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The cost of the car to the city of Vancouver Dehnel, Patricia Lynne 1993

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THE COST OF THE CARTO THE CITY OF VANCOUVERByPATRICIA LYNNE DEHNELB. A., University of British Columbia, 1986A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESSchool of Community and Regional PlanningWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAAugust 1993© Patricia Lynne Dehnel, 1993In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at theUniversity of British Columbia, I agree that the library shall make it freely available forreference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis forscholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or herrepresentatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shallnot be allowed without my written permission.School of Conununity and Regional PlanningThe University of British Columbia1956 Main MallVancouver, CanadaV6T 1Y3Date bpt^/99 ABSTRACTThis thesis was undertaken to identify and determine the costs borne by the municipal level ofgovernment to provide and maintain the infrastructure required by the private automobile. Suchgovernment expenses are known as subsidies. In 1992, Transport 2021 commissioned a broadstudy to determine the complete cost of transporting people by all modes of transportationthroughout the Lower Mainland. This thesis complements the study by investigating the costsshouldered by one level of government, in one municipality and for one mode of transportationin greater detail. This thesis sets a framework that can be followed by other municipalitiesaimed at determining their own spending on the private automobile.The underlying assumption of this thesis is that the automobile is perceived as a user pay modeof transportation and, unlike public transit, is not subsidized. Subsidies to the automobile byall levels of government go unnoticed. This thesis demonstrates that cars actually benefit fromsubsidies.A framework for examining costs of the automobile was developed through a review of existingliterature on automobile costs. Both direct costs and hidden costs are discussed. Most of thedirect cost dollar figures were derived by examining the 1992 Vancouver City Budget andisolating those funds devoted to car infrastructure and services. The land cost of carinfrastructure was determined by estimating its total land area and calculating the usual 1992 taxrevenue of a similar sized parcel of land. The hidden costs of the car are discussed but nottranslated into dollar values.iiiThis thesis discovers that, in 1992, the automobile cost the City of Vancouver $185.6 milliondollars in both direct expenditures and lost tax revenue. The discussion on hidden costs assertsthat the true annual subsidy to the car by Vancouver is even higher. This thesis concludes withrecommendations for mitigating city spending on the car. Elimination of free on-street parkingis recommended as an equity fair method of cost mitigation that obliges car owners to beresponsible for providing, or at least paying for, their own residential and work place parkingfacilities. This thesis recommends the introduction of an on-street permit parking system. Otheruser pay systems such as road tolls are discussed but not recommended at the municipal levelalone.TABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT ^  iiTABLE OF CONTENTS ^  ivLIST OF TABLES ^  viiLIST OF FIGURES ^ viiiACKNOWLEDGEMENT ^  ix1.0 INTRODUCTION ^  11.1 Problem Statement  21.2 Purpose ^  21.3 Methodology  31.4 Relevance of Thesis ^  62.0 THE PROBLEM ^  93.0 BACKGROUND ^  124.0 DIRECT COSTS OF THE AUTOMOBILE TO THE CITY OF VANCOUVER . . . 15iv^4.1 Land Use Costs ^  154.1.1 Roads  16v4.1.2 Parking ^ City Housing ^  304.1.2.2 City Hall Employee and Visitor Parking ^ 344.1.2.3 Police Department  354.1.2.4 Fire Department  364.1.2.5 Downtown Parking ^  374.1.2.6 Parks and Recreation Parking ^  404.1.2.7 Parking Meters  424.1.2.8 Parking Cost Summary  434.2 Infrastructure Costs ^  454.2.1 Infrastructure Maintenance Costs ^  454.2.2 Infrastructure Capital Costs  534.3 Social Costs  564.4 Human Health Costs ^  584.5 Environmental Costs  624.5.1 Air Quality  624.6 Other City Costs ^  664.7 Other GVRD Costs  674.7.1 Transportation Planning ^  674.7.2 Staff Automobile Use and General Government Services ^ 684.7.3 Emergency 9-1-1 Service  694.8 Direct Automobile Cost Summary  715.0 HIDDEN COSTS OF THE AUTOMOBILE TO THE CITY OF VANCOUVER . . . 725.1 Urban Sprawl ^  725.2 Environmental and Human Health Costs ^  745.2.1 Air Quality  745.2.2 Water Quality  765.2.3 Disposal ^  775.2.4 Accidents  785.3 Social Costs  795.3.1 Congestion and Lost Time ^  805.3.2 Stress and Decline in Quality of Life ^  805.3.3 Transportation Disadvantaged  815.4 Other Hidden Costs ^  825.4.1 Parking  825.4.2 Noise  835.5. Hidden Automobile Cost Summary ^  846.0 TOTAL COST OF THE CAR TO VANCOUVER  86vi7.0 RECOMMENDATIONS ^  907.1 Discussion  907.1.1 The Commuting Phenomenon ^  927.2 Car Ownership ^  937.2.1 Personal Automobile Sharing Schemes  967.2.1.1 Auto Pools Within Housing Co-ops ^ 967.2.1.2 Transportation Co-operatives  977.2.1.3 No-Car Condos ^  977.2.2 Employer Automobile Sharing  987.2.2.1 Pool Cars  987.2.3 Feasibility of Car Sharing Schemes ^  1007.3 Parking ^  1017.3.1 Eliminate Free Street Parking  1017.3.2 Eliminate Free Work Place Parking  1067.3.3 Decrease Parking Availability ^  1077.4 Road Tolls ^  1077.5 Community Design  1107.6 Alternatives  1137.7 Recommendations for Vancouver ^  1147.7.1 Address City Hall Car Spending ^  1157.7.2 Introduce a Street Parking Permit Fee  1167.7.3 Limit Arterial Street Parking  1177.7.4 Increase the Cost of Multiple Vehicle Ownership ^ 1187.7.5 Initiate Car Sharing Possibilities ^  1187.7.6 Investigate a Road Toll System  1197.8 Summary ^  1208.0 CONCLUSION  1228.1 Relationship of Thesis to Peat Marwick Study ^  1228.2 Final Remarks ^  125BIBLIOGRAPHY ^  128APPENDIX 1: COMPILATION of B.C. ASSESSMENT AUTHORITY FIGURES .. 133viiLIST OF TABLESTable 1: Breakdown of Financial Subsidy Sources for Public Transit in 1991 ^ 10Table 2: City of Vancouver Land Use ^  18Table 3: Vancouver's Road Characteristics  18Table 4: Vancouver Road Values ^  22Table 5: Summary of Downtown Parking Corporation Facilities ^ 38Table 6: Parking Meter Budget Information ^  43Table 7: City Parking Costs ^  44Table 8: Parking Land Area  44Table 9: Automobile Infrastructure Costs ^  47Table 10: Automobile Related Police Costs ^  57Table 11: Direct Automobile Cost Summary  71Table 12: Hidden Automobile Cost Summary ^  85Table 13: Household Characteristics, 1985 ^  87Table 14: Vancouver Car Ownership Characteristics ^  94LIST OF FIGURESFigure 1: The City of Vancouver ^  4Figure 2: GVRD: The Regional Context ^  5viiiixACKNOWLEDGEMENTI wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Alan Artibise for suggesting this thesis topic, as well asfor his guidance and support throughout the development of this thesis. I also wish to thank Dr.Craig Davis, my second reader and course advisor throughout my SCARP career, for hisencouragement to "get started" on the thesis.Also, thank you to the many people at Vancouver City Hall, in particular Bob Ross, who wereso helpful in providing me with resources, information and assistance. Finally I wish to thankMorgan Dehnel, Signe Bagh and Alison McNeil for both their productive suggestions on thecontents of this thesis and their emotional support that carried me through to the completion ofthis thesis.1CHAPTER ONE1.0 INTRODUCTIONNorth Americans love their automobiles. They depend on their automobiles to assist in manyof their daily activities. Automobiles have become so dominant in the North American society,that governments and transportation planners spend much time and energy in providing thenecessary automobile infrastructure (Pollution Probe, 1991). Who pays for the automobile'sdominance in society? Certainly the car owners pay for their individual automobiles. But dothe car users pay for the infrastructure necessary to operate the automobile or the damage, suchas air pollution, created by the automobile? This thesis suggests that the user does not pay formany of the automobile associated costs. It is governments and society that pay these costs.North Americans understand that governments operate transit in cities to provide carless peoplewith some form of mobility. However, transit has difficulty competing with the speed andconvenience of automobiles. Costs to keep transit operating increase while ridership and transitservice often decrease. From an energy efficiency point of view, transit is a bettertransportation alternative as it is able to move more people at a lower energy per person amountthan a private automobile (City of Toronto & The Technical Workgroup on Traffic Calming andVehicle Emission Reduction, 1991). Transit is often heavily subsidized to keep it operating.2North Americans now realize that the automobile has had negative impacts on urban society.The automobile has increased urban sprawl and air pollution. The car needs to be checked insociety. Car users need to start paying the full cost of the automobiles they use. This thesisdiscusses some of the automobile costs and offers suggestions that could be implemented toreduce municipal spending on the car.1.1 Problem StatementBoth transit and private automobiles are subsidized by the public and private sectors, but thesubsidies enjoyed by automobiles are more subtle than those of transit. While it is well knownthat transit receives subsidies in the form of government lump sums, the subsidies enjoyed byautomobiles, such as road infrastructure, are more subtle and are often not perceived as subsidiesby the public.1.2 PurposeThe intent of this thesis is to determine the cost of the car to the City of Vancouver.Transport 2021, a project jointly funded by the B.C. Ministry of Transportation and Highwaysand the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD), is a current two year study aimed atdetermining the true cost of the various transportation alternatives and recommending long rangetransportation action plans for the region. A recently completed study for Transport 2021,entitled Determining the Cost of Transporting People in the British Columbia Lower Mainlandby Peat Marwick Stevenson & Kellogg, estimates the total costs of 12 different passenger3transport modes by analyzing 20 different cost categories. As the scope of the study is broadin both land area and transportation mode, the level of detail is nominal. This thesis uses thePeat Marwick study as a base and strives to attain greater detail for one mode of transport, theprivate automobile, in one municipality, Vancouver. This thesis attempts to determine thesubsidies from only one level of government, rather than from all subsidy sources as did the PeatMarwick study. Figures 1 and 2 show the study area, Vancouver, in its regional GVRDcontext.1.3 MethodologyThe literature discussing the cost of the private automobile is still limited and tends to focus ondetermining a figure for dollar per mile or kilometre travelled. However, a literature reviewwas undertaken of both automobile cost studies and City of Vancouver written material.Meetings with city councillors, planners, engineers and the city's finance director wereconducted in order to obtain city data. The 1992 budgets for both the City of Vancouver andthe GVRD were obtained for examination.E0arAa t Mw1.^n13^4,^6 ArN “C••6 MailealsCoal HarbourWEST END^CIastown Downtowninatown IiastsideENG L NI C.B.D.STRATHCONA '; :50 aGraikville iagTstsHASTINGS —SUNRISE0T.8GN!.7wrsT POINT GREY FAIRVIEWKFTSILANOUNIVERSITYENDOWMENTLANDSMOUNT PLEASANTleth AVIBROADWAYRENFREW —COILINGWOODCity Limits04DUNBAR —SOUTHLANDSKENSINGTON —.1" CEDAR COTTAGERILEY PARKALRT Line11,1 AVE1111 A%.11'7,OAK RIITGEKERRISDALELI.111=0■111••••^O SUNSET T. KILLARNEYVICTORIA —FRASERVIEWAN, /Olamplain Heightlc'. I ands 1nE^ RIr.H1140ND.J(J4714 MAI OpMARPOLET,MONICIPALITVtnTOWNSHIP OFLANGLEYCITY OF LANGLEY-s_^1 LIONS BAY-",-43=444C.DISTRICT OFNORTH VANCOUVERCITY OFNORTH^  [VANCOUVER^BEL-7CALIF. w.,.....- .21.-1^......_ .=--^_^CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT b." -.-4....----`.  ^ 'PORT MOODY1...1,7 __.=—....VANCOUVERWEST VANCOUVERBURNABY MAPLE RIDGEAN MORECOOUITLAMPORT =--COOUITLAM..=--PITT^=F.-, MEADOWSNEW WESTMINSTER0SURREYDELTA^  WHITE ROCKU.S.A.VANCOUVERINTERNATIONAL AIRPORT OI• .14--."=-"-----•r-RICHMONDsr61.4 Relevance of ThesisTransportation is a critical issue of this time. The Lower Mainland cannot keep building roadsto satisfy the needs of car drivers. Local examples, like the completion of the Lower Mainland'sAlex Fraser Bridge in 1986, demonstrate that a new road is only a band-aid solution to solvingroad congestion. In this example, the anticipation of the new bridge provided an incentive todevelop nearby land. The new development resulted in a bridge that exceeded capacity onopening day. New roads are a catalyst for new development and the new roads quickly becomecongested. Transit is often not a viable option for commuters for a variety of reasons, includingpoor or no transit service in some areas.In 1990, the GVRD (Greater Vancouver Regional District) underwent the Creating Our Futureprocess that involved concerned citizens and groups from across the region and determinedfundamental goals for the future of the region. Some of the goals include:• improving air quality;• protecting the open spaces and environmentally important areas that give GreaterVancouver its special quality;• placing walking, cycling, public transit and goods movement before automobiles indevelopment of the region's transportation system;• creating more complete communities that provide a balance of jobs, housing,community services and transportation closer to home; and• ensuring that agriculture remains a vigorous part of the region's economy(Source: Shaping Our Communities: Critical Choices, 1992, p. 7).Achieving most of these goals requires a reduction of private automobile use. Had the NorthAmerican society not become so automobile oriented, it is plausible that many of these goalswould not need to be considered. For example, automobile exhaust contributes to a decline of7air quality. A decrease in automobile use in the Lower Mainland could lead to improved airquality. Creating more complete communities also would de-emphasize car use in society.Historically, communities were built around the distance a person could conveniently walk ina given amount of time. The automobile has quickly changed that concept.Since the region is currently debating its choice for direction of growth, this thesis is timelybecause it will demonstrate the amount of money one municipality spends on subsidies to theprivate automobile. This will illustrate the cost to municipal taxpayers of automobile baseddevelopment.In 1990, the City of Vancouver Task Force on Atmospheric Change produced an importantreport entitled Clouds of Change. The Task Force studied the issue of atmospheric change andmade several recommendations for improving the region's air quality. Many of therecommendations address car dependency and encourage alternate modes of transportation.Recommendation 15, "Annual Emissions and Transportation Subsidy Report," relates directlyto this thesis. The purpose of the recommendation is "to monitor and evaluate progress inreorienting subsidies from private to public forms of transit" (Clouds of Change, 1990, p. 43).Section B of recommendation 15 advises that Council direct the Engineering Department toprovide an annual report on "the amount of all direct and indirect subsidies to private automobileuse in the City...compared with the amount of all subsidies to public forms of transit" (Cloudsof Change, 1990, p. 43).8Clouds of Change was endorsed by Council but in the time that has passed few recommendationshave been fulfilled (Margaret Munro, "Clouds of Change plans disappear into thin air," TheVancouver Sun, June 9, 1993, p. A1). In the fall of 1990, recommendation 15 was changed sothat it merely asked the Engineering Department to report to Council the resources needed toundertake such a study. This thesis has fulfilled most of the original requirements ofrecommendation 15.According to Vancouver's "CityPlan," Vancouverites typically spend 15 percent of both theirincomes and waking hours moving around. The report describes the automobile in the followingmanner:The car has come to symbolize much of what we like and dislike abouttransportation in our city. On the one hand it allows for personal accessibility,convenience, and security, and as a society, we have come to depend on cars formany of our transportation needs.On the other hand, as our use of cars increases, the resulting trafficcongestion restricts our accessibility and reduces the safety of ourneighbourhoods. The car also pollutes the air and uses non-renewable resources.On one hand many people are concerned that more cars will make our cityless livable. Yet some of us may feel that limiting automobile use encroaches onour lifestyles (City of Vancouver, CityPlan Tool Kit, chapter 6, part 1, p. 2).The automobile presents North American cities with a difficult dilemma.9CHAPTER TWO2.0 THE PROBLEMGrants of money, known as direct financial subsidies, are often provided by levels ofgovernment to keep transit operating in the Vancouver region. As Peat Marwick identifies, thetransit financial subsidies in the Lower Mainland come in the form of government lump sumsas well as government funds raised through gas tax, a transit levy placed on hydro and now anewly introduced "green tax" on automobile insurance rates (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. 15).Automobiles are subsidized in indirect ways such as government provided infrastructure and roadmaintenance. These automobile subsidies are not obvious to the average person. The intent ofthis thesis is to determine what the operation of private automobiles costs the City of Vancouver.Subsidies to transit finance approximately 70 percent of the total transit cost in B.C. (PeatMarwick, 1993, p.B9). Transit's direct financial subsidies are summarized in Table 1.Despite the huge amount of spending towards public transit in the Vancouver region, the privateautomobile still accounts for over 90 percent of all trips made in motorized vehicles. In thesuburban areas, over 95 percent of total trips were made in private automobiles. This statisticwas apparently due to the lack of public transit in the suburban areas (Peat Marwick, 1993, p.14).10Table 1: Breakdown of Financial Subsidy Sources for Public Transit in 1991Subsidy Source Paid By Total($ million)Gasoline Tax Auto Drivers $47.4Hydro Levy Householders $12.6Commercial Property Tax Businesses $24.0Residential Property Tax Homeowners $14.0Provincial Government Provincial Taxpayer $196.8TOTAL SUBSIDY All subsidy sources $294.8Transit fares Transit user $124.0TOTAL TRANSIT COST Subsidies & Transitusers$418.8Source: Peat Marwick, 1993, p. 15.As depicted by Seelig and Artibise, the Vancouver region is characterized by low densitydevelopment. For example, the GVRD has the low population density of 493 people per squarekilometre. This can be compared with the high densities of 6355 people per square kilometrein Toronto, 4200 in London, U.K. and 9312 in New York City. If the City of Vancouver istaken alone, its population density is 3881 people per square kilometre (Seelig and Artibise,1991, p. 35). The characteristic low density of the region creates a difficulty in providing anefficient and convenient transit system. Low density means buses must travel long distances toserve few people. In fact, the transit system of the Lower Mainland covers 1500 squarekilometres, the most area covered by any single transit system operating in Canada (Seelig andArtibise, 1991, p. 64). The nature of the Vancouver region's sprawl makes transit provision11extremely expensive. Thus, despite the money spent on providing transit service throughout theregion, many people feel their community is not adequately serviced. The lack of convenienttransit service in the suburban areas only increases the automobile's popularity. Similarly, theargument can be said in a reverse fashion. The automobile's popularity has lead to low densitydevelopment and a decrease in demand for transit.A new residential development studied in Richmond (bounded by Highway 99, Cambie Road,No. 4 Road, Alderbridge Way and Shell Road) illustrates the problem. The development hasbeen designed for cars. Pedestrians have been given little consideration. There is not even apedestrian link through to the adjacent transit serviced arterial road (Cambie Road). Thus, manyresidents of the development face long walks of a kilometre or more to reach the nearest busstop. As well as the long walk, the transit that services the development has a frequency of only30 minutes and does not provide direct service to Vancouver (Bagh, Dehnel et al., unpublishedUBC class report, 1992). Other examples of similar developments have been noted in theVancouver region. It is no doubt why people living in the suburbs complain of poor transitservice. However, much of the poor service is not the fault of the transit company but ratherlies within the design of the communities themselves.12CHAPTER THREE3.0 BACKGROUNDOne method of assessing the cost of the car to society is to determine what city infrastructurewould be eliminated if there were no automobiles at all. Reflection on this question revealedthat car infrastructure has intertwined itself into society and has many uses. Very littleautomobile infrastructure could actually be removed from North American cities.Historically people have yearned for mobility. The Romans built roads; early populations builtboats; and bicycles, which preceded automobiles, were widely sought after vehicles at the timeof their introduction. If cars had not been invented people would have devised some othermeans to travel. Thus roads, which are necessary for automobile use, would be required evenif cars were not in use. The history of car use in British Columbia shows that bicycle riderswere in fact the instigators of paved roads in B.C. which were needed to make cycling moreenjoyable and efficient (Taylor, 1984).In North America, the possibility of eliminating car-related infrastructure, and thus, city costsis limited. The provision of free on-street parking is one of the very few costs that could beabolished. When private automobiles are allowed to park on public streets, roads need to beconstructed wider than really necessary and car drivers do not have to make provisions forparking their own automobiles.13Street lighting at major cloverleaf intersections is a second expense that appears to be theprimary responsibility of private automobiles. As these intersections are not normally found inareas where people are likely to be walking, such as residential areas, the street lighting is notprovided for the safety and security of pedestrians. It is provided for automobiles. InVancouver, only one road, the provincially owned and operated Cassiar Connector, is not meantfor pedestrian use. Thus, in Vancouver, virtually no street lighting could be said to benefit onlyautomobiles.Roads can be considered a subsidy to car drivers because they take land out of the city's taxrolls. However, without roads property values may be lower as accessibility is one of thefactors that gives land value. Roads or path ways are necessary for any type of vehiclemovement including pedestrian walking. Thus, although roads are needed for automobile useand can be considered a subsidy to autos, automobiles are not the only road user. The portionof roads used by automobiles that can be called a subsidy to automobiles is only a proportionof the total road cost to the city.Determining the cost of the car is a complex task. The car has become an intricate part of oursociety. As long as automobiles are relied upon, their required infrastructure cannot beeliminated. A conscious effort needs to be made by society to decrease its reliance on privateautomobiles. Such an effort combined with an understanding of the automobile's true cost tosociety, may then lead to a reduction in the amount of city provided automobile infrastructure.14Projects like Transport 2021 can be argued to be in progress solely due to the region'sdependency on the automobile and thus, to be a cost attributable to the car. Transport 2021 isdeveloping a long-range transportation component of the GVRD's Livable Region Strategic Plan.Transportation Demand Management (TDM) strategies are being considered by the Transport2021 team to address the region's traffic problems. The strategies, which include incentives toencourage alternative transportation modes and measures to discourage the automobile such asroad tolls, aim to change travel behaviour in the region. The ultimate goal of Transport 2021is to reduce congestion, improve the quality of the air and delay or reduce expensivedevelopment of the region's transportation system (GVRD News, Nov/Dec 1992, p. 5).Higher densities have been found to reduce average trip distances, increase the practicality andefficiency of other modes of transportation and reduce automobile dependency (Peat Marwick,1993). Since Vancouver is more densely populated than some of the surrounding municipalities,its car infrastructure costs are likely less than the newer less dense municipalities. Residents ofinner city neighbourhoods such as the West End have greater opportunities to reduce their cardependencies than residents of other more sparsely populated neighbourhoods. Although thisthesis will not compare the cost of the automobile among different municipalities, there is abelief that due to Vancouver's compact urban nature and established automobile infrastructure,Vancouver tax payers subsidize the automobile less than do neighbouring municipalities.15CHAPTER FOUR4.0 DIRECT COSTS OF THE AUTOMOBILE TO THE CITY OF VANCOUVERThe Peat Marwick study was divided into 20 transportation cost categories.' As this thesis willonly look at one mode of transportation and one source of funding; not all of the Peat Marwickcost categories are appropriate. The Costs of the Car, a 1991 study undertaken by PollutionProbe, is divided into seven classifications of cost with each classification being subdivided intodirect and hidden costs. Such a format will be followed in this study.4.1 Land Use CostsIn North American cities, a considerable portion of land is devoted to automobile infrastructure.Although the exact proportion of such land is unknown, if one considers land used for roads,lanes, parking, automobile manufacturing and maintenance, the proportion could conceivably bein the order of 30 percent. Consequently, land use costs represent a large proportion of the totalcost of the car. Land used for roads is not taxable land so is not assessed for taxation purposes.At least two problems exist in trying to determine the land value of roads. Firstly, as the valueThe cost categories used by Peat Marwick are divided into six general categories. The 20cost categories under their general divisions are as follows: direct user or operating costs (1.fixed vehicle costs, 2. variable vehicle costs, 3. parking fees and fines); indirect parking costs(4. residential, 5. commercial, 6. government); transport infrastructure (7. road construction,8. road maintenance, 9. roadway land value, 10. transit land value, 11. protection services);time (12. personal, 13. commercial delays); urban sprawl (14. infrastructure, 15. loss of openspace, 16. future transport options) and; environmental and social impacts (17. unaccountedaccident costs, 18. air pollution, 19. noise pollution, 20. water pollution).16of land varies greatly throughout the city then so must the road land value, and secondly, roadaccess influences the value of the adjacent land.4.1.1 RoadsIn Vancouver, the total amount of land devoted to city owned right-of-ways, that is, streets,roads and lanes, is 3361 hectares or 28 percent of the city's total area (11,690 ha) (VancouverA to Z, 1992, p. 7). Table 2 shows the city land use breakdown. If the amount of land devotedto car parking and servicing, both as a private and public responsibility (i.e., private drivewaysand public city-owned parking lots), is included, then the total amount of land in Vancouverdevoted to cars would likely be in the order of 33 percent.To be more accurate, the actual amount of land devoted to just the streets must be determinedas well as the value of the neighbouring land on which the street is located. As discussed, roadaccess influences the land value of the surrounding area so difficulties arise in assessing roadland value. Apparently, if the street was not in existence, the surrounding land would beinaccessible and thus, would have a lower value. In fact, section 75 (1)(a) of the B.C. LandTitle Act requires that land must have "necessary and reasonable access" in order to be eligiblefor subdivision (Land Title Act, chapter 219, part 7, division 2 "Subdivision of Land", section75).In the Peat Marwick study, the road land value was discounted 70 percent from the assessedvalue of city land (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B27) to address the fact that roads add value toadjacent land through accessibility. Although it is agreed that the land devoted to roads does17not have the same value as the adjacent properties, a discount rate of 70 percent is questionable.In a city, a road does serve adjacent properties. If the properties did not exist, it seems likelythe road would not exist either. Within a city, it seems likely that the land value of a road isnot so different from the land it serves.Peat Marwick acknowledges that their report made estimates with some level of uncertainty.To address the uncertainty of the discounted rate of roadway land values, a sensitivity analysiswas undertaken. Using a new discounted rate of 30 percent, the sensitivity analysis showed thatsuch a scenario did "not substantially change the total costs or level of subsidy for personalvehicles or transit" (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. 27). For example, using the 70 percent road landdiscount rate, the study found that the total cost of personal vehicles travelling in the LowerMainland is $0.662 per passenger kilometre. The total subsidy to personal vehicles is found tobe 22.6 percent of the total cost of operating personal vehicles. At a 30 percent road landdiscount rate, passenger vehicle travel becomes $0.707 per passenger kilometre and the totalpersonal vehicle subsidy becomes 27.6 percent of its total operating cost.Although it is recognized that the land value of the road is likely lower than the land it serves,this thesis does not discount the road value as the true discount rate is not known. Aspreviously stated, property needs road access in order to be subdivided. It is believed that theland value of the road is only slightly lower than the land value of the adjacent property.Although a discount rate is not formally applied to the land value of the road, this thesis doesnaturally discount the value of the roads by applying the residential taxation rates to the majorityof the area devoted to city roads as a method of determining the yearly cost of the roads to thecity. In reality, some of the road area should have the much higher commercial or industrialResidentialStreetsParks/RecreationIndustry/UtilitiesInstitutionalCommercialOpen SpaceAgricultureTOTAL AREA^4,593^39^3,361^281,443^12928^8463^4451^4435^416^111,690^100Land Use^Hectares^Percentof land18taxation rates applied as some roads serve such property types. This point will be discussedfurther.Table 2: City of Vancouver Land UseSource: Vancouver A to Z, City of Vancouver, June 1992, p. 7.In 1990, the City of Vancouver Engineering Department reported 2140 kilometres of streets andlanes in the city. Table 3 shows the breakdown.Table 3: Vancouver's Road CharacteristicsRoad Type^concrete^asphalt^unimproved^TOTAL^approximate^TOTALroad surface^AREA (ha)widthArterial 8 km 341 km 24 km 373 km 15 m 559.5Local 74 km 751 km 237 km 1062 km 10 m 1062.0Lanes 2 km 474 km 229 km 705 km 6m 423.0TOTAL 84 km 1566 kin 490 km 2140 km 2044.5Source: City of Vancouver, Engineering Dept, 1990-1993 Capital Plan, p. B8 and conversationwith Brian Willick, Engineering Department, January 12, 1993.19The British Columbia Assessment Authority advises that property tax is a major source ofmunicipal revenue collected. In fact, "property tax provides approximately 40 percent of localgovernment revenue in Canada" (B.C. Assessment Authority, 1992, p.1). In the case ofVancouver, property tax revenue in 1992 was budgeted to be $272,131,900 of the city's totalrevenue of $486,629,300 or 55.9 percent (City of Vancouver, 1992 Operating Budget, June1992, p. 1). As Vancouver is a regional centre, it is made up of a higher proportion ofcommercial properties than other British Columbia municipalities. Since commercial propertiesare taxed at a much higher rate than residential properties, it is understandable that Vancouverreceives a higher than average income from property taxes.The actual value of roadway land has not been appraised by the B.C. Assessment Authoritybecause it is exempt from property taxes. The 28 percent of Vancouver's land devoted to roadsrepresents a sizeable amount of lost tax revenue which can be argued to be a direct cost of theroad users. The automobile is a primary road user. The following equation shows how a veryrough estimate can be made in determining the taxable revenue lost on account of streets.If Tax Revenue of (Residential + Industry + Commercial) is 51 % of land 2 andgenerates a tax revenue of $272,131,900, then tax revenue of 28% of the landshould be as follows:$272,131,900/0.51 x 0.28 = $149,405,750.Although the above equation is simplified, it does give some indication of what sort of valueroads are to the city. In actual fact, the 28 percent of the land devoted to streets is the city'sright of way and includes sidewalks and boulevards, land that is not devoted entirely to theautomobile.2 Residential, industrial and commercial land uses are the primary land uses that generatetax revenue. In Vancouver, as depicted in Table 2, they respectively represent 39%, 8% and4% of the land. The other land uses listed in Table 2 are generally not taxed or experienceextremely low tax rates.20The Peat Marwick study has estimated the value of Vancouver's roadway at $18,692,289,000.This value is based on a municipal average assessed value of $6,237,000 per hectare (computedfrom Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B28b). The study acknowledges that assessed land value varieswidely throughout the municipality. The average land value may not be representative of theneighbouring land values. In order to attempt a more accurate estimation of road land values,the city has been divided into three zones: Eastside, Westside and Downtown.In calculating property taxes lost to the city, Table 4 assumes that Westside and Eastside arehomogeneously residential and that the Downtown is homogeneously commercial. In fact, thisis not the case. The residential areas are interspersed with commercial streets. AverageWestside and Eastside commercial property values were calculated to be $20,600,000 per hectareand $8,690,000 per hectare respectively (see Appendix 1 - Compilation of B.C. AssessmentAuthority Figures). The roads servicing commercial properties located within residentialcommunities would be valued and taxed at a much higher rate than roads servicing residentialproperties only. As commercial space makes up only 4 percent of Vancouver's area (see Table2) and much of that would be located in the downtown area, it is felt that the omission of thenon-downtown commercial strips does not detract severely from the estimation of tax revenuelost and in fact, as previously discussed, serves to naturally discount the value of road land inthe city.In Vancouver, according to Table 4, the tax revenue lost on account of roads is $100,558,322.This figure may be slightly exaggerated because it does not consider tax credits, such as the$10,000 credit given to businesses or the $1000 credit given to homeowners (BC AssessmentAuthority, 1993 Completed Roll Copy). Since the estimated amount of actual street area is 204421hectares or 17 percent of the total Vancouver area, and since 51 percent of the land producedtaxable income of $272 million, then if streets were taxable, the street taxable revenue wouldbe $91 million.' The $100 million figure will be used as the value of lost road land tax revenuein later calculations.It is important to note that if the city could collect tax revenue for roads, the current rate ofproperty tax would be reduced. Road land value expressed by lost tax revenue is unrealisticsince the city would never receive tax revenue from the roads. In this thesis, road land valueis expressed in terms of lost tax revenue because tax revenue is determined on an annual basis.The annual amount of lost tax revenue can be added to the annual expenditures in the city budgetto determine a total annual automobile expense figure. The fictitious lost tax revenue value of$100 million for Vancouver roads is overwhelming. It demonstrates that if a system weredevised to tax either road users or property owners adjacent to roads, then the property taxeson the currently taxed land parcels would decrease by roughly one-third ($272 million - $100million).As the Peat Marwick study describes, roads have many users including public transit vehicles,emergency vehicles, bicycles, and private automobiles so the computed lost tax revenue is notentirely attributable to the private automobile (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B27). To determine theautomobile's share, the other road users must be identified and the total cost discounted by theamount of their road use.3 Based on the previous calculation this is derived as follows: $272 million/0.51 x 0.17 =$91 million.22Table 4: Vancouver Road ValuesZoneWithinCityLandAreaExcludingStreets &Lanes(ha)Percentage ofVancouver'sArea( 1 )Estimatedarea ofZone'sStreets(ha) (2)ApproximateLand Value($/ha)(3)ValueofStreets($mill.)1992TaxRate(4)ApproximateTax RevenueLost to City($)Eastside 3711.1 44.50% 909.80 $5,430,000 $4,940 0.33% $16,484,551Westside 3859.3 46.30% 946.60 $8,790,000 $8,321 0.33% $27,764,327Downtown 361.6 4.3% (9%) 184.01 $19,590,000 $3,605 1.56% $56,309,443Stanley 37.9 4.9% (0.2%) 4.09 $6,237,000 $26 0.00% $0ParkVancouver 7969.9 100.00% 2,044.50 $6,237,000 $12,752 $100,558,322Total (5)Source: Compiled from Selected Land Use Characteristics, 1973.Notes:(1) As the downtown street network is more concentrated than the rest of the city, and sinceStanley Park has very little area devoted to roads, the two zones were combined and thepercentage in brackets was used to estimate the area of land devoted to streets in these twozones.(2) The zone's street area is determined by multiplying the zone's percentage of total city areaby 2044.5 ha, the total area of Vancouver's streets.(3) Approximate land values for Eastside, Westside and Downtown are calculated in Appendix1. The approximate land value of $6,237,000 used for Stanley Park and Vancouver Total is theVancouver figure calculated and used by Peat Marwick (1993, p. B28b).(4) The City of Vancouver 1992 Operating Budget lists the general residential tax levy and taxrate as $3.3368 per $1000 of taxable value and the business tax levy and rate as $15.6213 per$1000 of taxable value. As the roads within Stanley Park are within non-taxable parkland, theseroads do have a land value but do not represent lost taxable income to the city.(5) The estimated street area (column 4) of "Vancouver Total" does not equal the street arealisted in Table 2 because in this case, only roadway is being considered, not the entire right-of-way.23One method of doing this is to identify what is truly excess road provided solely for theautomobile. According to Bob Ross of the City Engineering Department, average city road lanewidths are 3.0 to 3.35 metres wide (conversation with Bob Ross, Streets EngineeringDepartment, City of Vancouver, Streets Engineer, February 1, 1993). The Lions' Gate Bridgehas lanes that are 2.96 metres wide, a width reported to be dangerously narrow (BritishColumbia Transportation & Highways, 1992, p. 5). Personal observation verifies this. It hasbeen proposed to widen the lanes to 3.55 metres (British Columbia Transportation & Highways,1992, p. 5). For the purpose of this report, an average safe arterial lane width is identified as3.25 metres and local road lane width as 3.0 metres.If the number of automobiles used on city streets were decreased, the number of alternatetransportation mode vehicles would presumably increase. The number and width of road laneswould probably remain constant. An arterial road in Vancouver tends to be 4 to 6 lanes wide.Those that are 6 lanes wide, allow one lane per direction to be used for parking during certaintime periods. These "parking lanes" can be considered solely an automobile cost, as they areprimarily used by moving automobiles during peak hours and by parked automobiles in the non-peak hours. A base arterial road system is thus calculated to be 4 lanes at 3.25 metres or 13metres wide. Table 3 shows that Vancouver's arterial roads are 15 metres wide, or 2 metreswider than necessary.Local roads currently allow two lanes of parking and one lane in the centre for vehiclemovement. Two lanes are required for service and emergency vehicles. It is believed that anadequate local base service road would be 6.0 metres wide, that is, 2 lanes of 3.0 metre widths.Vancouver's local road system is 4.0 metres wider than necessary.24The Peat Marwick study suggests that a road of 7.0 metres is adequate to provide basic access(Peat Marwick, 1993, p. 28). This seems reasonable for local roads but not for arterial roadssince, as discussed, a decrease in car use would provide a need for an increase in service andtransit vehicles.In North America, back lanes are a characteristic of newer Western cities. Calgary, Vancouverand Edmonton have them; Halifax, Ottawa and Montreal do not. Thus, it can be argued thatback lanes are unnecessary. They act as service entrances for properties, a use that can certainlybe managed by the front street. The city lane area of 423 hectares is a cost to the car. Theexcess road land devoted to the automobile is calculated as follows:Arterial roads:^2 m x 373 km = 74.6 haLocal roads: 4 m x 1062 km = 424.8 haLanes:^6 m x 705 km = 423.0 haTotal area ofexcess roads: 922.4 haAs 922.4 hectares or 45 percent of Vancouver's existing roads can be attributed to theautomobile, the cost of the car to Vancouver in lost taxable revenue of excess road land is$45,264,600. Cars also contribute to some of the costs of the remaining base service roads.This cost can only be determined by factoring out the car's proportion of road use from all roadusers.The literature does not differentiate between types of vehicle traffic. It either attributes all roadcosts to the automobile (Hanson, 1992, p. 65) or sums the total cost of the maintenance,25construction and land value of the road to calculate the cost per vehicle kilometre which includestrucks (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. 25). It is novel to determine the car's share of road costs.Conversations with city and transit staff revealed information helpful in calculating the car'sshare of road land costs. An average of 6 percent of vehicular traffic on Vancouver's arterialroads is trucks and 2-3 percent is buses (conversation with Rob Hodgins, Vancouver EngineeringDepartment, February 25, 1993). A BC Transit bus is 12 metres long (conversation with RobinBjorge, BC Transit, Engineering Department, February, 25, 1993) and an average personalautomobile is estimated to be 4.8 metres long.To simplify the calculations, it is assumed that buses and trucks are similar in length and havethe length equivalent of 2.5 automobiles. For every 100 vehicles on the road, the 9 that are busand truck traffic on arterial roads are comparable in length to 23 automobiles while 91 areautomobiles. So, virtually, the equivalent of one-quarter of the vehicles on arterial roads is non-automobile traffic. Automobiles are thus assumed to use three-quarters of arterial road space.Of the 560 hectares of arterial road in Vancouver, 74.6 hectares have been already assumed tobe attributable to automobiles. Of the roughly 485 hectares of arterial road that is sharedbetween cars and other vehicles, cars use 75 percent of the area. Thus, 364 hectares (75% x485 ha) of the base arterial road service is used by automobiles. To determine the cost toVancouver of the 364 hectares, or 18 percent of total Vancouver road area, the total $100million (see Table 4) of lost tax revenue is multiplied by 18 percent. The automobile land costof Vancouver's basic arterial road service is $18,100,000.26To determine the car's portion of local road use, assumptions must be made. In the residentialareas of Vancouver one block may contain twenty houses and each household may make anaverage of two car trips per day. Thus, the block experiences 280 automobile trips per week.As residences are serviced by garbage trucks, moving vans, delivery trucks, school buses andemergency vehicles, local roads are used to a minor extent by non automobile traffic. If aresidential block is visited by four service vehicles per week, the car-length equivalent is 10 tripsper week. Thus, 96 percent (280/290) of the vehicle trips on the block are made byautomobiles. Of the 637 hectares that are considered basic local service (1062 ha - 425 ha), theautomobile's portion is 611 hectares (96% x 637 ha) or 30 percent of total Vancouver road area.The automobile cost of Vancouver's local road service is $30,167,000.In Vancouver, the cost of road land, in terms of lost tax revenue, that is attributable to theautomobile is calculated to be $93,531,600. Just over half of this cost ($48 million) is devotedto the car's share of a basic access road system. The remainder is an excess automobile-onlyattributable cost.4.1.2 ParkingParking is a lucrative business for the City of Vancouver. Not only does it receive revenue fromparking meters and parking fines but, on private property, if private individual parking garagesare added or improved, the assessed value of the property increases and the city can collect moreproperty taxes. Parking, however does have opportunity costs and severe societal implicationsassociated with it. Parking is described by Martin Wachs as a transportation "cost item which27is priced so as to encourage rather than discourage auto use" (Wachs, 1981, p. 246). In thissection the cost of parking to the city will be determined.Parking is a mixed blessing to the city. The revenue generated by parking meters and parkingfines is important, but the costs, which are often hidden, are great. Parking is either a publicor private cost. The private costs of parking refer to the cost to car owners of parking theirvehicles at home (i.e., maintaining the driveway), work (i.e., monthly parking fees) and play(i.e. parking fees at entertainment, recreation or shopping facilities) and the cost to businessesproviding "free" or revenue parking facilities. North Americans are accustomed to "freeparking" at non-downtown commercial and industrial facilities. "Free parking" is a misnomer.The actual cost of the parking, which includes land value and parking stall construction andmaintenance, is passed to customers through hidden means like higher consumer good prices.The public cost of parking includes not only the land value, construction and maintenance of cityowned parking lots but also decrease in the city's environmental quality as land becomes pavedwith parking which in turn encourages more car use.The amount of money collected by Vancouver parking meters in 1992 was $4.2 million dollars.An additional $5.4 million dollars in parking fines was paid in 1992 by people who did not feedthe parking meters (John Skinner, "Numbers," The Vancouver Sun, Saturday January 23, 1993,p. B1). The costs of parking to the city far outweigh these benefits.In 1979, the City Engineering Department conducted a parking inventory study in the VancouverCentral Business District. In the Downtown Peninsula a grand total of 41,634 public and privatesector owned parking spots were counted. This number includes 2659 curb side meter stalls and281085 curb side free stalls. Of the remaining stalls, 16,320 were located in surface parking lotsand the rest (31,824) were in parking structures. The inventory only includes employee andtransient parking spaces. It does not include private residential parking lots and spaces(Downtown Parking Standards, 1979, p. 23). Although the study is old and the numbers havemost likely increased and shifted to show a greater number of structure parking stalls, the pointremains that parking spaces cumulatively have a huge space requirement of downtown land.City of Vancouver owned parking spaces are found throughout the city. Parking is provided tostaff and visitors of many city operations, including police, fire and municipal hall. The cityoperates parkades in the downtown that are leased to the Downtown Parking Corporation but areowned by the city. Tax exempt property in the City of Vancouver that is used for parks andrecreation or non-market housing is also a source of city owned parking spots that haveopportunity costs associated with them.The Peat Marwick study defines Government subsidized parking as "the opportunity cost of landused by government facilities to provide free parking to employees and visitors, and the costsinvolved with financing and maintaining a parking lot" (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B19). Thestudy estimates that all parking provided by governments is likely to be on surface lots as thecapital costs for such lots are considerably cheaper than other lots. Peat Marwick estimates thecapital costs of building a parking stall at $1500 for surface level, $13,000 for above groundparkade and $30,000 for below ground parkade. The capital costs correlate to estimated annualdepreciation, financing and maintenance costs of $360 per surface parking stall, $2,180 perabove ground parkade and $4,830 per below ground parkade (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B17).29Space for parking is a cost of the car in society. It is difficult to determine the line between citycosts and society or individual cost. For example, if a family owns a single family home andchooses to convert the backyard into a four car parking garage, of what concern is that to thecity? That family has expressed their priorities to the community. They would rather housetheir automobiles than have outdoor living space for themselves. But their choice does have aneffect on the neighbouring environment. The neighbours have a lessened "green" view, theproperty has less natural ground for water absorbtion which may result in neighbourhoodflooding problems and the greater provision for automobiles means more traffic in the area. Oncity owned property, the situation is magnified. If the city chooses to build parking lots overcreating open space, the entire community is forced to live with that decision.Schools and churches are tax exempt properties. It is common that these land uses devote someportion of the land to parking. The more parking spots on the land parcel, the less aestheticallypleasing the property becomes. More parking spots means less room for public amenities suchas playgrounds or visually pleasing open space. The parking stalls on these properties can belinked to a decline in the neighbours' quality of life. Parking also has an environmental cost tosociety. Natural drainage is affected when land is sealed with asphalt.According to staff at Guardian Angels Church in the West End, land used for religious purposesis tax exempt. The land on which the church sits is exempt from property taxes but the churchowned land used for other purposes (parking, priest residence, etc.) is not. The church is ableto pay reduced property taxes on some of the excess facilities if it can prove that the facility isused on occasion for religious purposes. Parking falls in that category as it is used by peopleparking to attend religious functions (conversation with church secretary, Guardian Angels30Church, February 17, 1993). In general, church parking is a cost to the church to install,maintain and pay city taxes.In the case of schools, regardless of whether there are 100 parking spots on the property or justone, the entire property is tax exempt. Schools are under provincial domain and any cost ofproviding parking on school property is a provincial responsibility. There are no directmunicipal costs associated with school property; there are, however, hidden costs such asenvironmental degradation which will be discussed in Chapter 5. The land value of the schoolparking stalls cannot really be considered because the land would be exempt from taxesregardless of what land use the school devoted it to. The same argument can be used for thechurches. Church parking land, if devoted to another use, could still be considered land usedfor religious purposes and thus, still have reduction in taxes.The cost of parking on both school and church properties could be described in terms of declinein quality of life because it encourages more traffic in the areas and is not as visually pleasingas other land uses. As it is impossible to put a price tag on such costs, the number of parkingstalls located on school and church properties in Vancouver was not determined.The remainder of this section will determine the cost of city provided parking. City HousingParking associated with social housing is considered a cost to the city attributable to theautomobile. Because North American society is hooked on the automobile, even people who31cannot afford market housing feel that automobiles are a necessity in their lives. If theautomobile had less of an influence on society, the money spent towards parking in socialhousing could be devoted to other things like more units or other amenities for the residents.According to Cameron Gray of the city's Housing Group, there are 18,212 social housing unitsin the city in 323 housing projects. Of these, 27 percent are co-op units and 73 percent are non-profit seniors and family housing. Gray assumes that the split between seniors and family is halfand half. Parking facilities in these projects assume the following parking stall to housing unitratio:Co-op 1:1Senior 1:6Family 1:2From the ratios it is calculated there are about 9349 parking stalls contained within the socialhousing projects. The average number of stalls per housing project is 29. Gray believes that40 percent of the stalls are surface parking and the rest are underground parking stalls(conversation with Cameron Gray, City Housing Department, January 28, 1993).Surface parking calculation:40% of 323 projects = 129 projects^29 stalls each = 3747 parking stallsUnderground parking calculation:60% of 323 projects = 194 projects @ 29 stalls each = 5620 parking stallsAccording to personal calculations and information confirmed by Bob Ross of the CityEngineering Department, right angle city parking stalls are 18 feet by 8 feet in area. Theiraccess aisle is 22 feet wide (conversation with Bob Ross, Streets Engineering Department, City32of Vancouver, February 1, 1993). A parking spot is calculated to be 21.6 square metres.' ThePeat Marwick study uses a figure of 38.6 square metres as the area of parking spaces (PeatMarwick, 1993, p. B18). Although it is recognized that the parking entrance driveway has notbeen accounted for, the Peat Marwick figure still appears to be exaggerated. For ease ofcalculation purposes and to attempt to account for the entrance driveway, 25.0 square metreswill be used as the area of one city parking stall.Area used for parking in housing projects:Surface = 3741 x 25 m 2 = 93,525 m 2 = 9.4 haUnderground = 5620 x 25 m 2 = 140,500 m2 = 14.0 haFor surface lots, the capital costs of building each stall is $1500. This is translated to an annualdepreciation, finance and maintenance cost of $360 per stall (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B17). Theresidential tax rate is 0.33 percent (1992 Operating Budget, p. 1).Cost of surface stalls:Finance and maintenance: 3741 x $360 = $1,346,760Land Value: 9.4 ha x $6,237,000/ha 5 = $58.6 millionLost city tax revenue: $58.6 million x 0.33% = $193,472Again it must be noted that the calculation for lost tax revenue is used only as a method ofassigning a dollar value to the city opportunity cost of parking. The social housing propertieswill not generate tax revenues as long as the properties remain social housing. So, if the parking4 (18 ft x 8 ft) + (22 ft/2 x 8 ft) = 232 ft 2 ;1 ft2 = 0.093 m2 ; 232 ft2/ ft2 x 0.093 m2 = 21.6 m25 This is the figure used by Peat Marwick (1993, p. B28b) as Vancouver's average assessedland value.33areas had another land use such as other dwelling units or open space for property residents, theproperty would remain tax exempt.The costs of underground parking are calculated in the same manner as those for surfaceparking. Underground parking stalls are said to cost $30,000 to build. If the finance andmaintenance costs of a surface stall is said to be $360 per year at a 10 percent interest rate, thenthe same costs for an underground stall are understood to be in the order of $3,200. The PeatMarwick study uses a figure of $4,830 which seems inflated (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B17).The cost of Vancouver's non-market housing underground parking is estimated to be as follows:Finance & maintenance: 5620 stalls x $3200 = $17,984,000Land value: 14.0 ha x 0 = 0 6Other factors to consider when calculating city housing parking costs were found in the CityBudget. Barclay Heritage Park, a co-op housing project, receives parking revenue of $45,000(Statement of Revenues, Expenditures and Encumbrances, 1992, p. 64, hereafter referred to as"Statement of Revenues") and employee parking in non-market housing projects is given a budgetof $800 (Statement of Revenues, 1992, p. 71). This parking net revenue of $44,200 must besubtracted from the calculated costs.6 Assessed value of land is based on surface land. Anything built underground adds valueto the land improvements but not to the land itself. Since, in the case of underground parking,the underground cannot be used for anything but parking there are no lost opportunity costs.That is, if the parking was not there, there would be nothing there. More housing units orpublic park land could not be built in the place of underground parking. The greater assessedvalue associated with underground parking could be argued to cost the city lost tax revenue.However, the city could only cash in on the improvements if the social housing became markethousing and was no longer tax exempt. This is unlikely.344.1.2.2 City Hall Employee and Visitor ParkingClyde Hosein of the city's Facilities Development Department provided information on thenumber of city owned parking stalls associated with City Hall (conversation with Clyde Hosein,January 27, 1993).Cambie Street Garage^230 stalls10th Avenue^172 stallsCity Hall 179 stallsTotal^ 581 stallsThe Cambie Street Garage is located in an area with 0 FSR (floor space ratio). The garage islocated underground and is able to maintain open space above it. As with the social housing,land value is considered to be $0 because nothing else can be located in its place. The annualcost to the city of the 230 underground city stalls is 230 x $3200 = $736,000 for financing andmaintenance.The remaining 351 parking stalls are in the form of surface parking. The 1992 City Budget listsan expense of $4800 for City Hall parking lot maintenance. In August, that budget had alreadybeen exceeded by $6953 (Statement of Revenue, 1992, p. 50). Using the business tax rate of1.56 percent and the maintenance budget of $4800 already considered in the city budget, theircost is determined as follows:351 x 25 m2 = 8775 m 2 = 0.88 haFinance and maintenance: (351 x $360) - $4,800 = $121,560Land Value: 0.88 ha x $6,237,000/ha = $5.49 millionLost city tax revenue: $5.49 million x 1.56% = $85,622354.1.2.3 Police DepartmentParking provision for the police department is as follows (source: conversation with ClydeHosein, Facilities Development, January 27, 1993):official police vehicles^254 stallspolice member parking^351 stallsvisitor parking^12 stallsTotal^617 stallsIn determining the police parking cost, an amount of $1800 is subtracted from the maintenancecalculation as this figure is included in the police budget under "maintenance of parking lot -Detention & Services Section" (Statement of Revenues, 1992, p. 120). If it is assumed that allpolice parking is in surface lots, then the cost calculations are as follows:617 x 25 m2 = 15,425 m2 = 1.54 haFinance and maintenance: (617 x $360) - $1800 = $220,320Land Value: 1.54 ha x $6,237,000/ha = $9.6 millionLost City Tax Revenue: 1.56% x $9.6 million = $149,838The "official police vehicle" stalls cause concern as to whether or not they really are anautomobile cost. The question has been resolved with "yes." As has been previously stated,Vancouver's design has created the need for city services to use automobiles. The police forcehas just reverted to using a bicycle squad as it did at the turn of the century before cars had beenintroduced to Vancouver (Taylor, 1984). Thus, it is and was possible to patrol a denselypopulated city with minimal vehicle usage. Therefore, the total number of police parking stallscontributing to the cost of the automobile is left at 617.36Abandoned vehicles is another police parking cost. According to the police department thereare now approximately 175 parking stalls in the abandoned vehicle lot (conversation withAbandoned Auto police department staff, February 4, 1993). Abandoned automobiles are towedaway from city streets at a cost to the city. These costs will be considered under the social costof policing the automobile. The police department accounts for $400 in their 1992 budget tomaintain the abandoned vehicle parking lot (Statement of Revenues, 1992, p. 119). This valuedoes not consider any financing or initial capital costs of the lot. The actual 1992 cost to thecity for the parking consideration of abandoned vehicles are calculated as follows:175 x 25 m2 = 4,375 m 2 = 0.44 haFinance and maintenance: (175 x $360) - $400 = $62,600Land Value: 0.44 ha x $6,237,000/ha = $2.7 millionLost City Tax Revenue: 1.56% x $2.7 million = $42,811The Police Department budget also accounts for costs of $22,700 for Vancouver MunicipalityRegional Employee's Union (VMREU) parking and $189,900 for police employee parking; andrevenues of $11,200 for police parking and $13,400 for VMREU parking (Statement ofRevenues, 1992, p. 95). The shortfall is $188,000, another cost to the city on account ofautomobile parking. Fire DepartmentParking information for the city fire departments was not readily available. From personalobservations, in Vancouver it appears that most firefighters park their personal vehicles on thestreets adjacent to the firehall. This on-street parking has already been considered in street landvalues.37As firefighting vehicles are emergency vehicles that would most likely be in existence had thecity been designed differently (i.e., not dependent on the automobile), the storage of thesevehicles is not considered a cost associated with the private automobile. Firefighting vehiclesdiffer from police vehicles in that firefighters are responding to emergencies while patrollingpolice officers are playing more of a "preventative" role in keeping the community safe. Ifpolice are responding to an emergency, it is often with the accompaniment of an ambulance orfire vehicle.Cases, such as the West End Firehall, are noted where the firehall has a few on-site parkingspaces. These spots rarely are occupied by cars. The firefighters prefer to use the land forrecreation. Since the land has a more frequent alternate use, it has not been deemed as landallotted to the automobile.Thus, on account of lack of data as well as justification not to consider firehall parking costs,these costs have been omitted. Downtown ParkingIn downtown Vancouver, the city controls eight parking lots which are operated by theDowntown Parking Corporation (DPC). Of these lots, six are owned by the city. These city-owned lots represent a total of 2017 parking stalls (City Engineering Report to Council,November 28, 1991). According to the Engineering Department, the DPC is operated like aprivate company and is required to pay city taxes (amounts to $737,600 per year Statement of38Revenues, 1992, p. 11) This operation makes money for the city (conversation with BobMacDonald, Parking Engineer, City of Vancouver, January 11, 1993).Table 5: Summary of Downtown Parking Corporation FacilitiesAddress of DPCPropertyPropertyArea(sq m)LandValue($1000's)Improvements'Value ($1000's)NumberofParkingStallsAverageland value($ /sq m)535 Hornby 1,952 $9,943 $172 373 $5,094523-535 Richards 1,673 $2,700 $2,900 347 $1,61465-69 W Cordova 1,661 $1,161 $9 60 $699101-107 E Cordova 1,417 $961 $1,144 376 $678505 Beatty 4,802 $7,659 $244 524 $1,595520 W Georgia 2,509 $5,400 $97 337 $2,152TOTAL 14,014 $27,824 $4,566 2,017 $1,972Source: BC Assessment Authority, 1993 Completed Roll CopyThe B.C. Assessment Authority was able to provide data on the six city-owned downtown lots.The total land area of the lots is 14,014 square metres or 1.4 hectares. The total land value isassessed by the Authority to be $27,824,000. This value confirms the accuracy of the previouslydetermined approximate downtown land value of $19.59 million per hectare since multiplying1.4 hectares by $19.59 million yields $27.4 million. Table 5 summarizes the DPC information.The majority of DPC parking stalls are located in above ground parkades. Only the 60 stallsin the 65-69 W. Cordova Street lot are located at surface level. Incidently, average parking stallarea can be calculated, using the Cordova Street lot particulars, to be 1661 square metres divided39by 60 stalls or 27.68 square metres per stall. This shows the previously used figure of 25.0square metres per parking stall to be underestimated but reasonably accurate.The capital costs of building an above ground parkade are estimated at $13,000 per parking stall(Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B17). Yearly financing at 10 percent and maintenance are estimatedto be $1500 per stall. Again, the surface stall yearly cost is $360.Above ground parkade stalls:2017 x $1500 =^$3,025,500Surface stalls:60 x $360 =^$21,600TOTAL $3,047,100These yearly maintenance costs are not a cost to the city since DPC is operating the parking astheir business. DPC is collecting revenue for parking and must pay the costs of maintaining thefacilities.Much of the cost of downtown parking to the city is in the form of opportunity costs. That is,if the DPC land was being used for other purposes, the land may have a higher assessed valueand could thus, collect more taxes. Availability of parking in the downtown also has associatedhidden costs to the city. Because parking is available, people will choose to drive carsdowntown. If parking were not available, people would be forced to choose anothertransportation alternative. It can be debated that downtown parking leads to greater roadcongestion which in turn leads to both more road maintenance being required and an incentiveto provide more roads leading to the downtown area. Greater road congestion also leads to losttime for drivers and greater air pollution.40Besides the DPC taxation revenue received by the city, the budget anticipates another $155,900in "other parking property revenue" (Statement of Revenues, 1992, p. 11) which will beconsidered in determining the total cost of parking to the city. Parks and Recreation ParkingParks and recreation represent a large area of land within the city. According to GVRDDevelopment Services, Vancouver has 1443 hectares or 12 percent of its land devoted to parksand recreation (Vancouver A to Z, p. 7). Of this land some is devoted to roads and parking.As mentioned, parking encourages car use. If parking is not provided, people will be forcedto explore other transportation alternatives. Also, parking takes land away from other land uses.The Park Board operates Vancouver's parks and community centres which are tax exemptproperties (conversation with Terry Clark, Public Relations Officer, Park Board, February 3,1993). If parking spaces were not provided, the land would most likely be used for more parkso park board parking is a city loss in opportunity rather than a loss in property taxes.There are 8618 parking stalls and 26 bus stalls in the entire park and recreation system. Thefigure includes parking space provided at the 22 community centres (conversation with TerryClark, February 3, 1993). The car parking represents an area of (8618 x 25 m 2) 21.5 hectaresor 1.5 percent of the city's park and recreation land. At an average land value of $6,237,000per hectare, the Park Board provided parking represents a land value of $134,100,000.41These 8618 parking stalls are assumed to all be surface parking (personal observation). Someof the Stanley Park and Queen Elizabeth Park stalls are on-street parking which are assumed tohave the same yearly maintenance costs as the other stalls. The 1992 Park Board has a budgetof $527,800 for asphalt and drainage maintenance (Statement of Revenues, 1992, p. 270). Thus,the annual finance and maintenance cost to the city is:(8618 x $360)- $527,000 = $2,575,480.Note that this figure is exaggerated because the number of Park Board on-street parking stallsis unknown and the maintenance of these stalls will be considered again under road infrastructurecosts.Some of the Park Board stalls are revenue stalls. The 1992 expected Park Board parking meterrevenue is $332,500 less some parking rental fees of $7300 for a total parking related revenueof $325,200 (Statement of Revenues, 1992, pp. 296-298).Park Board parking represents a cost to the city of $2,575,480 less $325,200 for a total of$2,250,280. The land opportunity costs increase the figure. As parkland tends to be locatedin residential ares, the land opportunity costs are determined using the residential taxable rateof 0.33 percent.One note of encouragement is that in 1993, the Park Board has decided to eliminate on a trialbasis several Stanley Park on-street parking to devote the area to bicycle use (conversation withTerry Clark, February 3, 1993). This represents a step in the direction of discouraging car usein city parks.424.1.2.7 Parking MetersParking meters are located on streets throughout the downtown and commercial areas of the city.The costs associated with parking meters as well as the revenue gained from them belong to thecity. There are no land costs associated with Vancouver's parking meter program because on-street parking land costs have been accounted for under the road cost section.Table 6 shows that 4 million dollars of city funds are devoted to parking meters and theenforcement of city parking by-laws. However, revenue from parking is an important sourceof city funds. In 1992, the revenue from parking meters and parking permits was expected tobe $4,453,200 (Statement of Revenues, p. 12). The parking meter program made the city aprofit of $434,000 in 1992.This thesis aims to determine the costs of the car and not the benefits as well. In this section,the benefits of the parking meters have been included because they are such important directrevenues of the car. Including the cost of the parking meter program without including theassociated revenue would be misleading. If no monetary benefits were reaped from parkingmeters, the meter program would likely not be in force and there would be no parking metercosts.The parking meter program and parking enforcement administration are under the jurisdictionof the city's Engineering Department whereas parking revenues are listed in the revenue sectionof the city budget. Table 6 summarizes city parking meter budget information.Budget Information Budget 1992Parking meter program $1,598,600Parking administration $639,800Other parking enforcement $1,780,800parking meters 0TOTAL^$4,019,200Parking enforcement andadministrationRevenue from parking^($4,453,200)meters and parking permitswas $4,453,200Net difference between^($434,000)costs and revenuesComments- includes revenue of $52,800 forparking decal fees- includes an employee auto allowance$800- includes an employee auto allowance of$400Although, the operating budget is acredit of $270,700 (transfer fromparking meter costs), the 1992 new andnon-recurring costs for new installationsand meter rate review was the same costto the city, leaving a net of 0.This budget represents 7.0% of theentire 1992 Engineering Departmentbudget of $57,212,200.- includes parking meter revenue($4,336,200) and parking permit revenue($117,000)The city parking meter program madethe city a small profit43Table 6: Parking Meter Budget InformationSource: Statement of Revenues, Expenditures and Encumbrances, City of Vancouver, cycle 08,August 6, 1992. Parking Cost SummaryIn 1992, parking cost the City of Vancouver approximately $28 million dollars in terms offinance and maintenance, lost tax revenue and other costs. Parking revenues were $6 milliondollars. The total cost of parking facilities to the City of Vancouver was $22.5 million. Citycontrolled surface parking lots consume 35 hectares of land. Table 7 summarizes the costfindings and Table 8 summarizes the total city land area devoted to parking.44Table 7: City Parking CostsDivision ofParkingFinance &Maintenanceof SurfaceStallsLand Valueof SurfaceStalls($ million)Lost TaxRevenue(OpportunityCost)Finance &MaintenanceofUndergroundStallsOther Costsless RevenueTotalHousing $1,346,760 $58.63 $193,472 $17,984,000 ($44,200) $19,480,032City Hall $121,560 $5.49 $85,622 $736,000 $943,182Police $220,320 $9.60 $149,838 $188,000 $558,158Abandonedvehicles$62,600 $2.74 $42,811 $105,411FireDPC $27.82 ($737,600) ($737,600)Parks & $2,575,480 $134.10 $442,515 ($325,200) $2,692,795RecreationMeters ($434,000) ($434,000)Other ($155,900) ($155,900)TOTAL $4,326,720 $238.39 $914,257 $18,720,000 ($1,508,900) $22,452,077Source: Compiled from thesis sections through and Statement of Revenues,Expenditures and Encumbrances, City of Vancouver, cycle 08, August 6, 1992.Table 8: Parking Land AreaDivision of Parking Total Land Area Devotedto Surface Parking (ha)City Housing 9.40City Hall 0.88Police Department 1.54Abandoned vehicles 0.44Downtown Parking 1.40Parks & Recreation 21.55TOTAL 35.21Source: Compiled from thesis sections through and Statement of Revenues,Expenditures and Encumbrances, City of Vancouver, cycle 08, August 6, 1992.454.2 Infrastructure CostsInfrastructure costs are direct costs paid by the municipality to provide and maintain the facilitiesneeded to operate automobiles in the city. Since most of Vancouver's roads have been inexistence for some time, their cost of construction has been forgotten. However, if a disasterwere to occur and the roads needed to be rebuilt, the City of Vancouver Engineering Departmentestimates the city's total replacement value of the road system (including bridges) at over $1.5billion dollars (Capital Plan 1990-1993, Vancouver Engineering Department, p. B8).4.2.1 Infrastructure Maintenance CostsThe Peat Marwick study surmises that new road construction is initiated in response to increasedtraffic volumes (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B21). The same rationale can be applied to roadmaintenance costs. The vehicular traffic of local roads is limited to predominately automobilesand bicycles. Thus, it can be deduced that automobiles account for the bulk of local roadmaintenance. On arterial roads, commercial trucks and transit vehicles add to the usual trafficendured. As car usage increases then naturally so must the car infrastructure usage. Althoughcars are not entirely responsible for arterial road maintenance they do contribute to it.Presently, a new bridge is being built in Richmond that will span the North Arm of the FraserRiver. The four lane bridge is budgeted as a $39 million dollar project: $5 million beingcontributed by the province, the rest by the municipality of Richmond. The costs are brokendown as $22 million for the bridge itself; $10 million for land acquisition, pedestrian ramp andengineering; and the remaining $7 million for roadwork. The bridge is novel in that it includes46two sidewalks for pedestrians and leisure cyclists to share as well as two paved shoulders forcommuter cyclists (Keith Morgan, "Clearing Congestion: Building a Better Bridge," TheProvince, February 5, 1993, p. C4). Thus, the crossing has been designed for the automobileas well as for alternate forms of transportation. However, the notion of the bridge wasconceived by automobile congestion and had it not been for a perceived need by automobiles,the bridge would not be built. In the case of this new bridge, the $39 million can be attributedas an automobile cost as it can be contended that the pedestrian and bicycle facilities would notbe in place without the initial capital expenditure of the automobile infrastructure. This exampleindicates how great an expense new automobile infrastructure is on a municipality.In order to determine the costs associated with Vancouver automobile infrastructure maintenance,the City's Public Works Department (engineering) budget was examined. Table 9 summarizesthe organizations within the engineering budget that are believed to be automobile related.Table 9 shows that automobile infrastructure cost Vancouver $13,031,300 in 1992. The PeatMarwick study lists Vancouver road maintenance cost in 1991/92 as $35,469,000 lessmunicipality parking fines of $6,299,000. The study admits that the costs summarized may beoverstated and include certain public works costs (Peat Marwick, 1993, p.B26b). As the studydoes not give a breakdown of the municipality maintenance costs it is difficult to compare thetwo results.Transportation division -administrationTransportation engineeringand planningTraffic management budgetTraffic operations -administration budgetTraffic signal maintenanceRoad marking and trafficcontrol devise maintenanceTraffic sign budgetAutomobile portion ofStreets engineering budgetStreets operation budgetTotal Automobile allowancefrom all other engineeringdivisionsTotal automobilemaintenance from all otherengineering divisionsTOTAL car relatedengineering budgetTOTAL ENGINEERINGDEPARTMENT BUDGET$1,608,700 - includes $6300 for auto allowance$32,800 - includes a small revenue of $400 for bicycle plan book saleswhich indicates that it is not entirely automobile oriented$132,200 - approximately half of this budget is devoted to maintenance ofcomputer mapping which is a traffic light management car cost$418,300 - includes revenues for $12,000 for "credit from MVA claims"and $45,100 for "supervision-outside work"$996,100 - budget is transferred to electrical engineering and administeredunder "Traffic Signal Budget" (p. 149)- includes maintenance damage repairs to signals andmaintenance of the electronic traffic signal controls$519,300 - road markings include barricades, railings, traffic islands,traffic lines and traffic counters$745,500 - includes overhead for new street signs in 1992 of $41,000.- excludes non-automobile related costs: street name signs$97,600; transit system signing $15,600; and maintenance ofbicycle routes $6,200.- the total divisional budget as listed by city finance departmentis $864,900- combining the above 7 noted budgets produces the entireengineering transportation division budget of $4,572,300$4,984,500 - total budget for division is $12,037,300- includes street ice and snow control ($416,300), maintenance ofbridges and viaducts ($420,300), roads and lanes maintenance($1,509,900), some variable maintenance for crack-filling andpavement patching ($2,638,000)- excludes streets operation budget (see next row), maintenanceof non-automobile related street features (such as bus stops andshelters $47,000, and remaining general maintenance$1,325,500), some variable maintenance for sidewalks, curbs,and drain tiles ($2,487,500)$3,192,800 - includes $9,100 for auto allowance and $16,400 for automobilemaintenance$83,800 - see discussion in text$317,300 - see discussion in text$13,031,300$57,212,200 Thus, 22.7% of the city's engineering budget is devoted to themaintenance and provision of car-related infrastructureCity Budget Department Budget 1992^ Comments47Table 9: Automobile Infrastructure CostsSource: Compiled from Statement of Revenues, Expenditures and Encumbrances, City of Vancouver, cycle 08,August 6 1992)48Table 9 demonstrates how considerable both the cost of the automobile is to the EngineeringDepartment and also how important streets are to society in general. For example,approximately half of the street operation budget is devoted to non-automobile infrastructure.That is, maintenance required for sidewalks, curbs and tile drains as well as street furniture,walkways and transit stops and shelters.Automobiles account for the majority of costs in the traffic sign division operating budget. Only13.8 percent ($119,400) of the traffic sign budget is not attributable to the automobile. Theobvious non-auto costs relate to transit system signing and maintaining bicycle routes. Anothernon-auto cost is street name signs. These are a societal cost of identifying the streets of the city.People, and not automobiles, need the signs in order to locate other people and services.Signage considered a cost attributable to the automobile is signage that is required to control anddirect the movement of automobiles.Within the Engineering Department there are several divisions that are not automobile relatedsuch as sewers engineering. However, within these non-auto related engineering budgets areoften staff automobile allowance and automobile maintenance expenses. These expenses aredirect automobile costs and clearly demonstrate the automobile's powerful influence onVancouver. The historical dependence on the automobile prompted the city's spread into a largegeographical area. Now in trying the manage and maintain the city, staff in all city departmentsneed to travel some distance to carry out all of their job duties. Employees are compensatedwith an automobile allowance for out-of-pocket car expenses like gas and personal vehicle wearand tear. In other cases, the city owns vehicles that are used for city business. Themaintenance of these vehicles is the city's responsibility. These extra automobile expenses49indicate how acceptable the automobile has become as a means of assisting in work duties. Hadthe city not been designed for the automobile, city employees would possibly move around theregion in a different manner like by foot or bicycle.So as not to double count automobile allowance and automobile maintenance costs in Table 9,only such expenses reported in non-auto related engineering functions were included in the table.The same expenses found within auto related engineering budgets are included in those budgetswith a note made in the "comment" column of the table.One engineering budget that is considered partially attributable to the automobile is streetlighting. The engineering street lighting maintenance and general expenses budgets total$3,955,400 (Statement of Revenues, 1992, p. 145). This budget has not been included in theTable 9 as it is believed that street lighting is not strictly an automobile expense. Theassumption being that if society did not use automobiles, street lights would still be used for thesafety and security of pedestrians and cyclists. There are some street lights possibly in existencebecause they are required to light areas prone to automobile accidents. It is believed that inVancouver such lights are rare. Street lights used primarily by automobiles are generally locatedon freeways at major cloverleaf or other intersection areas. Since Vancouver has only onefreeway, the Cassiar Connector, which is provincially owned, the number of automobile-onlystreet lights is insignificant. Thus, the street light budget is discussed here for interest sake onlyand will not be included as a part of the automobile's cost to the city.In 1993, Vancouver experienced a harsh January in terms of cold temperatures and heavy snowfall. These conditions have done considerable damage to Vancouver's roads. According to50Vancouver City Engineer Dave Rudberg, "Vancouver's aging and heavily travelled street systemis susceptible to potholes during severe cold spells." Pothole damage on local residential streetsis reported to be worse than on more heavily travelled routes because the local roads have notbeen upgraded since their original construction (Sean Magee, "Streets suffer under severe wintercold," The Vancouver Courier, January 13, 1993, p. 8). This damage may be a result of winterweather but it is compounded by automobile use on streets. As predicted earlier, local streetsrequire less maintenance on account of lower amounts of vehicular traffic. At first glanceMagee's article seems to contradict the prediction. However, upon further reflection, it isrealized he actually confirms the prediction. Since local roads experience lower traffic counts,they have not required upgrading since their original construction. The result of 1993's severewinter is that Vancouver will likely exceed its budgets for both snow removal and street repairs.The severity of this winter indicates that Table 9 records the minimum infrastructure cost of theautomobile. It seems that emergencies and unexpected maintenance will force the costs to rise.In 1992, automobile infrastructure costs for maintenance alone, as noted in Table 9, were in theorder of $13 million dollars. This figure is not entirely fair because, as with road land costs,it assumes that automobiles are the sole vehicles using the infrastructure. The true automobilecost of the infrastructure is determined by factoring out the car's proportion of road use fromall road users.As previously discussed, the literature does not differentiate between types of vehicle traffic soall infrastructure maintenance costs are reported, not just the automobile's share. Thecalculations made to determine the car's share of costs in this thesis are original. As with51determining the car's share of land costs, assumptions must be made to estimate the car's shareof road maintenance costs. Again conversations with city and transit staff were helpful indetermining a method of calculation.A BC Transit bus has a net weight of 11,370 kilograms, a gross weight of 16,485 kilograms andhas a single axle (conversation with Robin Bjorge, BC Transit, Engineering Department,February, 25, 1993). An average personal automobile is estimated to weigh 1400 kilograms.A truck can weigh more than a loaded bus but generally is less damaging to road surfacesbecause its load is spread over more axels (conversation with Bob Ross, Streets EngineeringDepartment, City of Vancouver, February 25, 1993).It is the heavy buses and trucks that cause the most damage to road surfaces. Thus roadsdesigned to regularly carry heavy vehicles must be constructed to be about four times thickerthan local roads (conversation with Bob Ross, Streets Engineering Department, City ofVancouver, February 25, 1993). Also, to mitigate damage caused by heavy buses regularlywaiting at the same road spot, concrete pads are placed in the asphalt at bus stops. Theconcrete, which is more expensive than asphalt, is an expense attributable to buses (conversationwith Clive Rock, Manager of Engineering, City of Richmond, February 25, 1993). It isassumed from Table 9 that this cost has already been considered as the automobile portion ofthe streets engineering budget excludes maintenance of bus stops and shelters.Other significant information is as follows:• In the United States, local roads are considered under used as "they provide 80 percentof the lane miles of roadway nationally" but carry only 15 percent of vehicle mileage(Cervaro, 1989, cited in Hanson, 1992, p. 66).52• In Vancouver, 73 percent of the road lane area is made up of local roads and backlanes.'Although maintenance costs of local roads may be presumed to be insignificant based onMagee's information that most of Vancouver's lightly travelled roads have not been upgradedsince original construction (Magee, The Vancouver Courier, January 13, 1993), somemaintenance must occur, like for example, road repair after a severe winter causes roadpavement upheaval. The U.S. finding of local roads carrying 15 percent of vehicle mileage canbe used to estimate local road maintenance costs. Of the $13 million dollars spent oninfrastructure maintenance, 15 percent is assumed to occur on local roads which translates to$1.95 million. Since local roads are not constructed to accommodate heavy vehicles, and sincethe heavy vehicle use is minor, the total $1.95 million is considered attributable to automobiles.To simplify the calculations of arterial road maintenance, it is assumed that buses and trucks aresimilar in weight and have a weight equivalent of 10 automobiles.' The weight of the 9 percentof bus and truck traffic on arterial roads is comparable to the weight of 90 automobiles. So,non-automobile traffic weight is similar to the weight of the 91 percent of automobile traffic onarterial roads. Automobiles are thus assumed to contribute to one-half of arterial roadmaintenance.' Derived from Table 3 as follows: 1062.0 ha (local roads) + 423.0 ha (lanes) = 1485 ha.1485 ha/2044.5 ha (total road area) = 72.6%.8 This is based on the assumption that cars weigh 1400 kg and buses weigh 14,000 kg (i.e,between 11,370 kg and 16,485 kg).53If local road maintenance is $1.95 million, the remaining budget for arterial road maintenanceis $11.05 million. Half of this budget, or $5.5 million can be attributed to cars. The total carattributable road maintenance cost is 7.45 million dollars.4.2.2 Infrastructure Capital CostsThe true cost of infrastructure should also consider an amortized amount of the original capitalcosts of providing the infrastructure. For example, in 1984, city electors authorized a $35million contribution for the construction of the Cambie Bridge. The contribution was made overa period of several years. Other funds from senior governments were also contributed(Financial Statements and Annual Report, 1991, p. 84).The city considers recent acquisition expenses in its "debt charges" and "capital purpose"budgets. The 1992 budget for such expenses was approximately 80 million dollars (Statementof Revenues, 1992, pp. 376-378). The 1991 budget indicates that 25 percent of the capitalexpenditure budget was spent on streets, lanes, sidewalks and Cambie Bridge. The 1992 newinfrastructure expenditures are thus estimated to be $20 million.The Peat Marwick study similarly found the 1991/2 Vancouver municipal capital roadconstruction costs to be $19,172,000 or 19.6 percent of all the regional municipality capitalconstruction costs (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B24b). The net municipal costs for the region,which combined interest expenses on historical capital costs and 1991/2 municipal capital costs;and deducted provincial subsidies, was determined to be $345.52 million (Peat Marwick, 1993,54p. B23). 9 Vancouver's share (19.6 percent of $345.52 million) is calculated to be $67.8million.To determine the car's share of capital construction costs of $67.8 million, facts and assumptionsof road thickness and cost must be made. The City of Vancouver uses an eight inch standardasphalt thickness on arterial roads and a two inch asphalt thickness on local roads. Arterialroads that carry buses are asphalted to a nine inch thickness (conversation with Bob Ross, StreetsEngineering Department, City of Vancouver, February 25, 1993). So, certainly one inch ofasphalt is not attributable to automobiles on arterial roads. For ease of calculating roadconstruction cost, it is assumed that all Vancouver arterial roads carry buses so all are made 9inches thick. It is further assumed that each inch of road thickness has the same cost to build.That is, the average cost per inch of pavement thickness is assumed rather than the marginalcosts of each inch of pavement thickness. Thus, each hectare of arterial road construction isexpected to cost 4.5 times the comparable construction of a two inch thick local road.If each hectare of arterial road is 4.5 times more expensive than each hectare of local road, thenthe cost of constructing 560 hectares (from Table 3) of arterial road is equivalent to the cost ofconstructing 2520 hectares (4.5 x 560 ha) of local road. There are 1485 hectares of real localroad (including lanes) in Vancouver. So, 63 percent of the $68 million capital cost of roads is'Note: this figure does not consider "recoveries" as the Peat Marwick study did because themunicipality of Vancouver did not report any.55spent on arterial roads. The figures work out to be $42.8 million for arterial roads and $25.2million for local roads.'To accommodate heavy vehicles, arterial roads are constructed to be one inch thicker thanneeded for solely automobile use. One-ninth of the arterial road thickness is not attributable tocars. Once arterial road area has been converted to equivalent local road area cost, the cost ofeach hectare of road construction can be determined as follows:1485 ha + 2520 ha = 4005 ha$68 million/4005 ha = $0.017 million/haArterial Roads:2520 ha x $0.017 million/ha = $42.8 millionThe extra inch of asphalt attributed to transit has a cost of: $42.8 million/9 inches= $4.8 million/inchRemaining arterial road cost: $42.8 million - $4.8 million = $38 millionLocal Roads:1485 ha x $0.017 million/ha = $25.2 millionAgain, since other traffic uses the city roads, the car's share of road use must be determined.This share is determined by referring to the calculations made in section 4.1.1. Buses and truckswere calculated to use 25 percent of the 485 hectares of arterial road used by all traffic. Thisworks out to be 121 hectares and 21.6 percent of the total (560 ha) amount of Vancouver arterialroad.Arterial Roads:Other traffic accounts for: 21.6% x $38 million = $8.2 millionCar's share: $38 million - $8.2 million = $29.8 million10 1485 ha of real local roads and lanes + 2520 ha of equivalent-to-local arterial roads =4005 ha.2520 ha/ 4005 ha = 63% of costs spent on arterial roads.Capital costs of arterial roads is 63% x $68 million = $42.8 million; and of local roads is37% x $68 million = $25.2 million.56For local roads, automobiles were found to use 611 hectares as basic service, 425 hectares asexcess service and all of the lane area (423 ha). The car uses 1459 hectares of the total 1485hectares of local road in Vancouver or 98 percent.Local Roads:Cars account for: 98% x $25.2 million = $24.8 millionThe total automobile share of road capital cost is calculated to be $54.6 million dollars."4.3 Social CostsPollution Probe identified policing and court costs as direct social costs of the automobile(Pollution Probe, 1991, p. 44). The regulation of parking and driving infractions is both costlyand time consuming to the court system and cannot be omitted in a comprehensive automobilecost study. Courts are, however, under provincial jurisdiction so their costs are not includedin this study. Policing costs are a direct municipal responsibility and thus, Vancouver's car-related police expenses are reported in Table 10.As noted in Table 10, automobiles account for 5 percent of the entire Vancouver PoliceDepartment operation costs. The car does contribute some revenue to the city, often in the formof fines administered to car owners. These car-related revenues are included in the budgets.The 4.5 million dollar police cost represents the shortfall between car-related expenses andrevenues." Local road capital cost of $24.8 million + arterial road capital cost of $29.6 million.- includes revenues of $108,000 for feesand sale of vehicles- this revenue is included in the"Detention and Services Section" budget- for a discussion of this automobile costsee section 4.2 - "infrastructure costs"- as of August 6, 1992, theunencumbered balance was 47,747-- as of August 6, 1992, theunencumbered balance is 2,342,759-Total police car related costs $4,507,500Total police department^$90,363,100^- automobile related policing costs makebudget^ up 5% of the Police Department's budgetAbandoned AutoSale of Other ImpoundVehiclesAutomotiveGeneral Operating - TowingStaff Automobile AllowanceTraffic & Auxiliary DivisionTraffic Section$38,100$12,000-$4,272,100$30,000$19,200$27,200$132,900Budget Information^1992 Budget^Comments57Table 10: Automobile Related Police CostsSource: Statement of Revenues, Expenditures and Encumbrances, City of Vancouver, cycle 08,August 6, 1992.It has been questioned whether police vehicles should be considered a cost attributable to theautomobile. After all, these vehicles are necessary to protect the citizens of Vancouver fromcrime and violence. Police vehicles are not only used to patrol the city as a preventativemeasure of crime but also are needed to reach accident scenes and emergencies quickly. It isfelt that the police automobiles are made necessary by the fact that automobiles have influencedthe city's pattern of growth. For that reason, police vehicles are included as automobile coststo the city.58It is interesting to note that both the Traffic and Auxiliary Division and the Traffic Section ofthe Police Department well exceeded their allotted 1992 budget. In the case of the TrafficSection the 2.3 million dollar amount was considerable. This is an indication that the risingcosts of policing the automobiles of Vancouver are becoming more significant.The abandoned auto section of the Police Department is of interest. The Police Departmentmust remove abandoned automobiles from city property but has no jurisdiction to penalize theowners of the abandoned automobiles. In 1991, more than 2800 abandoned cars were taken offcity streets at a cost to the city. This number is likely to increase on account of higherautomobile insurance rates and a newly introduced "AirCare" system, which requires vehicleowners to pass an annual vehicle emissions test before the vehicle can be insured. Owners of"junky" vehicles may feel their personal cost of operating the vehicle has become too high tobe worthwhile (Sean Magee, "Skyrocketing insurance rates making owners jetison [sic] junkers",The Vancouver Courier, October 14, 1992, p. 5). An important note is that an increase ofautomobile owner's out of pocket automobile expenses can have a direct effect on also increasingthe city's subsidy expenses as in the case of the city's responsibility to deal with abandonedautomobiles.4.4 Human Health CostsPollution Probe identifies expenditures on road safety and health care costs as direct governmentexpenditures on the automobile. Both costs tend to be borne by federal and provincialgovernments rather than municipalities. For road safety, the annual 1990 federal government59spending on road safety, research and prevention of accidents testing was $15,161,000 (cited inPollution Probe, p. 32). Based on population, B.C.'s share is approximately $1.8 million.However, municipal expenditures on road safety in Vancouver are in the form of maintenanceand construction of road infrastructure. These costs are covered in section 4.2, "InfrastructureCosts". In fact, Vancouver electors approved a three year capital financing plan in November1990, for streets and other public works that included the following proposals: "to improve thestreet system to reduce accidents" (Financial Statements and Annual Report, December 1991,p. 86).Automobile accidents are a common occurrence in North America and have the effect of addingmore patients to an already highly used hospital system. In 1991, Vancouver recorded 39,762accidents resulting in 44 deaths and 7,953 injuries ("Vancouver's traffic police to crack downat intersections," The Vancouver Sun, November 14, 1992). Pollution Probe determinedautomobile related health costs in two manners. The first, through a breakdown of paymentsmade to Ontario's medical insurance companies and the second by summing the costs as the pathof an accident victim was traced through the hospital system. The conclusion of Pollution Probestudy was that in 1987 the cost of automobile accidents to the Ontario health care system wasin the order of $80 million dollars (Pollution Probe, p. 34). Presumably since B.C.'s populationis one-third of Ontario's, the cost of automobile related accidents to the B.C. health care systemwould be in the $30 million dollar range.An investigation into Vancouver's Health Department budget reveals that much of the$11,086,200 budget (the excess after provincial and other recoveries are considered) is related60to clinic and community care facilities. Only the $2,653,700 environmental health budget, canbe partially considered a direct cost to the city by automobiles (Statement of Revenues, 1992,p. 206).According to Doug Glenn of the Environmental Health Department, the department is dividedinto two sections: food inspection; and environmental health concerns of noise, water quality andair quality. The automobile related contributions to water and air quality health issues areprimarily handled by GVRD, while automobile noise issues (i.e., cars without mufflers) arehandled by the Vancouver Police department. The Environmental Health Department's principalhealth concerns relate to commercial, construction and nightclub noise, and indoor air qualityissues such as smoking and sick building syndrome (conversation with Doug Glenn,Environmental Health Department, February 15, 1993).Mr. Glenn indicated that one person of the thirty-five employed by the department has a liaisonposition with the GVRD air quality department providing input and looking out for Vancouver'sconcerns. This person also is involved with the Vancouver Engineering Department on projectssuch as developing alternate fuel sources for the city's vehicle fleet. It is estimated that theemployee spends 50 percent of the job on automobile related air quality concerns (conversationwith Doug Glenn, Environmental Health Department, February 15, 1993).One irony is that $9,300 plus $29,100 are included in the environmental health budget forautomobile allowance and automobile maintenance respectively (compiled from Statement ofRevenues, August 1992, pp 201-247). The rest of the health department has budgeted $637,70061for automobile allowance and $350,000 for automobile maintenance and automobile leases. So,$1,026,100 is devoted by the City Health Department to staff automobile requirements.As for the budget devoted to automobile related environmental health concerns, the remainingenvironmental health budget is $2,615,300 once automobile allowance and maintenance budgets($38,400) are excluded. Since salaries are normally the bulk of budget expenses (and in the caseof the Environmental Health Department, 64 percent) it seems reasonable that the budget bedivided by the number of employees to get a sense of what the GVRD air quality liaison positioncosts the city. Thus, 50 percent (the amount of time devoted to automobile environmentalconcerns by the employee) multiplied by 1/35 of the remaining environmental health budget is$37,361.The city's Health Department expenditure on car related activities is minimal and primarilyappertains to staff automobile usage. The Health Department's automobile associated budget iscalculated to be ($1,026,100 + $37,361 + $38,400) $1,101,861 or 9.9 percent of the HealthDepartment's budget.As for health costs associated with the automobile, the city really only spends about $37,361,a minute proportion of both the city's health budget and the amount expended by the provincialgovernment on the care of automobile accident victims. The majority of car related health costsare borne by the provincial government or private insurance companies. Thus, for the most partit is provincial tax payers funding automobile related health costs and individuals funding theirown medical insurance needs.624.5 Environmental CostsPollution Probe describes direct automobile environmental costs as government spending on theenvironment. The federal and provincial governments annually spend billions of dollarsattempting to control pollution by monitoring polluting industries, enforcing emission standards,and cleaning up after pollution damage has occurred (Pollution Probe, 1991, p. 14).Environmental studies made necessary by automobile pollution are also direct automobile costsborne by governments.4.5.1 Air QualityAir pollution caused by automobile emissions can lead to degradation of property and increasedhealth ailments. These societal costs will be discussed in Chapter 5, "Hidden Costs of theAutomobile." Air pollution and decline in air quality are under GVRD jurisdiction as they haveserious effects on the entire region. Spending on air quality improvement by the GVRD willbe discussed in this section. Since GVRD is primarily operated by transfer payments from itsmember municipalities and townships, a portion of GVRD's air quality budget is a direct costto Vancouver.The Vancouver region is plagued by ozone pollution found in many large mid-latitude coastalcities (Los Angeles, Tokyo and Athens). Although Vancouver has a smaller population thanthese cities, the mountains to the north of the city trap emissions in the valley, creating a largeair pollution concern (Steyn, 1992, p. 268).63Stratospheric ozone in the lower atmosphere is created by chemical reactions involving solarultraviolet radiation and volatile organic compounds and nitrogen oxide. The ozone is a highlycorrosive gas that affects human, plant and animal health and corrodes many building materialsprominent in the urban built form (Steyn, 1992, p. 268).The federal government has established a series of broad range categories of air pollution fordescription and management purposes. According to these categories, the acceptable hourlyaverage range of ozone is 50 to 80 ppb (parts per billions) and is intended to provide adequateprotection for "personal comfort and well-being." The desirable range for long termenvironment protection is 0 to 50 ppb. The tolerable range of 80 to 150 ppb means that withoutfurther effort at reducing ozone production, the air quality "poses a substantial risk to publichealth" (Steyn, 1992, p. 269).The Air Quality and Source Control Department of the GVRD, responsible for monitoring airquality in the region, operates 21 air monitoring stations in the region and receives data froma further four stations, located to the east of the GVRD's jurisdiction, operated by the provincialMinistry of the Environment. The data collected from these stations indicate that the maximumtolerable hourly average concentration of 150 ppb was exceeded at an average of 4 times peryear in the 1980's. During the same time period, 80 ppb (the maximum acceptable hourlyaverage concentration) was exceeded an average of 160 times per year. This informationindicates only that the air Vancouverites breathe is significantly polluted (Steyn, 1992, p. 270).Much of the pollution is attributed to automobile emissions.64Emissions of volatile organic compounds from automobile fuels account for over two-thirds ofthe total emission amount. These automobile emissions are derived from partial combustion offuels during automobile operation as well as during automobile servicing and refuelling (Steyn,1992, p. 270). In order to control ozone pollution, GVRD initiated a vehicle emissions testingprogram known as "AirCare," now operated by the provincial Ministry of the Environment(Steyn, 1992, p. 272). User fees associated with AirCare are direct costs to the automobileowner.An examination of the 1992 GVRD final budget revealed the following information:• GVRD member municipalities and districts contributed $22,491,423 in the form of taxrequisitions;• total revenue for GVRD's regional function was $26,952,206;• Vancouver's contribution was $8,569,515 or 31.8 percent of total GVRD revenue and38.1 percent of all member contributions (source: Greater Vancouver Districts, Revenueand Expenditure Budgets, 1992, p. Al).The 1992 budget of Air Quality expenditures was $4,566,030. This represents 17 percent ofthe final budget for GVRD's regional function. Of the Air Quality budget, the members' taxrequisitions amount to $2,677,780 or 58.6 percent. Vancouver's share is obtained bymultiplying Vancouver's share of 38.1 percent by the members' contribution to the air qualitybudget. The result is $1,020,234.This 1.02 million dollar fee paid by Vancouver to air quality is not entirely a result of LowerMainland car use. Degradation of air quality is also produced by industry and private chimneyuse. In order to more accurately determine which air quality costs are directly attributed to theautomobile, GVRD's detailed air quality budget was examined.65Some of the 1992 costs within the air quality budget are consulting costs for two studies:carpooling and trip reduction; and the completion of a 1991 emission inventory study. The 1992budget also describes plans to implement a Communications Plan that focuses on four priorityprograms, three of which can be considered car related. The programs are as follows:development of an Air Quality Patron Program; Air Quality Management Plan consultation; TripReduction and GO GREEN programs; and review of industrial emission permits through publichearings (GVRD Revenue and Expenditure Budgets, 1992, p. B1).GO GREEN is a partnership program funded by GVRD and business to raise public awarenessof pollution attributed to vehicles. GO GREEN promotes and encourages the use of alternatetransportation like carpooling, transit and cycling. GO GREEN awards organizations within theGVRD that successfully contribute to a reduction of emissions caused by commuter traffic. Theawards are based on the following two key criteria:• training an employee as an Employee Transportation Administer; and• developing a vehicle trip reduction plan for employees (source: GVRD News,Nov/Dec 1992).The fact that programs like GO GREEN and Transport 2021 have to be sponsored by theregional district is an indication of the serious negative impacts of the automobile, particularlythe commuting function of the private automobile. If cars were not so widely used andaccepted, programs such as GO GREEN would likely not be in existence. The mere fact thatthey are in existence is a cost attributable to the automobile.Determining the cost of air quality expenditure resulting from automobiles alone is a difficulttask. The majority of budget expenses are office operation and employee salaries and benefits.66How many of the jobs in the Air Quality Department are in existence solely on account ofautomobile air pollution? The answer is not simple as employees deal with air quality in generalrather than individual pollution sources. As previously discussed automobiles account for two-thirds of volatile emissions, it is logical that two-thirds of the air quality budget is a direct resultof automobiles. The only direct car related expenditure noted in the budget is $100,000 for theGO GREEN cooperative program (GVRD Revenue and Expenditure Budgets, 1992, p. B7). Carrelated air quality expenses are calculated as follows:Total air quality expenditure: $4,566,030less GO GREEN expenditure: $100,000Result: $4,466,030Car-related expenses ($4,466,030 x 2/3) $2,977,353plus GO GREEN $100 000TOTAL CAR RELATED EXPENSES $3,077,353MEMBER'S SHARE(total car-related expenses x 58.6%) $1,803,329VANCOUVER'S SHARE(member's share x 38.1 %) $687,068It is estimated that in 1992, the City of Vancouver contributed $687,068 to car related air qualityexpenses.4.6 Other City CostsAs the entire Vancouver City Budget has been examined for direct automobile costs, most costshave been considered in the preceding sections. One remaining cost pertains to city staff on-the-job automobile usage.67Automobile allowance and automobile maintenance costs have already been considered indepartments having other automobile spending such as health and public works. The remainingdepartments including, recreation and community services and general government also havestaff automobile related costs which have not yet been considered. A review of the city budgetreveals that the remaining departments had a 1992 budget of $682,900 for automobile allowanceand $205,400 for automobile maintenance. An extra $6,900 was considered "other" automobilecosts. These other costs are broken down into $700 for "executive parking Vancouver airport"(Statement of Revenues, 1992, p. 37) and $6200 in the housing and properties division for"rental vehicles (outside)" (Statement of Revenues, 1992, p. 44).The total "other" automobile city costs are calculated to be $895,200, or 0.18 percent of theentire 1992 city budget.4.7 Other GVRD CostsBesides Air Quality, the GVRD regional function has jurisdiction in other capacities that havecar related expenses. These expenses fall in the Development Services, General GovernmentServices, and to some extent, the 9-1-1 Emergency Telephone Service divisions.4.7.1 Transportation PlanningThe Development Services branch of the GVRD has one expenditure that is a direct automobileexpense. That is, the Transportation Planning Department. The 1992 budget allowed for$831,073 in transportation planning expenditures, $468,000 of which was devoted to Transport682021. This is not a recurring cost, but surely given the severity of the car's contribution tourban congestion, other similar expenditures will happen in future years.Using the same formula as used in section 4.5.1, Vancouver's share of GVRD's transportationplanning is determined as follows (figures from Greater Vancouver Districts, Revenue andExpenditure Budgets, 1992, p. F7):Total Development Services expenditure:^ $3,005,478Transportation Planning expenditure: $831,073Members' tax requisitions:^ $2,352,989Percentage of members' contribution to Development Services(Members' tax requisition/development services expenditure)^78.29%Member's share of Transportation Planning:(total Transportation Planning x 78.29%)^ $650,647VANCOUVER'S SHARE(member's share x 38.1 %)^ $247,8964.7.2 Staff Automobile Use and General Government ServicesEach administration department of the General Government Services department of the GVRD,as well as most of the other GVRD regional function departments (air quality, hospital planning,labour relations, regional parks, and development services), includes a category usually entitled"mileage, travel & board vehicles" in its operating expenses budget. As discussed in section4.2, staff automobile expenses are believed to be a direct cost of the automobile and its powerfulinfluence on society. Historical dependence on the automobile has enabled the region to spreadover a huge area. Staff is required to travel long distances in order to manage the area. If the69region were not car oriented, GVRD employees might not be reimbursed for driving theirpersonal automobiles to perform work duties.The sum of all staff automobile expenses in all regional function GVRD departments was totalledand found to be $986,419. Vancouver's share of the total was then determined.The sum of staff automobile expenses includes $586,689 for the Regional Park expenditure"board and rented vehicles." This amount is to be excluded as it is assumed vehicle expensesin the park division would primarily be in the form of park service vehicles and not privateautomobiles. So, an estimated $381,739 is considered the GVRD employee automobile expense.This translates to 1.42 percent of the total GVRD regional budget. Vancouver's share of thiscost is $121,393 (31.8% of the estimated $0.38 million cost) (compiled from Revenue andExpenditure Budgets, 1992).4.7.3 Emergency 9-1-1 ServiceThe GVRD's emergency 9-1-1 telephone service is a life saving regional service that is used toaid people suffering from many life threatening situations. Calls made to the service for victimsof motor vehicle accidents can be attributed as another cost of the automobile.The budget for the 1992 9-1-1 service was $3,806,131, which is comprised of members' taxrequisitions and surplus of the previous year (Revenue and Expenditure Budgets, 1992, p. G3).70Thus, the service is funded solely by the members. Vancouver's share of the service is 38.1percent of the budget or $1,450,136.According to the 9-1-1 administration staff, the system serves a population of 1.6 million and850,000 telephone lines. The system receives just under 1 million emergency calls annually(conversation with GVRD 9-1-1 administration staff, February 1, 1993). The 9-1-1 system doesnot keep records as to the nature of the calls.Staff Sergeant Larry Smith of the Vancouver Police Department was able to provide 1992 dataon the number of motor vehicle accidents reported in Vancouver in 1992. According to Smith,24,688 motor vehicle accidents were reported in Vancouver in 1992. Any accident resulting inmore than $500 worth of damage must be reported. Of the reported accidents, 9638 or 39percent of them were considered serious enough to have a member of the Vancouver PoliceDepartment attend (conversation with Larry Smith, Vancouver Police Department, February 2,1993). It is assumed that the serious accidents involved the 9-1-1 service.So, roughly, in 1992, Vancouver used the 9-1-1 system 10,000 times to report automobileaccidents. This represents 1 percent of the million calls 9-1-1 received. Vancouver's share ofthe 9-1-1 budget of $3,806,131 devoted to Vancouver automobile accidents is (1 % x $3,806,131)$38,061.71This figure could be more accurately determined if the total number of GVRD motor vehiclerelated 9-1-1 calls was known. Vancouver's share of motor vehicle accidents could then becompared against Vancouver's share of the 9-1-1 budget.4.8 Direct Automobile Cost SummaryTable 11 summarizes the direct automobile costs found in this chapter. The total direct cost ofthe automobile to the City of Vancouver is calculated to be $185,632,656.Table 11: Direct Automobile Cost SummaryDirect Automobile Cost Category Cost to the City of Vancouver, 1992Roads $93,531,600Parking $22,452,077Infrastructure Maintenance $7,450,000Infrastructure Capital Costs $54,600,000Policing Costs $4,507,500Human Health $1,101,861Environmental $687,068City Staff Automobile Use $895,200GVRD Transportation Planning $247,896GVRD Staff Automobile Use $121,3939-1-1 Service $38,061TOTAL $185,632,65672CHAPTER FIVE5.0 HIDDEN COSTS OF THE AUTOMOBILE TO THE CITY OF VANCOUVERA hidden cost is defined by Pollution Probe as a "cost which is not [explicitly] linked to agovernment expenditure" (Pollution Probe, 1991, p. 3). Since hidden costs are not associatedwith direct spending, it is very difficult to quantify the cost in dollar terms. Thus, this chapterwill discuss the hidden costs that affect the city but will not price them.5.1 Urban Sprawl"Low density residential development increases the per capita municipal costs of roads, utilities,school transportation and storm water management" (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B33). So theautomobile's influence on spreading out cities has had an effect on increasing the cost ofproviding the services demanded by municipal residents. Increased municipal costs areconsidered hidden costs because the amount the costs rise on account of urban sprawl isunknown. Increased costs are not direct expenditures like, for example, the 1992 streetmaintenance budget.Vancouver itself is not so affected by urban sprawl. Being an older city, it has a more compactdevelopment nature and tends not to be so automobile oriented as some of its neighbouringmunicipalities like Richmond and Surrey.73Included in urban sprawl is a cost identified by Pollution Probe as "destruction of agriculturalland and urban green space" (Pollution Probe, 1991, p. 9). Vancouver is located just west ofthe Fraser Valley, one of the three most fertile agricultural land areas in Canada. As theVancouver area grows to the east, it consumes the agricultural land. In the 1970's, the provincecreated the Agricultural Land Reserves, intended to freeze development in agricultural lands.As the region sprawls, more and more land must be paved to construct roads and parkingfacilities. This means greater direct costs of construction and road maintenance to governments.The pavement also has environmental cost of hindering drainage.Urban sprawl is also costly in terms of increasing energy consumption. As people move furtherfrom their place of work, their tendency to drive to work increases as other transportationoptions decrease. Walking and cycling is unsatisfactory or even impossible for long distancesand transit is often unavailable or inconvenient. The increase in traffic volumes leads toexcessive fuel consumption, partially due to waiting in traffic congestion. Pollution Probepredicts that denser developments within city centres would reduce both fuel consumption andvehicle emissions (Pollution Probe, 1991, p. 11).A well respected study by Newman and Kenworthy documents an inverse relationship betweenfuel consumption and urban density in many world cities. Hong Kong, a city with an urbandensity of over 275 persons per hectare has very low annual gasoline consumption (2500 MJ percapita). In contrast, Houston is reported to have an urban density of about 9 people per hectareyet consumes annually 75,000 MJ of fuel per capita (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989b).74The direct cost of city and GVRD employee automobile use reported in Chapter 4 is a cost thatcan be attributed to urban sprawl. The city devotion to maintain car oriented infrastructure hasan added effect of discouraging alternate forms of transportation such as cycling and transit(Pollution Probe, 1991, p. 28).5.2 Environmental and Human Health CostsIt is very difficult to separate automobile induced environmental costs from human health costsas they are so interlinked. Any degradation of environmental quality eventually leads to declinein human health. For example, a polluted water supply is an environmental concern that willcertainly harm people. Thus, these hidden costs are described together.5.2.1 Air QualityAs discussed in section 4.5, automobiles produce two-thirds of all volatile air pollutants.GVRD's publication "Let's clear the air" states that air pollution affects everyone by contributingto heart and lung diseases, asthma, and aggravating cardiovascular and respiratory illness. Inthe presence of air pollution, the heart and lungs are forced to work harder. This can create achain of reactions in the body. Stress is added to the cardiovascular system, the lungs have areduced capacity to exhale air and cells in the airways of the respiratory system, as well as thelungs themselves, can be damaged. Thus, air pollution contributes to bronchitis, emphysemaand cancer (GVRD Air Quality & Source Control, 1992, p. 3).75Air pollution in Mexico City is described as so bad that residents are breathing in the toxinsequivalent to smoking three packages of cigarettes per day. The biggest contributor to this airpollution is said to be the automobile. In Los Angeles, residents are breathing in the toxins oftwo packages of cigarettes per day (Sandra McKenzie, "Auto exhaust more offensive thansmoke," The Vancouver Courier, January 13, 1993, p. 6). Consider the health effects ofsmoking so heavily. McKenzie, in her article, expresses that although she is unsure of thenumbers of deaths and injuries that can be attributed to the automobile, she is willing to bet theyfar outnumber those attributed to smoking. And with respect to air pollution, she wonders howmany more episodes of asthma and emphysema are induced by exhaust emissions as comparedto those attacks induced by cigarette smoke (McKenzie, 1993, p. 6).Vancouver currently does not suffer from levels of air pollution nearly as high as the abovementioned examples. But Vancouver's population is also much lower than the examples. Theexperience of Mexico City and Los Angeles should be taken as severe warnings. As populationand car usage increase, so might air pollution.The car's air pollution cost to the Municipality of Vancouver can be measured in terms ofdecreased quality of life as air pollution contributes to health problems and corrosion ofmaterials. Decline in resident quality of life means that on account of air pollution residentscannot enjoy their life as they did before. For example, it is now common to see cyclists indowntown Vancouver wearing masks to prevent them from breathing in excessive amounts ofharmful air pollutants. The wearing of a mask is not as comfortable as going without but ismade necessary by air pollution. The mask is also strongly related to health. Without the mask,the cyclist's health may suffer.765.2.2 Water QualityThe municipal water quality of Vancouver's mountain watershed reserves is very high. Thewater in the Lower Fraser River has experienced significant degradation although the quality ofthe water is still above most rivers flowing through other large North American urbanmunicipalities (Steyn, 1992, p. 272).Pollutants enter the waterways by three major pathways. The first being the deposition ofmaterial directly from the lower atmosphere, either as dry suspended particles or in precipitationdroplets known as "acid rain". Due to Vancouver's wind direction and other atmosphericconditions, acid rain has a minute impact on the area's water bodies (Steyn, 1992, p. 274). Acidrain causes devastating results in eastern Canada.Runoff from urban and agricultural areas is the second source of water pollution (Steyn, 1992,p. 274). The numerous oil patches on city roads and driveways are washed off by rain water,and the pollution eventually becomes diluted in the city's water bodies. In early autumn afterthe first seasonal rain the city's streets are slick. The slickness is due to vehicle depositedparticles being washed off the streets by the rain. This represents evidence of car relatedpollution that eventually finds itself degrading the water supply or degrading the natural beautyof the region.The World Resources Institute reports the following shocking news:77Research shows that the water quality of urban run-off is often worse than thatof treated sewage. Traffic emissions, construction, road de-icing, street refuse,organic residues from vegetation and animals, and atmospheric deposition areproducing growing amounts of sulphuric and nitric acid, copper, zinc, vanadium,hydro carbons, phosphates, asbestos, particulates, lead, chlorides, chromates,complex cyanides, dirt, organics and untreated garbage. Further, the hydrologicchanges resulting from urbanization are only now beginning to be understood interms of surface and ground water pollution (cited in Peat Marwick, 1993, p.B48).Substances, like salt on icy roads, used to maintain city streets have varied damaging impacts.Road salt is washed off roads by rain and easily enters runoff water. In a dissolved form, saltreleases chlorine and sodium ions which lead to corrosion of roads, cars and buildings;destruction of vegetation; and possible contamination of drinking water (Pollution Probe, 1991,p. 28).The third form of water pollution in the Lower Fraser River is discharged from industrial plantsand municipal sewage treatment facilities (Steyn, 1992, p. 274). This represents the mostdamaging regional source of water pollution and is by no means the responsibility of automobilesbeing operated in the area. It may however be the responsibility of automobiles and their partsbeing manufactured in the region but that is not part of this thesis's scope.5.2.3 DisposalOne automobile cost that seems to often be overlooked is the cost of disposing automobiles thatare no longer useful to society. Abandoned and smashed cars litter the rural landscapeworldwide.78According to Pollution Probe, 500,000 automobiles are discarded in Ontario each year (PollutionProbe, 1991, p. 28). Based on population, the number of vehicles disposed of in the GreaterVancouver region would be roughly 50,000. This number is no doubt exaggerated on accountof factors relating to the Vancouver climate. Ontario experiences acid rain and heavy winterroad salting which have the direct result of lowering the lifespan of vehicles. Vancouverexperiences mild winters and minor acid rain and as a result, Vancouverites are able to keepvehicles for much longer periods. Regardless, some vehicles, due to accident or vehicledeterioration must be discarded into landfill sites that are fast approaching overcapacity. Carsthat are salvaged as sources of scrap metal still have non-metallic portions that are presentlylandfilled as recycling facilities for these portions do not exist (Pollution Probe, 1991, p. 29).Automobile tires also pose a serious disposal problem. Very few old tires are recycled, themajority end up in landfills or tire piles. In the 1990's, tire fires have made news in bothOntario and the Vancouver area. Burning tires release toxins into the air and create an oilrunoff, posing serious environmental threats to land and water tables. As the tires retain theirheat, the fires are difficult to combat and in the recent cases, smouldered for some days afterthe fires were contained. Clean up costs for tire fires are considerable (Pollution Probe, 1991,p. 29).5.2.4 AccidentsThe accident costs in terms of lives lost and time at work lost is also not a direct cost to the Cityof Vancouver unless of course, the accident victim is a city employee. Generally speaking,work time lost due to cars accidents is considerable. Normally, employers have employee79benefit systems that pay workers who are absent from work on account of accidents or sickness.The recovery time from motor vehicle accidents can be lengthy as slow healing neck and backinjuries are often involved. Time missed from work, and thus time payed by the employerthrough sickness benefits can be considerable.In cases where automobile accidents result in the death of the family income earner, the familymay be forced to turn to federal and provincial assistance programs to survive (Pollution Probe,1991, p. 46). This is not only devastating to the family but also represents hidden costs togovernments resulting from automobiles.The majority of damage and loss to property resulting from motor vehicle accidents is coveredby ICBC (Insurance Corporation of British Columbia), the province's automobile insurancecorporation. The cost of insuring vehicles is considered an automobile operating cost and is thedirect responsibility of the owner. ICBC reports that vehicle damage that is covered by theinsurance company amounts to about $1.2 billion per year (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B36). Thereis also considerable damage to vehicles and property that is not paid by ICBC for reasons suchas, insufficient vehicle coverage, or unclaimed losses (Peat Marwick, 1993).5.3 Social CostsPollution Probe identified important hidden social costs that are associated with automobile use.These costs are important to both the city and the residents of Vancouver.805.3.1 Congestion and Lost TimeCity street congestion has a direct relationship with the number of automobiles using the road.As more automobiles use city streets at any given time, road congestion increases. PollutionProbe mentions a study prepared for the Ontario Ministry of Transportation that suggests "theeconomic cost of congestion and the opportunity cost to individuals and businesses" in theToronto region is in excess of $2 billion annually (Pollution Probe, 1991, p. 45).In Vancouver, the growth of the region is creating greater congestion on all arterial roads,especially those leading to downtown. City employees that are late for work on account oftraffic congestion or traffic accidents are costing the city in unproductive job time. Increasedcongestion has an impact on individuals too. As congestion increases, the individual graduallyneeds more time to reach the work destination. This results in less available time for otheractivities, representing an individual's opportunity cost.5.3.2 Stress and Decline in Quality of LifeStress is related to congestion and lost time. Individuals stuck in traffic congestion experiencefrustration which can lead to stress if the frustration happens on a daily basis. As greateramounts of traffic increase the probability of accidents, another stress, the danger level ofdriving, increases.Decline in quality of life is a common result of increased automobile dependence and has beenmentioned previously in this report. Socially, the automobile's contribution to an individual's81"lost time" is a factor leading to decline in life quality. Automobiles affect the physicalcharacteristics of neighbourhoods which lead to resident decline in quality of life. For example,parking lots detract from the neighbourhood's aesthetic qualities and busy roads that are difficultor unsafe to cross can present physical obstructions to neighbourhood facilities (Pollution Probe,1991, p. 45).These hidden costs may appear only to be individual costs but they do have indirect effects onthe city. Some affected individuals may be city employees whose job performance is disruptedon account of personal stress or unhappiness. In the case of neighbourhoods declining onaccount of busy roads, the city may be pressured into building pedestrian bridges or othermitigating devices to assist citizens to reach facilities. These represent costs to the city that neednot be if automobiles had been restrained during the city's growth period.5.3.3 Transportation DisadvantagedAlthough automobile ownership is increasing (see Table 14), there are people who are not ableto use automobiles for personal mobility due to reasons of economics, health or circumstance(Straka, 1989). There are also people who choose not to use automobiles in favour of moreenvironmentally sound transportation alternatives (personal observations). Increased automobileuse disadvantages carless people (for reasons of choice or circumstance) even more. That is,the increased popularity of automobiles increases demand for automobile services like parkingand road maintenance. Funds directed to accommodate the automobile are not available forimproving other forms of transportation. Consequently, carless people become increasinglymore disadvantaged.825.4 Other Hidden CostsThe hidden costs of parking and noise have both social and environmental associated costs.Thus, it was decided to discuss them in a section of their own.5.4.1 ParkingParking has been discussed extensively in Chapter 4. However, it is worth repeating thatparking has hidden costs as well as direct costs associated with it.Parking spaces are normally asphalted which interferes with natural drainage of land. This couldresult in flooding of city or personal property. Paved parking means more money must be spentto properly drain the increased runoff.Parking has an effect on quality of life as parking lots tend to be unattractive and tend toaccumulate garbage. Neighbours would more enjoy their view if the parking were replaced byopen space or an attractive building.The most expensive hidden cost of parking lies in its actual existence. That is, if parking isavailable, automobiles are encouraged. The more automobile use experienced in the city, thegreater the direct costs of, for example, maintaining the streets.On-street parking does have a benefit that offsets its hidden costs. That is, the presence ofparked cars and those trying to park provides a barrier between the moving vehicles and the83pedestrians on the sidewalk. The parked vehicles can have the effect of slowing down trafficon the street. This creates a safer environment for pedestrians. This is a minor benefit ofparked cars because, it is other moving cars that create the need for this protection. Othertraffic management techniques such as narrower lanes or more traffic lights could produce thesame effect.5.4.2 NoisePeat Marwick defines noise as "the loss in property values resulting from noise generated byhigh vehicle traffic." Automobile noise is said to burden the municipal tax payer by reducingproperty values (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. B45). The municipality also bears a cost in thatreduced property values reduce city tax revenue.Peat Marwick reports that 50 decibels of noise is a tolerable level. Each decibel above 50 hasthe effect of reducing adjacent property values by 0.6 percent. If each excessive decibel has theability to reduce property values, imagine what it must have on personal enjoyment of life.Research indicates that most urban arterial road noise well exceeds 50 decibels. Some spotsamples taken by Roger Kemble in 1988 reveal non-rush hour decibel noise on Granville Streetto be between 74 and 86 decibels. Other downtown streets exhibit the same range (Kemble,1989, p. 200). Rush hour noise levels are presumably even higher.The noise made by heavy traffic can decrease quality of life as the traffic noise can interferewith enjoyment of conversation, television, radio and sleep. It may even contribute to human84deafness which would result in increased individual health care costs (i.e., hearing aids andhearing tests).If street traffic noise increases to an intolerable level, the city may face public pressure to "fix"the problem. The city may then find itself funding expensive traffic studies or installing morevegetation or sound barriers as noise mitigating devices.5.5. Hidden Automobile Cost SummaryTable 12 summarizes the hidden costs discussed in this chapter. Decline in quality of lifethrough increased levels of stress, increased health problems and decreased aesthetic quality arecommon consequences of the hidden costs of the automobile.Hidden Automobile^ Description of CostsCost CategoryUrban Sprawl^- increase in direct costs of providing infrastructure- destruction of agricultural land and urban green space- increased energy consumption- provision of car infrastructure discourages alternate travelmodesAir Quality^- decline in air quality contributes to health disorders- decline in quality of lifeWater Quality^- creates acid rain in Eastern Canada- urban run-off degrades drinking water supplyCar Disposal^- abandoned cars that litter the landscape are unattractive- tire fires are environmentally hazardousCar Accidents^- loss of time from work- death from accidents can create greater need for governmentincome assistance for survivorsCongestion and Lost^- employees late for work cost in unproductive work timeTime^- loss of personal leisure timeStress and Decline in^- stress from congestion increases probability of accidentsQuality of Life^- change in physical neighbourhood characteristics can decreasequality of lifeTransportation^- funds directed to automobiles increasingly disadvantageDisadvantaged carless peopleParking^- interferes with natural drainage- unattractive- encourages automobile useTraffic Noise^- reduces property value- decreases quality of life85Table 12: Hidden Automobile Cost Summary86CHAPTER SIX6.0 TOTAL COST OF THE CAR TO VANCOUVERAs determined in Chapter 4 and summarized in Table 11, the direct 1992 cost of the car to theCity of Vancouver was $185.6 million. The hidden costs discussed in Chapter 5 andsummarized in Table 12 serve to identify that the cost of the automobile is even higher thancalculated. Without translating hidden costs into dollar values, the true cost of the car is notknown. The direct costs do, however, provide a good base cost and enable one to understandthe absolute minimum each car costs Vancouver City taxpayers.In order to translate the direct car costs into more meaningful terms, it is useful to determinethe number of cars and people using Vancouver's roads. Table 13 displays relevant information.In the region, it is estimated that the number of vehicles on the road has increased nearly 35percent since 1985, while the population has increased about 25 percent (GVRD News, Nov/Dec1992, p. 4). Although, much of the population growth has occurred in outlying municipalitieswith higher car dependencies, the growth rates can be used as a method of estimating the presentday Vancouver resident car ownership ratio. By assuming the 25 and 35 percent growth ratesof population and automobiles in Vancouver proper, the 1992 Vancouver automobile per personratio is 0.545. The actual 1991 Vancouver population was 471,844 (Peat Marwick, 1993, p.B6b). The 1992 population can be interpolated to be 472,700 and the number of Vancouver87owned automobiles to be 257,620. In January 1992, the entire Vancouver vehicle fleet waslisted as 269,486 (Greater Vancouver Facts, 1992, p. 63). As this figure includes commercialvehicles, and based on the fact noted in Chapter 4 that commercial vehicles make up 9 percentof arterial road traffic, the estimate of private 1992 Vancouver automobile ownership isreasonable.The City of Vancouver subsidized each Vancouver registered automobile, in terms of lost taxrevenue and direct expenditures, $720.44 in 1992.Table 13: Household Characteristics, 1985Characteristic Vancouver(excludingDowntown)DowntownVancouverTotal VancouverPopulation 425,430 41,271 466,701Population under 16 54,094 892 54,986Households 183,862 29,127 212,989Labour Force 213,911 25,212 239,123Number of Autos 216,075 19,255 235,330Persons/Household 2.314 1.417 2.191Labour 1.163 0.866 1.123force/HouseholdAutos/Household 1.175 0.661 1.105Autos/Person 0.508 0.467 0.504Source: 1985 Metropolitan Vancouver Origin-Destination Survey, p. 2.88The $720 figure may not seem fair to Vancouver drivers because Vancouver roads are used bymany automobiles registered to other municipalities, in particular, regional commuters todowntown. However, each municipality presumably spends a comparable cost in subsidies toits own registered automobiles. Vancouver drivers using roads in other municipalities are alsoresponsible for a portion of those costs.Since each municipality has direct automobile costs, a method to more fairly determine directcosts per automobile is to determine the number of automobiles owned in the municipality aswell as the number of commuting vehicles destined for the municipality. These figures arecombined to find the total number of automobiles regularly using the municipality's roads. Thetotal is divided by the direct municipal automobile cost to more fairly determine the cost perautomobile for each municipality.The results of the November 1992 GVRD Origin-Destination Survey are not yet available(GVRD News, Nov/Dec 1992, p. 4) so the 1985 Metropolitan Vancouver Origin-DestinationSurvey figures are used to make interpolations of Vancouver's commuter and resident automobilecost per vehicle for 1992. These results can be confirmed when the 1992 GVRD study is madepublic.In 1985, 129,000 automobiles were destined for Vancouver and the Downtown during themorning peak period. Of these automobiles, 50 percent originated in municipalities other thanVancouver. Morning vehicle trips provide a good indication of the number of vehicles regularlycommuting to downtown, as the majority of such morning trips are destined for the work place.89Of the total morning peak period trips destined for Vancouver, 61 percent were made byautomobile drivers. The travel mode for the remaining trips was transit or vehicle passenger.Of the 235,330 Vancouver owned automobiles in 1985, 28 percent were commuting withinVancouver. Assuming 28 percent of Vancouver residents still commute within the city, 72,133Vancouver automobiles in 1992 form part of the morning commute to Vancouver. A similarnumber of vehicles arrive in Vancouver each morning from other municipalities. The followingcalculation shows a revised method of determining the cost of automobiles to the city:257,620 + 72,000 = 329,620 automobiles$185.6 million/329,620 automobiles = $563.07The total 1992 number of cars frequently using Vancouver roads and infrastructure, that is,Vancouver resident and Vancouver destined commuter traffic, is approximately 330,000. Theseautomobiles cost the City of Vancouver $563.07 each in 1992.90CHAPTER SEVEN7.0 RECOMMENDATIONSThis thesis has discussed the cost of the car to the City of Vancouver. It has identified that cardrivers do benefit from hidden subsidies. These hidden subsidies encourage car driving as theycreate the false impression that driving is inexpensive. Subsidized services are overused.Now that the cost of the car to Vancouver has been identified, the next step is to address meansfor the city to recover some of the costs from automobile drivers. It is important that driversbegin to cover the true cost of their own driving in order to curb some of their unnecessarydriving behaviour. The hidden costs of the car, as discussed in Chapter 5, are too great to letunlimited car driving continue. This chapter will explore options to decrease the city's subsidyto car driving.7.1 DiscussionAs individuals do not pay the full cost of their own driving, driving is underpriced and thus isencouraged. As this thesis has identified, the hidden costs of driving, including air pollution andurban sprawl, are so great, that not only should the true cost of driving be the responsibility ofthe car drivers but also, the total number of kilometres driven must be substantially decreasedas the only way to mitigate some of the hidden driving costs.9 1If it is established that it is desirable to have drivers pay the full cost of their driving, it is usefulto determine the true goal of such a policy. If drivers are to pay their full costs, should this bea money making venture for the city and thus a benefit to the city if cars are driven more? No.The ultimate goal of a driver pay system is to change peoples' automobile travel behaviour.Payment needs to be structured to discourage car use. Addressing car ownership is a place tostart.The goal of the city should be to reduce car dependency. This thesis has demonstrated howmuch the car costs the city. The ultimate goal is not to get drivers to pay their full share, butto get people to substantially decrease their car use. The city can help people decide to leavetheir cars at home, or better yet, to reduce car ownership levels, by providing citizens withtransportation alternatives to the car as well as punishing (through higher prices) those whocontinue to use their cars.Driving can be further discouraged if driving becomes inconvenient. Parking supply greatlyinfluences a driver's choice of transportation mode. If the parking supply is perceived as beinglimited, drivers would likely consider alternate travel methods.One grave concern implicit in introducing a driver pay system is equity. User pay systemsfavour those who can afford to pay. Those who cannot afford to pay are forced not to drive,while those who can afford to pay are able to make their own decision.927.1.1 The Commuting PhenomenonPrior to discussing the recommendations for decreasing car subsidies, it is important to note thatthe peak hour commuting phenomenon of North America is a huge problem which needs to beaddressed. Roads and automobile facilities are built to handle peak hour loads. If the majorityof people switched transportation mode from private automobile to transit for their dailycommute, the problem would not be solved. Transit too must cater to peak hour demands somust own and maintain many more vehicles than needed throughout the most part of the day.Many things need to happen to solve the rush hour phenomenon. People need to live closer totheir place of employment so that their commuting needs can be met on foot or on bike. Workplaces need to stagger their working hours so that the peak periods are stretched to cover mostof the day. Vanpooling, carpooling and more cooperation between families and neighbours needto be increased to assist in the war against single occupant automobiles as well as keeping transitfrom becoming overrun.Any measures to reform peak hour commuting and in particular the popularity of driving aloneshould keep in mind that a comprehensive change in the way the city operates and developsneeds to occur. Individual changes will create problems in other areas. An extreme examplewould be banning all automobiles without increasing the capacity of the transit system. Sucha regulation would strain the transit system and drastically decrease the mobility of most people.Reform needs to be well thought out. The system needs to change in a way that it is notpeoples' mobility that is infringed upon but rather their method of mobility.937.2 Car OwnershipThis section discusses the trend of increasing car ownership and provides four original examplesof creating ridesharing opportunities that could ultimately lead to a decrease in the populations'car ownership rate.The trend of increasing car ownership, as demonstrated in Table 14, is a problem. Once aperson has committed the capital required to own a car, the car is found to be both inexpensive(as one does not pay per ride) and convenient (as the car provides door to door service). Theseadvantages of the car encourage owners to use their cars frequently. In contrast, transit mustbe paid for each time a ride is taken, or at best, on a monthly basis and does not normallyprovide door to door service. The trend of increasing car ownership means more people havea car at their personal disposal, rather than have a car that needs to be shared among two ormore people. A person who is sole user of an automobile, is more likely to use the vehicle,rather than transit, for every trip, than a person who shares an automobile.People in Vancouver need to re-learn how to share vehicles. As shown in Table 14, one-carfamilies were the norm in the 1960's, now they are the exception. In most cases, two workingmembers of a household could easily share one vehicle by either carpooling or alternating theirindividual car use day or week. On the days when the co-owner has use of the car, the otherindividual can try transit, carpooling with the co-owner or a neighbour, or cycling to work.94Table 14: Vancouver Car Ownership CharacteristicsCensus Year 1961 1971 1981 1991Population of Vancouver 384,522 426,298 413,147 471,844Number of Families in 95,740 101,650 **105,388 109,125VancouverNumber of Households in 118,405 153,415 **176,478 199,540VancouverNumber of Passenger 108,967 *167,055 188,366 257,505Automobiles in VancouverAverage Household Size(persons/household)3.25 2.78 **2.34 2.36Vancouver Car Ownership Rate(cars/person)0.28 0.39 0.46 0.55Family Car Ownership Rate(cars/family)1.14 1.64 **1.79 2.36Household Car Ownership Rate(cars/household)0.92 1.09 **1.07 1.29Shared Car Rate (persons/car) 3.53 2.55 2.19 1.83Total Population of B.C. 1,629,100 2,184,600 2,744,200 3,282,061Vancouver's share of B.C. 23.60% 19.51% 15.06% 14.38%PopulationNumber of Passenger 467,370 856,086 1,115,959 1,806,972Automobiles in B.C.Vancouver's Share of B.C. Total 23.31% *19.51% 16.88% 14.25%AutomobilesSource: Statistics Canada, "Census of Canada" and "Road Motor Vehicle Registrations".Notes:(*) In 1971 "Road Motor Vehicle Registration" listed the number of automobiles per B.C. cityby issuing registration office. In Vancouver 247,824 automobiles were registered by Vancouverissuing offices. This total would include autos belonging to people living in other municipalitiesso is not comparable to the other census years. Based on the fact that in the other 3 censusyears, Vancouver's share of total B.C. population and total number of B.C. passengerautomobiles is equal, the number of automobiles registered to Vancouver citizens was estimatedto be 167,055.(**) In 1981, the census did not combine the total number of households or families from allcensus tracts within the City of Vancouver. These statistics have been estimated based on thetotal number of households and families in 1971 and 1991.95High residential parking surtaxes can be applied to excess household vehicles as an incentive todecrease the number of cars owned per household. Provincial sales tax or vehicle insurancerates could be altered to further discourage multiple car ownership. That is, the principalautomobile could be insured for a base premium, while any further cars owned by the householdcould only be insured at a considerably higher rate. Provincial automobile sales tax on the firstcar bought into a household could be set at a certain rate, like 10 percent for example. Anothercar bought could be taxed at a much higher rate like 25 or 30 percent.These ideas for discouraging multiple car ownership can be considered equity fair. That is,typically low income households are in possession of only one vehicle. As household incomeincreases, so does the likelihood of multiple vehicle ownership. A system that charged a baserate for one vehicle and a disproportionately higher rate for each subsequent vehicle would notbe hitting low income people unfairly.A system of charging for unnecessary vehicles, could reduce the number of cars owned withinthe city. Families could be expected to seriously address whether their second or third car wasreally necessary. Perhaps it would be more economical for families to rent a car at those timeswhen a second car is considered essential. If a second car is needed frequently, extendedfamilies or several households could investigate the possibility of combining resources to shareanother car.It stands to reason that the fewer cars owned, the less cars will be used. Reducing the numberof cars per household will naturally reduce car dependency.967.2.1 Personal Automobile Sharing SchemesThe following three ideas for automobile sharing were originally discussed in "The Southeastof False Creek: A Sustainable Urban Community," an unpublished UBC class project(Bannister, Dehnel and Vaisbord, 1991). Automobile sharing schemes could be introduced bythe city as a method of decreasing car ownership and therefore, car ridership. As the followingschemes are original, there are no known world examples from which to discuss the workingresults. The ideas are logical and as attitudes about car ownership and car dependency change,they will be feasible. Auto Pools Within Housing Co-opsIn housing co-ops, residents purchase a share in the cooperative which entitles them to occupya specific unit and to use all common facilities, such as hallways, elevators and laundryfacilities. Thus, housing co-ops are already structured to allow for auto pooling.City operated housing co-ops could set an initiative in reducing overall car ownership bymaintaining a small "fleet" of automobiles as a common facility. A member of the co-op boardwould be delegated to administer the vehicle pool. Subject to availability, monthly time quotas,and possible user fees, co-op members could book the use of a car with the administrator. Inhousing co-ops, the level of commitment to alternate lifestyles is high, so an auto pool systemhas a high likelihood of success.977.2.1.2 Transportation Co-operativesTransportation co-ops would operate much as the housing co-ops with auto pools but without thehousing component. Membership of a transportation co-op could be open to all residents withina certain neighbourhood, subject to a share purchase requirement. Transportation co-ops wouldconsist of an administration/booking office, a parking facility, and a fleet of automobiles. Thefacilities would be the common property of the members, who would be entitled to book autotrips through the administration office. No-Car CondosStrata housing, such as condominiums and town houses, are well-suited to auto sharing.Purchasers own the air space parcel containing their unit. All other areas are common propertyadministered by the strata corporation. As in the case of co-ops, an auto pool would be part ofthe common property. The auto pool would be administered and maintained by the stratacouncil, with expenses covered by user fees and annual maintenance fees.In Vancouver, areas of the city with strong transit links would be perfect for no-car condos. Asdiscussed in Chapter 4, parking facilities are expensive to develop. Developers of new stratabuildings would no doubt welcome the idea of no-car condos since the elimination of themajority of parking provisions would considerably lessen the cost of construction. "No-carcondos" would require only a few parking spaces to accommodate the auto pool.98Many older multi-unit buildings in Vancouver lack adequate resident parking. Some of thesebuildings, especially those that are presently co-op or strata titled should consider becoming "no-car condos". If the city imposed street parking permit fees as discussed later in this chapter,residents of these buildings would need to address their personal parking situation. "No-carcondos" solve an individual's parking dilemma.7.2.2 Employer Automobile SharingLarge office complexes could also consider owning "pool cars" for the use of those employeeswithin the complex who choose not to own cars. If a person needed a car on occasion for a trip,a visit to a far away regional friend, skiing or a biweekly grocery shop, a car could be borrowedor rented for the day or the hour from the person's employer. New office complexes couldavoid providing adequate parking facilities and employees could be encouraged to get rid of theirown cars and use the office's car co-op system. Pool CarsDowntown Vancouver workers have complained that taxis are unreliable during the day. In fact,one business person complained that he could no longer take transit to work because he neededhis car during the day. He had tried to operate without his car but was disappointed by therecurring lateness of taxis hired to take him to appointments (conversation with Robert Fung,Concord Pacific Development Ltd., November 27, 1992).99In one sense, driving a private vehicle to work is a waste of resources. If one drives to workand parks in an expensive parking spot for eight hours while the car waits to drive home itseems wasteful. There should be more of a trade system with cars. In a business, fewcompanies would make a huge capital investment on machinery to have the machinery sit idlemost of the day. In such a case, the company would be better off renting the machinery for thefew times it is needed.With the case of a privately owned car that sits at work all day there must be a better system.If employers were to own the cars and employees, who felt that driving to work, for whateverreason, was their only transportation option, were to lease the car from their employer thefollowing scenario is possible. The car could be used at home by the employee on weekendsand evenings. In the morning, the employee could drive to work and drop the vehicle off to adriver, rather than park the car for the day. The driver could be an individual employed by thecompany to courier other employees to meetings or to be hired by other businesses or privatecitizens for taxi type trips. This would create more taxis when the demand during the day ishighest. At the end of the day, the employee could relieve the driver and drive the car home.In some respects this idea is a contradiction in terms because in reality a car that is parked isnot polluting whereas a car being driven is polluting. However, a leased car that is used forcommuting and then driven throughout the day has the potential of actually decreasing the totalnumber of cars in the entire system. For example, a person who is currently driving to workonly because they need their car during the day could stop driving to work if an employersystem of daytime taxiing were introduced. Taxi companies would not have to own and operateso many vehicles in order to keep up with the higher daytime demand. Also, downtown parking100could be decreased if people can stop driving to work when they no longer need a car duringthe day. If fewer cars are in the system at any given time, there would be an overall benefit tosociety.7.2.3 Feasibility of Car Sharing SchemesWith respect to automobiles, North America must try a more communal way of owning andoperating them. Very few people need their cars at every moment of the day, so cars spendmuch of their time idle. There are so many people that need cars only once and a while but feelthey need to own a car for those few times. A co-op ownership car system or a borrowingsystem of idle cars makes so much sense. These systems would drastically reduce people's cardependency because their car use could no longer be spontaneous.Unfortunately, a co-operative car system will not easily become a reality, except for perhaps avery few progressive thinking companies or alternative lifestyle co-ops. Cars in North Americaare a symbol of social status. People care about what kind of car they drive. Cars are alsoeasily damaged and expensive to repair. The current insurance policies would have to be alteredto adapt to a communal car system. But, car sharing is a sound idea and worth pursuing. Ascommunities become more aware of the environmental damage caused by automobiles and asthe private automobile becomes more expensive to individually own and operate, communitieswill start to collectively address car dependency.1017.3 ParkingAs suggested in Chapter 3, street parking is probably the only form of automobile infrastructurethat can be eliminated. Free street parking is a subsidy unfairly enjoyed by automobile drivers.If parking was not available on city streets, the streets could be made much narrower, and thusmore green space could be enjoyed by all.Street parking can no longer be provided free of charge. People that work in non-downtownareas of Vancouver find it very easy to find all day free street parking in residential areas. Thiscannot continue to happen as it merely encourages these people to drive to work.It is worth repeating Wachs explanation that "parking is one cost item which is priced so as toencourage rather than discourage auto use" (Wachs, 1981, p. 246). Free street parking in thenon-downtown business areas of Vancouver merely encourages car commuting. The introductionof a system designed to make street parking commuters pay for their parking would no doubtdecrease car use.This section discusses three ideas the city could introduce to increase the cost of parking to theindividual. This would result in making the car more expensive for the individual to operate.7.3.1 Eliminate Free Street ParkingThe city should establish a parking permit system for all non-metered streets within the city.This not only would discourage people who formerly parked for free from driving to work but102it would also provide residents with the incentive to park on their own property. Residents ofmultiple car households finding it expensive or difficult to find alternate parking facilities fortheir extra vehicles may be further encouraged to decrease their number of owned vehicles.If the city were to introduce a street parking permit system, any car parking on non-meteredstreets at any time of the day would require a permit. Cars without permits would have to parkon private property, parkades, or at metered parking spots. Fines for parking without a permitshould be significant to deter people from trying. A vehicle towing system should also be reliedupon to further inconvenience repeat offenders. A street permit system would require strictenforcement.A permit fee parking system will provide the city with a revenue that can offset the $185 millionper year currently spent on the cars of Vancouver. This system would only burden people whoown more cars than they can store on their property. It also addresses commuters who workin non-downtown areas of the city who can currently park free on residential streets andhighschool students who drive to their local school unnecessarily.No doubt there would be opposition to a parking permit system, especially from local businessesthat are frequented by drivers stopping on account of free convenient on-street parking. Thereis no clear understanding of what economic impact the elimination of free parking would haveon small businesses. It is understood that small businesses oppose any suggestion of reformingparking in their neighbourhood.103An example of such opposition was experienced in 1991. The Downtown Communities Forum(DCF), a citizens' group that met regularly in the early 1990's to discuss issues pertaining tothe livability of Vancouver's Downtown vicinity, observed that the evening peak period parkingrestriction of 3 p.m. to 6 p.m., on the West End arterial streets of Davie, Denman and Robson,was insufficient. At 6 p.m., traffic volume on these streets is not sufficiently reduced to allowparked cars to occupy the curb lane. Consequently, at 6 p.m. a high traffic volume is forcedto circulate in a single lane per direction. This especially restrained bus movement. DCF tookthe initiative to suggest to the Vancouver City Engineering Department that the West Endevening peak period be extended by one hour to 7 p.m. DCF also suggested that the curb lanebe used exclusively for buses, taxis and bicycles during the evening peak period.When West End merchants discovered the DCF idea they were adamantly opposed. Excerptsfrom the merchants' letter to the Assistant City Engineer are as follows:We ... are greatly perturbed by this request and are appalled at this proposalwhich will adversely affect businesses in this the most prime of shopping andrestaurant street in Canada. We will oppose this move most vigorously.Rush hour traffic can be dealt with ... on a more imaginative basis, such ashaving police personnel conducting traffic at vital street junctions, at the requiredtime.(Source: letter to Assistant City Engineer from The Robson Street Committee,April 11, 1991.)This example indicates the high degree of opposition businesses have towards the eliminationof just one hour of free parking. Abandoning free parking all together would be extremelyunpopular.The merchants' letter suggests increasing police enforcement is a solution to rush hourcongestion. Such an introduction would have the result of increasing the cost of the car to the104City of Vancouver by giving the police department more traffic duty. It also would have littleimpact on deterring car usage.If a city street parking permit system were introduced, businesses worried that the system woulddetract or deter business could finance the introduction of a parking meter system on the streetabutting their business. Cars without a street parking permit would be entitled to park at meters.Residents of the city who live in single family houses presently park on their private propertyor on city streets. Residents of multifamily dwellings often pay $20 to $30 per month to parkin stalls owned and operated by their residential building. If the residents of multifamilydwellings choose to park on the street, there is high street parking competition in places like theWest End. Many people pay the monthly fee in order to park hassle free. The system currentlyin place is unfair. Some city residents must pay for their home parking because of limitedavailability on the street. Others do not pay and yet have ample parking room on their propertyand on their street.A city street monthly parking fee should be set at slightly higher that the average buildingparking fee. This would encourage people to park in their buildings if possible to avoid payingthe city's fee. This would free parking from the streets to make room for bicycles and transiton arterial streets and generally improve the aesthetic quality of city streets.The city appears to have a problem with citizens keeping uninsured vehicles parked on citystreets (personal observations). Vehicles that are uninsured but remain parked on city streets105or lanes are unattractive. Requiring uninsured vehicles to pay permit fees to park on city streetswould decrease the number of such vehicles currently occupying city land.There is concern felt that if owners of uninsured were required to pay street parking fees, anincentive to reinsure the vehicle would be created. One benefit of an uninsured vehicle is thatit cannot be driven under any circumstance. So owners of uninsured vehicles have alreadyaddressed their own car dependency and are not contributing to air pollution. However, insuringa vehicle is very expensive, so, as long as the parking fee is less than insurance rates, thereshould not be much change in the number of cars being left uninsured. Vehicles are often keptbut left uninsured because the owner does not need to use the car at this time. In order to savemoney the car is not insured. The owner keeps the car so that if the situation changes and thecar is later needed, the owner simply purchases insurance. The owner saves the ordeal ofbuying a car.According to an auto insurance representative, the cost of the minimum insurance coverage, asrequired by law, is $980 per year in Vancouver. If the car owner has been accident free for aminimum of four years, a 40 percent discount is applied to the premium, making the cheapestyearly insurance rate to be $588 (conversation with Autoplan representative, Ken MacDonaldInsurance Agency, May 13, 1993). If the city introduced a $40 per month street parking permitsystem ($480 per year), the annual parking fee would still be at least $100 less than insurancepremiums. There would still be incentive to keep the car uninsured or better yet, find storagefor the car on personal property or get rid of the car.106A city street parking permit system would require establishing a system of parking for cityvisitors and tourists. A system of parking visitor passes could be established.In addition, the city should eliminate any free parking provided at city owned or operatedfacility. For example, all surface parking in parks and at community centres should becomeuser-pay through either parking meters or ticket dispensing machines.7.3.2 Eliminate Free Work Place ParkingThe city as an employer must set an example for other employers and cease providing freeparking to its employees. As Chapter 4 indicates, free city parking is expensive to city taxpayers. Free employer provided parking is a prime incentive for driving to work alone. Atpresent, income tax laws give employers a tax deduction if they provide free parking to theiremployees. Employer provided parking is also a tax free benefit to the employee (Downs, 1992,p. 156). If employees were given a choice between a free parking spot, free monthly transitpass or a cash transportation allowance, the latter two would be treated as a taxable benefit, theformer would not (Clouds of Change, 1990). Income tax laws must be reformed.People opposed to increasing the cost of driving are often opposed because they believe the poorwill be unfairly disadvantaged. Ironically, eliminating free parking at work will hit the richharder than the poor. That is, it tends to be people in the higher tax brackets who are providedwith free parking. If the system were changed so that employees were given a taxabletransportation allowance that could be used towards parking, transit or pocketed if the employee107walks or cycles to work, those in higher tax brackets would find most of such an allowancewould be taxed (Wachs, 1981, p. 246).Eliminating free parking at the work place would certainly decrease car usage. In the 1970'sOttawa eliminated free downtown parking. A study monitoring the effects of the changediscovered that the number of single occupant cars commuting downtown, dropped by more than20 percent (Transport Canada, 1978, cited in Wachs, 1981, p. 245).7.3.3 Decrease Parking AvailabilityWachs (1981) notes that carpooling will more effectively be encouraged through a decrease innumber of parking spots than by expensive advertising jingles. Simple economics explains thata decrease in parking supply will drive up the price of parking. This would be a furtherdisincentive to many commuters. However, decreasing the supply of parking would unfairlydisadvantage lower income people.7.4 Road TollsIn 1975, Singapore implemented central area road pricing. Nearly twenty years later, Singaporeis still the only city in the world with a working road pricing scheme. The objective ofSingapore's scheme was to reduce peak hour traffic by 25 to 30 percent. The scheme wasexpected "to restore reasonably good traffic conditions" (Watson & Holland, 1978 cited inLiivamagi, 1989, p. 376) by restricting vehicle entry into the congested compact 6.2 square108kilometre central business district during the morning peak period only (Liivamagi, 1989, p.376).Hong Kong evaluated a prototype of electronic road pricing, a pricing scheme that requiresevery vehicle to be equipped with an electronic licence plate that can be sensed by detector loopsin roadway. The detector loops transmit vehicle passage information onto a monthly generatedbill. It is feasible to vary charges per pricing point depending on certain factors including dayof week, time of day and direction of travel (Liivamagi, 1989, p. 376). After Hong Kong'sinitial eight month testing period, the scheme was not implemented on account of concern forinvasion of individual privacy as closed circuit cameras are used to identify fraudulent vehiclepassage (Downs, 1992, p. 51).According to Liivamagi (1989), Vancouver's geography is ideal for road pricing. Watercrossings are legitimate places to introduce congestion tolls as bridges do tend to be congestedduring peak hours. Toll booths could be either of the traditional staffed variety or of the newlydeveloped electronic sensor type. Both types of toll booths have disadvantages. The staffed tollbooths increase congestion as drivers must come to a stop to pay their toll and electronic tollbooths require each car to be fitted with an electronic licence.Another road pricing technique discussed by Liivamagi (1989) is similar to the Singapore systemand involves cordoning the Vancouver downtown. Commuters would be required to buy amonthly pass in order to enter the downtown area. Liivamagi (1989) suggests that a $3.20 feeper entry into the downtown core be introduced to drivers. Such a fee would result in a $19million yearly revenue for the city. The net benefits, he calculates to be $4 million per annum.109Small (1989) remarks that road pricing is widely accepted as the best way to deal with urbanroad congestion but it is seldom implemented. "Capital for highways, unlike that for electricityand telephones, has usually been provided by the public sector; hence a different pricing ethichas prevailed" (Small, 1989, p. 87). North Americans believe road travel is a basic right andthe implementation of road pricing would be harmful to the poor. The same argument shouldapply to telephones and electricity. However, the logic does not seem to apply when society isin jeopardy of losing something it once had "for free" (Small, 1989, p. 87).Downs also notes that "road pricing has been criticized for its inequity, inefficiency, andinvasion of privacy." Although the cities of Singapore, Oslo, Trondheim and Bergen haveadopted a cordon system within their downtown areas, no area-wide road toll system yet existsin the world. Downs explains this is partially due to the fact few transportation officials havebeen exposed to such a concept (Downs, 1992, p. 51). This seems ludicrous given the amountof energy and time devoted to addressing traffic congestion in cities.Liivamagi (1989) concludes that road pricing based on charging those entering the downtownhas the greatest advantage for several reasons. Firstly, the method is less novel and smaller inscale and scope than an electronic system. A downtown entry fee would be easy and cheap toimplement, as well as easy to abandon if desired. Secondly, trips to downtown are differentfrom other peak period trips. Travel to downtown is generally recognized as a cost ofcongestion. In Vancouver, transit is focused to the downtown so travel to the downtown ismuch less dependent on the automobile than trips to other points in the region. Thirdly, adowntown license scheme can be solely under Vancouver jurisdiction so other levels ofgovernment and other municipalities need not be involved. Currently many Vancouver officials,110including both NPA and COPE councillors and Mayor Gordon Campbell, are pro-public transitand anti private car. The political time for such a scheme is right.Road pricing is still a new phenomenon. Without many world examples, road pricing is difficultto implement. However, once a few municipalities introduce it, other cities will see theadvantage. Liivamagi (1989) thinks road pricing in Vancouver will be sooner than later.Without a freeway system, and without current plans to add road network to keep pace withpopulation growth, Vancouver has reason to be one of the first municipalities to implement roadpricing. The location of Vancouver's central business district on a peninsula seems ideal forintroducing a downtown pricing scheme.One disadvantage of a downtown pricing scheme is that it would have no effect on short localcar trips currently made. People may look at alternatives to getting downtown, but they couldstill hop in their cars at home to drive a few blocks to the corner store. In terms of airpollution, the short haul trips are much more harmful to the environment.7.5 Community DesignLeigh Carter, director of public affairs for BCAA believes that the region's transportationcongestion will not be solved without efforts to change the structure of where people live andwork. Land use and transportation are intricately linked (Carter, 1993). Decreasing car use canbe addressed in actual community design. Urban villages need to be recreated. New residentialareas must be designed for people, not for cars.111The Globe and Mail recently described neighbourhood as "a place where people can meet andmingle, where [hu]man is the measure of things and a shared experience is possible by meansother than that of the television set" ("Rethinking the Canadian city," The Globe and Mail,March 27, 1993, p. D6). The article stresses that neighbourhood space needs to be built to ascale that can be experienced at human speed.A landscape that is convenient for the driver - wider roads, bigger parking lotsand everything designed to be understood by someone travelling at 10 times thespeed of man - equals inconvenience, discomfort and incomprehensibility forthose on foot ("Rethinking the Canadian city," The Globe and Mail, March 27,1993, p. D6).The key for planners is to create a neighbourhood where the car is not an everyday necessity.Medium density low rise buildings located in close proximity are less car oriented than high risebuildings separated by boulevards and parking lots. People oriented neighbourhoods do notbanish the car. Rather, the car is asked to adapt itself to the neighbourhood and not the otherway around ("Rethinking the Canadian city," 1993).Roseland (1992) discusses "traffic calming" techniques as a method of reshaping communitiesto de-emphasize the automobile. Traffic calming uses engineering techniques and communityprocess to reclaim streets into public space. For example, landscaping is introduced onto thestreet so that cars must manoeuvre slowly through gardens and trees to travel the street. Caraccess is put at a low priority in the neighbourhood but it is not banned. When traffic calminghas been implemented on a large scale, the area has even found the local economy to improve.That is, people like to come to attractive green cities and businesses like to locate in high qualityenvironment.112Traffic calming shows that the automobile can be accommodated but not surrendered to. Eventhe design of new houses can change to de-emphasize the automobile. The car and its garageshould no longer be the grand entrance of the house. The car and its parking facilities (i.e., noon-street parking) should be slightly inconvenient. If a car is inconvenient to use, it is less likelyto be used for short haul journeys. For example, consider a trip to the corner store, a fewblocks away. If the car sits in front of the house, it is easy to use, and likely will be used evenon very short trips. If the car must be retrieved from a garage behind the house, the effort mayseem greater than the short walk. The car will not automatically be used.If communities are once again built to be compact and if human scale can take over fromsuburban car scale, then the city will benefit not only from decreased car use, but also frommore compact, and thus, cheaper infrastructure provision.Land use planning and parking requirements are often car dominant pieces of legislation.Landlords on commercial streets are occasionally exempted from zoning restrictions and areallowed to add extra housing units. However, the exception is not extended to parkingrequirements. The required parking facilities for the extra unit must be provided. This isabsurd since often these exceptions are found along transit corridors. The landlord is requiredto purchase extra land to provide the extra units with adequate parking ("Rethinking theCanadian city," 1993).Society needs to understand that not everyone owns a car nor needs a car. Residential units canbe built without parking facilities, just as they are built to contain a varying number ofbedrooms. If a household does not own a vehicle, it does not require parking facilities. So a113no-car family can seek no-car accommodation. If the family situation changes and a vehicle isacquired, then the family needs to make adjustments in their housing situation by either movingor finding off site parking arrangements. This is no different from a change in housingrequirements after the birth of a baby.7.6 AlternativesA user pay system will make driving more expensive and can enable car drivers to pay most ofthe car infrastructure costs. However, governments cannot price people out of their cars withoutproviding an alternative. Improving bicycle and transit facilities are some of the alternatives.Presently, cars are cheaper, safer, more convenient and more comfortable than the alternatives.Decreasing subsidies to the automobile, while concentrating on the safety and convenience ofthe alternatives will improve the competitiveness of the alternatives.People need convenient alternatives to their automobile before they will consider using anothermode for their transportation needs. According to Clouds of Change (1990) fear of safety is oneof the main deterrents of more bicycle use. According to the City of Vancouver EngineeringDepartment, in 1988, there were 47,000 bicycle trips taken in the City of Vancouver perweekday. Of these trips, 85 percent of them were taken for non-recreational reasons (cited inClouds of Change, 1990, p. 39). That is, bikes were overwhelmingly used for commuting andpersonal errand purposes. This data is encouraging because it means that if the city can devotetime and funding energies to ensure bicycle safety, then bicycle riding could become a strongcompetitor to the automobile for many trips.114Lyster (1993) makes the point that huge amounts of public money goes into promoting non-smoking, seat belt use and an improved environment. Bicycles must surely fall into theimproved environment category and public money could be diverted to increasing bicycle use,thereby decreasing automobile use. One more bicycle can mean one less car.7.7 Recommendations for VancouverSeelig and Artibise (1991) suggest there are four necessary steps to be taken to solveVancouver's mobility problems, of which the automobile is the chief villain. The steps are asfollows:• Create a powerful regional transportation authority;• Stop building new roads and bridges;• Start intelligently managing existing roads; and• End the love affair with the car(Source: Seelig and Artibise, 1991).The fourth step, ending the love affair with the car, suggests a double strategy. The first partinvolves introducing policies that encourage a change in people's car dependency habits. Habitchanging ideas include traffic calming and introducing high occupant vehicle (HOV) pricingstrategies. HOV pricing strategies include providing cheaper and better located parking stallsto carpoolers, and allotting certain traffic lanes for HOV use only. The second part of thestrategy is for the long term. It demands that the region spend money to provide realisticalternatives to the private automobile. That is, improve land use planning to create more humanoriented communities, and concentrate energies on transportation alternatives (Seelig andArtibise, 1991). It is this fourth step that the recommendations in this thesis have concentratedupon.115Creating a regional transportation authority is of great importance. "Traffic problems areregional problems, but there is no regional planning body with the power to supersede thedevelopment impulses of individual municipalities, or the anti-development impulses ofneighbourhoods" (Seelig and Artibise, 1991, p. 66). The regional transportation authority isbeyond the scope of this thesis but it is recommended that the province create the new authorityin the near future. Truly restricting the automobile requires a comprehensive approach that onlya regional body can implement. Solving transportation problems from the municipal level hasno overall consistency so the region is no better off.This thesis suggests the following six recommendations which Vancouver can alone instigate asa means to recover some of the its municipal spending on private automobiles. Therecommendations concentrate on decreasing the availability and increasing the cost of parking.They also focus on controlling Vancouver residents' love affair with the car.7.7.1 Address City Hall Car SpendingThe first step is to eliminate free city employee parking. Municipal tax payers aresupplementing the parking for city employees and thus, encouraging city staff auto driving. CityHall must set an example for all Vancouver residents and employees.The city can also reduce automobile spending by introducing the "pool car" system to City Hall.The city already owns a fleet of vehicles that are used by some departments for employee workrelated outings. A transportation coordinator could be employed to coordinate outings between116departments so that employees from different departments can carpool to the same meeting orproject site.City Hall can implement these two steps without affecting the present day behaviour of non-cityemployees. If these steps are introduced alone, the reduction in city car spending would beminimal. The example shown by Vancouver could be used to lobby the provincial governmentto amend the Municipal Act to require all municipalities to eliminate free staff parking and tointroduce pool car coordinators.7.7.2 Introduce a Street Parking Permit FeeAs discussed earlier, the city cannot continue to provide free on-street parking. A monthlypermit parking pass system should be implemented as soon as possible. Free parking encouragesdriving. Eliminating free parking will discourage some driving, especially of those people whocurrently park on their properties at home and park free on the street at work. A permit systemwould require these people to purchase a permit to continue to park on the street at work. Toavoid paying the parking fee, these people may turn to transportation alternatives.This system would be met with strong opposition. It also is not believed to have been tried oreven considered in any other municipality so the initiation of the system would require patienceas the system is refined to operate smoothly. The system requires strict enforcement andexpensive penalties to offenders in order to be successful.117Addressing street parking is equity fair because it is possible to park on private property to avoidthe monthly parking fee. It is more characteristic of higher income households to own morethan one car than of lower income households. Households with a home parking shortage willbe those households owning more than one vehicle.The introduction of a street parking permit fee would significantly reduce the cost of the car tothe city by increasing car related revenues. A reduction of free parking would have the affectof decreasing unnecessary driving.Coupled with the street parking permit fee, the city should eliminate any city provided freeparking. That is all Vancouver owned and operated facilities, such as parks, should introduceparking meters or ticket dispensing machines.7.7.3 Limit Arterial Street ParkingAny arterial street that currently limits parking during rush hours should extend the periods ofno parking to at least the entire 12 hour day (i.e., 7 a.m. to 7 p.m.). This lane should then bedevoted to alternate modes of transportation such as transit, carpools or cyclists depending onthe need of each particular neighbourhood. The city could easily implement such a scheme.Businesses located on arterial streets will be opposed to such an idea, especially if Vancouverhas also implemented an on-street parking permit system as described in section 7.7.2.Merchants' associations can work together to set up minimal parking facilities, either by funding118the installation of parking meters on the side streets, or creating merchant owned parkingfacilities on the back lane.Businesses can work together to help end the love affair with the car. Rather than provideparking facilities, they can establish delivery services. Local pizza places have started usingbicycles to deliver pizzas as bicycles do not have to contend with traffic congestion or lack ofparking facilities. Other businesses, in particular fast food restaurants and pharmacies, couldalso set up bicycle delivery services.7.7.4 Increase the Cost of Multiple Vehicle OwnershipThe city can increase the owner's cost of multiple vehicle ownership by requiring eachhousehold to purchase permits for all but one of the vehicles owned within the household.This idea would be better enforced provincially through the increased taxation rates of furthervehicles purchased and through higher insurance rates of all secondary household cars.7.7.5 Initiate Car Sharing PossibilitiesCity owned co-op housing projects could establish a transportation co-op as described earlier inthis chapter. Such a project could set an example for other housing projects to set up similarsystems and help to reduce the car dependency of the project residents.1197.7.6 Investigate a Road Toll SystemA road toll system is recommended on a regional basis to control long haul commuting from thesuburban municipalities to Downtown. Such a system should be introduced by a regionaltransportation board.It is not recommended that Vancouver introduce road tolls on its own. As Liivamagi (1989)described, the geography of Vancouver is ideal for road tolls. Toll booths could be installed onall bridges. The toll system would be ideal on a regional basis but without the cooperation ofthe other municipalities, Vancouverites could be unfairly disadvantaged. Residents of othermunicipalities would avoid coming to Vancouver, if possible, but would freely travel among theother municipalities. Vancouver residents would be forced to pay tolls if they wished to travelto another municipality.A toll system does not address short haul trips. If tolls were introduced, a person couldpresumably drive to the corner store without paying a toll. It is this unnecessary driving thatneeds to be stopped. Ending the love affair with the car will confront the short haul drives.A toll system is not as equity fair as a system that charges for multiple car ownership. For atoll system to be more equity fair, the system would have to work in conjunction with federalincome tax laws. People could receive road toll credits based on income levels. To addressequity issues, the road toll system would become very complicated and the system could beabused.120Prior to the introduction of a road toll system, Vancouver should implement the otherrecommendations that address car dependency and ownership. Once a system is in place thatcontrols the short haul trips (reduced parking, lower rate of car ownership, safer transportationalternatives), the road toll system may be considered in cooperation with the entire region. Theissue of equity must be studied before a road toll system is launched.7.8 SummaryAs discovered in Chapter 6, each car registered to the City of Vancouver costs the city $720 peryear. This translates into a monthly fee of $60 per automobile. The city could recover a largeportion of its subsidies by requiring any car regularly parking on city streets a $30 to $40 permonth parking permit fee. The fee would most likely reduce car ownership as people wouldaddress the economic benefit of paying monthly to park cars they use infrequently. A reductionof car ownership would further lessen the impact of car costs on the city.Other government levels can play their part in reducing the cost of cars to Canadianmunicipalities. The federal government needs to restructure the income tax laws so thatemployer provided free parking is no longer a tax incentive.Municipalities themselves have to stop catering to the car. The parking facility requirements ofnew buildings should be lightened in the zoning laws. Existing bylaws that restrict parking inareas need to be stringently enforced. The penalties (i.e., fines) for breaking traffic and parkingrules need to be severe.121In the end, Vancouver must concentrate on reducing car ownership levels. Policies to reducecar ownership can be directed towards strict parking regulations that make car ownersresponsible for their own parking needs; and high ownership taxation fees applied to each excesshousehold vehicle. Individuals acting more responsibly towards the environment will positivelyreduce the cost of the car to the city. It is clear that individual behaviours created the carproblem in the first place. Individuals moved to the suburbs, commuted to work alone andcontributed to a huge congestion problem. Thus, individual behaviour can work to undo whathas been done. Each person making the choice not to drive alone can make a difference. Oneless car means less pollution, less land needed for parking and one healthier person if thealternative to the car involves some walking or cycling.122CHAPTER EIGHT8.0 CONCLUSION8.1 Relationship of Thesis to Peat Marwick StudyTransport 2021 hired Peat Marwick Stevenson & Kellogg "to conduct an analysis of the fullcosts of various modes of passenger transport in the British Columbia Lower Mainland region"(Peat Marwick, 1993, p. i). Transport 2021 intends to recommend a long range transportationplan for the Greater Vancouver area. In order to make recommendations, there needs to be abasic understanding of the current trends and costs of the present transportation system. ThePeat Marwick study was successful at achieving the terms of reference of their project. Themodel developed by Peat Marwick does indeed give Transport 2021 a tool to compare competingmodes of regional human transportation.The terms of reference for the Peat Marwick study were broad both in geographical area andin information to be covered. Given that the time frame of the project was limited to 3 months,Peat Marwick did an extremely thorough job. Peat Marwick analyzed 12 modes of peopletransport in 20 cost categories for an area that exceeds 2930 square kilometres.The completed study enables one to compare costs of modes of transport as well as subsidiesgranted to each transportation mode. All transportation modes are subject to the sameassumptions and expressed in the same terms, dollars per passenger kilometre.This thesis is an accompaniment to the Peat Marwick study. Peat Marwick did an excellent jobin providing city officials with information on the cost of transporting people. This thesis123provides municipalities with a model to actually determine what they themselves spend on onemode of transportation.Because Peat Marwick looked at transportation from a regional perspective, it did not expressthe data by separate municipality. Their report concludes that municipal taxpayers spent $583million dollars on private motorized vehicles in 1991 (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. 30). For anindividual municipality to determine its own contribution to automobile subsidies, it cannotsimply divide the Peat Marwick total by 28, the number of municipalities the reportencompasses, because each municipality has different costs, population and area. For example,not all municipalities have their own police force, many use by contract the R.C.M.P. whichis under federal jurisdiction. The cost of policing those municipalities is possibly sharedbetween the federal government and the municipality.This thesis enables the Peat Marwick study to be useful to individual municipalities. In 1990,Clouds of Change recommended Vancouver undertake a study, similar to this thesis, so thatsubsidies could be understood and reoriented from private to public forms of transportation(Clouds of Change, 1990, p. 43). This thesis provides a framework to monitor the privateautomobile subsidies for individual municipalities in each calendar year. Each municipalitycould then implement policies to mitigate the subsidies. Recoveries from private automobilescould be applied to improve the popularity and convenience of alternate modes of transportationas recommended by Clouds of Change.This thesis also enhances the Peat Marwick study by personalizing the data. That is, bothreports clearly show that private automobile drivers enjoy subsidies. However, the Peat124Marwick report covers too large an area to allow people to feel personally responsible for thecosts. People generally relate more easily to the local level than the regional level. PeatMarwick exhibits that Lower Mainland automobiles were subsidized in 1991 by a total amountof $2,654 million dollars by businesses, municipal taxpayers, provincial taxpayers and society(Peat Marwick, 1993, p. 30). This thesis shows that each Vancouver vehicle is subsidized bythe city $720 per year. It demonstrates that if one does not own or use a car in the city, onedeserves some kind of reward. The Peat Marwick study does a good job at documenting thecosts of the automobile but due to the large project scope, car drivers can feel removed fromthe costs they incur.Peat Marwick places dollar values on hidden or societal costs. In this thesis the hidden costsare discussed but not expressed in monetary values. Thus, the subsidies in the Peat Marwickstudy are seen as much higher than those in this thesis. The hidden costs in this thesis are notexpressed in dollar values because it was felt too many assumptions would be required. Also,since hidden costs like air pollution are more of a regional cost than a local cost, it did not seemappropriate to do more than discuss them. The background of the terms of reference for thePeat Marwick study describe that because the automobile enjoys a number of subsidies it is"underpriced and therefore overused" (Peat Marwick, 1993, p. A2). Thus, if the direct costsare fully accounted for by users, a decrease in automobile use should result, leading to lesssevere hidden costs.The Peat Marwick report ends with a chapter entitled "Future Research Needs." Suggestion C,"analyze a broader range of costs" is unnecessary. The point of both the Peat Marwick studyand this thesis is to illustrate that transporting people is costly to governments and to society.125Motorists have traditionally believed that they pay the cost of their right to drive automobilesin the form of fuel taxes, property taxes and the fixed automobile ownership costs. Both studiesdemonstrate that this belief is false. So, to analyze a broader range of costs would only add tothe complexity of the study and the number of assumptions required. It would not change thepoint. The studies provide good approximations of the direct automobile costs. As for hiddencosts, money cannot repair everything. Some of the hidden costs will only be mitigated throughdecrease in automobile use, not by throwing money at the problem.8.2 Final RemarksThis thesis is not suggesting that the car should be eliminated from society. Rather, it isacknowledging that the automobile is an intricate part of society. Removing the automobile fromthe North American lifestyle would be much like severing an arm from a person. Manyordinary activities would have to be relearned using different techniques. Without losing thearm, it is difficult to catalogue all the functions of an arm. Similarly, without abandoningautomobiles in urban society, it is difficult to understand and report all the automobile costs.The intent of this thesis is to provide evidence that the car does cost city tax payers money andto discuss the nature and amount of the costs.Owning and driving automobiles are not rights but privileges (Seelig and Artibise, 1991, p. 69).Drivers must be made aware of what the privilege is costing tax payers. Automobile driving,calculated to be costing the City of Vancouver in 1992 alone $185.6 million, is very expensiveto governments, yet user-pay strategies for the most part are not in place. Society members126contribute equally in terms of tax dollars but the automobile system is not used equally. Thereare some people who make conscious efforts to decrease their use of automobiles. This effortby some enables others to benefit, as the less congested roads can be used more freely thanbefore. As Bendixson (1975) puts it "cars are a marvellous way of getting about, provided thatyou have one and the rest of the world does not." Other people cannot or do not have the meansto use automobiles. They are being taxed unfairly for the automobile usage of others.Recent discussion about introducing tolls on Vancouver's Lions' Gate Bridge has brought to theforefront the issue of drivers paying the costs of the infrastructure they use. If drivers wereexpected to pay for the services they use, such as on-street parking, the city would either nothave to collect so much money in property taxes, or would have more money available for otherservices. An automobile user-pay system of sharing the cost of automobile services wouldpromote a decrease in automobile dependency and reward those who do not use cars. Aneditorial in The West Ender sums up this sentiment:The provincial government should move ahead quickly with its plan tointroduce tolls to finance major transportation projects, such as a new orrejuvenated Lion's Gate Bridge.Tolls would make users responsible for major bridge and highwayconstruction, rather than forcing all taxpayers to contribute. In fact, in somejurisdiction private contractors have agreed to build major new highways andbridges in return for the right to collect tolls, an innovative way of fulfillinginfrastructure needs without burdening taxpayers. With Greater Vancouver likelyto need billions of dollars worth of transportation improvements over the nextdecade any additional method of funding is welcome.In addition, tolls will pay an environmental dividend by having a dampeningeffect on traffic by convincing motorists to get out of their cars and onto publictransit reducing pollution. That would also reduce pressure on existingtransportation infrastructure, including downtown and arterial streets ("It's timemotorists paid their way," The West Ender, February 18, 1993, p. 8).The automobile is finally starting to be checked in society. There has been an awakening to thefact that there are costs associated with the freedom the automobile has provided. The127newspapers now regularly discuss this "hot topic." Letters to the editor express concern andconsiderable insight into what the unleashed automobile represents. A February 1993 letter toThe Vancouver Courier worried that a new widened Lion's Gate Bridge is not the solution to thecongestion it presently experiences. The author recognizes that a widened bridge will enablemore cars to enter downtown Vancouver and questions what will happen once the cars arrivein the downtown. He wonders if Stanley Park will be paved to provide more downtownparking. "Adding more cars to our streets will only make a bad problem worse" (David Black,"Wider bridge not answer," The Vancouver Courier, February 17, 1993, p. 7).A second article in the same paper encourages the restriction of Stanley Park traffic byproposing ideas like: eliminating waterside roadway parking; and restricting nighttimeautomobile traffic (Brian Truscott, "Restrict park traffic, watchdog group says," The VancouverCourier, February 17, 1993, p. 5).The car is costing Vancouver. The $185.6 million figure relates to $392.64 per Vancouvercitizen in 1992 alone. If Vancouver car owners and car commuters were charged an annual userfee of $563.07, each non-car owner would be $392.64 richer. 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Graeme Wynn andTimothy Oke. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1992, pp. 69-148.133APPENDIX 1: COMPILATION of B.C. ASSESSMENT AUTHORITY FIGURESWest Side:Address Lot Lot Land Improvements' Value ofDimensions Dimensions Value Value land(sq ft) (sq m) ($1,000's) ($1,000's) ($/sq m)1835 W 17th 9,375 871 $707 14.00 $8111897 W 37th 8,016 745 $767 13.50 $1,0301877 W 37th 3,960 368 $379 14.50 $1,0302988 W 40th 4,257 396 $330 220.00 $8348168 Hudson 3,981 370 $306 136.00 $8278536 Oak 3,786 352 $209 18.10 $5942976 Trimble 3,538 329 $304 11.10 $9242553 Wallace 8,160 758 $610 27.50 $8044316 W 2nd 7,568 703 $558 169.00 $7932819 W 6th 3,960 368 $344 17.10 $9353249 W 21st 3,935 366 $337 63.40 $9223499 W 16th 4,077 379 $409 26.30 $1,0793820 Heather 3,960 368 $315 24.60 $856Average West Side residential land value per square metre: $879East Side:Address Lot Lot Land Improvements' Value ofDimensions Dimensions Value Value land(sq ft) (sq m) ($1,000's) ($1,000's) ($/sq m)1148 E 14th 3,810 354 $190 16.00 $537417 E 16th 4,026 374 $204 93.80 $5451232 E 15th 5,083 472 $209 16.80 $4421784 E 36th 3,706 344 $188 91.70 $546629 Slocan 4,026 374 $216 148.00 $5771120 Kaslo 3,878 360 $208 13.20 $5772934 Kitchener 4,255 395 $212 21.30 $5362655 Grant 4,191 389 $210 13.60 $5392510 E 1st 4,483 417 $198 49.40 $4752709 Franklin 4,026 374 $211 16.10 $5642214 E 42nd 3,655 340 $199 13.90 $5862086 E 4th 3,894 362 $312 34.20 $589Average East Side residential land value per square metre: $543134APPENDIX 1: CONTINUEDDowntownAddress LotDimensionsLotDimensionsLandValueImprovements'ValueValue ofland(sq ft) (sq m) ($1,000's) ($1,000's) ($/sq m)838-866 Granville 18,000 1,673 $4,050 788.00 $2,4211162-1164 Seymour 6,000 558 $810 20.00 $1,4531675 Harwood 8,646 804 $913 632.00 $1,1361306 Cardero 8,646 804 $1,106 465.00 $1,3761305 W Georgia 8,712 810 $2,874 25.00 $3,550450 W Georgia 6,000 558 $1,200 21.60 $2,152904 Davie 3,998 372 $689 75.00 $1,8541124-1134 Burrard 12,000 1,115 $1,800 88.00 $1,6141140-1148 Burrard 9,000 836^$1,350^1980.00 $1,614Average Downtown land value per sq. m.: $1,959Commercial Strips: West SideAddress Lot Lot Land Improvements' Value ofDimensions Dimensions Value Value land(sq ft) (sq m) ($1,000's) ($1,000's) ($/sq m)450/2 W Broadway 6,188 575 $928 672.00 $1,6143031/35 W Broadway 5,436 505 $815 87.00 $1,6131996 W Broadway 18,779 1,745 $2,804 213.00 $1,6071985/95 W Broadway 17,276 1,606 $2,580 5003.00 $1,6072233 W 41st 3,072 285 $845 11.00 $2,9602156/58 W 41st 3,354 312 $922 12.00 $2,958Average West Side commercial land value per sq. m.: $2,060Commercial Strips: East SideAddress Lot Lot Land Improvements' Value ofDimensions Dimensions Value Value land(sq ft) (sq m) ($1 ,000 's) ($1,000's) ($/sq m)1720 Kingsway 16,705 1,552 $1,280 14.00 $8241790 Kingsway 9,028 839 $692 108.00 $8253495 E Hastings 11,712 1,088 $966 172.00 $8873523 E Hastings 4,048 376 $303 8.00 $805874-880 E Hastings 6,100 567 $457 9.40 $806108 E Broadway 4,767 443 $571 352.00 $1,2891260 E Broadway 20,130 1,871 $1,207 654.00 $645Average East Side commercial land value per sq.m.: $876Average Commercial Land Value per sq. m.: $1,419


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