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Science and technology education in a civilizing mission MacIvor, Madeleine 1993

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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY EDUCATION IN A CIVILIZINGMISSIONbyMADELEINE MACIVORB.Ed., University of British Columbia, 1987A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMaster of ArtsinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment of Mathematics and Science EducationWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAAugust 1993© Madeleine Maclvor, 1993In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for anadvanced degree at The University of British Columbia, I agree that theLibrary shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agreethat permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposesmay be granted by the Head of my Department or by his or herrepresentatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis forfinancial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.Department of Mathematics and Science EducationThe University of British Columbia2075 Wesbrook PlaceVancouver, CanadaV6T 1W5Date: 31 August 1993ABSTRACTThis thesis is a study of science and technology education in thecontext of an early Aboriginal-missionary interaction at Fort Simpson andMetlakatla, British Columbia between 1857 and 1887. Drawing on a varietyof historical sources, the study investigates how science and technologyeducation were used by lay missionary William Duncan to further the dualgoals of christianization and civilization among the Tsimshian. The thesisalso investigates the varying responses of the Tsimshian to Duncan'seducational initiatives.The thesis argues that science and technology education at FortSimpson and Metlakatla was implemented in an attempt to culturallydominate the People. Duncan used science and technology education topromote christianity, to undermine the People's traditional beliefs about thenatural world, to promote literacy over orality, and to inculcate Victorianwork values. Furthermore, the technological and domestic trainingintroduced by Duncan facilitated the development of materials and skillsnecessary for the physical development of the mission village, isolated thePeople from other labour markets, and encouraged industriousness.Domestic education was intended to give the women the skills necessary toadopt European dress and to prepare them for their roles as mothers inchristian, civilized homes. Science and technology education was alsointended to fill the void resulting from the banning of traditional practices.The People, however, were not passive victims of Duncan's educationalpractices. While many rejected Western schooling, others accommodatediiAbstractschooling for various intellectual, practical, economic, political, cultural, andspiritual reasons. Resistance was always a theme in the history of schoolingin Fort Simpson and Metlakatla. Resistance was particularly strong amongthe Chiefs, and this resistance was a factor in the relocation of the Peoplefrom Fort Simpson to Metlakatla, B.C., and later to Metlakatla, Alaska.This case study illustrates that Western school science was a site ofcultural domination and resistance, and raises questions about appropriateeducation for Aboriginal people in science and technology. The thesisconcludes by locating this case study within the history of Western schoolingof Aboriginal people, and calls for the reconstruction of the sciencecurriculum to meet the needs and aspirations of the People.iiiTable of ContentsAbstract^ iiTable of Contents^  ivAcknowledgements viChapter One:Science Education And Cultural Domination^ 1Introduction^ 1The Problem 1Science Education And Social Control 3Methodology 9Significance^ 10Questions Explored^ 11How The Story Unfolds  11Limitations 12Chapter Two:The Context of the Meeting^ 14Introduction^ 14The Tsimshian 15Victorian England, the CMS, and William Duncan^28Chapter Three:Fort Simpson: The Early Years^ 43Introduction^ 43Education in Fort Simpson 49Schooling within the Fort 49Day School 50Science and Technical Education^ 53Science Education in the Community 58Responses to Educational Initiatives  60Intellectual and Practical Benefits 61Economic and Material Considerations^ 64Issues of Politics and Prestige^  66Cultural and Spiritual Responses 68The Move to Metlakatla^ 76Chapter Four:The Metlakatla Mission 80Introduction^ 80Education In Metlakatla^ 84Duncan's Attitude Towards Education^  84Duncan's Attitude Towards the People 86Aboriginal and Other Missionary Teachers  87ivThe School^  90Adult Classes  90Day School 94Boarding School 96Industrial Training^ 100Science Education in the Community^  103Summary^ 106Government support  107Responses to the Educational Intiatives  112Intellectual and Practical Benefits^  113Economic and Material Considerations  118Issues of Politics and Prestige  120Cultural and Spiritual Responses 125The Move to Alaska^ 134Chapter five:Cultural Domination and Resistance^  142Introduction^ 142Social Control in the Civilizing Mission 143Government Response^  147Responses to Education in the Civilizing Mission^ 148Accommodation  148Resistance 150Western Schooling and Aboriginal Peoples  151The Current Picture^ 155Science Education 156Bibliography^ 160Appendix A: Laws of Metlakahtla^ 168Appendix B: School Routine For Adults 169Appendix C: School Routine for Children^ 170Appendix D: School Attendance Rates  171vACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThe goodwill, friendship, support, and advice of my many friends,colleagues, and instructors at the University of British Columbia, andelsewhere, have contributed to the development of this work. In particular Iwould like to thank my committee members Verna J. Kirkness, Jane Gaskelland especially my advisor and friend, Jim Gaskell. I thank my friends CathyJames and Sheila Te Hennepe for their comments, encouragement, and longwalks on the beach. I am grateful to David Fayegh and Val Freizen for helpwith computers. I appreciate the patience and encouragement of mychildren, Motion, River, and Gabrielle, and I apologize to them for so oftenbeing a student when I should have been a mother. And I thank my ownmother, Dorothe Stevenson, for her continued emotional, spiritual andfinancial support of my endeavors.The responsibility for errors and omissions is, of course, mine. Thisresponsibility weighs heavily upon me, and at times paralyzed me. Thewords of a song by Leonard Cohen provided me with much courage:Ring the bells that still can ring.Forget your perfect offering.There is a crack, a crack, in everything.That's how the light gets in. 11 Cohen, L. 1992.viCHAPTER ONE:SCIENCE EDUCATION AND CULTURAL DOMINATIONINTRODUCTIONWas it only yesterday that men sailed around the moon ... Andcan they now stand up on its barren surface? You and I marvelthat man should travel so far and so fast ... Yet, if they havetravelled far then I have travelled farther ... and if they havetravelled fast, than I faster ... for I was born a thousand yearsago ... born in a culture of bows and arrows. But within thespan of half a lifetime I was flung across the ages to the cultureof the atom bomb ... And from bows and arrows to atom bombs isa distance far beyond a flight to the moon. 1With these words, the late Chief Dan George eloquently hints at theimpact of Western science and technology on Aboriginal 2 cultures. However,the literature on both the history of science and technology and the history ofscience and technology education in Canada, has tended to ignore the effectof Western science and technology on Aboriginal people. 3 This thesis willexplore the role that Western science and technology education played inearly missionaries' attempts to acculturate Aboriginal people.THE PROBLEMScience and technology were introduced by missionaries to Aboriginal1 Chief Dan George cited in Waubeageshig 1979, 161.2 As Hampton (1988, 2) points out, "No name contains a people, and none is truly accurate."In this work I have chosen to use the words "Aboriginal people" or "People" to refergenerally to those whose ancestry is traced to the original inhabitants of what is nowCanada. "First Nations" and "Indians" are also used. "Indigenous" refers to originalinhabitants in the international context. "White", "European", "Euro-Canadian" or"Westerners" is used to refer to those of European descent. No disrespect is intended.3 See for example Berger 1983; Zeller 1987; Berg and MacKeracher 1985; MacKeracher1985.1Science Education and Cultural Dominationcommunities as part of the complex process of acculturation, throughschooling, at the work place and in the community. However, acculturation,"the process of learning those cultural ways of an ethnic collectivity to whichone does not belong" 4 is not a unilateral process. The control necessary forthe imposition of one culture is never absolute; the recipients are capable ofrejecting or selecting from that which is presented. The tension between thegoals of the missionary educator as "an agent of cultural change", andAboriginal people as active agents in selective accommodation is investigatedin this thesis.This issue is pursued through a case study of the Aboriginal-missionary interaction between the Tsimshian 5 and William Duncan at FortSimpson (later known as Port Simpson) and Metlakatla, British Columbiabetween 1857 and 1887. Such a study is significant because Metlakatla ishailed as one of the earliest successful Aboriginal-missionary endeavors inBritish Columbia, and it served as a model for subsequent missionaryefforts.6 For these reasons, Metlakatla has been the subject of manystudies.? However, none of these studies explores the role of Western scienceand technology education in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, nor do theypresent the Tsimshian as collaborators in the civilizing mission.4 Kallen 1982, 147.5 Spelling of words and names, particularly those of Aboriginal origin, vary from author toauthor over time. Contemporary spellings are used in this work, unless contained withinquotes.6 Fisher 1977, 136-137; Knight 1978, 248; Usher 1974, 86-88.7 See for example Halcombe 1872; Welcome 1887; Actander 1909; Usher 1974; Bowman1983; Murray, 1985.2Science Education and Cultural DominationSCIENCE EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CONTROLContrary to liberal educational perspectives which view education as apolitically neutral force which can redress social inequalities by providingstudents with the skills and knowledge necessary for equal access toeconomic rewards, many critical educational analyses see education as ahegemonic form. The day to day school experience, the curriculum, andeducational theory, policy, and practice are seen as elements of social control:institutions of cultural preservation and distribution like schoolscreate and recreate forms of consciousness that enable socialcontrol to be maintained with out the necessity of dominantgroups having to resort to the overt mechanisms of domination. 8Knowledge that becomes school knowledge, is not neutral, but ratherpreselected and interpreted to reflect the social and economic interests ofthose with power. Some forms of knowledge as social control are easilyrecognized. For example, religious instruction plays an obvious role in thecivilizing mission context. However, problematizing secular content may bemore difficult. This is particularly true in the case of science and technologyeducation, possibly because we've been socialized to accept the "positiveideal" of science. 9This positivist view of science is commonly perpetuated through theeducational authority of science texts, 19 even though evidence from thephilosophy, history, and sociology of science indicates that this view is"completely untenable" i 1 and obfuscates a more realistic vision of science as8 Apple 1990, 3.9 Apple, 1990, 88; Hodson 1987b, 531; Hodson and Prophet 1983, 266.10 Factor and Kooser 1981, 3; Souque 1987, 83-84.11 Gauld 1982, 118.3Science Education and Cultural Dominationa social construct, laden with both discipline-centred and social values)-2Various studies have shown that science curriculum, like otherknowledge transmitted through the education system, "reflects both thedistribution of power and the principles of social control." 13Early initiatives aimed at providing science education to the poor inVictorian England have been interpreted as attempts by liberal reformers tomaintain the social and economic structure. 14 Education in colonial Africaand Asia reflected colonizers' attitudes towards the colonized, and the need toincrease economic production while maintaining the status quo. Thisresulted in different educational opportunities in different countries, and atendency to favour low status vocational and technical training rather thanthe academic education desired by many of the colonized. 15 Interestingly,scientific and technical accomplishments of the various colonized peoplehelped shape colonizer's attitudes and educational policy. 16In a more contemporary context, evolutionary theory is used in Chinato reinforce political messages: "'redness and expertness' coexist in amarriage of scientific fact and political and ideological rhetoric." 17 Different"political filters" are utilized in biology education in East-Germany, West-Germany, United States and the United Kingdom. 18 Such examplesdemonstrate that science education is not politically neutral; rather, it12 Aikenhead 1985, 457-459.13 Bernstein ctd. in Hodson 1987b, 530.14 Hodson, 1987a, 139-171 ; 1987b, 531-536; Hodson and Prophet, 1983, 263-274.15 Headrick 1988, 304-351.16 Adas 1989, 271-342.17 Swetz, 1986, 9.18 Jungwrith, 1981, 253-258.4Science Education and Cultural Dominationreinforces the existing social ethos.Hodson states that science curriculum:is socially constructed, being the product of particular sets ofchoices made by particular groups of people, at particular times,in furtherance of their particular interests. Thus, it representsthe triumph of a particular interest group. 19While such an interpretation may account for the intentions of those inpower, it ignores the responses of the targets of such social control goals, andprovides an incomplete picture. As Gaffield states,the history of education cannot simply be viewed as theimposition of schools on powerless and passive populations....The complete history of public schooling is not only the historyof subordination and victimization. Rather [it] is the history oflocal adaptation and intervention, and of social interaction asmuch as it is of social control and assimilation. 2°Both social control and accommodation and resistance are at work inthe context of Aboriginal education. In a study of the Kamloops IndianResidential School in British Columbia, Haig-Brown states that:The most outstanding feature which is revealed by this study isthe extent and complexity of the resistance movement which thestudents and their families developed against the invasivepresence of the residential school. 21Similarly, Miller's account of residential schooling across Canada inthe late 19th and early 20th centuries demonstrates that the People:were actors who pursued their interests and struggled topreserve their identity. They resisted, evaded, and defied effortsto control their decision making, limit their traditional rites, anddeprive them of their children:2219 Hodson 1987b, 538.20 Gaffield ctd in Wilson 1984, 13-14.21 Haig-Brown, 1988, 21.22 Miller 1991, 340-341.5Science Education and Cultural DominationThis perspective is particularly important in the context of earlyAboriginal-missionary interactions where the People formed the dominantgroup, both in terms of numbers and power, and will be explored in a specificcase study of Aboriginal-missionary interactions at Fort Simpson andMetlakatla, B.C.Fort Simpson and Metlakatla provide ideal contexts for an explorationof the role of science and technology education in Aboriginal-missionaryinteractions. As stated previously, Metlakatla was one of the first missionvillages in B.C., and its success established it as a model to be followed byother missionaries. Furthermore, its success in secular areas was wellknown. In addition to some agricultural initiatives, the People operated awide range of pre-industrial craft enterprises and an industrialized salmoncannery. Even contemporary critics of the mission did not deny its secularsuccess, but rather implied that such success was at the expense of spiritualgrowth.23While many works have been published about William Duncan's workat Metlakatla and Fort Simpson, most offer us the "civilization-versus-savagery" interpretation of Aboriginal-mission history. Ronda and Axteldescribe this genre succinctly:Consumed with zeal, so runs the argument, missionariesstruggled against nearly overwhelming odds to bring the joys ofChristian salvation and the benefits of Western civilization toheathen savages. 24Typical of such mission history "classics" are works like Stranger than23 Knight 1978, 54-55; Usher 1974, 111.24 Ronda and Axtell 1978, 2.6Science Education and Cultural DominationFiction by John Joseph Halcombe (1872), The Story of Metlakahtla by HenryS. Wellcome (1887); and the Apostle of Alaska by J. W. Arctander (1909). Inthese books Duncan emerges as a uniquely dedicated and resourceful manwho single-handedly, and at great personal risk, brings christianity andcivilization to uplift the "heathens" from their degraded state. Metlakatla isseen as:a civilizing work without parallel, alike remarkable for theoriginal thought and genius displayed, and for the heroiccourage in execution. 25Philis Bowman's (1983) work, Metlakahtla - The Holy City!, is a moremodern example of this same genre. While these works are interesting asmissionary classics, and provide some useful information about missionaryefforts at Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, they eulogize rather than analyzeDuncan's relationship with the People, and fail to acknowledge thecollaborative nature of the relationship.There are, of course, a few contemporary works that offer us a differentpicture, such as Peter Murray's (1985) popular history, The Devil and Mr.Duncan, and Jean Usher's (1974) William Duncan of Metlakatla. WhileMurray is somewhat successful in offering a more balanced picture ofDuncan, he perpetuates that notion that the People's community at FortSimpson, in 1857 was "demoralized, squabbling and often violent" and thatpotlatching had degenerated "into a drunken orgy punctuated by gunfire." 26According to Murray, Duncan ensured the Tsimshian's survival by25 Wellcome 1887, 1.26 Murray 1985, 10.7Science Education and Cultural Dominationintroducing industry and isolating the People in a mission village, not tochristianize27 them, but rather to "soften the blow" of cultural change. 28Murray's work, while rich descriptively, is lacking analytically.Usher convincingly portrays Duncan as a "agent of cultural change",purposefully applying a policy developed by Henry Venn of the ChurchMissionary Society. Unfortunately, she tends to underplay the People's rolein the creation of their own history at Fort Simpson and Metlakatla.Metlakatla is referred to as "Duncan's success" which was facilitated by theTsimshians' various predispositions and their "natural adaptability". EvenMetlakatla's dissolution is attributed to Duncan's "evident failure to satisfytheir [traditional Tsimshian leaders'] psychological needs." 29In virtually all the literature, schooling and industrial trainingwarrant some consideration. Usher's work is notable for the analysis of thereasons that lay behind the introduction of such education. However,education remains peripheral to Usher's more general interest of Duncan asan agent of social change. Jarboe's (1983) work, Education in the NewMetlakahtla, Alaska mission settlement, does focus on education. However,little is said about education in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, B.C. In all theworks, science education is largely ignored.In this work I propose to reexamine the sources, paying particularattention to the role of Western science and technology education in Fort27 In this work words like "christianity", "christians" and "christianize" are not capitalized.Nor are words like "shaman" and "shamanism". No disrespect is intended.28 Murray 1985, 11-12.29 Usher 1974, 135.8Science Education and Cultural DominationSimpson and Metlakatla, and the responses of the People to missionaryinitiatives.METHODOLOGYA defining factor in this, as in all historical research, is the availabilityof relevant source materials. Fortunately, there is a large body ofinformation relating to William Duncan and Metlakatla. Such sourcesinclude Duncan's personal and official correspondence, journals, notebooks,etc. Other information comes from the Church Missionary Society (CMS),Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) at Fort Simpson, the Department of IndianAffairs (DIA), newspapers and periodicals. Secondary sources have alsoproved invaluable.This thesis draws upon anthropological literature which "provides thehistorian with descriptions of Indian cultures as well as insights into Indians'response to the impact of Europeans." 30 Much of the anthropologists' workamong the Tsimshian draws upon material collected by Tsimshianethnographers William Beynon and Henry Tate, who collaborated withanthropologists Marius Barbeau, Franz Boaz, and Viola Garfield. Inaddition, a limited number of Tsimshian sources do exist in the form ofletters and petitions sent to Duncan, the CMS, and various Governmentagents.This thesis will be further enriched by the use of historicalphotographs. As J. Robert Davison states:30 Fisher 1977, xiii-xiv.9Science Education and Cultural DominationAt the verbal level we learn much, but photographs canpenetrate directly into the ineffable region beyond the utteredword where we feel and experience as much as think. Capturedwithin the 'mirror with a memory' is frequently a faithfulreflection of the individual and interpersonal dynamics of anentire society, focused intensely into one visual image no biggerthan a postcard. 31SIGNIFICANCEUnderstanding contemporary Aboriginal issues, including educationalconcerns, necessitates an understanding of the historical context in whichAboriginal and Euro-Canadian relations developed. 32 Until recently,Aboriginal people were at the fringes of mainstream Canadian history; theywere "not even minor actors in the Canadian drama, simply stage-propsagainst which others work out their roles." 33 More recently, however,Canadian scholarship has turned to portraying the People as active agents indetermining their own, and Canada's history. 34 Educational history has alsobeen affected.35This thesis will carry on this trend. The People will shed their roles asspurious props and emerge in key roles in the unfolding drama,demonstrating that even when constrained by conditions imposed on them byothers, Aboriginal people took an active role in the creation of their ownhistory. In addition, by looking at the intentions and consequences of scienceand technology education in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, this study will31 Davison 1982, 34.32 Gibbins and Ponting 1986, 18; Barman, Hebert and McCaskill, 1986, 2.33 Walker, 1983, 346. See also Trigger 1985, 3-49.34 See for example, Fisher 1977; Knight 1978; Trigger 1985; Tennant 1990; Cox 1991.35 See for example, Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986; Haig-Brown 1988; Miller 1991.10Science Education and Cultural Dominationcontribute to the growing body of literature on the history of science andtechnology eduction. In this context, the thesis will bring a new perspectiveto the issues of science education and social control.QUESTIONS EXPLOREDThe thesis will be directed at the following questions in the context ofAboriginal-Missionary encounters in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, B.C.1.What role did Western science and technology education playin Duncan's attempts to christianize and civilize the People?2.How did the People respond to Duncan's educationalinitiatives?More specifically, the thesis will explore these questions in the contextof schooling, industrial training, and in the broader community.HOW THE STORY UNFOLDSChapter Two, "The Context of the Meeting", locates the interactionbetween the People and Duncan within the context of two changing cultures.This chapter first looks at the Tsimshian world, and discusses their territoryand resources, political and social organizations, and the their involvementwith trade. Changes that occurred within Tsimshian society as a result ofcontact with Euro-Canadians during the early maritime and land-based furtrade periods are also discussed. The next section brings the discussion toVictorian England which was undergoing rapid change as a result ofindustrialization. The Church of England was also undergoing change as aresult of the evangelical movement. The reader is then introduced to the11Science Education and Cultural DominationChurch Missionary Society and its role in foreign mission work. Duncan isshown to be typical of the lay missionaries who were trained by the CMS forforeign mission work.Chapters Three and Four, "Fort Simpson: The Early Years" and "TheMetlakatla Mission", look at the initiatives undertaken by Duncan in hisattempts to christianize and^civilize the People. Special attention is paid toeducation generally, and science and technology education specifically.Chapter Four also includes a discussion on Government support forMetlakatla. Each Chapter includes a discussion of the Peoples' responses toDuncan's educational initiatives, and demonstrates that the People'sreactions to Western schooling varied from accommodation to rejection, andthese reactions were based on a variety of intellectual, pragmatic, material,political and cultural reasons.Chapter Five, "Cultural Domination and Resistance", summaries therole that science education played in contributing to the dual goals ofchristianization and civilization in Fort Simpson and Metlakatla. Again,discussion also highlights the various responses of the People to education inthis civilizing mission. Education in Metlakatla is contextualized within thehistory of Western education of Aboriginal people in Canada. The presentsituation in science education for Aboriginal students is discussed, and servesas a basis for calling for a radically new science curriculum.LIMITATIONSThis work focuses on a specific Aboriginal community, collaborating12Science Education and Cultural Dominationwith a specific missionary, within a specific historical context. Anyconclusions drawn from this study should not be uncritically applied to otherAboriginal-missionary interactions at other times and other places. However,it is hoped that this work may provide some insight that may be useful forothers exploring different situations, providing of course, that the uniquenessof each Aboriginal-missionary encounter is kept in mind.Historical researchers must often depend upon Euro-Canadianaccounts for insight into Aboriginal responses to early contact situations.Unfortunately, most of the information this thesis draws upon was written bynon-Tsimshian people. The Tsimshian story remains to be told. And likeother works, this thesis represents a selective choice of information whichhas been reinterpreted by the author. The history of Metlakatla containsmany stories. This is just one of them.13CHAPTER TWO:THE CONTEXT OF THE MEETINGINTRODUCTIONEvery Aboriginal and missionary interaction was, and continues to be,unique, depending upon the contexts in which the two are brought together.In an attempt to set the scene for the interaction between the People andWilliam Duncan, this chapter explores these differing contexts in which thePeople and Duncan lived.The first section explores the world of the Tsimshian. It looks at theland, the resources provided by the land which supported the People, and therelationship that developed between the People and the land. It then looks atthe People's social organization, including clans, houses, and status; andinstitutions, including the feast complex, secret societies, and shamanism.The People's extensive involvement in trade, and the changes in their worldas a result of participation in the maritime and land based fur trade are alsodiscussed.The next section introduces the reader to Victorian England, whichwas in the midst of changes brought about by industrialization. Theevangelical movement within the Church of England, the resulting foreignmission movement, and particularly the Church Missionary Society are thendiscussed. Particular attention is paid to Henry Venn and the Native ChurchPolicy, and the role that education played in missionary work. WilliamDuncan, the lay missionary who would work among the Tsimshian is then14The Context of the Meetingintroduced.THE TSIMSHIANMany of the People trace their origins to Temlaxam, a village locatedon the plains near the upper Skeena River. According to oral traditon,disrespect shown to non-humans resulted in catastrophes, destroyingTemlaxam and scattering the People. 1 They settled, moved and resettledalong the Nass and Skeena Rivers and their tributaries, and to the coast andcoastal islands and "In this manner the crests are scattered over the wholecoast."2 The Nisga'a settled along the Nass River; the Gitksan settled alongthe upper Skeena River; the Coast Tsimshian settled along the lower Skeena,the coast and surrounding islands; and the Southern Tsimshian extendedTsimshian territory to the south to Swindle Island. These four linguisticallyand culturally related groups, the Nisga'a, Gitksan, Coast Tsimshian, andSouthern Tsimshian are the People known collectively as Tsimshian. 3The rich and varied environment which makes up Tsimshian country,provided the People with a cornucopia of resources. From the rivers camesalmon and oolechan; from the ocean came cod, halibut, herring, seals, sealions sea otters and whales. Land-based hunting provided the people with123Cove and MacDonald 1987a, 248-261. Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw (1989, 23, 37-38)support oral tradition with reference to a landslide which occurred three thousand fivehundred years ago in the Chicago Creek drainage, resulting in the damming and rising ofSeeley Lake.Boas 1916, 727.Sequin 1984a, ix; Halpin and Sequin 1990, 267-269. Some authors, such as Duff 1964;Garfield, 1966; and MacDonald and Cove 1987a; 1987b do not differentiate between theSouthern and Coastal Tsimshian.15The Context of the Meetingcaribou, elk, moose, mountain goat and sheep, bear, deer, fox, porcupine andother small game Along the ocean shores, clam, cockles, crabs, mussels andseaweed were collected. Crabapples, various berries and roots supplementedtheir diet. These foods were collected in such abundance that the Peoplewere able to preserve the excess for later use and for trade. 4The land also provided the People with raw materials for themanufacture of goods. Among the Tsimshian were skilled artisans whoworked with a variety of materials including wood, bone, shell, horn, copper,roots, bark and animal hair. House fronts were painted and carved topublicly proclaim the House's history and lineage. Huge poles were erectedin honor of deceased Chiefs. Even every day items, such as storage boxes,canoes, serving dishes and fish hooks were beautifully rendered. Ownershipof some goods was restricted to those of high rank and wealth, while otheritems were restricted to those involved with the supernatural through secretsocieties or shamanism. And while much of the work was the domain of men,the most prized of all the chiefly symbols, the Chilkat blanket, was a productof women weavers. So wonderfully crafted were many of these items thatthey were, and continue to be, prized items of trade. 5The close relationship the People had with the land shaped their viewof the world. Theirs was a world in which fish, animals, humans and spiritsare all a part of an "interacting continuum". The boundaries between the4 Garfield 1966, 13-15; Halpin and Sequin 1990, 269-271. While past tense is used in thiswork, the People continue to gather the resources of the land today. Furthermore, the useof past tense in reference to other cultural practices is not meant to suggest that suchpractices no longer continue.5 Sequin 1984a, xiv.16The Context of the Meetinghuman and non-human were fluid, allowing each to take on the form ofothers, and thereby participate in the other's reality. 6Out of this perception came a relationship of reciprocity whichacknowledged and honored human and non-human interaction, and whichrequired human observation of certain practices, such as the proper disposalof non-human remains, to ensure that such relationships maintained theirbalance. Human interaction with both animals and spirits had futurerepercussions. The belief in human and non-human reincarnation bound thePeople to respectful treatment of animal remains as improper treatmentwould block reincarnation, and the animals would not return to feed thePeople. Thus, Chiefs had to ensure animals and fish were treatedrespectfully, thereby ensuring that they would return and give themselves forfuture use. 7The Tsimshian are organized into four matrilineal exogamous clans.Among the Coast and Southern Tsimshian, these divisions are known asBlackfish (or Killer Whale), Wolf, Raven and Eagle. Corresponding clansexist among the Gitksan and Nisga'a, and among other nations such as theHaida and Tlingit. 8Besides structuring marriage relationships among Tsimshian andneighbouring Peoples, the clan system provided a sense of relatedness andsolidarity which transcended individual villages to encompass other6 Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw 1989, 23; Guedon 1984a, 137-142.7 McNeary 1984, 9; Gisday Wa & Delgam Uukw 1989, 23.8 Garfield 1966, 18-20; Seguin 1984, x; Halpin and Sequin 1990, 274-275. Precontactvillages were likely composed of one or two clans.17The Context of the MeetingTsimshian groups and their Haida and Tlingit neighbours. According toHerbert Wallace, "in case of warfare between the Tsimshian and the Haida, aTsimshian would help one of the same crest among the Haida, and vice-versa.In times of peace, it is a law that one in one crest will help another in thesame crest."9While clan members assumed kinship and solidarity, they were sowidely dispersed that many do not know each other. Much more closelyrelated were the members of local matrilineages known as waabs orHouses. 10House boundaries did not correspond to the large, cedar plankdwellings the People occupied, as each household included both clanmembers, their spouses, children, people related to other lineages, andslaves. Rather, House refered to those directly related to the lineage chief.House members resided in one or several households, and larger lineageswere composed of several Houses of differing status. Each House wasidentified by its crests, visual representations of extraordinary events inHouse history which were depicted on architectural structures like houseposts, house fronts, and totem poles, and on crest bearing regalia such asrobes, head-dresses, hats, armour and masks. 11Members of each House were really the series of ranked names ownedby the House and 'put on' by individuals who typically held such names until9 Cited in Halpin 1973,63. In this context, "crest" is used to refer to clan.10 Garfield 1966, 22; Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw 1985, 25.11 Seguin 1984b, 112; Garfield 1966, 22-23; Halpin 1973, 59-60; Halpin and Seguin 1990,274; Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw 1989, 25; Cove 1987, 126-127.18The Context of the Meetingtheir death. The carrying of ranked names resulted in a continuum ofindividuals who were perceived to be more and less rea1. 12 These peoplewere known as: Real People (Semooget), Nobility (Algyagask), Commoners orordinary people (Liksgiget), Unhealed People (Wa'ayin), and Slaves(Hlalingit). 13Real People were those who carried chiefly names. To be worthy ofsuch a name one must have been high-born, demonstrated exemplarybehavior, and feed and distributed property through the potlatch. Nobility issaid to have bridged the Real People and the Ordinary People, and consistedof higher ranking members of the Liksgiget. Ordinary People provided theeconomic and moral support for the Real People. The Unhealed People couldinclude members of any of the status groups. Through deviant behavior, RealPeople, Nobility or Commoners can be placed into this category; slaves couldbe raised to this category. Additionally, children who were illegitimate or theresult of an hypergamous marriage are Wa'ayin. Slaves, accumulatedthrough trade or capture, served as workers and servants. They also hadvalue as property for trade or distribution in the feast system. 14Once invested with the name of a high Chief, the carrier acquiredownership of the property associated with the name. With such ownershipcame many responsibilities. It was the Chief who allocated, organized and12 Seguin 1984b, 111-115; 1985, 45-48; Cove 1987, 39.13 This list combines the ranking of Halpin 1973, 100-102 and Cove 1987, 245. In Halpin,Algyagask is included in the Liksgiget category, which she refers to as Councillors.Wa'ayin is not included in the "Totemic Categories" identified by Cove. Rather, Wa'ayinappears in his "Secret Socieity Categories".14 Cove 1987, 136-140, 143; Seguin 1984b, 111,115-116; Garfield 1966, 26-31; Donald 1991,162-163.19The Context of the Meetingdirected the use of the land and resources among House and non-Housemembers, and defended lineage territories against claims of other lineagesand nations. And it was the Chief who assumed responsibility for thereciprocal relationship with the land. 15Significant changes in social order were publicly recognized andlegitimized through the feast complex, known as the potlatch. Feasts weregiven for a variety of reasons including the building of a house, initiationsinto secret societies, the piercing of the nose, ears and lips of young high-ranking people, marriage, naming, death, challenges to the social order, andcleansing (to "wash off' shame from an individual or group). Such feastswere public events involving the sharing of food, the display of crests, and thedistribution of property to those who performed services and who witnessedand validated the events. 16The yaokw or potlatch, the most formalized of these events, was hostedby the entire village for members from other villages when changes were ofsignificance beyond the local community, such as the death of a Chief and theinstallation of the successor. The luulgyit or feast was specific to the villageitself, and was hosted by one clan to legitimize clan specific events such asnaming. The maxye'tsu, or competitive potlatch, allowed for the reordering ofsocial rank and the re-establishing of solidarity through public feasting andproperty distribution. The haleyt, an integral part of Tsimshian religion,involved the ritual display of supernatural powers and was connected to15 Garfield 1966, 26-27; Gisday Wa and Delgam Uukw 1989, 32-33.16 Vaughn 1984, 64; Miller 1984, 28; Halpin and Seguin 1990, 278.20The Context of the Meetingsecret ceremonies. 17Establishing relationships with the supernatural was important inTsimshian society, and every free person 18 was expected to belong to one oftwo secret societies, the MitLa (Dancers) or the Nulem (Dog-Eaters), throughwhich initiates were brought into contact with the supernatural through there-enactment of extraordinary events.The initiation process for both the Dancers and Dog-Eaters wassimilar, and began with Chiefs throwing their power into initiates (usuallyyoung children). Initiates were then secluded for several days, having goneto Heaven. The return of the initiates, particularly in the case of those ofhigh status, was a dramatically staged event involving elaboratelyconstructed supernatural beings. When the initiates returned, they weresaid to be possessed and behaved wildly. Those initiated as Dog-Eaterscraved dog flesh. The initiate was captured and restrained by societymembers, and isolated from non-initiates. During this time, the initiateswore rings of cedar bark around their necks. Gradually the powerspossessing the initiate were removed, as were the cedar bark rings, and theremoval of the last ring signified the healing of the initiates and membershipin the society. 18There were two other societies 20, the Destroyers (ludzista I winanal)17 Miller 1984, 27-32. The maxye'tsu, though atypical, were common during the periodfollowing the relocation of nine Tsimshian tribes to Fort Simpson.18 Cove 1987, 245. Slaves and wa'ayin did not participate.19 Cove 1987, 249-264; Garfield 1966, 46; Guedon 1984a, 153-155. First hand accounts ofinitiations appear in Cove.20 There is some disagreement about whether or not these should be called secret societies.See Cove 1987, 267; Garfield 1966, 45.21The Context of the Meetingand the Cannibals (xgedam I ulala), whose membership was more exclusive.Only Chiefs and high-ranking People could belong to the Destroyers, and theCannibals were limited to certain Chiefs who had inherited the rights.Initiation into these followed a process similar to that of the Dancers andDog-Eaters, and involved being sent to and brought back from Heaven in astate of possession necessitating the removal of powers and the initiatesreintegration into society. While in the state of possession, Cannibals soughthuman flesh, while Destroyers attacked property. 21Membership in these societies was costly, as payment was necessarynot only for the ceremonies, but also for feasts which accompanied differentstages of the initiation. High-ranking positions within the societies were openonly to the very wealthy, and were often the prerogative of certain lineages.The hierarchy of the societies reflected that of the social structure. 22Nevertheless, secret societies gave almost everyone access to supernaturalpowers. Many People, however, were resistant to acquiring such power,possibly because Ordinary People associated these powers with witchcraft, orbecause of the associated costs, necessitating their coercion with the threat ofwitchcraft.23While powers are made known through the recreation anddramatization of supernatural encounters in the potlatch and in secretsocieties, the vision quest involved direct encounters with other realms.Through a process involving fasting, bathing, internal cleansing with21 Cove 1987, 264-275.22 Cove 1987, 241-245; Garfield 1966, 45-46; Guedon 1984a, 153-155.23 Cove 1987, 247-249, 281.22The Context of the Meetingpurgatives, continence and isolation, individuals entered altered states ofconsciousness (visions, dreams, hallucinations, trances) of varying degrees,and made contact with supernatural powers for personal gain in hunting,fishing, love and wealth. If the vision proved fruitful, it was publiclydramatized, thereby acknowledging the powers, the link between theindividual and the supernatural and between humans and non-humans, andadded to the store of House prerogatives where powers could be evokedthrough the recreation of the event. 24Shaman (halaidim swanaskxw or swanaskxw) played a significant rolein Tsimshian society because they utilized their powers "for the commongood."25There were many forms of halait (power), but that of a medicine-man who went about curing people was the most important.While many claimed to have this power, only a few really had it.This power came unexpectedly. Whomever this power struckbecame very ill and would be near death. He (or she) would gointo many trances and have visions in which the different(spirit) aides appeared that the new medicine-man would have.His songs and amulets would be shown to him in a vision.These he would use henceforth as his own. 26Self-healing was a prerequisite to becoming a shaman as theacquisition of such powers was often signalled by the onset of illness, whichhad to be overcome with the help of experienced shaman. Gradually, thenovice learned to control and utilize their powers to cure individuals and topromote communal well being by protecting the village from witches, disease,24 Garfield 1966, 38-41; Guedon 1984a, 143-146.25 Garfield 1966, 48. There are references to those who used their powers for personal gain.See Garfield 1966, 47; Guedon 1984b, 177-178.26 Sam Bennet cited in Guedon 1984b, 176.23The Context of the Meetingand bad spirits, by communicating with non-human realms, by predicting theconsequences of warfare and hunting, and by locating fish and game. 27Like other People indigenous to this region, the Tsimshian wereinvolved extensively with trade. Specific Tsimshian tribes had exclusivetrading rights with their foreign partners. Such trade was facilitated byocean and river travel, and by a network of inland trading routes, oftenreferred to as "grease trails".28Trails were owned by specific families, and ownership was clearlymarked by clan carvings. To further enhance their trading interests, Chiefsbuilt and maintained bridges connecting trails. Additionally, throughout theeighteenth century, numerous forts were erected to control trade. 29 By the1750's, the Tsimshian in the Prince Rupert area were exchanging over fiftydifferent items along twenty distinct trade routes. Russian, Chinese,Spanish-Mexican, and European trade goods were transported along thesetrading routes to Tsimshian territory three-quarters of a century before theTsimshian made direct contact with Westerners. 30The last quarter of the 18th Century ushered in the maritime furtrade, with the first recorded contact between the Tsimshian and Europeansoccurring in 1787 when the vessels Princess Royal and Prince of Whalesvisited the Southern Tsimshian village of Kitkatla. 31 The People's previous27 Guedon 1941, 147; 1984b, 176, 209.28 Halpin ,and Seguin 1990, 281; MacDonald 1984, 74-77; Cove and MacDonald, 1987b, x-ix.29 MacDonald 1984, 78 suggests that there may have been over 100 such forts used by theHaida, Tsimshian and Tlingit during the eighteenth century.30 Barman 1991, 15; MacDonald 1984, 74-76.31 Halpin and Seguin 1990, 281.24The Context of the Meetingexperience with inter-tribal trade proved to be good preparation for commercewith Europeans. The Tsimshian were astute dealers who rejected trinketsand low quality goods in favour of those items valued within their society.Initially, metals were the most popular trade item demanded by the People.Over time, other items such as clothing, fabric, blankets, rum, tobacco,muskets, powder and shot became important in trade.32Not only were the People selective about what items they wouldaccepted in barter, but they also exerted a great deal of control over the priceof furs. As trading ships became more numerous 33 the Tsimshian, and otherAboriginal traders, proved to be adept at manipulating competition amongthe Russian, American and British traders. As one American trader on theNorthwest Coast stated in 1799:the Indians are sufficiently cunning to derive all possibleadvantage from competition, and will go from one vessel toanother, and back again, with assertions of offers made to them,which have no foundation in truth, and showing themselves tobe as well versed in the tricks of the trade as the greatestadepts.34Gradually, European traders adapted their commercial practices toaccommodate the People's preferences by remaining in the same location forlonger periods of time, allowing the People on board, incorporating elementssuch as singing and gifting into business transactions, and trading moreextensively with Aboriginal leaders, many of whom enjoyed substantialprofits by gathering furs from others and reselling them to European32 Fisher 1977, 4-8; Duff 1964, 57.33 Fisher 1977, 13. Between 1785 and 1825, 330 ships came to the Northwest coast to tradefor furs.34 Richard Clevland cited in Fisher 1977, 9.25The Context of the Meetingtraders.35This "mutually beneficial trading relationship" was maintained whenthe center of commerce shifted from ships to trading forts. In an attempt toeliminate Russian and American trade competition on the coast and securegreater profits, the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) established Fort Simpsonat the mouth of the Nass River in 1831. In 1834, the Fort was relocated tothe Tsimshian peninsula. Russian and American trade was not easilyusurped, however, and the People were able to work competition to theiradvantage. 36Overtime, the Fort men and the Tsimshian developed aninterdependent relationship. While the Tsimshian relied on the Fort peoplefor Western goods, the Company employees relied on the People for furs, andoften for provisions and companionship. And while the Europeans foundcertain aspects of Tsimshian life objectionable, they had a vested interest inmaintaining traditional life ways and had little power to direct change. TheTsimshian were very much in control of their own society, despite the factthat change was taking place. 37Such change included increased contact with other Aboriginal groupsresulting in greater cultural exchange, and increase in potlatching and otherceremonies stimulating artistic production. Alcohol was introduced,prostitution was instituted. New wealth was unevenly distributed, and thoseleaders who acted as intermediaries in the fur trade amassed greater wealth,35 Fisher 1977, 9-12.36 Fisher 1977, 26-29.37 Fisher 1977, 34 44.26The Context of the Meetingpower and prestige, and were able to expand their labour force for thehunting and processing of furs. 38To gain greater control over Fort commerce, nine Tsimshian tribesrelocated their winter villages to Fort Simpson. As the "home guard", thesePeople were able to maintain and strengthen their position of privilege asbrokers and dealers in the fur trade, further consolidating the position ofmercantile leaders, such as Legaic. In addition, the move precipitated the re-ranking of those tribes who relocated to Fort Simpson. 39While such changes were rapid and profound, they were largelycontrolled by the Tsimshian who selectively integrated aspects of Westernsociety in their own, and utilized existing social structures to incorporatechange. As Duff states, "the trade stimulated the culture to further growth,but that growth was along its own distinctive lines." 40Beyond the control of the Tsimshian, however, were diseasesintroduced by the newcomers. Upon contact with Europeans, the People ofthe Northwest Coast were exposed to lethal infectious diseases such asinfluenza, dysentery, malaria, measles, smallpox, whooping cough, typhusand typhoid fever. Most destructive of all, however, was small pox. A smallpox outbreak which reached Fort Simpson in September of 1836 and ran itscourse by August of 1837, killed almost one third of the Tsimshian. Andwhile young children are generally more susceptible to small pox, it was theelderly and male Tsimshian who proved the most vulnerable. Depopulation38 Fisher 1977, 17-21, 45-46; Duff 1964, 57-58.39 Fisher 1977, 29-30, 46-47; Duff 1965, 58.40 Duff 1965, 54.27The Context of the Meetingthrough disease dramatically decreased the People's ability to harvest,process and trade furs and food provisions. Moreover, the many elders whopassed away were likely among the most traditional and conservative of thePeople who carried the responsibility of cultural transmission. Theineffectiveness of traditional treatment likely undermined the People'sconfidence in the shaman. And the fact that few Europeans perished mayhave caused the people to speculate on their apparent power. 41It was into this world of intensified social change complicated bydepopulation that the Church Missionary Society sent young William Duncanto begin his work preaching among the Tsimshian.VICTORIAN ENGLAND, THE CMS, AND WILLIAM D UNCANVictorian England, like the world of the Tsimshian, was undergoingrapid transformations. Innovations in agricultural practices and technologyincreased agricultural production, and as more land was enclosed forcultivation huge numbers of rural peoples were displaced and moved to newindustrial towns and cities seeking employment. The industrialization of thework place replaced human and animal energy with inanimate energysources and machines, resulting in huge increases in production, particularlyin coal, iron and textile industries. And while this was accompanied bysubstantial growth in per capita income, making England the richest countryin the world, wealth was unevenly distributed and there was much poverty. 4241 Fisher 1977, 44-45; Boyd 1990, 137; Duff 1964, 40-43; Gibson 1989, 38-41. Fisher seemsto underplay the significance of depopulation through disease.42 Briggs 1987, 216-241.28The Context of the MeetingThe middle class was becoming increasingly important, and with its risecame changes in attitudes and practices which emphasized individualism,free trade, competition, and developments in banking and financialinstitutions.43Material progress was facilitated not only by scientific, technological,and commercial changes, but also by what Samuel Smiles referred to as "thecivilization of what we call the 'masses'."44 The ideal of "self-help"45 becamea Victorian ideal and was circulated widely through popular successliterature which elevated "the self-made man into an almost mystical figure,and as a corollary [provided] the detailed analysis of the ingredients of hissuccess."46 Duty and public service were other ideals espoused by Victorians.Accompanying these changes in the secular world were changes withinthe Church. The evangelical movement began in the late 18th century as aresponse to the growing contempt that many held for the established church.Upper class affiliations to the church were seen to be superficial; pastoralpositions were often filled by young gentry seeking respectable professionsrather than responding to religious callings; abuses such as absentee vicarsand "foxhunting and boozing parsons" enjoying high livings through thechurch were common place. Evangelicalism rose in opposition to theseconcerns.4743 Wrigley 1988, 9-44; Briggs 1987, 216-241; Barnes 1985, 6-14.44 Briggs 1987, 223.45 The doctrine of self-help originated among working peoples as collective and cooperativeattempts at social advancement. It was, however, quickly appropriated by the middleclass to promote individual laissez-faire. For a discussion see Harrison 1957.46 Harrison 1957, 156.47 Nock 1988, 19-20.29The Context of the MeetingTo the evangelical, baptism and confirmation were empty ritualsunless accompanied by a "second birth" through personal religiousexperiences. With such rebirth came the mandate to lead others tochristianity. Religion was serious business, not satisfied by token gestures,but necessitating real commitment, in terms of both time and financialsupport. Additionally, behavioral expectations were high and evangelicals"banned most frivolities as 'un-Christian' except the pleasures of the table." 48For the evangelical, christianity was the only true religion, and theduty to spread that religion extended beyond class, nation, and "race" toinclude all humans throughout the world. The evangelicals believed that notonly is life without Christ incomplete and unfulfilling, but those who diedwithout embracing christianity would suffer eternal damnation. "[T]he awfulspectacle of 'myriads' of helpless and ignorant 'heathen' rushing into helldisturbed the peace of mind of evangelical Christians of many differentdenominations.... "49The energy and enthusiasm of the evangelicals had a tremendousimpact on the missionary movement. As observed in the Church MissionaryAtlas,It is certain, as a matter of fact, that the commencement of thepresent century witnessed such an outburt of Missionary Zeal aswas unknown before, quickening into new energy the fewInstitutions already established, and initiating many morewhose growth and expansion have far outstripped the mostsanguine anticipations of their founders.5048 Nock 1988, 20-22.49 G.A. Oddie cited in Nock 1988, 24.50 CMS 1873, 7.30The Context of the MeetingOne of the institutions initiated at this time was the Society forMissions to Africa and the East in 1799, which, in 1812, became known asthe Church Missionary Society (CMS). It was "the first Institution whichsent forth Clergymen of the Church of England to preach exclusively to theheathen."51By the middle of the 19th century, the CMS had established a networkof missions throughout the world. By 1857, the year William Duncan beganworking among the Tsimshian, the CMS had established 136 missionstations staffed by 218 clergy (46 of whom were Indigenous) and 2367 missionlaborers (2210 of whom were Indigenous) such as teachers and mechanics. 52By drawing on the experience and expertise gained in previous missionaryencounters, the CMS was attempting to approach their work moresystematically by ascertaining the underlying principles governingmissionary work to guide future actions. In the eyes of the CMS, "Missionaryaction is an inductive science and must be dealt with accordingly." 53The CMS's work among Indigenous people was shaped by theirperceptions of others. The CMS took the position that "all researches ... tendto confirm and illustrate the brief Scriptural statements that God 'hathmade of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth,'"Human variation was seen to be the result of environmental and culturalfactors such as isolation from Western civilization and religion. 5451 CMS 1859, 8; CMS 1873, 8.52 CMS 1859,"Chronological Chart of the Progress of the Church Missionary Society", n.p.53 Usher 1971, 31; 1974, 12.54 CMS 1859, 9; CMS 1873, 9. Usher 1971, 32; 1974, 12 makes this same point.31The Context of the MeetingNonetheless, the CMS's perception of Indigenous people was highlyethnocentric. They felt that Indigenous people were inferior, and "[ailmostuniversally, the missionaries saw the native as childlike." 55 The CMSreflected the tendency of other Victorians to evaluate cultures in terms oftechnological achievements; 66 manufactured articles from various countrieswere seen to be "accurate indices of the limit to which civilization hadattained in them respectively." 57 Like the cultural evolutionists, the CMSenvisioned a hierarchy of human civilizations, with Victorian England at itsapex, evolving through progressive developmental sequences. Becausediversity was seen to be developmental, Indigenous people were seen to havethe potential of progressing to the level of Europeans. Such a perceptionjustified the paternalistic approach advocated by the CMS in relation to thetreatment of non-Western peoples. 58For the CMS, christianity was intrinsically linked with civilization;"they could not conceive of a civilized man who was not Christian, nor couldthey envisage an uncivilized Christian." 59 This link between christianity andcivilization was common. Prince Albert, in a speech given before the Societyfor the Propagation of the Bible in 1851 stated that "civilization rests onChristianity, could only be raised on Christianity, can only be maintained byChristianity."6055 Usher 1971, 33; 1974, 13.56 Adas 1989, 144-146.57 Usher 1971,38; 1974, 15.58 Usher 1971, 33-34; 1974, 13-14.59 Usher 1971, 37; 1974,15.60 Stock 1899, 2:12.32The Context of the MeetingBut civilization meant more than just church membership. To themissionaries, "Civilization meant to them all that they considered best intheir own way of life."61 It included conformity to European social norms andcustoms in terms of dress, manners, living arrangements, religious practices,technology, industry and commerce. Furthermore, civilization necessitatedthe adoption of values, such as those promoted in success literature, whichwould motivate Indigenous people to both produce and consume goods. 62Theoretically, christianization took precedence over and was anecessary part of civilization. In practice, however, christianization andcivilization proceeded hand in hand, partly because, as Reverend SamuelMarsden discovered,The attention of the Heathen can be gained and their vagranthabits corrected only by the arts [of civilization]. Till theirattention is gained, and moral and industrial habits areinduced little or no progress can be made in teaching them thegospe1. 63By the middle of the 19th century, under the leadership of HenryVenn, the CMS was clearly committed to the joint civilization andchristianization of Indigenous people. 64Henry Venn, a major player in the CMS and Secretary of the CMSParent Committee from 1841 to 1872, created much of the policy guidingmissionaries of this era, and was the architect of the Native Church Policy(NCP). Committed to the Victorian ideal of "self-help"; inspired by Apostle62 Ajayi 1965, 14-16; Usher 1974, 15-16.63 Usher 1971, 40-41; 1974, 17. Marsden was a CMS missionary who worked among theMaori People in New Zealand.64 Usher 1971, 41; 1974, 17.61 Ajayi 1965, 14.33The Context of the MeetingPaul's missionary vision of the development of local, self-governing churches;and cognizant of the fact that global christianization depended on the activeparticipation of Indigenous people, Venn was intent on the indigenization ofchristianization.65 The NCP was based on "[t]he principles of self-support,self-government and self-extension." 66To facilitate this process, European missionaries were directed tostudy the language, lifeways and thinking of the host group. This knowledge,combined with empathy for the People, would help the missionary "win thehearts of the people" 67 and provide insight into how aspects of the culturecould be appropriated for missionary ends. 68 The church was to permeatethe daily lives of the People in an attempt to counter perceptions of"Christianity as a White man's religion." 69 As it was seen more expedient forEuropeans to acquire the host language than to attempt to provide universalEnglish literacy, effective evangelizing necessitated scriptural translationsinto aboriginal languages." Gaining the support of local authorities wasimportant in both influencing the whole community and ensuring theprotection of missionaries. Hence, Chiefs were to be treated with respect anddeference. 71Formal education played a significant role in the work undertaken bythe CMS, and missionaries were committed to the education of the whole65 Usher 1971, 42-46; 1974, 17-18; Stevenson 1988, 112; Nock 1988, 34.66 Venn cited in Usher 1971, 46.67 Usher 1971, 50; 1974, 25.68 Usher 1971, 50; 1974, 19, 25; Stevenson 1988, 113.69 Usher 1971, 43; 1974, 19; Stevenson 1988, 112-113.70 Stevenson 1988, 113-114.71 Usher 1971, 51; 1974, 25-26.34The Context of the Meetingcommunity: males, females, adults and children. However, academicachievement was not the primary goal.The driving force behind Indigenous education was the desire to havethe People read the bible. This was particularly true in adult education,where the scholars seldom attended day school. To this end, literacy inIndigenous languages was the focus of the adult education in Sunday schools,evening classes, and catechism classes. 72Children's education was broader and included "the four R's: Religion,Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, with sewing for girls where there was alady teacher." 73 In larger missions, the curriculum expanded to include othersubjects such as geography or grammar. Most school subjects were taught inEnglish, not only because many of the missionaries and school teachers oftenhad limited use of Indigenous languages, but also because school texts wereonly available in English. Additionally, missionaries and teachers sawEnglish as "the language of commerce and civilization." 74 Religion, however,was usually taught in the People's language so that it could be readilycomprehended.Many missionaries felt that academic education, by itself, wasdangerous, instilling both pride and "habits of idleness" among thestudents. 75 A missionary in Abeokuta, who was criticized for including toomuch academic content in his curriculum, pointed out that "it is feared ...72 Ajayi 1965, 131-133.73 Ajayi 1965, 138.74 Ajayi 1965, 140.75 Ajayi 1965, 147.35The Context of the Meetingthat a superior education makes young men often useless or worse thanuseless."76 Manual labour was promoted to offset such tendencies.Venn was particularly committed to industrial education of Indigenouspeople as it inculcated appropriate work ethics. Idleness was seen as a greatwaste, and according to Venn,England's social advancement ... has all sprung from God'sblessing upon her industry.... In India, New Zealand, and all ourmissions' anindustrial department is being added to ourschools.'"The blending of academic and industrial education, particularly forIndigenous people, was seen as the most appropriate form of schooling. Inthe eyes of the CMS,The separation of scholastic life and manual labour is arefinement of advanced civilization. It may be doubted whethereven in this case it is desirable, but certainly it is not desirablein a mission school. 78In addition to the establishment of industrial schools, CMSmissionaries facilitated industrial training in non-institutional settingsthrough apprenticeship with trades people from within or beyond the missioncommunity. In Nigeria, for example, CMS imported sawyers, carpenters,brick and tile makers who took on apprentices. Additionally, the CMSbrought in and operated printing presses and young people were trained inprinting and publishing. Medical practitioners at the missions sometimestrained boys to assist them.7976 G. F. Buhler cited in Ajayi 1965, 151.77 Usher 1971, 48; 1974, 22.78 Ajayi 1965 144; Usher 1971, 48; 1974, 22.79 Ajayi 1965, 156-160.36The Context of the MeetingThe education of female Indigenous people warranted specialattention, as a focal point for christianity was the home. Venn stated thatthe standards of christianity in Indigenous communities would be low "untilyou have a generation nursed in the lap of Christian mothers and taught tolisp the name of Christ." 80 Boarding schools were often established to meetthe unique needs of females.The Peoples themselves were expected to bear most of the financialburden for their own conversion. Building schools, paying teachers, buyingtexts were the People's responsibility, as were the raising of funds to supportthe local church and the sick. To finance such endeavors and to ensure thewealth necessary to acquire goods seen as essential for christian lifestyles,economic development was promoted. Missionaries were directed to initiatecommercial pursuits appropriate to both the people and the region. 81 Despitethis interest in economic development, Venn believed that commerce shouldbe separate from missionary affairs. Missionaries "were to encourage nativeindustry and lawful commerce, without involving the Mission in the charge oftrading."82The ideas and policies espoused by Venn were profiled in CMSpublications such as the Church Missionary Intelligencer, in correspondenceand personal meetings between the CMS and individual missionaries.Additionally such ideas were integrated into the curriculum at schools suchas the Highbury Training College for Schoolmasters, where William Duncan80 Usher 1971, 49; 1974, 23. Emphasis in original.81 Usher 1971, 47-49; 1974, 21-22.82 Venn cited in Stock 1899, 2:110.37The Context of the Meetingtrained prior to his work among the People. 83Until the 1870's, the majority of English missionaries came from theworking or lower middle classes, and William Duncan was "fairly typical" ofthe many artisans and trades people who joined the foreign ministry at thistime.84 The dual aims of christianity and civilization necessitatedmissionaries who could do more than preach; practical experience in businessor industry would aid in the spread of industry, trade and commerce amongthe "heathen". Becoming a missionary resulted in a rise in social status.Many people from the lower classes, "fired by a powerful social and spiritualdrive for self-improvement" 85 sought missionary service as a means to bolsterboth status and self-esteem. 86Duncan was born on April 3, 1832 to Maria Duncan, a single parent,and was raised by his grandparents, William and Elizabeth Duncan inBeverley, Yorkshire, a village of 12,000. He was schooled in arithmetic,geography, geometry, religion, reading, and writing, at the National School inBeverley. Upon leaving school at the age of thirteen or fourteen, Duncantook a course in penmanship. Duncan gained employment with GeorgeCussons and Sons, a tanning firm, first as an errand boy, then as bookkeeper,and finally as a travelling salesperson. 87Through his work, Duncan's social status was being elevated. And ashe became more familiar with the middle class he became painfully aware of83 Usher 1974, 26.84 Nock 1988, 11; Murray 1985, 17.85 Murray 1985, 17.86 Murray 1985, 18; Nock 1988, 11-12.87 Murray 1985, 18-20; Usher 1974, 3.38The Context of the Meetinghis own origins, as revealed in his journal entry of July 13, 1854:Travelling also threw me among a class of society which wereabove what I had been used to, and when seated in a beautifulroom surrounded with comforts and at a table covered with thegood things of this world, when all my wants were readily andeagerly supplied and I mixed among a class of men far mysuperiors in education, rank and abilities and treatedrespectfully by them, Oh! I used to feel my heart overflow ingratitude, for God's wonderful love in thus elevating me fromthe dunghill and raising my head thus in so little time and sograciously and greatly surpassing my every expectation.88Duncan was committed to improving his status, and the church wouldbe the vehicle for that improvement.Duncan's involvement with the church began early in his life. By thetime Duncan was nine, he was singing in the church choir, and he attendedchurch twice on Sunday's for years. At sixteen, when his voice changed, hebegan teaching Sunday School. He became close friends with ReverendAnthony Carr of St. John's, who is credited with developing Duncan'sevangelical bent, and attended Carr's sermons and Bible classes, anddiscussed religion with him. Additionally, Duncan's social life revolvedaround church activities. 89Thoughts of foreign missionary service first occurred to Duncan whenhe was eighteen, and after attending a missionary recruitment meeting inNovember of 1853, Duncan was determined to follow this path. In July of1854 Duncan began training at CMS's Highbury Training College forSchoolmasters, where he studied arithmetic, grammar, history, geography,liturgy, church history and teaching methodology. Additionally he gained88 Usher 1974, 3-4.89 Murray 1985, 19; Usher 1974, 6-7.39The Context of the Meetingpractical experience teaching in local Sunday schools and working among thepoor."His work at Highbury College gained the praise of his teachers andother students. Duncan however, was very critical of the students, findingthem "not good enough, rich enough, polite enough and intellectualenough." 91 Overtime, Duncan became more solemn and pompous. Hereported his peers for minor infractions and refused to join in celebrations.Because of such behavior, Duncan was "held in abomination by some of thestudents."92Duncan left Highbury prior to completing his training when he wasasked by the CMS to go to Fort Simpson to establish a mission among theTsimshian. 93Interest in establishing a mission on the Pacific north west wasexpressed as early as 1819, when a "highly-respectable Canadian merchant"with the North-West Fur Company suggested to the CMS that the People ofthat area were "a superior people likely to respond to Christianinstruction." 94 Interest in establishing such a mission was rekindled when inJuly of 1856, an article by Captain James C. Prevost, a naval officer recentlyreturned from the Northwest Coast, appeared in the Church MissionaryIntelligencer. In it, Prevost described the Tsimshian and called for theestablishment of a mission:90 Murray 1985, 21-23; Stock 1899, 613; Usher 1974, 8-10.91 Usher 1974, 9; Murray 1985, 23. Emphasis in original.92 Cited in Murray 1985, 24.93 Usher 1974, 26-27; Murray 1985, 24-25.94 Stock 1899, 2:611.40The Context of the Meetingto introduce among them the knowledge of the Gospel of Christ,under the conviction that it would prove the surest and mostfruitful source of social improvement and civilization, as well asof spiritual blessings infinitely more valuable, and would befound the only effectual antidote to the contaminating viceswhich a rapidly increasing trade, especially with California andOregon, is bringing in its train.90Venn selected William Duncan to fill this call. On December 23, 1856,Duncan sailed from Plymouth aboard the H.M.S. Satellite under thecommand of Captain Prevost who had offered free passage to a missionarywho would work among the Tsimshian. 9695 Stock 1899, 2:613.96 Murray 1985, 15-16; Usher 1974, 26-27.41The Context of the MeetingWilliam Dune an. 9797 William Duncan. British Columbia Archives and Records Services. Catalogue no. 19678.Negative no. A-7033.42CHAPTER THREE:FORT SIMPSON: THE EARLY YEARSINTRODUCTIONThis chapter examines Duncan's early work among the Tsimshian atFort Simpson from October of 1857 to May of 1862. While all of Duncan'sactivities were geared towards the christianization and civliziation of thePeople, particular attention is paid to Duncan's educational initiatives andthe role that science and technology education played in furthering his goalsas a missionary. In addition, the responses of the Tsimshian to westerneducation will be explored. The chapter concludes with a look at therelocation to Metlakatla, B.C., and a discussion of some of the factors whichserved to motivate Duncan and many of the People to leave Fort Simpson andestablish this mission village.The voyage from Plymouth to Vancouver Island took four months, andDuncan did not arrive at Esquimalt Harbour on Vancouver Island until Juneof 1857. The final stage of the journey to Fort Simpson was delayed untilSeptember of 1857. Meanwhile, Duncan stayed at the home of ReverendEdward Cridge, Fort Victoria's Anglican chaplain. Besides assisting Cridgewith his work and familiarizing himself with members of colonial societysuch as James Douglas, Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company andGovernor of the Colony of Vancouver Island, Duncan studied the Tsimshianlanguage under the instruction of "a young intelligent man" named43Fort Simpson: The Early YearsWehawn. 1In September of 1857, Duncan boarded the HBC ship Otter for thefinal leg of the trip from Esquimalt to Fort Simpson, and on October 1, hearrived in Fort Simpson. At the direction of James Douglas, Fort factorCaptain McNeill provided Duncan with room and board at the Fort.Following instructions from Douglas to approach his work among thePeople with caution, Duncan spent much of the first nine months of his staywithin the confines of the Fort where his contact with the People was largelylimited to those who entered the stockaded Fort grounds. In this state ofsemi-isolation Duncan began studying the People's lifeways and languages,as encouraged in Venn's policies. Tsimshian language acquisition wasfacilitated by the hiring of a Tsimshian man named Clah at the cost of oneand a half blankets a month.2Clah "was of inestimable value to Duncan, serving him not only asinstructor but as devoted friend, defender, interpreter, guide, intermediary,and advisor on policy in dealing with the other Indians." 3 It was from Clahthat Duncan learned about Tsimshian society.My Indian teacher tries everyday to lift up the veil a littlehigher to let me see his people. 4But Duncan could only view the People from his ethnocentric1234Duncan to Venn, 27 July 1857, Church Missionary Society. Papers related to Canada.1821 - 1950, (here after cited as CMS Papers), 31.Duncan journal, 30 November 1857, William Duncan. Correspondence, Diaries,Notebooks, Entry-Books, Mission Records, 1853 - 1916 (here after cited as DuncanPapers), C-2154.Barnett 1942, 20.Duncan journal, 28 January 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.44Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsperspective as a Victorian evangelist. True, some of Duncan's perceptions ofthe People and their abilities, though highly ethnocentric, were positive, asindicated by the following journal entry:They are a very fine - robust & exceedingly intelligent race. Ihave already seen specimens of their skill in both the useful &fine arts which would not shame European skills to haveproduced. The superior industry is universally acknowledged bythose who know them. 5For the most part, however, such positive views were overshadowed bymore negative perceptions, as illustrated in Duncan's First Report to theCMS from Fort Simpson. Using the European standards maintained by theHBC as criteria to judge the People by, Duncan contrasted the "clean &orderly" life within the Fort with the Tsimshian dwellings which he perceivedto be "dingy smoky huts in which filth & general uncomfortableness are themost striking to a visitor." Fort employees were seen to be industrious whilethe Tsimshian were slothful. The Fort people were "particularly even handed& scrupulously exact in all their dealings", while "this heathen people arenotorious thieves & their word is never to be relied on." Duncan criticizedthe People for their practice of polygamy, and identified pride, vengeance,excitability, dishonesty and treachery as characteristic of the People.Duncan was particularly critical of the shaman, who in Duncan's view,were little more than charlatans.I believe that any shrewd or eccentric man may by fasting -successfully prognosticating - or otherwise acting so as to excitethe superstitious reverence of the people in his favour - maysecure a footing in this lucrative profession.65 Duncan to Venn, 6 October 1857, CMS Papers, 31.6 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31.45Fort Simpson: The Early YearsThe feast-complex with its accompanying distribution of wealthseemed exceedingly wasteful to Duncan who was deeply committed to self-help through thrift.They never think of appropriating what they gather to enhancetheir comforts, but are satisfied if they can make a display likethis now and then.... And thus it is that there is a vast amountof dead stock laid in the Camp - doomed never to be used, butonly now and then to pass from hand to hand for the merevanity of the thing.?In Duncan's mind, the Tsimshians' "lack of even a shadow of aChristian virtue", despite over twenty years of contact with Europeans wasdue to attempts at civilization without christianization. 8civilization apart from christianity has no vitality - how thencan it impact life? It is the fuel without the fire, how then can itradiate heat? Civilization appeals to the eye & to the hand butnot to the heart. It may move the muscles but it cannot reachthe hidden springs of life. Proofs of this abound here. 9On June 13, 1858, Duncan finally ventured outside the confines of theFort to share christianity with the People. On that day Duncan preached inTsimshian to large assemblies of the People in the houses of the tribal Chiefs.Throughout his stay at Fort Simpson, such sermons, and conversations withindividuals and groups provided Duncan with opportunities to proselytize. 10Duncan also used the medical knowledge he gained at Highbury as anentry into the People's lives. Though initially cautious about dispensingmedical aid, Duncan began extending his ministrations, and visits to the sickbecame a major activity. Between December 29, 1859 and January 10, 1860,7 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31.8 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31.9 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31.10 Usher 1974, 46-48.46Fort Simpson: The Early YearsDuncan paid eighty visits to the twenty-one patients he was seeing at thetime. 11 These visits involved more than the administering of medical aid andadvice. Duncan seized these encounters as opportunities to promoteEuropean standards of hygiene, 12 and to speak out against the shaman. 13Additionally, as Usher points out, such visits became Duncan's "mostcommon approach in presenting the Gospel to the Indians." 14By going among the sick & administering a little medicine Ihave had far greater opportunities for speaking about spiritualthings & also learning more of the density of that darknesswhich surround thes [sic] benighted people. It is by such visitsthat I hope to secure their confidence & strike most effectuallyat their superstitions. 15While sermons, individual and group discussions, and visiting theailing all provided Duncan with opportunities to promote christian andcivilized lifestyles, education "was the most important and the most directagent of acculturation at Fort Simpson." 1611 Duncan, Register of visits to Sick Indians Fort Simpson, Duncan Papers, C-2155.12 Duncan journal, 14 February, 3 March 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal, 8March 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.13 Duncan journal, 25 November 1858, 14 February, 28 March 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal, 16 and 21 November, 14 December 1861, 8 March 1862, DuncanPapers, C-2155.14 Usher 1974, 44.15 Duncan journal, 17 September 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.16 Usher 1974, 48.47Fort Simpson: The Early YearsClah, Duncan's Tsimshian instructor. 1717 Old Clah. British Columbia Archives and Records Service. Catalogue no. 94549.Negative no. F-8904. He was later known as Arthur Wellington Clah.48Fort Simpson: The Early YearsEDUCATION IN FORT SIMPSONSchooling within the FortInitial forays into the schooling of the People at Fort Simpson weremodest, and confined to the Fort. On October 13, 1857 Duncan began classeswith five "half breed" boys, the children of Tsimshian women and their non-Tsimshian partners who were employed by the Hudson Bay Company. 18 Thecurriculum consisted of reading, writing, counting, religious instruction andhymn singing, and despite the fact that Duncan encountered languagedifficulties, he was pleased with the students' progress. 19 After four monthsDuncan wrote:For the small portion of time I have been able to devote to myfive little pupils - they have made rapid progress. Indeed I feelastonished to see how soon they have got into my way & thegeneral improvement in their manners habits & appearance. 20While Duncan was thus occupied within the confines of the Fort,several Tsimshian people expressed both their interest in, and theirwillingness to, participate in these educational activities. 21 Such interestwas fanned both by Duncan's seclusion within the Fort,22 and by the18 Duncan journal, 7 and 13 October 1857, Duncan Papers, C-2154.19 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858. CMS Papers, 31. Duncan consideredlanguage the greatest barrier to the students progress. Those residing at the Fort spoketwo aboriginal languages, Chinook, English and French. The children intermixed all fivelanguages.20 Duncan journal, 17 February 1858. Duncan Papers, C-2154.21 Duncan journal, 16 October, 2 November 1857, 6 and 23 May, 26 June 1868, DuncanPapers, C-2154.22 While this seclusion was suggested to Duncan by Governor Douglas as a safety measureBarnett (1942, 20) states that Duncan and Clah conspired to create curiosity among thePeople by combining Duncan's isolation within the Fort with Clah's reports to the Peopleabout Duncan and his religion.49Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsproduction of hand written books, created by Duncan for his scholars.The books are of my own making and I add a little each day.This measure I have adopted more as a stimulant to the Indiansoutside than anything else. When they see these little booksand hear their own people read and explain them, I think that agood effect will be produced. 23Late January, 1858, Clah told Duncan that the Tsimshian wereanxiously awaiting instruction, and were concerned that the Fort people werepurposely "monopolizing my [Duncan's] time & attention in order to keepthem [the Tsimshian] in ignorance". 24 After visiting 140 houses whileconducting a census in order to "get as accurate a view as possible of the fieldto be cultivated," 25 Duncan was convinced that the Tsimshian were:longing for instruction. The presence of whites & their visits tothe South have shaken their superstitions & awakenedinquiry.... There is a general belief among them that the whitesdo possess some great secret about eternal things & they aregrasping to know it. 26The People's apparent desire for acquiring western knowledge wouldbe met when Duncan opened a school outside the confines of the Fort.Day SchoolWhen school finally opened outside of the Fort on June 28, 1858classes were held in the house of Legaic, the highest ranking Chief in FortSimpson, and were attended by high ranking individuals. On that first day,26 children of chiefly lineage attended morning class. The afternoon class23 Cited in Usher 1974, 43.24 Duncan journal, 28 January 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.25 Cited in Usher 1974, 43.26 Duncan journal, 17 January 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.50Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsconsisted of fourteen or fifteen adults, mainly women from the Fort, whowere considered by Duncan as "some of the most influential in the tribe". 27Duncan's journal provides some insight on the nature of thecurriculum.I began with the Alphabet on the Blackboard & I had 10 of thebest copying the letters on slates & finished with showing thema few matters of order. They went through drilling & marchingvery heartily but without a smile. Indeed they seemed soastonished they had not the power to laugh.26Day school operated for less than a month and during this brief timestudent attendance was irregular. Inter-tribal tension, trips to Victoria, andsalmon fishing all took their toll on attendance. 29 By July 23, 1858 schoolwas cancelled when Legaic left on a trading trip. The irregular attendancewhich characterized that first month of school would continue as a commontheme in the school history as the Tsimshian people incorporated Western-style education into their existing social/economic/cultural framework ontheir own terms.On November 19, 1858 the school house was completed and classeswere open to all of the People, regardless of status or lineage. 30 Those whoattended school were taught the basics of English literacy through acurriculum which was overwhelmingly religious in content. In February,1858 Duncan noted that the students could:27 Duncan, First Report Fort Simpson, February 1858, CMS Papers, 31.28 Duncan journal, 28 June 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.29 Duncan journal, 10, 11 and 18 July 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.30 Duncan journal, 10, 18 and 23 July, 19 November 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.51Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsread & interpret about 200 words & eight lessons on religioncontaining from 30 to 40 words each. They can sing 6 hymns &are learning God save the Queen. They can repeatsimultaneously answers to 12 questions in the catechism I havedrawn up. They know what things are pleasing to God & whatmake Him angry[.] [Tilley know the consequences to us of bothcourses of conduct bad & good. They have learnt what are theproper express[ions in] prayer.... They have learnt how to speakin terms of civility to their fellow man & had several of theirways corrected.3 !To eliminate the need to constantly rewrite lessons on the black board,Duncan wrote out 31 reading lessons on large sheets of paper. Twenty-one ofthese lessons dealt with "the simplest religious instruction", while the otherten were comprised of "syllables[,] words & sentences to assist in teachingspelling and English."32 These, combined with the 12 illustrated scripturelessons sent to Duncan by Mr. Cridge provided "a significant introduction toBible reading and ordinary school books."33The religious educational focus was further supported through abooklet Duncan had printed in Victoria entitled Help to Christian Disciples.The booklet contained "a Morning Hymn - an Evening Hymn & a Hymn toour Savior - also a Prayer - a short catechism & 55 texts from Scripture." 34While school readers and bibles were limited in number, Duncan had twohundred and twenty-five of these little booklets, hence whole classes couldwork with the same material. 35As Duncan felt that adult scholars could not learn from the preparedcharts, Duncan gave them little booklets in which he daily wrote "the31 Duncan journal, 18 February, 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.32 Duncan journal, 2 June 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.33 Duncan journal, 4 May 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.34 Duncan journal, 24 October 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.35 Duncan journal, 1 and 19 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.52Fort Simpson: The Early Yearssimplest & plainest truths in religion." 36More advanced scholars were asked to record their thoughts injournals.37 An excerpt from Shooquanahts's journal indicates that Duncanwas not only imparting religious teachings, but was also instructing thestudents on the value of industry.I could not sleep last night. I must work hard last night. I couldnot be lazy last night. No good lazy - very bad. We must learnto make all things.38In addition to teaching religion, reading, writing, the value of industry,students were taught some basic arithmetic." Drilling (which had earnedpraise from Samuel Smiles for the discipline and training it imparted),gymnastics and English games were occasionally taught." Faces and handswere inspected daily for cleanliness, 41 and because soap was expensive,Duncan taught the students to use clay and water to clean their hands.42And sometimes, the scholars were even exposed to scientific and technicalknowledge.Science and Technical EducationDespite the fact that Duncan's educational initiatives were driven byreligious motivation, science held an important place in the curriculum.Victorian Canadians, like their counterparts in England, saw science and36 Duncan journal, 2 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.37 Duncan journal, 4 and 5 April 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.38 Cited in Usher 1974, 46.39 Duncan journal, 17 February 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.40 Cited in Usher 1974, 48.41 Cited in Usher 1974, 47.42 Duncan, Customs & History, Duncan Papers, C-2158.53Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsreligion as mutually reinforcing, a notion which found its expression in 17thcentury natural theology. As Berger states:The chief claim of natural theology was that there existed anoverall design in nature, a rank and order in the chain of life,and a regularity in operation of laws, all of which were evidenceof a transcendent guiding intelligence. For theologians thesetruths became abstract arguments for the existence of God; fornaturalists they offered a religious sanction for scientificinvestigation. Nature was worth studying because it was aproduct of divine activity; since God created everything, themore intricate the pattern discovered, the more testimony therewas to his wisdom and artistry." 43Like his contemporaries in England, Duncan saw the natural world asa reflection of God's handiwork:When we look abroad on this vast universe - wherever the eyemay alight - on land - or sea - or sky, we mark Jehovah'simpress on them all. Transcendent beauty & unerring harmonyreigns throughout. Magnificence sits on every leaf. Majestyrides on every wave & glory twinkles in every star. Whence allthis splendour? - They with one universal finger point to God.Why all this costly array - this rich diffusion of loveliness?Creation answers in general accents - for man her lord is thisgrand display - to make him happy - to constrain his love & toelevate his praise to the ... beautiful & loving Creator. 44For Duncan, all the splendour in the universe was created by God forthe enjoyment and spiritual enrichment of man. Furthermore, Duncanbelieved thatObservation is one way of getting knowledge, it gives us our firstidea of things being knowledge got at first hand. Religious,Moral, & Natural observation may be derived from everyoccurrence in life & appearance in nature.45It is not surprising, therefore, to find that Duncan made frequent use43 Berger 1983, 32.44 Duncan, Notebook, 24 August 1856, Duncan Papers, C-2160.45 Duncan, Notebook 1852, Duncan Papers, C-2157.54Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsof analogies to the natural world to illustrate religious and moral teachings."God's Greatness & our littleness" was illustrated with reference to "thevastness of the Universe & compar[ing] our world to a pebble." 46 The need to"Prepare to Meet God" was illustrated by reference to the process by whichgold is purified.47 And on another occasion Duncanused the illustration of the Moth destroying itself by flying intothe candle & referred them to & warned them by the sad fate ofone of the Fort men ... who was lately killed at Victoria in adrunken row."Like his counterparts working among the urban poor in England,Duncan incorporated object lessons into the curriculum. 49 Object lessons, inwhich common objects were used to develop students' observation,description and classification skills, were among the earliest attempts toinclude science in the elementary curriculum in England. However, theprimary purpose in incorporating such lessons was not to promote scientificunderstanding, but rather to impart religious and moral teachings, 50 and itis probable that Duncan utilized object lessons for similar purposes.But the use of Western science was not restricted to the illustrationand reinforcement of religious and moral principals. Duncan used knowledgefrom Western science specifically to undermine the People's beliefs in theirown knowledge base. In July of 1861, Duncan writes that he lectured thestudents on a variety of topics including:46 Duncan journal, 3 August 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.47 Duncan journal, 1 January 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. For an account of how refiningof silver was used in a similar manner in Victorian England, see Layton (1973, 25-26).48 Duncan journal, 19 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.49 Duncan, Customs & History, Duncan Papers, C-2158.50 Layton 1973, 24-26; Hodson 1987, 142.55Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsthe balloon - the diving bell - Rain-...Air - heat - wind - theSun[,] Moon & Stars - the tides - Eclipses - Seasons &c. Theselectures gave me opportunity to knock down many of theirsuperstitions. For about nearly all these subjects they havetraditions.51In this same journal entry, Duncan goes on to describe hisunderstanding of Tsimshian beliefs regarding tides, the moon, stars, rain,and wind, and his desire to replace such beliefs with contemporary Westernunderstandings. It is, of course, impossible to say whether or not suchlectures resulted in a conceptual change among the students. However, giventhe tenacity of students' perceptions, it is unlikely that Duncan was assuccessful as he thought he was in:shame[ing] them out of the belief in these silly tale[s] & [giving]them the truth so far as I could drawing lessons from thesubjects before we left. 52Clearly, the Tsimshian world view conflicts with Duncan's notion ofhow the universe worked. The Tsimshian believe that they have a reciprocalrelationship with other organisms, requiring them to treat other beingsappropriately to ensure this mutually beneficial relationship. Part of thisappropriate treatment necessitates acknowledging and thanking fish forcontinuing to give themselves up as food for the Tsimshian. Duncan,however, found the practice preposterous, as in his belief system, it was Godwho controlled the actions of fish and game, and he lectured the students onthe appropriateness of thanking God rather than fish for their food.51 Duncan journal, July 29, 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.52 Duncan journal, 29 July, 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.56Fort Simpson: The Early YearsI tried to show them the absurdity of offering their thanks to thegifts instead of the giver by asking them if I was to give a boy acap - would he thank the cap or me who gave it to him. Tothank the cap they saw was absurd - then I said do not theChimsyan [sic] thank the fish & other food when they take it -but they do not thank God who gives it. 53While Duncan remarks that the students "seemed much impressed"with his views on thanking God rather than the fish,One man ... made an answer sufficiently loud to be heard by all... 'The Chimsyan [sic] do not understand.' Meaning they did notunderstand to thank God for their food. 54Apparently Duncan's explanation was not readily integrated into theTsimshian's concepts of how the world worked.The school curriculum also included domestic and technical education.In October of 1859, sewing classes began, and they were supervised by aTsimshian woman who attended school regularly. Sewing classes seemed tobe restricted to female students who engaged in making shirts. 55 Duncan'smotives for initiating these classes may have gone beyond the desire to teachthese young women domestic arts. Duncan found the People's practice ofwearing only a blanket for clothing disconcerting. Sewing classes providedthe People with the skills to make European styled garments. Additionally,at this same time Duncan was encouraging students to make or acquire clogsas "Naked feet are a hindrance to our progress in school." 56 Those studentswho followed this directive would be awarded with a shirt. Thus even theproducts of newly acquired technical skills could serve to motivate and53 Duncan journal, 24 February 1860. Duncan Papers, C-2154.54 Duncan journal, 24 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.55 Duncan journal, 28 October, 2 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.56 Duncan journal, 2 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.57Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsreward change.A request from the Bishop George Hills, Diocese of Columbia resultedin an addition to the school curriculum - that of hassock crafting. 57 Afterproviding students with initial instructions in hassock making, Duncan gaveout presents of clothing, 58 and hassock production soon began. Not all thestudents would work up to expectations, and Duncan remarks that "I have alittle trouble to get the boys to do the work well." No such comments,however, were made about the quality of the female student's work. In fact,the first hassock was finished by a Chiefs daughter. 59Science Education in the CommunityThe use of Western scientific and technological knowledge to illustrateand reinforce religious and moral teachings was not restricted to the schoolhouse. Rather, Duncan brought such pedagogic techniques with him on hisvisits to homes in the community, as indicated by this journal entry after anevening visit to an unspecified house.They seemed much struck in one house when I told them aboutthe greatness & number of the starts - the power and providenceof God. I referred to the steam boat engine for an illustration ofboth God's creative & protecting Hand. The Engine neithermade nor protects itself ... In speaking of our not being able tosee God - I told them that we dared not to look upon the Sun forif we did blindness would [result] - but God is infinitely moreglorious than the Sun - how then can we look upon [Him] &live.8957 Murray 1985, 58; Duncan journal, 21 March 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.58 Duncan journal, 23 March 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.59 Duncan journal, 2 April 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.60 Duncan journal, 20 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.58Fort Simpson: The Early YearsAgain, while visiting in homes in the community, Duncan maderecourse to his scientific understandings in an attempt to undermineTsimshian beliefs. For example, while visiting in the camp in February of1860, Duncan and an unnamed Chief discussed thunder and lightening.Duncan's understanding of the discussion was that the Tsimshian believedthat lightening comes from the eyes of an eagle, and that this eagle's talonstear apart trees, and that lightening and thunder occur when a shaman isdecapitated. Naturally, Duncan felt it necessary to quash such beliefs:Although I tried to explain matters to him a little for some timehe would not believe ... but when I told him of the dreadfuleffects of lightening in England & other places & also about theLightening Conductor he seemed to yield & fall at a solemnsilence. 61Nor were such educative instances limited to the People residingaround Fort Simpson. Where and whenever opportunities arose, Duncanattempted to change the People's conception of the universe. While visitingin the Nass, Duncan told the people that their oral histories "were like talestold by old women to keep children quiet", and that it was really God whowas responsible for the feats attributed to legendary heros. 62 A few dayslater, in another village on the Nass, Duncan used scientific knowledge toattack the villagers understandings of the moon.I commenced & by ... illustration & appealing to their commonsense & the knowledge of the moon which the telescope hadrevealed. I think I shook the faith in the ancient talk. 63Clearly Duncan incorporated science and technical education into hisDuncan journal, 27 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.Duncan journal, 6 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.Duncan journal, 10 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.61626359Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsteachings in order to illustrate and reinforce religious and moral teachingsand to undermine the Peoples' traditional beliefs and practices. Additionally,through instruction, students were exposed to technical skills necessary forthe adoption of European dress while simultaneously creating rewards tomotivate change. By making hassocks, the students' energies were directedtowards creating goods used in christian worship. It is obvious that scienceand technical education, like other aspects of the curriculum at FortSimpson, were utilized to advance the dual goals of christianity andcivilization. What is less clear is how the People reacted to these educationalinitiatives.RESPONSES TO EDUCATIONAL INITIATIVESIt is difficult to reconstruct the responses of the Tsimshian to theeducational initiatives undertaken by Duncan as few Tsimshian writtensources exist for the nineteenth century. However, careful readings of non-Tsimshian texts, in which the People's reactions are alluded to, indicate thatthe people responded to Duncan's education initiatives in a variety of waysfor a variety of reasons. For the sake of this paper, responses have beengrouped as follows: intellectual and practical benefits, economic and materialconsiderations, issues of politics and prestige, and cultural and spritualresponses. Within these categories there are a wide variety of responsesindicating both accommodation and resistance. Such groupings are botharbitrary and overlapping and reflect the understandings I have gained whilepondering the events. At best, they can only be viewed as tentative60Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsreconstructions of the People's responses based on extremely limited sources.The majority of the Tsimshian, particularly the adults, choose to foregothe benefits of Western education. Duncan saw this rejection of schooling asa result of cultural conflicts, language difficulties and indifference.They find my teaching & other ways so opposed, they have sucha dislike to leave their own camp - and perhaps through mymeager acquaintance with their tongue they hear nothing orlittle striking or new - these combined with the deadly influenceof their deeply rooted superstition & heathenish security orrather indifference keeps them away. 64While the majority of the People rejected education outright, otherschoose to either attend school themselves or send their children to school.Such participation mystified Hamilton Moffat who replaced Captain McNeillas Fort factor:Mr. Moffat said to me on the gallery to day that it was a greatwonder to him that the Indians continued to come to schoolwithout being paid to do so. He expected six Months would havetired them & he cannot understand them attending so regularlyas they do.65Novelty may well have accounted for the initial interest in schooling.However, it does not account for the students' continued presence,particularly since Duncan's curriculum clearly and purposefully conflictedwith Tsimshian culture. Why then did the People participate in theschooling?Intellectual and Practical BenefitsOf course, like humans everywhere, some of the People were drawn to64 Duncan journal, 17 October 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.65 Duncan journal, 17 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.61Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsschool by a desire for intellectual development, and Western educationprovided another route through which intellectual development could occur.Even before beginning school outside the Fort, Duncan was convinced thatthe People were "longing for instruction." 66 Among the scholars were somewho demonstrated exceptional motivation and ability. Of an unnamed youngman Duncan wrote, "He attends school but he does not learn quick enough &wants a book which he may ponder over at home. 67 Clah "made amazingprogress & would have made more if others of the class could have kept pacewith him. "68Participation in Western schooling was also motivated by pragmaticreasons. As Phillip Drucker states:during the later half of the 19th century many Indians came tothe conclusion that learning English, and at least a modicum ofliteracy, were becoming more and more essential for dealingwith the whites. 69Some of the People who attended classes did so because they wanted tolearn to read, write and count. 70 It is likely that many of the People sawpractical advantages, particularly in the area of trade with Europeans, ingaining some Western knowledge. Duncan makes frequent reference toconversations with those who felt that education was particularlyappropriate for the children.It is impossible to know to what extent Duncan's teachings influenced66 Cited in Usher, 1974, 43.67 Duncan journal, 1 August 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.68 Duncan journal, 2 June, 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.69 Drucker, 1958 1941.70 Duncan journal, 27 December 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal, 20December 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2155.62Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsthe thinking of the People. At times, Duncan seemed to feel that he wassuccessful in changing the Peoples perceptions. 71 And Shooquanahts'sjournal seems to indicate that among the People were those who hadinternalized some of Duncan's teachings. However, tradional beliefs arebased on generations of understandings, and it is unlikely that many of thePeople quickly and readily understood Duncan's teachings and incorporatedthem into their lives. The comment made by that unnamed Tsimshian inresponse to Duncan's teachings about thanking God rather than the fish waslikely a typical response of many to Duncan's teachings That is, "TheChimsyan [sic] do not understand." 72Significantly, not all who attended classes quietly acquiesced toDuncan's teachings. Maintaining classroom discipline was a problem,particularly when attendance was high, and Duncan found it "difficult tokeep such a mass of them in order." 73 Duncan's teachings were oftenridiculed. "Every idea is so new & strange that there [sic] first [impulse]seems to be to laugh or scorn." 74 A student who took exception to a lectureon sinning, spoke out against Duncan during class, telling the other studentsthat Duncan was lying. Apparently other students shared this man's view. 75Resistance to schooling was also manifest among the children. A 'halfbreed boy' who was reprimanded for talking "when he should have been71 Duncan journal, 20, 24 and 27 February, 10 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154; 29July 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.72 Duncan journal, 24 February 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.73 Duncan journal, 5 January 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.74 Duncan journal, 14 January 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.75 Duncan journal, 20 February 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.63Fort Simpson: The Early Yearslistening" walked out of class. Later Duncan flogged him in front of a Chiefand several older boys. 76 On another occasion, Duncan struck two boys forplaying together during singing lessons. 77 Another boy was sent out of classfor striking a student. 78 Discipline was even a problem among the moreadvanced students, as evidenced by Duncan' statement: "I had to give asevere flogging to one of my first class boys this afternoon for his carelessness& obstinacy."79Duncan's journals indicate that responses to educational initiativesvaried even among those who attended classes. Some scholars were trying toaccomodate Western education for intellectual reasons, others for morepragmatic considerations. The extent to which Western teachings wereincorporated into the People's beliefs is unknown; however, it is apparentthat some of the scholars demonstrated resistance by ridiculing andchallenging Duncan's teachings and through inappropriate classroombehaviour.Economic and Material ConsiderationsAccording to the CMS, the costs of school construction were to be borneby the People themselves, and the donation of both labour and materials isone indication of the People's support for Western education. Usher statesthat "Duncan received a great deal of assistance from the Indians" in building76 Duncan journal, 3 August 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.77 Duncan journal, 6 June 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.78 Duncan journal, 12 December 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.79 Duncan journal, 5 April 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.64Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsthe schoo1.80 And it is true that during the construction of the first school in1858, about 40 Tsimshian voluntarily carried timber from the raft to thebuilding site.81 The People also supported the building of the first schoolthrough donations of materials. Duncan notes thatthe Chimsyans [sic] gave me a great many planks & pieces ofbark for the roof & flooring. From almost every house I hadsomething.... A great number took boards from their own roofsto give me & some even the pieces which formed part of theirbed.82Furthermore, to help cover construction costs for the building of a newschool in 1861, 44 students (most of whom were children) donated 'curiosities'to raise money for construction costs.83However, for the most part Duncan "found it impossible to get theIndians to build the School for nothing." 84 Duncan had to hire men toprocure wood, and to prepare the wood for building, and to construct theinitial schoo1. 85 Similarly, many of the People found employment building anew school in 1861. 86 For these men, participation in school constructionwas motivated more by economic gain rather than internalization of "theirfirst lesson in self-help"87 or support for Western schooling.The possibility of long term economic gain likely motivated some to80 Usher 1974, 52.81 Duncan journal,82 Duncan journal,83 Duncan journal,84 Duncan journal,85 Duncan journal,2154.86 Duncan journal,Papers, C-2155.87 Usher 1974, 52.17 September 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.8 November 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.28 June, 5, 9 and 10 July 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.23 May 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.20 September, 2 October, 8 and 12 November 1858, Duncan Papers, C-17 September, 26 October, 16 November, 12 December 1861, Duncan65Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsattend classes. At least one Chief felt that as a result of schooling:God will send them [the Tsimshian] plenty of dollars because he[the Chief] thinks that all white men have plenty.88The distribution of presents 89 provided more immediate materialrewards to those who were scholars. Those students who attended classesand performed to Duncan's expectations, found rewards in the hierarchicalsystem Duncan instituted. Advanced scholars were placed in higher levels,rewarded for their achievements, given books to keep as journals, receivedspecial instruction and some gained both status and remuneration as teacherassistants."Donations of time, labour, and goods for the construction of the schoolindicate that there was some support in the community for Duncan'seducational initiatives. However, participation in school construction waslargely motivated by economic gain. Both possible future economic gain, andimmediate rewards of gifts and recognition of achievement and employmentopportunities provided motivation for some students to attend classes.Issues of Politics and PrestigePrior to the completion of the first school house, classes were held inLegaic's house, and attended by those of high rank. Usher notes that thisparalleled CMS efforts in West Africa to simultaneously win the support of88 Duncan journal, 17 November 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.89 See for example, Duncan journal, 6 and 24 December 1858, 10 June, 9 and 13 November1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.90 Duncan journal, 1 December 1858, 14 January, 27 September, 1 October, 19 November1859, 4 and 5 April 1860; 27 June 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2154. Duncan journal, 17December 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.66Fort Simpson: The Early YearsChiefs and train future mission workers. 91 However Barnett points out thatpolitical rivalry between Legaic and his uncle Hatsukneak, a Gitando Chief,was intense. Duncan was invited to preach his first sermon in Hatsukneak'shouse because the Chief wanted to take advantage of "a new power orinfluence which seemed likely to enhance his [Hatsukneak's] own prestigeand simultaneously to detract from that of his rival [Legaic]." 92 By hostingclasses in his house, Legaic may have been attempting to manipulate Duncanin a similar manner.Duncan's patronage was important to others as well. When schoolconstruction was halted temporarily, Duncan was visited by two Chiefs whourged him to continue building because:all the Indians up the coast had heard ... of my [Duncan's] beinghere & of my intentions & the Chimsyans [sic] would be verymuch ashamed if I [Duncan] left them. 93Additionally, it is possible that People with limited social standingwithin Tsimshian society used schooling to further their prestige. Whenclasses were held in Legaic's house, they were open only to People of chieflylineage. The patronage of the school by high ranking individuals may haveelevated the status of education in the People's minds. When the schoolbuilding was completed classes were open to, and attended by, People of allranks, and some of the People may have been attending classes in an attemptto improve their own social standing. 9491 Usher 1974, 47.92 Barnett 1941, 166.93 Duncan journal, 2 August 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.94 While Chiefs and others of high status occasionally participated in schooling, Barnett1942, 22; 1953, 405 states that many of those who associated with Duncan were of little67Fort Simpson: The Early YearsIn part, participation in western styled schooling can be viewed asattempts by some of the People to utilize education in order to secure greaterprestige for individuals residing at Fort Simpson, and for the Tsimshian as awhole among other nations.Cultural and Spiritual ResponsesWhen the school house was completed and classes were open to all ofthe People, classes were well attended. The first winter Duncan daily taught"some two hundred children."95 However, such high attendance wasatypical, and the school population quickly declined as the People left forVictoria and for the Nass River to fish for oolechan. And as a result classesceased from mid March to April 5th, 1859. 96Throughout the time that the school operated in Fort Simpson, schoolattendance fluctuated wildly, reflecting the People's continued participationin secret societies 97 and activities such as fishing for oolechan and salmon;gathering herring roe; travelling to purchase potatoes; visiting Victoria toseek employment, purchase goods and visits family and friends."Attendance rates also declined when there was drinking among the People, 99status within Tsimshian society.95 Usher 1974, 52.96 Duncan journal, 10 February, 17 March, 5 April 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.97 Duncan journal, 16, 20 and 21 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal,17 December 1861, 13 January 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.98 Duncan journal, 18 July 1858, 17 March, 26 April, 1 August, 2 June, 9 October 1859, 10,13 and 15 February, 6 April 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Duncan journal, 2 July 1861,Duncan Papers, C-2155.99 Duncan journal, 23 and 26 June, 9 October 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.68Fort Simpson: The Early Yearswhen intertribal hostilities broke out near the school house, 100 and duringextremely cold weather. 101 Such attendance patterns suggest thatparticipation in schooling cannot be equated with abandonment of culture.Rather, the People were incorporating Western education within the alreadyestablished patterns of Tsimshian activity.Establishing and maintaining relationships with the supernatural iscrucially important in Tsimshian society and some of the People may havebeen drawn to school because of the religious content. Access to supernaturalpowers through secret societies and the feast complex, was limited by lineage,rank and economics. However, the christianity Duncan offered was not soprescribed, and hence may have been particularly appealing to those oflimited social status.Whatever the attraction Western religion held, the People interpretedboth christianity and Duncan's spiritual powers in a uniquely Tsimshianway. 102 The apparent adoption of christianity by 58 of the People should notbe viewed as a rejection of Tsimshian spirituality, but rather as anaccommodation of Christianity within an ever expanding Tsimshianframework. 103This idea is supported by the fact that many of the scholars wereactively involved in secret society activities. During the winter season of1859, five of the most regular scholars were initiated into societies. Duncan100 Duncan journal, 13 and 17 January, 17 May 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2154.101 Duncan journal, 30 November, 3, 4 and 5 December 1859, 8 January, 5 March 1860,Duncan Papers, C-2154.102 Usher 1974, 49.103 Usher 1974, 50.69Fort Simpson: The Early Yearswas told that:although the Indians had again set on with their medicine work- they did not wish to show ... that they slighted the school.They intended after one month was over to come again toschool. 104Not only would the students return to classes after their initiation, butalso ritual practices would be modified to accommodate schooling.Their custom is for the child to wear a thick band of dyed barkround his neck & go without a shirt - one year. It is somethingthat they are disposed to let the child escape this & want him tocast off the charm & come at once to schoo1. 105Though committed to their traditional practices, the People were notwholly resistant to change. Rather, they wanted that change to be controlledand gradual.Another idea which seems to prevail among the Indians now is -that they must not or cannot cast off at once their customs &adopt mine, but they will leave mine to spread amongst them.They use the word spread to express this idea. 106By attending or by sending their young to school, by adjusting theirpractices to accommodate schooling, and by their willingness to let Westernideas spread among them gradually, many of the People were engaged, asthey had always been, in integrating new elements into the expandingframework of Tsimshian culture. However, others were less willing toincorporate Western ideas into their world, and they responded to Duncan'sinitiatives through resistance.104 Duncan journal, 20 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154.105 Duncan journal, 27 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. Emphasis in original. Suchaccommodation was possible within Tsimshian culture as "Each tribal chief inauguratedthe season of tabu in his own tribe, and put away the supernatural powers when it wasended." (Garfield cited in Guedon 1984a, 154)106 Duncan journal, 20 November 1859, Duncan Papers, C-2154. Emphasis in original.70Fort Simpson: The Early YearsThe most pronounced resistance to the schooling came from thecollective response of those involved with secret societies, including Chiefs. 107According to Duncan,the Indians did not at first resist my efforts for their welfare.They would listen to my teaching and generally welcomed myattention to their sick. It was not till they saw the ChristianStandard fully unfolded that they became alarmed for theirheathen citadel. In other words, when they saw that Chritianitymeant nothing less than the subversion of every evil work, andno compromise and moreover that some of their people werebeginning to yield themselves to its influence, then their enmitywas aroused. Most of the Chiefs and headmen denounced meand my work. 108William Henry Pierce remembers that, "The Man-eater and the Dog-eater dances were very much opposed to Duncan, and they did everything intheir power to drive him out." 109Admittedly, members of secret societies selectively attended classes.However, as Garfield points out, "When a chief held a potlatch or a powerdance all the village was invited and no other ceremonies would be held thatwould conflict with his." 110 When schooling interfered with these winterceremonies, reaction among the People was intense.When scholars passing Legaic's house interfered with halait ritualstaking place, Legaic, through Captain McNeill, asked that school besuspended for a month. Duncan ignored this request for suspending school107 As the structure of the secret societies paralleled the social structure of the People,Chiefs and leaders of the secret societies were one and the same.108 Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875, CMS Papers, 32.109 Pierce 1933,10. Pierce was the son of a Tsimshian woman and Scotsman. His motherdied shortly after he was born, and he was raised by his maternal grandfather in FortSimpson. Pierce later became a Methodist missionary and worked among many of thePeoples of the Northwest coast.110 Cited in Geudon 1984a, 154.71Fort Simpson: The Early Yearstemporarily, and Legaic and at least four or five other men began activelyworking to undermine his work by advising the people to have nothing to dowith the school, and intimidating and threatening Duncan and thescholars. 111 Again, Duncan refused to suspend school.Eventually, several members of the secret societies confronted Duncanin the school house and attempted to convince him to stop school. Legaicdrew a knife and advanced towards Duncan. The appearance of Clah bearinga pistol in Duncan's defense ended the confrontation. 112William Henry Pierce was present during this confrontation andrecalls that:While this row was in progress and just as one of the Indians,inflamed with passion, was about to strike Mr. Duncan down,Clah, my uncle by adoption, came into the building. He wasarmed with a revolver and ordered all who were threatening Mr.Duncan to leave. That revolver did the work and Mr. Duncanhas often said that my uncle saved his life. All this time we boyswere huddled together in a corner and locked in the room. Wewere crying through fear. After the Indians had gone, Mr.Duncan went back to his desk and cried for a long time; then hetold us to take our seats and the lesson was continued.' 13In the winter of 1861, there was a strong collective reaction againstDuncan undertaken by Chiefs and members of the secret societies. Thisresistance was motivated by the fact that Mr. Tugwel1, 114 , who brieflyassisted Duncan in his work at Fort Simpson, obtained a naxnoq whistle 115111 Duncan Journal, 23 November, 8 and 14 December 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.112 Duncan journal, 20 and 24 December 1858, Duncan Papers, C-2154.113 Pierce 1933, 10-11.114 Tug-well and his wife were sent out by the CMS to assist Duncan. They stayed in FortSimpson for about six weeks and left because of health reasons.115 The term naxnoq refers to power. Such whistles are seen to be the voices ofsupernatural powers. See Guedon 1984a, 150.72Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsfrom some of the christian Tsimshian, and took it with him when he left FortSimpson. As a result of this,a great demonstration of assembled chiefs & dog-eaters(ahlied)[sic] was made against myself [Duncan] & the ChristianIndians. I am denounced as trouble & the work I have in handas the destroyer of the Tsimsheans [sic]. The school is I have torecord for the first time thinly attended only from 50 to 60 to 70attending now - not more than half the number of the twoprevious winters. 116William Pierce attended school briefly in Fort Simpson. He waswithdrawn from classes after "it had been ordered by the chief of the tribethat I should not [attend]." 117 Opposition from Chiefs was common, andDuncan later commented:The starting point was this: I had to deal with a lot of chiefs.Almost all of them were opposed to change - to any progress ....I had a great amount of trouble with them. 118In January of 1862, Duncan's journal records the fact that the Chiefs:are uniting to crush the work among the Indians by exertingthemselves to revive their heathenism - withdrawing theirchildren - making speeches against us & laughing to scorn theChristian[s] and ever threatening them with death. Thechristians [sic] have had a very trying time this last month ortwo & but for fear of my influence in procuring redress - thechiefs I believe this winter would have used severe measures tostop the work altogether. 119Contrary to Usher's statement that the Chiefs made "no seriousattempt to obstruct his [Duncan's] work", the chiefs collaborated withmembers of the secret society to undermine Duncan's work by speaking outagainst him, by threatening both Duncan and the scholars and christians,116 Duncan journal, 17 December 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.117 Pierce 1933, 11.118 Duncan cited in Barnett 1942, 21; 1953, 405.119 Duncan journal, 12 January 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.73Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsand even by attacking Duncan physically. And, as a consequence of theseactions, school attendance fell drastically. 120Cultural and spiritual responses, like political, economic andintellectual responses indicate diverse reactions to Duncan's educationalinitiatives. Clearly there was an attempt by many to incorporate educationwithin exisiting Tsimshian lifeways. However, activities which underminedthe integrity of spiritual practices were met by strong collective resistance byboth both Chiefs and secret society members.120 Duncan journal, 13 January 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.74Fort Simpson: The Early YearsDrawing of Fort Simpson by Tsimshian artistFrederick Alexkcee [Alexceeb Hudson BayFort on left. Rose Island on right. 121121 Drawing of Fort Simpson by Tsimshian artist Frederick Alexkcee. British ColumbiaArchives and Records Service. Catalogue no. 71703. Negative no. D-7256.75Fort Simpson: The Early YearsTHE MOVE TO METLAKATLAIn the spring of 1862 educational activity was interrupted whenDuncan and a number of the People decided to form a mission village at a siteused by the Tsimshian prior to their move to Fort Simpson.Duncan's decision to move from Fort Simpson was prompted by anumber of factors. The importance of Fort Simpson as a trade center wasdecreasing, and in 1860 the HBC withdrew its offer of free room and boardfor Duncan, necessitating a rethinking of the mission's future. Byestablishing a mission village, the newly converted would be isolated fromthe perceived negative influences of both the unconverted Tsimshian and thedemoralized Whites at the Fort and aboard visiting ships. The establishmentof useful arts at Fort Simpson was hampered because the land around theFort was unsuitable for gardening, and the crowded conditions rendered theintroduction of "measures for their [the Peoples'] social improvement"impossible. The new location provided land for both cultivation and for theestablishment of industries and other social improvements. Intertribaltensions at Fort Simpson and the increasing hostility directed towardsDuncan by the Chiefs and secret societies were also factors in the decision tomove. 122Just as Duncan was influenced by a variety of factors, so too were thePeople who decided to leave Fort Simpson. For the newly converted, theestablishment of a mission village would provide a haven from the ridicule,122 Duncan journal, 24 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to CMS, 25October, 28 April 1862, CMS Papers 31; Usher 1974, 57-59.76Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsscorn and threats they were enduring. According to Duncan,The Indians who have attended religious instruction and aredesirous of practicing what they learn beg to be taken away -where they will feel less the evil influence of their heathenbrethren & be more under ours & also where they can cultivatethe arts of peace unmolested." 123For others, intertribal tensions may have rendered their continuedresidence at Fort Simpson unbearable. As stated in Duncan's journalThe Indians generally want a move because the tribes being soclose together here Indeed packed - When two tribes get fightingother tribes frequently by accident become involved. 124Mathew Johnson, a life-long resident of Fort Simpson remembers thatat that time People were afraid to go out of their houses after dark "becauseof so much trouble - hailet, drink, shooting.people who left for Metlakatla were anxious to live someplace free of suchtensions. This idea is supported by a statement made by David Leask in1887:Those who came were to give up their tribal distinctions, andlive as one people united, and bnding [sic] themselves each oneto follow the rules laid down from time to time by their council.So that unity was the basis of the settlement. 126Others fled to Fort Simpson hoping to avoid the effects of the small poxepidemic which had broken out in spring of 1862. 127 Others would comelater, when traditional cures proved ineffective in dealing with this123 Duncan journal, 24 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2155.124 Duncan journal, 24 September 1860, Duncan Papers, C-2155.125 Barnett Papers, box 1, file 9,bk. 2. Mathew Johnson was a Tsimshian man who wasinterviewed by Barnett in 1940. As a boy he attended school in Fort Simpson.126 Tomlinson 1877, 22. Emphasis added. David Leask was one of Duncan's earlieststudents.127 Duncan journal, 19 May 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to CMS, 6 March 1863,CMS Papers, 31."125 It is likely that some of the77Fort Simpson: The Early Yearsepidemic, 128 and Western cures were pursued. In the fall of 1862 Duncaninoculated some 400 People. 129 Furthermore, Duncan suspected that some ofthose seeking baptism, such as Legaic and Leequneesh, did so out of fear ofsmall pox. 130Many of the People relocated to Metlakatla for reasons that wereuniquely Tsimshian. According to Mathew Johnson, Legaic's relocation wasnot inspired by a desire for a christian lifestyle, he was "not converted, notcrying for God." Rather, the move resulted from Legaic's failure to revengethe death of a number of the Gispaxlots at the hands of the Haida. Thisevent was seized by Legaic's rivals as a means to undermine Legaic'sprestige. Legaic, with the approval of his tribes' councillors, left forMetlakahtla. However, his rank and privileges within his tribe remainedintact. 131Similarly, the arrival of almost the entire Gitlan tribe on June 6, 1862,was motivated by long standing tensions between the Gitlan and theGitlutsau. The Gitlan's inability to resolve this dispute, and theirsubsequent loss of face resulted in their move to Metlakahtla. 132Whatever the reasons, on May 27, 1862 Duncan and about 50 of the128 Duncan journal, 8 August 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.129 Duncan journal, 11 and 28 July, 10 September, 10 and 16 October 1862, Duncan Papers,C-2155.130 Duncan journal, 22 July 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.131 Barnett Papers, box 1, file 9, bk. 2. For a published account, see Barnett (1941, 164-165).132 Barnett Papers, box 1, file 9, bk. 2. For a published account, see Barnett (1941, 166-167). Usher (1974, 150, n.10) makes reference to this, but questions its validity because itdoes not appear in either Duncan's or the HBC's records. Barnett's work was based onoral accounts of the incident as told by Mathew Johnson of Fort Simpson.78Fort Simpson: The Early YearsPeople, including men, women and children, boarded six canoes and left FortSimpson to establish a christian community at Metlakahtla. En route, theywere passed by John Richmond and his relatives who were bound for thesame destination. Ten people were already at the site, preparing it for theirarrival. They were soon joined by others, and with the arrival of most of theGitlan tribe, including Chiefs Neestakkalnoosh and Leequneesh, on June 6th,1862, Metlakahtla's population reached about 300. 133133 Duncan journal, 27 and 28 May, 1862, 2 and 6 June, 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.79CHAPTER FOUR:THE METLAKATLA MISSIONINTRODUCTIONThe establishment of a civilizing mission necessitated much more thanthe inculcation of christianity; it required the total re-socialization of thePeople. In addition to the adoption of christian worship, life at Metlakatlawas defined by the implementation of Europen-styled governance and law, bythe development of industrial and commercial pursuits, by the incorporationof Western architecture and clothing, by the incorporation of Westerneducation, by the promotion of values such as industry; and by the absence ofmany traditional institutions and practices. To this end, a set of laws, passedunanimously by the newly established village council, outlined some of theprinciples guiding life in the village. (See Appendix A.)Initially, the People constructed the large, one-room, multi-familydwellings the Tsimshian were known for. But as these were seen asinappropriate for civilized christians, they were replaced by one storybuildings consisting of two apartments and a central mess room. Later, twotwo-story houses, joined together with a one-storey common room, andsurrounded by picket fences, dominated the community)1 Usher 1974, 68-19.80The Metlakatla MissionMetlakatla, B.C. The eastern view of thevillage.22 Eastern portion, showing cannery buildings on left. British Columbia Archives andRecords Service. Catalogue no. 55799. Negative no. C-8105.81The Metlakatla MissionMassive building projects were undertaken. The first mission buildingconstructed was a large octagonal log building which served as both churchand school. In the early 1870's an imposing new church was built, said to bethe largest church north of San Francisco and west of Chicago. In 1865 anew mission house was built. Other mission buildings included a large hostelto accommodate visiting Peoples, a courthouse, jail, a school house, and atown hall, and various buildings to house the burgeoning industries. 3Convinced that interaction with Europeans would lead to the People'sdownfall, Duncan sought to establish employment opportunities within thecommunity.I feel also that it is of vast importance to seek out profitableemployment for those with me & thus keep them away fromthose labour markets which exhibit temptations too strong & toofascinating for the Indian in his present morally infantilecondition to withstand.4Right from the beginning, the People continued their involvement withtrade. 5 And the combination of the People's and Duncan's mercantile skillsproved formidable. The purchasing of the schooner, Carolina, and theopening of a store in Metlakatla freed them from the monopoly imposed bythe HBC's Fort Simpson. Furs were taken directly to Victoria where theywere sold at higher prices than were offered in Fort Simpson, and goods3 Usher 1974, 69.4 Duncan to Douglas (draft), Duncan journal, 26 March 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.Similar statements were reiterated frequently throughout the history of Metlakatla. Seefor example Duncan to Young (draft), Duncan journal, 26 March 1863; Duncan journal, 5August 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to CMS, 23 January 1864, 25 July 1865, 7September 1869, CMS Papers, 31; Duncan to Powell, 13 August 1881, DIA Annual Report1882, 146.5 See for example, Duncan journal, 10 July 1862, 13 January, 16 April, 13, 14 and 19 May,6 and 24 June, 12 August, 13 and 16 November 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155.82The Metlakatla Missionbrought back from Victoria to stock the store were sold at lower prices thanavailable at Fort Simpson, thus attracting business from surroundingPeoples, and threatening the economic base of the HBC. Profits from thetrade did much to make the mission self-supporting. 6Over the years a number of industries were undertaken in thecommunity including the manufacturing of soap and wooden clogs, a sawmill,barrel making, weaving, manufacturing furniture, window sashes and doors,a blacksmith shop, a brick factory, and a salmon cannery.? These enterprisesproduced goods for the local consumption, promoted industry so valued byDuncan and other Victorians, kept the People away from other labourmarkets, and some were even economically viable for a while.Governance was carried out by village council, which consisted of bothChiefs and elected councillors. Laws established by the council were enforcedby constables and Duncan, who was appointed justice of peace by the colonialGovernment. Not only did the constables work within the community, butthey also actively pursued liquor traders who plagued the Coast. In 1865 thePeople were organized into companies headed by constables who wereresponsible for both monitoring the conduct of the People and promotingtheir "improvement and industry." By the 1870's there were ten companiesof men, each of which included two constables and two councillors; women'scompanies were headed by a 'responsible woman'. By the 1880's, the6 Usher 1974, 67. For its impact on the HBC, see Hamilton Moffat to Board ofManagement, HBC 26 October & 31 December 1863, 15 July 1864, Fort Simpson,Correspondence Outward.7 Murray 1985, 78, 132, 133, 137 & 149; Usher 1974, 68-74.83The Metlakatla Missioncompanies were reorganized to include a Chief, two native teachers, threecouncillors, two musicians, ten firemen and their captain. 8While the entire Metlakatla experience was an educationalexperiment, the school played a major role in the acculturation of the People.This chapter explores the education available to the People through eveningclasses, day school, boarding schools and industrial training, and informallyin the community. It also discusses the reasons for government support ofschooling at Metlakatla, and the People's varying responses to educationalinitiatives.EDUCATION IN METLAKATLADuncan's Attitude Towards EducationDuncan's attitude towards education was ambiguous. Like many otherworking class Victorians, Duncan broadened his knowledge through self-education. 9 A entry from Duncan's notebook dated 1851 states:With the exception of a good conscience nothing is so valuable asa good stock of information. 10However while studying at Highbury, Duncan became concerned aboutthe impact of intellectual stimulation on his own spiritual development.8 Usher 1974, 78-83.9 Layton, 1973, 27.10 Ideas extracted from a book entitled "The Young man's own Book", Duncan Papers, C-2157.84The Metlakatla MissionMy accumulation of knowledge I find does not help but ratherimpedes my spiritual growth. My soul gets entangled and I findit difficult to get free. All knowledge without God is vanity. 11The place of secular knowledge became problematic for Duncan. Hefelt that secular knowledge alone was inappropriate for the People, and thateducating "heathens" would "result in much evil." 12 In fact, Duncan statedthat one of the purposes behind the establishment of Metlakatla was togather:a community around us whose moral and religious training andbent of life might render it safe and proper to impart secularinstruction. 13But the quality of secular instruction available in Metlakatla waslimited. Bishop William Ridley, who moved to Metlakatla in 1879, washighly critical of Duncan's educational initiatives.The best taught Indian on the coast could not pass the firststandard of an English Elementary School. Even of DavidLeask the teacher this is true. The English he speaks he learntat home. You know of course he is a half breed. He doesn'tknow a noun from a verb - History & Geography are as occult tohim as Astronomy.... I am afraid to say what the schooling reallyis for you will think me jaundiced. 14Such a statement may be a reflection of the extremely antagonisticrelationship which developed between Ridley and Duncan. Alternately, itmay be a reflection of a change in Duncan's attitude towards education forthe People which became increasingly negative over time. According toRidley,11 Duncan journal, 21 March 1855, Duncan Papers, C-2154.12 Usher 1974, 75.13 Duncan to David Laird, 21 May 1875, Department of Indian Affairs Black Series (hereafter referred to as DIA BS),vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1. Emphasis added.14 Bishop of Caledonia to Wright, 28 February 1880, CMS Papers, 32.85The Metlakatla MissionWhen I have urged the education of the people he [Duncan] hasalways met me with the answer, "knowledge is not good forIndians." His fixed policy of late years has been to keep them inignorance. Formerly it was not so. 15Three years after he left Metlakatla, Duncan's notebook contained thefollowing passage:2 kinds of wisdom - worldly & heavenly[.] Right kind - JosephMoses Daniel [-] Where from? Not school books, but the Lord. 16Initially school was taught in both English and Tsimshian. Over time,however, Duncan increasingly relied on Tsimshian as the language ofinstruction. The increased use of Tsimshian in school seems to have beenaccompanied by a decrease in the quality of education. By the time Duncanand his supporters left Metlakatla B.C. for Alaska, all instruction was inTsimshian. 17 After the move to Alaska, the People openly challengedDuncan's restrictive educational policies. 18Duncan's Attitude Towards the PeopleNot only did Duncan have serious reservations about theappropriateness of education for the People, he also held highly ethnocentricand negative views of the People which existed despite many years of closecontact. In 1865 Duncan complied a list of "Things to Be Remembered inDiscoursing to the Indians", which portrayed the people as superstitious,proud, untrustworthy, lazy, impatient, excitable and thankless. 19 In 1875,15 Ridley 1882, 9-10.16 Mission Papers - Sermons & Addresses, Notebooks, 31 December 1890, Duncan Papers, C-2160.17 Jarboe 1983, 124.18 For a discussion of this see Jarboe 1983, 141-162.19 Notes & Memoranda, 1865, Duncan Papers, C-2159; Usher, 1974, 138.86The Metlakatla Missionhe stated that the People were "ignorant, indolent and improvident." 20As Headrick points out, the "perceptions Europeans had of the cultureof their colonial subjects certainly influenced the kind of education theyoffered." 21 Given this, it is not surprizing that the education offered inMetlakatla was of a very basic kind, equivalent to two years of elementaryschooling.22Aboriginal and Other Missionary TeachersAt times, various members of the community including SamuelMarsden, Odele Quintall, Sarah Legaic, and David Leask assisted inteaching.23 But Duncan was reluctant to hand over too much responsibilityto Aboriginal teachers because he felt:they lack the endurance & stability to make permanent teachers.Their energies flag if kept long at one thing. They are so used toroving about & changing their place & work that there is not one yet(that is of the adults) to whom I hope to continue a steady colleague." 24Because of Duncan's increasing involvement in a wide range ofspiritual and secular affairs, schooling often suffered. In an attempt toalleviate this problem Duncan instituted a monitorial system in whichadvanced students were taught in the afternoon, and they taught others inthe morning. 2520 Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875, DIA BS vol. 3605, file 2959, pt 1.21 Headrick 1988,306.22 Jarboe 1983, 121-122.23 See for example Duncan to CMS, 3 February 1873; Schutt to CMS, 10 February 1877, 4March 1878, CMS Papers, 32.24 Duncan to CMS, 3 February 1873, CMS Papers, 32.25 Duncan journal, 11 November 1867, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Usher 1974, 75.87The Metlakatla MissionDuncan made frequent requests to the CMS for assistance.This branch of work [school] requires daily five hours - steadyattention, and a whole heart, to ensure progress; but my having tooversee so much other work - be ever ready to obey the calls of the sick,and, besides, avail myself, whenever opportunity occurs, of conversingwith or attending to Indian strangers, who may be passing us, orpaying us a visit, render it impossible for me alone thus efficiently tomanage it.26The CMS sent out a number of missionaries to assist Duncan, but fewremained for long. R.A. Doolan assisted Duncan from 1864 to 1866, and leftto establish a mission a Kincolith. Neither Mr. and Mrs. Gribble, who wentto Metlakatla in 1865, nor Mr. and Mrs. Owen, who went to Metlakatla in1867, stayed for over six weeks. Robert Cunningham worked at Metlakatlafor almost a year in 1867, but was dismissed for having an affair with one ofthe Tsimshian women. 27William Henry and Marion Collison joined Duncan in Metlakatla inNovember of 1873. Initially Collison assisted in the school house, teachingstudents in English, while Duncan taught religion, geography and singinglessons in Tsimshian, but eventually Mr. and Mrs. Collison took charge of theschooling.28 The Collisons stayed until October of 1876 when Henry andElizabet Schutt arrived in Metlakatla.Mr. Schutt, assisted by Sarah Leegaic, taught in the day schoo1. 29 Asthe demand for schooling increased, a separate infant class began, and was26 Duncan to CMS, 4 December 1871, CMS Papers, 6.27 Usher 1974, 94-95.28 Duncan to CMS, 29 January 1874, 7 March 1876; Collison to CMS, 29 February 1876,CMS Papers, 32.29 Schutt to CMS, 10 February 1877, CMS Papers, 32.88The Metlakatla Missiontaught in the market house. Mrs. Schutt taught the women. 30 For a brieftime, Andrew Hall, another CMS missionary assisted in an infant and nightschoo1.31After the Schutts left in July of 1878, Duncan seemed relieved to be incontrol of the school.I am glad to have the school again under my care - for thechildren have suffered on account of Mr. Schutt not speaking thenative tongue. 32Duncan dismissed the Aboriginal teachers, and closed down the infantclasses.33 However, Duncan's control of the school did not last long. Hebecame ill and spent from August 1878 to mid October 1879 recuperating inVictoria. Mr. Collison took over his work while he was gone. 34It seems that after this, Duncan relied upon Aboriginal teachers. In1880 David Leask taught school, and in 1881, Sarah Leegaic taught. 35Duncan hired a Mr. Chantrell to teach, but he was quickly replaced by DavidLeask when Chantrell began teaching for the CMS rival school inMetlakatla.3630 Schutt to CMS 4 March 1978, CMS Papers, 32.31 Hall to CMS, 6 March 1878, CMS Papers, 32.32 Duncan to CMS, 30 Sept 1878, CMS Papers, 32.33 Duncan to CMS, 7 March 1879, CMS Papers, 32.34 Duncan to Hutchinson, 17 October 1879, CMS Papers, 32. DIA Annual Report 1880 (302-303) lists Duncan as the teacher, but this could not be if he spent the year in Victoria, asstated to his letter to Hutchinson.35 DIA Annual Report 1881, 310-311; 1882, 216-217.36 DIA Annual Report 1884, 182-183. Chantrell was dismissed from the CMS in April of1883 because of immorality charges. See Bishop of Caledonia to CMS, 2 April 1883, CMSPapers, 47.89The Metlakatla MissionThe SchoolThe relocation to Metlakatla necessarily resulted in the interruption inschooling. Moving belongings, re-establishing residences, and undertakingnew building projects took precedence over education, and classes did notbegin until early in 1863. 37Initially, classes were held in a log building which served as bothschool house and church. It was "a long, low blockhouse, constructed of logs,and but poorly lighted." 38 The school room was said to behung round with maps, illustrations,... and has quite anacademical appearance, containing globes, electric machines,...while outside is a series of gymnastic appliances, swings,bars,....3°Apparently, the school was well equipped. In 1875, a new school housewas completed, and it was said to be well suited for its purpose, being clean,spacious and orderly.40Adult ClassesInitially the men and women of the community attended classestogether in the evening. Topics addressed during these first classes includedgeography, astronomy, natural history and morals. 41 These subjectsprovided Duncan with the opportunity to illustrate and reinforce religiousteachings:37 Duncan journal, 20 February 1863, Duncan to Douglas (sketch), March 6, 1863, DuncanPapers, C-2155.38 Collison 1981, 23.39 Colonist 4 July 1867, 2.40 Church Missionary Intelligencer 1881, 51-52.41 Duncan to Douglas (sketch), 6 March 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.9046 Duncan journal, 13 November 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155.42 Duncan journal, 31 January 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.43 Duncan journal, 2 February 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.44 Duncan journal, 3 February 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.45 Duncan journal, 11 February 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.The Metlakatla MissionI gave them a Lecture on Geography - Peru & endeavouredsolemnly to impress them with the startling conviction of manythat our Earth is liquid fire - crusted over & [hence] how easyfor God to cmisum[e] all things. They seemed muchimpressed.'1'Duncan's journals contain frequent references to other instances wherescience instruction was used to carry religious messages. A lecture on Braziland Peru provided Duncan with the opportunity to speak about "theperfection of God's work" as manifest by the birds and animals found there.Humans, on the other hand, were said to "follow folly - madness & sin & rushto misery" and therefore needed to "take lessons from the inferiorcreatures."43Duncan used a lecture on constellations "to lead them [the People] tohumble thought[s] of themselves & to Magnify God". 44 On another occasion,after lecturing on eclipses, tides and comets, Duncan again:alluded to the Magnitude of the Universe & the insignificance ofOur earth compared to it. [R]eminded them that the Great,.Maker of All is Father or Christ. How dreadful His Anger. 4°In November of 1866, eclipses were again discussed at night school.Duncan's journal illustrates how that subject was used to promote his notionof appropriate behavior.Lecture - Geography - Eclipses - Worlds go in the way Godappointed - but man wont[.] If they were to deviate - theUniverse would be ruined - man's devious ways must lead him[to] ruin."Over time, the focus in adult evening classes shifted to a greater91The Metlakatla Missionemphasis on reading and composition with a religious emphasis, and bibleand gospel history. However science was not abandoned, and at least once aweek students were given instruction in either geography, physical sciencesor astronomy. (See Appendix B.)As mentioned previously, William and Marion Collison worked withDuncan in Metlakatla from 1873 to 1876. The additional help facilitatedchanges in both student grouping and curriculum content which reflectedEuropean gender constructions. Older girls and women were taught in theafternoon, while older boys and men were instructed in the evening.Geography was taught only to the male students. For female students, thecurriculum expanded to include domestic education, and the women weretaught how to sew and knit, to card and spin wool, and to weave on handlooms.47 This system was maintained by Henry and Elizabet Schutt whoworked in Metlakatla from 1876 to 1878.47 Collison to CMS, 11 November 1873; Duncan to CMS, 29 January 1874, CMS Papers, 32;Duncan to Powell, 5 February 187_, Letterbook 1, Duncan Papers, C-2149; DIA AnnualReport 1876, 86-87; DIA Annual Report 1882, xliii, 146.92The Metlakatla MissionWomen spinning woo1.4848 Women spinning wool. British Columbia Archives and Records Servic. Catalogue no.33590. Negative no. B-3573.93The Metlakatla MissionDay SchoolAs in Fort Simpson, religious instruction was of primary importance inthe children's day school. Students were also taught reading, writing,arithmetic, and singing. For a time, geography lessons were given twice aweek.49 (See Appendix C.) It is likely that, as in adult classes, Duncan usedthe subject material as an opportunity to impart religious and moralteachings.Among the material and supplies ordered for school use were 200copies of the Irish School Books (100 of the 2nd Book and 100 of the 5thBook). 50 Duncan's choice of these texts is significant. Not only were thesebooks "astonishingly cheap", but also, compared to other readers of this era,they included a large amount of secular information. The Second Book ofLessons included passages on "world geography, natural products and thezoology of birds and animals." The Fifth Book of Lessons is said to have been"highly scientific" in content, and contained information on astronomy,chemistry, electricity, geography, geology, hydrostatics, optics, vegetable andanimal physiology, and pneumatics.51It is not known whether Duncan selected these readers in a consciousattempt to eradicate traditional understandings of the natural world.However, faith in texts as the authoritative truth is said to have been49 DIA Annual Reports (1876,186-87; 1883, 182-183) indicate that Geography was a schoolsubject in Metlakatla in 1876 when Collison was teaching, and again in 1883 when DavidLeask was teaching. Reports for other years indicate that it was not a school subject.50 Duncan to CMS (copy), 25 July 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155.51 Layton 1973, 41.94The Metlakatla Missioncharacteristic of teachers of the 19th century.52 This belief in the authorityof print was shared by Duncan, and he attempted to pass it on to the People.He told them of:the advantage we had in being able to gather instruction frombooks over those dependent on the ear alone.... I then spoke ofthe progress that God was permitting man to make inknowledge and expressed my hope that the Tsimshieans wouldsoon be able to step up with others in the enjoyment of thisblessing.53By challenging the validity of oral tradition and promoting theauthority of print, Duncan was endorsing an unquestioning belief in textswhich was characteristic of educators throughout Canada at this time Thismay have served to undermine the People's beliefs in their own intellectualtraditions, and promoted European beliefs as expressed in the texts.Because the mission was directed at self-support, economic ideologywas important, and there was a need to inculcate work related norms ofindustriousness, perseverance, thrift and obedience. Such values weretaught directly in class where Duncan made use of noted heroes of self-helpliterature, like engineer George Stevenson, to instill values such asperseverance.54Furthermore, as Apple points out, students' day to day experiences inschool are important in socializing them for their future roles as workers. 55Duncan exercised a great deal of control over schooling, as he selected thecurriculum content, established the time table, rules and routines, and52 Berg and MacKeracher, 1985, 64.53 Cited in Usher 1974, 75.54 Duncan journal, 22 Dec. 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Usher 1974, 76.55 Apple 1990, 43-60.95The Metlakatla Missionadministered discipline. In 1909 Duncan told a teacher in New Metlakatla,Alaska that the:literary part of their education would be of no use to them at all.They won't be able to read even a newspaper. What they mustlearn in school is order, punctuality and obedience. They willpick up reading and writing_ later. Anyone can learn to write.Look at Abraham Lincoln. 56Nor was his authority limited to the classroom. Duncan attempted toextend his authority to all areas of religious and secular life in thecommunity. In discussing early missionary educators on the Northwestcoast, Phillip Drucker states that:the submissive pattern of the pupil-to-teacher relationship wasestablished toward the same individual, the missionary or hissuccessor, who as the leader of the congregation wished to standin an analogous position of dominance in the church and in thedaily lives of the people. 57The control, discipline, obedience, and rigid routines maintained byDuncan within the classroom were likely intended to prepare the students fortheir future subservient roles as both mission community members and asworkers.Boarding SchoolDespite the disapproval of Reverend Cridge, Governor Douglas andBishop Hills, all of whom felt it improper for a single man to be in charge offemales, Duncan began a boarding school for a number of the young womenin the community. 58 Duncan felt that this step was "absolutely necessary" to56 Cited in Jarboe 1983, 119.57 Drucker 1958, 142.58 Duncan journal, 17 July 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155. This would result in scandalous96The Metlakatla Missionsave the People from ruin and to facilitate their moral and socialimprovement. He was particularly concerned about protecting the youngwomen from corruption by White traders, such as the men aboard the HBCLabouchere.Those men - about 25 or 30 in number look out in their arrivalat F.S. [Fort Simpson] for any little girl uncontaminated whichthey can find & when found they set about the work of seducingher.... The officers permit & even defend it & some of them evenhave their wives on board witnessing it. 59Having appointed himself guardian of the young women's virtue,Duncan undertook the specialized training of select females. In May of 1863,six young women became the first mission house boarders. Initially thesewomen returned to homes in the community to sleep, but in May of 1865 thenew mission residence was completed, and the boarders lived there withDuncan. 60 By July of 1866, fifteen young women were living at the missionhouse.61 And by 1872, some thirty women had been trained in the missionhouse.62Duncan felt inadequate for the work however, and he requested thatthe CMS send out a married missionary, as Metlakatla was "gasping for theskillful hands of some devoted female" who was:rumors and accusations. See Ridley 1882 and Murray, 1985, 152, 156-158.59 Duncan journal, 2 May 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.60 Duncan journal, 27 May 1865, Duncan Papers, C-2155.61 Duncan journal, 7 July 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155.62 Miscellaneous, Entry Book, 1912-1915, Duncan Papers, C-2157. Among the boarderswere: Odele Quintal, Sarah Leegaic, Catherine Marsden, Eliza Campbell, Maria Booth,Margaret Tait, Louisa Livingston, Louisa Calvert, Fanny Auckland, Mary Jackson,Sophia Campbell, Susan Reece, Kate Faber, Elizabeth Ryan, Alice Hudson, EsterLivingston, Rebecca Wilson, Rachel Simpson, Wahteeboo (?), Edith Milne, Emma Guthrie,Jane Stanley, Mahtilda Burton, Charlotte Campbell, Alice Mather, Agnes Tait, IsabellaDavis, Mary Ann (no last name), Joanna Marsden, and Emma Verney.97The Metlakatla Missionsound in body & heart - not soon sick - terrified or tired. Sheshould be willing to take charge of a few female children &hence with stress I say she should be a perfect mistress over all domestic affairs as she would be looked upon as the Model Mother of this little colony. 63Initially the women sent out by the CMS did not measure up toDuncan's idealized notion of the "Model Mother." While still in FortSimpson, the CMS sent out Reverend and Mrs. Tugwell to assist Duncan.Duncan was not impressed with Mrs. Tugwell's domestic skills and laterremarked:What do you think of that? The C.M.S. had sent more than fivethousand miles, some one to help me teach the IndiansChristian home-life, and here I was obliged to make bread forher myself.64Nor was Duncan impressed with the domestic skills of Mrs. Gribblewho, as mentioned previously, resided briefly in Metlakatla. Duncan wassure that the "boarders are not likely to learn much by Mrs. G's [Gribble's]coming" as she could neither prepare and stuff a goose nor bake bread. 65Because Duncan was planning a trip to England, he dismissed theboarders in October of 1869. 66 In March of 1872, after returning fromEngland, twelve boys were installed in the mission house. Brief references tothe boys indicate that they were given some religious instruction, but theyfailed to meet Duncan's expectations of efficiency and cleanliness. 67 On the13th of February 1873, Duncan informed the CMS that he had given up hiswork with the boys because he "found it simply impossible to do ... [his] duty63 Duncan to CMS, 23 January 1864, CMS Papers, 31. Emphasis in original.64 Arctander, cited in Collison 1981,16, n. 17.65 Duncan journal, 10 September 1855, Duncan papers, C-2155.66 Duncan journal, 19 October 1869, Duncan Papers, C-2155.67 Duncan journal, 10 March 1872, 12 and 14 April 1873, Duncan Papers, C-2155.98The Metlakatla Missionto the class & carry on any other work efficiently." 68 Eventually, the youngwomen returned as boarders.Duncan was pleased with Elizabet Schutt, who arrived with herhusband and children in 1876, and took over the training of the boarders. 69Mrs. Schutt I cannot speak too highly of. She is not a strongwoman but to the utmost of her strength she certainly doesexert herself in well doing & will eventually prove (if her healthcontinues) when she becomes acquainted with the language avery useful person."Duncan was not so pleased with Mr. Schutt, however, and by themiddle of July 1878, the Schutts had left to work at Kincolith. 71The boarders became the most regular scholars at Metlakatla. 72 Inaddition to attending children's day school and classes held for adult women,they continued their religious education at the mission house. 73 To preparethem for their roles as christian wives and mothers, domestic education alsoformed a part of their teachings. According to the Reverend Mr. Cridge:various departments of household work are allotted to themaccording to a well digested programme, which they carry out,not as menials, but as pupils of industry in training for theirfuture position as wives & mothers. 74Margaret Schutt remembers that her mother Elizabet instructed theboarders in religion and domestic sciences.68 Duncan to CMS, 3 February 1873, Letterbook, Duncan Papers, C-2148.69 Schutt to CMS, 20 October 1876, CMS Papers, 32; Schutt to Superintendent of IndianAffairs, 20 March 1878, DIA BS, vol. 3645, file 7915, pt. 0.70 Duncan to CMS, 7 March 1878, CMS Papers, 32. Emphasis in original.71 Duncan to CMS, 30 September 1878, CMS Papers, 32.72 Duncan to CMS, 10 July 1866, CMS Papers, 31.73 Duncan journal, 14 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155.74 Cridge to Venn, 27 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31.99The Metlakatla MissionThe girls did the housework, taking turns, two each week, in thevarious phases of the home, run very smoothly and well, undermy mother's immaculate housekeeping methods. 75In addition to learning cooking and housework, these young womenalso worked in the garden, collected herring spawn and berries, fished, andwashed and salted oolechans. As the curio market was a potential incomesource, an elderly Tsimshian woman taught the boarders how to weaveTsimshian hats from cedar bark. 76 The boarders were dismissed in August of1878, shortly after the Schutts left Metlakatla. 77Industrial TrainingLike CMS missionaries working elsewhere, Duncan believed that anacademic education was inappropriate in a civilizing mission context. Thesolution was to incorporate manual training.I often sigh when I think how much money is spent by theGovernment upon Indian Affairs. Even their Grants in aid ofeducation among the Indians, unless in combination, industrialoccupations are introduced & fostered among them, cannot inmy opinion be expected to result in any permanent good. 78In October of 1872, Duncan decided that the older boys should nolonger attend day school.Determined not to have big boys at school in day time - onlylittle boys & girls of any size[.] Let big boys earn their bread inday light & come to school at night will be my rule. 7975 Margaret Elizabet Schutt Papers (here after referred to as Schutt Papers).76 Duncan journal, 25 November 1863, 11 May, 10 June 1865, 14 March, 25 December 1867,2 April, 12 and 29 August 1869, Duncan Papers, C-2155.77 Duncan journal 7 August 1878, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to Collison, 16 August1878, Duncan Papers, C-2149.78 Duncan to Littleton, 24 September 1877, Duncan Papers, C-2149.79 Duncan journal, 2 October 1872, Duncan Papers, C-2155.100The Metlakatla MissionThis appears to be the beginning of the "industrial school" thatMetlakatla became renowned for. Once the boys reached the age of fourteenthey were banned from the day school and taught industrial skills and somefarming by Duncan and a series of resident European instructors. Astechnical training necessitates a 'hands-on' approach to education, and theindustrial education consisted of the 'on-the-job training' connected to thevarious industrial activities carried on in the community."The water powered sawmill provided a training ground for sawyers,mechanics and sawmill workers. At carpentry shop the People learned tomake ornamental posts, grillwork, and furniture with tredle-powered lathesand drills. The barrels made at the cooperage provided containers for foodpreservation and for exporting fish. Those who worked in the blacksmithshop produced band hoops for the barrels and hardware for houseconstruction. Glass window panes were made in the glazier shop. Workersat the kiln shop produced bricks and flues. The People learned carding, handspinning and weaving on hand operated looms in the weaving shop. ThePeople also learned the arts of dying, tailoring, tanning hides and candle andsoap makings In 1881-82, a salmon cannery was built. The People weresuccessful in acquiring the technical skills necessary for operating thesevarious industries.8180 DIA Annual Report 1876, 87; 1877, 167; 1878, 225; 1879, 303; 1880, 311; "The Governor-General's visit to British Columbia," The Mail, Toronto, 19 September 1876, CMS Papers,32; Knight 1978, 54; Jarboe 1983, 52.81 Knight 1978, 54-55; Murray 1985, 78, 132, 133, 137, 149; Usher 1974, 68-74. For adescription of cannery work carried out on the Coast at this time, see Knight 1978, 87 -88.101The Metlakatla MissionAs Knight points out, these industries were not just an extension oftraditional activities. They involved radically different skills and knowledge,tools and equipment, and work patterns. Salmon canneries were the mostindustrialized enterprises on the Coast, and here men, women and childrenworked on an assembly line basis. Observers were impressed by the People'sabilities.The cannery is a sight worth seeing. Men, women and children,clad in the cleanest cotton clothing and aprons, going about theirwork in a quiet, business-like way;... all showing admirabletraining and management, and a great contrast to many otherplaces where a different class of laborers is employed. 82Usher states that "the very success of the Metlakatla industries was aspur to their extension."83 However, the success of these undertakings isquestionable. Soap making was said to be a failure because oolechan greaseproved unsuitable, and the People would not buy the woven shawls andblankets. The wooden barrels built at the cooperage leaked. Finding amarket for the smoked and salted oolechan proved problematic, and thesalmon cannery was plagued by poor markets. Most importantly, as the costof mass produced imported goods decreased, the cottage industries becameeconomically unviable, and by 1887 most of the cottage industries wereabandoned or in decline. 84 Perhaps this is why Bishop Ridley commentedthat "[nio industry has been taught in the so called industrial school." 85Despite their economic unviability, these industries were an important82 The Church and the Indians, 6.83 Usher 1974, 66.84 Collison 1981, 32; Murray 1984, 132; Usher 1974, 73-74; Knight 1978, 55.85 Ridley 1882, 9.102The Metlakatla Missionpart of the civilizing mission. The shops produced the materials for buildingthis neo-Victorian community. The soap factory ensured the People couldmeet European standards of hygiene, and various industries facilitated theadoption of European style dress. Local industries limited the People'sinteraction with other labour markets.Operation of these pursuits necessitated the "industriousness" sovalued by Victorians and promoted by the CMS. Duncan's decision to makethe older boys earn livings rather than attend day school was, as Usherpoints out, a very real example of how the work ethic was taught atMetlakatla.86Science Education in the CommunityThe religious ends to which science and technology were put inside theschool were reflected in Duncan's work within the community. By embracingchristianity the People had opened themselves to much criticism from thosewho remained committed to traditional ways. Using analogies to nature,Duncan was able not only to acknowledge the difficulty encountered by thenew converts, but also to supply exemplars of the ultimate benefits ofchristianity.Upon hearing of the criticism directed towards the People by their"heathen brethren", Duncan dismissed such remarks as "the barking of thedogs." He then turned to nature to illustrate the benefits of conversion.86 Usher 1974, 76.103The Metlakatla MissionDifficult to climb but not to run & fall down[.] Even water weakas it is can be noisy & fall but it cannot ascend[.] Trees - growsilently - gather strength & proceed heavenwards. 87This analogy carried a clear message. The 'heathen' were likened towater which was seen to be noisy but weak, while the converts were seen tobe quiet but strong, and destined to rise to heaven.At a community feast, Shkahclah complained that he had beenridiculed by his relations in Fort Simpson. In reply, Duncan gave thoseassembledan account of the opposition all good & wise people met withfrom their foolish & wicked neighbors at all times[s]. Iillustrated by referan[ce] to the opposition steam ships -Railways & other improvements met with on first coming beforethe world. 88The notion of progress, central to Victorian thought, and epitomized bytechnical advancements, was extended to religion. Just as advancements intechnology were inevitable, so too was religious progress.Not only was the progress of religion as inevitable as the progress oftechnology, but in Duncan's mind, life without christianity was little betterthan death. Duncan illustrated this point by telling the People that beingwithout God "is like the earth without the Sun - cold & dead." 89 Once again,Western science served religious ends.Having banned many traditional activities, Duncan set aboutinitiating recreational activities more compatible with the christian civilizedlifestyle he envisioned. He introduced English games, had a play ground87 Duncan journal, 20 December 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155. Emphasis in original.88 Duncan journal, 21 January 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.89 Duncan journal, 16 April 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.104The Metlakatla Missionbuilt, began a choir and a brass band, and encouraged feasting in conjunctionwith Western holidays such as Christmas, New Year, and the Queen'sbirthday." For Victorians, the recreational study of science was seen as amorally acceptable pastime as it was associated with spiritual andintellectual benefits, was emotionally satisfying, and was thought to fosterindustriousness.91 It is not surprising that science and technology found aplace in the leisure activities in Metlakatla.Duncan gave monthly lectures in the community where young menwere instructed in "carpentry and mechanical arts by [Duncan's] interpretingthe instructions in technical books and magazines." Women and older girlswere lectured on housework, home making, and cooking. Children werelectured on morals and proper behavior.92As part of the Christmas activities for 1866, guests were invited todine with Duncan, where they were entertained "with a microscope and somestereoscopic views." 93 During the Christmas season of 1877, the Bishop ofAthabasca joined Duncan and twenty-five school girls for tea. Afterwardsthey were "entertained by Mr. Duncan with the exhibition of a Galvanicbattery and other amusements." 94 In early January in 1878:90 Usher 1974, 84-85; Duncan, Customs & History, Duncan Papers, C-2158.91 Berger 1983, 46-50.92 William Duncan & Metlakatla Alaska from the Diary and Notes of Matilda AtkinsonMinthorn, 1945, Duncan Papers, C-2158.93 Doolan journal, 25 December 1866, CMS Papers, 31.94 Bishop of Athabasca, Christmas at Metlakatla in Bishop of Athabasca to CMS, 6 March1878, CMS Papers, 32.105The Metlakatla MissionThursday & Friday evenings were devoted to the exhibition inthe school room to the women & then to the men of a largeMagic Lantern with oxygen light and microscope showing livinginsects and sea water animalcules as well as various slides. 95For recreation, the People could also spend their time in the missionhouse reading room. Here, values such as perseverance, the work ethic, timediscipline, thrift and orderliness could be cultivated through the availabilityof success literature by Samuel Smiles and others. In Smiles's work eminentengineers, industrialists and scientists were held out as role models of self-help which the Tsimshian could aspire to. Through such works, readers wereled to believe that improved social conditions were a result of personalimprovement, and readers were exhorted to improve themselves rather thanlooking to society to change. 96SummaryObviously, the education available at Metlakatla was designed to meetDuncan's dual goals of christianization and civilization. The scientificinstruction given at adult evening classes was used to impart religious andmoral teachings, and it is likely that science education was used in a similarmanner at the day school. The promotion of literacy over orality, combinedwith the use of readers high in scientific content, may have been intended toundermine the People's belief in their traditional understandings.95 Bishop of Athabasca, Christmas at Metlakatla in Bishop of Athabasca to CMS, 6 March1878, CMS Papers, 32.96 Usher 1974 5-6, 145, n. 22. Usher points out that Smile's work, which was published in1859, was available in multiple copies in the Metlakatla Alaska public library, as weremany other books of this same genre. For a list of those publications see A Catalogue ofAll the Books in the Public Library of Metlakatla, Alaska, 1 July 1906 (Duncan Papers, C-2156).106The Metlakatla MissionThe technical training that the older boys and men received served theneeds of the civilizing mission by providing the materials and skills needed tofacilitate the physical development of the mission, by providing the Peoplewith employment at home so that they would not be drawn away to otherlabour markets, and by providing the People with work so that they could beindustrious.The technical education available to women and the boarders (sewing,knitting, and weaving) gave them the necessary skills to adopt Europeandress, while simultaneously providing them with work so that they too couldbe industrious. The domestic training the young women received in theboarding house prepared them for their future roles as mothers in Christian,civilized homes. Outside the school room, science and technology were usedto illustrate the benefits of christianity over 'heathenism', to encourage theconverts to maintain their religious beliefs in the face of ridicule, and to showthe inevitable progress of christianity. Science was also used as a morallyacceptable alternative to the traditional activities banned in Metlakatla.Clearly Duncan used science and technological education for the samepurposes that other subject areas were used, that is in an attempt to create apopulation of christianized and civilized People. It is no wonder thatDuncan's educational initiatives were heartily endorsed by the Colonial andDominion Governments.GOVERNMENT SUPPORTMissions such as Metlakatla, where the People of the Colonies could107The Metlakatla Missionbecome civilized christians, were promoted by the British Government. In aletter to Governor Douglas in 1858, Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, ColonialSecretary stated,that it is the earnest desire of Her Majesty's Government thatyour early attention should be given to the best means ofdiffusing the blessings of the Christian Religion and civilizationamong the natives. 97Lytton also promoted the relocation of the People:permanently in villages; with such settlement civilization atonce begins. Law and Religion would become naturallyintroduced amongst the red men, and contribute to their ownsecurity against the aggressions of immigrants. 98Governor James Douglas's support for the establishment of suchvillages was unequivocal:I conceive the proposed plan to be at once feasible, and also theonly plan which promises to result in the moral elevation of thenative Indian races, in rescuing them from degradation, andprotecting them from oppression and rapid decay. It will, at thesame time, have the effect of saving the colony from thenumberless evils which naturally follow in the train of everycourse of national injustice, and from having the native Indiantribes arrayed in vindictive warfare against the whitesettlements... Provided we succeed in devising means ofrendering the Indian as comfortable and independent in regardto physical wants in his improved condition, as he was when awandering denizen of the forest, there can be little doubt of theultimate success of the experiment... Anticipatory reserves ofland for the benefit and support of the Indian races will be madefor that purpose in all the districts of British Columbiainhabited by native tribes. 99In Douglas's view, the establishiltent of civilizing missions would notonly provide spiritual and temporal benefits to the People; it would also97 Cited in Tennant 1990, 27.98 Cited in Tennant 1990, 27.99 Cited in Tennant 1990, 28.108The Metlakatla Missionfacilitate the peaceful colonization of the country.The Colonial Government's support for "the work of moral and socialimprovement amongst the Indians on the North West Coast of BritishColumbia" at Metlakatla was made obvious in 1863 through two grants: onefor fifty pounds which was spent on window sashes and doors, 100 and theother for two hundred pounds which was used to purchase window sashes,nails and seed, uniforms for Chiefs and constables, a schooner, and toestablish soap and clog making. 101 In 1864, at Duncan's request, Douglasreserved two acres of land at Mission Point for the use of the CMS, andestablished a reserve for the People around Mission Point.After British Columbia joined Canada in 1871, the administrations ofthe People and their lands became a Federal responsibility. In the minds ofthe Federal Government, education was "the primary principle in thecivilization and advancement of the Indian Race - without it but littleprogress in that direction may be expected. " 102 Department of Indian Affairsofficials were impressed with the educational initiatives undertaken atMetlakatla. I. W. Powell, Indian Superintendent for British Columbia, issaid to have stated:100 Duncan to Douglas (Copy), 6 March 1863, CMS Papers, 31.101 Colonial Secretary to Duncan, 2 July 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.102 DIA Annual Report 1876, 6.109The Metlakatla Missionthat the systematic education at Mitlakathla [sic] has beenattended with results both satisfactory and surprising. He[Powell] says they possess wonderful mechanical genius, andremarks that guns are stocked, mainsprings forged, andhousehold furniture is manufactured by them with facility andelegance. By Superintendent Powell, the establishment ofindustrial schools is advocated, as a means of developing thenatural gifts of those people. 103The Department of Indian Affairs frequently heralded Metlakatla asan example of "the beneficial effects of Christian teaching." 104Superintendent Powell shared the Victorian's belief in the values ofindustry, and advocated that the Metlakatla school, and other industrialschools, be given financial support:As industrial pursuits, however, are the foundation ofcivilization in every Christian and progressive community, themission which has the necessary arrangements, zeal and ability,to inculcate and foster them in connection with the day school,will be successful in every respect, and certainly most deservingof much consideration and substantial assistance from theGovernment. 105Following the passing of a 1874 Order in Council, the FederalGovernment supplied financial assistance for schooling at Metlakatla. Thissupport continued until after Duncan separated from the CMS, and theGovernment became concerned about missionary support for land claims andself-government. 106 However, the DIA's support for schooling at Metlakatlawas based on more than a desire to have the People adopt a civilized103 DIA Annual Report 1873, 9.104 DIA Annual Report, 1876, 33. For other examples of DIA's endorsement of theMetlakatla school and Duncan's secular strategies see DIA Annual Report 1877, 7; 1878,69; 1880, 8; 1881, 144-145.105 DIA Annual Report, 1877, 49.106 DIA Annual Report, 1875, 48, 82; 1876, 34, 86, 87; 1877, 49, 166, 167; 1878, 70, 169, 224,225; 1879, 241,302, 303; 1881, 217, 310, 311; 1882, 158, 216, 217; 1883, 164, 167, 252, 253;1884, 112; 1885, 122.110The Metlakatla Missionchristian lifestyle. The Government's endorsement was based on therecognition that the Peoples were British Columbia's primary producers andconsumers, and the belief that educational institutions such as Metlakatla,would further enhance the economic benefits that the People brought to thecountry. As Superintendent Powell stated:Even as they are, the Indians of this Province are its bestconsumers, and contribute much more to its wealth and vitalresources than we have any idea of; but under the expandingand beneficent influence of civilization how much greater theirvalue would be to us as inhabitants, I believe can scarcely beimagined. 107Powell believed that the cost of establishing industrial schools basedon the Metlakatla model would be off set by both inculcating the work ethicamong the students, and by "the increased revenue which would accrue tothe country." 108The economic benefits of further nurturing the People'sindustriousness were clearly recognized by Governor General Dufferin, whoafter a visit to Metlakatla in 1876, stated in a speech at Government Housein Victoria that:what you want are not resources but human beings to developthem and consume them. Raise your 30,000 Indians to the levelMr. Duncan has taught us they can be brought, and considerwhat an enormous amount of vital power you will have added toyour present strength. 109Obviously, Dufferin saw the Metlakatla Mission as creating bothpotential workers who would supply the much needed labour for the107 DIA Annual Report, 1876, 33.108 DIA Annual Report, 1876, 33.109 Cited in Usher 1974, 1.111The Metlakatla Missionindustrialization of B.C., and the market for the products of such labour. Butsuch would not be the case. In 1881, Duncan separated from the CMS. Atabout the same time, the People began actively pursuing land claims andself-government. The continued refusal of the Provincial and Dominiongovernments to resolve these issues lead, in part, to the 1887 exodus of manyof the People to Alaska.RESPONSES TO THE EDUCATIONAL INTIATIVESContrary to the statement that Duncan "single-handed with God'shelp, carved a monument to Christianity, and a civilization mostremarkable" 110 the spiritual and temporal developments at Metlakatla couldnot have occurred without those who choose to relocate and participate in thecreation of this separate mission village. Given that the educationalactivities undertaken at Metlakatla were clearly and purposefully designedto civilize and christianize them, to destroy most of their traditional beliefsand lifeways, and to facilitate the exploitation of their land throughsettlement and resource development, why did the People participate? In anattempt to understand why that collaboration occurred, the followingdiscussion is once again divided into the following themes : intellectual andpragmatic benefits, economic and material considerations, politics andprestige, and cultural and spiritual influences.110 The Church and the Indians 1882, 1.112The Metlakatla MissionIntellectual and Practical BenefitsAs in Fort Simpson, intellectual stimulation played an important rolein the People's continued involvement in schooling. As a later playercommented "there was a yearning in them for knowledge anddevelopment" 111 and because the traditional educative institutions had beenbanned from the village, Western schooling was the only formal vehicle forintellectual development.Clearly, some of the students valued the education they received. Theadult students "seem[ed] greatly to prize" the evening classes which includedlectures on geography, astronomy, natural history and morals. 112 The adultstudents were said to be "delighted" and "impressed" with the lesson onBrazil and Peru, that they "expressed their awe of the savage looks of thehyaena & the Jaguar", and that "Whey seemed to understand fully & follow"his teachings on eclipses, tides and comets. 113 Such comments indicate thatamong the People were those who found schooling stimulating andworthwhile.Many of the students did well at school, and early visitors were oftenimpressed with the scholars achievements. Bishop Cridge wrote in 1867that:111 William Duncan & Metlakatla Alaska, From the Diary & Notes of Matilda AtkinsonMinthorn, Duncan Papers, C-2157.112 Duncan to Douglas (Copy), 6 March 1863, CMS Papers, 31.113 Duncan journal, 2, 9 and 11 February 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.113The Metlakatla MissionThe progress of the scholars if remarkable. They read, write,cipher & can translate the easy books into their own languageand vice versa. They have made some progress in geographyand history. 114The boarders, who attended school most regularly, were successfulstudents. Duncan was pleased by their progress. According to Mr. Hall whoassisted Duncan for seven months in 1877 and 1878,There is a marked contrast between the women who weretrained in the Mission house and others. The former are quitedomesticated - many of them have clean homes and theyexercise a good influence throughout the village." 115Their academic accomplishments were said to be on par with "the moreadvanced young ladies' schools in Victoria." Their calligraphy was considered"very good", and "They read in English distinctly and intelligently.... While inneatness, appearance and general deportment they were equally ladylike." 116For these students, the ability to achieve and the recognition of theseachievements, could have supplied them with the motivation to pursue theirschooling.Duncan's frequent references to the ultimate destruction of the wickedhad its effects, as illustrated by the following example. Early in the morningof February 11, 1863, eleven days after Duncan delivered a lecture on themolten nature of the Earth's core, Samuel Marsden came to Duncan to relatethe following dream:114 Cridge to Venn, 27 September, 1867, CMS Papers, 31.115 Hall to CMS, 6 March 1878, CMS Papers, 32.116 Colonist, 4 July 1867, 2.114The Metlakatla MissionI dreamt or rather I had a vision - for I was scarcely asleep - Isaw the world burnt up - My body was consumed but my soulremained & My only concern was for its welfare - but I feltwretched. I remembered the crooked course of my life & foresawthe misery I must eternally endure - That God would not receiveme covered as I was with my sins. While in this dreadful stateof mind I awoke & thanked God that He had warned & sparedme & so now Sir I have come to thank you for all you have donefor me. 117On another occasion, Clah spoke to Duncan because he was concernedthat the behavior of Whites would bring about the wrath of God and thedestruction of the world. 118 Such examples indicate that some of the Peoplewere internalizing some of Duncan's teachings, and fear of God may wellhave motivated them to attend classes.And clearly the People used their English and literacy skills for theirown ends. The political ends to which the People used their literacy will bediscussed later. At a personal level, the People used their reading andwriting skills to communicate with friends and family living outside thecommunity, and some, like David Leask kept personal journals. 119Undoubtedly, literacy and numeracy proved helpful in commercialtransactions both within and outside the community. 120David Leask was one of the People who clearly valued education. Hispurchase of several books, including a grammar book, a dictionary and alumber book, suggest that he continued his education outside the classroom.Furthermore, the purchase of a sewing machine, a clock, the repair of a clock117 Duncan journal, 11 February, 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.118 Duncan journal, 3 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155.119 Colonist, 8 October 1867, 3; Leask journal, Duncan Papers, C-2156.120 For an account of one person's transactions on a trip to Victoria, see Leask journal, 20August 1979 - 13 September 1979, Duncan Papers, C-2156.115The Metlahatla Missionand two watches, and window shopping for an organ, indicates that he alsovalued many aspects of Western technology. 121 Leask understood the needfor educated People in the future, and encouraged young people like EdwardMarsden to further their education, despite Duncan's disapproval. 122Despite these examples of accommodation, resistance to schooling wasoften demonstrated. In August of 1866, Duncan commented:I have had school 3 times to day & have had to look almost everyminute after the children at their work. They can be so silly - &negligent that they keep me on the watch all day. 123To quell this resistance in the classroom, Duncan frequently resortedto corporal punishment)-24 At times Duncan's methods seemed undulysevere as in December of 1864, when Duncan beat students suspected ofstealing a few cabbage leaves from his garden.I had the greatest flogging Job at School to day ... fourteenboys[.] I dressed off with a strap & my hand. I flogged the threehalf breeds [in the] first class for the first time & gave them itright well. I also took all the slates from them & gave them asevere talking to. 125Or, as in June of 1866, when Duncan recorded punishing a boy for anunspecified offense.121 Leask journal, 24 August 1879 - 13, September 1879, Duncan Papers, C-2156.122 Edward Marsden was the son of Samuel and Catherine Marsden, and was born inMetlakatla B.C. in 1869. For an account of Marsden's educational experiences at theSitka industrial school, the Marietta College in Ohio, and the Lane Theological Seminaryin Cincinnati, see Murray, 1985, 222-230.123 Duncan journal, 14 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155.124 Duncan journal, 13 December 1864, 5 and 25 June, 17 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155.125 Duncan journal, 13 December 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155.116The Metlakatla MissionI stopped all the big boys after school & sent for some notpresent & in [their] presence tied up the young scamp & floggedhim severely & kept him all day tied up to a pillar - talked tohim at night before dismissing him & sentenced him to[confinement] in his own house for a few days. 126Resistance was even manifest among Duncan's star students, themission house boarders. Duncan found that these young women "requiremuch watching & care to keep them straight [&] at their duties." 127 Themisconduct attributed to the boarders was not always specified, howeverthere are frequent references to theft. 128 Henry Schutt's daughter, Margret,was critical of the Duncan's attempts to isolate the young women and men inthe community, and states that "Midnight escapades, meeting after dark andnocturnal visits" were frequent between the boarders and the young men inthe community. 129 Punishment for boarder's misbehavior was often harshand included flogging, confinement, and expulsion. 130In addition to the 'misbehavior' in the day and boarding schools,students demonstrated their resistance to schooling by refusing to speakEnglish. According to Bishop Cridge:Nothing either in the way of reward or displeasure has inducedthem to attempt anything like conversation in English, eitherwith one another or with himself [Duncan]. All the instructionis carried on in Tsimshean. 131126 Duncan journal, 5 June 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155.127 Duncan journal, 21 August 1865, Duncan Papers, C-2155.128 Duncan journal, 8 December 1864; 24 December 1867; 1 April, 1868, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Doolan's journal, 2 February 1867, CMS Papers, 31; Tomlinson to Cridge, 14September 1867, CMS Papers, 31.129 Cited in Bowman 1983, 54.130 Duncan journal, 8 and 9 December 1864; 6 June 1866; 14 January, 24 and 25 December1867; 1 April 1868 Duncan Papers, C-2155; Doolan journal, 2 February 1867, CMSPapers, 31; Tomlinson to Cridge 14 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31.131 Cridge to Venn, 27 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31.117The Metlakatla MissionWhen Lord Dufferin visited Metlakatla in 1876, he was unsuccessful ingetting any of the students or even the teaching assistant to speak to him inEnglish. 132 Bishop Bompas noted that while the People used English bibles,"most of them are unable to speak the English language." 133 In 1879 theBishop of Caledonia commented that "English is taught but as it is neverspoken the little learnt in school is outside soon forgotten." 134From the sources it is clear that educational responses to schoolingvaried greatly among the scholars. Some students attended school forintellectual stimulation, and success in their studies and recognition of thatsuccess likely motivated students to continue. For others, fear of God mayhave motivated them to participate in schooling. The practical benefits ofliteracy and numeracy both within and outside of Metlakatla may have beena reason for some to attend school. Despite this accommodation, resistancethrough inappropriate classroom behavior, theft, clandestine meetings orrefusing to speak English, was a continued theme in the history of schoolingat Metlakatla.Economic and Material ConsiderationsAs in Fort Simpson, one sign of the Peoples' support for schooling wastheir participation in building the school itself. However, as in Fort Simpson,labour was not free, and Duncan is said to have paid the laborers the132 The Governor General's Visit to British Columbia, The Mail, Toronto, 19 September1876, CMS Papers, 32.133 Bishop Bompas, Report of Visit to Metlakatla, 1 February 1878, CMS Papers, 32.134 Bishop of Caledonia to CMS, 1 November 1879, CMS Papers, 32.118The Metlakatla Missionequivalent of eight-pence per day out of his own salary for their work inconstructing the first schoo1. 135 Subsequent school construction costs werepaid for through trade profits and the Dominion Government. 136Those students who attended school were rewarded for theirparticipation through feasts and the distribution of gifts such as food,clothing, knives and combs 137 Students who excelled in the hierarchicalschool were also given presents. 138Special material advantages were available to the mission houseboarders. Duncan was responsible for them economically, and in addition tofree room and board, they received gifts of fabric, clothing, sewing notions,soap, and attended special parties. 139 In 1878, Duncan dismissed the femaleboarders, but continued to offer them some financial support. He gave them$1.00 per week as long as they attended schoo1. 140And of course, there were economic rewards for those who securedemployment as teacher assistants, and for those who were working in thecommunity's many industries. In fact, the employment opportunitiesattracted People from other villages to Metlakatla.Jacob Johnson, a resident of Fort Simpson went to Metlakatla in 1866to build a house. Later his son Mathew went there to build a house for Mrs.135 Colonist, 29 October 1862, pg. 2.136 Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875 in DIA BS, vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1.137 Duncan journal, 18 January 1867, 24 December 1872, Duncan Papers, C-2155.138 Duncan journal, 1 October 1867, Duncan Papers, C-2155.139 Usher 1974, 76; Duncan journal, 24 and 27 December 1864, October 23, 1866; 10 March1867; 18 January, 9 November 1867; 8 January 1868, 10 June 1869, Duncan Papers, C-2155.140 Duncan journal, 7 August 1878, Duncan to Collison, 16 August 1878, Duncan Papers, C-2149.119The Metlakatla MissionLeegaic. Halop and his wife went to Metlakatla to raise potatoes, as therewas no room for gardens at Fort Simpson. Tadotsk learned shingle makingat Metlakatla, and later returned to Fort Simpson to take advantage of abuilding boom. The salmon cannery employed a number of Haida People. 141Furthermore, the People were so successful in learning the values and skillsnecessary for industrialized work that they were said to have "provedthemselves superior to either Chinese or Whites" in cannery work 142 andwere preferred workers in the nearby salmon canneries. 143Hence economic rewards served as motivation for those whoconstructed the school. Material rewards available to the students,particularly those who excelled, and to the female boarders likely motivatedtheir continued participation in schooling. Employment opportunities forteachers and others involved with the industrial activities likely contributedto their involvement in schooling and industrial training at Metlakatla.Issues of Politics and PrestigeThe prestige and status likely associated with schooling in FortSimpson may well have continued to play a role in the People's participationin schooling in Metlakatla. There were a number of People of high statusregistered as students, and their participation likely lent status to schooling.Students who were either orphans or recently freed slaves likelycomplied with Duncan's educational initiatives because their lack of family141 Barnett Papers, box 1, folder, bk. 1, 2. British Columbia, 1885,7.142 DIA Annual Report 1881, 117.143 DIA Annual Report 1882, 148.120The Metlakatla Missioncontacts left them vulnerable. Such was the case of one of the boarders whowas brought before Duncan for some unspecified wrong. Duncan:spoke to her for some time without apparent effect. At last hereminded her that she was an orphan without a friend in theworld except within these walls [of the mission house.] The poorgirl could not withstand this appeal; I [Cridge) saw her frameshake with emotion, and she sobbed with all the sensibility of anEnglish girl.'"And as in Fort Simpson, it is possible that those with limited socialstanding in traditional society used schooling in an attempt to improve theirown social standing. Given that traditional means for recognizing status,such as the feast-complex and secret societies, were outlawed in Metlakatla,schooling could have become an important indicator of social status. Thisidea is supported by the fact that in 1876 Duncan instituted a churchcommittee composed primarily of teachers to act in an advisory capacity in allareas affecting the mission.'" By 1881, one of the most powerful members ofthe community was David Leask, who had "inconsequential status", but wasone of Duncan's first students at Fort Simpson, a teacher, lay preacher, andstore clerk.'"Many of the boarders were, like Sarah Leegaic, children of high-statusparents, and this likely added prestige to mission house training. Apparentlythese young women were frequently sought as wives. According to ReverendCridge "a young man will scarcely look at a girl for a wife unless she haspassed through" the boarding school. 147 In a culture where marriages were144 Cridge to Venn, 27 September 1867, CMS Papers, 31.145 Usher 1974, 79.146 Usher 1974, 119-120.147 Cridge to Venn, 27 September 1867, CMS Papers.121The Metlakatla Missionarranged for political and economic purposes, the status associated withboarding school training was likely an important incentive for such schooling.Overtime, initiatives undertaken by the People and Duncan providedthe Metlakatla village as a whole with increased prestige among theneighboring Peoples. Rolf Knight notes:During the ten year period after its founding Metlakatlasteadily drained a large number of Tsimpshian converts awayfrom Fort Simpson and undercut the influence of Tsimpshianleaders there. In terms of population, wealth, prestige, andregional political power Metlakatla had eclipsed Fort Simpsonby the beginning of the 1870s. 148The Chilcats of Alaska who had visited Metlakatla and other missionvillages on the Coast, were said to be impressed not only by the materialbenefits associated with civilizing missions, but also with their literacy. 149Chief Toy-a-att at Wrangle, Alaska pointed to the People at Metlakatla andPort Simpson and said:They have become partially educated and civilized. They canunderstand what they see and what they hear; they can readand write and are learning to become Christians)- 60He then went on to request government assistance to help his Peoplebecome "civilized, Christianized and educated." 151The People were quick to use their literacy skills for political ends. InApril of 1863 a number of the People sent a letter to Governor Douglasrequesting government intervention in the liquor trade on the Nass.152148 Knight 1978, 249-250.149 Bowman 1983, 52.150 Cited in Bowman 1983, 50.151 Citted in Bowman 1983, 51.152 Bowman 1983, 34.122The Metlakatla MissionFollowing Duncan's dismissal from the CMS in 1881, many People wrote toprotest the CMS's continued presence in Metlakatla. 153 And most significantis the fact numerous letters were written to various government agentsasserting rights to land, resources, and self-government. 154Ironically, literacy was also used to undermine Duncan's work. In1876, Charles Ryan wrote to government officials protesting the fact thatDuncan was appropriating Ryan's land for redistribution to others. 155 In1882 Henry Haldane petitioned the Government to stop those associated withDuncan from opposing and persecuting those People who choose to side withRidley and the CMS. 156 In 1882 a petition signed by 25 of the Peopleprotested against Duncan or any other white man erecting a store on theirreserve. 157 And in 1885 Matthew Auckland wrote a letter complaining of153 See for example Leask to Agents of the Church Missionary Society at Metlakatla, 22October 1884; Leask to Ridley, 22 October 1884, DIA BS vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1; Leaskto Touch and Blackett, 22 April 1866, 4 May 1866; John Tait, Robert Hewson and ThomasNeashlahqsh to CMS, 4 May 1866 in CMS (1886) Report of the Deputation to Metlakatla,DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 2; David Leask, Luke Sumner and John Tait to GovernorGeneral of Canada, The petition of the Indian Council and Constables and of theChristian Church of Metlakatla, Leask to Governor General, 12 October 1882, Leask andJohn Tait to Governor General, 30 September 1882, DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 4.154 See for example David Leask to Robson, 15 May 1885, Letterbook, Duncan Papers, C-2154; Leask to Macdonald, 15 May 1885 DIA BS, vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1; Leask to LieutCol. Powell 24, 26 November 1883, DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 2. While the term"self-government" was not used, it is implicit in the People's rejection of both the IndianAgent and the Indian Act.155 Ryan to Powell, 5 June 1876, Ryan to Trutch, 28 April 1876, DIA BS, vol. 3636, file 6772,pt. 0.156 DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 4.157 December 6, 1882, Notes & Memoranda - General, 1878 - 1916, Duncan Papers, C-2156.The Petition was signed by Jeremiah Hayward, Paul Sebasha, Charles Ryan, JamesLeequneesh, Moses Venn, Solomon Auriol, Donald Bruce, Matthais Haldane, JamesPrevost, Charles Venn, Alfred Auriol, Joseph Bruce, William Neashaeh, James Lewis,Peter Venn, Edmund Campbell, A. Leighton, J. Leighton, M. Auckland, Ed Verney,Kenneth Benson, Lydia Legaic, Alexander Shdeysh, Henry Haldane, and Samuel Pelham.123The Metlakatla Missionbeing persecuted by Duncan's supporters. 158The school itself became a political battle field after Duncan separatedfrom the CMS in 1881.(See 134-136.) Because the school house was locatedon Mission Point which had been reserved by the government for CMS use, itwas claimed by the CMS as theirs. Duncan's supporters threatened to tear itdown and rebuild it on reserve land, but hesitated because of concern overgovernmental retribution. 159 By 1885, Duncan's supporters controlled theschool building, and CMS adherents, many of whom were of chiefly lineage,demonstrated their support for the CMS by sending their sons to the MissionHouse for schooling, while their daughters were taught in Mrs. Legaic'shouse. It is ironic that when classes opened outside the Fort in FortSimpson, they were held in Chief Legaic's, thereby lending political supportto Duncan's educational initiatives. Now Legaic's widow had opened herhome as a school house from CMS supporters, thereby undermining Duncan'seducational authority. 160 Despite the existence of two schools in thecommunity, attendance at the school for Duncan's supporters actuallyincreased. (See Appendix D.)From the above discussion, it is apparent that participation in theMetlakatla school lead to increased prestige for both individuals and thecommunity as a whole. The People used their literacy for political ends, andat times their ends were in direct opposition to Duncan's goals. Later, school158 DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 2.159 DIA Annual Report, 1884, 106.160 Powell to Sup. General of Indian Affairs, 7 July 1885; Matthew Auckland, 11 June 1885,DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 2.124The Metlakatla Missionattendance became an important political tool, demonstrating both supportfor and resistance to Duncan's work in the community.Cultural and Spiritual ResponsesGiven that the move to Metlakatla was voluntary, that the People werewell aware of the purposes of the civilizing mission, and that the village lawsmandated that children attend classes, a high level of compliance would beexpected. However, this did not prove to be true.As early as March of 1863, schooling was interrupted when the Peopleleft for the Nass fishery. 161 Henry Schutt commented in 1878, that whilethere were over 200 children on the school register, and as many as 130 oftenattended classes, the village was almost deserted in March and April due tooolechan fishing, and in July, August and September because of salmonfishing. Because of this, there were no classes held during these months. 162In 1881, Duncan remarked that:Our progress [in education] is sadly impeded at present by theIndians leaving home so often during the year in search offood. 163Throughout the history of Metlakatla, school attendance was irregular,reflecting the People's continued involvement in traditional food gatheringactivities.During the winter months, when the People were at home, many161 Duncan journal, 23 March 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.162 Schutt to Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 20 March 1878, DIA BS, vol. 3645, file 7915,_pt. 0.16i Duncan to Powell, 13 August 1881, DIA Annual Report 1881, 146.125The Metlakatla Missionattended school. However, few of these students attended school daily. (SeeAppendix D.) This pattern of attendance was not unique to Metlakatla, butcharacterized Western education among Peoples throughout theDominion. 164 As elsewhere, the People's selective school attendancedemonstrates a willingness to incorporate school into their lifeways on theirown terms.Clearly many of the People were altering their traditional practices toaccommodate new life styles as civilized christians. Many ritual objectsassociated with the feast-complex, secret societies and shamans weredestroyed, given or sold to Duncan. 165 Some shaman denounced their ownpractices. 166 Some of the People, including Chiefs, spoke out against thefeast complex and refused to attend feasts or utilize the services ofshaman. 167 Church services, Sunday school, and classes for adults andchildren were attended, at least when the People were in the community.Many of the People actively promoted christianity by preaching among thePeoples at the fishery and in other communities, 168 or by teaching in the164 DIA Annual Report, 1881, 7. Concern over irregular attendance would later result in theestablishment of industrial boarding and residential schools.165 Duncan journal, 13 October, 1 December 1862, 18 and 28 February 1863, 7 October, 20November 1864, Duncan Papers, C-2155.166 Duncan journal, 16 and 26 October 1862, Duncan Papers, C-2155.167 Duncan journal, 27 November , 26 December 1862, 1 March 1863, Duncan Papers, C-2155.168 Duncan to CMS, 23 January 1864, CMS Papers, 31; Duncan journal, 7 July 1867,Duncan Papers, C-2155; Collison to CMS, 16 July 1875, CMS Papers, 32; SamuelMarsden et al. to Cridge, 27 February 1874, Edward Cridge Papers, file 5. Among thosewho worked as lay preachers were: Thomas Gilbert, Noah Watson, Moses Bains, Timothy(no last name given), Samuel Marsden, David Leask,^Samuel Pelham, Edward Mather,Matthew Auckland, John Tait, Thomas Eaton, Abel Faber, Robert Hewson, Robert Allen,James Rudland, Simeon Delany, George Usher, Barnabas Reeve, Nathen Lawson, LukeSumner, Adam Gordon, Andrew Campbell, Peter Simpson, and Silas Rutherford.126The Metlakatla Missionschool. Furthermore, the decision of approximately 600 of the People to moveto Alaska demonstrates a strong commitment to the civilizing mission.Participation as civilized christians does not mean that the Peopleabandoned their own belief systems, rather many continued to interpret newteachings into their Tsimshian framework. It has been suggested that thePeoples in the Northwest Coast saw missionaries as the Western equivalentas shaman. 169 In fact, one observer stated that Duncan had "someknowledge of conjuring and necromancy", and this, combined with hisknowledge of Tsimshian, gained him standing as quasi medicine man 170The People were dependant upon Duncan for their medical needs.Measles, influenza and a host of other illness and accidents took their toll.By 1875, Metlakatla, which boasted a population of 750, had a graveyardwhich contained the remains of 250 People. 171 This high death rate,combined with a shamanic-like perception of Duncan and dependence on himfor medical aid could have provided powerful motivation for many toaccommodate the religious and secular initiatives.Further evidence for the continuation of traditional beliefs comes fromDuncan's continued refusal to allow the People to participate in Communion.He was convinced that the People would relate the christian ritualconsumption of Christ's flesh and blood to their traditional ritual flesh169 Gisday Wa & Delgam Uukw, 1989, 49.170 DIA BS, vol. 3607, file 2959, pt. 5, 19.171 Duncan journal, 11 and 24 May, 1868, 24 and 26 April, 9 May 1869, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Duncan to Laird, 21 May 1875, DIA BS, vol. 3605, file 2959, pt. 1. Legaic wasamong those who died of influenza.127The Metlakatla Missionconsumption. 172 In 1875 he stated that:It will take a generation of time at least to rid them of theirdeeply rooted system of evil. In nothing does the odour of theirformer state more constantly show itself than in their tendencyto regard in a superstitious sense every rite and Ceremony ofthe Church and to attach undo importance to the powers ofthose who are serving them in God's name. 173This tendency to incorporate christianity into a Tsimshian frameworkmanifest itself most dramatically in a religious revival which broke out in1877 while Duncan was in Victoria. This revival has been interpreted as anativist movement which combined Tsimshian and christian spirituality as areaction to the cultural imperialism imposed by Duncan. 174While this religious revival was a rather unique incident, there aremany other indications that the People were actively resisting christianity byparticipating in the feast complex, secret societies, and shamanim Duncanalso suspected that goods purchased at the Metlakatla trade store weresometimes distributed at feasts. 175This resistance points to the commitment of those of high status tomaintaining ties to their traditions, as it was only People of high status whoparticipated in the feast-complex. As in Fort Simpson, the strongestresistance came from the Chiefs.172 Usher 1974, 111. As Usher points out, Duncan's reasons for disallowing Communionwere much more complex. It also reflected his strict evangelicalism and anti-ritualism,and his concern that his authority in the community might be undermined as Duncan wasa lay missionary, and could not administer Communion.173 Cited in Usher 1974,112.174 Rettig 1980, 39.175 Duncan journal, 27 November 1862, 18 February, 1 and 2 March 1863, 5, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15November, 27 December 1864, 12, 13, 14 January, 12 February, 21 August 1865, 13January, 31 May, 3 August 1866, Duncan Papers, C-2155; Rettig 1980, 33.128The Metlakatla MissionThe Chiefs who chose to relocate in Metlakatla benefited politicallyand economically. For example, they held the only permanent positions onthe village council, they were used help resolve civil disputes, and for awhile, they received half of the village taxes. 176 Duncan's attempts to co-optthe Chiefs by providing economic and political benefits, however, werefrequently unsuccessful. Duncan did not approve of their notions of justice,and by the summer of 1865, Chiefs were no longer used to help resolve civilmatters. 177 The practice of distributing half of the village taxes among theChiefs was discontinued in 1865 when it became apparent:that instead of using their [the Chiefs] influence to advance thesettlement as Christian - they were evidently ... [using theirinfluence] for heathenism." 1 "18Duncan's journal contain frequent references to Chiefs undermininghis work. When Legaic threatened to leave Metlakatla, Duncan remarked:I shall look upon his going away (though dreadful for him) agreat boon to the Mission. He has been one of the greatdrawbacks to our spread & no doubt - a very much betterimpression would have been produced upon the surroundingheathen of the settlement if he had never been amongst us. 1. 79Through out his stay at Metlakatla, Leequneesh attempted to getothers to return to Fort Simpson and "heathenism".Duncan wrote:176 Duncan journal, 3 January 1865, Duncan Papers; C-2155; Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865,CMS Papers, 31; Usher 1974, 79; Barnett 1953, 31. Barnett points out that the Chiefs didnot relinquish the traditional authority they enjoyed outside of Metlakatla. In fact themove to Metlakatla may have actually enhanced their status.177 Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865, CMS Papers, 31.178 Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865, CMS Papers, 31.179 Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865, CMS Papers, 31.180 Duncan to CMS, 25 July 1865, 26 October 1866, CMS Papers, 31.180 In January of 1870129The Metlakatla MissionWe have had again serious trouble with the NotoriousLeequneesh. For years this man ... has been trying his utmostto draw some of his tribe away from Metlakatla. 181When Leequneesh took a second wife, Duncan remarked that this was"the greatest & most glaring act of rebellion I have witnessed here. 82"1_ ButLequneesh would be involved in an even more obvious form of resistance. In1881, a power struggle between Duncan and the CMS ended with Duncan'sdismissal.(See 134-136.) James Leequneesh headed a group of the Peoplewho took advantage of this schism to undermine Duncan's authority. 183According to Duncan,These men, who from the earliest days of the mission hadproved hostile to the Gospel, and since they have joined ourChristian Settlement have ever proved the drag on the wheels ofprogress. 184The People who sided against Duncan by openly supporting BishopRidley, the CMS's representative in the community, were long time membersof the community, held positions on the village council and were primarily ofchiefly lineage. Despite their overt support for the CMS, few were committedto christianity. Samuel Pelham, a CMS supporter, stated that:not one of those of our party [CMS] care for things that I used totaste with you [those aligned with Duncan], that is talking andthinking of heavenly things or considering God's word.... I tellyou not one of them ever thinks of such things exceptMathew. 185Alliance with the CMS was not motivated by religious issues. Some of181 Duncan to CMS, 25 January 1870, CMS Papers, 31.182 Duncan journal, 11 July 1869, Duncan Papers, C-2155.183 Duncan journal, 6 September 1883; 8 June 1884. Lequneesh died in June of 1884.184 Duncan, Statement in reference to Metlakatla Since the rupture (in the Autumn of 1881)with the Church Missionary Society, Duncan Papers, C-2154.185 Cited in Tomlinson 1887, 10.130The Metlakatla Missionthe People had previously been disciplined by Duncan, and many are said tohave participated in the religious revival of 1877. The authority traditionallyenjoyed by the Chiefs, despite Duncan's attempts at accommodation, wasbeing eroded within the mission context. Simultaneously, this wasaccompanied by the rise in power of People of "inconsequential status" suchas David Leask, various Church Elders, and elected members of the villagecounci1. 186 Disrespect for the authority of Chiefs may have been commonamong the young People. One observer stated that many of the "young menwho work and dress well laugh at the Council." 187As mentioned previously, after the People had aligned themselves intofactions supporting and opposing Duncan, schooling became politicallycharged and attendance became a symbol of support either for or againstDuncan. By 1887, almost 100 People were CMS supporters. Ironically, theymanaged to secure the support of the Chiefs from Fort Simpson who hadearlier rallied together against Duncan's work there. 188This active resistance to Duncan and his supporters by the traditionalleaders was likely an important factor in the decision to relocate to Alaska.By attending and sending their young to school, and by participatingin a number of religious and secular activities in the community, by workingas teachers within the community and as lay preachers both within andoutside of Metlakatla, the People were demonstrating their willingness to186 The Church and the Indians, 1,5; Usher 1974, 119-120.187 Robert Hanley Hall, HBC agent at Fort Simpson, cited in British Columbia 1885, 9. Thecouncil consisted primarily of Chiefs.188 Tomlinson 1887, 9; Henry Haldane, DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 4.131The Metlakatla Missionintegrate Western culture into their lives. However, traditional perspectivesproved resilient, and christianity was integrated within the Tsimshian beliefsystem. Some of the People, particularly those of chiefly lineage, continued toparticipate in traditional ways that had been banned from the community.Eventually these People became openly pro-active in their resistance toDuncan. Cultural and spiritual responses, like those motivated byintellectual and pragmatic, economic and material, and politicalconsiderations, indicate diverse responses to schooling and other initiativesundertaken by Duncan.132The Metlakatla MissionSchool and Firehall at Metlakatla, B.C. 189189 School & firehall. British Columbia Archives and Records Service. Catalogue no. 55801.Negative no. C-8197.133The Metlakatla MissionTHE MOVE TO ALASKAIn 1887, many of the People left Metlakatla, British Columbia toestablish the village of Metlakatla, Alaska. Just as the initial move fromFort Simpson was brought about by numerous complex factors, so too wasthis move to Alaska.In part, the move to Alaska was rooted in a disagreement within theChurch of England about ecclesiastic authority. This dispute was first playedout in British Columbia between Duncan's close friend, the Reverend Cridgeand Bishop Hills, and culminated with the withdrawal of Cridge's licence topreach, and an injunction prohibiting Cridge from preaching as a member ofthe Church of England. Cridge responded by joining the Reformed EpiscopalChurch of the United States. 199Duncan openly supported Cridge, and in 1877 the People rejectedBishop Hills' request to visit Metlakatla. In response, Hills wrote to the CMSrequesting that the Bishop of Athabasca, Rt. Rev. W. C. Bompas, payMetlakatla an official visit. 191While Bompas found much at Metlakatla to praise, he was not withoutcriticism. He was concerned about the People's dependance upon EnglishBibles due the lack of scriptural translations in Tsimshian. Bompas felt thatPeople were overly dependent upon Duncan because he weilded too muchcontrol in the community. Duncan's focus on secular works was thought tohave interfered with religious work. In addition, Bompas felt it essential190 Usher 1974, 98-102.191 Usher 1974, 104.134The Metlakatla Missionthat the mission be under the control of an ordained clergyman, and becauseDuncan refused ordination, Bompas ordained W. H. Collison. Collison wouldhave authority over religious matters, while education and secular workswould remain under Duncan's contro1. 192In 1879 the CMS divided British Columbia into three diocese, andReverend Ridley was appointed Bishop of the northern section, the Diocese ofCaledonia. He established his headquarters at Metlakatla. Like Bompas,Ridley was critical of Duncan's power in the community, and of the People'sapparent dependence on Duncan, particularly in religious matters because ofthe lack of Tsimshian scriptural translations. Ridley also felt that because ofDuncan's involvement with secular duties, the People's religious trainingsuffered. Duncan's refusal to allow the People to participate in Communionwas the issue around which the battle would be fought. 193This schism over ecclesiastic authority and mode of worshipculminated in 1881. Duncan applied to the CMS to recognize Metlakatla asan independent Native Church. While such independence was seen as theultimate outcome of the Native Church Policy as envisioned by CMS's ownHenry Venn, 194 the CMS refused Metlakatla independent status. WhenDuncan failed to comply with a request from the CMS to return to Englandfor a meeting, he was dismissed from the CMS. 195While the majority of the People continued to support Duncan and192 Usher 1974, 105-106; Murray 1985, 127-130.193 Usher 1974, 108-111.194 Venn retired as CMS Secretary in 1872 and died in 1873.195 CMS to Duncan, 3 December 1881 Duncan Papers, C-2146; Usher 1974, 115-116.135The Metlakatla Missionorganized a new group called the Christian Church of Metlakatla, a numberof People sided with the CMS. In the spring of 1882, the two factions beganstruggling for control of the land and buildings at Mission Point. Duncan'ssupporters began actively pursuing land title an self government. Tensionwas high, and on occasion there was fighting. 196In response to the situation at Metlakatla and the growing unrest overland claims through out the Coast, the Government of B.C. initiated aninvestigation in the fall of 1884. Not surprisingly, the commission failed toacknowledge the Peoples' claims to their land, and blamed missionaries forsuch concern. The Metlakatla village council was deemed illegallyconstituted, and it was felt that an Indian Agent should be appointed.Furthermore, the commission recommended that the Dominion Governmenttransfer money and authority to British Columbia so that the Province couldmanage Aboriginal affairs. 197The People refused to accept the authority of either an Indian Agent orthe Indian Act, and continued to press for recognition of their rights to theirlands, resources and self-government. The Crown's attempts to assertauthority over land by way of surveys were undermined. 198 In 1885, JohnTait, Edward Mathers, and Herbert Wallace, accompanied Duncan on a tripto Ottawa to meet with Prime Minister Macdonald 199 to, as Chief Wallace196 Arctander 1909, 268-278; Usher 1974, 122; Murray 1985; 161-165. As Usher (1974, 119-122) points out, prior to his separation from the CMS, Duncan's actions clearly supportedthe Crown's claim to land, and their right to govern the People.197 Usher 1974, 126-127. For a published account, see British Columbia, 1885.198 Usher 1974, 124, 125,133; Murray 1985, 168, 174, 184.199 Usher 1974, 130; Murray 1985, 177-179.136The Metlakatla Missionsaid "tell them our troubles about our land."200But the Dominion Government, like the Provincial Government, wouldnot deal with aboriginal title and self-government, and the People looked toEngland for support. Duncan spent the winter of 1885-1886 in England. Notsurprisingly, the CMS would not support the position of the People.However, as a result of Duncan's efforts, the Aborigines Protection Societyadvocated the resolution of land claims to both Canada's High Commissioner,Sir Charles Tupper and to the CMS. Unfortunately, their advocacy wasignored.201In 1886 the CMS sent General Touch and Reverend W. R. Blackett toMetlakatla to conduct an inquiry. Like the British Columbian Commission ofInquiry, the CMS denied that the People had rights to either land or self-government, and recommended that an Indian Agent be appointed and thatthe People be subjected to the Indian Act. 202Having lost the support of the CMS, the People's traditional leaders,the Provincial and Dominion Governments, and much of B.C.'s Whitepopulation, an alternate resolution was explored. As early as 1884, thePeople had considered fleeing from the oppressive situation brought aboutthrough denial of their rights to the land and to self-government. In Octoberof 1884, A. C. Elliot stated that:Mr. Duncan, in a kind of frenzy, told me that his people, soonerthan give up their claims, would burn their village and leave.203200 Tennant 1990, 55. Wallace was a Chief from Fort Simpson.201 Usher 1974, 130-132; Murray 1985, 180-181.202 Usher 1974, 132; Murray 1985, 181.203 Elliot cited in Usher 1974, 133.137The Metlakatla MissionThe People were well aware of the Northwest Resistance of 1885 inwhich the Metis were forced to defend their rights against settlers. 204 It ispossible that they also knew that many of the Metis, sought refuge in theUnited States after the resistance was suppressed.In the fall of 1886, while Duncan was in Victoria, the Metlakatlavillage council met and decided that rather than becoming involved in abattle over the land and governance, they would seek refuge in Alaska.David Leask, Robert Hewson and Josiah Gutherie relayed this information toDuncan in Victoria. On November 18, 1886, Duncan left for Washington D.C.to seek a land base and financial support for the People.205Undoubtedly, loyalty to Duncan and the brand of christianity hetaught, provided the motivation for many to leave their home and proceed toAlaska. Others may have wanted to benefit from the promise of cheap landand employment.206 The tension that developed within Metlakatla afterDuncan's dismissal reminded some of the social disorder that existed at FortSimpson prior to the commencement of the Metlakatla mission. 207 Thedesire to re-establish a peaceful community could have provided them withreasons to move to Alaska. And undoubtedly, many moved because of loyaltyto family and friends.As Duncan's supporters included "all the young and active residents of204 Usher 1974, 131; Bishop of Caledonia to CMS, 28 May, 14 August 1885, CMS Papers, 47.205 Usher 1974, 133; Murray 1985, 187-188; Arctander 1901, 287-289. As Tennant (1990,59-63) points out, other People including Nisga'a Chief Charles Russ, and TsimshianChiefs in Port Simpson saw the People as refugees from political persecution, andthreatened to follow their lead.206 Bishop of Caledonia to Powell, 11 March^1887 (Copy), DIA BS, vol. 3606, file 2959, pt. 3.207 The Church and the Indians, 7.138The Metlakatla Missionthe village,..208 it is possible that many of these young People had been raisedwithin Metlakatla and had not participated in traditional practices. Forthese People, status outside the mission would be compromised by their lackof participation in the feast complex and secret societies. The move to Alaskamay have been motivated by a desire to retain their positions within a newmission context. Those who moved to Alaska relinquished their traditionalsocial structure including: chiefly rank, clan obligations, tribal divisions,matrilineal inheritance, traditional names and associated privileges, potlatchobligations, and feast debts. 209But for many, the refusal of the governments to recognize the People'srights to land and self-government was cause for the move. In a letter toEdward Cridge, the People of Metlakatla stated:we have heard by some which the Government has sent to usthat this land is not ours, so we know we will be slaves thoughwe will be under the British ensign, so we send Mr. Duncan tothe United States that we will be entirely free. 21°That relocation to Alaska could provide an escape from politicaloppression and the promise of freedom is expressed in a song composed byGeorge Usher who was sent to Metlakatla, B.C. to tell the People thatDuncan had arrived in Alaska.210 People of Metlakatla to Cridge, 1 December 1886, Cridge Papers, File 6.208 DIA Annual Report 1883, 106.209 Beynon 1941, 84.139The Metlakatla MissionThe great chief has come.He has gone to our new home.Now he sends me to you.He bids you come, one and all.We shall be slaves no longer.The land of freedom has accepted us.The flag of the 'Boston me' is hoistedAt the site of a new Metlakatla.It will protect us and our freedom.We can worship God in peace.We can secure the happiness of our children.They will be the freemen of a great nation.Come, therefore, one and all,Gather your little ones around you.Push the canoes from the beach.Good wind will fill our sails;We will hasten to the land of freedom.211In March of 1887, while Duncan was still in the States, David Leask,John Tait, Edward Benson, Adam Gordon and Fred Ridley, along with DoctorBluett212 selected Annette Island, an unoccupied island in traditional Tlingitterritory as the site of their new community which became known as NewMetlakatla, Alaska. John Tait and Edward Benson built a store there, andDavid Leask built a salt house. And while Duncan had hoped that move nottake place until the spring of 1888, the People decided to relocate by the fall.When Duncan arrived at New Metlakatla on August 7, 1877 forty Peoplewere already there. By summer's end over 600 of the People had made NewMetlakatla their home.213211 Cited in Arctander 1909, 293.212 According to Murray (1985, 39) Dr. James D. Bluett, arrived in Metlakatla in 1882 andrelocated with the People to Alaska. Duncan states that Bluett arrived in 1884 (Duncanto Admiral Mayne, 20 February 1885, Letterbook 3, Duncan Papers C-2149).213 Arctander 1909, 290-291; Usher 1974, 133-134; Murray 1985, 194-198; Duncan to Allen,14 July 1887; Duncan to Agnew, 24 July 1887, Letterbook, Duncan Papers, C-2150. It isimportant to note that many of the People did not go to Alaska. In 1881, Metlakatla'spopulation was estimated at 1,100 (DIA Annual Report 1881, 145), but by 1887, therewere only 948 residents (Tomlinson 1887,9). Approximately 150 People left Metlakatlaprior to the move. Of those who remained, another 350 elected to stay in Metlakatla,140The Metlakatla MissionB.C., or move to Fort Simpson or other communities. For discussions on the lives of thePeople after 1877 see Arctander 1909, Beynon 1941, Bowman 1983, Campbell 1984, Dunnand Booth 1990, Inglis et al. 1990, Jarboe 1983, Murray 1985.141CHAPTER FIVE:CULTURAL DOMINATION AND RESISTANCEINTRODUCTIONWhile all of Duncan's mission work was important in the developmentof the civilizing mission, education played a significant role in attempts atcultural domination. This is as true of science education as it is of otherforms of education. This chapter returns to the questions posed in ChapterOne:1.What role did Western science and technology education playin Duncan's attempts to civilize and christianize the People?2. How did the People respond to Duncan's educationalinitiatives?First, the role of science and technology education in mission work atboth Fort Simpson and Metlakatla is summarized. This is followed by a briefdiscussion of Government support for the mission. Next, the People'sresponses to Duncan's various educational initiatives are outlined.The educational initiatives, Government support, and the People'svarying responses to education, fit into the much larger context of Westerneducation for Aboriginal people in Canada. The chapter concludes bysituating Fort Simpson and Metlakatla into this wider context.In reflecting upon issues of social control and curriculum form, Applesuggests the following questions. "Whose knowledge is it? Who selected it?Why is it organized and taught in this way? To this particular group?" 11 Apple 1990, 7.142Cultural Domination and ResistanceThese questions are useful in discussing science education in Fort Simpsonand Metlakatla.SOCIAL CONTROL IN THE CIVILIZING MISSIONThe science taught reflected a unique blend of Western scientificknowledge, interpreted through the eyes of a Victorian evangelist. Duncan,like many Victorians, viewed the natural world as an expression of thedivine, and saw science and religion as mutually reinforcing. With theexception of the salmon cannery, technical education represented, to a largeextent, low level vocational training in European pre-industrial cottagecrafts. Duncan also taught work related values of industriousness, so valuedby Victorians.Initially, curriculum instruction was both in Tsimshian and English.Eventually, Duncan taught almost solely in Tsimshian. Despite the use ofTsimshian, curriculum content was Western in origin, except for the teachingof some crafts like cedar bark weaving.Duncan's approach to education was clearly influenced by CMSpolicies. He had been trained by the CMS at the Highbury Training College,and this training was further supported through CMS publications,correspondence, and personal meetings. Furthermore, Duncan wasfinancially dependant upon the CMS. However, Duncan had a great deal ofcontrol over the curriculum. It is not known to what extent other missionaryor Tsimshian teachers were able to exercise any personal influence on thecurriculum. It is likely that their work was carefully monitored by Duncan.143Cultural Domination and ResistanceDuncan's desire to maintain control over schooling is suggested by hisreluctance to utilize Tsimshian instructors, his criticism of othermissionaries' work, and his apparent relief at regaining control of schoolingafter the Schutts left Metlakatla. There is no indication that the People hadany influence on what was being taught or how it was being taught exceptthrough how they chose to participate.Schooling was one of the many strategies CMS missionaries, andothers, used to affect the christianization and civilization of colonized Peoplesthroughout the world. Supporting these goals was the assumption ofEuropean superiority in virtually all aspects of life. The missionary, asUsher points out, was an agent of cultural change; the missionary's goal wascultural domination.As in the curriculum of CMS schools elsewhere, religion played acentral role. Duncan used science and technology education to promoteWestern christianity both in the school and in the community. Duncanconsciously used Western science to undermine the People's traditionalbeliefs about the natural world, or as Duncan stated, "to knock down many oftheir superstitions."2 The use of readers with significant scientific andtechnical content, combined with the promotion of literacy over orality, waslikely intended to undermine the students' belief in their own intellectualtraditions.Elsewhere, CMS missionaries were concerned that high statusacademic education instilled both pride and idleness in colonized People.2 Duncan journal, 29 July 1861, Duncan Papers, C-2155.144Cultural Domination and ResistanceDuncan was concerned about the impact of secular learning on his ownreligious development, and like other CMS missionaries, Duncan wassuspicious of the impact of academic education on the People. It is notsurprising that the education available at Metlakatla was very basic.Over time, the increasing use of Tsimshian rather than English forinstruction, combined with a decrease in the quality of education and the lackof texts in Tsimshian, reflected Duncan's growing apprehensions about theappropriateness of academic education for the People. This restrictiveapproach to education may have been an attempt to limit access toinformation, as it required that Duncan, or another person fluent in English,interpret for the People. The poor quality of education, and the lack ofEnglish instruction became issues of contention after the move to Alaska.Eventually, the People demanded a Government inquiry in the situation. 3Reference to self-help heroes during class, and the availability (tothose who could read English) of self-help literature in the Metlakatlalibrary, may have been intended to instill work related values prized byVictorians. In addition, the authority, control, discipline, and routinesmaintained in the classroom likely helped prepare the students for theirfuture roles as workers and citizens of this mission community.As Britain's technical advances were seen to epitomize England'ssuperiority, industrial training was incorporated into mission schooling.However, only low status, vocational training was typical of CMS missionaryendeavors. It is not surprising, therefore, that the industrial training in both3 Jarboe 1983, 141-164.145Cultural Domination and ResistanceFort Simpson and Metlakatla was limited, with the exception of the salmoncannery, to pre-industrial cottage crafts.Nevertheless, these cottage crafts were new to the People. Theylearned new skills and knowledge, performed new tasks, used new tools, andworked under new conditions. Duncan initiated this manual training for anumber of reasons. It gave the People skills and knowledge to produce thebuildings and goods necessary for a civilizing mission; and it facilitated theadoption of European style dress, and the maintenance of European hygienestandards. As the CMS envisioned self-supporting missions, these industrieswere important in terms of the financial and material support of the mission.In the minds of many Victorians, Indigenous people were helplessvictims of the immorality associated with White traders in the colonies. Oneof the reasons Captain Prevost called for the evangelization of the Tsimshianwas that he saw christianization and civilization as "the only effectualantidote to the contaminating vices" which resulted from trade betweenAboriginal people and Whites.4 Like Prevost and other CMS members,Duncan feared that interaction with certain categories of Europeans, such astraders and miners, would lead to the People's downfall. Local industrieswere important in maintaining the People's isolation from these negativeinfluences by limiting the People's interaction with other labour markets.The increasing reliance on Tsimshian for instruction also contributed toDuncan's isolationist policy as poor English skills would limit employmentopportunities.4 Stock 1899, 2:613.146Cultural Domination and ResistanceThe domestic education older girls received in the mission house gavethem the skills necessary for their future roles as mothers in christiancivilized homes. At the same time boarding away from home limited thestudents' interaction with Whites, and also with young men of their owncommunity, thereby ensuring their virtue. Again, their boarding schoolexperience was similar to that in other CMS missions.Science and technology education was also important as a morallyacceptable recreational activity, and was used, in part, to replace moretraditional winter pass times.GOVERNMENT RESPONSECivilizing missions were supported by colonial governments, in part,because they gave a moral dimension to European expansion. In addition tobringing about religious conversion, civilizing missions were seen asmechanisms to bring peace and order to strife plagued societies, overthrowcorrupt and despotic governments, improve the material conditions of thecolonized, institute fair taxes, and increase productivity. Underlying thiswas the arrogant belief that Europeans cultures were superior, as evidencedby their scientific and technological achievements. 5The Metlakatla mission was supported by the British ColonialGovernment because it was thought that such missions would result ininculcation of Western religion, civilization and law, and isolate the Peoplefrom the degradation associated with contact with Whites. Governor Douglas5 Adas 1989, 199-203.147Cultural Domination and Resistanceshared these views, and also saw mission villages as pacifying mechanisms inthe face of settlement. Canada's Department of Indian Affairs laudedMetlakatla's role in civilizing and christianizing the People. Both the DIAand Governor General Dufferin also recognized the economic benefits thateducation in Metlakatla could bring to the country. However, once it becameapparent that the People would not be passive observers of the colonization oftheir territories, government support for Metlakatla was withdrawn.RESPONSES TO EDUCATION IN THE CIVILIZING MISSIONThe People were not passive victims of Duncan's educationalinitiatives. They could choose to reject or accommodate schooling. And whilemany decided to participate, many others chose to reject Duncan'seducational and other initiatives.AccommodationParticipation in schooling was motivated by numerous, complexconsiderations. While novelty likely played a role in initially attractingPeople to school, other factors sustained their involvement.For some, schooling was important for intellectual reasons, and theability to achieve combined with recognition of that ability were likely highlymotivational. Others were drawn to school because of the practical value ofliteracy and numeracy in their personal, economic and political lives.At the economic level, material benefits were available to students,particularly the boarders, who attended and excelled in schooling Workers148Cultural Domination and Resistancewho built the school, and who assisted as teachers were rewarded for theirlabours with pay, as were the many People who participated in the industrialenterprises in the mission. Furthermore, the technical skills and workrelated norms and values learned in the mission context had economic utilityin other labour markets.Schooling also benefitted the People in terms of politics and prestige.It is likely that many individuals used schooling to increase their own socialstanding. The status of Metlakatla as a whole, in relation to surroundingvillages, increased in terms of population and economic and political power.Furthermore, the People used their newly acquired literacy to pursue variouspolitical ends, including land claims and self-government, and, significantly,at times these political ends were in direct opposition to Duncan.Culture and spirituality were also factors which led to theaccommodation of schooling by some. Both spirituality and technology werehighly valued in Tsimshian society, and the religious and industrialcomponents of the school curriculum may well have been attractive to thestudents.Participation in schooling, however, does not equal abandonment ofculture. The People's continued involvement in traditional activities,particularly in food gathering, indicate that they were incorporatingschooling into their existing lifeways. New ideas were often transformed bythe People into a form consistent with their traditional understandings.149Cultural Domination and ResistanceResistanceResistance was always a theme in the school history of both FortSimpson and Metlakatla. Duncan found classroom management problematic,and the students demonstrated their resistance by ridiculing and challengingDuncan's teachings, and by various forms of misbehavior, including theft. Aninteresting form of resistance was the People's avoidance of speakingEnglish, despite the fact that they used their literacy for their own ends.Perhaps they simply would not speak English in front of visitors. ThisEnglish avoidance may have been a factor in Duncan's switching toTsimshian as the language of instruction. However, the fact that the Peopleprotested against instruction in Tsimshian after the move to Alaska suggeststhat they valued learning English.In Fort Simpson resistance was most evident among the Chiefs andthose involved with secret societies who saw Duncan and christianity as athreat to their lifeways. The collective resistance of the Chiefs and secretsociety members resulted in a dramatic decrease in school attendance, andwas a major factor in the relocation to Metlakatla, B.C. It was also theresistance of the Chiefs that was most pronounced in Metlakatla. DespiteDuncan's attempts to co-opt them, the Chiefs continued to promotetraditional practices, or "heathenism". Once Duncan's position wasweakened by the withdrawal of support from the CMS, the Chiefs actedcollectively to undermine his authority by joining sides with the CMS. Theopposition of those with chiefly lineage was demonstrated physically whenMrs. Legaic opened her home for schooling CMS supporters. The school itself150Cultural Domination and Resistancebecame an important political symbol and a site of both accommodation andresistance for the two factions which developed within the communityThe withdrawal of support for Duncan by many of the high statusPeople in Metlakatla was one of the many factors which resulted in therelocation of Duncan and others to Alaska.WESTERN SCHOOLING AND ABORIGINAL PEOPLESThe driving force behind much of the Western education of Aboriginalpeople in Canada has been the desire to eradicate the People's cultures,beliefs and life ways. Early missionary endeavors, as discussed in thecontexts of Fort Simpson and Metlakatla, B.C., focused on thechristianization and civilization of the People. With the passing of the IndianActs of 1876 and 1880, control over the lands and lives of Aboriginal peoplewas invested in the Federal Government, which supplied some financialsupport to allow mission schools to carry on the work of culturalcolonization. 6After the Davin Report of 1879, the Federal Government followed theAmerican practice by developing large residential schools operated bymissionaries, where students could be "dissociated from the prejudicialinfluences by which he [sic] is surrounded on the reserve of his band." 7Unlike schooling in Metlakatla which occurred within the community, theselarge residential schools were ideally located away from reserves, and6 DIA Annual Report 1876 cited in Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 5.7 DIA Annual Report 1881, 7.151Cultural Domination and Resistanceisolated the students from family, home and community. As in earliermission schools like Metlakatla, the curriculum included religiousinstruction, basic education and training in trades and domestic work.However, the residential nature of the school ensured regular attendance andregulation of virtually every aspect of student life through a highly regulatedregime. 8The People continued to participate in Western education on their ownterms. In 1900, fewer than half the school aged children attended school.For many that attended, Western education was used to further the People'sown ends. Some students were sent to school specifically to acquire newskills and knowledge, and resumed their traditional education uponreturning home. Among these students were members of a new generation ofAboriginal leaders, causing one DIA official to comment, the "most promisingpupils are found to have retrograded and to have become leaders in thepagan life on their reserves." 9The Peoples' ability to utilize their skills and knowledge for economicgain became problematic as a growing immigrant work force negated theneed for an Aboriginal labour pool. The Federal Government was no longerwilling to pay the high costs of residential schooling. In 1910, educationalgoals were revised. While the previous policy had envisioned a future inwhich Aboriginal people would be assimilated among the lower ranks ofCanadian society, the new policy was aimed at apartheid, or fitting "the8 Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 6-7.9 Cited in Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 7.152Cultural Domination and ResistanceIndian for civilized life in his own environment." 10 The policy shift resultedin a decrease in academic content and an increase in religious instruction inschools. Practical training was limited to what was considered necessary forreserve life. New health regulations limited student enrollment inresidential schools, and more day schools were constructed so that limitededucation could be provided cheaper to a greater number of students. 11Despite the fact that education became mandatory in 1920, manyPeople continued to reject it. In 1951, only 8 out of 20 People over the age of5 had participated in schooling. Those who choose attend school weredisappointed by what was offered. Schooling often proved to be punitive,ethnocentric, and of poor quality. Limited government funding necessitatedhalf-day programs where students were "trained" in institutionalmaintenance. The half-day program combined with poor quality educationand mandatory leaving ages ensured that few were able to acquire more thanthe most basic education. 12The People demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the situation in avariety of ways. Attendance was always a problem at residential schools andrunaways were frequent. Parents articulated their concerns throughinterviews, correspondence and petitions, and the proximity of some schoolsto home communities facilitated some parental intervention. At someschools, such as the Cecilia Jeffrey school near the Ontario - Manitobaboarder, parents wielded considerable control in the education of their10 Cited in Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 9.11 Barman, Herbert and McCaskill 1986, 8-9.12 Barman, Herbert and McCaskill 1986, 10-11.153Cultural Domination and Resistancechildren. As more schools were built, parents were sometimes able tomanipulate the competing institutions for the benefit of the students. Andsometimes parents organized campaigns to enact educational change. 13In 1951 changes in the Indian Act allowed the Federal Government toenter into agreements with Provincial Governments to accommodate the"integration" of Aboriginal students in provincial schools. The termintegration belied the reality of provincial schooling for Aboriginal studentswho frequently found themselves in racially charged classrooms taught byteachers with no cross-cultural knowledge or training, studying a curriculumwhich ignored or demeaned Aboriginal peoples.Integration proved to be another form of cultural domination, whichfailed to meet the education needs of Aboriginal children, even in Whiteterms. Failure was typical, and as many as 80% of the children had to repeatgrade one. The average Aboriginal student was 2.5 years behind in terms ofage-grade level. There was large scale absenteeism, with the averageAboriginal student missing 40 out of 180 school days. The drop out ratebetween grades one and twelve was approximately 94%. 14The Federal Government's assimilation policy was most clearly definedin the 1969 White Paper which proposed the end of the Department of IndianAffairs and the reservation system, and the elimination of constitutional andlegislative grounds for special treatment of First Nations. Realizing that thiswould destroy what the limited special status First Nations enjoyed, the13 Miller 1991, 332-341.14 Hawthorne 1967, 105-159.154Cultural Domination and ResistancePeople reacted strongly, and the White Paper was withdrawn.The People began actively rejecting Western controlled education.1971 marked the takeover of Blue Quills, the first Indian controlled school inCanada. And in 1972 the National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) issued a policypaper called Indian Control of Indian Education based on the principals ofparental responsibility for, and local control of, an education system in whichtraditional and contemporary values could intertwine and provide qualityeducation for Aboriginal students. 15THE CURRENT PICTUREDespite the Federal Government's reluctance to grant the power,funding and the legal basis necessary for the People to control theireducational futures, there have been many improvements in Aboriginalstudents' educational experiences. Numerous Bands are operating their ownschools. Language and cultural programs have been implemented in bothBand and Provincial schools. Retention, attendance, and graduation rateshave increased. Adult education programs have been initiated. Morestudents are attending post-secondary institutions, many of which haveprograms specifically for Aboriginal students. A number of Aboriginalcontrolled post-secondary institutions have been established. 16Despite these many changes, much remains to be done. At theelementary and secondary levels, attendance and retention, motivation and15 Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 15-16; NIB 1972, 3.16 Kirkness 1986, 74-79; Barman, Hebert and McCaskill 1986, 16-17; Kirkness 1992, 27-55.155Cultural Domination and Resistanceattitude towards school, and the integration of school and Aboriginal culturescontinue to be problematic. 17 The rate of functional illiteracy among the on-reserve Aboriginal peoples is twice as high as the rate among otherCanadians. Only 25% of the on-reserve population earned high schooldiplomas (or equivalent), while among other Canadians, over 50% of thepopulation attained similar levels of education. In terms of Universityparticipation, only 6.2 % of registered Indians ever attended university,compared to 18.5 % of other Canadians. Only 1.3 % of registered Indians hadreceived university degrees as compared to 9.6 % of the non-Aboriginalpopulation. 18The situation in British Columbia is even more alarming. As stated bythe Provincial Advisory Committee on Post-Secondary Education for NativeLearners, "Available statistics confirm that the public education system, atall levels, is failing to meet the needs of First Nations." About 80% of B.C.Aboriginal students leave high school before completion. Among registeredIndians, 41 % have less than a grade nine education, and only 3 % haveattended university. University completion rates are low. 18Science EducationInformation regarding the state of science education suggests thatlittle is being done in this area. While there are some schools in British17 Kirkness 1992, 27-55.18 Armstrong, Kennedy and Oberle 1990, 6-12.19 Provincial Advisory Committee on Post-Secondary Education for Native Learners 1990,4. Statistics for non-status Indians are unknown.156Cultural Domination and ResistanceColumbia and elsewhere in Canada which incorporate Aboriginal content andeven Aboriginal languages in the science curriculum, this is atypical. At thesecondary level, science education is characterized by low enrollment andachievement levels among Aboriginal students, and this limits the numberwho can gain entry into post-secondary science, technology and healthrelated programs. Not surprisingly, Aboriginal people are highly under-represented in science, technology, and health related programs andprofessions at both the provincial and national levels. 20Ironically, it is also clear that there is a very real need for Aboriginalpeople to gain expertise in the sciences. Science education has been promotedby the Science Council of Canada (SCC) as a critical aspect of every students'education as it contributes to intellectual growth, facilitates informeddecision-making, provides a foundation for further scientific andtechnological learning; and prepares students for employment in anincreasingly technological work world. 21 Aboriginal students share thesesame needs for understanding science.But there are additional reasons which make scientific and technicaleducation even more necessary for Aboriginal students. Land claimssettlements in the North, which have been driven in part by the desire toexploit energy resources, have resulted in increased Aboriginal control overthe management, development, use and conservation of lands and20 AFN 1988, 107; Kirkness 1992, 39; SCC 1991, 25; Urban Native Indian Education Society1987, 11-21.21 SCC 1984, 13-18.157Cultural Domination and Resistanceresources. 22 The settlement of claims in British Columbia will have a hugeeconomic, political and environmental impact on B.C.'s resource sector.Resolution of these claims will likely result in Aboriginal people taking amuch more direct and active part in the governance, management,development, protection and enhancement of natural resources and non-renewable resources.23 Hence the need for the development of scientific andtechnical skills among Aboriginal people is pressing. Similarly reassertingauthority in the areas of economic development and health care necessitatescommunity expertise in science and technology.Because of the under-representation of Aboriginal people in thesciences, and the great need for scientific and technological skills within ourcommunities, efforts aimed at encouraging Aboriginal participation in schoolscience are crucial. However, those of us committed to Aboriginal educationmust remember the question posed by Vine Deloria, Jr.:How does what we receive in our educational experience impactthe preservation and sensible use of our lands and how does itaffect the continuing existence of our tribes?24Given that Western education of Aboriginal people, whether controlledby missionaries or by federal or provincial governments has been aimed atcultural domination, and complimented other government initiatives in thearea of land expropriation and resource exploitation, this question suggeststhat a radically different approach must be taken in redefining science22 SCC 1991, 14-22.23 Cassidy and Dale 1988.24 Deloria 1991, 50.158Cultural Domination and Resistanceeducation for Aboriginal students.In reconstructing the science curriculum to reflect the needs andaspirations of Aboriginal people, special attention must be paid to issues ofsocial control. 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Toronto: University of Toronto Press.167APPENDIX A: LAWS OF METLAKAHTLA 1- Forbidden -I^The Demoniacal Rites called Ahlied or Medicine WorkII^Conjouring & all other heathen practices over the sickIII^The use of intoxicating drinksIV GamblingV^Painting FacesVI Giving away property for displayVII Tearing up property in anger or to wipe out disgrace- Required -I^The Sabboth to be strictly observedII^Devine Services to be attended by all the SettlersIII^All the children to attend School.IV^All adult Male settlers to pay a yearly tax of one blanket or 2 1/2dollars & all males approaching manhood - one shirt or one dollar.V^All quarels to be settled by arbitration or by recourse to the civil forceby Law established to maintain peaceV1 All Settlers to build neat houses & cultivate gardensV11 All Settlers to be cleanly in their habitsVIII All the Settlers to be industriousIX^All the Settlers to be peaceful and orderlyX^All the Settlers to be honest & upright in their dealings with eachother & with Indians of other tribes.1 Laws of Metlakahtla, October 15, 1862, Community -Municipal Records, 1862 - 1870.Duncan Papers, C-2158. Emphasis in original.168APPENDIX B: SCHOOL ROUTINE FOR ADULTS 1P.M.7:00 - 7:30 1st Class^Reading - Sheet Series & A Text from Scripture orTsimshean from B.B.[Black Board]2nd Class Writing - Words from B.B.[or] Sheet Series3rd Class Writing - Letters & syllables from Black boardN.B. The first class must keep up with the other classes in Tsimshian.7:30 - 8:00 1st Class Composition on Slates from Sheet Series lesson2nd Class Reading - Sheet Series & Tsimshean from B.B.3rd Class Reading - Tsimshean from B.B.N.B. Write a short lesson in Tsimshean on Black board[.] [L]et 2nd &3rd Classes read it together for a short time[.] When the 2nd Classhave learnt it - let them go to short series but the 3rd class keep onwith the Tsimshean.8:00 - 8:30 Monday^Moral lessonTuesday^SingingWednesday ArithmeticThursday SingingFriday^Geography - Physical Science or Astronomy8:30 - 9:00 Religious lessons - Singing & prayerMonday^Bible & Gospel HistoryTuesday^Bible & Gospel HistoryWednesday Bible & Gospel HistoryThursday Pilgrim's ProgressFriday^Catechism [Creed], Commandments or Lord'sPrayer1 Adapted from School Routine for Adults, 1865. Community -General, 1865 - 1917.Duncan Papers, C-2157.169APPENDIX C: SCHOOL ROUTINE FOR CHILDREN1A.M.10:00-10:30 Prayer & SingingBible Lesson - Bible & Gospel History10:30-11:00 1st Class2nd Class3rd Class4th Class11:0-11:30 1st Class2nd Class3rd Class4th Class11:30-12:00 ArithmeticGeographyWriting Copy BooksReading 1st Sheet SeriesWriting Compositions from VocabularyWriting five to ten words of vocabularyWriting from Black boardWriting on SlatesMonday - Wednesday - FridayTuesday - ThursdayP.M.^2:00-2:30^1st Class2nd Class3rd Class4th Class^2:30-3:00^1st Class2nd Class3rd Class4th ClassReading 2nd Irish BookWriting figures or composition on slates frommorning vocabulary lesson(assisted)Writing letters on slatesWriting arithmetic on slates or composition fromreading lessonReading^2nd Short SeriesReading^1st Short Series3:00-3:30 Singing^Monday, Wednesday, FridayMoral Lesson Tuesday & Thursday2:30-4:00^Lesson in :Creed, Comandments or Lord's prayer, CatechismSinging & Prayer1 Adapted from School Routine for Adults, 1865. Community-General, 1865-1917. DuncanPapers, C-2157.170APPENDIX D: SCHOOL ATTENDANCE RATES 1YEAR STUDENTS REGISTERED AVERAGE DAILYATTENDANCE1875 329 not given1876 168 not given1877 162 55 1/21878 174 721879 125 541880 160 691881 156 631882 not given not given1883a 24 41883b 188 971884 not given not given1 The following information is based on Department of Indian Affairs Annual Report 1875,82; 1876, 86 - 87; 1877, 166 - 167; 1878, 224 - 225; 1879, 302 - 303; 1880, 310 - 311; 1881,216 - 217; 1882, 252 - 253; 1883, 182 - 183; 1884, 180 - 181.a These figures refer to the school taught by W. H. Collison for the CMS. Figures based ontwo quarters on two quarters only.b These figures refer to the school taught by D. Leask for the Christian Church ofMetlakahtla (Duncan's followers). Figures based on one quarter only.171

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