 December 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  62  Fort Simpson: The Early Years the thinking of the People. At times, Duncan seemed to feel that he was successful in changing the Peoples perceptions. 71 And Shooquanahts's journal seems to indicate that among the People were those who had internalized some of Duncan's teachings. However, tradional beliefs are based on generations of understandings, and it is unlikely that many of the People quickly and readily understood Duncan's teachings and incorporated them into their lives. The comment made by that unnamed Tsimshian in response to Duncan's teachings about thanking God rather than the fish was likely a typical response of many to Duncan's teachings That is, "The Chimsyan [sic] do not understand." 72 Significantly, not all who attended classes quietly acquiesced to Duncan's teachings. Maintaining classroom discipline was a problem, particularly when attendance was high, and Duncan found it "difficult to keep such a mass of them in order." 73 Duncan's teachings were often ridiculed. "Every idea is so new & strange that there [sic] first [impulse] seems to be to laugh or scorn." 74 A student who took exception to a lecture on sinning, spoke out against Duncan during class, telling the other students that Duncan was lying. Apparently other students shared this man's view.  75  Resistance to schooling was also manifest among the children. A 'half breed boy' who was reprimanded for talking "when he should have been 71 Duncan journal, 20, 24 and 27 February, 10 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154; 29  July 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  72 Duncan journal, 24 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 73 Duncan journal, 5 January 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 74 Duncan journal, 14 January 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 75 Duncan journal, 20 February 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  63  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  listening" walked out of class. Later Duncan flogged him in front of a Chief and several older boys. 76 On another occasion, Duncan struck two boys for playing together during singing lessons. 77 Another boy was sent out of class for striking a student. 78 Discipline was even a problem among the more advanced students, as evidenced by Duncan' statement: "I had to give a severe flogging to one of my first class boys this afternoon for his carelessness & obstinacy." 79 Duncan's journals indicate that responses to educational initiatives varied even among those who attended classes. Some scholars were trying to accomodate Western education for intellectual reasons, others for more pragmatic considerations. The extent to which Western teachings were incorporated into the People's beliefs is unknown; however, it is apparent that some of the scholars demonstrated resistance by ridiculing and challenging Duncan's teachings and through inappropriate classroom behaviour.  Economic and Material Considerations According to the CMS, the costs of school construction were to be borne by the People themselves, and the donation of both labour and materials is one indication of the People's support for Western education. Usher states that "Duncan received a great deal of assistance from the Indians" in building 76 Duncan journal, 3 August 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 77 Duncan journal, 6 June 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 78 Duncan journal, 12 December 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 79 Duncan journal, 5 April 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  64  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  the schoo1. 80 And it is true that during the construction of the first school in 1858, about 40 Tsimshian voluntarily carried timber from the raft to the building site. 81 The People also supported the building of the first school through donations of materials. Duncan notes that the Chimsyans [sic] gave me a great many planks & pieces of bark for the roof & flooring. From almost every house I had something.... A great number took boards from their own roofs to give me & some even the pieces which formed part of their bed. 82 Furthermore, to help cover construction costs for the building of a new school in 1861, 44 students (most of whom were children) donated 'curiosities' to raise money for construction costs. 83 However, for the most part Duncan "found it impossible to get the Indians to build the School for nothing." 84 Duncan had to hire men to procure wood, and to prepare the wood for building, and to construct the initial schoo1. 85 Similarly, many of the People found employment building a new school in 1861. 86 For these men, participation in school construction was motivated more by economic gain rather than internalization of "their first lesson in self-help" 87 or support for Western schooling. The possibility of long term economic gain likely motivated some to 80 Usher 1974, 52. 81 Duncan journal, 17 September 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 82 Duncan journal, 8 November 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 83 Duncan journal, 28 June, 5, 9 and 10 July 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 84 Duncan journal, 23 May 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 85 Duncan journal, 20 September, 2 October, 8 and 12 November 1858, Duncan Papers, C2154. 86 Duncan journal, 17 September, 26 October, 16 November, 12 December 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 87 Usher 1974, 52.  65  Fort Simpson: The Early Years attend classes. At least one Chief felt that as a result of schooling: God will send them [the Tsimshian] plenty of dollars because he [the Chief] thinks that all white men have plenty. 88 The distribution of presents 89 provided more immediate material rewards to those who were scholars. Those students who attended classes and performed to Duncan's expectations, found rewards in the hierarchical system Duncan instituted. Advanced scholars were placed in higher levels, rewarded for their achievements, given books to keep as journals, received special instruction and some gained both status and remuneration as teacher assistants." Donations of time, labour, and goods for the construction of the school indicate that there was some support in the community for Duncan's educational initiatives. However, participation in school construction was largely motivated by economic gain. Both possible future economic gain, and immediate rewards of gifts and recognition of achievement and employment opportunities provided motivation for some students to attend classes.  Issues of Politics and Prestige Prior to the completion of the first school house, classes were held in Legaic's house, and attended by those of high rank. Usher notes that this paralleled CMS efforts in West Africa to simultaneously win the support of 88 Duncan journal, 17 November 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 89 See for example, Duncan journal, 6 and 24 December 1858, 10 June, 9 and 13 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 90 Duncan journal, 1 December 1858, 14 January, 27 September, 1 October, 19 November 1859, 4 and 5 April 1860; 27 June 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2154. Duncan journal, 17 December 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  66  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  Chiefs and train future mission workers. 91 However Barnett points out that political rivalry between Legaic and his uncle Hatsukneak, a Gitando Chief, was intense. Duncan was invited to preach his first sermon in Hatsukneak's house because the Chief wanted to take advantage of "a new power or influence which seemed likely to enhance his [Hatsukneak's] own prestige and simultaneously to detract from that of his rival [Legaic]." 92 By hosting classes in his house, Legaic may have been attempting to manipulate Duncan in a similar manner. Duncan's patronage was important to others as well. When school construction was halted temporarily, Duncan was visited by two Chiefs who urged him to continue building because: all the Indians up the coast had heard ... of my [Duncan's] being here & of my intentions & the Chimsyans [sic] would be very much ashamed if I [Duncan] left them. 93 Additionally, it is possible that People with limited social standing within Tsimshian society used schooling to further their prestige. When classes were held in Legaic's house, they were open only to People of chiefly lineage. The patronage of the school by high ranking individuals may have elevated the status of education in the People's minds. When the school building was completed classes were open to, and attended by, People of all ranks, and some of the People may have been attending classes in an attempt to improve their own social standing. 94 91 Usher 1974, 47. 92 Barnett 1941, 166. 93 Duncan journal, 2 August 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 94 While Chiefs and others of high status occasionally participated in schooling, Barnett  1942, 22; 1953, 405 states that many of those who associated with Duncan were of little  67  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  In part, participation in western styled schooling can be viewed as attempts by some of the People to utilize education in order to secure greater prestige for individuals residing at Fort Simpson, and for the Tsimshian as a whole among other nations.  Cultural and Spiritual Responses When the school house was completed and classes were open to all of the People, classes were well attended. The first winter Duncan daily taught "some two hundred children." 95 However, such high attendance was atypical, and the school population quickly declined as the People left for Victoria and for the Nass River to fish for oolechan. And as a result classes ceased from mid March to April 5th, 1859. 96 Throughout the time that the school operated in Fort Simpson, school attendance fluctuated wildly, reflecting the People's continued participation in secret societies 97 and activities such as fishing for oolechan and salmon; gathering herring roe; travelling to purchase potatoes; visiting Victoria to seek employment, purchase goods and visits family and friends." Attendance rates also declined when there was drinking among the People, 99  status within Tsimshian society.  95 Usher 1974, 52. 96 Duncan journal, 10 February, 17 March, 5 April 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 97 Duncan journal, 16, 20 and 21 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal,  17 December 1861, 13 January 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  98 Duncan journal, 18 July 1858, 17 March, 26 April, 1 August, 2 June, 9 October 1859, 10,  13 and 15 February, 6 April 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal, 2 July 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 99 Duncan journal, 23 and 26 June, 9 October 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  68  Fort Simpson: The Early Years when intertribal hostilities broke out near the school house, 100 and during extremely cold weather. 101 Such attendance patterns suggest that participation in schooling cannot be equated with abandonment of culture. Rather, the People were incorporating Western education within the already established patterns of Tsimshian activity. Establishing and maintaining relationships with the supernatural is crucially important in Tsimshian society and some of the People may have been drawn to school because of the religious content. Access to supernatural powers through secret societies and the feast complex, was limited by lineage, rank and economics. However, the christianity Duncan offered was not so prescribed, and hence may have been particularly appealing to those of limited social status. Whatever the attraction Western religion held, the People interpreted both christianity and Duncan's spiritual powers in a uniquely Tsimshian way. 102 The apparent adoption of christianity by 58 of the People should not be viewed as a rejection of Tsimshian spirituality, but rather as an accommodation of Christianity within an ever expanding Tsimshian framework. 103 This idea is supported by the fact that many of the scholars were actively involved in secret society activities. During the winter season of 1859, five of the most regular scholars were initiated into societies. Duncan 100 Duncan journal, 13 and 17 January, 17 May 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 101 Duncan journal, 30 November, 3, 4 and 5 December 1859, 8 January, 5 March 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 102 Usher 1974, 49. 103 Usher 1974, 50.  69  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  was told that: although the Indians had again set on with their medicine work - they did not wish to show ... that they slighted the school. They intended after one month was over to come again to school. 104 Not only would the students return to classes after their initiation, but also ritual practices would be modified to accommodate schooling. Their custom is for the child to wear a thick band of dyed bark round his neck & go without a shirt - one year. It is something that they are disposed to let the child escape this & want him to cast off the charm & come at once to schoo1. 105 Though committed to their traditional practices, the People were not wholly resistant to change. Rather, they wanted that change to be controlled and gradual. Another idea which seems to prevail among the Indians now is that they must not or cannot cast off at once their customs & adopt mine, but they will leave mine to spread amongst them. They use the word spread to express this idea. 106 By attending or by sending their young to school, by adjusting their practices to accommodate schooling, and by their willingness to let Western ideas spread among them gradually, many of the People were engaged, as they had always been, in integrating new elements into the expanding framework of Tsimshian culture. However, others were less willing to incorporate Western ideas into their world, and they responded to Duncan's initiatives through resistance. 104 Duncan journal, 20 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 105 Duncan journal, 27 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. Emphasis in original. Such  accommodation was possible within Tsimshian culture as "Each tribal chief inaugurated the season of tabu in his own tribe, and put away the supernatural powers when it was ended." (Garfield cited in Guedon 1984a, 154) 106 Duncan journal, 20 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. Emphasis in original.  70  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  The most pronounced resistance to the schooling came from the collective response of those involved with secret societies, including Chiefs. 107 According to Duncan, the Indians did not at first resist my efforts for their welfare. They would listen to my teaching and generally welcomed my attention to their sick. It was not till they saw the Christian Standard fully unfolded that they became alarmed for their heathen citadel. In other words, when they saw that Chritianity meant nothing less than the subversion of every evil work, and no compromise and moreover that some of their people were beginning to yield themselves to its influence, then their enmity was aroused. Most of the Chiefs and headmen denounced me and my work. 108 William Henry Pierce remembers that, "The Man-eater and the Dogeater dances were very much opposed to Duncan, and they did everything in their power to drive him out." 109 Admittedly, members of secret societies selectively attended classes. However, as Garfield points out, "When a chief held a potlatch or a power dance all the village was invited and no other ceremonies would be held that would conflict with his." 110 When schooling interfered with these winter ceremonies, reaction among the People was intense. When scholars passing Legaic's house interfered with halait rituals taking place, Legaic, through Captain McNeill, asked that school be suspended for a month. Duncan ignored this request for suspending school 107 As the structure of the secret societies paralleled the social structure of the People,  Chiefs and leaders of the secret societies were one and the same.  108 Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875, CMS Papers, 32. 109 Pierce 1933,10. Pierce was the son of a Tsimshian woman and Scotsman. His mother  died shortly after he was born, and he was raised by his maternal grandfather in Fort Simpson. Pierce later became a Methodist missionary and worked among many of the Peoples of the Northwest coast. 110 Cited in Geudon 1984a, 154.  71  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  temporarily, and Legaic and at least four or five other men began actively working to undermine his work by advising the people to have nothing to do with the school, and intimidating and threatening Duncan and the scholars. 111 Again, Duncan refused to suspend school. Eventually, several members of the secret societies confronted Duncan in the school house and attempted to convince him to stop school. Legaic drew a knife and advanced towards Duncan. The appearance of Clah bearing a pistol in Duncan's defense ended the confrontation. 112 William Henry Pierce was present during this confrontation and recalls that: While this row was in progress and just as one of the Indians, inflamed with passion, was about to strike Mr. Duncan down, Clah, my uncle by adoption, came into the building. He was armed with a revolver and ordered all who were threatening Mr. Duncan to leave. That revolver did the work and Mr. Duncan has often said that my uncle saved his life. All this time we boys were huddled together in a corner and locked in the room. We were crying through fear. After the Indians had gone, Mr. Duncan went back to his desk and cried for a long time; then he told us to take our seats and the lesson was continued.' 13 In the winter of 1861, there was a strong collective reaction against Duncan undertaken by Chiefs and members of the secret societies. This resistance was motivated by the fact that Mr. Tugwel1, 114 , who briefly assisted Duncan in his work at Fort Simpson, obtained a naxnoq whistle 115 111 Duncan Journal, 23 November, 8 and 14 December 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 112 Duncan journal, 20 and 24 December 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 113 Pierce 1933, 10-11. 114 Tug-well and his wife were sent out by the CMS to assist Duncan. They stayed in Fort Simpson for about six weeks and left because of health reasons. 115 The term naxnoq refers to power. Such whistles are seen to be the voices of supernatural powers. See Guedon 1984a, 150.  72  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  from some of the christian Tsimshian, and took it with him when he left Fort Simpson. As a result of this, a great demonstration of assembled chiefs & dog-eaters (ahlied)[sic] was made against myself [Duncan] & the Christian Indians. I am denounced as trouble & the work I have in hand as the destroyer of the Tsimsheans [sic]. The school is I have to record for the first time thinly attended only from 50 to 60 to 70 attending now - not more than half the number of the two previous winters. 116 William Pierce attended school briefly in Fort Simpson. He was withdrawn from classes after "it had been ordered by the chief of the tribe that I should not [attend]." 117 Opposition from Chiefs was common, and Duncan later commented: The starting point was this: I had to deal with a lot of chiefs. Almost all of them were opposed to change - to any progress .... I had a great amount of trouble with them. 118 In January of 1862, Duncan's journal records the fact that the Chiefs: are uniting to crush the work among the Indians by exerting themselves to revive their heathenism - withdrawing their children - making speeches against us & laughing to scorn the Christian[s] and ever threatening them with death. The christians [sic] have had a very trying time this last month or two & but for fear of my influence in procuring redress - the chiefs I believe this winter would have used severe measures to stop the work altogether. 119 Contrary to Usher's statement that the Chiefs made "no serious attempt to obstruct his [Duncan's] work", the chiefs collaborated with members of the secret society to undermine Duncan's work by speaking out against him, by threatening both Duncan and the scholars and christians, 116 Duncan journal, 17 December 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 117 Pierce 1933, 11. 118 Duncan cited in Barnett 1942, 21; 1953, 405. 119 Duncan journal, 12 January 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  73  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  and even by attacking Duncan physically. And, as a consequence of these actions, school attendance fell drastically. 120 Cultural and spiritual responses, like political, economic and intellectual responses indicate diverse reactions to Duncan's educational initiatives. Clearly there was an attempt by many to incorporate education within exisiting Tsimshian lifeways. However, activities which undermined the integrity of spiritual practices were met by strong collective resistance by both both Chiefs and secret society members.  120 Duncan journal, 13 January 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  74  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  Drawing of Fort Simpson by Tsimshian artist Frederick Alexkcee [Alexceeb Hudson Bay Fort on left. Rose Island on right. 121 121 Drawing of Fort Simpson by Tsimshian artist Frederick Alexkcee. British Columbia  Archives and Records Service. Catalogue no. 71703. Negative no. D-7256.  75  Fort Simpson: The Early Years THE MOVE TO METLAKATLA In the spring of 1862 educational activity was interrupted when Duncan and a number of the People decided to form a mission village at a site used by the Tsimshian prior to their move to Fort Simpson. Duncan's decision to move from Fort Simpson was prompted by a number of factors. The importance of Fort Simpson as a trade center was decreasing, and in 1860 the HBC withdrew its offer of free room and board for Duncan, necessitating a rethinking of the mission's future. By establishing a mission village, the newly converted would be isolated from the perceived negative influences of both the unconverted Tsimshian and the demoralized Whites at the Fort and aboard visiting ships. The establishment of useful arts at Fort Simpson was hampered because the land around the Fort was unsuitable for gardening, and the crowded conditions rendered the introduction of "measures for their [the Peoples'] social improvement" impossible. The new location provided land for both cultivation and for the establishment of industries and other social improvements. Intertribal tensions at Fort Simpson and the increasing hostility directed towards Duncan by the Chiefs and secret societies were also factors in the decision to move. 122 Just as Duncan was influenced by a variety of factors, so too were the People who decided to leave Fort Simpson. For the newly converted, the establishment of a mission village would provide a haven from the ridicule, 122 Duncan journal, 24 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to CMS, 25  October, 28 April 1862, CMS Papers 31; Usher 1974, 57-59.  76  Fort Simpson: The Early Years scorn and threats they were enduring. According to Duncan, The Indians who have attended religious instruction and are desirous of practicing what they learn beg to be taken away where they will feel less the evil influence of their heathen brethren & be more under ours & also where they can cultivate the arts of peace unmolested." 123 For others, intertribal tensions may have rendered their continued residence at Fort Simpson unbearable. As stated in Duncan's journal The Indians generally want a move because the tribes being so close together here Indeed packed - When two tribes get fighting other tribes frequently by accident become involved. 124 Mathew Johnson, a life-long resident of Fort Simpson remembers that at that time People were afraid to go out of their houses after dark "because of so much trouble - hailet, drink, shooting. "125 It is likely that some of the people who left for Metlakatla were anxious to live someplace free of such tensions. This idea is supported by a statement made by David Leask in 1887: Those who came were to give up their tribal distinctions, and live as one people united, and bnding [sic] themselves each one to follow the rules laid down from time to time by their council. So that unity was the basis of the settlement. 126 Others fled to Fort Simpson hoping to avoid the effects of the small pox epidemic which had broken out in spring of 1862. 127 Others would come later, when traditional cures proved ineffective in dealing with this 123 Duncan journal, 24 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 124 Duncan journal, 24 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 125 Barnett Papers, box 1, file 9,bk. 2. Mathew Johnson was a Tsimshian man who was  interviewed by Barnett in 1940. As a boy he attended school in Fort Simpson.  126 Tomlinson 1877, 22. Emphasis added. David Leask was one of Duncan's earliest  students.  127 Duncan journal, 19 May 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to CMS, 6 March 1863,  CMS Papers, 31.  77  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  epidemic, 128 and Western cures were pursued. In the fall of 1862 Duncan inoculated some 400 People. 129 Furthermore, Duncan suspected that some of those seeking baptism, such as Legaic and Leequneesh, did so out of fear of small pox. 130 Many of the People relocated to Metlakatla for reasons that were uniquely Tsimshian. According to Mathew Johnson, Legaic's relocation was not inspired by a desire for a christian lifestyle, he was "not converted, not crying for God." Rather, the move resulted from Legaic's failure to revenge the death of a number of the Gispaxlots at the hands of the Haida. This event was seized by Legaic's rivals as a means to undermine Legaic's prestige. Legaic, with the approval of his tribes' councillors, left for Metlakahtla. However, his rank and privileges within his tribe remained intact. 131 Similarly, the arrival of almost the entire Gitlan tribe on June 6, 1862, was motivated by long standing tensions between the Gitlan and the Gitlutsau. The Gitlan's inability to resolve this dispute, and their subsequent loss of face resulted in their move to Metlakahtla. 132 Whatever the reasons, on May 27, 1862 Duncan and about 50 of the 128 Duncan journal, 8 August 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 129 Duncan journal, 11 and 28 July, 10 September, 10 and 16 October 1862, Duncan Papers,  C-2155. 130 Duncan journal, 22 July 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 131 Barnett Papers, box 1, file 9, bk. 2. For a published account, see Barnett (1941, 164165). 132 Barnett Papers, box 1, file 9, bk. 2. For a published account, see Barnett (1941, 166167). Usher (1974, 150, n.10) makes reference to this, but questions its validity because it does not appear in either Duncan's or the HBC's records. Barnett's work was based on oral accounts of the incident as told by Mathew Johnson of Fort Simpson.  78  Fort Simpson: The Early Years  People, including men, women and children, boarded six canoes and left Fort Simpson to establish a christian community at Metlakahtla. En route, they were passed by John Richmond and his relatives who were bound for the same destination. Ten people were already at the site, preparing it for their arrival. They were soon joined by others, and with the arrival of most of the Gitlan tribe, including Chiefs Neestakkalnoosh and Leequneesh, on June 6th, 1862, Metlakahtla's population reached about 300. 133  133 Duncan journal, 27 and 28 May, 1862, 2 and 6 June, 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  79  CHAPTER FOUR: THE METLAKATLA MISSION INTRODUCTION The establishment of a civilizing mission necessitated much more than the inculcation of christianity; it required the total re-socialization of the People. In addition to the adoption of christian worship, life at Metlakatla was defined by the implementation of Europen-styled governance and law, by the development of industrial and commercial pursuits, by the incorporation of Western architecture and clothing, by the incorporation of Western education, by the promotion of values such as industry; and by the absence of many traditional institutions and practices. To this end, a set of laws, passed unanimously by the newly established village council, outlined some of the principles guiding life in the village. (See Appendix A.) Initially, the People constructed the large, one-room, multi-family dwellings the Tsimshian were known for. But as these were seen as inappropriate for civilized christians, they were replaced by one story buildings consisting of two apartments and a central mess room. Later, two two-story houses, joined together with a one-storey common room, and surrounded by picket fences, dominated the community)  1 Usher 1974, 68-19.  80  The Metlakatla Mission  Metlakatla, B.C. The eastern view of the village. 2 2  Eastern portion, showing cannery buildings on left. British Columbia Archives and Records Service. Catalogue no. 55799. Negative no. C-8105.  81  The Metlakatla Mission Massive building projects were undertaken. The first mission building constructed was a large octagonal log building which served as both church and school. In the early 1870's an imposing new church was built, said to be the largest church north of San Francisco and west of Chicago. In 1865 a new mission house was built. Other mission buildings included a large hostel to accommodate visiting Peoples, a courthouse, jail, a school house, and a town hall, and various buildings to house the burgeoning industries. 3 Convinced that interaction with Europeans would lead to the People's downfall, Duncan sought to establish employment opportunities within the community. I feel also that it is of vast importance to seek out profitable employment for those with me & thus keep them away from those labour markets which exhibit temptations too strong & too fascinating for the Indian in his present morally infantile condition to withstand. 4 Right from the beginning, the People continued their involvement with trade. 5 And the combination of the People's and Duncan's mercantile skills proved formidable. The purchasing of the schooner, Carolina, and the opening of a store in Metlakatla freed them from the monopoly imposed by the HBC's Fort Simpson. Furs were taken directly to Victoria where they were sold at higher prices than were offered in Fort Simpson, and goods 3 Usher 1974, 69. 4 Duncan to Douglas (draft), Duncan journal, 26 March 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. Similar statements were reiterated frequently throughout the history of Metlakatla. See for example Duncan to Young (draft), Duncan journal, 26 March 1863; Duncan journal, 5 August 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to CMS, 23 January 1864, 25 July 1865, 7 September 1869, CMS Papers, 31; Duncan to Powell, 13 August 1881, DIA Annual Report 1882, 146. 5 See for example, Duncan journal, 10 July 1862, 13 January, 16 April, 13, 14 and 19 May, 6 and 24 June, 12 August, 13 and 16 November 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  82  The Metlakatla Mission  brought back from Victoria to stock the store were sold at lower prices than available at Fort Simpson, thus attracting business from surrounding Peoples, and threatening the economic base of the HBC. Profits from the trade did much to make the mission self-supporting. 6 Over the years a number of industries were undertaken in the community including the manufacturing of soap and wooden clogs, a sawmill, barrel making, weaving, manufacturing furniture, window sashes and doors, a blacksmith shop, a brick factory, and a salmon cannery.? These enterprises produced goods for the local consumption, promoted industry so valued by Duncan and other Victorians, kept the People away from other labour markets, and some were even economically viable for a while. Governance was carried out by village council, which consisted of both Chiefs and elected councillors. Laws established by the council were enforced by constables and Duncan, who was appointed justice of peace by the colonial Government. Not only did the constables work within the community, but they also actively pursued liquor traders who plagued the Coast. In 1865 the People were organized into companies headed by constables who were responsible for both monitoring the conduct of the People and promoting their "improvement and industry." By the 1870's there were ten companies of men, each of which included two constables and two councillors; women's companies were headed by a 'responsible woman'. By the 1880's, the 6 Usher 1974, 67. For its impact on the HBC, see Hamilton Moffat to Board of Management, HBC 26 October & 31 December 1863, 15 July 1864, Fort Simpson, Correspondence Outward. 7 Murray 1985, 78, 132, 133, 137 & 149; Usher 1974, 68-74.  83  The Metlakatla Mission companies were reorganized to include a Chief, two native teachers, three councillors, two musicians, ten firemen and their captain. 8 While the entire Metlakatla experience was an educational experiment, the school played a major role in the acculturation of the People. This chapter explores the education available to the People through evening classes, day school, boarding schools and industrial training, and informally in the community. It also discusses the reasons for government support of schooling at Metlakatla, and the People's varying responses to educational initiatives.  EDUCATION IN METLAKATLA  Duncan's Attitude Towards Education Duncan's attitude towards education was ambiguous. Like many other working class Victorians, Duncan broadened his knowledge through selfeducation. 9 A entry from Duncan's notebook dated 1851 states: With the exception of a good conscience nothing is so valuable as a good stock of information. 10 However while studying at Highbury, Duncan became concerned about the impact of intellectual stimulation on his own spiritual development.  8 Usher 1974, 78-83. 9 Layton, 1973, 27. 10 Ideas extracted from a book entitled "The Young man's own Book", Duncan Papers, C2157.  84  The Metlakatla Mission My accumulation of knowledge I find does not help but rather impedes my spiritual growth. My soul gets entangled and I find it difficult to get free. All knowledge without God is vanity. 11 The place of secular knowledge became problematic for Duncan. He felt that secular knowledge alone was inappropriate for the People, and that educating "heathens" would "result in much evil." 12 In fact, Duncan stated that one of the purposes behind the establishment of Metlakatla was to gather: a community around us whose moral and religious training and bent of life might render it safe and proper to impart secular instruction. 13 But the quality of secular instruction available in Metlakatla was limited. Bishop William Ridley, who moved to Metlakatla in 1879, was highly critical of Duncan's educational initiatives. The best taught Indian on the coast could not pass the first standard of an English Elementary School. Even of David Leask the teacher this is true. The English he speaks he learnt at home. You know of course he is a half breed. He doesn't know a noun from a verb - History & Geography are as occult to him as Astronomy.... I am afraid to say what the schooling really is for you will think me jaundiced. 14 Such a statement may be a reflection of the extremely antagonistic relationship which developed between Ridley and Duncan. Alternately, it may be a reflection of a change in Duncan's attitude towards education for the People which became increasingly negative over time. According to Ridley, 11 Duncan journal, 21 March 1855, Duncan Papers, C-2154. 12 Usher 1974, 75. 13 Duncan to David Laird, 21 May 1875, Department of Indian Affairs Black Series (here after referred to as DIA BS),vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1. Emphasis added. 14 Bishop of Caledonia to Wright, 28 February 1880, CMS Papers, 32.  85  The Metlakatla Mission When I have urged the education of the people he [Duncan] has always met me with the answer, "knowledge is not good for Indians." His fixed policy of late years has been to keep them in ignorance. Formerly it was not so. 15 Three years after he left Metlakatla, Duncan's notebook contained the following passage: 2 kinds of wisdom - worldly & heavenly[.] Right kind - Joseph Moses Daniel [-] Where from? Not school books, but the Lord. 16 Initially school was taught in both English and Tsimshian. Over time, however, Duncan increasingly relied on Tsimshian as the language of instruction. The increased use of Tsimshian in school seems to have been accompanied by a decrease in the quality of education. By the time Duncan and his supporters left Metlakatla B.C. for Alaska, all instruction was in Tsimshian. 17 After the move to Alaska, the People openly challenged Duncan's restrictive educational policies. 18  Duncan's Attitude Towards the People Not only did Duncan have serious reservations about the appropriateness of education for the People, he also held highly ethnocentric and negative views of the People which existed despite many years of close contact. In 1865 Duncan complied a list of "Things to Be Remembered in Discoursing to the Indians", which portrayed the people as superstitious, proud, untrustworthy, lazy, impatient, excitable and thankless. 19 In 1875, 15 Ridley 1882, 9-10. 16 Mission Papers - Sermons & Addresses, Notebooks, 31 December 1890, Duncan Papers, C -2160. 17 Jarboe 1983, 124. 18 For a discussion of this see Jarboe 1983, 141-162. 19 Notes & Memoranda, 1865, Duncan Papers, C-2159; Usher, 1974, 138.  86  The Metlakatla Mission he stated that the People were "ignorant, indolent and improvident." 20 As Headrick points out, the "perceptions Europeans had of the culture of their colonial subjects certainly influenced the kind of education they offered." 21 Given this, it is not surprizing that the education offered in Metlakatla was of a very basic kind, equivalent to two years of elementary schooling. 22  Aboriginal and Other Missionary Teachers  At times, various members of the community including Samuel Marsden, Odele Quintall, Sarah Legaic, and David Leask assisted in teaching. 23 But Duncan was reluctant to hand over too much responsibility to Aboriginal teachers because he felt: they lack the endurance & stability to make permanent teachers. Their energies flag if kept long at one thing. They are so used to roving about & changing their place & work that there is not one yet (that is of the adults) to whom I hope to continue a steady colleague." 24 Because of Duncan's increasing involvement in a wide range of spiritual and secular affairs, schooling often suffered. In an attempt to alleviate this problem Duncan instituted a monitorial system in which advanced students were taught in the afternoon, and they taught others in the morning. 25 20 Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875, DIA BS vol. 3605, file 2959, pt 1. 21 Headrick 1988,306. 22 Jarboe 1983, 121-122. 23 See for example Duncan to CMS, 3 February 1873; Schutt to CMS, 10 February 1877, 4  March 1878, CMS Papers, 32.  24 Duncan to CMS, 3 February 1873, CMS Papers, 32. 25 Duncan journal, 11 November 1867, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Usher 1974, 75.  87  The Metlakatla Mission Duncan made frequent requests to the CMS for assistance. This branch of work [school] requires daily five hours - steady attention, and a whole heart, to ensure progress; but my having to oversee so much other work - be ever ready to obey the calls of the sick, and, besides, avail myself, whenever opportunity occurs, of conversing with or attending to Indian strangers, who may be passing us, or paying us a visit, render it impossible for me alone thus efficiently to manage it. 26 The CMS sent out a number of missionaries to assist Duncan, but few remained for long. R.A. Doolan assisted Duncan from 1864 to 1866, and left to establish a mission a Kincolith. Neither Mr. and Mrs. Gribble, who went to Metlakatla in 1865, nor Mr. and Mrs. Owen, who went to Metlakatla in 1867, stayed for over six weeks. Robert Cunningham worked at Metlakatla for almost a year in 1867, but was dismissed for having an affair with one of the Tsimshian women. 27 William Henry and Marion Collison joined Duncan in Metlakatla in November of 1873. Initially Collison assisted in the school house, teaching students in English, while Duncan taught religion, geography and singing lessons in Tsimshian, but eventually Mr. and Mrs. Collison took charge of the schooling. 28 The Collisons stayed until October of 1876 when Henry and Elizabet Schutt arrived in Metlakatla. Mr. Schutt, assisted by Sarah Leegaic, taught in the day schoo1. 29 As the demand for schooling increased, a separate infant class began, and was  26 Duncan to CMS, 4 December 1871, CMS Papers, 6. 27 Usher 1974, 94-95. 28 Duncan to CMS, 29 January 1874, 7 March 1876; Collison to CMS, 29 February 1876,  CMS Papers, 32.  29 Schutt to CMS, 10 February 1877, CMS Papers, 32.  88  The Metlakatla Mission taught in the market house. Mrs. Schutt taught the women.  30  For a brief  time, Andrew Hall, another CMS missionary assisted in an infant and night schoo1. 31 After the Schutts left in July of 1878, Duncan seemed relieved to be in control of the school. I am glad to have the school again under my care - for the children have suffered on account of Mr. Schutt not speaking the native tongue. 32 Duncan dismissed the Aboriginal teachers, and closed down the infant classes. 33 However, Duncan's control of the school did not last long. He became ill and spent from August 1878 to mid October 1879 recuperating in Victoria. Mr. Collison took over his work while he was gone. 34 It seems that after this, Duncan relied upon Aboriginal teachers. In 1880 David Leask taught school, and in 1881, Sarah Leegaic taught.  35  Duncan hired a Mr. Chantrell to teach, but he was quickly replaced by David Leask when Chantrell began teaching for the CMS rival school in Metlakatla. 36  30 Schutt to CMS 4 March 1978, CMS Papers, 32. 31 Hall to CMS, 6 March 1878, CMS Papers, 32. 32 Duncan to CMS, 30 Sept 1878, CMS Papers, 32. 33 Duncan to CMS, 7 March 1879, CMS Papers, 32. 34 Duncan to Hutchinson, 17 October 1879, CMS Papers, 32. DIA Annual Report 1880 (302303) lists Duncan as the teacher, but this could not be if he spent the year in Victoria, as stated to his letter to Hutchinson. 35 DIA Annual Report 1881, 310-311; 1882, 216-217. 36 DIA Annual Report 1884, 182-183. Chantrell was dismissed from the CMS in April of 1883 because of immorality charges. See Bishop of Caledonia to CMS, 2 April 1883, CMS Papers, 47.  89  The Metlakatla Mission The School The relocation to Metlakatla necessarily resulted in the interruption in schooling. Moving belongings, re-establishing residences, and undertaking new building projects took precedence over education, and classes did not begin until early in 1863. 37 Initially, classes were held in a log building which served as both school house and church. It was "a long, low blockhouse, constructed of logs, and but poorly lighted." 38 The school room was said to be hung round with maps, illustrations,... and has quite an academical appearance, containing globes, electric machines,... while outside is a series of gymnastic appliances, swings, bars,.... 3 ° Apparently, the school was well equipped. In 1875, a new school house was completed, and it was said to be well suited for its purpose, being clean, spacious and orderly. 40  Adult Classes Initially the men and women of the community attended classes together in the evening. Topics addressed during these first classes included geography, astronomy, natural history and morals. 41 These subjects provided Duncan with the opportunity to illustrate and reinforce religious teachings: 37 Duncan journal, 20 February 1863, Duncan to Douglas (sketch), March 6, 1863, Duncan  Papers, C-2155.  38 Collison 1981, 23. 39 Colonist 4 July 1867, 2.  40 Church Missionary Intelligencer 1881, 51-52. 41 Duncan to Douglas (sketch), 6 March 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  90  The Metlakatla Mission I gave them a Lecture on Geography - Peru & endeavoured solemnly to impress them with the startling conviction of many that our Earth is liquid fire - crusted over & [hence] how easy for God to cmisum[e] all things. They seemed much impressed.'1 ' Duncan's journals contain frequent references to other instances where science instruction was used to carry religious messages. A lecture on Brazil and Peru provided Duncan with the opportunity to speak about "the perfection of God's work" as manifest by the birds and animals found there. Humans, on the other hand, were said to "follow folly - madness & sin & rush to misery" and therefore needed to "take lessons from the inferior creatures." 43 Duncan used a lecture on constellations "to lead them [the People] to humble thought[s] of themselves & to Magnify God". 44 On another occasion, after lecturing on eclipses, tides and comets, Duncan again: alluded to the Magnitude of the Universe & the insignificance of Our earth compared to it. [R]eminded them that the Great,. Maker of All is Father or Christ. How dreadful His Anger. 4 ° In November of 1866, eclipses were again discussed at night school. Duncan's journal illustrates how that subject was used to promote his notion of appropriate behavior. Lecture - Geography - Eclipses - Worlds go in the way God appointed - but man wont[.] If they were to deviate - the Universe would be ruined - man's devious ways must lead him [to] ruin." Over time, the focus in adult evening classes shifted to a greater 42 Duncan journal, 31 January 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 43 Duncan journal, 2 February 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 44 Duncan journal, 3 February 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 45 Duncan journal, 11 February 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 46 Duncan journal, 13 November 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  91  The Metlakatla Mission emphasis on reading and composition with a religious emphasis, and bible and gospel history. However science was not abandoned, and at least once a week students were given instruction in either geography, physical sciences or astronomy. (See Appendix B.) As mentioned previously, William and Marion Collison worked with Duncan in Metlakatla from 1873 to 1876. The additional help facilitated changes in both student grouping and curriculum content which reflected European gender constructions. Older girls and women were taught in the afternoon, while older boys and men were instructed in the evening. Geography was taught only to the male students. For female students, the curriculum expanded to include domestic education, and the women were taught how to sew and knit, to card and spin wool, and to weave on hand looms. 47 This system was maintained by Henry and Elizabet Schutt who worked in Metlakatla from 1876 to 1878.  47 Collison to CMS, 11 November 1873; Duncan to CMS, 29 January 1874, CMS Papers, 32;  Duncan to Powell, 5 February 187_, Letterbook 1, Duncan Papers, C-2149; DIA Annual Report 1876, 86-87; DIA Annual Report 1882, xliii, 146.  92  The Metlakatla Mission  Women spinning woo1. 48  48 Women spinning wool. British Columbia Archives and Records Servic. Catalogue no. 33590. Negative no. B-3573.  93  The Metlakatla Mission Day School As in Fort Simpson, religious instruction was of primary importance in the children's day school. Students were also taught reading, writing, arithmetic, and singing. For a time, geography lessons were given twice a week. 49 (See Appendix C.) It is likely that, as in adult classes, Duncan used the subject material as an opportunity to impart religious and moral teachings. Among the material and supplies ordered for school use were 200 copies of the Irish School Books (100 of the 2nd Book and 100 of the 5th Book). 50 Duncan's choice of these texts is significant. Not only were these books "astonishingly cheap", but also, compared to other readers of this era, they included a large amount of secular information. The Second Book of Lessons included passages on "world geography, natural products and the zoology of birds and animals." The Fifth Book of Lessons is said to have been "highly scientific" in content, and contained information on astronomy, chemistry, electricity, geography, geology, hydrostatics, optics, vegetable and animal physiology, and pneumatics. 51 It is not known whether Duncan selected these readers in a conscious attempt to eradicate traditional understandings of the natural world. However, faith in texts as the authoritative truth is said to have been  49 DIA Annual Reports (1876,186-87; 1883, 182-183) indicate that Geography was a school subject in Metlakatla in 1876 when Collison was teaching, and again in 1883 when David Leask was teaching. Reports for other years indicate that it was not a school subject. 50 Duncan to CMS (copy), 25 July 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 51 Layton 1973, 41.  94  The Metlakatla Mission characteristic of teachers of the 19th century. 52 This belief in the authority of print was shared by Duncan, and he attempted to pass it on to the People. He told them of: the advantage we had in being able to gather instruction from books over those dependent on the ear alone.... I then spoke of the progress that God was permitting man to make in knowledge and expressed my hope that the Tsimshieans would soon be able to step up with others in the enjoyment of this blessing. 53 By challenging the validity of oral tradition and promoting the authority of print, Duncan was endorsing an unquestioning belief in texts which was characteristic of educators throughout Canada at this time This may have served to undermine the People's beliefs in their own intellectual traditions, and promoted European beliefs as expressed in the texts. Because the mission was directed at self-support, economic ideology was important, and there was a need to inculcate work related norms of industriousness, perseverance, thrift and obedience. Such values were taught directly in class where Duncan made use of noted heroes of self-help literature, like engineer George Stevenson, to instill values such as perseverance. 54 Furthermore, as Apple points out, students' day to day experiences in school are important in socializing them for their future roles as workers.  55  Duncan exercised a great deal of control over schooling, as he selected the curriculum content, established the time table, rules and routines, and 52 Berg and MacKeracher, 1985, 64. 53 Cited in Usher 1974, 75. 54 Duncan journal, 22 Dec. 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Usher 1974, 76. 55 Apple 1990, 43-60.  95  The Metlakatla Mission  administered discipline. In 1909 Duncan told a teacher in New Metlakatla, Alaska that the: literary part of their education would be of no use to them at all. They won't be able to read even a newspaper. What they must learn in school is order, punctuality and obedience. They will pick up reading and writing_ later. Anyone can learn to write. Look at Abraham Lincoln. 56 Nor was his authority limited to the classroom. Duncan attempted to extend his authority to all areas of religious and secular life in the community. In discussing early missionary educators on the Northwest coast, Phillip Drucker states that: the submissive pattern of the pupil-to-teacher relationship was established toward the same individual, the missionary or his successor, who as the leader of the congregation wished to stand in an analogous position of dominance in the church and in the daily lives of the people. 57 The control, discipline, obedience, and rigid routines maintained by Duncan within the classroom were likely intended to prepare the students for their future subservient roles as both mission community members and as workers.  Boarding School Despite the disapproval of Reverend Cridge, Governor Douglas and Bishop Hills, all of whom felt it improper for a single man to be in charge of females, Duncan began a boarding school for a number of the young women in the community. 58 Duncan felt that this step was "absolutely necessary" to 56 Cited in Jarboe 1983, 119. 57 Drucker 1958, 142. 58 Duncan journal, 17 July 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155. This would result in scandalous  96  The Metlakatla Mission save the People from ruin and to facilitate their moral and social improvement. He was particularly concerned about protecting the young women from corruption by White traders, such as the men aboard the HBC Labouchere. Those men - about 25 or 30 in number look out in their arrival at F.S. [Fort Simpson] for any little girl uncontaminated which they can find & when found they set about the work of seducing her.... The officers permit & even defend it & some of them even have their wives on board witnessing it. 59 Having appointed himself guardian of the young women's virtue, Duncan undertook the specialized training of select females. In May of 1863, six young women became the first mission house boarders. Initially these women returned to homes in the community to sleep, but in May of 1865 the new mission residence was completed, and the boarders lived there with Duncan. 60 By July of 1866, fifteen young women were living at the mission house. 61 And by 1872, some thirty women had been trained in the mission house. 62 Duncan felt inadequate for the work however, and he requested that the CMS send out a married missionary, as Metlakatla was "gasping for the skillful hands of some devoted female" who was: rumors and accusations. See Ridley 1882 and Murray, 1985, 152, 156-158.  59 Duncan journal, 2 May 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 60 Duncan journal, 27 May 1865, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 61 Duncan journal, 7 July 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 62 Miscellaneous, Entry Book, 1912-1915, Duncan Papers, C-2157. Among the boarders  were: Odele Quintal, Sarah Leegaic, Catherine Marsden, Eliza Campbell, Maria Booth, Margaret Tait, Louisa Livingston, Louisa Calvert, Fanny Auckland, Mary Jackson, Sophia Campbell, Susan Reece, Kate Faber, Elizabeth Ryan, Alice Hudson, Ester Livingston, Rebecca Wilson, Rachel Simpson, Wahteeboo (?), Edith Milne, Emma Guthrie, Jane Stanley, Mahtilda Burton, Charlotte Campbell, Alice Mather, Agnes Tait, Isabella Davis, Mary Ann (no last name), Joanna Marsden, and Emma Verney.  97  The Metlakatla Mission sound in body & heart - not soon sick - terrified or tired. She should be willing to take charge of a few female children & hence with stress I say she should be a perfect mistress over all domestic affairs as she would be looked upon as the Model Mother of this little colony. 63 Initially the women sent out by the CMS did not measure up to Duncan's idealized notion of the "Model Mother." While still in Fort Simpson, the CMS sent out Reverend and Mrs. Tugwell to assist Duncan. Duncan was not impressed with Mrs. Tugwell's domestic skills and later remarked: What do you think of that? The C.M.S. had sent more than five thousand miles, some one to help me teach the Indians Christian home-life, and here I was obliged to make bread for her myself. 64 Nor was Duncan impressed with the domestic skills of Mrs. Gribble who, as mentioned previously, resided briefly in Metlakatla. Duncan was sure that the "boarders are not likely to learn much by Mrs. G's [Gribble's] coming" as she could neither prepare and stuff a goose nor bake bread.  65  Because Duncan was planning a trip to England, he dismissed the boarders in October of 1869. 66 In March of 1872, after returning from England, twelve boys were installed in the mission house. Brief references to the boys indicate that they were given some religious instruction, but they failed to meet Duncan's expectations of efficiency and cleanliness. 67 On the 13th of February 1873, Duncan informed the CMS that he had given up his work with the boys because he "found it simply impossible to do ... [his] duty 63 Duncan to CMS, 23 January 1864, CMS Papers, 31. Emphasis in original. 64 Arctander, cited in Collison 1981,16, n. 17. 65 Duncan journal, 10 September 1855, Duncan papers, C-2155. 66 Duncan journal, 19 October 1869, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 67 Duncan journal, 10 March 1872, 12 and 14 April 1873, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  98  The Metlakatla Mission to the class & carry on any other work efficiently." 68 Eventually, the young women returned as boarders. Duncan was pleased with Elizabet Schutt, who arrived with her husband and children in 1876, and took over the training of the boarders. 69 Mrs. Schutt I cannot speak too highly of. She is not a strong woman but to the utmost of her strength she certainly does exert herself in well doing & will eventually prove (if her health continues) when she becomes acquainted with the language a very useful person." Duncan was not so pleased with Mr. Schutt, however, and by the middle of July 1878, the Schutts had left to work at Kincolith. 71 The boarders became the most regular scholars at Metlakatla. 72 In addition to attending children's day school and classes held for adult women, they continued their religious education at the mission house. 73 To prepare them for their roles as christian wives and mothers, domestic education also formed a part of their teachings. According to the Reverend Mr. Cridge: various departments of household work are allotted to them according to a well digested programme, which they carry out, not as menials, but as pupils of industry in training for their future position as wives & mothers. 74 Margaret Schutt remembers that her mother Elizabet instructed the boarders in religion and domestic sciences.  68 Duncan to CMS, 3 February 1873, Letterbook, Duncan Papers, C-2148. 69 Schutt to CMS, 20 October 1876, CMS Papers, 32; Schutt to Superintendent of Indian  Affairs, 20 March 1878, DIA BS, vol. 3645, file 7915, pt. 0. 70 Duncan to CMS, 7 March 1878, CMS Papers, 32. Emphasis in original. 71 Duncan to CMS, 30 September 1878, CMS Papers, 32. 72 Duncan to CMS, 10 July 1866, CMS Papers, 31. 73 Duncan journal, 14 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 74 Cridge to Venn, 27 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31.  99  The Metlakatla Mission The girls did the housework, taking turns, two each week, in the various phases of the home, run very smoothly and well, under my mother's immaculate housekeeping methods. 75 In addition to learning cooking and housework, these young women also worked in the garden, collected herring spawn and berries, fished, and washed and salted oolechans. As the curio market was a potential income source, an elderly Tsimshian woman taught the boarders how to weave Tsimshian hats from cedar bark. 76 The boarders were dismissed in August of 1878, shortly after the Schutts left Metlakatla. 77  Industrial Training Like CMS missionaries working elsewhere, Duncan believed that an academic education was inappropriate in a civilizing mission context. The solution was to incorporate manual training. I often sigh when I think how much money is spent by the Government upon Indian Affairs. Even their Grants in aid of education among the Indians, unless in combination, industrial occupations are introduced & fostered among them, cannot in my opinion be expected to result in any permanent good. 78 In October of 1872, Duncan decided that the older boys should no longer attend day school. Determined not to have big boys at school in day time - only little boys & girls of any size[.] Let big boys earn their bread in day light & come to school at night will be my rule. 79 75 Margaret Elizabet Schutt Papers (here after referred to as Schutt Papers). 76 Duncan journal, 25 November 1863, 11 May, 10 June 1865, 14 March, 25 December 1867, 2 April, 12 and 29 August 1869, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 77 Duncan journal 7 August 1878, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to Collison, 16 August 1878, Duncan Papers, C-2149. 78 Duncan to Littleton, 24 September 1877, Duncan Papers, C-2149. 79 Duncan journal, 2 October 1872, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  100  The Metlakatla Mission This appears to be the beginning of the "industrial school" that Metlakatla became renowned for. Once the boys reached the age of fourteen they were banned from the day school and taught industrial skills and some farming by Duncan and a series of resident European instructors. As technical training necessitates a 'hands-on' approach to education, and the industrial education consisted of the 'on-the-job training' connected to the various industrial activities carried on in the community." The water powered sawmill provided a training ground for sawyers, mechanics and sawmill workers. At carpentry shop the People learned to make ornamental posts, grillwork, and furniture with tredle-powered lathes and drills. The barrels made at the cooperage provided containers for food preservation and for exporting fish. Those who worked in the blacksmith shop produced band hoops for the barrels and hardware for house construction. Glass window panes were made in the glazier shop. Workers at the kiln shop produced bricks and flues. The People learned carding, hand spinning and weaving on hand operated looms in the weaving shop. The People also learned the arts of dying, tailoring, tanning hides and candle and soap makings In 1881-82, a salmon cannery was built. The People were successful in acquiring the technical skills necessary for operating these various industries. 81 80 DIA Annual Report 1876, 87; 1877, 167; 1878, 225; 1879, 303; 1880, 311; "The GovernorGeneral's visit to British Columbia," The Mail, Toronto, 19 September 1876, CMS Papers, 32; Knight 1978, 54; Jarboe 1983, 52. 81 Knight 1978, 54-55; Murray 1985, 78, 132, 133, 137, 149; Usher 1974, 68-74. For a description of cannery work carried out on the Coast at this time, see Knight 1978, 87 88.  101  The Metlakatla Mission As Knight points out, these industries were not just an extension of traditional activities. They involved radically different skills and knowledge, tools and equipment, and work patterns. Salmon canneries were the most industrialized enterprises on the Coast, and here men, women and children worked on an assembly line basis. Observers were impressed by the People's abilities. The cannery is a sight worth seeing. Men, women and children, clad in the cleanest cotton clothing and aprons, going about their work in a quiet, business-like way;... all showing admirable training and management, and a great contrast to many other places where a different class of laborers is employed. 82 Usher states that "the very success of the Metlakatla industries was a spur to their extension." 83 However, the success of these undertakings is questionable. Soap making was said to be a failure because oolechan grease proved unsuitable, and the People would not buy the woven shawls and blankets. The wooden barrels built at the cooperage leaked. Finding a market for the smoked and salted oolechan proved problematic, and the salmon cannery was plagued by poor markets. Most importantly, as the cost of mass produced imported goods decreased, the cottage industries became economically unviable, and by 1887 most of the cottage industries were abandoned or in decline. 84 Perhaps this is why Bishop Ridley commented that "[nio industry has been taught in the so called industrial school." 85 Despite their economic unviability, these industries were an important 82 The Church and the Indians, 6. 83 Usher 1974, 66. 84 Collison 1981, 32; Murray 1984, 132; Usher 1974, 73-74; Knight 1978, 55. 85 Ridley 1882, 9.  102  The Metlakatla Mission part of the civilizing mission. The shops produced the materials for building this neo-Victorian community. The soap factory ensured the People could meet European standards of hygiene, and various industries facilitated the adoption of European style dress. Local industries limited the People's interaction with other labour markets. Operation of these pursuits necessitated the "industriousness" so valued by Victorians and promoted by the CMS. Duncan's decision to make the older boys earn livings rather than attend day school was, as Usher points out, a very real example of how the work ethic was taught at Metlakatla. 86  Science Education in the Community  The religious ends to which science and technology were put inside the school were reflected in Duncan's work within the community. By embracing christianity the People had opened themselves to much criticism from those who remained committed to traditional ways. Using analogies to nature, Duncan was able not only to acknowledge the difficulty encountered by the new converts, but also to supply exemplars of the ultimate benefits of christianity. Upon hearing of the criticism directed towards the People by their "heathen brethren", Duncan dismissed such remarks as "the barking of the dogs." He then turned to nature to illustrate the benefits of conversion.  86 Usher 1974, 76.  103  The Metlakatla Mission Difficult to climb but not to run & fall down[.] Even water weak as it is can be noisy & fall but it cannot ascend[.] Trees - grow silently - gather strength & proceed heavenwards. 87 This analogy carried a clear message. The 'heathen' were likened to water which was seen to be noisy but weak, while the converts were seen to be quiet but strong, and destined to rise to heaven. At a community feast, Shkahclah complained that he had been ridiculed by his relations in Fort Simpson. In reply, Duncan gave those assembled an account of the opposition all good & wise people met with from their foolish & wicked neighbors at all times[s]. I illustrated by referan[ce] to the opposition steam ships Railways & other improvements met with on first coming before the world. 88 The notion of progress, central to Victorian thought, and epitomized by technical advancements, was extended to religion. Just as advancements in technology were inevitable, so too was religious progress. Not only was the progress of religion as inevitable as the progress of technology, but in Duncan's mind, life without christianity was little better than death. Duncan illustrated this point by telling the People that being without God "is like the earth without the Sun - cold & dead." 89 Once again, Western science served religious ends. Having banned many traditional activities, Duncan set about initiating recreational activities more compatible with the christian civilized lifestyle he envisioned. He introduced English games, had a play ground 87 Duncan journal, 20 December 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155. Emphasis in original. 88 Duncan journal, 21 January 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 89 Duncan journal, 16 April 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  104  The Metlakatla Mission  built, began a choir and a brass band, and encouraged feasting in conjunction with Western holidays such as Christmas, New Year, and the Queen's birthday." For Victorians, the recreational study of science was seen as a morally acceptable pastime as it was associated with spiritual and intellectual benefits, was emotionally satisfying, and was thought to foster industriousness. 91 It is not surprising that science and technology found a place in the leisure activities in Metlakatla. Duncan gave monthly lectures in the community where young men were instructed in "carpentry and mechanical arts by [Duncan's] interpreting the instructions in technical books and magazines." Women and older girls were lectured on housework, home making, and cooking. Children were lectured on morals and proper behavior. 92 As part of the Christmas activities for 1866, guests were invited to dine with Duncan, where they were entertained "with a microscope and some stereoscopic views." 93 During the Christmas season of 1877, the Bishop of Athabasca joined Duncan and twenty-five school girls for tea. Afterwards they were "entertained by Mr. Duncan with the exhibition of a Galvanic battery and other amusements." 94 In early January in 1878:  90 Usher 1974, 84-85; Duncan, Customs & History, Duncan Papers, C-2158. 91 Berger 1983, 46-50. 92 William Duncan & Metlakatla Alaska from the Diary and Notes of Matilda Atkinson Minthorn, 1945, Duncan Papers, C-2158. 93 Doolan journal, 25 December 1866, CMS Papers, 31. 94 Bishop of Athabasca, Christmas at Metlakatla in Bishop of Athabasca to CMS, 6 March 1878, CMS Papers, 32.  105  The Metlakatla Mission  Thursday & Friday evenings were devoted to the exhibition in the school room to the women & then to the men of a large Magic Lantern with oxygen light and microscope showing living insects and sea water animalcules as well as various slides. 95 For recreation, the People could also spend their time in the mission house reading room. Here, values such as perseverance, the work ethic, time discipline, thrift and orderliness could be cultivated through the availability of success literature by Samuel Smiles and others. In Smiles's work eminent engineers, industrialists and scientists were held out as role models of selfhelp which the Tsimshian could aspire to. Through such works, readers were led to believe that improved social conditions were a result of personal improvement, and readers were exhorted to improve themselves rather than looking to society to change. 96  Summary Obviously, the education available at Metlakatla was designed to meet Duncan's dual goals of christianization and civilization. The scientific instruction given at adult evening classes was used to impart religious and moral teachings, and it is likely that science education was used in a similar manner at the day school. The promotion of literacy over orality, combined with the use of readers high in scientific content, may have been intended to undermine the People's belief in their traditional understandings. 95 Bishop of Athabasca, Christmas at Metlakatla in Bishop of Athabasca to CMS, 6 March  1878, CMS Papers, 32.  96 Usher 1974 5-6, 145, n. 22. Usher points out that Smile's work, which was published in  1859, was available in multiple copies in the Metlakatla Alaska public library, as were many other books of this same genre. For a list of those publications see A Catalogue of All the Books in the Public Library of Metlakatla, Alaska, 1 July 1906 (Duncan Papers, C2156).  106  The Metlakatla Mission The technical training that the older boys and men received served the needs of the civilizing mission by providing the materials and skills needed to facilitate the physical development of the mission, by providing the People with employment at home so that they would not be drawn away to other labour markets, and by providing the People with work so that they could be industrious. The technical education available to women and the boarders (sewing, knitting, and weaving) gave them the necessary skills to adopt European dress, while simultaneously providing them with work so that they too could be industrious. The domestic training the young women received in the boarding house prepared them for their future roles as mothers in Christian, civilized homes. Outside the school room, science and technology were used to illustrate the benefits of christianity over 'heathenism', to encourage the converts to maintain their religious beliefs in the face of ridicule, and to show the inevitable progress of christianity. Science was also used as a morally acceptable alternative to the traditional activities banned in Metlakatla. Clearly Duncan used science and technological education for the same purposes that other subject areas were used, that is in an attempt to create a population of christianized and civilized People. It is no wonder that Duncan's educational initiatives were heartily endorsed by the Colonial and Dominion Governments.  GOVERNMENT SUPPORT Missions such as Metlakatla, where the People of the Colonies could  107  The Metlakatla Mission become civilized christians, were promoted by the British Government. In a letter to Governor Douglas in 1858, Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, Colonial Secretary stated, that it is the earnest desire of Her Majesty's Government that your early attention should be given to the best means of diffusing the blessings of the Christian Religion and civilization among the natives. 97 Lytton also promoted the relocation of the People: permanently in villages; with such settlement civilization at once begins. Law and Religion would become naturally introduced amongst the red men, and contribute to their own security against the aggressions of immigrants. 98 Governor James Douglas's support for the establishment of such villages was unequivocal: I conceive the proposed plan to be at once feasible, and also the only plan which promises to result in the moral elevation of the native Indian races, in rescuing them from degradation, and protecting them from oppression and rapid decay. It will, at the same time, have the effect of saving the colony from the numberless evils which naturally follow in the train of every course of national injustice, and from having the native Indian tribes arrayed in vindictive warfare against the white settlements... Provided we succeed in devising means of rendering the Indian as comfortable and independent in regard to physical wants in his improved condition, as he was when a wandering denizen of the forest, there can be little doubt of the ultimate success of the experiment... Anticipatory reserves of land for the benefit and support of the Indian races will be made for that purpose in all the districts of British Columbia inhabited by native tribes. 99 In Douglas's view, the establishiltent of civilizing missions would not only provide spiritual and temporal benefits to the People; it would also 97 Cited in Tennant 1990, 27. 98 Cited in Tennant 1990, 27. 99 Cited in Tennant 1990, 28.  108  The Metlakatla Mission  facilitate the peaceful colonization of the country. The Colonial Government's support for "the work of moral and social improvement amongst the Indians on the North West Coast of British Columbia" at Metlakatla was made obvious in 1863 through two grants: one for fifty pounds which was spent on window sashes and doors, 100 and the other for two hundred pounds which was used to purchase window sashes, nails and seed, uniforms for Chiefs and constables, a schooner, and to establish soap and clog making. 101 In 1864, at Duncan's request, Douglas reserved two acres of land at Mission Point for the use of the CMS, and established a reserve for the People around Mission Point. After British Columbia joined Canada in 1871, the administrations of the People and their lands became a Federal responsibility. In the minds of the Federal Government, education was "the primary principle in the civilization and advancement of the Indian Race - without it but little progress in that direction may be expected. " 102 Department of Indian Affairs officials were impressed with the educational initiatives undertaken at Metlakatla. I. W. Powell, Indian Superintendent for British Columbia, is said to have stated:  100 Duncan to Douglas (Copy), 6 March 1863, CMS Papers, 31. 101 Colonial Secretary to Duncan, 2 July 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 102 DIA Annual Report 1876, 6.  109  The Metlakatla Mission  that the systematic education at Mitlakathla [sic] has been attended with results both satisfactory and surprising. He [Powell] says they possess wonderful mechanical genius, and remarks that guns are stocked, mainsprings forged, and household furniture is manufactured by them with facility and elegance. By Superintendent Powell, the establishment of industrial schools is advocated, as a means of developing the natural gifts of those people. 103 The Department of Indian Affairs frequently heralded Metlakatla as an example of "the beneficial effects of Christian teaching." 104 Superintendent Powell shared the Victorian's belief in the values of industry, and advocated that the Metlakatla school, and other industrial schools, be given financial support: As industrial pursuits, however, are the foundation of civilization in every Christian and progressive community, the mission which has the necessary arrangements, zeal and ability, to inculcate and foster them in connection with the day school, will be successful in every respect, and certainly most deserving of much consideration and substantial assistance from the Government. 105 Following the passing of a 1874 Order in Council, the Federal Government supplied financial assistance for schooling at Metlakatla. This support continued until after Duncan separated from the CMS, and the Government became concerned about missionary support for land claims and self-government. 106 However, the DIA's support for schooling at Metlakatla was based on more than a desire to have the People adopt a civilized 103 DIA Annual Report 1873, 9.  104 DIA Annual Report, 1876, 33. For other examples of DIA's endorsement of the Metlakatla school and Duncan's secular strategies see DIA Annual Report 1877, 7; 1878, 69; 1880, 8; 1881, 144-145. 105 DIA Annual Report, 1877, 49. 106 DIA Annual Report, 1875, 48, 82; 1876, 34, 86, 87; 1877, 49, 166, 167; 1878, 70, 169, 224, 225; 1879, 241,302, 303; 1881, 217, 310, 311; 1882, 158, 216, 217; 1883, 164, 167, 252, 253; 1884, 112; 1885, 122.  110  The Metlakatla Mission  christian lifestyle. The Government's endorsement was based on the recognition that the Peoples were British Columbia's primary producers and consumers, and the belief that educational institutions such as Metlakatla, would further enhance the economic benefits that the People brought to the country. As Superintendent Powell stated: Even as they are, the Indians of this Province are its best consumers, and contribute much more to its wealth and vital resources than we have any idea of; but under the expanding and beneficent influence of civilization how much greater their value would be to us as inhabitants, I believe can scarcely be imagined. 107 Powell believed that the cost of establishing industrial schools based on the Metlakatla model would be off set by both inculcating the work ethic among the students, and by "the increased revenue which would accrue to the country." 108 The economic benefits of further nurturing the People's industriousness were clearly recognized by Governor General Dufferin, who after a visit to Metlakatla in 1876, stated in a speech at Government House in Victoria that: what you want are not resources but human beings to develop them and consume them. Raise your 30,000 Indians to the level Mr. Duncan has taught us they can be brought, and consider what an enormous amount of vital power you will have added to your present strength. 109 Obviously, Dufferin saw the Metlakatla Mission as creating both potential workers who would supply the much needed labour for the 107 DIA Annual Report, 1876, 33. 108 DIA Annual Report, 1876, 33. 109 Cited in Usher 1974, 1.  111  The Metlakatla Mission industrialization of B.C., and the market for the products of such labour. But such would not be the case. In 1881, Duncan separated from the CMS. At about the same time, the People began actively pursuing land claims and self-government. The continued refusal of the Provincial and Dominion governments to resolve these issues lead, in part, to the 1887 exodus of many of the People to Alaska.  RESPONSES TO THE EDUCATIONAL INTIATIVES Contrary to the statement that Duncan "single-handed with God's help, carved a monument to Christianity, and a civilization most remarkable" 110 the spiritual and temporal developments at Metlakatla could not have occurred without those who choose to relocate and participate in the creation of this separate mission village. Given that the educational activities undertaken at Metlakatla were clearly and purposefully designed to civilize and christianize them, to destroy most of their traditional beliefs and lifeways, and to facilitate the exploitation of their land through settlement and resource development, why did the People participate? In an attempt to understand why that collaboration occurred, the following discussion is once again divided into the following themes : intellectual and pragmatic benefits, economic and material considerations, politics and prestige, and cultural and spiritual influences.  110 The Church and the Indians 1882, 1.  112  The Metlakatla Mission Intellectual and Practical Benefits As in Fort Simpson, intellectual stimulation played an important role in the People's continued involvement in schooling. As a later player commented "there was a yearning in them for knowledge and development" 111 and because the traditional educative institutions had been banned from the village, Western schooling was the only formal vehicle for intellectual development. Clearly, some of the students valued the education they received. The adult students "seem[ed] greatly to prize" the evening classes which included lectures on geography, astronomy, natural history and morals. 112 The adult students were said to be "delighted" and "impressed" with the lesson on Brazil and Peru, that they "expressed their awe of the savage looks of the hyaena & the Jaguar", and that "Whey seemed to understand fully & follow" his teachings on eclipses, tides and comets. 113 Such comments indicate that among the People were those who found schooling stimulating and worthwhile. Many of the students did well at school, and early visitors were often impressed with the scholars achievements. Bishop Cridge wrote in 1867 that:  111 William Duncan & Metlakatla Alaska, From the Diary & Notes of Matilda Atkinson Minthorn, Duncan Papers, C-2157. 112 Duncan to Douglas (Copy), 6 March 1863, CMS Papers, 31. 113 Duncan journal, 2, 9 and 11 February 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  113  The Metlakatla Mission The progress of the scholars if remarkable. They read, write, cipher & can translate the easy books into their own language and vice versa. They have made some progress in geography and history. 114 The boarders, who attended school most regularly, were successful students. Duncan was pleased by their progress. According to Mr. Hall who assisted Duncan for seven months in 1877 and 1878, There is a marked contrast between the women who were trained in the Mission house and others. The former are quite domesticated - many of them have clean homes and they exercise a good influence throughout the village." 115 Their academic accomplishments were said to be on par with "the more advanced young ladies' schools in Victoria." Their calligraphy was considered "very good", and "They read in English distinctly and intelligently.... While in neatness, appearance and general deportment they were equally ladylike." 116 For these students, the ability to achieve and the recognition of these achievements, could have supplied them with the motivation to pursue their schooling. Duncan's frequent references to the ultimate destruction of the wicked had its effects, as illustrated by the following example. Early in the morning of February 11, 1863, eleven days after Duncan delivered a lecture on the molten nature of the Earth's core, Samuel Marsden came to Duncan to relate the following dream:  114 Cridge to Venn, 27 September, 1867, CMS Papers, 31. 115 Hall to CMS, 6 March 1878, CMS Papers, 32. 116 Colonist, 4 July 1867, 2.  114  The Metlakatla Mission  I dreamt or rather I had a vision - for I was scarcely asleep - I saw the world burnt up - My body was consumed but my soul remained & My only concern was for its welfare - but I felt wretched. I remembered the crooked course of my life & foresaw the misery I must eternally endure - That God would not receive me covered as I was with my sins. While in this dreadful state of mind I awoke & thanked God that He had warned & spared me & so now Sir I have come to thank you for all you have done for me. 117 On another occasion, Clah spoke to Duncan because he was concerned that the behavior of Whites would bring about the wrath of God and the destruction of the world. 118 Such examples indicate that some of the People were internalizing some of Duncan's teachings, and fear of God may well have motivated them to attend classes. And clearly the People used their English and literacy skills for their own ends. The political ends to which the People used their literacy will be discussed later. At a personal level, the People used their reading and writing skills to communicate with friends and family living outside the community, and some, like David Leask kept personal journals. 119 Undoubtedly, literacy and numeracy proved helpful in commercial transactions both within and outside the community. 120 David Leask was one of the People who clearly valued education. His purchase of several books, including a grammar book, a dictionary and a lumber book, suggest that he continued his education outside the classroom. Furthermore, the purchase of a sewing machine, a clock, the repair of a clock 117 Duncan journal, 11 February, 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 118 Duncan journal, 3 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 119 Colonist, 8 October 1867, 3; Leask journal, Duncan Papers, C-2156. 120 For an account of one person's transactions on a trip to Victoria, see Leask journal, 20 August 1979 - 13 September 1979, Duncan Papers, C-2156.  115  The Metlahatla Mission and two watches, and window shopping for an organ, indicates that he also valued many aspects of Western technology. 121 Leask understood the need for educated People in the future, and encouraged young people like Edward Marsden to further their education, despite Duncan's disapproval. 122 Despite these examples of accommodation, resistance to schooling was often demonstrated. In August of 1866, Duncan commented: I have had school 3 times to day & have had to look almost every minute after the children at their work. They can be so silly - & negligent that they keep me on the watch all day. 123 To quell this resistance in the classroom, Duncan frequently resorted to corporal punishment)- 24 At times Duncan's methods seemed unduly severe as in December of 1864, when Duncan beat students suspected of stealing a few cabbage leaves from his garden. I had the greatest flogging Job at School to day ... fourteen boys[.] I dressed off with a strap & my hand. I flogged the three half breeds [in the] first class for the first time & gave them it right well. I also took all the slates from them & gave them a severe talking to. 125 Or, as in June of 1866, when Duncan recorded punishing a boy for an unspecified offense.  Leask journal, 24 August 1879 - 13, September 1879, Duncan Papers, C-2156. Edward Marsden was the son of Samuel and Catherine Marsden, and was born in Metlakatla B.C. in 1869. For an account of Marsden's educational experiences at the Sitka industrial school, the Marietta College in Ohio, and the Lane Theological Seminary in Cincinnati, see Murray, 1985, 222-230. 123 Duncan journal, 14 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 124 Duncan journal, 13 December 1864, 5 and 25 June, 17 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C2155. 125 Duncan journal, 13 December 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 121 122  116  The Metlakatla Mission I stopped all the big boys after school & sent for some not present & in [their] presence tied up the young scamp & flogged him severely & kept him all day tied up to a pillar - talked to him at night before dismissing him & sentenced him to [confinement] in his own house for a few days. 126 Resistance was even manifest among Duncan's star students, the mission house boarders. Duncan found that these young women "require much watching & care to keep them straight [&] at their duties." 127 The misconduct attributed to the boarders was not always specified, however there are frequent references to theft. 128 Henry Schutt's daughter, Margret, was critical of the Duncan's attempts to isolate the young women and men in the community, and states that "Midnight escapades, meeting after dark and nocturnal visits" were frequent between the boarders and the young men in the community. 129 Punishment for boarder's misbehavior was often harsh and included flogging, confinement, and expulsion. 130 In addition to the 'misbehavior' in the day and boarding schools, students demonstrated their resistance to schooling by refusing to speak English. According to Bishop Cridge: Nothing either in the way of reward or displeasure has induced them to attempt anything like conversation in English, either with one another or with himself [Duncan]. All the instruction is carried on in Tsimshean. 131 126 Duncan journal, 5 June 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 127 Duncan journal, 21 August 1865, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 128 Duncan journal, 8 December 1864; 24 December 1867; 1 April, 1868, Duncan Papers, C-  2155; Doolan's journal, 2 February 1867, CMS Papers, 31; Tomlinson to Cridge, 14 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31. 129 Cited in Bowman 1983, 54. 130 Duncan journal, 8 and 9 December 1864; 6 June 1866; 14 January, 24 and 25 December 1867; 1 April 1868 Duncan Papers, C-2155; Doolan journal, 2 February 1867, CMS Papers, 31; Tomlinson to Cridge 14 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31. 131 Cridge to Venn, 27 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31.  117  The Metlakatla Mission When Lord Dufferin visited Metlakatla in 1876, he was unsuccessful in getting any of the students or even the teaching assistant to speak to him in English. 132 Bishop Bompas noted that while the People used English bibles, "most of them are unable to speak the English language." 133 In 1879 the Bishop of Caledonia commented that "English is taught but as it is never spoken the little learnt in school is outside soon forgotten." 134 From the sources it is clear that educational responses to schooling varied greatly among the scholars. Some students attended school for intellectual stimulation, and success in their studies and recognition of that success likely motivated students to continue. For others, fear of God may have motivated them to participate in schooling. The practical benefits of literacy and numeracy both within and outside of Metlakatla may have been a reason for some to attend school. Despite this accommodation, resistance through inappropriate classroom behavior, theft, clandestine meetings or refusing to speak English, was a continued theme in the history of schooling at Metlakatla.  Economic and Material Considerations As in Fort Simpson, one sign of the Peoples' support for schooling was their participation in building the school itself. However, as in Fort Simpson, labour was not free, and Duncan is said to have paid the laborers the 132 The Governor General's Visit to British Columbia, The Mail, Toronto, 19 September  1876, CMS Papers, 32.  133 Bishop Bompas, Report of Visit to Metlakatla, 1 February 1878, CMS Papers, 32. 134 Bishop of Caledonia to CMS, 1 November 1879, CMS Papers, 32.  118  The Metlakatla Mission  equivalent of eight-pence per day out of his own salary for their work in constructing the first schoo1. 135 Subsequent school construction costs were paid for through trade profits and the Dominion Government. 136 Those students who attended school were rewarded for their participation through feasts and the distribution of gifts such as food, clothing, knives and combs 137 Students who excelled in the hierarchical school were also given presents. 138 Special material advantages were available to the mission house boarders. Duncan was responsible for them economically, and in addition to free room and board, they received gifts of fabric, clothing, sewing notions, soap, and attended special parties. 139 In 1878, Duncan dismissed the female boarders, but continued to offer them some financial support. He gave them $1.00 per week as long as they attended schoo1. 140 And of course, there were economic rewards for those who secured employment as teacher assistants, and for those who were working in the community's many industries. In fact, the employment opportunities attracted People from other villages to Metlakatla. Jacob Johnson, a resident of Fort Simpson went to Metlakatla in 1866 to build a house. Later his son Mathew went there to build a house for Mrs. 135 Colonist, 29 October 1862, pg. 2. 136 Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875 in DIA BS, vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1. 137 Duncan journal, 18 January 1867, 24 December 1872, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 138 Duncan journal, 1 October 1867, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 139 Usher 1974, 76; Duncan journal, 24 and 27 December 1864, October 23, 1866; 10 March 1867; 18 January, 9 November 1867; 8 January 1868, 10 June 1869, Duncan Papers, C2155. 140 Duncan journal, 7 August 1878, Duncan to Collison, 16 August 1878, Duncan Papers, C2149.  119  The Metlakatla Mission Leegaic. Halop and his wife went to Metlakatla to raise potatoes, as there was no room for gardens at Fort Simpson. Tadotsk learned shingle making at Metlakatla, and later returned to Fort Simpson to take advantage of a building boom. The salmon cannery employed a number of Haida People. 141 Furthermore, the People were so successful in learning the values and skills necessary for industrialized work that they were said to have "proved themselves superior to either Chinese or Whites" in cannery work 142 and were preferred workers in the nearby salmon canneries. 143 Hence economic rewards served as motivation for those who constructed the school. Material rewards available to the students, particularly those who excelled, and to the female boarders likely motivated their continued participation in schooling. Employment opportunities for teachers and others involved with the industrial activities likely contributed to their involvement in schooling and industrial training at Metlakatla.  Issues of Politics and Prestige The prestige and status likely associated with schooling in Fort Simpson may well have continued to play a role in the People's participation in schooling in Metlakatla. There were a number of People of high status registered as students, and their participation likely lent status to schooling. Students who were either orphans or recently freed slaves likely complied with Duncan's educational initiatives because their lack of family 141 Barnett Papers, box 1, folder, bk. 1, 2. British Columbia, 1885,7. 142 DIA Annual Report 1881, 117. 143 DIA Annual Report 1882, 148.  120  The Metlakatla Mission contacts left them vulnerable. Such was the case of one of the boarders who was brought before Duncan for some unspecified wrong. Duncan: spoke to her for some time without apparent effect. At last he reminded her that she was an orphan without a friend in the world except within these walls [of the mission house.] The poor girl could not withstand this appeal; I [Cridge) saw her frame shake with emotion, and she sobbed with all the sensibility of an English girl.'" And as in Fort Simpson, it is possible that those with limited social standing in traditional society used schooling in an attempt to improve their own social standing. Given that traditional means for recognizing status, such as the feast-complex and secret societies, were outlawed in Metlakatla, schooling could have become an important indicator of social status. This idea is supported by the fact that in 1876 Duncan instituted a church committee composed primarily of teachers to act in an advisory capacity in all areas affecting the mission.'" By 1881, one of the most powerful members of the community was David Leask, who had "inconsequential status", but was one of Duncan's first students at Fort Simpson, a teacher, lay preacher, and store clerk.'" Many of the boarders were, like Sarah Leegaic, children of high-status parents, and this likely added prestige to mission house training. Apparently these young women were frequently sought as wives. According to Reverend Cridge "a young man will scarcely look at a girl for a wife unless she has passed through" the boarding school. 147 In a culture where marriages were 144 Cridge to Venn, 27 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31. 145 Usher 1974, 79. 146 Usher 1974, 119-120. 147 Cridge to Venn, 27 September 1867, CMS Papers.  121  The Metlakatla Mission arranged for political and economic purposes, the status associated with boarding school training was likely an important incentive for such schooling. Overtime, initiatives undertaken by the People and Duncan provided the Metlakatla village as a whole with increased prestige among the neighboring Peoples. Rolf Knight notes: During the ten year period after its founding Metlakatla steadily drained a large number of Tsimpshian converts away from Fort Simpson and undercut the influence of Tsimpshian leaders there. In terms of population, wealth, prestige, and regional political power Metlakatla had eclipsed Fort Simpson by the beginning of the 1870s. 148 The Chilcats of Alaska who had visited Metlakatla and other mission villages on the Coast, were said to be impressed not only by the material benefits associated with civilizing missions, but also with their literacy. 149 Chief Toy-a-att at Wrangle, Alaska pointed to the People at Metlakatla and Port Simpson and said: They have become partially educated and civilized. They can understand what they see and what they hear; they can read and write and are learning to become Christians)- 60 He then went on to request government assistance to help his People become "civilized, Christianized and educated."  151  The People were quick to use their literacy skills for political ends. In April of 1863 a number of the People sent a letter to Governor Douglas requesting government intervention in the liquor trade on the Nass.152 148 Knight 1978, 249-250. 149 Bowman 1983, 52. 150 Cited in Bowman 1983, 50. 151 Citted in Bowman 1983, 51. 152 Bowman 1983, 34.  122  The Metlakatla Mission Following Duncan's dismissal from the CMS in 1881, many People wrote to protest the CMS's continued presence in Metlakatla. 153 And most significant is the fact numerous letters were written to various government agents asserting rights to land, resources, and self-government. 154 Ironically, literacy was also used to undermine Duncan's work. In 1876, Charles Ryan wrote to government officials protesting the fact that Duncan was appropriating Ryan's land for redistribution to others. 155 In 1882 Henry Haldane petitioned the Government to stop those associated with Duncan from opposing and persecuting those People who choose to side with Ridley and the CMS. 156 In 1882 a petition signed by 25 of the People protested against Duncan or any other white man erecting a store on their reserve. 157 And in 1885 Matthew Auckland wrote a letter complaining of 153 See for example Leask to Agents of the Church Missionary Society at Metlakatla, 22  October 1884; Leask to Ridley, 22 October 1884, DIA BS vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1; Leask to Touch and Blackett, 22 April 1866, 4 May 1866; John Tait, Robert Hewson and Thomas Neashlahqsh to CMS, 4 May 1866 in CMS (1886) Report of the Deputation to Metlakatla, DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 2; David Leask, Luke Sumner and John Tait to Governor General of Canada, The petition of the Indian Council and Constables and of the Christian Church of Metlakatla, Leask to Governor General, 12 October 1882, Leask and John Tait to Governor General, 30 September 1882, DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 4. 154 See for example David Leask to Robson, 15 May 1885, Letterbook, Duncan Papers, C2154; Leask to Macdonald, 15 May 1885 DIA BS, vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1; Leask to Lieut Col. Powell 24, 26 November 1883, DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 2. While the term "self-government" was not used, it is implicit in the People's rejection of both the Indian Agent and the Indian Act. 155 Ryan to Powell, 5 June 1876, Ryan to Trutch, 28 April 1876, DIA BS, vol. 3636, file 6772, pt. 0. 156 DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 4. 157 December 6, 1882, Notes & Memoranda - General, 1878 - 1916, Duncan Papers, C-2156. The Petition was signed by Jeremiah Hayward, Paul Sebasha, Charles Ryan, James Leequneesh, Moses Venn, Solomon Auriol, Donald Bruce, Matthais Haldane, James Prevost, Charles Venn, Alfred Auriol, Joseph Bruce, William Neashaeh, James Lewis, Peter Venn, Edmund Campbell, A. Leighton, J. Leighton, M. Auckland, Ed Verney, Kenneth Benson, Lydia Legaic, Alexander Shdeysh, Henry Haldane, and Samuel Pelham.  123  The Metlakatla Mission  being persecuted by Duncan's supporters. 158 The school itself became a political battle field after Duncan separated from the CMS in 1881.(See 134-136.) Because the school house was located on Mission Point which had been reserved by the government for CMS use, it was claimed by the CMS as theirs. Duncan's supporters threatened to tear it down and rebuild it on reserve land, but hesitated because of concern over governmental retribution. 159 By 1885, Duncan's supporters controlled the school building, and CMS adherents, many of whom were of chiefly lineage, demonstrated their support for the CMS by sending their sons to the Mission House for schooling, while their daughters were taught in Mrs. Legaic's house. It is ironic that when classes opened outside the Fort in Fort Simpson, they were held in Chief Legaic's, thereby lending political support to Duncan's educational initiatives. Now Legaic's widow had opened her home as a school house from CMS supporters, thereby undermining Duncan's educational authority. 160 Despite the existence of two schools in the community, attendance at the school for Duncan's supporters actually increased. (See Appendix D.) From the above discussion, it is apparent that participation in the Metlakatla school lead to increased prestige for both individuals and the community as a whole. The People used their literacy for political ends, and at times their ends were in direct opposition to Duncan's goals. Later, school 158 DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 2. 159 DIA Annual Report, 1884, 106. 160 Powell to Sup. General of Indian Affairs, 7 July 1885; Matthew Auckland, 11 June 1885, DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 2.  124  The Metlakatla Mission attendance became an important political tool, demonstrating both support for and resistance to Duncan's work in the community.  Cultural and Spiritual Responses  Given that the move to Metlakatla was voluntary, that the People were well aware of the purposes of the civilizing mission, and that the village laws mandated that children attend classes, a high level of compliance would be expected. However, this did not prove to be true. As early as March of 1863, schooling was interrupted when the People left for the Nass fishery. 161 Henry Schutt commented in 1878, that while there were over 200 children on the school register, and as many as 130 often attended classes, the village was almost deserted in March and April due to oolechan fishing, and in July, August and September because of salmon fishing. Because of this, there were no classes held during these months. 162 In 1881, Duncan remarked that: Our progress [in education] is sadly impeded at present by the Indians leaving home so often during the year in search of food. 163 Throughout the history of Metlakatla, school attendance was irregular, reflecting the People's continued involvement in traditional food gathering activities. During the winter months, when the People were at home, many 161 Duncan journal, 23 March 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 162 Schutt to Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 20 March 1878, DIA BS, vol. 3645, file 7915, _pt. 0. 16 i Duncan to Powell, 13 August 1881, DIA Annual Report 1881, 146.  125  The Metlakatla Mission attended school. However, few of these students attended school daily. (See Appendix D.) This pattern of attendance was not unique to Metlakatla, but characterized Western education among Peoples throughout the Dominion. 164 As elsewhere, the People's selective school attendance demonstrates a willingness to incorporate school into their lifeways on their own terms. Clearly many of the People were altering their traditional practices to accommodate new life styles as civilized christians. Many ritual objects associated with the feast-complex, secret societies and shamans were destroyed, given or sold to Duncan. 165 Some shaman denounced their own practices. 166 Some of the People, including Chiefs, spoke out against the feast complex and refused to attend feasts or utilize the services of shaman. 167 Church services, Sunday school, and classes for adults and children were attended, at least when the People were in the community. Many of the People actively promoted christianity by preaching among the Peoples at the fishery and in other communities, 168 or by teaching in the 164 DIA Annual Report, 1881, 7. Concern over irregular attendance would later result in the  establishment of industrial boarding and residential schools.  165 Duncan journal, 13 October, 1 December 1862, 18 and 28 February 1863, 7 October, 20  November 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  166 Duncan journal, 16 and 26 October 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 167 Duncan journal, 27 November , 26 December 1862, 1 March 1863, Duncan Papers, C-  2155.  168 Duncan to CMS, 23 January 1864, CMS Papers, 31; Duncan journal, 7 July 1867,  Duncan Papers, C-2155; Collison to CMS, 16 July 1875, CMS Papers, 32; Samuel Marsden et al. to Cridge, 27 February 1874, Edward Cridge Papers, file 5. Among those who worked as lay preachers were: Thomas Gilbert, Noah Watson, Moses Bains, Timothy (no last name given), Samuel Marsden, David Leask, ^Samuel Pelham, Edward Mather, Matthew Auckland, John Tait, Thomas Eaton, Abel Faber, Robert Hewson, Robert Allen, James Rudland, Simeon Delany, George Usher, Barnabas Reeve, Nathen Lawson, Luke Sumner, Adam Gordon, Andrew Campbell, Peter Simpson, and Silas Rutherford.  126  The Metlakatla Mission school. Furthermore, the decision of approximately 600 of the People to move to Alaska demonstrates a strong commitment to the civilizing mission. Participation as civilized christians does not mean that the People abandoned their own belief systems, rather many continued to interpret new teachings into their Tsimshian framework. It has been suggested that the Peoples in the Northwest Coast saw missionaries as the Western equivalent as shaman. 169 In fact, one observer stated that Duncan had "some knowledge of conjuring and necromancy", and this, combined with his knowledge of Tsimshian, gained him standing as quasi medicine man 170 The People were dependant upon Duncan for their medical needs. Measles, influenza and a host of other illness and accidents took their toll. By 1875, Metlakatla, which boasted a population of 750, had a graveyard which contained the remains of 250 People. 171 This high death rate, combined with a shamanic-like perception of Duncan and dependence on him for medical aid could have provided powerful motivation for many to accommodate the religious and secular initiatives. Further evidence for the continuation of traditional beliefs comes from Duncan's continued refusal to allow the People to participate in Communion. He was convinced that the People would relate the christian ritual consumption of Christ's flesh and blood to their traditional ritual flesh  169 Gisday Wa & Delgam Uukw, 1989, 49. 170 DIA BS, vol. 3607, file 2959, pt. 5, 19. 171 Duncan journal, 11 and 24 May, 1868, 24 and 26 April, 9 May 1869, Duncan Papers, C2155; Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875, DIA BS, vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1. Legaic was among those who died of influenza.  127  The Metlakatla Mission  consumption. 172 In 1875 he stated that: It will take a generation of time at least to rid them of their deeply rooted system of evil. In nothing does the odour of their former state more constantly show itself than in their tendency to regard in a superstitious sense every rite and Ceremony of the Church and to attach undo importance to the powers of those who are serving them in God's name. 173 This tendency to incorporate christianity into a Tsimshian framework manifest itself most dramatically in a religious revival which broke out in 1877 while Duncan was in Victoria. This revival has been interpreted as a nativist movement which combined Tsimshian and christian spirituality as a reaction to the cultural imperialism imposed by Duncan. 174 While this religious revival was a rather unique incident, there are many other indications that the People were actively resisting christianity by participating in the feast complex, secret societies, and shamanim Duncan also suspected that goods purchased at the Metlakatla trade store were sometimes distributed at feasts. 175 This resistance points to the commitment of those of high status to maintaining ties to their traditions, as it was only People of high status who participated in the feast-complex. As in Fort Simpson, the strongest resistance came from the Chiefs. 172 Usher 1974, 111. As Usher points out, Duncan's reasons for disallowing Communion  were much more complex. It also reflected his strict evangelicalism and anti-ritualism, and his concern that his authority in the community might be undermined as Duncan was a lay missionary, and could not administer Communion. 173 Cited in Usher 1974,112. 174 Rettig 1980, 39. 175 Duncan journal, 27 November 1862, 18 February, 1 and 2 March 1863, 5, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15 November, 27 December 1864, 12, 13, 14 January, 12 February, 21 August 1865, 13 January, 31 May, 3 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Rettig 1980, 33.  128  The Metlakatla Mission The Chiefs who chose to relocate in Metlakatla benefited politically and economically. For example, they held the only permanent positions on the village council, they were used help resolve civil disputes, and for a while, they received half of the village taxes. 176 Duncan's attempts to co-opt the Chiefs by providing economic and political benefits, however, were frequently unsuccessful. Duncan did not approve of their notions of justice, and by the summer of 1865, Chiefs were no longer used to help resolve civil matters. 177 The practice of distributing half of the village taxes among the Chiefs was discontinued in 1865 when it became apparent: that instead of using their [the Chiefs] influence to advance the settlement as Christian - they were evidently ... [using their influence] for heathenism." 1 " 18 Duncan's journal contain frequent references to Chiefs undermining his work. When Legaic threatened to leave Metlakatla, Duncan remarked: I shall look upon his going away (though dreadful for him) a great boon to the Mission. He has been one of the great drawbacks to our spread & no doubt - a very much better impression would have been produced upon the surrounding heathen of the settlement if he had never been amongst us. 1. 79 Through out his stay at Metlakatla, Leequneesh attempted to get others to return to Fort Simpson and "heathenism". 180 In January of 1870 Duncan wrote: 176 Duncan journal, 3 January 1865, Duncan Papers; C-2155; Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865,  CMS Papers, 31; Usher 1974, 79; Barnett 1953, 31. Barnett points out that the Chiefs did not relinquish the traditional authority they enjoyed outside of Metlakatla. In fact the move to Metlakatla may have actually enhanced their status. 177 Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865, CMS Papers, 31. 178 Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865, CMS Papers, 31. 179 Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865, CMS Papers, 31. 180 Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865, 26 October 1866, CMS Papers, 31.  129  The Metlakatla Mission We have had again serious trouble with the Notorious Leequneesh. For years this man ... has been trying his utmost to draw some of his tribe away from Metlakatla. 181 When Leequneesh took a second wife, Duncan remarked that this was "the greatest & most glaring act of rebellion I have witnessed here."1_ 82 B u t Lequneesh would be involved in an even more obvious form of resistance. In 1881, a power struggle between Duncan and the CMS ended with Duncan's dismissal.(See 134-136.) James Leequneesh headed a group of the People who took advantage of this schism to undermine Duncan's authority. 183 According to Duncan, These men, who from the earliest days of the mission had proved hostile to the Gospel, and since they have joined our Christian Settlement have ever proved the drag on the wheels of progress. 184 The People who sided against Duncan by openly supporting Bishop Ridley, the CMS's representative in the community, were long time members of the community, held positions on the village council and were primarily of chiefly lineage. Despite their overt support for the CMS, few were committed to christianity. Samuel Pelham, a CMS supporter, stated that: not one of those of our party [CMS] care for things that I used to taste with you [those aligned with Duncan], that is talking and thinking of heavenly things or considering God's word.... I tell you not one of them ever thinks of such things except Mathew. 185 Alliance with the CMS was not motivated by religious issues. Some of 181 Duncan to CMS, 25 January 1870, CMS Papers, 31. 182 Duncan journal, 11 July 1869, Duncan Papers, C-2155. 183 Duncan journal, 6 September 1883; 8 June 1884. Lequneesh died in June of 1884. 184 Duncan, Statement in reference to Metlakatla Since the rupture (in the Autumn of 1881)  with the Church Missionary Society, Duncan Papers, C-2154.  185 Cited in Tomlinson 1887, 10.  130  The Metlakatla Mission the People had previously been disciplined by Duncan, and many are said to have participated in the religious revival of 1877. The authority traditionally enjoyed by the Chiefs, despite Duncan's attempts at accommodation, was being eroded within the mission context. Simultaneously, this was accompanied by the rise in power of People of "inconsequential status" such as David Leask, various Church Elders, and elected members of the village counci1. 186 Disrespect for the authority of Chiefs may have been common among the young People. One observer stated that many of the "young men who work and dress well laugh at the Council." 187 As mentioned previously, after the People had aligned themselves into factions supporting and opposing Duncan, schooling became politically charged and attendance became a symbol of support either for or against Duncan. By 1887, almost 100 People were CMS supporters. Ironically, they managed to secure the support of the Chiefs from Fort Simpson who had earlier rallied together against Duncan's work there. 188 This active resistance to Duncan and his supporters by the traditional leaders was likely an important factor in the decision to relocate to Alaska. By attending and sending their young to school, and by participating in a number of religious and secular activities in the community, by working as teachers within the community and as lay preachers both within and outside of Metlakatla, the People were demonstrating their willingness to 186 The Church and the Indians, 1,5; Usher 1974, 119-120. 187 Robert Hanley Hall, HBC agent at Fort Simpson, cited in British Columbia 1885, 9. The  council consisted primarily of Chiefs.  188 Tomlinson 1887, 9; Henry Haldane, DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 4.  131  The Metlakatla Mission integrate Western culture into their lives. However, traditional perspectives proved resilient, and christianity was integrated within the Tsimshian belief system. Some of the People, particularly those of chiefly lineage, continued to participate in traditional ways that had been banned from the community. Eventually these People became openly pro-active in their resistance to Duncan. Cultural and spiritual responses, like those motivated by intellectual and pragmatic, economic and material, and political considerations, indicate diverse responses to schooling and other initiatives undertaken by Duncan.  132  The Metlakatla Mission  School and Firehall at Metlakatla, B.C. 189  189  School & firehall. British Columbia Archives and Records Service. Catalogue no. 55801. Negative no. C-8197.  133  The Metlakatla Mission THE MOVE TO ALASKA In 1887, many of the People left Metlakatla, British Columbia to establish the village of Metlakatla, Alaska. Just as the initial move from Fort Simpson was brought about by numerous complex factors, so too was this move to Alaska. In part, the move to Alaska was rooted in a disagreement within the Church of England about ecclesiastic authority. This dispute was first played out in British Columbia between Duncan's close friend, the Reverend Cridge and Bishop Hills, and culminated with the withdrawal of Cridge's licence to preach, and an injunction prohibiting Cridge from preaching as a member of the Church of England. Cridge responded by joining the Reformed Episcopal Church of the United States. 199 Duncan openly supported Cridge, and in 1877 the People rejected Bishop Hills' request to visit Metlakatla. In response, Hills wrote to the CMS requesting that the Bishop of Athabasca, Rt. Rev. W. C. Bompas, pay Metlakatla an official visit. 191 While Bompas found much at Metlakatla to praise, he was not without criticism. He was concerned about the People's dependance upon English Bibles due the lack of scriptural translations in Tsimshian. Bompas felt that People were overly dependent upon Duncan because he weilded too much control in the community. Duncan's focus on secular works was thought to have interfered with religious work. In addition, Bompas felt it essential 190 Usher 1974, 98-102. 191 Usher 1974, 104.  134  The Metlakatla Mission that the mission be under the control of an ordained clergyman, and because Duncan refused ordination, Bompas ordained W. H. Collison. Collison would have authority over religious matters, while education and secular works would remain under Duncan's contro1. 192 In 1879 the CMS divided British Columbia into three diocese, and Reverend Ridley was appointed Bishop of the northern section, the Diocese of Caledonia. He established his headquarters at Metlakatla. Like Bompas, Ridley was critical of Duncan's power in the community, and of the People's apparent dependence on Duncan, particularly in religious matters because of the lack of Tsimshian scriptural translations. Ridley also felt that because of Duncan's involvement with secular duties, the People's religious training suffered. Duncan's refusal to allow the People to participate in Communion was the issue around which the battle would be fought. 193 This schism over ecclesiastic authority and mode of worship culminated in 1881. Duncan applied to the CMS to recognize Metlakatla as an independent Native Church. While such independence was seen as the ultimate outcome of the Native Church Policy as envisioned by CMS's own Henry Venn, 194 the CMS refused Metlakatla independent status. When Duncan failed to comply with a request from the CMS to return to England for a meeting, he was dismissed from the CMS.  195  While the majority of the People continued to support Duncan and 192 Usher 1974, 105-106; Murray 1985, 127-130. 193 Usher 1974, 108-111. 194 Venn retired as CMS Secretary in 1872 and died in 1873. 195 CMS to Duncan, 3 December 1881 Duncan Papers, C-2146; Usher 1974, 115-116.  135  The Metlakatla Mission organized a new group called the Christian Church of Metlakatla, a number of People sided with the CMS. In the spring of 1882, the two factions began struggling for control of the land and buildings at Mission Point. Duncan's supporters began actively pursuing land title an self government. Tension was high, and on occasion there was fighting. 196 In response to the situation at Metlakatla and the growing unrest over land claims through out the Coast, the Government of B.C. initiated an investigation in the fall of 1884. Not surprisingly, the commission failed to acknowledge the Peoples' claims to their land, and blamed missionaries for such concern. The Metlakatla village council was deemed illegally constituted, and it was felt that an Indian Agent should be appointed. Furthermore, the commission recommended that the Dominion Government transfer money and authority to British Columbia so that the Province could manage Aboriginal affairs. 197 The People refused to accept the authority of either an Indian Agent or the Indian Act, and continued to press for recognition of their rights to their lands, resources and self-government. The Crown's attempts to assert authority over land by way of surveys were undermined.  198  In 1885, John  Tait, Edward Mathers, and Herbert Wallace, accompanied Duncan on a trip to Ottawa to meet with Prime Minister Macdonald 199 to, as Chief Wallace 196 Arctander 1909, 268-278; Usher 1974, 122; Murray 1985; 161-165. As Usher (1974, 119122) points out, prior to his separation from the CMS, Duncan's actions clearly supported the Crown's claim to land, and their right to govern the People. 197 Usher 1974, 126-127. For a published account, see British Columbia, 1885. 198 Usher 1974, 124, 125,133; Murray 1985, 168, 174, 184. 199 Usher 1974, 130; Murray 1985, 177-179.  136  The Metlakatla Mission said "tell them our troubles about our land." 200 But the Dominion Government, like the Provincial Government, would not deal with aboriginal title and self-government, and the People looked to England for support. Duncan spent the winter of 1885-1886 in England. Not surprisingly, the CMS would not support the position of the People. However, as a result of Duncan's efforts, the Aborigines Protection Society advocated the resolution of land claims to both Canada's High Commissioner, Sir Charles Tupper and to the CMS. Unfortunately, their advocacy was ignored. 201 In 1886 the CMS sent General Touch and Reverend W. R. Blackett to Metlakatla to conduct an inquiry. Like the British Columbian Commission of Inquiry, the CMS denied that the People had rights to either land or selfgovernment, and recommended that an Indian Agent be appointed and that the People be subjected to the Indian Act. 202 Having lost the support of the CMS, the People's traditional leaders, the Provincial and Dominion Governments, and much of B.C.'s White population, an alternate resolution was explored. As early as 1884, the People had considered fleeing from the oppressive situation brought about through denial of their rights to the land and to self-government. In October of 1884, A. C. Elliot stated that: Mr. Duncan, in a kind of frenzy, told me that his people, sooner than give up their claims, would burn their village and leave.203 200 Tennant 1990, 55. Wallace was a Chief from Fort Simpson. 201 Usher 1974, 130-132; Murray 1985, 180-181. 202 Usher 1974, 132; Murray 1985, 181. 203 Elliot cited in Usher 1974, 133.  137  The Metlakatla Mission The People were well aware of the Northwest Resistance of 1885 in which the Metis were forced to defend their rights against settlers. 204 It is possible that they also knew that many of the Metis, sought refuge in the United States after the resistance was suppressed. In the fall of 1886, while Duncan was in Victoria, the Metlakatla village council met and decided that rather than becoming involved in a battle over the land and governance, they would seek refuge in Alaska. David Leask, Robert Hewson and Josiah Gutherie relayed this information to Duncan in Victoria. On November 18, 1886, Duncan left for Washington D.C. to seek a land base and financial support for the People. 205 Undoubtedly, loyalty to Duncan and the brand of christianity he taught, provided the motivation for many to leave their home and proceed to Alaska. Others may have wanted to benefit from the promise of cheap land and employment. 206 The tension that developed within Metlakatla after Duncan's dismissal reminded some of the social disorder that existed at Fort Simpson prior to the commencement of the Metlakatla mission. 207 The desire to re-establish a peaceful community could have provided them with reasons to move to Alaska. And undoubtedly, many moved because of loyalty to family and friends. As Duncan's supporters included "all the young and active residents of 204 Usher 1974, 131; Bishop of Caledonia to CMS, 28 May, 14 August 1885, CMS Papers, 47. 205 Usher 1974, 133; Murray 1985, 187-188; Arctander 1901, 287-289. As Tennant (1990, 59-63) points out, other People including Nisga'a Chief Charles Russ, and Tsimshian Chiefs in Port Simpson saw the People as refugees from political persecution, and threatened to follow their lead. 206 Bishop of Caledonia to Powell, 11 March^1887 (Copy), DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 3. 207 The Church and the Indians, 7.  138  The Metlakatla Mission the village,..208 it is possible that many of these young People had been raised within Metlakatla and had not participated in traditional practices. For these People, status outside the mission would be compromised by their lack of participation in the feast complex and secret societies. The move to Alaska may have been motivated by a desire to retain their positions within a new mission context. Those who moved to Alaska relinquished their traditional social structure including: chiefly rank, clan obligations, tribal divisions, matrilineal inheritance, traditional names and associated privileges, potlatch obligations, and feast debts. 209 But for many, the refusal of the governments to recognize the People's rights to land and self-government was cause for the move. In a letter to Edward Cridge, the People of Metlakatla stated: we have heard by some which the Government has sent to us that this land is not ours, so we know we will be slaves though we will be under the British ensign, so we send Mr. Duncan to the United States that we will be entirely free. 21 ° That relocation to Alaska could provide an escape from political oppression and the promise of freedom is expressed in a song composed by George Usher who was sent to Metlakatla, B.C. to tell the People that Duncan had arrived in Alaska.  208 DIA Annual Report 1883, 106.  209 Beynon 1941, 84. 210 People of Metlakatla to Cridge, 1 December 1886, Cridge Papers, File 6.  139  The Metlakatla Mission  The great chief has come. He has gone to our new home. Now he sends me to you. He bids you come, one and all. We shall be slaves no longer. The land of freedom has accepted us. The flag of the 'Boston me' is hoisted At the site of a new Metlakatla. It will protect us and our freedom. We can worship God in peace. We can secure the happiness of our children. They will be the freemen of a great nation. Come, therefore, one and all, Gather your little ones around you. Push the canoes from the beach. Good wind will fill our sails; We will hasten to the land of freedom. 211 In March of 1887, while Duncan was still in the States, David Leask, John Tait, Edward Benson, Adam Gordon and Fred Ridley, along with Doctor Bluett212 selected Annette Island, an unoccupied island in traditional Tlingit territory as the site of their new community which became known as New Metlakatla, Alaska. John Tait and Edward Benson built a store there, and David Leask built a salt house. And while Duncan had hoped that move not take place until the spring of 1888, the People decided to relocate by the fall. When Duncan arrived at New Metlakatla on August 7, 1877 forty People were already there. By summer's end over 600 of the People had made New Metlakatla their home. 213 211 Cited in Arctander 1909, 293. 212 According to Murray (1985, 39) Dr. James D. Bluett, arrived in Metlakatla in 1882 and  relocated with the People to Alaska. Duncan states that Bluett arrived in 1884 (Duncan to Admiral Mayne, 20 February 1885, Letterbook 3, Duncan Papers C-2149). 213 Arctander 1909, 290-291; Usher 1974, 133-134; Murray 1985, 194-198; Duncan to Allen, 14 July 1887; Duncan to Agnew, 24 July 1887, Letterbook, Duncan Papers, C-2150. It is important to note that many of the People did not go to Alaska. In 1881, Metlakatla's population was estimated at 1,100 (DIA Annual Report 1881, 145), but by 1887, there were only 948 residents (Tomlinson 1887,9). Approximately 150 People left Metlakatla prior to the move. Of those who remained, another 350 elected to stay in Metlakatla,  140  The Metlakatla Mission  B.C., or move to Fort Simpson or other communities. For discussions on the lives of the People after 1877 see Arctander 1909, Beynon 1941, Bowman 1983, Campbell 1984, Dunn and Booth 1990, Inglis et al. 1990, Jarboe 1983, Murray 1985.  141  CHAPTER FIVE: CULTURAL DOMINATION AND RESISTANCE INTRODUCTION While all of Duncan's mission work was important in the development of the civilizing mission, education played a significant role in attempts at cultural domination. This is as true of science education as it is of other forms of education. This chapter returns to the questions posed in Chapter One: 1. What role did Western science and technology education play in Duncan's attempts to civilize and christianize the People? 2. How did the People respond to Duncan's educational initiatives? First, the role of science and technology education in mission work at both Fort Simpson and Metlakatla is summarized. This is followed by a brief discussion of Government support for the mission. Next, the People's responses to Duncan's various educational initiatives are outlined. The educational initiatives, Government support, and the People's varying responses to education, fit into the much larger context of Western education for Aboriginal people in Canada. The chapter concludes by situating Fort Simpson and Metlakatla into this wider context. In reflecting upon issues of social control and curriculum form, Apple suggests the following questions. "Whose knowledge is it? Who selected it? Why is it organized and taught in this way? To this particular group?" 1 1 Apple 1990, 7.  142  Cultural Domination and Resistance These questions are useful in discussing science education in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla.  SOCIAL CONTROL IN THE CIVILIZING MISSION The science taught reflected a unique blend of Western scientific knowledge, interpreted through the eyes of a Victorian evangelist. Duncan, like many Victorians, viewed the natural world as an expression of the divine, and saw science and religion as mutually reinforcing. With the exception of the salmon cannery, technical education represented, to a large extent, low level vocational training in European pre-industrial cottage crafts. Duncan also taught work related values of industriousness, so valued by Victorians. Initially, curriculum instruction was both in Tsimshian and English. Eventually, Duncan taught almost solely in Tsimshian. Despite the use of Tsimshian, curriculum content was Western in origin, except for the teaching of some crafts like cedar bark weaving. Duncan's approach to education was clearly influenced by CMS policies. He had been trained by the CMS at the Highbury Training College, and this training was further supported through CMS publications, correspondence, and personal meetings. Furthermore, Duncan was financially dependant upon the CMS. However, Duncan had a great deal of control over the curriculum. It is not known to what extent other missionary or Tsimshian teachers were able to exercise any personal influence on the curriculum. It is likely that their work was carefully monitored by Duncan.  143  Cultural Domination and Resistance Duncan's desire to maintain control over schooling is suggested by his reluctance to utilize Tsimshian instructors, his criticism of other missionaries' work, and his apparent relief at regaining control of schooling after the Schutts left Metlakatla. There is no indication that the People had any influence on what was being taught or how it was being taught except through how they chose to participate. Schooling was one of the many strategies CMS missionaries, and others, used to affect the christianization and civilization of colonized Peoples throughout the world. Supporting these goals was the assumption of European superiority in virtually all aspects of life. The missionary, as Usher points out, was an agent of cultural change; the missionary's goal was cultural domination. As in the curriculum of CMS schools elsewhere, religion played a central role. Duncan used science and technology education to promote Western christianity both in the school and in the community. Duncan consciously used Western science to undermine the People's traditional beliefs about the natural world, or as Duncan stated, "to knock down many of their superstitions." 2 The use of readers with significant scientific and technical content, combined with the promotion of literacy over orality, was likely intended to undermine the students' belief in their own intellectual traditions. Elsewhere, CMS missionaries were concerned that high status academic education instilled both pride and idleness in colonized People. 2 Duncan journal, 29 July 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.  144  Cultural Domination and Resistance Duncan was concerned about the impact of secular learning on his own religious development, and like other CMS missionaries, Duncan was suspicious of the impact of academic education on the People. It is not surprising that the education available at Metlakatla was very basic. Over time, the increasing use of Tsimshian rather than English for instruction, combined with a decrease in the quality of education and the lack of texts in Tsimshian, reflected Duncan's growing apprehensions about the appropriateness of academic education for the People. This restrictive approach to education may have been an attempt to limit access to information, as it required that Duncan, or another person fluent in English, interpret for the People. The poor quality of education, and the lack of English instruction became issues of contention after the move to Alaska. Eventually, the People demanded a Government inquiry in the situation. 3 Reference to self-help heroes during class, and the availability (to those who could read English) of self-help literature in the Metlakatla library, may have been intended to instill work related values prized by Victorians. In addition, the authority, control, discipline, and routines maintained in the classroom likely helped prepare the students for their future roles as workers and citizens of this mission community. As Britain's technical advances were seen to epitomize England's superiority, industrial training was incorporated into mission schooling. However, only low status, vocational training was typical of CMS missionary endeavors. It is not surprising, therefore, that the industrial training in both 3 Jarboe 1983, 141-164.  145  Cultural Domination and Resistance Fort Simpson and Metlakatla was limited, with the exception of the salmon cannery, to pre-industrial cottage crafts. Nevertheless, these cottage crafts were new to the People. They learned new skills and knowledge, performed new tasks, used new tools, and worked under new conditions. Duncan initiated this manual training for a number of reasons. It gave the People skills and knowledge to produce the buildings and goods necessary for a civilizing mission; and it facilitated the adoption of European style dress, and the maintenance of European hygiene standards. As the CMS envisioned self-supporting missions, these industries were important in terms of the financial and material support of the mission. In the minds of many Victorians, Indigenous people were helpless victims of the immorality associated with White traders in the colonies. One of the reasons Captain Prevost called for the evangelization of the Tsimshian was that he saw christianization and civilization as "the only effectual antidote to the contaminating vices" which resulted from trade between Aboriginal people and Whites. 4 Like Prevost and other CMS members, Duncan feared that interaction with certain categories of Europeans, such as traders and miners, would lead to the People's downfall. Local industries were important in maintaining the People's isolation from these negative influences by limiting the People's interaction with other labour markets. The increasing reliance on Tsimshian for instruction also contributed to Duncan's isolationist policy as poor English skills would limit employment opportunities. 4 Stock 1899, 2:613.  146  Cultural Domination and Resistance The domestic education older girls received in the mission house gave them the skills necessary for their future roles as mothers in christian civilized homes. At the same time boarding away from home limited the students' interaction with Whites, and also with young men of their own community, thereby ensuring their virtue. Again, their boarding school experience was similar to that in other CMS missions. Science and technology education was also important as a morally acceptable recreational activity, and was used, in part, to replace more traditional winter pass times.  GOVERNMENT RESPONSE Civilizing missions were supported by colonial governments, in part, because they gave a moral dimension to European expansion. In addition to bringing about religious conversion, civilizing missions were seen as mechanisms to bring peace and order to strife plagued societies, overthrow corrupt and despotic governments, improve the material conditions of the colonized, institute fair taxes, and increase productivity. Underlying this was the arrogant belief that Europeans cultures were superior, as evidenced by their scientific and technological achievements. 5 The Metlakatla mission was supported by the British Colonial Government because it was thought that such missions would result in inculcation of Western religion, civilization and law, and isolate the People from the degradation associated with contact with Whites. Governor Douglas 5 Adas 1989, 199-203.  147  Cultural Domination and Resistance shared these views, and also saw mission villages as pacifying mechanisms in the face of settlement. Canada's Department of Indian Affairs lauded Metlakatla's role in civilizing and christianizing the People. Both the DIA and Governor General Dufferin also recognized the economic benefits that education in Metlakatla could bring to the country. However, once it became apparent that the People would not be passive observers of the colonization of their territories, government support for Metlakatla was withdrawn.  RESPONSES TO EDUCATION IN THE CIVILIZING MISSION The People were not passive victims of Duncan's educational initiatives. They could choose to reject or accommodate schooling. And while many decided to participate, many others chose to reject Duncan's educational and other initiatives.  Accommodation Participation in schooling was motivated by numerous, complex considerations. While novelty likely played a role in initially attracting People to school, other factors sustained their involvement. For some, schooling was important for intellectual reasons, and the ability to achieve combined with recognition of that ability were likely highly motivational. Others were drawn to school because of the practical value of literacy and numeracy in their personal, economic and political lives. At the economic level, material benefits were available to students, particularly the boarders, who attended and excelled in schooling Workers  148  Cultural Domination and Resistance who built the school, and who assisted as teachers were rewarded for their labours with pay, as were the many People who participated in the industrial enterprises in the mission. Furthermore, the technical skills and work related norms and values learned in the mission context had economic utility in other labour markets. Schooling also benefitted the People in terms of politics and prestige. It is likely that many individuals used schooling to increase their own social standing. The status of Metlakatla as a whole, in relation to surrounding villages, increased in terms of population and economic and political power. Furthermore, the People used their newly acquired literacy to pursue various political ends, including land claims and self-government, and, significantly, at times these political ends were in direct opposition to Duncan. Culture and spirituality were also factors which led to the accommodation of schooling by some. Both spirituality and technology were highly valued in Tsimshian society, and the religious and industrial components of the school curriculum may well have been attractive to the students. Participation in schooling, however, does not equal abandonment of culture. The People's continued involvement in traditional activities, particularly in food gathering, indicate that they were incorporating schooling into their existing lifeways. New ideas were often transformed by the People into a form consistent with their traditional understandings.  149  Cultural Domination and Resistance  Resistance Resistance was always a theme in the school history of both Fort Simpson and Metlakatla. Duncan found classroom management problematic, and the students demonstrated their resistance by ridiculing and challenging Duncan's teachings, and by various forms of misbehavior, including theft. An interesting form of resistance was the People's avoidance of speaking English, despite the fact that they used their literacy for their own ends. Perhaps they simply would not speak English in front of visitors. This English avoidance may have been a factor in Duncan's switching to Tsimshian as the language of instruction. However, the fact that the People protested against instruction in Tsimshian after the move to Alaska suggests that they valued learning English. In Fort Simpson resistance was most evident among the Chiefs and those involved with secret societies who saw Duncan and christianity as a threat to their lifeways. The collective resistance of the Chiefs and secret society members resulted in a dramatic decrease in school attendance, and was a major factor in the relocation to Metlakatla, B.C. It was also the resistance of the Chiefs that was most pronounced in Metlakatla. Despite Duncan's attempts to co-opt them, the Chiefs continued to promote traditional practices, or "heathenism". Once Duncan's position was weakened by the withdrawal of support from the CMS, the Chiefs acted collectively to undermine his authority by joining sides with the CMS. The opposition of those with chiefly lineage was demonstrated physically when Mrs. Legaic opened her home for schooling CMS supporters. The school itself  150  Cultural Domination and Resistance became an important political symbol and a site of both accommodation and resistance for the two factions which developed within the community The withdrawal of support for Duncan by many of the high status People in Metlakatla was one of the many factors which resulted in the relocation of Duncan and others to Alaska.  WESTERN SCHOOLING AND ABORIGINAL PEOPLES The driving force behind much of the Western education of Aboriginal people in Canada has been the desire to eradicate the People's cultures, beliefs and life ways. Early missionary endeavors, as discussed in the contexts of Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, B.C., focused on the christianization and civilization of the People. With the passing of the Indian Acts of 1876 and 1880, control over the lands and lives of Aboriginal people was invested in the Federal Government, which supplied some financial support to allow mission schools to carry on the work of cultural colonization. 6 After the Davin Report of 1879, the Federal Government followed the American practice by developing large residential schools operated by missionaries, where students could be "dissociated from the prejudicial influences by which he [sic] is surrounded on the reserve of his band." 7 Unlike schooling in Metlakatla which occurred within the community, these large residential schools were ideally located away from reserves, and 6 DIA Annual Report 1876 cited in Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 5. 7 DIA Annual Report 1881, 7.  151  Cultural Domination and Resistance  isolated the students from family, home and community. As in earlier mission schools like Metlakatla, the curriculum included religious instruction, basic education and training in trades and domestic work. However, the residential nature of the school ensured regular attendance and regulation of virtually every aspect of student life through a highly regulated regime. 8 The People continued to participate in Western education on their own terms. In 1900, fewer than half the school aged children attended school. For many that attended, Western education was used to further the People's own ends. Some students were sent to school specifically to acquire new skills and knowledge, and resumed their traditional education upon returning home. Among these students were members of a new generation of Aboriginal leaders, causing one DIA official to comment, the "most promising pupils are found to have retrograded and to have become leaders in the pagan life on their reserves." 9 The Peoples' ability to utilize their skills and knowledge for economic gain became problematic as a growing immigrant work force negated the need for an Aboriginal labour pool. The Federal Government was no longer willing to pay the high costs of residential schooling. In 1910, educational goals were revised. While the previous policy had envisioned a future in which Aboriginal people would be assimilated among the lower ranks of Canadian society, the new policy was aimed at apartheid, or fitting "the 8 Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 6-7. 9 Cited in Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 7.  152  Cultural Domination and Resistance  Indian for civilized life in his own environment." 10 The policy shift resulted in a decrease in academic content and an increase in religious instruction in schools. Practical training was limited to what was considered necessary for reserve life. New health regulations limited student enrollment in residential schools, and more day schools were constructed so that limited education could be provided cheaper to a greater number of students. 11 Despite the fact that education became mandatory in 1920, many People continued to reject it. In 1951, only 8 out of 20 People over the age of 5 had participated in schooling. Those who choose attend school were disappointed by what was offered. Schooling often proved to be punitive, ethnocentric, and of poor quality. Limited government funding necessitated half-day programs where students were "trained" in institutional maintenance. The half-day program combined with poor quality education and mandatory leaving ages ensured that few were able to acquire more than the most basic education. 12 The People demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the situation in a variety of ways. Attendance was always a problem at residential schools and runaways were frequent. Parents articulated their concerns through interviews, correspondence and petitions, and the proximity of some schools to home communities facilitated some parental intervention. At some schools, such as the Cecilia Jeffrey school near the Ontario - Manitoba boarder, parents wielded considerable control in the education of their 10 Cited in Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 9. 11 Barman, Herbert and McCaskill 1986, 8-9. 12 Barman, Herbert and McCaskill 1986, 10-11.  153  Cultural Domination and Resistance children. As more schools were built, parents were sometimes able to manipulate the competing institutions for the benefit of the students. And sometimes parents organized campaigns to enact educational change. 13 In 1951 changes in the Indian Act allowed the Federal Government to enter into agreements with Provincial Governments to accommodate the "integration" of Aboriginal students in provincial schools. The term integration belied the reality of provincial schooling for Aboriginal students who frequently found themselves in racially charged classrooms taught by teachers with no cross-cultural knowledge or training, studying a curriculum which ignored or demeaned Aboriginal peoples. Integration proved to be another form of cultural domination, which failed to meet the education needs of Aboriginal children, even in White terms. Failure was typical, and as many as 80% of the children had to repeat grade one. The average Aboriginal student was 2.5 years behind in terms of age-grade level. There was large scale absenteeism, with the average Aboriginal student missing 40 out of 180 school days. The drop out rate between grades one and twelve was approximately 94%. 14 The Federal Government's assimilation policy was most clearly defined in the 1969 White Paper which proposed the end of the Department of Indian Affairs and the reservation system, and the elimination of constitutional and legislative grounds for special treatment of First Nations. Realizing that this would destroy what the limited special status First Nations enjoyed, the 13 Miller 1991, 332-341. 14 Hawthorne 1967, 105-159.  154  Cultural Domination and Resistance People reacted strongly, and the White Paper was withdrawn. The People began actively rejecting Western controlled education. 1971 marked the takeover of Blue Quills, the first Indian controlled school in Canada. And in 1972 the National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) issued a policy paper called Indian Control of Indian Education based on the principals of parental responsibility for, and local control of, an education system in which traditional and contemporary values could intertwine and provide quality education for Aboriginal students. 15  THE CURRENT PICTURE Despite the Federal Government's reluctance to grant the power, funding and the legal basis necessary for the People to control their educational futures, there have been many improvements in Aboriginal students' educational experiences. Numerous Bands are operating their own schools. Language and cultural programs have been implemented in both Band and Provincial schools. Retention, attendance, and graduation rates have increased. Adult education programs have been initiated. More students are attending post-secondary institutions, many of which have programs specifically for Aboriginal students. A number of Aboriginal controlled post-secondary institutions have been established. 16 Despite these many changes, much remains to be done. At the elementary and secondary levels, attendance and retention, motivation and 15 Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 15-16; NIB 1972, 3. 16 Kirkness 1986, 74-79; Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 16-17; Kirkness 1992, 27-55.  155  Cultural Domination and Resistance  attitude towards school, and the integration of school and Aboriginal cultures continue to be problematic. 17 The rate of functional illiteracy among the onreserve Aboriginal peoples is twice as high as the rate among other Canadians. Only 25% of the on-reserve population earned high school diplomas (or equivalent), while among other Canadians, over 50% of the population attained similar levels of education. In terms of University participation, only 6.2 % of registered Indians ever attended university, compared to 18.5 % of other Canadians. Only 1.3 % of registered Indians had received university degrees as compared to 9.6 % of the non-Aboriginal population. 18 The situation in British Columbia is even more alarming. As stated by the Provincial Advisory Committee on Post-Secondary Education for Native Learners, "Available statistics confirm that the public education system, at all levels, is failing to meet the needs of First Nations." About 80% of B.C. Aboriginal students leave high school before completion. Among registered Indians, 41 % have less than a grade nine education, and only 3 % have attended university. University completion rates are low. 18  Science Education Information regarding the state of science education suggests that little is being done in this area. While there are some schools in British 17 Kirkness 1992, 27-55. 18 Armstrong, Kennedy and Oberle 1990, 6-12. 19 Provincial Advisory Committee on Post-Secondary Education for Native Learners 1990, 4. Statistics for non-status Indians are unknown.  156  Cultural Domination and Resistance Columbia and elsewhere in Canada which incorporate Aboriginal content and even Aboriginal languages in the science curriculum, this is atypical. At the secondary level, science education is characterized by low enrollment and achievement levels among Aboriginal students, and this limits the number who can gain entry into post-secondary science, technology and health related programs. Not surprisingly, Aboriginal people are highly underrepresented in science, technology, and health related programs and professions at both the provincial and national levels. 20 Ironically, it is also clear that there is a very real need for Aboriginal people to gain expertise in the sciences. Science education has been promoted by the Science Council of Canada (SCC) as a critical aspect of every students' education as it contributes to intellectual growth, facilitates informed decision-making, provides a foundation for further scientific and technological learning; and prepares students for employment in an increasingly technological work world. 21 Aboriginal students share these same needs for understanding science. But there are additional reasons which make scientific and technical education even more necessary for Aboriginal students. Land claims settlements in the North, which have been driven in part by the desire to exploit energy resources, have resulted in increased Aboriginal control over the management, development, use and conservation of lands and  20 AFN 1988, 107; Kirkness 1992, 39; SCC 1991, 25; Urban Native Indian Education Society 1987, 11-21. 21 SCC 1984, 13-18.  157  Cultural Domination and Resistance resources. 22 The settlement of claims in British Columbia will have a huge economic, political and environmental impact on B.C.'s resource sector. Resolution of these claims will likely result in Aboriginal people taking a much more direct and active part in the governance, management, development, protection and enhancement of natural resources and nonrenewable resources. 23 Hence the need for the development of scientific and technical skills among Aboriginal people is pressing. Similarly reasserting authority in the areas of economic development and health care necessitates community expertise in science and technology. Because of the under-representation of Aboriginal people in the sciences, and the great need for scientific and technological skills within our communities, efforts aimed at encouraging Aboriginal participation in school science are crucial. However, those of us committed to Aboriginal education must remember the question posed by Vine Deloria, Jr.: How does what we receive in our educational experience impact the preservation and sensible use of our lands and how does it affect the continuing existence of our tribes? 24 Given that Western education of Aboriginal people, whether controlled by missionaries or by federal or provincial governments has been aimed at cultural domination, and complimented other government initiatives in the area of land expropriation and resource exploitation, this question suggests that a radically different approach must be taken in redefining science 22 SCC 1991, 14-22. 23 Cassidy and Dale 1988. 24 Deloria 1991, 50.  158  Cultural Domination and Resistance education for Aboriginal students. In reconstructing the science curriculum to reflect the needs and aspirations of Aboriginal people, special attention must be paid to issues of social control. The questions raised by Apple regarding what knowledge is taught, who selects it, why it is taught, and how it is taught warrant serious consideration if we are to end the cultural domination inherent in Western school science.  159  BIBLIOGRAPHY Adas, M. 1989. Machines as the measure of men. Ithica: Cornell University Press. Aikenhead, G. S. 1985. Collective decision making in the social context of science. Science Education 69(4):453-475. Ajayi, J. 1965. Christian missions in Nigeria 1841-1891. London: Longmans, Green and Co. Ltd. Apple, M. W. 1990. Ideology and curriculum, 2nd ed. New York: Routledge. Arctander, J. W. 1909. The apostle of Alaska, 2nd ed. Toronto: Fleming H. Revell Company. Armstrong, R., J. Kennedy and P. Oberle. 1990. University education and economic well-being. Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Assembly of First Nations. 1988. Tradition and education. Vol. 1. Ottawa: Assembly of First Nations. Barman, J. 1991. The West beyond the West. 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Ph.D. diss., Harvard Graduate School of Education. Harrison, J. 1957. The Victorian gospel of success. Victorian Studies 1(2):155164. Hawthorn, H. .B. 1967. A survey of the contemporary Indians of Canada. Vol 2. Ottawa: Queen's Printer. Headrick, D. R. 1988. The Tentacles of progress. New York: Oxford University Press.  163  Bibliography Hodson, D. 1987a. Science curriculum change in Victorian England. In International perspectives in curriculum history, ed. I. F. Goodson. London: Croom Helm (?). . 1987b. Social control as a factor in science curriculum change. International Journal of Science Education 9(5):529-540. Hodson,D. and R. B. Prophet. 1983. The influence of phrenological theory on the science curriculum in Victorian England. International Journal of Science Education 5(3):263-274. Hudson's Bay Company, Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Miscellaneous material. British Columbia Archives and Records Service, Victoria, British Columbia. Inglis, G. B., D. R. Hudson, B. K. Rigsby and B. Rigsby. 1990. Tsimshian of British Columbia Since 1900. In Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 7, Northwest Coast, ed. W. Suttles, 285-293. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. Jarboe, M. E. 1983. Education in the New Metlakahtla, Alaska mission settlement. Ph.D. cliss., University of Washington, Seattle. Jungwirth, E. 1981. Science education and politics. Science Education 65(3):253-258. Kallen, E. 1982. Ethnicity and human rights in Canada. Toronto: Gage Publishing Limited. Kirkness, V. J. 1986. Indian control of Indian education: Over a decade later. In Selected papers from the first Mokakit Conference July 25-27, 1984, ed. H. A. McCue, 74-79. Vancouver: Mokakit Indian Education Research Association. Kirkness, V. J. and S. Bowman. 1992. First Nations and schools. Toronto: Canadian Education Association. Knight, R. 1978. Indians at work. Vancouver: New Star Books Ltd. Layton, D. 1973. Science for the People. London: George Allen & Unwind Ltd. MacDonald, G. 1984. The epic of Nekt. In The Tsimshian, ed. M. Seguin, 6581. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. McDonald, J. A. 1984. Images of the nineteenth-century economy of the Tsimshian. In The Tsimshian, ed. M. Sequin, 40-54. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.  164  Bibliography MacKeracher, D. 1985. Science education in a changing society. In Science Education in Canada. Vol 1. Policies, Practices, & Perceptions, ed. F. M. Connelly, R.K. Crocker & H. Kass, 82-107. Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. McNeary, S. A. 1984. Image and illusion in Tsimahian mythology. In The Tsimshian and their neighbors on the North Pacific Coast, ed. J. Miller & C. M. Eastman, 3-15. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Miller, J. 1984. Feasting with the Southern Tsimshian. In The Tsimshian, ed. M. Sequin, 27-39. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Miller, J. R. 1991. Owen Glendower, Hotspur, and Canadian Indian Policy. In Sweet Promises, ed. J. R Miller, 323-352. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Murray, P. 1985. The devil and Mr. Duncan. Victoria: Sono Nis Press. National Indian Brotherhood. 1972. Indian control of Indian education. Ottawa: National Indian Brotherhood. Nock, D. A. 1988. A Victorian missionary and Canadian Indian policy. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press. Pierce, W. H. 1933. From Potlatch to pulpit. Ed. J. P. Hicks. Vancouver: The Vancouver Bindery Limited. Provincial Advisory Committee on Post-Secondary Education for Native Learners. 1990. Report of the Provincial Advisory Committee on PostSecondary Education for Native Learners to the Honourable Bruce Strachan, Minister of Advanced Education, Training and Technology. Ridley, W. 1882. Senator Macdonald's misleading account of his visit to Metlakatla exposed by the Bishop of Caledonia. Victoria. Rettig, A. 1980. A nativist movement at Metlakatla mission. BC Studies 40 (Summer):28-39. Ronda, J. P and J. Axtel. 1978. Indian missions. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. St. John, M. 1877. The sea of mountains. London: Hurst and Blackett. Schutt, Margaret Elizabet. Papers. British Columbia Archives and Records Service. Victoria, British Columbia. Science Council of Canada. 1984. Science for every student. Ottawa: Science Council of Canada.  165  Bibliography . 1991. Northern science for northern society. Ottawa. Supply and Services Canada. Sequin, M. 1984a. Introduction. The Tsimshian, ed. M. Sequin, ix-xx. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. 1984b. Least there be no salmon. In The Tsimshian, ed. M. Sequin, 110133. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. . 1985. Interpretive contexts for traditional and current Coast Tsimshian feasts. Ottawa: National Museum of Man, Nation Museums of Canada. Simon, B. 1984. Can education change society. In An imperfect past, ed. J. D. Wilson, 30-47. Vancouver: CSCI Publications. Souque, J. P. 1987. Science education and textbook science. Canadian Journal of Education 12(1):74-85. Stevenson, W. 1988. CMS Red River Mission and the emergence of a Native ministry. Master's thesis, Univeristy of British Columbia, Vancouver. Stock, E. 1899. The history of the Church Missionary Society. 3 vols. London: Church Missionary Society. Swetz, F. J. 1986. Peking man to socialist man Science Education 70(4):401411. Tennant, P. 1990. Aboriginal peoples and politics. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press Tomlinson, R. 1887. Metlakahtla and the Church Missionary Society. Victoria: Munroe Miller, Printer and Book binder. Trigger, B. G. 1985. Natives and newcomers. Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press; Manchester: Manchester University Press. Urban Native Indian Education Society. 1987. A research report on Indian & Inuit health careers in British Columbia. Vancouver: Urban Native Indian Education Society. Usher, J. 1971. Apostles and aborigines. Social History 2:28-52. 1974. William Duncan of Metlakatla. 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Toronto: University of Toronto Press.  167  APPENDIX A: LAWS OF METLAKAHTLA 1 - Forbidden I^The Demoniacal Rites called Ahlied or Medicine Work II^Conjouring & all other heathen practices over the sick III^The use of intoxicating drinks IV Gambling V^Painting Faces VI Giving away property for display VII Tearing up property in anger or to wipe out disgrace  - Required I^The Sabboth to be strictly observed II^Devine Services to be  attended by all the Settlers  III^All the children to attend School. IV^All adult Male settlers to pay a yearly tax of one blanket or 2 1/2 dollars & all males approaching manhood - one shirt or one dollar. V^All quarels to be settled by arbitration or by recourse to the civil force by Law established to maintain peace V1 All Settlers to build neat houses & cultivate gardens V11 All Settlers to be cleanly in their habits VIII All the Settlers to be industrious IX^All the Settlers to be peaceful and orderly X^All the Settlers to be honest & upright in their dealings with each other & with Indians of other tribes.  1 Laws of Metlakahtla, October 15, 1862, Community -Municipal Records, 1862 - 1870.  Duncan Papers, C-2158. Emphasis in original.  168  APPENDIX B: SCHOOL ROUTINE FOR ADULTS 1 P.M. 7:00 - 7:30 1st Class^Reading - Sheet Series & A Text from Scripture or Tsimshean from B.B.[Black Board] 2nd Class Writing - Words from B.B.[or] Sheet Series 3rd Class Writing - Letters & syllables from Black board N.B. The first class must keep up with the other classes in Tsimshian. 7:30 - 8:00 1st Class Composition on Slates from Sheet Series lesson 2nd Class Reading - Sheet Series & Tsimshean from B.B. 3rd Class Reading - Tsimshean from B.B. N.B. Write a short lesson in Tsimshean on Black board[.] [L]et 2nd & 3rd Classes read it together for a short time[.] When the 2nd Class have learnt it - let them go to short series but the 3rd class keep on with the Tsimshean. 8:00 - 8:30 Monday^Moral lesson Tuesday^Singing Wednesday Arithmetic Thursday Singing Friday^Geography - Physical Science or Astronomy 8:30 - 9:00 Religious lessons - Singing & prayer Monday^Bible & Gospel History Tuesday^Bible & Gospel History Wednesday Bible & Gospel History Thursday Pilgrim's Progress Friday^Catechism [Creed], Commandments or Lord's Prayer 1 Adapted from School Routine for Adults, 1865. Community -General, 1865 - 1917. Duncan Papers, C-2157.  169  ^  A.M.  APPENDIX C: SCHOOL ROUTINE FOR CHILDREN 1  10:00-10:30 Prayer & Singing Bible Lesson - Bible & Gospel History 10:30-11:00 1st Class 2nd Class 3rd Class 4th Class  Writing Copy Books Reading 1st Sheet Series  11:0-11:30 1st Class 2nd Class 3rd Class 4th Class  Writing Compositions from Vocabulary Writing five to ten words of vocabulary Writing from Black board Writing on Slates  11:30-12:00 Arithmetic Monday - Wednesday - Friday Geography Tuesday - Thursday  P.M. ^2:00-2:30  ^  1st Class 2nd Class  3rd Class 4th Class 2:30-3:00^1st Class 2nd Class 3rd Class 4th Class  Reading 2nd Irish Book Writing figures or composition on slates from morning vocabulary lesson (assisted) Writing letters on slates Writing arithmetic on slates or composition from reading lesson Reading^2nd Short Series Reading^1st Short Series  3:00-3:30 Singing^Monday, Wednesday, Friday Moral Lesson Tuesday & Thursday 2:30-4:00^Lesson in :Creed, Comandments or Lord's prayer, Catechism Singing & Prayer  1 Adapted from School Routine for Adults, 1865. Community-General, 1865-1917. Duncan Papers, C-2157.  170  APPENDIX D: SCHOOL ATTENDANCE RATES 1  YEAR  STUDENTS REGISTERED  AVERAGE DAILY ATTENDANCE  1875  329  not given  1876  168  not given  1877  162  55 1/2  1878  174  72  1879  125  54  1880  160  69  1881  156  63  1882  not given  not given  1883a  24  4  1883b  188  97  1884  not given  not given  1 The following information is based on Department of Indian Affairs Annual Report 1875, 82; 1876, 86 - 87; 1877, 166 - 167; 1878, 224 - 225; 1879, 302 - 303; 1880, 310 - 311; 1881, 216 - 217; 1882, 252 - 253; 1883, 182 - 183; 1884, 180 - 181. a These figures refer to the school taught by W. H. Collison for the CMS. Figures based on two quarters on two quarters only. b These figures refer to the school taught by D. Leask for the Christian Church of Metlakahtla (Duncan's followers). Figures based on one quarter only.  171  

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