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The integration of housing and economic activites: a case study of low-income settlements in Kumasi,… Afrane, Samuel K. 1993

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THE INTEGRATION OF HOUSING AND ECONOMICACTIVITIES: A CASE STUDY OF LOW-INCOMESETTLEMENTS IN KUMASI, GHANAbySAMUEL KOFI AFRANEBSc. (Hons) Planning, University of Science and Technology, Ghana, 1980MSc. Econs in Social Planning, University of Wales, UK, 1983A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHYinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESSCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNINGWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAApril 1993© Samuel Kofi AfraneIn presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature) Department of GvimONITY /2:LG-roAhl-L A-A-MN(74 CThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate AP(L1I igq3 DE-6 (2/88)ABSTRACTThis dissertation is concerned with the appropriateness of the conventional urban land usesegregation concept which separates people's residence from their place of work. The empiricalresearch is focused on the creative processes by which households in four low incomesettlements in Kumasi, the second largest city in Ghana, integrate their economic survivalstrategies into the design and use of their housing. The study analyses the extent to whichincome, settlement type (i.e., informal or government built estates) and location (i.e., inner-cityor periphery) have influenced the emergence of neighbourhood enterprises in four low-incomesettlements. It also examines the kinds of impact the enterprises have had on family income,employment generation, the use of housing space and the functional linkages of the enterprisewith the urban economy.The study covered 1,289 enterprises in the four settlements dealing with informal and semi-formalactivities; home-based and non home-based businesses; goods- and service-oriented activities;and enterprises which serviced the neighbourhood market and businesses with market outletsoutside the city. The enterprises operated as family businesses functionally integrated into theday to day activities of the family. On average, each enterprise employed about three persons.About half of the employed persons surveyed were involved in neighbourhood enterprises.Women constituted 64 per cent of the total workforce and 63 per cent of the entrepreneurs.Higher concentration of the enterprises was observed in settlements with relatively lower income;those close to the city centre; and those with greater flexibility in development processes.Housing development processes manifested a gradual progression from mainly domestic land useto increasingly complex and integrated activities. In sum, the study revealed that althoughmunicipal policies pursue the goal of separating where people live and work, housing practicesIIin the communities reflected an integration of residence and work. The study establishes that forthe poor, a house is not just a shell but a place where people live, work and struggle for survival.Based on these findings and insights from the case studies and the literature review, thedissertation suggests that there may be a need for: (a) a shift from the conventional land usesegregation planning concept to a more holistic perception of the urban system and the organicintegration of its functions; and (b) an evolutionary housing and neighbourhood developmentapproach which is culturally appropriate and economically supportive to the survival of the family.The study also suggests that since the problem of poor housing and infrastructure in thesecommunities is primarily due to the question of unequal access to government resources, futureimprovements in the communities will depend largely on the residents' ability to organise into astrong political force that will lobby for increased municipal funding for the neighbourhoods.These suggestions will provide the framework for the implementation of an integratedneighbourhood development program in the communities focusing on housing improvements, low-cost infrastructure schemes and employment generation through strong local action and effectiveinvolvement of relevant actors in the private and public sectors.The dissertation concludes that the enterprises are thriving not only because they fulfil essentialneighbourhood demands, but also because of benign neglect on the part of the elite groups whocontrol the city. Although the evidence from the study suggests that the future survival of theneighbourhood enterprises is reasonably assured, their future economic advancement, dependslargely on the support and disposition of the city authorities in Kumasi. Perhaps, if similar studiesare undertaken in other cities in Ghana and the developing world, the trends noted in thisdissertation may be generalised.iiiTABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT ^  iiLIST OF TABLES .xLIST OF FIGURES   ^xiACKNOWLEDGMENTS  ^ xiiDEDICATION^ xiiiCHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY ^  11.1.0 Introduction  ^11.2.0 Housing and Urban Development in Kumasi: An Overview ^ 21.3.0 Statement of the Problem ^  51.4.0 Research Objectives  61.4.1 General Objective  ^61.4.2 Operational Objectives  ^71.5.0 Hypotheses ^  81.6.0 Theoretical Framework ^  91.7.0 Significance of the Study  ^101.8.0 Research Methodology  ^111.9.0 Data Requirements  ^121.10.0 Sampling Approach  ^141.11.0 The Field Survey  ^191.12.0 Other Data Sources  ^191.13.0 Limitations of the Study  ^201.14.0 Definitions of Concepts and Terms ^  211.15.0 Structure of the Dissertation  ^23ivCHAPTER TWO - EVOLUTION OF URBAN PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMS 262.1.0 Introduction  ^262.2.0 The Housing-Employment Dichotomy: Historical Perspective  ^262.3.0 Theoretical Features of the Land Use Segregation Concept ^ 282.4.0 Transfer of Western Planning Systems to the Growing Cities of the ThirdWorld^  322.5.0 The Evolution of Housing Policy  ^352.6.0 Paradigm Shift  ^382.7.0 Urban Unemployment ^  412.8.0 Research on the Integration of Housing and Employment ^ 462.9.0 Major Findings  ^492.10.0 Conclusion  ^51CHAPTER THREE - URBAN PLANNING AND HOUSING DEVELOPMENT INKUMASI ^  553.1.0 History and Growth of Kumasi City ^  553.2.0 Municipal Development Policies  ^563.3.0 Performance of the Planning System in Kumasi ^  623.4.0 City Structure  ^643.5.0 Types of Houses ^  653.6.0 Residential/Housing Classification  ^703.7.1 The High Cost Sector ^  723.7.2 The Tenement Sector  723.7.3 The Indigenous Sector ^  733.7.4 Government-built Sector  ^733.8.0 Demand and Supply of Housing ^  743.9.0 Housing Tenure  ^793.10.0 Land Acquisition and Tenure  ^813.11.0 Public Lands  ^833.12.0 Conclusion  ^83CHAPTER FOUR - THE DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE STUDY COMMUNITIES . . 864.1.0 Introduction  ^864.2.0 Type of Settlement ^  864.3.0 Location  ^894.4.0 Historical Development of the Settlements  ^924.4.1 Ayigya (periphery - informal settlement)  ^924.4.2 Zabon Zongo (inner-city - informal settlement)  ^934.4.3 Asawasi Estate (inner-city - estate)  ^944.4.4 South Suntreso Estate (periphery - estate)  ^944.5.0 Socio-Economic Characteristics ^  954.6.0 Housing Characteristics and Conditions  ^ 974.7.0 Infrastructure Facilities  ^994.8.0 Community Development Process ^  1014.9.0 Land Tenure at the Community Level  1014.10.0 House Construction Process ^  1034.11.0 Community Development Partnerships ^  1064.12.0 Conclusion ^  108viCHAPTER FIVE - NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISES^ 1115.1.0 Introduction ^  1115.2.0 Basic Characteristics of the Enterprises ^  1115.3.0 Locational and Operational Characteristics  1195.4.0 Concentration of Enterprises in Communities ^  1225.5.0 Income Determinant ^  1245.6.0 Explanations for the Observed Trends ^  1275.7.0 Informal and Estate Communities: Explaining the Diffirence.. .... .. ... .. . ..^1295.8.0 Impact of Municipal Policies on Enterprises ^  1325.9.0 Impacts of Enterprises on Community  1335.9.1 Employment Generation and Gender Participation ^  1345.10.0 Income/Revenue from Enterprises ^  1385.11.0 Income from Rental Housing  1405.12.0 Functional Linkages with the Urban Economy ^  1415.13.0 Housing Improvements ^  1435.14.0 Environmental Effects  1445.15.0 Operational Problems and Required Assistance ^  1455.16.0 Reactions: Entrepreneurs, Residents, Community Leaders andTechnocrats ^  1455.17.0 Summary of Findings ^  148CHAPTER SIX - IMPLICATIONS OF THE RESEARCH FINDINGS FOR INTEGRATEDNEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENT^ 1516.1.0 Introduction  ^151vii6.2.0 Locational and Environmental Implications  ^1516.3.0 Design Implications for Settlement Development  ^1526.4.0 Housing and Infrastructure Improvements  ^1546.5.0 Community Organisation  ^1596.6.0 Integrated Support Services  ^1646.6.1 Integrated Training Programs  ^1646.6.2 Integrated Credit System  ^1656.6.3 Market Expansion  ^1676.7.0 Fundamental Flaw in Previous Projects  ^1696.8.0 New Institutional Framework  ^1526.9.0 Conclusions  ^175CHAPTER SEVEN - IMPLICATIONS OF RESEARCH FINDINGS FOR URBANDEVELOPMENT ^  1797.1.0 General Implications  ^1797.2.0 The Need for Urban Planning Reform ^  1827.3.0 Paradigm Shift  ^1847.4.0 Feminist Contribution  ^1857.5.0 Defining the Essential Elements of the new paradigm  ^1867.6.0 Redefinition of housing, work and the neighbourhood.  ^1657.7.0 Variable and Evolutionary Standards  ^1867.8.0 Community Economic Development (CED) ^  1887.9.0 Integrated and Multi-functional Land Use Design  ^1927.10.0 Decentralised Employment Zones  ^194viii7.10.1 Level 1 - Home-Based Economic Activities  ^1957.10.2 Level 2 - Neighbourhood Commercial Zones  ^1957.10.3 Level 3 - City Centre Business Zone  ^1957.10.4 Level 4 - Heavy Industrial Zones  ^1957.11.0 Incremental Planning  ^1967.12.0 Structural Political Reforms ^  197^7.13.0 Conclusion     199CHAPTER EIGHT - SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS^  2028.1.0 Need for a New Paradigm ^2048.2.0 Policy Suggestions ^ 2058.3.0 Future Scenarios  208APPENDIX ONE  ^211REFERENCES^  223ixLIST OF TABLESTable 1.1 Sample Sizes     18Table 3.1 Housing stock by sectors, Kumasi . . . .   70Table 3.2 Population of Kumasi City, 1901 - 1989 ..................... .. ......................... . ..74Table 3.3 Housing Supply in Kumasi by Sectors   . . . 75Table 3.4 Number of Authorized and Unauthorized Houses (1960 - 1988) .. . .. . .... . . .. ...78Table 3.5 Ownership and Housing Tenure by Sector (in percentages)  79Table 4.1 Major Characteristics^ . . 95Table 4.2 Socio- Economic Comparisons of Communities^ .96Table 4.3 Access to Toilet Facilities (in percentages .100Table 4.4 Partners in Community Development: Informal Communities. ^ .107Table 4.5 Partners in Community Development: Gov't Built Estates ^108Table 5.1 Number of Enterprises by Communities   116Table 5.2 Basic Data on Communities: Selected Indicators^ .122Table 5.3 Concentration of Enterprises: Settlement Typology   ^ 123Table 5.4 Concentration of Enterprises in Communities: Location 124Table 5.5 Income status comparison (Suntreso and Kwadaso).   125Table 5.6 Employment Generation of Enterprises in Communities   135Table 5.7 Employment Generation by Gender in Communities. .136Table 5.8 Paid and Unpaid Workers   137Table 5.9 Market of Enterprises   142Table 5.10 Linkages of Goods and Services by Locality   143Table 7.1 Comparison of Planning Concepts   199xLIST OF FIGURES1.1 Map of Ghana showing the location of Kumasi ^ 31.2 Community Selection Matrix  ^ 162.1 Theoretical parameters of land use segregation concept  ^ 293.1 (a) Sketch plans of typical Ashanti single-story compound house.  ^663.1 (b) Multi-Storey compound house^ 673.1 (c) Government-built semi-detached estate  ^ 673.1 (d) Large single-household house  683.1 (e) Large block of flats . . . .^ 683.2 Kumasi Metropolitan Area showing survey communities and sectors.. ^714.1 Settlement Locational Chart ^ 905.1 (a) Retail kiosk 1125.1 (b) Bakery (food processing enterprise) .   1125.1 (c) A tailor's shop (personal services). 1135.1 (d) Carpenter's shop (light manufacturing).   1135.1 (e) Building extensions (construction). 1145.1 (f) Backyard garden (urban agriculture).   1146.1 Proposed Institutional Framework   1737.1 City Design Concepts^ 1937.2 Parameters for a New Paradigm^ 200xiACKNOWLEDGMENTI am most grateful to the Lord God Almighty who is the source of all wisdom and knowledge andby whose grace and strength this academic dream was successfully accomplished. Glory be toHis wonderful name.My sincere thanks also go to Professor A.A. Laquian, chairman of my research committee. Histhoughtful guidance and suggestions helped me immensely to produce this dissertation. Othermembers of the committee: Professors Brahm Wiesman and Peter Boothroyd are owed apersonal debt of gratitude for their devotion to duty. I sincerely appreciate the personal interestProfessor Wiesman took in my studies, an interest that included financial sacrifices on his part,of which my family and I are deeply grateful.I am also thankful to Professors Alan Artibise (Director, UBC School of Community and RegionalPlanning), Setty Pendakur (my first supervisor), David Hulchanski (my second supervisor,currently in the University of Toronto) and Michael Leaf for their help in diverse ways at variousstages of my academic pilgrimage in Vancouver.My wife, Augustina and our children (Gloria, Joceline and Sam Jr.) deserve a special tribute inthis acknowledgment. Their unwavering support and prayers gave me the tenacity to work hardtowards the early completion of the thesis. I owe them a debt of gratitude. May God bless them.A notable appreciation goes to many friends and relatives at home and abroad for their prayers,moral support and sacrifices in diverse ways. These include: Kwasi Opoku, Adjei Yeaboa, Johnand Akua Frimpong, K.D. Kessey, Tony Acheampong, Kofi Marfo, Kofi Owusu, Jude Hama,xi iFrancis and Ernestina Adu-Febiri, Debo and Jibola Ajayi and Yaw Afrane. The contributions offriends like Kofi Antwi, Elija Danso, Dan lncoom, George Ortsin, Joseph Ametepe Chris Nutakorand Sam Aggrey towards the preparation of the report are duly noted and valued.Finally, I gratefully acknowledge the financial assistance received from the United NationsDevelopment Programme (UNDP), the UBC Centre for Human Settlements and the Governmentof Ghana towards my doctoral program.DEDICATION:TO MY DEAR WIFE AUGUSTINA, FORHER LOVE, SUPPORT AND SACRIFICESxivCHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY1.1.0 IntroductionEven though cities of the Third World have serious housing and unemployment problems that areinterrelated, most policy and program interventions address these problems in isolation. Over thepast four decades, a number of innovative self-help programs have been initiated towards solvingthe housing problems of low income households. On the labour front, various agencies andorganisations have made concerted efforts to find enduring solutions to the worsening urbanunemployment problem. The search for solutions to these two related urban problems have notgiven sufficient attention to the linkages between them. Earlier attempts to utilise the employmentpotential in the housing industry, such as in Colombia and Venezuela, concentrated primarily onjob-creation in the construction sector (Strassman, 1974; Richards, 1979). While recognising thefact that these programs succeeded in creating considerable job opportunities in some cities, theyhowever failed to provide a comprehensive approach to deal with the urban housing andemployment problems.The linkages between urban housing, income generating activities and income flows in residentialcommunities are not well understood and therefore seldom incorporated into the design of humansettlement policies (Raj and Nientied, 1990). We lack an understanding of how the variousincome groups perceive their housing and its role in their household economy; how theseperceptions impact the use of their housing spaces; and what challenges these perceptions posefor planners concerned with urban housing development.The search for a more comprehensive understanding of the linkages between these two problemsas well as possible solutions in an urban planning context is the main subject of this research.1CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONAlthough this study is primarily focused on Kumasi, (see fig. 1.1) the second largest city in Ghana,it views the problems in the context of Third World urban development.1.2.0 Housing and Urban Development in Kumasi: An OverviewKumasi, the erstwhile capital of the great medieval Ashanti kingdom is presently theheadquarters of the Ashanti region. The city structure is modelled on a radial-ring road patternwith a centrally located city-centre. It occupies a built-up area of approximately 10 kilometres inradius and located 262 kilometres north of Accra, the capital city of Ghana. The currentpopulation is estimated to be around half a million. Its attractive layouts and series of parallelridges earned for it the accolade "the Garden City of West Africa" in the early 1950s (Boateng,1970).The genesis of municipal development policies in Kumasi comprising physical planning andhousing interventions dates from the early 1900s. These municipal policies have always reflectedpolicy instruments at the national level. Although municipal policies in the city evolved largely onan ad hoc basis, five key strands have dominated urban development policy in the city. Theseare: (a) physical planning regulations and development control measures; (b) encouragement ofprivate investment in rental housing; (c) development of infrastructure; (d) provision ofgovernment bungalows for senior civil servants; and (e) provision of subsidised public housingfor "workers."2CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONMAP OF GHANAFigure 1.1 The Location of KumasiCHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONThe key municipal policies, such as zoning and physical planning standards which regulatehousing construction and shape urban structure in Kumasi were modelled after the British TownPlanning Ordinances of the 1940s. In fact they are an off-shoot of the land use segregationconcept which spatially separates where people live and where they make a living. For example,the Town and Country Planning Ordinances prohibit the operation of economic and industrialactivities in residential areas. Although this legislation is not strictly enforced, it imposes structuralconstraints on the development of integrated housing and economic enterprises in the city.As in most Third World cities, housing in Kumasi lags behind demand. Available data indicatethat while the population growth rate has often exceeded an annual rate of 3.0 per cent since1960, the housing production rate has always fallen below 3.0 per cent. In 1988, the totalhousing stock in the city was estimated to be 22,760 houses, (Kumasi Metropolitan AuthorityRecords, 1988). These houses comprise five main house types: single storey, traditionalcompound houses; multi-storey compound houses; government built semi-detached/row housingfor the low income; large bungalows built on large plots and block of flats which dot the city'slandscape. (See figures 3.1 a-e for illustrations). About 21 per cent of these houses wereregarded as unauthorised, that is sub-standard or low quality housing built without planningpermission. The private sector provides the majority of the housing stock in the city. In 1988,the private and public sectors produced 81 and 19 per cent respectively of the total stock. Also,the city has a high proportion of the population living in rental housing. The proportion of rentersin 1980 was 74 per cent as against 12 per cent homeowners and 13 per cent non-rent payingoccupants who are often relatives of the houseowners.4CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONThe employment situation in Kumasi is not different from other cities in the developing world. Inaddition to employment opportunities in the formal sector, many people in the city seek alivelihood in a variety of small scale, labour intensive enterprises in the informal sector. The 1960and 1970 population censuses in Ghana reported that the informal sector employed about 64 and66 per cent respectively of the active population of Kumasi (Statistical Service of Ghana, 1964;1972). Although official figures are not available, it is generally known that a significant proportionof these informal enterprises operate within residential areas. Despite the size, vitality andcontribution of the informal sector to the economy of Kumasi, however, there are no coherentpolicies designed to support or stimulate the activities of the sector. Recent policies andprograms in this regard have often tended to be ad hoc and mainly focus narrowly on specificenterprises or issues such as credit and training without proper coordination.1.3.0 Statement of the ProblemMost conventional urban planners in Ghana and the developing world think of places ofemployment as those in industry or in the public sector which are spatially separated fromresidential areas. For these planners, creating jobs means expanding the formal sector wherecapital costs for each new job are so high that large-scale job creation is unrealistic (World Bank,1985). As indicated above, industrial and white collar jobs are in the minority and the informaleconomy serves as the dominant source of employment in most Third World cities (Linn, 1983;Lubell and Zarour, 1990; Lubell, 1991). Although some of the informal enterprises occur withinresidential areas, the foci of most research programs on the urban informal activities do not reflect5CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONthe vital linkages between housing and employment needs of the urban poor. 1 The linkageimplied here is how the process through which shelter is produced provides access to a varietyof employment opportunities within the residential environment.Urban planners do not seem to have recognised the dual character and function of housing forthe urban poor who cannot access the official labour market (Leynes, 1990). Consequently,residential lay-outs and urban infrastructure are often not designed to facilitate the operation ofneighbourhood economic enterprises. Failure to plan for the integration of economic enterprisesinto residential development does compel the urban poor to commute long distances betweentheir homes and business/industrial areas at high cost and inconvenience. These massmovements of people within the city using various forms of transport lead to severe trafficcongestion and atmospheric pollution (Commission on World Environment, 1987).1.4.0 Research ObjectivesThe research objectives of this dissertation comprises one general objective and five operationalobjectives:1.4.1 General ObjectiveThe general objective of the study is to examine the processes through which low incomehouseholds in Kumasi integrate their economic survival strategies into the design and use of their1. Examples of this approach include the urban employment studies conducted in Nairobi(1973), in Abidjan (1976) and in Lagos (1978) by the International Labour Organisation (ILO).6CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONhousing spaces and to explore paths for incorporating the understanding of these dynamics intothe planning of low income housing and neighbourhoods in Ghanaian cities.1.4.2 Operational ObjectivesThe operational research objectives are as follows:-(a) To identify and analyse the various factors and processes influencing or governing thedevelopment of housing and neighbourhood economic enterprises in low incomesettlements in Kumasi;i) To identify the different types of enterprises in four low incomecommunities in Kumasi and to further examine their spatial and operationalcharacteristics;ii) To analyse how the housing production processes of government built andinformal settlements in Kumasi either promote, regularise or hinder thedevelopment of neighbourhood enterprises and to determine how thepositive attributes of these residential models can be incorporated into anintegrated development of housing and economic enterprises in lowincome settlements.(b) To analyse the impacts of the neighbourhood economic enterprises on;i) family income and employment,ii) the use of housing space,iii) housing investments or improvements, andiv) neighbourhood environment.(c) To analyse the functional linkages between the neighbourhood economic enterprises and7CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONthe urban economy.(d) To assess the impact of municipal planning policies on the development of housing andneighbourhood enterprises in low income settlements in Kumasi.(e) To examine how the implications of the research findings can inform policy formulation atboth urban and neighbourhood levels towards the development of integrated housing andemployment programs in Ghana and perhaps in the Third World.1.5.0 HypothesesGhana's housing policy and town planning practices evolved out of a unifunctional concept ofresidential environments which perceives the use of housing and neighbourhood spacesexclusively for domestic family activities. The use of the residential domain for economicpurposes is thus viewed as an incompatible activity and therefore officially prohibited by municipalpolicies. What is enigmatic, however, is that this concept rooted in Anglo-Saxon middle-classvalues informs public intervention in housing for all social groups, irrespective of income andsocial values. It is important to question whether public planning and housing policies in Kumasihave succeeded in preventing residents from using their housing and neighbourhood spaces forincome-generating purposes. What is the gap between what the policy seeks to achieve andwhat people do in practice? And how do we explain this gap?The research investigates the dynamics of the gap between this public planning/housing policyand how people produce and use their residential environment in practice. It advances thehypothesis that:8CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONNotwithstanding the fact that public policy for housing provision pursues the goal of spatialdichotomy of housing and workplace in Ghanaian cities, residential practices in low income areasare more a reflection of integration of work and residence.However, the level of integration of housing and work achieved in each community may dependupon the following factors:a) the degree of flexibility allowed in the process of developing the settlement;b) the economic conditions of residents (i.e., access to employment and other economicopportunities);c)^the proximity of the settlement to the city centre;While the principal hypothesis relates to local actions relative to the prescriptions of publichousing policy, the sub-hypotheses examine some possible explanations for local behaviour. Insum, the hypotheses focus on the important but neglected relationship between public policiesfor the provision of housing and the creation of income through neighbourhood enterprises.1.6.0 Theoretical FrameworkThe dissertation adopts a theoretical position that questions the underlying rationale andappropriateness of the "land use segregation concept" which partitions the urban system intospecified uses at least as far as Ghanaian cities are concerned. In particular, the concept leadsto the separation of residential areas from workplaces, and standardises this unifunctional landuse pattern as the norm to which all social groups in the city should conform. In this connection,it must be noted that the separation of land uses is not so much "western", but rather, it9CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONdeveloped out of a particular set of circumstances related to the expansion of industrial capitalism.It is informed by scientific rationalism, utilitarianism and comprehensive planning traditions(Faludi, 1973b; Hudson, 1979).The segregationist concept is governed by five theoretical principles: unifunctional land useperception, discrete zoning, uniform standards, regulatory processes and an assumption ofconsensus in the urban community. In Ghana, these principles provided the conceptual basis forthe design of master-plans and housing programs which separate housing and economic activitiesin Kumasi and other urban centres. Based on the empirical research, the dissertation suggestsa new planning concept which spatially integrates the functional elements of the urban system.Another theoretical issue relevant to the main subject of this dissertation is the differentconception of illegality explored by Gilbert (1991). Different definitions of the concept areexamined in relation to low income housing and neighbourhood economic enterprises.21.7.0 Significance of the StudyMost research on urban poverty in the Third World focuses on isolated sectoral issues such ashousing, the informal sector, land, infrastructure etc. With such an approach, the research failsto provide a comprehensive framework for a better understanding of the interplay of the complexissues causing urban poverty. The novelty of this study lies in the fact that it addresses twocritical aspects of Third World urban poverty, that is housing and employment, and therebyprovides a more comprehensive strategy for the alleviation of urban poverty.2. These theories and concepts are discussed in greater detail in chapter two.10CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONTheoretically, the study challenges the conventional city planning wisdom which inadvertentlypenalises the poor and hinders their survival strategies in the city. In practical terms, it illustratesthe inseparable relationships between urban form, residential development and creation of wealthin urban centres. Lastly, the study is timely because Ghana and many developing countries aregoing through a painful structural adjustment program imposed by international agencies such asthe World Bank, which is forcing the public sector to reduce its work force, worsening the alreadytroubled urban unemployment situation.1.8.0 Research MethodologyThe study adopted a flexible case study approach. This approach was selected because it offersan opportunity to investigate and understand the dynamics of a particular system. It is relevantto urban planning research because it enables the researcher to learn from practice in order toinform the theory on which that practice is founded. It provides researchers with the means toexamine a real-life process within its context (Yin, 1989).To enrich the methodology, the scope was broadened to include the positive and relevantelements of qualitative research techniques. Qualitative research allows the researcher to "watchpeople in their own territory and interacting with them in their own language, on their own terms"(Kirk and Miller, 1986). It has three important attributes which underscores its appropriatenessto urban planning research in general and this study in particular: (a) it maintains that reality issocially constructed through individual or collective definition of the situation; (b) it tries tounderstand social phenomenon from the actors' perspectives; and (c) the researcher becomesinvolved in the phenomenon of interest (Firestone, 1987). By incorporating this technique into11CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONthe methodology, the perception of the survey population became the main prism through whichfacts were observed in the survey.1.9.0 Data RequirementsData were gathered through questionnaire-interviews, supplemented by field observations andpublished data sources. The data collection process was designed not only to gather objectivefacts, but also to facilitate an understanding of the processes underlying the observed facts.Equal emphasis was therefore placed on both "what" and "how" questions. While the former dealtwith objective facts, the latter were concerned with understanding the dynamic processes behindthe factual information. The data gathered from the surveys (i.e., interviews and documentarysources) were classified into (a) household and housing conditions data; (b) housing andcommunity development processes; and (c) neighbourhood economic enteprises.(a) Household and Housing Data:Basic information on household and housing characteristics was collected to describe thesocial and physical features of the survey communities. It also included short historiesof the communities. These data were obtained largely from secondary sources (e.g.,Kumasi Housing Survey (Tipple, 1986); Housing and Migration (Opoku, 1991). Due tolimited housing options in Kumasi, residential mobility is very low and neighbourhoods arerelatively stable. Consequently, the data available from these secondary sources are areliable approximation of current household characteristics and housing conditions in thecity.12CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION(b) Housing and Community Development Processes:In this section, data were gathered on "how" the survey settlements developed. Here, theconcern was to understand the planning and development processes: who did what andthrough what means as well as how the various resources, land, labour, finance, materialswere mobilised and utilised incrementally by various actors in the development process.Data collected comprised sources of finance, types of skills and labour utilisation inconstruction, types and sources of building materials, procurement procedures, landtenure systems, differing access to land, acquisition processes, use of indigenous andsalvaged materials etc. and the role of the actors (e.g., houseowners, renters, communityleaders, municipal council, social groups) in the housing development process.(c) Neighbourhood Economic Enterprises:Data were gathered on (1) the number and types of enterprises in each community, (2)their operational and spatial characteristics as well as how they developed over time.(1) Initially, this called for a count and classification of the enterprises in eachcommunity. The counting was done by observations aided by some informalinterviews.(2) Specific enterprises were then selected through appropriate sampling proceduresfor detailed interviews of the entrepreneurs. (See section 1.10.0).i) The first category of data collected included types of products, productionand productivity, locational characteristics, sources of inputs, marketoutlets, production technologies, skills, employment capacities, genderparticipation, child labour, job security, income level, types of environmental13CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONhazards, dependence on public infrastructure, etc.ii)^In regard to the developmental processes, the objective was to understandhow the enterprises began and expanded over time. These investigationscovered decisions and actions on choice of particular activities, location,level of investment, generation of capital, scale of operation, managementand expansion. The history of the different economic enterprises wastracked separately in order to understand their peculiar developmentcharacteristics. In addition, an attempt was made to understand howpeople perceived the role of housing in their household economy and theirviews on the multi-functional use of housing space. Reactions ofneighbours, houseowners, community leaders and planners concerning theactivities of the enterprises were also elicited through informal interviews.Stress must be laid on the fact that data collected largely represented the people's views andknowledge concerning how they develop and relate to their housing, operate neighbourhoodenterprises and the dynamic relationships between the two. In all, two questionnaires weredesigned to interview houseowners and entrepreneurs of enterprises respectively. (See Appendix1 for the questionnaires).1.10.0 Sampling ApproachThe selection of the communities, houses and enterprises for the survey was based on a multi-staged sampling technique. The entire sampling and selection process entailed six stages:-14CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONi)^First, a stratified sampling approach was adopted in selecting the communities. Theselection criteria was defined to facilitate the achievement of the study objectives andtesting of the hypotheses. The criteria were:(a) location - inner city or fringes; and(b) type of settlement - government built or informal settlement.Proximity to the city centre is used as a proxy for easy physical access to employmentopportunities available in the central business area. With regard to type of settlement, the twopolarities defined represent the degrees of either "informality" or "control" in the housingdevelopment process. Government built housing and informal communities are characterised bycontrol and inflexibility respectively. While "informality" describes a situation of flexibility,incrementalism, minimum regulations and user involvement in the decision making process,control typifies a rigid and top-down process without any user participation. The workingdefinitions of these typologies and how they relate to the research objectives are described ingreater detail in Chapter four.Based on the criteria mentioned above, a matrix (fig. 1.2) was developed which aided in theselection of four communities for the survey: Ayigya, Zabon Zongo, Asawase Estate and SouthSuntreso Estate.15TYPE OFSETTLEMENTGOV'T - BUILTESTATESINNER - CITY.AsawasePERIPHERYSouth SuntresoINFORMALSETTLEMENTSZabon Zongo AyigyaCHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONCommunity Selection MatrixFig 1.2ii)^Second, a census of all enterprises in the four selected communities was conducted. Inall, 1,289 enterprises were counted. The output of the census was classified into sevendistinct activity categories.These categories are:(a) retailing(b) food related enterprises,(c) personal and repair services,(d) light manufacturing,(e) construction,(f) urban agriculture,(g) education.iii)^Third, based on the output of the census, a total sample size of 33 per cent of all theenterprises was selected in the four survey communities.3 This amounted to 4333. This sample size far exceeds what is required for statistical reliability. The large samplesize was adopted on the recommendation of the United Nations Development Programme(UNDP) which funded the fieldwork of this study. This survey was funded as one of the many16CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONenterprises.iv) Fourth, the total sample size was distributed proportionally among the four surveycommunities according to the number of the enterprises counted in eachcommunity. Table 1.1 presents the sample sizes for the various communities andenterprises.v) Fifth, the sample size allotted to each community was further distributedproportionally among the seven categories of enterprises previously defined.vi) Finally, the selection of the houses and enterprises for the interviews was guidedby a systematic sampling approach to ensure an even spread of the sample.About 25 under-graduate planning students of the University of Science andTechnology in Kumasi were engaged to administer the questionnaires. Theinterviewers selected houses with specific enterprises assigned to them andalways ensured that there was a minimum of five houses in between every twoenterprises interviewed. Steps were also taken to ensure that enterprises locatedon undeveloped private and public spaces were proportionately surveyed. In eachof the sampled houses, both the entrepreneur and the houseowner wereinterviewed. While the former provided information about the enterprises, the lattersupplied data on the conditions of the house and how it was built. Whereas thesurvey successfully covered all the 433 sampled enterprises, information wasobtained on only 325 houses. This can be explained by two reasons. First, thedata collection programs recently initiated by the UNDP to build a comprehensive housing database for Ghana. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of the UNDP in the pursuitof this study.17(44.4)(39.6)(34.3)CONSTRUCTION 28 12 178(3.7) 4.043(0)8(7.2)1(2.3)EDUCATION 28 4 92 2.1(0.9)4(1.9)2(3.2)2(4.7)117TOTALS 43(100)111(100)216(100)10043363(100)200313659COMNIUNITIESTYPE OFENTEFt141ISES AYIGYA .179176L'Total Sample Total Sample Total Sample Total Sample Total Samp-leRETAILING 329 74 107 44 104 28 162 37.421 16(37.2)FOODPROCESSINGPERSONALSERVICES108 66(30.6)26 9(20.9)77 29(26.2)38 14(22.2)118 27.2108 34(15.7)54 6(14.0)49 17(15.3)25 12(19.0)69 16.0URBANAGRICULTURELIGHT MAN-UFACTURING47 10(4.6)9 5(11.6)9 4(3.6)9 4(6.3)23 5.331 20(9.3)4 4(9.3)26 8(7.2)8 3(4.8)35 8.02.7CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONenterprises located in public areas and on undeveloped plots were not attachedto houses. Second, some of the houseowners were not available to beinterviewed. These were mostly absentee houseowners. In such cases, theoccupants were not in a position to respond to the questionnaire.Table 1.1 Sample Sizes (number of enterprises counted and surveyed in each community)Source: Field Survey, 1991/92Note 1. The figures in brackets are sample fractions ( each column adds up to 100 percent).2. Total = Number counted; Sample = Number surveyed.18CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION1.11.0 The Field SurveyThe researcher organised training sessions for the interviewers to equip them for the task. Theywere made to understand the objectives of the survey and all the questions to be asked. Thiswas done to ensure that the interviewers maintain common definitions and interpretations of keywords and phrases. Further, the interviewers were trained in interviewing skills such as askingquestions, translating questions into relevant local languages, motivating and directing theinterview, probing for further details, judging the accuracy of responses, recording etc. After thetraining, a pre-test of the survey was organised to assess the questionnaire, the efficiency of theinterviewers, the reactions and understanding of respondents etc. A supervisor was alsoappointed to monitor the surveys in each of the communities. The field survey was carried outin November 1991. After the survey, the researcher analysed the data collected using the SPSScomputer software.1.12.0 Other Data SourcesIn addition to the questionnaire-interviews, the researcher conducted unstructured interviews withrelevant persons to elicit other vital information. Mainly, this concerned the views and impressionsof residents, community leaders and city planning officials regarding the operation of economicactivities in residential areas. Residents and community leaders were asked to comment on: whypeople establish these activities; their impacts on people and households; whether they shouldbe encouraged; and what public assistance is necessary. The city officials were asked to explainwhy these enterprises operated in contravention of city planning and housing policies. Further,they were asked to assess the future of these activities and the challenges they pose to planningpractice in the city. Information required on land and community organisation were also19CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONassembled through observations and discussions with community leaders and selectedindividuals.1.13.0 Limitations of the StudyAs indicated earlier, the study focused on four settlements in Kumasi, Ghana. Strictly speakingtherefore, the findings are limited to the types of settlements studied. In so far as other Ghanaianand West African cities reflect the socio-economic and cultural patterns found in the foursettlements, the study findings may suggest certain implications that may be applicable to othercities.Second, although access to information was generally appreciable, certain types of data weredifficult to obtain, in particular, qualitative data on social and economic processes, life-style, andtenure. Generally, the respondents regarded these types of information as personal andconsequently were not very cooperative. On the other hand, the researcher tried to useparticipant observation techniques to obtain some of these information, but time and resourceconstraints did not permit this on an extensive scale. In common with most research in the ThirdWorld, data on income was largely based on estimates as a result of the poor recording byrespondents. Also, due to current national and municipal tax campaigns, some respondents werequite suspicious of the study's intentions and were therefore reluctant to disclose their earnings.Third, information gathered on housing construction was often incomplete. This is attributed tothe irregularity of low income housing construction activities. In several cases, construction20CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONworkers and houseowners who built the houses were not available to be interviewed. While someof the current owners are second-generation landlords (i.e., heirs of property), others areabsentee landlords. As a result of these problems, important information relating to housingdevelopment processes (e.g., mobilization of resources, construction process, land acquisition etc)were inadequately reported. Also, the survey covered a segment of the households (i.e., thoseinvolved in the neighbourhood enterprises) and as a result, it is difficult to draw generalconclusions about the household economy. Finally, some difficulties such as interpretation andtranslation of certain terms were encountered as a result of the high illiteracy rate among therespondents.1.14.0 Definitions of Concepts and TermsThe following terms and concepts are defined as follows in this dissertation:1. Household: All persons who live together and share the same house-keepingarrangements or eat from the same pot. There are basically two categories of householdsin Kumasi: (a) nuclear families, and (b) those which include some members of theextended families. The latter is in the majority. In 1986, the mean household size in thecity was 4.9 persons. About 22 per cent of the households had more than six persons.2. Housing : Housing refers to the process through which shelter is provided. It does notrefer to the physical shell or structure. It is an activity rather than a structure. Thisprocess includes both the construction of the building and the provision of infrastructure.3. House: A house is a dwelling place or a building independently located on a plot of land.The building may be used wholly or partly for residential accommodation. It may be a"compound house", flat, bungalow, etc. Some houses such as flats, often consist of a21CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONnumber of dwelling units. It may have none, one or more of the following services: water,kitchen, toilet, bathroom, electricity.4. Compound house : In Ghana, this is a house in which a number of rooms have beenarranged around a courtyard. It usually has one entrance and occupants use sharedfacilities. Many household activities are done in the courtyard. It usually accommodatesseveral households who may be owner occupiers, non-rent paying relatives or renters(i.e., non-relatives).5. Zongo: A residential enclave or community in a Ghanaian city which serves as aresidence for migrants. A majority of the residents are muslims from the northern part ofGhana. Zongos are settlements often characterised by poor quality housing and lack ofinfrastructure facilities. Although most of the residents are poor, it is not unusual to findfew rich individuals in the zongos. Many migrants prefer to live in these communities inorder to maintain ties with people from their ethnic group.6. Informal: In this study, the term "informal" refers to flexibility, incrementalism and lack ofrigid regulation that characterise the development of both low income settlements andneighbourhood economic activities.7. Informal Settlements: These are low income communities that do not fully conform withofficial city codes and standards. Houses in these settlements are regarded asunauthorised developments because the construction was done without planning approval.8. Informal economic enterprises: These are economic activities that do not fall under theformal definition of economic standards. What is emphasised here is small size, minimumregulation, ease of entry and not necessarily reliance on local technology and labourintensive techniques or whether skills are acquired in or outside the formal school system22CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONeven though some of these characteristics may sometimes apply.9.^Neighbourhood economic enterprises: These are income generating activities operatingwithin a residential community. They may be classified into (1) informal and formalactivities; (b) home-based or non home-based.These definitions are explained in greater detail in the relevant sections of the dissertation.1.15.0 Structure of the DissertationFollowing this introduction, the next chapter reviews relevant literature on urban housing andemployment in the Third World. It traces the history of the land use segregation concept in pre-industrial Europe and then defines the theoretical principles governing the concept. The nextsection reviews literature on how the housing-employment split was transferred from Europe andNorth America to the Third World and how the concept impacts various strategies adopted by thegovernments of developing countries in addressing the severe urban housing and unemploymentproblems resulting from the upsurge of population in the 1950s and 1960s. The chapterconcludes with a review of research and case studies on the housing-employment linkage.Chapters three and four provide an understanding of the complex urban environment and theconditions in the four communities studied and how these unique characteristics impact thedevelopment and operation of neighbourhood enterprises. The third chapter analyses municipalplanning ordinances and policy instruments which govern the development of housing andneighbourhood economic enterprises in Kumasi. Following this discussion, the chapter evaluatesthe performance of the land use segregation model in Kumasi that follows the theoretical23CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONprinciples defined in the previous chapter. In addition, it looks at different housing characteristics,the dynamics of the land market, tenure types, demand and supply of housing and the impact ofcultural factors on the delivery and access to housing. Chapter four describes the distinctivefeatures of the four communities studied. The criteria used in defining the four settlementtypologies are described in detail. Following this, the balance of the chapter discusses the historyof the communities, their differing housing conditions and characteristics, land acquisitionprocesses, infrastructure services and community development partnerships.Given the above background, the fifth chapter analyses the vital operational and spatialcharacteristics of the neighbourhood enterprises within the context of the neighbourhoodeconomy. The critical focus of this chapter is on testing of the hypotheses, analyses of thevarious factors inducing the emergence of the enterprises, the different levels of enterpriseconcentration in the four communities and the impact of housing and urban planning policy onthe development of enterprises. The chapter concludes with the reactions of various interestgroups (i.e., neighbours, houseowners, community leaders, technocrats etc) to the activities ofthe enterprises in the neighbourhoods.The sixth chapter examines the implications of the empirical findings for the design of anintegrated development program at the neighbourhood level in Ghana. It addresses specificissues and problems identified in the survey and suggests some policy interventions. Its mainfocus is on the implications of the findings for neighbourhood development and not detailed policyprescriptions.24CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTIONChapter seven draws some important generalisations and insights from the research findings andexamines their implications for housing and urban development in Kumasi in particular and theThird World in general. Based on the findings and insights, it argues for a paradigm shift fromland use segregation to a holistic concept of the urban system and the organic integration of itselements. The essential building blocks of the new concept are defined in detail. These reformssuggested at the urban level are intended as the basis for a comprehensive review of theplanning legislation in Ghana.The final chapter ties together the major conclusions of the dissertation. It provides a summaryof the empirical research, the new paradigm shift and policy suggestions and in conclusion,examines the possible future scenarios for the development of neighbourhood enterprises inKumasi.25CHAPTER TWO - EVOLUTION OF URBAN PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMS2.1.0 IntroductionConventional urban planning practice is informed by the "rational" land use segregation conceptthat partitions urban land into specified uses. In particular, the theory separates residential areasfrom workplace, and standardises this unifunctional land use pattern as the norm to which allsocial groups in the city must conform. This chapter reviews literature related to this concept withparticular reference to housing and employment in the Third World.2.2.0 The Housing-Employment Dichotomy: Historical PerspectiveThe housing-employment dichotomy in Third World cities is a planning tradition inherited fromEuropean countries. This phenomenon is rooted in the development of industrial capitalism in19th century Europe (Harris, 1984). Historical evidence suggests that the unity of labour andresidence prevailed in the feudal societies of medieval Europe. According to Vance (1966), "theemployment linkage in pre-industrial Europe was both simple and direct ... man's life wasgenerally a geographical whole". The household was a producer of goods that satisfied itsimmediate needs. The work involved in the production of goods, and the reproduction of labour-power was unified both spatially and functionally (Mackenzie and Rose, 1983). In feudalsocieties, some degree of oppression existed in terms of class and gender. Also, working hoursfor peasants and urban dwellers were long and arduous. However, working hours and theorganisation of work-processes were self-regulated, while work ethics were closely bound to theculture of the community (Mumford, 1961).The transition to industrial capitalism transformed social relations of production, the nature of thedomestic economy as well as the nature and purpose of household production. With the26CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSintroduction of capital, markets and profit, almost everything including labour became acommodity. Production became less and less oriented towards households needs and more andmore oriented towards profit making and the accumulation of capital. The household economybecame linked with not only the national economy but the international economy. Under thepressures of capitalist transformation, the self-regulating unity of production and domestic lifequickly disappeared. Initially, the location of production remained entirely in the household andin small workshops, but with the introduction of technological innovation, large machinery andsteam power in industrial production, most of the small workshops could not remain competitiveand therefore gradually withered away. With growing industrial capitalism, more and morehousehold members had to sell their labour in exchange for wages, without which the family couldnot obtain the basic necessities of life like food and shelter. Unlike in the medieval era, the homethen provided the physical and emotional environment for the reproduction of labour for thepurposes of capitalist production.These developments necessitated the location of industrial activities outside residential districts.Most housing areas lacked adequate physical space to accommodate the emerging largefactories. Also, the health and environmental problems associated with these new factories wereincompatible with residential use. For instance, coal powered factories and mills produced fumesand noise that posed severe health hazards to the life of people in adjacent residential areas.Although the development of industrial capitalism contributed significantly to the split betweenhousing and work, other factors also impacted the process. For example, nuisance laws andindustrial guild areas of medieval Europe pre-dated capitalism. Also, the scientific rationalism27CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSconcept which was popularised by F.W. Taylor in the management sciences also contributed tothe spatial and functional segregation of activities in response to the increasing specialisation ofsocietal functions. The critical point in this historical review is that: the separation of land usesis not so much "western", but rather, it developed out of a particular set of circumstances relatedto the expansion of industrial capitalism.1 Its extension and adoption in socialist countries andother parts of the world was driven more by technology.2.3.0 Theoretical Features of the Land Use Segregation ConceptThe planning system based on land use segregation is characterised by five theoretical principles:(a) unifunctional land use, (b) discreet zoning, (c) uniform standards, (d) regulatory process and(e) consensus. These principles are diagrammatically illustrated in Fig. 2.1.(a) Unifunctional land use is rooted in the concept of specialisation (eg. housing, education,recreation, industries etc) in modern society. Another dimension of specialisation is thegeneral belief in market economies that land should be put to its best and highesteconomic use. A planning philosophy evolved out of these principles which sought to findthe most suitable piece of land for each human activity. The resulting distribution ofactivities was supposed to ensure economy, convenience and beauty (Keeble, 1954).This thinking was accentuated by the advancement of modern technology.(b) Discreet zoning is the legal manifestation of activity specialisation in the urban system.In other words, it is the institutional response to unifunctional land use. The purpose of1. In ancient Chinese cities, residence were also separated from work place, but this arosemore from a cosmological view of the world translated into urban design rather than on socio-economic processes.28CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSTHEORETICAL FRAMEWORKFig 2.1 The Planning System Based on the Land UseSegregation Concept29CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSzoning is to find "a place for everything" and also to ensure that "everything is in its place"(Perin, 1977). Through zoning, specific activities are legally restricted to or disallowed incertain areas of the city.(c) Land use segregation zoning defines a particular residential pattern and uniform standardsto which all categories of people in the community must conform. The rationale forintroducing these standards is to promote the comfort, convenience and safety of all.However, these uniform standards do not take into consideration the income, social andcultural differences in the city.(d) The land use segregation concept is implemented by regulatory procedures intended toensure that all physical developments conform to approved standards. Developers arerequired to follow these procedures so that projects can be carefully screened beforeimplementation. Various permits and licenses (development, building, occupancy etc.) areto be obtained to authorise the commencement of construction activities or the occupancyof completed projects.(e) Finally, the planning system operates on the assumption that there is a homogeneousinterest and consensus in society. It is assumed that, all government decisions are takenin the general interest of the public. This assumption has been criticised by variousschools of planning thought (eg Advocacy theorist - Davidoff, (1965); Critical theorist -Hague, 1984; Anarchist theorist - Ward, 1983). The common thread of their argumentsis that the city is an arena of competing interest groups.It is obvious from the elements listed above that the land use segregation concept emanates fromthe comprehensive tradition of planning theory which sees planning as a technical, value-free,30CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSapolitical activity. It is criticised on the grounds that it fails to contextualise planning in the socio-economic and political climate in which it operates (Beazley, 1989). In the same vein, specificobjections have been raised against the land use segregation model. For example, in America,zoning has been criticised on the grounds that it originated as the response of the elite to protecttheir low density housing from the threat of tenements or recent immigrants who surged into thecities in the early decades of this century. Basset (1936) argues that "when communities weresparsely populated with low buildings and much open space, there was not the need for zoningregulations that arose after population increased". Perin (1977) also raises a number of questionswhich reveal the underlying rationale of zoning: why are some kinds of land use relationshipsregularly prohibited?; why do changes in land use categories meet with widespread resistance,and who are the resisters?; why do zoning districts contain the specifics they do? Insights fromthese questions and experiences from many countries suggest that zoning is subject tomanipulation by the dominant class who control the city in order to hold in check any physicaldevelopments which may threaten its interest (Hardoy et al, 1989; Gilbert, 1991; Basset, 1936).Gilbert (1991) also takes on the issue of standards and illegality associated with this planningmodel. In his paper on squatter settlements in Latin American cities, Gilbert maintains that it wasthe need to control the expansion of illegal neighbourhoods which led to the introduction ofplanning standards which defines authorised and unauthorised developments. Although thesecriticisms focus on different aspects of the land use segregation concept, taken together, theyreveal the flaws inherent in the comprehensive approach to urban planning.31CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMS2.4.0 Transfer of Western Planning Systems to the Growing Cities of the Third World.Cities in developing countries "are not solely the outgrowth of responses to European stimuli"(Hull, 1976). Many modern cities in the Third World existed prior to colonisation. Most of themwere notable centres of ancient civilisation. As capitals of ancient civilisation, these cities playedimportant political, commercial, religious and cultural roles. Examples are Cairo and Alexandriain Egypt, Xian in China, Kumasi in Ghana, Kano in Nigeria, Damascus in Syria etc. Thearchitecture and physical structure of these cities were compatible with local culture, geographyand climate.Even though urban centres are not a colonial phenomenon, many cities in the Third World atpresent bear the imprints of colonialism. Cities like Accra, Lagos, Abidjan, Dakar, Dar es Salaametc. were selected as colonial capitals due to their coastal locations. Apart from being the seatsof colonial administration, they served as ports for the shipment of raw materials to themetropolitan capitals in the west as well as the centre for the diffusion of western values andtechnology.Unity of work and residence was an essential feature of the pre-colonial urban fabric in ThirdWorld countries. In his book "African Cities and Towns before the European Conquest", Hullobserves that ".. in the great commercial cities, manufacturing was a small-scale operation,confined to family compounds and market place" (Hull, 1976). With the advent of colonisation,the role and character of pre-colonial cities underwent significant change. The growing political,economic and technological significance of the cities sparked the process of urbanisation in mostdeveloping countries. This process continued unabated after independence. This is attributed32CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSto the fact that post-colonial governments continued to pursue policies which concentratedeconomic resources and social opportunities in urban areas. Although country differences exist,generally urbanisation was driven or propelled by pull (endogenous) and push (exogenous)factors. The former comprises all the modern privileges and opportunities (eg.,good housingwater supply, electricity, employment etc.) which attracted people to the cities. The latter refersto the unfavourable conditions (eg., dwindling farm sizes, inappropriate education, etc) whichmade rural life relatively unattractive and uncomfortable, particularly for the educated youth(Mabongunje, 1968; O'Connor, 1983).Although urbanisation is a common phenomenon in both developing and developed countries,the growth of cities in the Third World has been different due to its magnitude and its growingassociation with poverty (Davis, 1984). In 1950, 275 million people lived in Third World cities,representing 38 per cent of the 724 million global urban population. The total urban populationreached 1.56 billion in 1975 with more than half living in the metropolitan areas of developingcountries. The exploding cities of the developing world are generally characterised bypredominantly youthful population, poor housing, high illiteracy rates, poor health and nutrition,poor sanitation, unemployment and underemployment, poor transportation and a vicious cycle ofpoverty. These common characteristics continue to create the disadvantaged conditions forconsumption and capital formation described as urban poverty (Beir, 1984). Davis (1984)captures the gloomy picture of urban poverty in Third World cities in these words:Poverty in cities is not a new thing. Crowding, congestion and desperation werefound in the cities of Europe in the 18th and 19th centuries. What is new aboutthe situation in the developing areas of today is not poverty per se, but itsmassiveness, its potentialities for increase, its incongruous association with hightechnology, and its rapidly eroding opportunity for alleviation (Davis, 1984).33CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSThe western planning system which separates housing and workplace was parachuted into thismalformed and fast changing urban mosaic. This planning model and standards were introducedas an important component of the modernisation package. Modernisation is a theory that hasdominated the orientation of development planning and policies in developing countries since the1960s. The theory (Parsons, 1951; Rostow, 1971) is predicated on the belief that developmentmeans accelerated industrialisation, urbanisation and increased consumption much like what thewestern countries had achieved, and that to develop, the poor countries have to traverse thesame path as the rich countries. It was therefore believed that national development throughindustrialisation would require the emergence of a spatial system of cities whose sizes and designwould follow a log-normal distribution as those in developed countries (Berry, 1971; Sanyal,1988).Third world politicians and planners were committed to the modernisation of indigenous cities.Aided by foreign consultants, master plans were prepared to provide the means to visuallyarticulate the vision of reproducing western cities in developing countries. These master planswere generally insensitive to the local architectural and cultural heritage. First, they producedelaborate land use maps which often drastically altered existing land uses in order to achieve arational organisation of urban space. A case in point is the construction of massive highwaysacross indigenous urban enclaves often occupied by low income households (e.g, the Nimahighway in Accra which displaced many low- income families). Land use allocation in the masterplan was principally determined by the neoclassical economic principle of highest and besteconomic use of land. Guided by this principle, the master plans recommended the demolitionof traditional inner city enclaves to be replaced with luxurious hotels and monumental public34CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSbuildings, ignoring the severe consequences on the displaced.Policy makers regarded the old urban village as a "nuisance" in the modernising cities. With theaid of the police, local communities were bulldozed and the unfortunate victims were shipped tonew locations several miles away from the city centres. These locations often lackedinfrastructure services, job opportunities and especially transport services to other parts of thecity. Examples abound in most countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia as documented byPayne (1977) and Dywer (1975).Lastly, the master plans promoted the principle of discrete zoning and strict activity segregationand as a result, where people live and they make a living were spatially separated. Operatingunder the rubric of modernisation, planners and policy makers overlooked the fact that the unityof work and residence was an important characteristic of the pre-colonial urban fabric thatrequired preservation in the emerging master-plans. Lim (1983) presents a catalogue of westerncity planning practices which penalise the poor in Third World citiescentralised master plans ignore the needs of the poor, efficient land use planningeliminates pockets of land previously available for use by the poor, zoningpractices separate the poor from employment opportunities, redevelopment andrenewal displace the poor, the conservation of pen-urban agricultural lands createmore obstacles for the poor in competing for land and urban public works oftendisrupt the development of low income housing at convenient locations leading tomajor evictions.2.5.0 The Evolution of Housing PolicyPoor housing quality, overcrowding and sprawling urban landscapes are probably the most visibleand concrete effects of urbanisation in cities of the Third World. Conventional housing delivery35CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSsystems have failed to produce housing to match the burgeoning demand. From the late 1950s,new migrants who could not find affordable housing near nodes of economic activity resorted tovarious forms of squatting in either the central areas of cities or in distant pen-urban locations(Harris, 1981; Baross, 1983). Baross identifies two main categories of informal supply of land tothe poor: non-commercial and commercial articulation. The former consists of the use ofcustomary land for migrant settlements, various forms of alienation of vacant government lands,appropriation of abandoned properties, and squatting on marginal lands. The latter includes thesale of mini-plots in old popular settlements, land rental for the construction of temporary housingand sub-standard land sub-divisions. The estimated proportion of the squatter populations insome cities in the 1970s were: 30 per cent of Bangkok in 1976; 37 per cent of Kuala Lumpur in1973; 35 per cent of Manila in 1975 and 30 per cent of Delhi in 1971 (UNCHS, 1981; Linn, 1983).How did Third World governments respond to these housing and urban problems: poor housingquality, overcrowding, lack of infrastructure and growing squatter settlements? With theintroduction of town planning regulations, all housing developments were supposed to meetcertain foreign standards as a requirement for planning approval. By applying these standardsin an entirely different urban setting, most of the existing housing stock built with indigenousmaterials and technology became "unauthorised" development and therefore officially illegal.Normally, communities with unauthorised housing often occupied by low income households weregiven a low priority in the provision of infrastructure.In keeping with the spirit of modernisation, Third World governments adopted housing policieswhich emphasised the distinction between formal and informal housing. Policies were hostile to36CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSsquatter settlements and sought to replace them with massive public housing programs. The1 960s and 1970s therefore witnessed the establishment of state or national housing corporationsin almost all of the developing world. In addition, there were concerted efforts towardsstrengthening the institutional structure concerned with housing, building and planning. Forexample, in the Philippines, a whole ministry exclusively responsible for human settlements wasset up, while in Indonesia a Housing Policy Board, an Urban Housing Agency, and a HousingMortgage Bank were established in the early 1970s (Blitzer et. al., 1981). In Ghana, thegovernment established a housing bank in 1973 and also strengthened the State HousingCorporation which had been operating since 1956.Despite the huge investments and institutional reforms in the housing sector, governmentprograms in the Third World had little impact on national housing supply situations. These publichousing programs failed in terms of sustained commitment and especially in meeting low incomehousing needs. For example in Cairo, the combined efforts of both private and public enterprisesto provide units to official standards in 1975 satisfied less than half of the growth in need (Blitzeret. al., 1981). The Kenyan 1979 -83 Development Plan admitted that only 8 per cent of the low-cost units planned were completed and the average cost was five times the expected cost (Blitzeret. al., 1981). Since its inception in 1956, the State Housing Corporation of Ghana has never metits annual supply target of 2000 units (HUDA, 1990). The poor performance of public housingschemes in the developing world is attributed to chronic financial problems, grossmismanagement, the use of housing for political manipulation and above all, the dilemma of thehousing agencies between satisfying social objectives and being financially self-sufficient.37CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSThree important issues characterising the development of public housing schemes are relevantto this research. The first is the impact of land use segregation on the design and use of thegovernment-built housing estates. Since the planning of the estates was informed by thisconcept, no provision was made for the integration of economic activities into the houses and theneighbourhood environment. In some cases, particularly when occupants are tenants of the statehousing authority, income generating activities were officially banned. Second, the developmentof the estates are characterised by technocratic control. Almost all decisions, from planning toallocation of houses, were undertaken by the officials of the housing authorities. Third, thehousing authorities ignored the resources of users. They forgot that "in economies of scarcity,the mass of the common people, though poor, possess the bulk of the nation's human andmaterial resources for housing" (Turner, 1976).2.6.0 Towards a Paradigm ShiftIn the face of the dismal failure of public housing schemes and the restrictions on self-help lowincome housing initiatives, housing experts started questioning the appropriateness of theconventional housing philosophy as a solution to the Third World housing problem. John Turnerpioneered the search for a new paradigm. In Freedom to Build, Turner distinguished betweentwo fundamental value systems associated with housing: noun and verb perceptions. He arguedthat when housing is viewed as a noun, it describes a commodity or product. If considered asa verb, it connotes a process or activity. While the former focuses on what housing is (i.e.,material quality or standards), the latter emphasises what housing does in the lives of people(i.e., existential needs). Turner argues that "when the word housing is used to mean a stock ofhouses, understanding is clouded and actions are likely to be ineffective or even counter-38CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSproductive .... when housing is misunderstood and treated as a commodity serving the interestof commercial or political manipulators, attention is focused on the end-product and diverted fromthe ways and means by which homes and neighbourhoods are planned, built and maintained"(Turner, 1980). Based on this new paradigm, he argued for a revolutionary shift from "housingfor people" to "housing by people" because housing is an activity that requires the active andresponsible involvement of users in its production and maintenance.With this new understanding of the housing problem, attention of policy-makers and housingexperts shifted to enabling strategies (viz, site and services and upgrading schemes)2. Theseself-help projects rely on the combined resources of the public and private sectors. Generally,the government provides land and infrastructure while developers concentrate their resources onhouse building. The site and services and upgrading approach has been widely discussed inThird World housing literature (Turner, 1972, 1976; Payne, 1984, Ward, 1982, Laquian, 1983).The new approach, however, has not been universally acclaimed. Self-help has suffered abarrage of criticisms mainly from the Marxist camp. The chief spokesman of these critics isBurgess. Ward (1982) sums up the criticisms as follows:self-help allows labour to be exploited twice over - first at work, second in theconstruction of the home; that it maintains the status quo and retards necessarystructural change;....that its romanticism obscures the real suffering experiencedand self-help becomes a blueprint for its continuance as governments adopt alaissez-faire policy; that it simply provides a short-term breathing space and2. This does not mean there was a complete shift in all countries. Some policy-makers initiallyviewed these projects with ambivalence, if not hostility, but in the face of continued documentationand protracted advocacy, official attitudes began to change gradually.39CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSpresents no long-term solution; that it rationalises poverty" (Ward, 1982, p. 10).Although the record of self-help has some dark spots, the evidence that is available indicates thatit has made significant contribution to solving the low income housing problems in Third Worldcities. Since the 1970s, site and services/upgrading schemes have evolved from a tentativeexperimentation to "a new orthodoxy" enjoying the financial support of international fundingagencies. The World Bank for instance, has funded over 100 site and services and upgradingprojects in more than 60 countries. Through these projects, some low income families havegained access to serviced urban land while other residents in squatter settlements have resolvedtheir day-to-day problem of lack of services, insecurity of tenure and the constant threat ofeviction or demolition (Ospina, 1987; Turner, 1978; RodeII and Skinner, 1983).These achievements notwithstanding, there are still teething problems with self-help which needto be addressed. For example, it has been observed in many countries that as self-help housingenters the housing market, on account of its new desirability, it becomes vulnerable to upwardtransfer and the poor families often lose out (Taylor and Williams, 1983; Crooke, 1983; JohnsonJr., 1987). This disturbing trend supports self-help critics who advance the argument that thestates' real motive in supporting self-help programs (eg. upgrading and site and services) is toincorporate the informal settlements into the capitalist urban housing market, with the subsequentreplacement of the original low-income residents by higher income groups through the filteringup process (Burgess, 1978). The question is: can the houses produced through self-helpstrategies survive the pressures of the capitalist market? This is one of the unresolved issuesconfronting policy makers as far as self-help goes. Further, after implementing self-help programs40CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSfor over two decades, the evidence indicates that this approach lacks the capacity to deliver masshousing on the scale required to match the huge housing need in Third World cities.Consequently, some housing experts and activists are now advocating broader reforms in thehousing sector that would focus on the political, institutional and legal changes necessary toembark on large-scale housing program, "not on project by project basis, but on a societal (ie.large) scale" (Angel et. al., 1983). This is the current challenge. However, unlike the publichousing schemes, most of the self-help projects, particularly squatter upgrading, are characterisedby flexibility which allows residents to be responsibly involved in decisions affecting thedevelopment and use of their houses. It is therefore common to find a whole array of housetypes and neighbourhood economic activities operating in these communities (Raj. and Nientied,1990); Baken et. al., 1991).2.7.0 Urban UnemploymentUnemployment and underemployment are widespread in large cities of the Third World. Simply,the labour absorption capacities of the urban economies are unable to keep pace with theburgeoning supply of labour from the countryside and through demographic changes. In mostcases, the migrants cannot afford to remain unemployed and will accept any activity for the sakeof survival (Beir, 1984). Due to conceptual differences associated with the definition ofunemployment, it is difficult to obtain reliable and up to-date data on the urban unemploymentsituation. However, it is generally estimated that urban unemployment in developing countriesranges between 10 -20 per cent and 30 per cent in some extreme cases (Taylor and Williams,1982; O'Connor, 1983).41CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSUrban unemployment figures in some West African countries during the 1960s were as follows:Ghana - 26.6 per cent (1966); Cote D'Ivoire - 20 per cent (1963) and Nigeria - 12.6 per cent(1963) (Bairoch, 1973). Although recent statistics are not readily available, there is everyindication that the employment picture is even more bleak as a result of the Structural AdjustmentPrograms imposed on poor African countries by the World Bank. Future employment needs ofThird World cities are even more alarming. The International labour Organisation (ILO)projections suggest that while the developed countries will need 161 million additional jobs during1970 - 2000 or an increase of 33 per cent, the Third World will require 922 million jobs or nearlya 100 per cent increase over existing employment (Brown, 1984). India for example, is faced with100,000 new entrants into the labour force each week (Brown, 1984).In many Third World cities, most people seek a livelihood outside the official labour market in awide variety of small scale labour intensive enterprises which supply goods and services to amarket principally made up of low income households and individuals (ILO, 1973)3. Researchevidence from many countries show that the households involved in the informal sector constitutewhat is termed "the working poor -- people who are working and possibly very hard andstrenuously, but their employment is not productive in the sense of earning them an income whichis up to a modest minimum" (ILO, 1973). A recent publication by Lubell (1991) on the informalsector summarises some key points about the sector in the Third World. These are: (1) Thesector absorbs about 40 - 60 per cent of the urban labour force of many Third World cities; (2)the predominant activity is petty trading; (3) informal sector enterprise heads often earn more3. Recent research evidence from some Third World countries indicates that the informalsector also provides goods and services for households who work in the formal sector.42CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSthan the official minimum wage or the average wage in the formal sector; (4) higher earnings andthe relative independence enjoyed by informal sector entrepreneurs explains the strong attractionof this sector; (5) informal sector participants usually constitute the bulk of the urban workingpoor. Lubell and his associates, however, admit that some linkages exit between the two sectors.Literature on the "informal sector" is wide and diverse but the aspect which is particularly relevantto this dissertation is the definition of the informal sector and its development characteristics inresidential neighbourhoods. What do various authors mean by the term "informal sector?. Whatare the essential elements? The ILO definition brings together most of its distinguishingcharacteristics:(a) ease of entry;(b) reliance on indigenous resources;(c) family ownership of enterprises;(d) small scale of operation;(e) labour intensive and adapted technology;(f) skill acquired outside the formal schools system; and(g) unregulated and competitive markets.It is evident in the literature that the informal sector is variously defined. Various authors placedifferent emphasis on each of the characteristics depending upon the specific activity or countryin question. Whereas some analysts emphasise size and lack of regulation, others focus ontechnology and reliance on indigenous resources. These differences in emphasis lead to thequestion: can informal activities be lumped together as a distinct and separate sector? Can the43CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMS"two sector" terminology which divides economic activities and employment into informal andformal sectors be defined operationally? This dualistic terminology was first authored in the early1970s by Hart in his influential paper on urban employment in Ghana. The ILO then reified theinformal/formal concept in its World Employment Program report on Kenya in 1973. Since then,the ILO has been at the forefront of research and advocacy for the informal sector in the ThirdWorld. Other researchers and analysts who belong to the conventional school of thought arePage (1977), Linn, 1983, Lubell (1990; 1991), Okalanpo (1968), Hart (1972), World Bank, 1985,etc.Research reports prepared by various authors often belabour the prospects and potentials of theinformal sector. The following statement on Kenya by the ILO is typical of such comments:We see in the informal sector not only growth and vitality, but also the source ofa new strategy of development for Kenya. The workshops of the informal sectorcan provide a major and essential input for the development of an indigenouscapital goods industry which is the key element in solving the employmentproblem. The informal sector is not a problem but a source of Kenya's furthergrowth (ILO, 1973).Researchers who are on the other side of the debate include Bromley, Gery, Moser and Burgess(1978). Basically, they reject the dualistic classification of urban employment on the grounds thatit is constructed on simplistic and misleading assumptions which tend to mask the exploitativerelationships between highly differentiated production systems. Bromley raises nine objectionsto the formal/informal dualism. The kernel of his argument is that the two sectors are notseparate and independent as commonly alluded to in the literature, but "they are in a continuousfluctuating state of interaction and parts of one sector may be dominated and even created by,parts of other sector". The informal/formal division is not applicable to most people because they44CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSwork and consume products from both sectors at different stages in their life cycles, times of theyear or even times of the day. They also reject the argument that the informal sector isdominated by "the working poor". This particular perspective emanates from the "aristocracy oflabour" view of the formal sector, in which virtually all wage workers are thought to have stablejobs, good salaries and ample social security provision (Hobsbawn, 1964). A World Bank studylends credence to this criticism:Far from being at the bottom of the income distribution, many participants in theinformal sector do well or better than many in formal jobs. Many in the informalsector jobs surveyed have shown that 86 per cent of a sample of informal sectorparticipants in Jakarta, Indonesia and 75 per cent in Freetown, Sierra Leone,preferred to continue in this sector rather than take a formal wage job (WorldBank, 1985, p.3).An impression is also created that the informal activities have a present but no future. However,since 1972, research evidence suggests that informal activities are expanding rather thanwithering. This is happening both in situations where formal economic activities are shrinking asin sub-saharan Africa and where it is expanding as the case in some of the newly industrializingcountries (NIC's) of Asia and Latin America. In sub-saharan Africa, the contraction of the formaleconomy pushes more people into informal activities. On the other hand, the expansion of theformal economies of the NICs, create direct and indirect demands for goods and servicesproduced by the informal enterprises and thereby draws more people into informal activities(Lubell, 1991).Bromley (1978) summarises the views of his colleagues:Support of the informal sector appeared to offer the possibility of helping the poorwithout any major threat to the rich, a potential compromise between pressures forredistribution of income and wealth and the desire for stability on the part of45CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSeconomic and political elite.In sum, the informal activities are so diverse in terms of income, types of products, output levels,technology, profitability, employment capacity, life span, gender participation and above all,linkages with the formal sector, that it is not very helpful to lump all these issues together underthe umbrella of a distinct "sector". The so called "formal and informal sectors" are not separateand independent entities as some analysts portray it to be in the literature. They may form thetwo ends of the continuum. It is the dualistic perception held by policy makers that leads themto marginalise informal enterprises instead of properly integrating them into national economic andindustrial planning of developing countries. Despite the tremendous size, vitality and prospectsof the informal activities, they still remain as a footnote in the elaborate economic dreams of ThirdWorld.2.8.0 Research on the Integration of Housing and EmploymentA review of Third World urban and housing literature indicates that spatial integration of housingand employment has not been on the agenda of Third World planners, researchers and policymakers. As a result, very little work has been done in this field. One of the earliest researchworks on this subject is Housing and Jobs for the Poor (Winpenny, (1976). His paper is confinedto the construction labour potential in public housing schemes and does not deal with the complexrelationship between the housing development process and neighbourhood income generationactivities. In keeping with this research focus, earlier attempts to tap the employment potentialin housing concentrated on production-related jobs. Research in Colombia and Venezuelaconcentrated primarily on job creation in the construction sector, technology requirements, and46CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSthe amount of subsidies required to create jobs in housing programs for various income groups(Strassman, 1974, 1976; Richards, 1979). In fact, a considerable amount of work has been doneon this aspect. Although these programs succeeded in creating many jobs, they failed to providea comprehensive approach to dealing with unemployment in Third World cities.Other researchers like Bromley (1978), Bairoch (1973), Mouly and Costa (1974) and Uppal (1989)focus on employment opportunities in the informal sector without adequate reference to thelinkages between employment and the housing sector. Even though informal activities operatein both residential and non-residential areas, most of their work focuses on the latter.Proponents of the new housing paradigm (Turner, 1976; Ward, 1983; Ospina, 1987) are alsopreoccupied with low income housing improvement and delivery strategies. Johnson Jr. (1987)in particular, raises the question of housing and income stimulation in low income housing, butfor a different rationale. He maintains that failure to incorporate income generation activities inupgrading projects in the Third World is intentional. Arguing from a Marxist perspective, heobserves that the failure to integrate income support strategies in upgrading programs "do lendcredence to the charge that the State's real motive in backing upgrading is to incorporate theinformal settlements into the capitalist urban free land and housing market-place, with thesubsequent replacement of the original low-income residents by outside higher income groupsthrough the filtering up process".Income and Housing in Third World Urban Development  edited by Raj and Nientied (1990) is thefirst published material focusing specifically on housing-employment linkages. Recent publications47CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSby Solomon and McCallum (1985) and Solomon (1991) also shed more light on the complexitiesof the housing-employment connection. These publications give insightful ethnographic picturesabout residential enterprises in New Delhi and San Salvador. Even though these researchpublications cover a wide range of topics, they leave some questions unanswered. In particular,they give scant attention to the environmental dimension of urban development and theimplications of the home-workplace dichotomy on women.One important issue relevant to both informal housing and informal economic activities is theconcept of illegal development. What do we mean by illegal development in either housing oreconomic activity?, who defines what is acceptable and unacceptable?, and are these definitionsobjective and universal?. Gilbert (1991) unravels these issues in a recent paper on LatinAmerica. He examines different forms of illegality associated with squatter settlements. Illegalitymay relate to how the land is acquired, sometimes to lack of planning permission, and at othertimes to lack of services or the way the houses are built. He gives a host of reasons to explainwhy illegality is allowed, but his central point is that many forms of illegality exist becausediscretion is exercised towards them for a variety of reasons by those who wield power Thepaper emphasises that illegality is not a universal norm. Therefore what is legal or illegal is notimmutable. As circumstances change, so the definition of what is authorised and what isunauthorised also changes. Arguing from these perspectives, Gilbert concludes on the note thatthe concept of illegality is the creation of the elite, and its tolerance in any society depends uponthe extent to which it affects the interests and welfare of the dominant social groups.Legalisation of squatter settlements in many Third World cities over the past two decades bear48CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMStestimony to Gilbert's argument. It is common knowledge that many illegal low incomesettlements in Third World cities have been granted legal status as a result of political agitation,social pressures, or changes in political leadership. Although Gilbert did not make a directreference to informal economic activities operating in residential areas, one can observe importantconnections with housing. Despite the fact that neighbourhood economic activities are officiallyillegal in most Third World countries, particularly the former British colonies, they are common inmany residential communities. Why are these means of livelihood regarded as illegal and whyare they tolerated by public authorities? Insights from and answers to those questions reinforceGilbert's point on who defines what is legal and illegal.2.9.0 Major FindingsWhat do we know about housing and employment in the Third World? Or what have we learnedfrom the limited literature available on this subject? Below are some of the key findings from theavailable literature reviewed:(a) the greater the degree of consolidation in a settlement, the greater the possibility ofresidents putting dwellings to economic use (Mesa, 1990);(b) Whereas increased investment in housing by low income households is closely linked withsuccessful income generation, in most cases, supports for income generation becomepossible only when security of land tenure is guaranteed (Risbud, 1990);(c)^In organising a support program for the informal sector, an understanding of the localeconomy, its potential to grow in specific sectors, its linkages with small entrepreneurs andpatterns of economic activities in low income areas is vital (Risbud, 1990);49CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMS(d) Provision of housing for the poor generates more employment per unit of expenditure thanhousing for the rich (Richards, 1979).(e) Employment within the housing sector can be created through:housing construction activitiessmall scale neighbourhood economic activitiesbuilding material productioninstallation of infrastructural servicesrental housing (Raj and Nientied, 1990).Although this subject has not been sufficiently researched, the expected benefits of an integratedhousing and employment program are echoed in many research reports. Some of these benefitsare:(a) the creation of opportunities for low income households to establish businesses relyingmainly on their own resources and help to reduce urban unemployment (Mesa, 1990);(b) the multiple-use of housing space will ensure intensive use of scarce and expensive urbanland (Asante-Kyeremeh, 1980);(c) the integration of economic and industrial activities in residential areas will check urbansprawl (Raj and Nientied, 1990);(d) the long and costly intra urban trips will be significantly reduced (Brown, 1984).(e) the reduction in mass urban trips will not only check pollution and congestion but willreduce the need for public expenditure on buses, road maintenance and oil imports etc(Pendakur, 1986);(f) an increase in the income of poor households is likely to contribute significantly to the50CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSimprovement of their housing conditions. Without this, any planned housing program forlow income families is unlikely to be successful (van Dijk, 1990; Johnson Jr., 1987), andfinally(g)^neighbourhood economic enterprises will particularly expand the job opportunities forwomen in urban areas in a manner that enhances their role in the family economy(Commission on World Environment, 1983).2.10.0 ConclusionThe chapter reviewed the history of the land use segregation concept and the essential elementsthat generally govern its application. It also examined the various aspects of housing andemployment policies relevant to land use segregation. The land use segregation concept isinformed by scientific rationalism, utilitarian principles and comprehensive planning doctrine. Theseparation of land uses is not so much "western", but rather, it developed out of a particular setof circumstances related to the expansion of industrial capitalism. Its extension and adoption insocialist countries and other parts of the world was driven more by technology. The concept issupported by five principles: (a) unifunctional land use, (b) discreet zoning, (c) uniform standards,(d) regulatory process and (e) an assumption of consensus in society. It is criticised on thegrounds that it sees planning as a technical, value-free, apolitical activity and thus, fails tocontextualise planning in the socio-economic and political circumstances in which it operates(Beazley, 1989). For example, the experiences from many countries suggest that zoning issubject to manipulation by the dominant class who controls the city in order to hold in check anyphysical developments which may threaten its interest (Hardoy et al, 1989; Gilbert, 1991; Basset,1936). Gilbert (1991) argues, in fact, that it was the need to control the expansion of illegal51CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSneighbourhoods which led to the introduction of planning standards which define authorised andunauthorised developments in many countries.This planning model was introduced as an important component of the Third World modernisationpackage. Operating under this rubric, the early planners and policy makers overlooked the factthat unity of work and residence was an important characteristic of the pre-colonial urban fabricthat required preservation in the emerging master-plans. With respect to housing, Third Worldgovernments adopted policies which were hostile to squatter settlements and sought to replacethem with massive public housing programs. In the face of the dismal failure of public housingschemes and the restrictions on self-help initiatives, housing experts started questioning theappropriateness of this philosophy for the Third World and thus shifted attention to enablingstrategies such as site and services and upgrading projects. Notwithstanding the variousachievements of the self-help approach, one major problem facing policy makers is how thehouses produced through self-help can survive the pressures of the capitalist market.Whereas some analysts emphasise size, flexibility and lack of regulation as characteristics of theinformal sector, others focus on technology and reliance on indigenous resources. It is evidentin the literature that informal activities are so diverse in terms of income, types of products,output levels, technology, profitability, employment capacity, life span, gender participation andabove all, linkages with the formal sector, that it is not very helpful to lump all these issuestogether under the umbrella of a distinct "sector". Therefore, the so called "formal and informalsectors" are not separate and independent as some analysts portray them in the literature.52CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSGilbert (1991) emphasises that illegality is not a universal norm. The definition of illegaldevelopment may relate to how the land is acquired, sometimes to lack of planning permission,and at other times to lack of services or the way the houses are built. As circumstances change,so the definition of what is authorised and what is unauthorised also changes. Gilbert concludeson the note that the concept of illegality is the creation of the elite, and its tolerance in any societydepends upon the extent to which it affects the interests and welfare of the dominant socialgroups.Finally, the review of Third World urban and housing literature indicates that spatial integrationof housing and employment has not been an important issue on the agenda of Third Worldplanners, researchers and policy makers. Consequently, very little work has been done in thisfield. Earlier research on this subject concentrated primarily on job creation in the constructionsector, technology requirements, and the amount of subsidies required to create jobs in housingprograms for various income groups (Strassman, 1974, 1976; Richards, 1979). On the otherhand, although informal activities operate in both residential and non-residential areas, mostresearchers in this field like Bromley (1978), Bairoch (1973), Mouly and Costa (1974) and Uppal(1989) focus on employment opportunities in the informal sector without adequate reference tothe linkages between employment and the housing sector.It was evident from the literature reviewed that very little research has been done on the use ofhousing space for economic activities. For example, there is no consistent definition andclassification of neighbourhood economic activities. The functional linkages betweenneighbourhood enterprises and the neighbourhood/urban economies have not been adequately53CHAPTER 2. PLANNING AND HOUSING SYSTEMSexplored in the existing literature. We also lack a clear understanding of the factors which inducethe emergence of neighbourhood enterprises and why they survive despite the many odds (e.g,lack of credit) which work against them. Finally, we need a better understanding of how localenterprises impact the neighbourhood environment (Hough, 1984; Commission on WorldEnvironment, 1983).54CHAPTER THREE - URBAN PLANNING AND HOUSING DEVELOPMENT IN KUMASI3.1.0 History and Growth of Kumasi CityKumasi is an indigenous city that was built by King Osei Tutu as the capital for the Asantel Statein the 1680's (Fynn, 1971). It's development was not substantially affected by direct Europeaninfluence for at least two centuries (Hance, 1970). During that period, Asante was a powerfulmilitary state, which by the eighteenth century, ruled over a territory as large as but not congruentwith modern Ghana (Wilks, 1967).Politics and trade were so inter-related that as long as the Asante kingdom remained a dominantpolitical force in the region, all major trade routes from the coast converged on Kumasi and wereredirected to selected trading centres in the north (Dickson 1969). Kumasi was thus an inlanddistribution port for the trade between the Saharan entrepots and the Gulf of Guinea. EarlyEuropean visitors like Bowdich, who visited in Kumasi 1817 described it as an imposing city(Bowdich, 1819). In 1816, Huydecoper's Journal carried the following observation about Kumasi:"the streets are very clean and straight and the houses excellently built, the latter being fairly tallbut for the most part of only one storey" (Wilks, 1975).However in 1890, Kumasi city was razed to the ground by the invading British. This marked theend of the Asante empire and the beginning of direct British rule over the state (Adu-Boahen,1965). Under British rule, a new city emerged from the ruins and became more open with evenwider trade links. When the city was linked with a railway line from Takoradi, on the coast, in1903, Kumasi again became a booming commercial and administrative centre of British rule and1. The original word is "Asante", but later, the British changed the pronounciation and spellinginto "Ashanti".55CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIinfluenced the interior of the Gold Coast (Tipple 1987a, 1987).The population of Kumasi was estimated to have been between 100,000 and 200,000 before theBritish conquest. The military action drastically reduced the city's population. It has since grownfrom 3,000 in 1901 to an estimated 560,000 in 1990. Currently it has a growth rate of 2.5 percent per annum. The presence and contribution of migrants to the growth of Kumasi cannot beignored. Between the 1921 and 1931 intercensal period, migrants accounted for 26.3 per centof the population increase. By 1970, this has increased to 51.3 per cent resulting from theattractive social and economic opportunities which urban centres offered during the post-independence era. Within modern Ghana, Kumasi is second only to Accra, the capital city interms of size, social, economic and political influence. It still remains the seat of Asante culturewhose traditional head is the occupant of the Golden Stool, the Asantehene (Asante King) towhom all Asantes owe allegiance.3.2.0 Municipal Development PoliciesThe genesis of municipal development policies in Kumasi, comprising physical planning andhousing interventions, dates from the early 1900s. The process of controlling and regulating thegrowth of the city started soon after the final occupation of the city by British forces. In February1901, the Resident Officer placed all lands within Kumasi (ie. 1.6 km radius from the Fort) underhis control as he felt it was the "only way of having a proper town" (Brown, 1978:118). Followingthis, a series of reports and statements were issued which recommended the introduction ofplanning regulations, redevelopment of some inner city neighbourhoods, establishment of amunicipal council etc.56CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIIn 1924, a severe plague broke out in Kumasi which together with other developments triggereda flurry of legislation to rationalise and define the responsibilities of local government in urbanareas to improve the health and housing situation of the indigenous population. These included:the Municipal Corporation Ordinance 1924, the Mining Towns Ordinance 1924, the NativeJurisdiction Ordinance 1924, the Town Planning Ordinance 1925, and the Kumasi Public HealthBoard Ordinance 1925. More comprehensive planning and building regulations based on Britishtown planning standards were introduced in 1939 and later revised in a Development Plan of thecity adopted in 1962.2The evolution of municipal development policy in Kumasi has been largely ad hoc and has lackedconsistency. It is difficult to point to a single document containing coherent development policiesfor the city. Specific policies identified below are strewn among development plans, annualreports, council proceedings etc. In all, five keys strands have dominated urban developmentpolicy in Kumasi. These are (a) physical planning regulations and development control measures(b) encouragement of private investment in rental housing (c) development of infrastructure (d)provision of government bungalows for senior civil servants and (e) provision of subsidised public2. Municipal policies in Kumasi cannot be understood or discussed without reference torelevant national policies. In fact, planning and housing policies at the national level set theframework for defining appropriate local policy responses and actions. For example, a nationalTown and Country Planning Ordinance was passed in 1945 which authorised the ministerresponsible for town planning to declare certain urban centres as statutory planning areas, makingit mandatory for developments in such areas to conform to planning guidelines stipulated in theOrdinance. Also, housing policies and programs in Kumasi have always reflected policyinstruments at the national level.57CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIhousing for "workers".31.^The first policy strand concerns physical planning regulations and developmentcontrol measures. These include zoning practices, landuse planning, buildingcodes and public health by laws. Relevant stipulations from the 1939 PublicHealth Board Ordinance and the 1962 Development Plan, for examples, are asfollows:a) All physical developments must conform to the broad land use zonesdefined in the 1962 city plan. These include: residential, industrial,recreational, educational, civic and cultural, commercial, transportation,and greenery.b) Developers are required to obtain development permits before proceedingwith construction activities;c) Certification of buildings before occupation is required;d) The minimum size for residential plots stipulated by the 1939 Ordinancewas:-- 2500 square feet (232 m2) in central Kumasi;-- 3600 square feet (335 m2) in island plots (e.g., Fanti New Town);-- 4800 square feet (446 m2) elsewhere.e)^The 1962 Development Plan revised these plot standards as follows:-- Area consisting of the first class housing area (Ridge, Danyame,Nhiayeso, etc: minimum plot size of 20,000 square feet (1860 m2), with3 . What follows are summaries of the key policies. The impacts of these policies and thecontradictions in some of them will be discussed in other sections of the chapter.58CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASImaximum plot coverage of 10 per cent resulting in a maximum netdensities of 5.4 plots per hectare.-- Area representing the rest of the main built-up area: minimum plot sizeof 4,000 square feet (450 m2) with 30 per cent maximum plot coverage.Building activities in areas A and B must be undertaken with permanentmaterials implying mainly cement or sandcrete blocks and kiln dried bricks.-- Area comprising most of the peripheral villages within the metropolitanarea: minimum plot size of 4,000 square feet (370 m2) with maximum plotcoverage of 60 per cent. Houses could be built in mud bricks or mud andwattle. However, now that these villages are integrated in the city, thisparticular exemption no longer applies.f) Minimum room sizes and window openings,g) Provision of kitchen, bathroom and toilet in each house,h) Prohibition of economic, industrial and any other activities which mayimpair or disturb the comfort and convenience of residents in residentialareas,4i) In addition to these, the Town and Country Planning Ordinance requiresthat any planning scheme should be posted or displayed at such placeswithin the planning area as the Minister directs. This allows for publicinspection of the scheme so that any necessary representations orobjections, can be forwarded to the Minister.4. This particular regulation is not categorically stated in the Planning Ordinance. It is basedon the interpretations of sections 2(1), 4(1), and 5 (1 b) of the Ordinance.59CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASI2. The second policy focus is on government encouragement of private investmentin housing, (mainly for renting) with government departments serving as facilitatorsand watchdogs to ensure the production and maintenance of good quality housing.Examples of these policy measures are the provision of housing finance throughthe establishment of building societies, production of building materials andenforcement of planning standards. An important component of this policypackage is rent control legislation aimed at holding rents at levels low incomehouseholds can afford.3. The next policy is the provision of necessary infrastructure services, particularly,water supply, electricity, drainage and sewage systems by central governmentagencies in cooperation with the municipal authority. The municipal agenda andpriorities sets the framework that guides the activities of the service agencies.4. The fourth policy deals with the direct supply of government-built bungalows andquarters for senior civil servants in separate residential communities. Thesehouses are accessible to only a few low income households who provide domesticservices to senior government employees. These households occupy out-houses(locally called boys "quarters") which are often detached from the main bungalows.5. The last and most recent strand of policy is the provision of subsidised publichousing for government workers. The first to be built was the Asawase estatebetween 1945 and 1959, followed by North Suntreso in 1949 to 1952 and SouthSuntreso estate completed in 1956. Other estates built since the 1960s includeKwadaso , Patase, Chirapatre, Ahinsan, and Buokrom. The irony is that althoughthese houses were intended for low income workers, most of the current60CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIoccupants are well-to-do families.The key policies such as zoning and physical planning standards which regulate housingconstruction and shape urban development in Kumasi are an off-shoot of the rational land usesegregation concept. In fact, the planning ordinance in Ghana and the Master Plan for Kumasiwere modelled after the British Town Planning Ordinances of the 1940s. These documents applythe five features characterising the rational land use segregation model, defined in the previouschapter, to Kumasi: (a) discreet zoning, (b) unifunctional landuse, (c) uniform standards, (d)regulatory planning process and (e) the assumption of consensus on development standards 5 .In keeping with these principles, the planning system in Kumasi required that:i) all physical developments whether residential, industrial or commercial must conform withthe zoning system defined in the development plan,ii) developers must submit development applications (i.e site plans, building drawings etc.)to the city planning committee which has the legal mandate to grant approval for allphysical developments in the city,iii) all developers must obtain development and building permits before undertaking anyphysical development.iv) houseowners require occupancy permits before the house can be officially occupiedv)^all modifications and extensions to existing buildings must obtain authorisation from theplanning committee.5 . Implicit in this principle is the element of public participation.61CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIThe rationale for introducing all these requirements and permits is to ensure that all physicaldevelopments in the city conform to minimum health and aesthetic standards. The TownPlanning Department serves on this committee in an advisory capacity. The head of the planningcommittee is appointed by the government.3.3.0 Performance of the Planning System in KumasiAlthough the essential elements of the rational land use segregation concept are in place inKumasi, there is a wide performance gap between the theoretical requirements of the model andits practical operations in the city. These limitations refer mainly to (a) inability of somedevelopers to meet all the stipulated standards and procedures; (b) inadequate public participationin the planning process; and (c) poor enforcement of planning regulations.Since income levels are low, many landlords are unable to meet the stipulated planning standardsand requirements. Consequently, some are forced by their economic circumstances to flout theintent of the planning system. Some developers do not obtain the necessary permits beforecommencing construction. Also, the zoning and unifunctional regulations governing the use ofland are not strictly observed. In view of this, economic activities thrive openly in residential areascontrary to the segregationist requirements of the planning law.Second, the development processes, particularly for housing, are not consistent with the planningregulations. Housing construction in Kumasi is characterised by several years of incrementaldevelopment. Whereas houses are normally occupied long before the entire building is fullyconstructed, the planning regulation requires exactly the opposite. Since this is contrary to local62CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIhousing development processes, people move into buildings under construction without applyingfor occupancy permits.Third, due to inadequate public participation in the planning process, planning decisions andoutcomes often work against the interest of the socially disadvantaged. Like the western model,planning decisions in Kumasi are supposed to uphold the general interest of the public. However,in practice, the planning system does not promote public participation in the planning process.Public hearings and meetings are not organised to allow people to voice their concerns or askquestions about the planning issues at hand. For instance, section 3 (12) of the planninglegislation stipulates that all planning schemes should be deposited in a place designated by theMinister to allow inspection and representations to be made by the public to the Minister.Normally, such plans are displayed at the city hall. In a community with a high illiteracy rate, fewpeople hear of such announcements, let alone present criticisms and concerns. Since publicparticipation is weak, what is generally regarded as the public interest often turns out to be theagenda of the educated elite and those who wield economic and political power in the city.Fourth, the enforcement of planning regulations is poor. This is due to the uncoordinatedrelationship between the town planning department and the inspectorate department of the CityEngineers'office. Until quite recently, the two bodies operated as separate and independentorganisations. According to the Planning Ordinance in Ghana, the town planning department issupposed to examine and approve development applications submitted by developers, whilst theinspectorate division is charged with full development control and monitoring responsibilities. Withsuch a division of responsibility, enforcement has always been weak and ineffective. Planning63CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIregulations are poorly enforced in the indigenous6/informal settlements. Two reasons accountfor this. First, given the fact that these settlements are officially regarded as unauthoriseddevelopments, city authorities and the service agencies have neglected them for many years.Second, the houseowners are not well informed about the regulations and standards and whythey are essential for the development of a healthy and livable residential environment. In sucha situation, the residents define their own development guidelines to suit their convenience,economic realities and aspirations. In sum, despite the existence of all the essential structures,the rational land use segregation model is not functioning effectively in Kumasi. Localdevelopment processes are not only inconsistent with this model, but even more importantly, thecity lacks the requisite resources to operationalise this planning system.3.4.0 City StructureThe structure of Kumasi city is modelled on a radial/ring pattern with a centrally located city-centre.^The city occupies a built-up area of approximately 10 kilometres in radius.Administratively, Kumasi city consists of a built-up area and a sub-urban district of about 55 smallsettlements under the ambit of the Kumasi Metropolitan Area (KMA).3.5.0 Types of HousesIn 1988, there were about 22,800 houses in the city (KMA, 1988). These houses can beclassified into about five house types: single storey, traditional compound houses; multistoreycompound houses; government-built detached or semi-detached housing for low income6. These are the original or pre-colonial neighbourhoods of the city. Most of them weretraditional Ashanti villages which were later engulfed into the city during the process of expansion.64CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIhouseholds; large single household houses built on relatively large plots and blocks of flats whichdot the city's landscape. (See pictures and illustrations in fig 3.1).The single storey traditional compound structure is the commonest house type in the city. Thedesign is a simple arrangement of rooms around a square or rectilinear courtyard. Usually, aboutten to 15 rooms are provided around three sides of the courtyard facing inwards with a verandahon the courtyard side. The fourth side often contains the bathroom, kitchen and toilet. Most ofthese houses were built with rammed laterite known as "swish", locally called "atakpame" afterthe town in Togo where the masons originate.The multi-storey compound is like a single storey compound house with more than one-storey.Two to three storeys are the norm, and four storeys are quite rare. Access to the upper floorsis gained by a staircase on the courtyard side to a continuous balcony. These houses tend tohave more rooms ranging from 15 to 20 and in some cases as high as 50. Almost all of themare built with cement blocks. Most of these houses do not meet the stipulated planningstandards. Given the large number of rooms in both single and multi-storey compound housesand the fact that about 60 per cent of the households in the city occupy one to two rooms, thesehouses accommodate between 40 - 60 persons per house (Tipple, 1987).65fitri^'it-711176 14-ersommiMIS. STICK Moor( os AM.**•ffs.ia-offsrf ToffATC.sAbasme - MAT SC^0ICO*3.1.0-$1.12••11 •mort •11231,1.C1L/11 1•ICTIO Eff'1800— 1880's10417 I.^ ;^4I^tyre...atom *Oa••i .1^S • III^S.•^e'•TYPICAL^FLOOR^PLANS- :47..., * an I^7: .31 ..^i^■•■•■^ ........• ■ • •^  II if?...L. i-^■...= '*LOCI Ca^e 11/.1 .4.1.1.3CO. 0 00 grE 0 ...0. 0001^ -7-1.0is.t.10 0..00.." L 0111•61t0 =OAS^ .4Set  ISICSTOS Ctiat NT CIIKIWG.   -tCt3srt,c001:A1.412* 0.:Apu.41:■..s•ff,""DCOLOURS ..,..7.7.:,........:„..e,• •^.^...1950 -196as 1,..i,...---..,TyP1C.AL CROSS SECTION4^ fC7301 cA? VII4W.0* sou. meSot. .0 SInS. la01.13S.M41..11 11000.01.1.,t.^00001 tw.1120033IC00/1110 -GLACE *Au^Awed1920 —1930ssr^1341"."1•Arre^1.1SI-11,o0 7^•^I•.CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIFigure 3.1 (a) Sketch plans of typical Ashanti single-storeycompound houseSource: Tipple, 1987.CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIFigure 3.2(b) MUlti-storey compound houseFigure 3.2(c) Government-I:NI-Mt sard-detacid estate house67CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIFigure 3. (d) large bungalow on large plotsFigure 3. (e) large blcck of flats68CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIThe majority of households in Kumasi city are housed in single-and multistorey compoundhouses. The houses are usually occupied by the house-owner not necessarily the originalbuilder, his/her nuclear or extended family members and some tenants depending upon theavailability of rooms. Even though the occupants may not have any family-ties, the designnaturally fosters social interaction and communal living. For example, since all the rooms openinto a centrally located courtyard, the occupants share and interact in this common space. Also,the occupants normally share the use of all the available facilities such as toilets, bathroom, watertap etc., except in a few cases, when houseowners may reserve some of these facilities for theexclusive use of their households.Government built low income houses are generally in the form of small, self-contained detachedor semi-detached dwellings. Each is designed as a separate dwelling unit to be occupied by asingle household. They are contractor-built, often with cement blocks or bricks in the case of theearly stock.The next category is large single household houses built on large plots. These are expensivefirst class properties often owned or occupied by senior civil servants, rich businessmen andEuropeans. Densities of one to two houses per hectare are typical.The last house type is made up of blocks of flats. They are evenly spread in the city except forthe indigenous areas. Unlike, the multi-storey compound, they are not arranged around acourtyard. Also, the rooms are designed into apartments for single families. These buildings aregenerally of a high standard and therefore attract higher rents. They are mostly owned or69PercentageTenement 4,100 20.0Indigenous 8,380 40.7Government built 4,160 20.1High Cost 3,950 19.2Total 20,600 100.0CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIoccupied by rich businessmen and top civil servants.3.6.0 Residential/Housing ClassificationBased on the housetypes mentioned above and on housing quality and other physicalcharacteristics, the entire city of Kumasi can be classified into distinct residential sectors.Classification of housing in Kumasi has been attempted by several researchers (eg Ablor, 1976;Blankson et al, 1975; Peprah, 1976; and Tipple, 1981). Tipple's classification based on housetypes is adopted for this study because apart from its being the most comprehensive study, mostof the recent housing data on the city are based on it. Tipple's classification divides the city intofour distinct residential sectors: (a) the high cost sector (b) the tenement sector, (c) theindigenous sector and (d) the government built sector (see fig 3.2).Table 3.1 Housing stock by sectors, KumasiSource: Tipple, (1987).70AiRPOROU0400.11.0ST”1--•rr'r,77rn. 11:11sZ.„.,'LW;;::,!7!pi- "uglyKey to sectors: Tenementhid igen°Cover:leeHigh Cos10 ••AERESE1 1 1 1 11111S W •O• 5 a••Su0 .1 • .• •• wan.'7r• ..•-• so• •\.^•• • • S.s •41N\comapaS0••••UiGa^I lasso ),AYIGYA\.N.To•••••01•C.•\.„ TO etcs ••••••■1••I8 ft,,0•0••••1tj a stoa t,-.7r7,,-..7:77.71hfr-.,--..,...-s,-•„.,^i.^, -, ,.0••• I TO. ».\ I----,^/ .0•/I^.N I^.^.., 1 •51,• we •I C..^, • ....•^ .4, 1/.. f^I UITIIVE /4S. f T CAMPUS! .*=.r.."°'I^i I .t ..1, s1^./.0.111 1 1''^/!:;/.I• TONSU •GOGOCT,^TO L•CE ROSUMTWIsn0 5 a 01Sc SE • Ad,8a gui • ooG•■••/S u.. '•11—-oSOUTH SUNTRESOESTATEASAWASE 1ESTATE TO All• NI•OT•GTO TAM•LZABONZONGOCHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIFigure 3.2 Kumasi :'..ktropolitan Area shcuing Residential Sectors and Survey CamunitiesSource: Tipp:e, 1987.CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASI3.7.1 The High Cost SectorThis area characteristically consists of large single-household houses in the form of bungalowsand flats built on large plots. Gross densities of between one and three houses per hectare aretypical features of this sector. In 1988, the minimum monthly income levels of the residents inthese areas was about Cedi100,000 (US $1 = C120, Jan 1988). Population density was about50 persons per hectare. This area includes such suburbs like Asokwa, Nhyiaeso, Bomso andRidge (see fig. 3.2).3.7.2 The Tenement SectorThis sector is dominated by multi-storey compound houses, interspersed with single storeycompound houses especially in the older suburbs. In addition to the two main house types, thesector has a considerable number of flats. These are mostly found in the newer areas of the city.Densities of five or six buildings per hectare are common, with population density of about 200persons per hectare. The sector accommodates a significant proportion of the population in thecity. It is noted as typical areas for native Asantes and other Akans.7 Residents in this sectorenjoy a moderate standard of infrastructure services. The sector comprises Asafo, Amakom, andBantama mainly found in the city centre, and Odumase Extension, Dichemso, New Tafo,Yenyawaso etc in the north and south eastern sections of the city (see fig. 3.2)3.7.3 The Indigenous Sector7. Akans are all the Twi-speaking ethnic groups in Ghana. They constitute the majority in thecountry. These ethnic groups come from the southern part of the country.72CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIThis sector spreads through the city consisting of four different sections: (1) some centralresidential areas: e.g, Odum, Fanti New Town, (2) migrant settlements: e.g., Zabon Zongo,Moshie Zongo etc,; (3) periheral areas centred on old villages now absorbed in the city: e.g,Ayigya, Suame; and (4) villages still detached from the city: e.g, Old Tafo, Bremang, Kentikorono(see fig. 3.2). The housing here displays typical traditional single-storey compound houses withdensities of about 100 persons per hectare. Residents have relatively low income. In some ofthe neighbourhoods, spatial arrangement of houses do not conform to well defined layout plans.Service levels in this sector are the lowest in the city. The sector accommodates people from allethnic groups and many migrants. In 1980, the sector had the largest proportion (40 per cent)of housing stock in the city.37.4 Government-built SectorThis sector is made up of all housing in the KMA built by the government or its agencies as lowincome housing. Houses are usually detached or semi-detached. It houses a mixture of ethnicgroups with a majority employed in the public sector. Presently, however, most of these housesare in private hands, resulting from the tenant purchase policy introduced by the government inthe early 1970s.8 Individuals have made structural modifications and extensions to suit theiroccupational and social aspirations. The density is a little over 50 persons per hectare and theoccupants are mainly of the middle class. These estates are well serviced with infrastructure (seefig. 3.2).8. More clarifications are provided on this subject in Chapter four.73Population AnnualGrowth rate (°/0)1901 3,0001911 18,853 20.21921 23,624 2.31931 35,829 4.31948 81,870 4.91960 218,172 8.51970 345,117 4.71984 48,9586 2.51989 554,774 2.5CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASI3.8.0 Demand and Supply of HousingAs in all Third World cities, housing supply in Kumasi lags behind demand. Available dataindicate that while population growth has often exceeded 3.0 per cent since 1960, the housingproduction rate has always fallen below that level (see Table 3.2).Housing need in the city is driven by the high population growth rate and its impact on householdformation as well as changing life-styles and taste of the current generation. The growth ofpopulation in Kumasi has been quite high.Table 3.2 Population of Kumasi City, 1901 - 1989Source: Opoku, 1990In 1960, the population of Kumasi was 218, 172. Growing at an annual rate of 4.7 per cent, thepopulation increased to 345,117 in 1970.74CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASITable 3.3 Housing Supply in Kumasi by Sectors9 • •,•.,Number of •Houses Annual Growth Rate (%)1960-^1981-^1960-960 1981(2) (2) 1980 •^1988 •PRIVATE HOUSINGHigh Cost 1,575 3,950 4,350 4.5 (2,375) 1.4 (400) 3.7 (2775)% of stock 13.6 19.2 19.1Tenement 2,646 4,110 4,520 2.1 (1,464) 1.4 (410) 1.9 (1874)% of stock 22.8 20.0 19.9Indigenous 4,800 8,380 9,500 2.7 (3,580) 1.8 (1,120) 2.5 (4700)% of stock 41.4 40.6 41.7Total 9,021 16,440 18,370 2.9 (7,419) 1.6 (1930), 2.6 (9349)% of stock 77.8 79.8 80.7PUBLIC HOUSINGGovernment 2,257 4,160 4,390 3.0 (1,903) 0.8 (230) 2.4 (2133)% of stock 22.2 20.2 19.3Total 11,600 20,600 22,760 2.8 (9,000) 1.4 (2,160) 2.4 (11160)100.0 100.0 100.0Source: Opoku, 1990Notes:(1) Population census of Ghana 1960.(2) Field Survey; (Boapeah et al., 1981; 1988).(3) Figures in brackets are the actual increase in housing supply for the periods specified.The 1984 census puts the population figure at roughly half a million (489,586). The currentannual growth rate is about 2.5 per cent. The upsurge in housing need is better appreciated9. Previous definitions of all the four categories of housing sectors hold.75CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIwhen the increase in the number of households is assessed. Available records show thatbetween 1970 and 1980 the number of households increased by 47 per cent from 83,100 to122,400 (Tipple, 1987).10As tabulated in Table 3.3, the performance of the housing sectorleaves much to be desired. Housing production statistics are tabulated in Table 3.3. At the citylevel, the highest supply rate of 2.8 per cent annual increase was recorded between 1960 and1980. Between 1981 and 1988, the annual percentage increase in supply dropped to 1.4 percent. This decline is explained by the stringent policies (e.g., artificial low rents, "one man onehouse policynil , etc.) the current military government introduced in the wake of the revolutionin 1982. On the whole, since 1960, the housing sector has been performing at an annual growthrate of 2.4 per cent12. It can also be observed from the table that housing production ratesin the four sectors vary. The figures indicate that the high cost sector has been more responsiveto demand than the other sectors. Producing at the rate of 4.5 per cent per annum, the sectorincreased its share of the city stock from 13.6 to 19.1 per cent in the 1960 - 1988 period.Comparative figures for the other sectors show that the shares of all the three remaining sectorswere reduced slightly. These data suggest that over the past three decades, very little has beendone to stimulate supply of the type of housing affordable by low and moderate incomehouseholds. It has been estimated that the city-wide occupancy rate of 2.6 persons per room10.The increase in the number of households is due to natural growth, rural-urban migrationand the growing number of small nuclear families in Ghanaian society.11. In 1982, the ruling military government issued a policy which restricted individuals to theownership of one government estate house. Landlords were frequently harassed by thegovernment and this discouraged many prospective developers from investing in housing. Forexample, houseowners who violated the rent control laws were prosecuted in court.12. This estimation does not include replacement stock because, houses are not usuallyreplaced in Ghana. Rather, houses are improved over time.76CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASI(occupying about 12 square meters) in 1960, increased to 3.6 in 1980 (Tipple, 1987; 1991).Table 3.3 also shows the relative contributions of the public and private sectors to housing supplyin the city. The private sector which comprises the high cost, tenement and indigenous residentialsectors is obviously the dominant producer, supplying about 77 per cent of the city housing stock.While the private sector was growing at an annual growth rate of 2.6 per cent between 1960 and1988, the public sector was growing at 2.4 per cent. This translates into 234 and 54 houses peryear for the private and public sectors respectively.In common with most Third World cities, housing stock in Kumasi has been categorised intoauthorised and unauthorised housing. The unauthorised housing stock is the sub-standard or lowquality housing built without planning approval. Table 3.4 tabulates data on this distinction. Theproportion of the housing unauthorised stock stood at 27 per cent in 1960. This figure decreasedto 21 per cent in 1988. It is important to understand that houses in Ghana are not classified asunauthorised housing simply because the houseowners violated town planning regulations.These structures are mostly in the indigenous villages and thus were built before the impositionof planning standards in the city. So, when Kumasi was declared a statutory planning area,making it mandatory for all developers to build according to approved standards, this indigenoushousing stock became sub-standard or unauthorised housing. Since resources were not availableto replace this large stock of housing in the city at that time, no attempt was made to it. With theintroduction of development control measures by the city authorities since the 1940s and ageneral desire of landlords to build modern houses, the production of unauthorised housing hasbeen reduced to a trickle. The steady decline of the unauthorised stock is generally viewed as771960^1970^1978^1981^1988AnnualGrowthRate1980 -88'Category.CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIa positive development but, this trend adversely affects the poor because the type of housingaccessible to them has been gradually withering away.Table 3.4^Number of Authorized and Unauthorized Houses (1960 - 1988)8,475^11,775 14,531 15,600 18,000 2.7Authorized(%)^73.1^73.6 74.9 75.1 79.13,125^4,425 4,870 5,000 4,760 1.9Unauthorized(%)^26.9^26.4 25.1 24.3 20.911,600^16,000 19,400 20,0600 22,760 2.4Total(%)^100^100 100 100 100N = Number % = Column percentageSource: Kumasi Metropolitan Authority recordsStress must be laid on the fact that "unauthorised" housing in Ghana should not be confused withthe notion of illegality associated with squatter housing in most Third world cities. Simply put, theowners of unauthorised housing in Kumasi are not squatters. Almost all the houseowners holdat least a recognised customary allocation note on the land on which their houses stand whichwas issued by the authoritative landholder (usually the sub-chief). Squatting is uncommon inGhana and many West African countries due to the spiritual and cultural beliefs governingownership of land. Given the belief that land is jointly owned by the living and the dead (011e1u,1962); and that the dead ancestors have power to intervene in the affairs of the living either forgood (ie. to bless) or for evil (ie. to punish), any illegal occupation of land amounts to an invitation78Tenement 1001.375.217.36.3Indigenous 77.011.7 1001.59.8High Cost 10020.4 6.3 71.8 1.51.674.111.5All Housing 10012.8Non rent payingtenantsGovernment 51.3 1.3 42.5 4.8 100TenantCHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIto the wrath and curse of the ancestors (Konadu Agyeman, 1991). This kind of fear of spiritualsanctions serves as a fundamental check on land encroachments. On the other hand,responsibility also rests on the living, the elders, to ensure that any illegal occupation of familyland is averted. Thus, anyone attempting to squat on land is swiftly ejected.Table 3.5 Ownership and Housing Tenure by Sector (in percentages)Source: Tipple, (1987)3.9.0 Housing TenureThere are three types of tenure categories in Kumasi: houseowners, renters and occupants whoare neither owners nor rent - paying tenants. These non-rent paying occupants have some familyrelationship with the landlord. While enjoying rent free accommodation, these occupants may nothave any special rights or privileges different from the rent-paying tenants in the house.79CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIAccording to the Asante culture (ie, extended family system and matrilineal system of inheritance),a houseowner cannot easily turn down requests by extended family members for a room inhis/her house (Willis et al, 1990). Usually, landlords share the internal courtyards and facilitieswith tenants. Table 3.5 tabulates data on housing tenure in Kumasi in 1980. It can be observedthat the city has a high rental population 74.1 per cent, as against 11.5 per cent of owneroccupiers, and 12.8 per cent non-rent paying occupants. Renting in Kumasi is inextricably linkedwith home-ownership. Rental housing is produced by small-scale non-commercial landlords mostof whom own single houses or two to three in very rare cases. These are individual houseownerswho build using personal income resources through incremental construction processes. Theirprimary motive is not to earn rental income but to provide accommodation for their families.Normally, it is after family members have been housed, that the remaining vacant rooms arerented. Since most of the houses have many rooms, some are usually available for renting. Theaverage landlord offers about eight to 12 rooms for rent.The large scale renting in the city is made possible by two main factors. First, the traditionalarchitectural design which often provide many rooms per house, and second the multi-family lifestyle which enables many households to live together and share common facilities. Studies inGhana show that the landlords presence in a house is a vital indicator of housing quality. Housesshared by both landlord's and tenants tend to have more services and better maintenance thanthose occupied exclusively by renters (HUDA, 1990).The rental sector in Ghana is characterised by a long tradition of uneconomic rent control regimeswhich invariably tend to hurt the very poor households the scheme is supposed to protect (HUDA,80CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASI1990). The current rent law (PNDC Law 138, 1986) stipulates that a "swish" room (laterite soilmixed with water) should be rented for C200 per month; C250 for a landcrete room (laterite wallswith cement plastering in some cases); and C300 (US $1=C90, 1986) for rooms constructed withsand-cement blocks. These official rents are not in keeping with current housing construction andmaintenance costs. The impact of this problem on access to rental housing is significant. Forinstance, a recent study in Kumasi reports that the number of houses occupied by extendedfamily members doubled in the 1980 - 1986 period due to the increasing preference of landlordsto replace uneconomic rent paying tenants with family members who attract more cultural andfamily honour (Willis et al, 1990). This has caused widespread eviction of tenants, forcing rentersto enter into collusion with landlords to subvert the controls on rent by paying unofficial rentshigher than the legislated amounts. As shown in Table 3.5, the government sector recorded a51 per cent ownership rate, the highest among the four sectors. Even though this figuresrepresents only 23 per cent of all owners, it shows that the government has increasedhomeownership in the city through direct housing provision.3.10.0 Land Acquisition and TenureLand ownership in Kumasi and other urban centres in Ghana falls into two categories: customaryand public lands. Customary land holdings in Kumasi account for about two-thirds or more ofundeveloped land in the city. Customary land is vested in the Kumasi King, called theAsantehene, who holds it in trust for the Asante Kingdom. These land holdings are sub-dividedto the sub-chiefs who in turn oversee the day to day allocation or disposal of land to prospectivedevelopers.81CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASISince land is believed to be jointly owned by the dead ancestors, the living and the generationsyet unborn, outright purchase of land (ie. freehold) in the Ashanti traditional area is very rare(011enu, 1962). In keeping with this traditional belief, land alienation takes the form of a religiousceremony that involves the offering of libation which is paid for by the applicant. Family membersare not supposed to pay any "drink money" if they need family land. The sub-chief acts as theallocating agent on behalf of the community and in cooperation with the living community eldersand the dead ancestors (Tipple, 1991).In practice, a prospective developer interested in a particular piece of land identifies the sub-chiefwho is the rightful and authoritative landholder. Upon the payment of the "drink fees", the sub-chief issues an allocation note to the developer who later submits it to the Asantehene's LandSecretariat for validation. After necessary cross-checking and verification with the LandCommission, a legal title is granted to the developer for a period not exceeding 99 years. Theland acquisition process is long, expensive, cumbersome and often fraught with protractedlitigation. The litigation stems mainly from unscrupulous multiple allocation of the same land bypresumed landholders and unauthorised disposal of land by impostors. Research has shown thatthe land acquisition process, from contact to completion, can take six months to 15 years or more(Kasanga, 1991).Theoretically, land is not supposed to have a market value due to the cultural and spiritual beliefsgoverning land transactions. However, experts agree that the "drink money" paid by landapplicants is a reflection of market value of land in the city. Standard building plots in Kumasiare as follows: 115 ft by 100 ft, 70 ft by 100 ft or 80 ft by 100 ft. These plots sell between82CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIC500,000 and C4,500,000 depending upon the location of the plot (US $1 = C450, Jan. 1992).Land prices in the city are not only high and out of reach compared to the general income levelin the country, but are also under constant upward pressures.133.11.0 Public LandsPublic sector lands in Ghana are managed by the Lands Commission. These lands were earlieracquired by the colonial government. Theoretically, public lands are supposed to be accessibleto all Ghanaians, but in reality, many conditions need to be satisfied by prospective applicants.For example, an applicant must show a favourable bank balance to prove that he or she hassufficient resources to develop the plot. The land costs virtually nothing except a token fee in theform of development charges and an annual ground rent. The lease is normally 99 years andthe security of tenure is almost absolute as compared with the gross insecurity and illegaltransactions often associated with private lands. It is common knowledge that those who havebenefitted from these land allocations are top civil servants or people with connections ingovernment circles. It is, however, important to note that at the moment, almost all public landsin Kumasi have been developed (Opoku, 1990).3.12.0 ConclusionsThis chapter has illustrated the key elements and features of the planning system and housingmarket in the Kumasi city. It focused on the performance of planning system, the differenthousing sectors, acute housing shortage, tenure characteristics and the dynamics of the land13. The current minimum net income of a government employee is around Cedi 25,000 permonth (Cedi 450 = US $1, 1992).83CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASImarket. Urban development in the city is governed by five key policies: (a) physical planningregulations and development control measures (b) encouragement of private investment in rentalhousing (c) development of infrastructure (d) provision of government bungalows for senior civilservants and (e) provision of subsidised public housing for workers. The main policies, such aszoning and physical planning standards, which regulate housing construction and shape urbandevelopment in Kumasi are an off-shoot of the land use segregation concept which partitionsurban land into specified uses. In particular, municipal policies disallow the operation of economicactivities in statutory residential areas in the city. Violations of this provision are supposed to bechecked by the regulation which requires that all physical developments and extensions mustbe examined and approved by the Kumasi Town Planning Committee. Aside from these twopolicies, it is difficult to find other municipal policies relating specifically to the operation ofeconomic activities in residential neighbourhoods. The issues covered in this chapter reveal thatalthough the essential elements of the land segregation concept are in place in Kumasi, there isa wide gap between the requirements of the model and its practical application in the city. Theselimitations refer mainly to: (a) inability of some developers to meet all the stipulated standards andprocedures; (b) inadequate public participation in the planning process; and (c) poor enforcementof planning regulations. This is explained by the fact that local development processes are notonly inconsistent with this model, but even more importantly, the city lacks the requisite resourcebase to operationalise this planning system.Housing supply in Kumasi has not kept pace with need. While population growth has oftenexceeded 3.0 per cent since 1960, the housing production rate has always fallen below this rate.The private sector provides about 80 per cent of the housing stock in the city. In 1988, about 2184CHAPTER 3. PLANNING AND HOUSING IN KUMASIper cent of the housing was regarded as unauthorised (i.e., sub-standard or low quality housingbuilt without planning permission). Three main tenure categories exist in Kumasi: houseownersor owner-occupiers, tenants, non-rent paying tenants. In 1986, 74 per cent of the householdswere tenants as against 12 per cent occupiers, and 13 non-paying tenants.Land ownership in the city divides in two sub-systems: customary and public lands. The formerwhich accounts for about a third of undeveloped land in Kumasi is vested in the Asante king whoholds it in trust for the Asante kingdom. The land is sub-divided to the sub-chiefs who areresponsible for the day to day alienation to prospective developers. Public lands are managedby the Lands Commission. Although all citizens are supposed to have access to public lands,there are various requirements which restrict access to mainly top civil servants and people withconnections in government circles.Finally, one important observation that was evident in this chapter is the vital role cultural factorsplay in providing an holistic understanding of the functional linkages between the varioussegments of the Kumasi urban system. An example is the strong connection between owner-occpation and rental housing in Kumasi. A critical analysis of the impacts of the municipalpolicies and the housing system on the developments of neighbourhood economic enterpriseswill be discussed in subsequent chapters. The next chapter, however, turns to the distinctivefeatures of the four survey communities.85CHAPTER FOUR - THE DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE STUDY COMMUNITIES4.1.0 IntroductionFollowing the presentation of the housing situation at the city level, this chapter focuses on thedistinctive physical and housing characteristics of the study communities: Ayigya, Zabon Zongo,Asawase estate and South Suntreso estate. In line with the objectives of the study, thesesettlements were selected because each has unique locational and development characteristicswhich are likely to have different impacts on the development of neighbourhood enterprises. Tofacilitate a clearer understanding of these unique features, the discussion is prefaced with aconcise definition of the four types of settlements as specified in Chapter one. These types are:(a) type of settlement - private informal or government-built estates; (b) location - inner city, orfringes/peripheral.4.2.0 Types of SettlementIn choosing communities for this study, two settlement models have been selected. Thesettlement models are characterised by their different development processes. The fundamentalfactors distinguishing the two types are the varying degree of informality or degree of controlgoverning the development process of the settlements. While the private informal type ischaracterised by a high degree of flexibility, minimum regulation and incrementalism, thegovernment-built estates are typified by control and a highly regulated development processes.These terms have been defined by Turner and his associates in the book Freedom to Build (1972).Flexibility and minimum regulations allow people to mobilise their resources, however meagrethey may be, to develop housing that is affordable and supportive of the changing needs of the86CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESfamily. These two factors enhance the ability of users to be responsibly involved in makingdecisions affecting their housing. This is a grassroot or bottom-up approach which Turner calls"housing by people". The main point here is that the user becomes the key decision-maker butnot necessarily the only decision-maker. Any sound housing development program will definitelycall for some technical decisions affecting the entire residential environment which should betaken by technocrats in cooperation with community leaders.The utility of the concept of incrementalism is symbolised by a variety of terminologies used inthe literature that describe it. These include housing consolidation, progressive development,incremental housing, evolutionary housing, gradual construction, core housing etc. What is meantby incrementalism here is the flexible process through which low income households organisetheir own resources to gradually construct their housing at their own pace over a period of time.Households see the housing process as open-ended, and subject to change as family size,income and aspirations change. The experiences from most Third World countries show that theconsolidation process may span 10 to 15 years. The rate of progress may depend upon factorslike security of tenure, family income, family aspirations and priorities, availability of infrastructureand building materials (Laquian, 1983).The development process of Ayigya and Zabon Zongo are characterised by a high degree offlexibility and incrementalism as defined above. It is also important to note that flexibility in thesetwo informal settlements applies mainly to the houseowners and not to the tenants.1 As will be1. Some tenants enjoy some degree of autonomy depending upon the kind of relationship theymaintain with the landlord.87CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESshown later in this chapter, tenants are not active players in the housing development process.Although housing in both settlements is unauthorised and exhibits slum characteristics, theclassification does not in itself imply sub-standard housing or housing quality. Also, even thoughthese terminologies are found in housing literature associated with illegal settlements in LatinAmerica and Asia, it is not equivalent to illegality or violation of official norms. The main concernhere is the housing development process.The opposite image of settlements characterised by flexibility and incrementalism are thoseexemplified by control and rigidity in the development process. Control is defined as a situationwhere most of the decisions affecting the process are top-down and often taken by externalactors. Decisions concerning design, construction, materials, site, affordability etc. are often takenwithout any consultation with the would-be occupants. Another aspect of this typology is therigidity of the design and the construction process. Turner (1976) calls this "housing for people".The house is often designed as a finite unit and built to completion within six months to two orthree years. In most cases, little allowance is made for occupants to make changes, adjustmentsand additions as the need arises. It is also common to find that these residential environmentshave an orderly plan with well-defined roads and lanes. This kind of housing is normallyproduced by the government through housing authorities. Those who have access to this housingare not necessarily wealthier than their counterparts in the informal settlements. However, mostbeneficiaries are mostly the educated elite who have connections in high political circles. Theseresidential environments and housing conditions have a higher aesthetic quality than the informaltype. Asawase and South Suntreso estates are typical examples of this kind of housing. Bothare government estates built in the early 1950s.88CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIES4.3.0 LocationThe other criterion adopted in selecting the settlements is location. Two polarities are defined:(a) settlements close to the city centre and, (b) those on the fringe or periphery. Proximity to thecity centre is a proxy for easy physical access to many employment opportunities that areavailable in the central business district. City centres particularly, in Third World Countries, offera wide range of informal employment opportunities (eg. hawking, repair work, food sales, personalservices etc.) for low income people who are unable to access the "formal" labour market. Thecentral business district of Kumasi, in particular, accommodates the main market, the main lorrystation and a commercial zone for stores and offices which together create a substantial marketfor an array of goods and services produced by the low income people in the city.The thinking behind the inner city-periphery typology is that, residents of a settlement located nearthe city centre are more likely to have easier physical access to employment opportunities ormarkets for their home-produced goods in the central business district than those located at theperiphery. However, this assumption may be modified by transportation improvements whichmake the city centre accessible to people from all parts of the city. Further, easy physical accessdoes not necessarily guarantee access to employment. Job prospects in a Third World citydepend upon factors like education, skills, versatility, connections with influential people,investment capital and a host of others.While Zabon Zongo and Asawase estates are inner city settlements, Ayigya and South Suntresoestates are located at the periphery (see fig. 4.1). Although most inner-city settlements in manycities are characterised by high densities and poor housing quality and low-income levels, what89CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESFig 4.1:SETTLEMENT LOCAT1ONAL CHART 90CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESis being emphasised here is proximity to the city-centre as a proxy for easy physical access toan employment zone and not housing quality.It is also important to note that although housing quality is not considered as a variable in thesetypologies, the grouping of settlements by the settlement typology reveals significant housingquality differences. Most of the houses in the estates (Asawase and South Suntreso) are of ahigher quality than houses in the informal settlements (i.e., Ayigya and Zabon Zongo). On theother hand, the housing quality gap is not always correlated with location. For example, Ayigyawhich is on the fringe of the city has a poorer physical quality than Asawase, an inner citysettlement.How do we explain the housing quality gap? What kind of explanations are offered in theliterature? Often two conventional explanations are advanced. The first is the income or povertyargument. It asserts that most of the residents are trapped in slum communities due to theirinability to afford better housing in other parts of the city. The second explanation concerns thecultural values of residents. Some researchers argue that if these slum conditions are typical ofalmost all migrant communities locally called "zongos" in urban centres in Ghana, then theconditions in these settlements certainly have a lot to do with the value systems of the migrants.They maintain that these slums are simply a reproduction of rural housing environments in theurban setting, hence the terminology: "urban villages". These researchers defend their argumentby emphasising the identical features that occur in rural townships and urban slums.In his paper, "The rich slum dweller: A problem of unequal access", Asiama (1985) rejects these91CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIEStwo conventional explanations and advances an alternative view. Drawing on experience fromGhana and other West African countries, he argues that the urban poor who occupy the shantytowns in Third World cities are not poor because they earn low incomes but because they havebeen branded poor and kept in that category by the institutional framework established andperpetuated by the educated elites who run the cities, and the governments for their ownadvantage. He illustrates his point by examining the institutional bottlenecks that make itpractically impossible for the poor to gain access to land and finance for housing development.The paper concludes on the note that the poor can only break free from these dehumanisingliving conditions if the institutional structures are reformed in a manner that guarantees equalaccess to public opportunities and facilities to the urban slum dwellers. This viewpoint reinforcesthe argument that the dichotomisation of urban housing systems in the Third World is the creationof the educated elite. Taken together, these three perspectives provide a broader framework forunderstanding the dynamics of these low income settlements.4.4.0 Historical Development of the SettlementsThe comparisons of the distinctive features begins with a short history and locationalcharacteristics of the respective communities (see figures 3.2 and 4.1).4.4.1 Ayigya (periphery - informal settlement)Ayigya is a settlement that lies about 6.4 kilometres from the heart of Kumasi on the mainKumasi-Accra trunk road. It is surrounded by grasslands dotted with pockets of trees and a fewseasonal streams namely Kiukowia, Sisa and Wiwi. Ayigya comprises three main housing areas:Ayigya Village or Old Ayigya, Ayigya Zongo and West Ayigya. Ayigya village and Ayigya zongo92CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESare low income housing areas. The study focused on them and did not include West Ayigyawhich is a high income housing area.Ayigya village is almost as old as Kumasi itself. It began as a settlement for the wife of theAsantehene Osei Tutu. It was during the reign of Nana Sei Adu, Ayigyahene in 1954 that therewas a massive influx of northerners who were given land in what is now known as Ayigya Zongo.The community falls within the indigenous residential sector defined in Chapter three. Hightension overhead electric cables running over Ayigya and a railway line act as a barrier impedingthe physical development of Ayigya to the north and west.4.4.2 Zabon Zongo (inner-city - informal settlement)Zabon Zongo is situated adjacent to the heart of Kumasi. It is bounded to the South by theKumasi central market, the suburb of Asawase to the north and the Kumasi Technical Instituteto the east. The area exhibits several characteristics of a slum being devoid of greenery andessential public services and utilities such as water, toilets and refuse disposal units and points.Zabon Zongo is identified with the Indigenous residential sector.The history of the area is also linked to the early development of Kumasi. It was initiated duringthe early part of the eighteenth century. It played host to Muslim scholars who happened to bein Kumasi which was on the Bono-Mauso Trade route. It also boasted of traditional Muslimhealers who helped to cure the Asantehene who suffered from mysterious illnesses. Thecommunity is predominantly settled by migrants from the northern part of Ghana.93CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIES4.4.3 Asawasi Estate (inner-city - estate)Asawasi lies east of the inner ring road of Kumasi. Construction of the Asawasi Estate wasstarted by the government in 1945 as an experimental housing project for low-income workers.Construction ended in 1949. The estate was intended for a wide variety of workers: labourers,petty traders, junior office clerks, executive officers and small businessmen. All the houses areserviced with water, electricity, toilet facilities and private kitchens. The estate is divided into 10residential blocks with about 1313 semi-detached and row houses. The dwelling units aregenerally small (mostly one room), with large areas of semi-public open spaces between the rowof houses. Asawase is classified with the government-built sector.The highest point in the north-western end of the neighbourhood is at an elevation of 940 feet.The lowest point at an elevation of 825 feet lies along valleys where the Dichem and Aboaborivers flow. This part is subject to flooding and remains marshy during the rainy season. Thetopography, however, slopes gently northward in a wide valley in which the Dichem river flows.The community is about one and half kilometres away from the city centre.4.4.4 South Suntreso Estate (periphery - estate)South Suntreso lies about four kilometres west of the central business district of Kumasi. It wasprimarily built by the government for low-income households in 1954. Most of the houses aredetached and semi-detached buildings. Many of the houses have been sold to private individualsand are no longer controlled by the government which explains the many structural changes,extensions and modifications that have been made. South Suntreso also falls within thegovernment sector. The area boasts of a lot of green area, open spaces and marshy areas.94CompoundhousesPeriphery -InformalUnauthorisedhousesIndigenousCompoundhousesInner-city -InformalZabonZongoLocation -SettlementTypeAsawaseInner-city -estateDetached andSemi-detachedGov't-builtEstateAuthorisedSouth Suntreso Inner-city -estateDetached andSemi-detachedGov't-builtEstateAuthorised""'...motitOgStandardHouse TypesCommunitiesAyigyaResidentialSectorIndigenous UnauthorisedhousesCHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESThe major characteristics of the four communities are presented in tabular form in Table 4.1.Table 4.1^Major Characteristics2Source: Field Survey, 1991/924.5.0 Socio-Economic CharacteristicsHousehold sizes in the informal communities are smaller than those in the estates. The householdsize ranges from 3.5 in the informal community of Ayigya to 5.5 in South Suntreso estate (SeeTable 4.1.). Two reasons may be responsible for this observation. First, limited housing spacein the informal communities may serve as a practical check on households sizes. As shown inTable 4.1, a higher proportion of households in the informal communities occupy single rooms(Ayigya, 85 per cent; Zabon Zongo, 74 per cent) compared with the estates (Asawase, 56 percent; South Suntreso, 50 per cent).2. The house types and standards indicated represent the predominant categories in thecommunities.955.7 5.54.53.51.5 1.27.9 6.538.4 10.631.45085 74 5618.457.1 9.4°A of migrant residents 100.0Average householdSizesHouseholds per housePersons per house% of Householdsoccupying one roomJICATORSINFORMALCOMMUNITIESiNyigya^ZongoGOVT'- BUILTESTATESAsawase Suntresc)Average length ofresidence17yrs 41yrs 29yrs 33yrsMedian income perhouseholdC10,450 C9,350 C13,950 C14,600CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESTable 4.2^Socio- Economic Comparisons of CommunitiesSource: Extracted from an unpublished World Bank Study, 1986.US $1 = C90, 1986.Second, income may be related to household size. As shown in Table 4.2, the estates are mainlyoccupied by people with relatively higher incomes who often attract other members of theextended family to live with them.In regard to the number of households and persons per house, the picture is quite different. Thehouses in the estates are occupied by fewer households and persons. This is due to the factthat multi-family living (ie. two or more households sharing a common courtyard and facilities) islimited in the estates given the small self-contained houses compared to the large roomy96CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIEScompound houses in the informal communities.The length of residence in all the communities is quite high and this is indicative of communitystability. The wide gap between Ayigya (17 years) and Zabon Zongo (41 years) isunderstandable because the latter is an older settlement and its proximity to the city centre makesit a haven for the poor migrant population. As expected, the median household monthly incomeof the informal communities is lower than that of estate dwellers. In 1986, it ranged from C9350in Zabon Zongo to C14,600 in South Suntreso.4.6.0 Housing Characteristics and ConditionsSharp differences exist in terms of housing and environmental quality in the communities. Itshould be borne in mind that while the informal settlements have mainly unauthorised housing,the estates are authorised developments. Since the estates were built according to an approvedlayout, they exhibit an orderly arrangement of houses, public spaces, roads and alleys. Eventhough residents have modified their individual housing in several ways, the originalneighbourhood structure and pattern remains intact. On the other hand, the informal communitiesare characterised by a considerable degree of flexibility and incrementalism in all aspects of theirdevelopment. Zabon Zongo for example developed organically without any layout plan. It iscommon to find houses closely packed with little or no space in between them. In short, slumconditions are characteristic of these two communities. The physical layout of Ayigya reflects asimple form of grid iron pattern. At least, the Ayigya chief saw to it that basic surveys of thetownship were done to facilitate an orderly allocation of plots to developers. So, unlike ZabonZongo, vehicular access is possible in most parts of the community.97CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESHousing in the informal communities is dominated by single-storey compound houses. As muchas 92 per cent and 65 per cent of Ayigya and Zabon Zongo are made up of this house typerespectively. Zabon Zongo has a small amount of multi-storey compound houses (17.5 per cent).Much of the ground floors are used for commercial purposes. The commonest housetypes in theestates are semi-detached and detached houses typical of all government built communities.These two housetypes represent about 89 and 60 per cent of all houses in Asawase and SouthSuntreso respectively.With respect to building materials, three main wall materials were identified: "swish", brick, andcement blocks. Very few wooden houses were counted in the sample. Swish and bricks arecommon in the two informal communities. The estate houses in Asawase were constructed withbricks. Recent extensions and modifications are made with cement. Cement blocks were themain material used in constructing the buildings in the South Suntreso estate. On the whole,cement blocks are the commonest wall materials among the sampled houses and it is believedthis may be a reflection of general situation in the city. Iron and aluminium roofing sheets are theoldest type of modern roofing material in the city. It is therefore no wonder that 72 per cent ofall sampled houses are roofed with this material. Next is asbestos (22.4 per cent). It was apolicy to use this material as the principal roofing for the estate houses. Asbestos is now lesscommon as a roofing material due to its health hazards. While the iron and aluminium arecommonly used in the informal communities, asbestos is mainly found in the estates. On thewhole, houses in the estates are of better structural quality than in the informal communities.98CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIES4.7.0 Infrastructure FacilitiesAs expected, services are more available and in better operating condition in the estates. Fewhouseholds in the sampled communities have access to the exclusive use of toilet, bathroom,kitchen and water supply and the shared-use of facilities is thus common. Four main types oftoilets were found in the study communities: pit latrine, bucket, water closet and the recentlyintroduced Kumasi Vented Indirect Pit latrine (K-VIP) 3 . The bucket type accounts for about 50per cent of all toilets encountered in the survey. This is because it is the oldest type, among themodern ones, that could be incorporated into a building without much technical difficulty. Thistoilet is fairly evenly distributed among the communities with the greatest concentration inAsawase. It represents about 72 per cent of all toilets counted in that community. Next is thewater closet which also has even spread among the communities. Public toilets are providedmainly in the informal communities to serve households without private toilets. The fewremaining pit latrines are currently being converted to K-VIP.Table 4.3 shows households' access to toilet facilities. About 60 and 40 per cent of all householdin Ayigya and Zabon Zongo respectively lack access to private toilet. The proportion ofhouseholds with exclusive access is relatively high in the estates. This picture is not too differentin relation to access to bathrooms and kitchens.3 . The K - VIP is a recent appropriate technology improvement of the normal pit latrine. It hastwo removable pits. One serves as a reserve when the other is in use. A vent is fixed on the pitto allow regular discharge of odour. The excreta is supposed to be re-cycled after decomposition.The few types available are still being used on an experimental basis.99CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESTable 4.3 Access to Toilet Facilities (in percentages)Communities Not Available59.8Shared Use29.0Exclusive Lige11.2Total100AyigyaZabon Zongo 40.0 60.0 100Asawase 29.4 70.6 100South Suntreso 19.0 29.9 50.7 100Source: Tipple, (1987)Kumasi as a whole is well serviced with pipe borne water. On the whole, 97.3 per cent of thehouseholds in the sampled area have access to pipe borne water, the rest, 2.7 per cent rely onwells. In terms of level of service, the informal communities have limited access. For example,about 71 and 85 per cent of the sampled households in Ayigya and Zabon Zongo respectivelylack private water connections and therefore depend upon public standpipes. On the other hand,about 69 and 47 per cent of the respondents in South Suntreso and Asawase respectively haveexclusive private connections. Access to electricity is equally high in all the communities. Withthe exception of few houses in Ayigya (8 per cent), 2.5 per cent in Zabon Zongo and 2 per centin Asawase, the entire communities are well served.Finally, public sanitation is relatively poor in the informal communities, a common characteristicof almost all low income settlements in Ghana. Due to the lack of proper drainage systems, itis common to find stagnant water and clogged drains in these communities. In addition, garbageis removed infrequently and public toilets remain a nuisance as a result of poor maintenance.100CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESHow do we explain the qualitative gap between the housing environment in these communitiesand the rest of the city? Asiama's argument (i.e., unequal access) which is empirically rootedin housing circumstances in Ghana provides a plausible explanation for the housing quality gapbetween the two groups of communities studied. In this particular case, unequal access to publicopportunities (ie. specifically public housing) is more responsible for the housing gap than theincome difference. Put simply, the residents in the estates enjoy better housing not because theyhave much higher income, but because they could obtain access to the heavily subsidised publichousing. The residents in the informal communities could have afforded the low rents demandedby the public estates if only they were also given that opportunity. The crux of the mattertherefore is unequal access which is unlikely to change unless the residents, mostly migrantschange their pilgrim mentality and begin to organise themselves in a strong political force in thecity.4.8.0 Community Development ProcessIt was also observed in the study that significant differences exist in the residential developmentprocesses of the two groups of communities. While the former was built "for" the occupants, thelatter was built "by" the occupants (Turner, 1976). Thus, while the families in Ayigya and ZabonZongo, had every opportunity to be directly involved in the decisions and actions relating to theproduction of the housing and the community as a whole, their counterparts in South Suntresoand Asawase had no such opportunity.4.9.0 Land Tenure at the Community LevelLand transactions in all the four communities fall under the traditional land system described in101CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESthe previous chapter. The only difference is that while plot holders in the informal communitiesindividually acquired their lots, land for the estates was acquired corporately from the Asanteheneby the housing authority. The State Housing Corporation which built the estates acquired the landfrom the Asantehene for 99 years. Even though all the houses are sold to the occupants, thecorporation retains its role as the land title holder. These houseowners are free to transferownership of their houses to other persons but not the land. In effect, the houseowners aretenants of the government although they pay only ground rent.Two common land titles are held in the two informal communities: freehold and leasehold. Ayigyabeing an indigenous village, over half of the sampled landlords hold freehold interest in theirland.4 On the other hand, about 98 per cent of the houseowners interviewed in Zabon Zongopossessed leasehold tenure. This is explained by the fact that Zabon Zongo is mainly a migrantcommunity.Since land alienation is mediated through a traditional land market, information on security of titlewas not only hard to come by but it was generally unreliable. Given the sensitivity of this issue,interviewers could not probe beyond certain limits. Officially, all land titles are supposed to beregistered with the Lands Commission and 75 per cent of the house owners indicated compliancewith this rule. However, the field survey further revealed that those who claimed to have legaldocuments for their plot exceeded 75 per cent. This observation suggests that what mostlandlords claim to have is not the official title registration issued by the Lands Commission, but4. These lands are usually family lands.102CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESsemi-official "allocation notes" issued by landowners (ie sub-chiefs) to title holders. Most landlordsdo not apply for full title registration of their lots because of the bureaucratic processes involved.Title holders are required to pay annual ground rent and property tax to the Lands Commissionand the Kumasi Metropolitan Authority (KMA) respectively. This is probably one of the reasonswhy many plot onwers have not registered their lands with the Commission. Another reason isthe cumbersome registration process (Kassanga, 1991).4.10.0 House Construction ProcessLike most low income communities, housing construction in the informal communities is throughincremental processes. For 43 per cent of the houses surveyed, construction began before 1960,but to date, some houseowners regard their houses to be still incomplete. In all, about a quarterof the houseowners interviewed indicated that their houses are not yet completely built. Theuncompleted parts are predominantly roofing and walls. The incremental process is basicallydictated by the financial resources available to the developers. Financial resources for housingdevelopment can be classified into capital and income resources. The former represents the stockof loanable capital available in banks and other financial institutions accessible to corporationsand rich developers. This type of capital is common in developed countries where it is assembledthrough several years of accumulation. The latter consists of periodic (e.g., weekly, monthly etc)income accruing to individuals. Certain portions of this income flow is incrementally committedto housing development according to family priorities (Schumacher, 1983).The housing construction process in the two informal communities is essentially a reflection ofthe income resource mobilization model. This survey showed that about 90 per cent of the103CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIEShouseowners built their houses with personal income, 7 per cent received family assistance and3 per cent relied on credit for their home construction. Observations from the survey suggest thatit may be quite misleading to maintain that most respondents relied on personal incomes simplybecause of lack of access to institutional credit. Aside from the 32 per cent who indicated lackof access as a reason for not using bank credit, 28 and 24 per cent reported fear of default andoutright dislike of debts respectively as causes.Nearly two-thirds of the landlords obtained building materials from small scale material dealers.The remaining third relied on large scale material distribution companies. A negligible proportionof the building materials were procured from official government sources. This pattern ofprocurement is simply explained by the availability of materials on the open market as comparedto government sources which are often accessible only to influential people and corporate bodies.In keeping with people's income flow, procurement is done when funds are available and/or whenmaterials are needed for construction. Unlike rich builders, the poor procure materials in smallquantities for immediate use.Direct involvement of household members in the construction process is not significant. Only athird of the surveyed houseowners indicated some family involvement in the construction process:management, 48 per cent;, blockwork, 31 per cent; and carpentry,14 per cent. The greaterreliance on paid skilled labour is due to the use of specialised construction technology andpeople's increasing appreciation of the benefits of specialization. In sum, 95 per cent of therespondents employed skilled labour for activities like blockwork, carpentry, plumbing, paintingetc. Asked which input delayed the construction or was most difficult to mobilize, about 80 per104CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIEScent of respondents mentioned finance followed by building materials.The provision of infrastructure services also follows the incremental delivery pattern. Often, mostservices were provided after occupation of the house. The study found that electricity was usuallythe first to be provided followed by bathroom, water, toilet and finally kitchen. Normally, familiesmake material and financial contributions to the service agencies for the installation of essentialservices like water and electricity.For the government-built houses in the estates, family involvement in the construction processwas totally non-existent. As indicated earlier, the houses were contractor built from foundationto roof. After several years of occupation, families have undertaken various forms of structuralmodifications, transformations and extensions in response to changing family needs. Forty-six percent and 63 per cent of the houses sampled in Asawasi and South Suntreso respectively havebeen transformed in one way or another. The commonest transformation is additional rooms (60per cent) and commercial conversions (23 per cent). 5 Other transformations included additionof balconies, parlours, additional storeys, outer houses etc. Such works are normally financedthrough private sources. Due to the specialised skills required for this construction, experiencedlocal artisans were hired to undertake these transformations. Finally, the survey revealed thatthese transformations were necessitated primarily by (a) non-economic reasons, i.e., the lack ofliving space due to increased household size and (b) economic factors, i.e., the need for moresettlement development process. rooms or space for commercial activities and rental income.5 . Details about commercial conversions are discussed in the next chapter.105CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIES4.11.0 Community Development PartnershipsThe communities under study developed through the inter-related activities of both internal andexternal development actors or agents. While the informal communities developed largelythrough the efforts of internal actors, the estates were produced mainly through the interventionof external agents. Table 4.4 shows the important development agents and their respective rolesin the development process of the communities.The key player in the development process in the informal communities was the individualhouseowner or landlord. Most development actions revolve around the decisions, efforts andresources of landlords. It was the landlord who acquired the plots and initiated construction frompersonal resources.Tenants' contributions are usually limited and indirect through the payment of rent. Even thoughthe role of landowners, i.e, sub-chiefs cannot be ignored, their direct involvement ceases after thesale of plots to landlords. The central government acting through the service agents, e.g, Waterand Sewerage Corporation, comes in later to install essential infrastructure services particularly,water and electricity. The cost of the mains are normally borne by the government whilelandlords, and sometimes tenants pay for the private connections. Lastly, the municipal authoritygets involved in the area of sanitation, particularly management of public toilets, refuse disposaland drainage systems. It can be observed from Table 4.4 that the cells denoted for thecommunity are empty. This implies lack of collective involvement of the residents in the estates.106ToiletRoadROLES:':',;,,,,,,;Ofr<ACTIVITIESNIN.:TITHF:PROVIS1ON-OETHE'FOLLOWINGSERVICESACTORSHouseCentral GovtWater RefuseMunicipalityLandowners(sub-chiefs)LandlordsTenantsCommunityCHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESTable 4.4 Partners in Community Development: Informal CommunitiesSource: Field survey, 1991/92Notes: + Major Actor * Minor ActorDespite the strong community bond built around a common ethnic background and the Muslimreligion, very little is done to harness this resource in addressing the physical problems of thecommunities. One can hardly point to a single community project built or financed through thecollective efforts of residents in the two communities.The situation is different in the estates as illustrated in Table 4.5. The principal and sole actorwas the government acting through the State Housing Corporation. Everything from constructionof houses to the installation of infrastructure services was done by the housing corporation.Refuse disposal and public toilets were taken care of by the municipal authority. Now that thehouses are owned by private individuals, the role of residents in managing affairs of their107OLESLand HouseACTIVITIES' IN THE PROVISION O F THEFOLLOWING SERVICESElect — Dr Road Toilet RerWaterMunicipalityLandowners(Sub-Chiefs)LandlordsTenantsCommunityuseCentral GovtCHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIEScommunity is on the increase. Collective community action for neighbourhood development isin its early stages.Table 4.5 Partners in Community Development: Government Built EstatesSource: Field survey, 1991/92^Notes: + Major Actors * Minor Actors4.12.0 ConclusionsThis chapter compared the differing housing and environmental conditions in the four communitiesand further analysed the processes through which these levels of development were realised.It was evident in the discussion that housing and infrastructure facilities in the estates are ofrelatively better quality and in a more wholesome environment than the informal communities.It was argued that unequal access to public opportunities, such as public housing and finance aremore responsible for the housing gap than the income difference. The residents in the estatesenjoy better housing not because they have higher income, but because they could obtain access108CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIESto the heavily subsidised public housing (Asiama, 1985).While plot holders in the informal communities individually acquired their lots, land for the estateswas acquired from the Asantehene by the State Housing Corporation which built the estate. Thehousing construction process in the two informal communities is essentially a reflection of theincome resource mobilization process. While 90 per cent of the houseowners built their houseswith personal income, 7 per cent received family assistance and 3 per cent relied on credit fortheir home construction. Nearly two-thirds of the landlords obtained building materials from smallscale material dealers while the remaining third relied on large scale material distributioncompanies. Direct involvement of household members in the construction process of houses inthe informal settlements were not significant. On the other hand, since the estate houses werecompletely built by contractors, family involvement in their construction process was totally non-existent.While the informal communities developed largely through the efforts of internal actors, particularlythe landlord, the estates were produced mainly through the intervention of external agents suchas the State Housing Corporation and the service agents. Although a strong community bondbuilt around a common ethnic background and the Muslim religion was found in the informalcommunities, very little is done by community leaders to harness this resource in addressing thephysical problems in the settlements. On the other hand, the survey revealed that collectivecommunity action for neighbourhood development is in its early stages in the estates.In sum, the evidence presented in the chapter shows that the conventional planning practice and109CHAPTER 4. SURVEY COMMUNITIEShousing policies in Kumasi do not only serve the interest of a small segment of the population,but also they restrict flexibility and user participation in housing processes through the impositionof various standards and regulations. The next chapter analyses how the physical and housingcharacteristics at the city level and the unique opportunities and constraints in the fourcommunities impact the development and operation of economic enterprises in residential areas.110CHAPTER FIVE - NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISES5.1.0 IntroductionThe characteristics and activities of the neighbourhood economic enterprises are significantlyinfluenced by the physical and housing situation in the neighbourhoods and the city. Theseeconomic enterprises represent the internal segment of the neighbourhood economy.1Basically, this component of the neighbourhood economy comprises households and individualswho eke out a living by operating a variety of small scale neighbourhood economic enterprisesor rent housing spaces for domestic and economic activities. These enterprises range frominformal to semi-formal activities; home-based to non home-based businesses; goods- to service-oriented activities; and those which service the neighbourhood market to others with marketsoutlets outside the city. Even though this study focuses on activities that involve monetarytransactions, it is important to recognise that the internal component of the neighbourhoodeconomy also includes non-cash mutual help services among households, such as baby-sitting,hair cutting, minor repair work etc.25.2.0 Basic Characteristics of the EnterprisesAs indicated in chapter one, the survey identified seven categories of neighbourhood economicenterprises. They comprise:(a)^retailing (eg stores, drinking bars, groceries, firewood and charcoal selling, drugsand chemical shops etc, ( fig. 5.1 a);i.The neighbourhood economy includes all economic transactions (ie. incomes andexpenditures) of residents either within or outside the neighbourhood.2 . It is also important to mention that due to the increasing monetisation of the Ghanaiannational economy and changing life-styles, more and more of these non-cash transactions areentering the cash economy.111CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESFigure 5.1 (a) Retail KioskFigure 5.1 (b) Bakery (Food processing enterprise)112CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESFigure 5.1 (c) A tailor's shop (personal services)Figure 5.1 (d) Caprenter's shop (light manufacturing)113CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESFigure 5.1 (e) Construction (extension)Figure 5.1 (f) Urban Agriculture (Backyard garden)114CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISES(b) food processing and sales (eg. baking, brewing, restaurant, corn milling, etc, (fig.5.1 b);(c) personal services (eg. hair dressing, watch repairing, tailoring, shoe repairs, radioservicing, typing, photography etc, (fig. 5.1 c);(d) light manufacturing (furniture making, metal works, gold smith, shoe making,weaving, craftworks, soap making, toys etc, (fig. 5.1 d);(e) construction (house building, masonry, block making etc, (fig. 5.1 e);(f) education (eg. private day care centres, nurseries, primary schools etc.) and(g) urban agriculture (eg. vegetable gardening, livestock, poultry etc, (see fig 5.1 f).In all, about 1289 enterprises were counted in the four communities. Table 5.1 shows the numberof enterprises in each category. As shown in the table, the three top ranking enterprises areretailing (43 per cent); food processing (19 per cent) and personal services (18 per cent). Thepredominance of these activities is explained by the fact that they are domestic services requiredmostly in residential areas. Local entrepreneurs take advantage of the ready neighbourhoodmarket by providing these goods and services.3 The next enterprise is construction. It can beobserved from Table 5.1 that the number of construction enterprises in the estates is higher thanin the informal neighbourhoods. These construction activities in the estates are not new housingdevelopments, but various transformations or alterations of the existing houses. Urban agricultureranks fifth. A significant proportion of households use private and public spaces to produce some3. Some of the products are also consumed in other neighbourhoods and even outside thecity. Details are discussed later under functional linkages.115COMMUNITIESTYPES OFENTERPRISES AYIGYAss-%ZONGOToASAWASENO.RETAILING 329 49.9 21 17.9 107 34.2FOODPROCESSING108 16.4 26 22.2 77 24.6PERSONALSERVICES108 16.4 54 46.2 49 15.7CONSTRUCTION 28 4.2 1 0.9 43 13.7URBANAGRICULTURE47 7.1 9 7.7 9 2.9LIGHT MAN-UFACTURING31 4.7 4 3.4 26 8.3EDUCATION 8 1.3 2 1.7 2 0.6TOTALS 659 100 117 100 313 100....$UNTRESOA!!!!!!!.... TOTALS -^•^•^sNO. NO20010448938251252.010012.519.04.04.52.06.05612362491289846974165.343.55.76.610018.319.31.3CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESfoodstuffs including meat.4Table 5.1 Number of Enterprises by CommunitiesSource: Field survey, 1991/92Ranked sixth among the enterprise is light manufacturing. One of the possible reasons for thefewer number of manufacturing enterprises may be due to the fact that their products are not4 .Although a small proportion of this produce is sold, the contribution urban agriculture makesto family incomes is seen in terms of the savings families make by producing these foodstuffs forthemselves.116CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESdirectly required in residential areas. The seventh category of enterprise comprises educationalinstitutions such as day care centres, nursery homes, kindergarten, and Islamic primary schoolsoperating mostly in houses and in a few public buildings. These institutions are privately owned.These schools provide essential services for working mothers and many children who are unableto find vacancies in public schools. Apart from Zabon Zongo, the ranking of the enterprises inthe respective communities follow an order similar to the aggregate pattern outlined.With the exception of schools which are officially registered and thus, regulated to some degreeby the ministry of education, the rest of the enterprises operate without any formal registrationor regulation. Also, some drug and chemical shops are registered in compliance with thePharmacy law in Ghana. Although all economic enterprises are supposed to be registered, verylittle is done by city authorities to enforce this requirement.The development of the enterprises dates from the 1960s but the last decade has witnessedphenomenal growth. It is significant to note that about 82 per cent of all the enterprises surveyedwere established between 1981 and 1991. This may be attributed to the shrinking public sectorjob opportunities resulting from retrenchment policies associated with the World Bank StructuralAdjustment Programme adopted by the government.5 A very high proportion of the enterprisesemerged on an ad hoc basis. The survey shows that only 8 per cent of the enterprises studied5 . Can this observation be also attributed to the fact that these enterprises may have a veryshort life span? Even though there are no serial data to prove or disprove this possibility,research evidence from other Western African countries gives more credence to the firstexplanation. Informal economic activities have been increasing in these countries since the early1980s and this trend is generally associated with the effects of the Structural Adjustment Programin African countries as observed in the literature (Lube11,1991).117CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESwere initially planned and incorporated into the design and construction of the houses. The restemerged as post-settlement initiatives undertaken by households in response to theiremployment/economic needs or perceived opportunities. The results of the survey indicate thatnone of the enterprises in the estates were originally planned. Physical transformations weremade to the houses to accommodate these ventures. These take the form of additional rooms,conversion of either a room or porch, construction of a detached structure etc. (see fig. 5.2).Given the limited credit facilities in Kumasi, most entrepreneurs started their businesses withpersonal capital. Out of the 433 enterprises studied, only three relied on bank credit. Most ofthe entrepreneurs saved money through a non-conventional banking system locally called "susu".This is a system whereby people save a specified amount of money on a daily basis bydepositing it with an agent. The accumulated savings are paid back to the customers at the endof each month. The agent receives a commission equal to a days' savings from each of his orher customers. The agents are normally trustworthy people in the neighbourhood. Because ofthe monthly pay-backs, there is no standing capital to grant credit facilities to customers. Theentrepreneurs find this banking system as a convenient way to save some money for short-termpurchases but not as a source of long-term investment credit.The survey revealed that about 68 per cent of the entrepreneurs6 in the communities werebetween the age of 21-40, indicating the dominance of middle age people. Less than six per cent6. Since most of the enterprises are family businesses, it is difficult to identify who theentrepreneur was. In this dissertation, entrepreneur refers to the member of the household whoexercises the greatest authority on decisions affecting the running of the enterprise. In mostcases, it is the head of the household, either male or female.118CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESwere below 20 years. It was also observed that the sector was mainly the domain of women.Nearly two-thirds of the entrepreneurs were females. Thirty per cent of entrepreneurs have notreceived formal education while 50 per cent have completed primary education. Only 20 per centwere schooled beyond primary education. Most of the enterprises studied did not require anyspecial skills and even if they did, the skills were acquired through apprenticeship and informallearning from other family members.Regarding residential tenure, it was observed that roughly half (56 per cent) of the entrepreneurswere renters while the rest were houseowners or relatives of houseowners. The houseownerswere particularly interested in renting their rooms for business purposes, because this producedfive to 10 times the normal rental income. Whereas a room rented for domestic use attracts arent of C300 per month, a similar room earns between C 3000 - C 5000, if it is rented for acommercial purpose.5.3.0 Locational and Operational CharacteristicsIn terms of location, the enterprises surveyed could be divided into home-based and non home-based activities. It was observed that while about 76 per cent of the enterprises were located ondeveloped plots (ie., in or around houses), 18 per cent were on public space. The remaining sixper cent were on undeveloped plots (ie., plots without buildings). Even though most of theenterprises were located on developed plots for the sake of convenience7, not all were attachedto houses. About half of this number were sited a few meters away from the living area. The7. About 76 per cent cited convenience as the main reason for siting their business at home.119CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESenterprises tended to use a small amount of space. With the exception of schools whichobviously required large space, the survey revealed that majority (76 per cent) of the enterprisesoperated conveniently in an area of less than 50 square meters. Eighty-seven per cent of therespondents indicated that they did not use the business space for other domestic activities likecooking or sleeping. In most cases, this space was used solely for business purposes. It wasalso significant to note that a high proportion (84 per cent) of the entrepreneurs were verysatisfied with the location and space occupied by their businesses.It was, however, noted from the observational survey and the interviews that whether theenterprises were attached to or detached from the domestic domain, most of them werefunctionally integrated into the daily life and activities of households. There were threedimensions involved in this. The first dimension was in terms of labour participation. Allhousehold members helped in the running of the enterprises. Since most of the enterprises werethe mainstay of some households, most of them operated as family businesses. Even if one ortwo household members could be specifically responsible for the management of the enterprises,often other members of the household, including children contributed in various ways withoutreceiving any direct financial reward. In some cases, non-family paid labour was also hired.The second dimension was that the running of the enterprises were inseparably linked withdomestic family activities. No clear boundaries could be drawn between normal household chores(eg. cooking, eating, washing etc.) and running of the enterprises. For example, a customer isnot denied service just because the family is having supper. A household member suspends thatactivity for a while in order to serve the customer. This life style continues from morning to night,120CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESparticularly for households which operated retail services, food processing, restaurants andpersonal services. The survey found that 43.2 per cent of the sampled enterprises operated lateinto the night. These extended services were particularly responsive to the needs of the poorwho often bought in small quantities because of limited disposable incomes and lack of modernstorage facilities like refrigerators.Third, entrepreneurs did not often separate their business revenues and expenditures fromdomestic household transactions. The business was therefore directly linked with the economicsurvival of the household. Incomplete isolation of enterprise from household accounts makesfinancial accounting difficult (Page, 1979).Since most customers were familiar faces in the neighbourhood, credit purchases were common.Due to interpersonal advantages, proximity, soft credit to customers etc., local entrepreneurs hadan edge over their competitors at the city centre who often have sold or offered services at lowerprices. Through the provision of various goods and services, the local enterprises also servedas a means for preserving and enhancing existing social ties and inter-dependencies amonghouseholds and residents.5.4M Concentration of Enterprises in CommunitiesThe general count of enterprises revealed that the following number of businesses were operatingin the respective communities: Ayigya, 659; Zabon Zongo, 117; Asawase, 313; and SouthSuntreso, 200 (See Table 5.1). To what extent have income, location and settlement typology(i.e, development process) influenced the emergence of these enterprises in the respective121COMMUNITIES No. ofHousesNo. of......................Households...................................•^......'""•••^..Population (2) Area inHactares . •..No. ofEnterprises(1) AYIGYA 400 2406 9892 75.5 659ZABON ZONGO 57 390 2203 8.3 117ASAWASE 1276 2481 21453 42 317SOUTHSUNTRESO463 1751 6356 75 200CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISEScommunities? In order to assess the differing impacts of these factors on the enterprises, it wasnecessary to define a basis by which the concentration of enterprises in the four communitiescould be compared. Since the communities varied in terms of area, size of population, numberof houses etc, as shown in Table 5.2, four concentration indicators were defined for thecomparison: enterprises per 100 houses, enterprises per 100 persons, enterprises per 100households and enterprises per hectare.Table 5.2 Basic Data on Communities: Selected IndicatorsSources (1) Field Survey, 1991/92(2) Census Reports, 1984(3) Boapeah, 1981, 1988Based on the data in Table 5.2, the degree of concentration of the enterprises in the respectivecommunities was calculated for each indicator. The results of the calculations are tabulated inTable 5.3. The figures derived for each of the indicators are ranked in the descending order.Table 5.3 illustrates the influence of settlement typology on the emergence of the enterprises in122Rank8.72 214.1 17.5 32.7 4RankRank RankAYIGYA 27165 2 6.7 1 2ZONGO 205 1 2 33 15.3COMMUNITY Enterprises Perao houses Enterprises per100 persons Enterprises per100 households Enterprises perhectareASAWASE 25 4 1.5 4 13 34343 113SUNTRESO 3.1INFORMAL COMMUNITIESGOVERN VENT BUILT ESTATESCHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESthe communities. It is evident from the figures in the table that the two informal settlements havea higher concentration of enterprises than the government-built estates. These two communitiesranked first and second in all four indicators. What is more significant are the high differencesbetween the concentration figures. For example, whereas the lowest concentration of enterprisesper 100 houses was 165 in the informal settlements, the highest figure for the estates was 43.Table 5.3 Concentration of Enterprises in Communities: Settlement TypologySource: Field Survey, 1991/92; 1984 Census Report, 1991The data in Table 5.3 have been re-organised in Table 5.4 on the basis of location to facilitatea comparison of the concentration of enterprises in the communities located near the city centreand those on the periphery. Both the concentration values and the ranks indicate that there isa relatively higher concentration of enterprises in the inner-city communities than in the peripheralsettlements. Although the gap between the two categories of settlements are not as definitiveas those observed for the settlement typology criterion, at least the inner-city settlements rankedfirst in three out of the four indicators.123:,.Enterprises100 Houses- Enterprises per1 00 PersonEnterprises perHouseholdsEnterprisesper HectareRank Rank Rank Rat*INNER-CITY COMMUNITIES205 1 5.3 2 33 1 14.1 125 3 1.5 4 13 3 8.7 2PERIPHERAL COMMUNITIES165 2 6.7 1 27 2 7.5 343 4 3.1 3 11 4 2.7 4ZONGOASAWASEAYIGYASUNTRESOCHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESTable 5.4 Concentration of Enterprises in Communities: LocationSource: Field Survey, 1991/92; 1984 Census Report, 19915.5.0 Income DeterminantHaving established the influences of settlement typology and location on the emergence ofenterprises, the analysis goes further to examine the role of income. To this end, twocommunities with identical types of settlement and location, but with significant income differenceswere selected. Based on this criterion, Kwadaso Estate was selected for comparison with SouthSuntreso Estate. The two communities are peripherally located government sponsored estatesbuilt in the early 1950s. They are adjacent to one another, separated by a secondary road. In1986, the average monthly incomes in Kwadaso estate and South Suntreso estate were018,400.00 and 014,600.00 respectively.8 Further, the two communities are of similar ethnic8. Income figures were extracted from an unpublished World Bank study conducted in Kumasiin 1986 by Tipple.124COMMUNITYAverage...................income per .monthEnterprises per-.100 housesRankEnterPrisesper100 personsEnterprises per100 householdsEnterprises perhectare^-RankSOUTHSUNTRESOC 14,600KWADASOESTATEC 18,4002.71 3.1 1 11 1 1432 2.521 2 2 2 28CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISEScomposition, implying common cultural values. The concentration indicators are calculated forKwadaso and the figures are tabulated alongside those for South Suntreso in Table 5.5.Table 5.5 Income status comparison (Suntreso and Kwadaso)Source: Field Survey, 1991/92; 1984 Census Report, 1991The concentration of enterprises in South Suntreso is higher than in Kwadaso Estate. Given theidentical location, development process and even ethnic composition, then the differenceobserved in the concentrations figures can reasonably be attributed to the income gap betweenthe two communities. The analysis leads to the conclusion that low income communities havea greater tendency to develop more enterprises than communities with high income levels.Despite the fact that these home-based economic enterprises are highly associated with poverty,they are not an exclusively low income phenomenon. Although city-wide data are not available,the researcher observed through his visits that these enterprises operate in both poor and rich125CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESneighbourhoods. The main difference is that the number of activities seems to drop as onemoves from low income neighbourhoods to high incomes neighbourhoods.In sum, the results of the study indicate a high concentration of neighbourhood economic activityin all communities. For example, Table 5.3 shows that the number of enterprises per 100houses ranges from 25 in Asawase to 205 in Zabon Zongo. If all the figures for enterprises perhouse are combined, it works out to roughly one enterprise per house. These results providesufficient evidence to support the hypothesis that: notwithstanding the fact that municipal policiespursue a goal of separation between where people live and work, housing practices in low incomecommunities integrate residence and work.The following three basic conclusions can be derived from the foregoing analysis based on Tables5.2, 5.3, 5.4 and 5.5:1. The informal communities have higher concentration of enterprises than the estates; orthe degree of concentration of enterprises in a community is closely related to the levelof informal processes (i.e., flexibility, incrementalism, user participation and minimumregulations) allowed in the development of the settlement.2. Communities located near the city centre have relatively higher concentration ofenterprises than suburban communities; or the degree of concentration of enterprises ina settlement is closely associated with its proximity to city centre.3.^Low income communities have a greater tendency to develop more enterprises thancommunities with high income levels; or the degree of concentration of enterprises in a126CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISEScommunity is inversely related to the level of income in the community.5.6.0 Explanations for the Observed TrendsThe foregoing analyses suggest that the establishment of economic enterprises in a communityis dependent upon three factors: degree of informal processes in the settlement's development,proximity of settlement to city centre and income level of residents. A critical evaluation of thefactors reveals that the manner in which they impact on the development of neighbourhoodeconomic enterprises vary. For example, the informality in the development process will not perse induce residents to establish economic enterprises if they have alternative job opportunitiesor if there is no market for their products and services. On the other hand, low incomehouseholds in an inner city community are more likely to establish informal activities in theirneighbourhood in order to take advantage of the ready market in the central business area. Thecity centre offers a wide range of informal employment opportunities such as hawking, repairwork, food sales, personal services etc. These rational arguments and the analytical findingsrequire some clarifications. Whereas poverty, i.e., limited access to gainful employmentopportunities, directly compel residents to eke out a living by establishing economic enterprisesin their homes and neighbourhoods, community location and flexibility in the settlement processmay serve as enabling factors. These two factors do not directly induce the establishment ofneighbourhood enterprises but they may facilitate the process indirectly.The income factor may be considered in both demand and supply terms. It was observed in thisstudy that people resort to the neighbourhood informal activities for economic survival when theyare unable to find alternative job opportunities, either formal or informal, outside the127CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESneighbourhood. It is important to mention that apart from hawking, it is becoming increasinglydifficult for new informal sector entrepreneurs to find viable locations for their businesses in thecommercial areas of Kumasi due to overcrowding of informal activities, high cost of street stallsand frequent harassments by city authorities. For instance, about 28 per cent of theentrepreneurs interviewed indicated that they were pushed into neighbourhood enterprises dueto lack of gainful employment outside the community. Also 44 per cent switched from other jobsto neighbourhood enterprises because they either lost their job or were not satisfied with theirprevious employments located outside the neighbourhood. These findings indicate that limitedaccess to employment opportunities outside the neighbourhood is the principal reason why manyresidents in the informal communities resort to neighbourhood enterprises for survival. 9 Thelesser number of enterprises counted in the estates reinforces this argument. Since the estateswere specifically built for government workers, most of the residents are gainfully employed in thepublic sector and therefore have less tendency to depend on neighbourhood enterprises foreconomic survival. It is, however, most important to mention that even though many of theentrepreneurs turned to residential enterprises as a last resort, about 72 per cent are now quitesatisfied with their economic security and income flow and are no longer looking for other jobs.On the demand side, low income households generate local demand for the goods and servicesprovided at their doorstep. Since they normally buy in small bits, they rely on the neighbourhoodenterprises to supply their needs almost around the clock. Even when a larger market is createdas a result of proximity to the city centre, more enterprises are established as observed in the9. However, about 28 per cent of the respondents also mentioned that they decided toestablish neighbourhood enterprises because of convenience. These were mostly women.128CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISEScase of Zabon Zongo and Asawase. As indicated earlier, the central business district of Kumasiaccommodates the main market, the main lorry station and a commercial zone for stores andoffices which together create a substantial market for an array of goods and services producedby the low income people in the city. This underscores the importance and role of location asan enabling factor.The degree of informal processes characterising the development of a settlement allows residentsto shape their housing environment in a manner that responds to their socio-economic needs andrealities. Specifically, the flexibility of the process makes it easier for residents to use theirneighbourhood environment in either the private or public domain to operate various types ofbusinesses.5.7.0 Informal and Estate Communities: Explaining the DifferencesIt should be borne in mind that limited income and access to employment opportunities have beenidentified as the primary factors responsible for the differences in the concentration ofneighbourhood enterprises in the informal and estate communities. However, there are otherfactors which also help in providing a comprehensive understanding of the observed trends.As mentioned, the scope of autonomy in the informal settlements was found to be quitesignificant.^Due to poor enforcement of planning regulations in the neighbourhoods,entrepreneurs do not bother to obtain planning approval before establishing businesses in oraround their houses. Neighbours are also accustomed to the flexibility and evolutionaryprocesses in their community and therefore do not object to such developments. Strong religiousand ethnic ties make residents more cooperative and tolerant, accepting the mutual benefit the129CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESentire community derives from these neighbourhood enterprises. Another important factor whichfacilitates the easy establishment of neighbourhood enterprises in informal communities is theeasy entry into the informal sector. For instance, a housewife who decides to sell groceries infront of her house requires minimum start-up capital; she can operate without registering thebusiness with the authorities or obtaining the approval of the planning department. So, the easyintegration of informal activities into informal settlements is facilitated by the flexibility governingboth processes.Normally, decisions and actions on both fronts are ad hoc and incremental and this providesmutual reinforcement between the two. The informal character of the informal communities offersthe enterprises opportunities for cost reduction. These include sharing home and working spaceand facilities, which lowers overhead costs of enterprises; relying on a network of contacts in theneighbourhood environment for marketing; or utilising the availability of family labour and thesupply of cheap unskilled labour (Jan Baker, 1991). Another important factor is tenure. Sincethe houses are owned by individuals within the community, the entrepreneur have sufficient powerto control their housing development to suit their aspirations and also to take advantage ofchanging opportunities in the neighbourhood.The other factors contributing to the lower concentration of enterprises in the two estatecommunities comprise various constraints the housing system imposes on attempts to integrateinformal enterprises into the communities. This can be explained in several ways. The firstreason is tenure. Prior to the introduction of the privatisation policy in the estates, almost all theresidents were tenants of the government. They could not legally put their houses to any other130CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESuses besides those stipulated in the rental agreement. The emergence of economic enterprisesin the estates only gathered momentum after the government decided to sell the dwelling unitsto the occupants.After the change in tenure, houseowners were supposed to obtain planning approval beforeundertaking any transformations or extensions of their houses. Even though this regulation wasnot strictly enforced, it stifled the establishment of home-based economic activities in the earlyyears of the privatisation policy.Like most homes in public housing schemes, the houses in the estates were built as finite unitswith limited flexibility to accommodate future modifications. The initial design and structure of theestates defined basic land uses, infrastructure, plot sizes and internal transport networks, whichwere difficult to alter. The possibility of residential enterprises was not anticipated by the projectdesigners and this makes the physical integration of these activities into the neighbourhoodstructure relatively difficult.Finally, since the estates have an orderly layout, residents find it psychologically more difficultto introduce any physical changes which may seem visually offensive to neighbours or obstructiveto the original design of the estate. In sum, the incompatibility between the informal processescharacterising the development of the enterprises and the limited autonomy in the developmentprocess of the estates helps to explain the relatively low concentration of economic enterprisesin the estates.131CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISES5.8.0 Impact of Municipal Policies on EnterprisesGenerally, municipal policies have had a limited impact on the development and operation ofneighbourhood enterprises in both the informal communities and the estates. For instance, theplanning regulation that controls the establishment of businesses is virtually non-operative in theinformal settlements. Since the settlements are unauthorised, their growth is regulated largelyby undeclared rules. The enforcement of formal regulations even in the estates leaves much tobe desired. Apart from staffing and logistic problems, enforcement is weakened by the inabilityof the city authorities to provide facilities for shopping and business activities in theneighbourhoods. Often, sites demarcated as community shopping centres are not developed.These centres are supposed to accommodate a market, and other commercial and productionenterprises that may emerge in the community. Experiences from both private and public housingschemes in Ghana indicate that the spaces for such shopping centres are always provided.However, they are never developed or they are usually last to be developed by city authorities.In most cases, these sites are either encroached upon by illegal developers or remain overgrownwith weeds for several years. Eventually, they become dumping grounds for garbage and hideouts for drug addicts and criminals. When public authorities fail to develop the essentialneighbourhood facilities, they do not only give residents an incentive to use their housing spaceto provide these services, they also lose the justification to enforce the regulations prohibitingsuch developments in the community.As mentioned in Chapter 2, aside from development control regulations, there are no specificmunicipal policies dealing with neighbourhood enterprises. The enterprises are therefore affectedmore indirectly by lack of policy than formal policies. Despite the tremendous size and enormous132CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESpotential of the neighbourhood enterprises, they are not well integrated into the urban economylet alone the national economy. Instead of recognising these residential enterprises as a vitalcomponent of the urban economy and thereby anticipating and planning for them, authoritiesrather see them as an anomaly or an appendage of the formal economy. Such a dualisticperception of the urban economy on the part of city authorities results in either official indifferenceor hostility towards the enterprises. Evidence gathered in this study suggests that the enterprisesare more affected by neglect, i.e., lack of policy, than hostility.10 Like most informal sectoractivities, they are misunderstood, unrecognised and starved of necessary financial andtechnological supports (Lubell, 1991). In short, most of the enterprises fend for themselveswithout government support or encouragement.5.9.0 Impacts of Enterprises on CommunityThe survey revealed that the enterprises have considerable impacts on employment generation,family income, housing improvements, the neighbourhood environment and linkages with theurban economy.5.9.1 Employment Generation and Gender ParticipationThe most important contribution of the enterprises to the urban economy is in the area of job-creation. The employment capacities of the enterprises as evidenced in the study are tabulatedlo. It can also be argued that neglect allows the enterprises to flourish. This may be true tosome extent, but it is doubtful whether neglect serves the interest of the enterprises better thanrecognition and support from the government.133CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESin Table 5.6. On average, each enterprise employs as many as three people.11 Further, anemployment census carried out in the sampled houses revealed that about half of all the workingpopulation had their jobs located within the neighbourhood.Table 5.6 also shows the differing employment generation capacities of the various enterprises.It is evident that while retailing accounts for about 37 per cent of the sampled enterprises, itprovides only 24 per cent of the job opportunities. It has the lowest worker per enterprise ratio(i.e., 1.9). On the other hand, while the category of personal and repair services representsabout 16 per cent of the enterprises, it employs the highest proportion of workers (i.e., 28 percent). Personal and repair services and schools recorded the highest worker per enterprise ratio(5.0). In all, retailing, food processing and personal services provide the largest number of jobs.The survey further shows that about 87 per cent of all the sampled employees have no otheremployment, whilst the remaining 13 per cent work on a part-time basis. This buttresses theargument that the neighbourhood enterprises are not secondary activities undertaken tosupplement regular income, but that they are important in themselves.11 . This figure may include family labour, hired labour and in some cases child labour. Detailsare discussed in this section.134EnterprisesNumber Percent37Number301162118 27 33769 16 34535 8 9117 4 5323 6 779 2 45433 100 1249Worker perEnterprise1.9242.9265.0282.673.153.365.042.9100Types ofEnterprisesRetailingFood relatedPersonal andrepair servicesLightmanufacturingConstructionUrban AgricultureSchoolsAll EnterprisesCHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESTable 5.6 Employment Generation of Enterprises in the four CommunitiesSource: Field survey, 1991/92Table 5.7 shows the amount of employment generated by the enterprises in the four communitieson the basis of gender. What is significant in this table is that more women tend to work at homein the peripheral communities than those living close to the city centre. The women who live nearthe city centre are more likely to have relatively easy access to job opportunities in the centralbusiness district than their counterparts in the peripheral communities. The data in Table 5.7suggest that the worker/enterprise ratios lack any clear or direct relationship with either locationor type of settlement. Both the highest (3.6) and the lowest (2.5) ratios are recorded in the twoestates: Suntreso (estate-peripheral),and Asawase (estate-inner city).135Ayigya 2.71005926437936213Zongo 3.4100161365864103Asawase 2.5100271318469187Suntreso 3.674 33 151 67 225 100124954 10067246577TotalPercent:.^. . PercentWorkerperEntererIseRatioPercent,NumberEmployeesCornmuntCHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESTable 5.7^Employment Generation by Gender in the CommunitiesSource: Field Survey, 1991/92Male dominance in formal economic activities in the economies of the Third World is a well-knownfact. Female labour participation in the economies of these countries is mostly concentrated inthe informal activities (Page, 1977; Lubell, 1991). In keeping with this trend, women accountedfor 54 per cent of the labour force engaged in the enterprises. Child labour accounted for about7 per cent of all the employees counted. The work force further divides into 55 per cent paidlabour and 45 per cent unpaid labour (either family or apprentice labour). Table 5.8 presentsthese data. The proportion of paid to unpaid employees was fairly close in all the communitiesexcept Suntreso which recorded 67 and 33 per cent of paid and unpaid workers respectively.136Ayigya 1004627254 592320Zongo 100467354 16188Asawase 1002715113949132Suntreso 100150 67 75 3312494555955 100690Total225CommunitiesPercent Percent NumberCHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESTable 5.8 Paid and Unpaid WorkersSource: Field survey, 1991/92It is important to emphasise that unpaid workers normally receive some form of remuneration fortheir services although they do not receive regular pay. Even though family workers are not paidregular salaries, they often have the liberty to consume goods in kind or receive allowances.Apprentices also receive a regular allowances from their masters on a daily or weekly basis. Thedifference is that a family worker or apprentice has no defined remuneration as compared withpaid workers.It was further observed that, out of the total of 656 adult female employees in the enterprises, 285(43 per cent) were unpaid. However, there is no evidence in the study to show that women are137CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESexploited in this regard, as an equal proportion of males (42.5 per cent) were also unpaid. Thestudy strongly indicates that the enterprises provide opportunities for the development of femaleentrepreneurship. The data show that for every male entrepreneur, there were 1.7 femaleentrepreneurs.5.10.0 Income/Revenue from EnterprisesThe overall viability of the enterprises cannot be fully ascertained without assessing their incomeand revenue flows. Like most income studies in the Third World, efforts to collect data on incomein the settlements were not very successful due to the poor recording practices amongentrepreneurs. Entrepreneurs were asked to estimate their daily, weekly, or monthly output andthe figures they gave were multiplied by the average market price of that product to estimate theirtotal revenue. On the whole, the data collected on income was sketchy but it was the best thatcould be obtained under these circumstances.Since the data obtained were not statistically appropriate for the calculation of mean incomes, thebest available information that can provide some indication about income is the minimum andmaximum income levels for each of the enterprise categories. A minimum gross monthly incomeof C2000.00 was recorded for urban agriculture as against a maximum of C90,000.00 (US $1=C450, 1991) for retailing and personal/repair services respectively. Within this range, foodrelated enterprises had a maximum income of C80,000; light manufacturing, C75,000; andconstruction, C3,000. The minimum income figure recorded for urban agriculture is not surprisingbecause, most of the people are engaged in it on a part-time basis. Also, most of the foodstuffsare for family consumption. The minimum income level recorded for agriculture represents about138CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISES17 per cent of the national minimum monthly wage of C11,500 ($30.00). On the other hand, themaximum income of C90,000 works out to about 780 per cent of the national minimum wage.These figures indicate that income levels are not only low for a significant proportion of workersengaged in the enterprises, but also, income disparities among the enterprises are very wide.Some workers are earning far above the national minimum wage, and even more than many ofthose employed in government departments and large corporations. These observations areconsistent with general trends in the "informal sector" identified in the literature review (WorldBank, 1985). The wide income disparity is one of the reasons why informal enterprises cannotbe lumped together as a homogenous and distinct economic sector as often done in the literature.These income figures may be misinterpreted unless they are situated within the context ofimportant local and cultural factors which collectively determine real household income in Ghana.First, it should be borne in mind that the figures presented are mere estimates with a highprobability of under-reported incomes for cultural reasons. Ghanaians feel uncomfortable aboutdisclosing their incomes because this is regarded as an intrusion into their privacy. Someentrepreneurs are also unwilling to disclose their incomes due to the fear of taxation. Second,the revenue from the enterprises should not be equated with household income. There are a fewhouseholds with single incomes. Often, several members of a household, including the wife areeconomically active and earn income in different sectors of the urban economy. It is commonknowledge in Ghana that women contribute a significant proportion of household income. Third,these enterprises cannot be judged exclusively from a commercial-economic perspective. Theirconcept of business success is different from "modern" assessment criteria. They assess theirincome in terms of how well they are able to provide for the basic needs of their families such as139CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESfood, clothing, shelter and children's education, as well as return some money into the business.Progress is measured by the extent to which the business has grown and not by monetary profitalone. So, income is better assessed through the spending pattern of the household (Yomi, 1991;Post, 1992).Another important factor which must be borne in mind is that the value of a dollar in Ghana isseveral times higher than in western countries due to the low cost of living in the country. Forexample, the monthly rent of a three bedroom house in a high income residential area in Kumasiis between Canadian $100 and $120 dollars whereas a comparable house costs about a $1000in Vancouver.12 This implies that the dollar equivalent of the income figures presented aboveis a gross underestimation of real income in Ghana.5.11.0 Income from Rental HousingThe discussion on income, has so far focused on income earned through economic enterprises.Aside from this, the houses also yield rental income to the houseowners. However, this revenueis negligible due to two factors. First, as mentioned in the previous chapter, the landlords aresmall scale non-commercial producers who on the average supply about five to ten rental rooms.Some of these rooms are occupied by non-rent paying family occupants. Second, rents aregenerally low in Ghana as a result of a long tradition of rent controls. So, a landlord who rentsabout ten rooms built of sandcrete blocks earns about C3,000 per month. The total rental income12. The researcher used to pay an equivalent of about $50 for his three bedroom house in ahigh income residential area in Kumasi in 1990.140CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESis just about a quarter of the national minimum wage. The low rent in Ghana is a disincentiveto the rental market which caters for the housing needs of the low income households.5.12.0 Functional Linkages with the Urban EconomyApart from income figures, the significance of the neighbourhood enterprises is also seen in termsof their linkage with communities within and outside the city. Linkage is defined by marketoutlets, that is the proportion or volume of goods and services consumed in each locality or theorigin of the customers.13 Entrepreneurs were asked to estimate the proportion of their outputconsumed locally within the neighbourhood, in other neighbourhoods within the city and outsidethe city. Table 5.9 shows the levels of linkages the various enterprises have with the threedefined market areas.Urban agriculture, which in most cases was undertaken for home consumption rather than on acommercial basis, expectedly has no linkage to other parts of the city or outside. On the otherhand, light manufacturing for which the products are frequently exported outside the city, has agreater linkage with the outside.13. Ideally, the definition of linkages should have included the inflow of inputs from varioussources. However, this was not possible to establish due to lack of information.141Retailing 100.014.626.658.8Food related 100.08.728.862.513.0 100.023.263.8PersonalServicesConstruction 100.08.436.255.4100.012.387.7SchoolsTypes ofEnterprisesWithinNeighbourhoodLightManufacturing37.6 32.4 30.0 100.0UrbanAgriculture100.0 100.0CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESTable 5.9 Market of Enterprises (where goods and services are consumed : percentages)Source: Field survey, 1991/92Further, the linkages differed for the various communities, as shown in Table 5.10. It can beobserved from Table 5.10 that communities closer to the city centre have greater linkage withcustomers outside the neighbourhood. For example, about 32 per cent of goods and servicesof Zabon Zongo had contacts with customers from outside the city, and for South Suntreso at theperiphery there was no linkage outside the city.142Ayigya 65.8 22.0 12.2 100Zabon Zongo 45.1 23.2 31.7 100Asawase 63.0 26.0 10.7 100South Suntreso 63.0 37.0 100Outside CityWithinNeighbourhoodCHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESTable 5.10 Linkages of Goods and Services by Locality (in percentages)Source: Field survey, 1991/92However, for Ayigya which is also at the city periphery, this relationship does not strictly hold.This could be due to the fact that Ayigya has satellite villages with which it maintains traditionallinkages and their residents patronise the economic activities at Ayigya. Over 30 per cent of thegoods and services produced by the economic activities within Ayigya were sold outside theneighbourhood or were patronised by clients from outside the neighbourhood.In sum, the activities of 68 per cent of the enterprises surveyed were confined to theneighbourhood economy, 28 per cent had customers in other parts of the city and 4 per cent hadaccess to markets outside the city. This reinforces the point that the enterprises are not justeconomic activities merely servicing the neighbourhood economy but are also important to theeconomy of the city and even the country as a whole.5.13.0 Housing ImprovementsThe survey revealed that a limited amount of income earned from the enterprises has been143CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESinvested in housing improvements. About two-thirds of the entrepreneurs interviewed have notcontributed towards the improvements of their houses. An explanation for this observation wassought from the sampled entrepreneurs. It was learned that since most of the entrepreneurs wererenters, they were unwilling to invest their resources in the improvement of houses which werenot theirs. In some cases, the income generated from the enterprise were limited and simplyinadequate for housing improvements.5.14.0 Environmental EffectsIt was evident from the survey that the enterprises generate various forms of sanitation-relatedproblems such as garbage, smell, visual nuisance, liquid waste, smoke, dust, etc which adverselyimpact the neighbourhood environment. Other problems include noise and spatial obstructions.The survey revealed that food processing and light manufacturing enterprises had the highestincidence of hazards. That is, 82 and 67 per cent of all food processing and light manufacturingactivities surveyed generated some problems such as garbage, liquid waste, noise etc. Thereason is that the operation of these two activities involves processing of raw materials whichobviously entails the production of waste. Urban agriculture and personal services recorded theleast cases of hazards. Obstructions resulting from poor location of enterprises were identifiedas the commonest problem associated with most of the enterprises. On the whole, the incidenceof these environmental problems was higher in the informal communities than in the estates. Theproportion of enterprises which generated environmental problems in each of the communitieswere as follows: Informal - Ayigya, 73 per cent; Zongo, 76 per cent; Estates - Asawase, 57 percent; South Suntreso, 45 per cent). These observations indicate that planning should play apositive role in controlling pollution in an integrated housing and neighbourhood employment144CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESprogram.145.15.0 Operational Problems and Required AssistanceThe survey asked the respondents to indicate the kind of problems affecting their enterprises.Their responses included lack of inputs, shortage of investment capital, competition, pricefluctuations, poor local technology, and high transportation expenses. 15 About 57 per cent ofthe sampled entrepreneurs indicated lack of capital as the main problem followed by lack of inputs(18.0 per cent) and competition (13.1 per cent).Lack of capital and inputs are related because the former provides access to the latter. Furtherenquiries revealed that the respondents use the two terms interchangeably. Based on thisunderstanding, the responses imply about two-thirds of the entrepreneurs are beset with financialproblems. In response to these problems, about 83 per cent of the entrepreneurs identified creditas their major needs followed by appropriate local technology (6 per cent) and market (5 percent).14.The lower incidence of environmental problems may also be due to the fewer number ofenterprises in the estates.15. Inputs comprise mainly raw materials and equipment or machinery. Some of these arelocally sourced, while others are imported. Like most informal sector activities, these enterprisesdo not have access to credit in the conventional financial institutions due mainly to lack ofcollateral security. Given the easy entry into most of the enterprises, particularly retailing andfood sales, many entrepreneurs tend to concentrate in these activities leading to over-supply ofcertain goods. Variations in demand result in price fluctuations which adversely affect the incomeof most enterprises. Manufacturing and service enterprises are compelled to rely on localequipment which tends to be inefficient. Finally, the enterprises which depend on inputs fromoutside the city complain of high transportation charges.145CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISES5.16.0 Reactions: Entrepreneurs, Residents, Community Leaders and TechnocratsThe researcher elicited the opinions and reactions of neighbours or residents, community leaders,entrepreneurs and technocrats concerning the operation of these economic enterprises inresidential neighbourhoods. In generally, the reactions were favourable. Over 80 per cent of theentrepreneurs said the government should encourage full scale development of neighbourhoodeconomic enterprises. A large majority of the residents interviewed in all four communities werenot against the operation of these small businesses in their residential environment. About 80per cent of the residents interviewed felt there was a justification for these enterprises inresidential areas because of lack of neighbourhood shopping centres. Most of them saw theenterprises as a local entrepreneurial response to genuine community needs which have beenneglected by city authorities. Other residents saw the enterprises as sources of employment andincome as well as an opportunity for credit purchases.However, most of the residents in the informal communities expressed concern about theenvironmental problems these activities create. Most of the concerns were about noise, smokeand insanitary problems associated mainly with food processing and light manufacturing. Veryfew of such environmental concerns were expressed by residents interviewed in the estates. Thedifferent reaction of residents to the environmental problems in the estates as compared to theinformal communities reinforce the earlier assertion made about the positive attribute of planningin low income community development. The issue that needs to be resolved is: what type ofplanning is required given the poor track record of the orthodox planning system in suchcommunities?146CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESCommunity leaders were supportive of the neighbourhood enterprises. While leaders in theestates preferred organising all the activities at a common location, those in the informalcommunities felt the current dispersed arrangement is more flexible and satisfactory to bothcustomers and entrepreneurs. However, all the leaders interviewed expressed concern about theenvironmental problems these enterprises create if not properly controlled.The four town planning officers interviewed gave even deeper and more interesting insights aboutthese neighbourhood enterprises. In answer to a question why these activities operate withoutplanning approval, they gave an unequivocal response that "they operate in the neighbourhoodsbecause there is demand for their goods and services". They went further to argue that thesepoor households need such enterprises because they lack financial resources not only to buy inbulk, but also to secure modern storage facilities like refrigerators. One senior planning officerremarked that "the existence of these enterprises in residential neighbourhoods make nonsenseof our zoning practices. It is a clear indication that our current planning system is out of touchwith real local circumstances and needs. Our concept of work is different from western countries.The traditional linkage between work and residence is not reflected in our city and residentialplans. It is high time we questioned these planning principles bequeathed to us by the British".There was a consensus among the planning officers interviewed that some selected economicenterprises should be encouraged in residential areas. To this end, they suggested that specificspace should be provided for such activities. But, what is the guarantee that these spaces willbe utilised as intended? In order to address this problem, they emphasised the need to enforceplanning regulations. They however agreed that enforcement will only be possible when realisticand affordable standards are introduced in future plans. The planners admitted the need to147CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESreview conventional methods of planning which dichotomised home and workplace, authorisedand unauthorised housing etc. in Ghanaian cities.5.17.0 Summary of FindingsEmpirical evidence from the study shows that a wide variety of predominantly informal economicenterprises operate in residential areas in Kumasi. With the exception of a few schools and drugstores which were partially regulated by the government, the remainder of the enterprisesoperated without any official registration or regulation. While 76 per cent of the enterprises werehome-based, attached to or detached from residential structures, 18 per cent were located withinthe public domain. The remaining six per cent were sited on undeveloped plots.Neighbourhood enterprises play a vital role in the family economy of low income households inthe communities and the urban economy as a whole. Most of the enterprises emerged as acreative response of the poor to the limited economic and employment opportunities in the city.They serve as a source of income and employment for a significant proportion of the labour force.On average, each enterprise employs about three persons while about half of the employedpersons in the communities are engaged in neighbourhood enterprises.The goods and services produced by the enterprises are not only consumed within theneighbourhood, but also, have market outlets in other parts of the city and beyond. Althoughincome levels were observed to be low, job opportunities offered by the enterprises were nottemporary activities, but were permanent sources of employment and income for most of theentrepreneurs and workers. About 72 per cent of the sampled entrepreneurs are convinced about148CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISESthe viability and security of their enterprises and are not interested in switching to other jobs.Regarding gender participation, female involvement was found to be significant in most of theenterprises. Women constituted 64 per cent of the total workforce and 63 per cent of theentrepreneurs. The involvement of women in these enterprises allows them to combine theperformance of household responsibilities such as cooking and child care with earning an income.The involvement of child labour was also observed.The study further established that enterprises spring up in residential communities whether thesesettlements are planned or informal; whether they are centrally or peripherally located; andwhether the residents are of low or high incomes. Specifically, the development of the enterprisesis governed by three determinants: income level, proximity of settlement to city centre and thedevelopment process of the community. The analysis revealed that there was a higherconcentration of neighbourhood enterprises in settlements with relatively lower income; proximityto the city centre; and with greater flexibility in the development process. Based on the data fromKumasi, the study further concluded that the degree of concentration of enterprises in acommunity is related to: (a) the level of informal processes (i.e., flexibility, incrementalism andminimum regulations) allowed in the development of the settlement; (b) proximity to city centre;and (c) the level of income in the community. Even though the informal communities facilitatethe emergence of more enterprises, they also exhibit a higher degree of environmental problems.Reactions to these neighbourhood enterprises were favourable among entrepreneurs, residents,149CHAPTER 5. NEIGHBOURHOOD ECONOMIC ENTERPRISEScommunity leaders and planners. Although the respondents favoured the integration of housingand employment, opinions were divided among residents, community leaders and technocrats asto whether the activities should be dispersed on private plots or organised at a common location.It is also significant to note that the planners believe there should be a review of conventionalplanning concepts that dichotomise workplace and residence, authorised and unauthorisedhousing in the urban system in Ghana.In sum, the study has established that although municipal policies pursue the goal of separationbetween where people live and work, housing practices in low income communities reflect anintegration of residence and work. These small businesses thriving in low income communitiesin Kumasi portray the creative abilities of the poor in integrating their economic survival strategiesand aspirations in their housing and residential environments. The next two chapters examinethe implications of these findings for the integration of residential and economic development atboth city and neighbourhood levels.150CHAPTER SIX - IMPLICATIONS OF THE RESEARCH FINDINGS FOR INTEGRATEDNEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENT6.1.0 IntroductionThis chapter examines the planning implications of the empirical findings for the design of anintegrated development at the neighbourhood level. It draws on the background study of Kumasiand the four communities, lessons and experiences from other countries as well as the findingsand implications of the empirical research.6.2.0 Locational and Environmental ImplicationsGood location was identified to be very crucial to the performance of the enterprises in tworespects. First, it determines the extent to which the entrepreneurs can integrate the operationof the enterprises into the day to day functions of their families. It was found in the survey thatmost of the enterprises operate as family businesses which are functionally integrated intonormal family life. This implies that future intervention in the planning of these home-basedenterprises would be effective if it explores ways and means to preserve and strengthen this vitalrelationship. This is important given the dominant role of women in these neighbourhoodeconomic activities. A suitable location allows them to conveniently combine caring of children,cooking, laundering etc with the management of economic enterprises. Decisions on the sitingof the enterprises should reflect existing locational patterns identified in the survey, that isattached to or detached from a house, on public space, or undeveloped plots. Since spaceavailability varies from house to house and the enterprises also differ in the amount and natureof space they require, a general locational criteria may not be applicable to all enterprises. Theunique characteristics and space needs of each activity should be considered in site selectionsdecisions. It is also important to ensure that space allocated for the economic activities do not151CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTunduly encroach upon or disturb family life. In short, the lessons learnt from this study imply thatspace and activity relationships in a house should enhance cultural and economic survival offamilies in a mutually supportive way.Second, the study also indicates that the location of enterprises has environmental implicationsor dimensions. For instance, the main environmental problem identified in the informalcommunities was spatial obstructions caused by the poor location of enterprises. The impact oflocation on the residential environment therefore is closely linked with the type of activity and thechoice of technology. Since locational and technological choices are made by individualentrepreneurs, it is essential that this vital information is brought to their attention by communityleaders. A proper understanding and appreciation of this relationship would go a long way inminimising the adverse environmental effects associated with the activities of the enterprises.Also, given the fact that adverse environmental impacts are not restricted to the individualhouseholds, it would be more appropriate if local advisory committees comprising someknowledgeable entrepreneurs and community leaders would be formed in the neighbourhoodsto advise on such matters. Further, communities with open spaces particularly the estates,should consider the possibility of creating neighbourhood commercial zones to accommodatecertain activities which are either less compatible with domestic living or require more space.Examples are bakeries, metal works, furniture making, soap manufacturing and restaurants.6.3.0 Design Implications for Settlement DevelopmentEvidence from this study shows that both the informal communities and the estates are goingthrough a continuous process of spatial and architectural transformations at both the housing and152CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTneighbourhood levels. Spatial designs take on new forms to accommodate expanding domesticand economic activities of households. The process manifests a gradual progression of the useof housing space from mainly domestic activities to increasingly complex and multiple uses.Sections of old structures are either replaced with new designs or are extended in variousdirections to reflect the changing socio-economic circumstances and aspirations of the family.In fact, these transformations serve as a vehicle for progressive improvement in housing quality.These findings have profound implications for the design of low income housing and the wayhousing transformations should be planned. The foregoing observations imply that housing andneighbourhood designs should not only be evolutionary, but more importantly, it should beculturally relevant and economically supportive of the survival of the household. Planningintervention in this design process will not be successful without a thorough understanding of thedynamics of the local economy, family structure, social relations and architectural forms. Plannersarmed with this kind of vital local knowledge would be able to play a meaningful role in the on-going grassroot community transformation. For example, in order to enhance the cultural andeconomic utility of the traditional compound houses found in the informal communities, somechanges could be proposed in their design. It would be necessary, for example, to introducesome design-modifications that would allow for the convenient incorporation of economicenterprises and tenant accommodation as well as privacy lacking in the original designs. Thedesign of physical layouts and public spaces should be approached with the same evolutionaryperspective. The designs should be flexible and adaptive to overall changing communitycharacter and preferences.153CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTSince housing modifications were found to be more extensive in the estates, houses provided bythe government for sale should be regarded as potential core-houses open to transformation ina variety of ways. This implies project designers should provide flexible designs with futuretransformations in mind (Tipple, 1992). By studying current transformation activities in the oldestates, they would have some ideas about the nature and scale of future extensions likely to beundertaken. These implications should inform the planning of future improvement programs inlow income settlements in Ghana.Spatial and housing design in new low income housing schemes should also reflect the multi-functional land use patterns prevalent in old neighbourhoods. For instance, the designs shouldallow for the convenient use of spare rooms, backyards and ground floors for activities like shops,hair dressing salons, carpentry shops etc. In every respect, housing and neighbourhoodtransformations should be particularly responsive to cultural and economic needs of women,children and the elderly who spend more time in the community.6.4.0 Housing and Infrastructure ImprovementsPoor housing and infrastructure are common problems in the communities, especially the informalsettlements. A majority of the houses were found to be in poor physical condition. The commonmaintenance problems were roof leakage or damage, cracks in walls, plaster peel-off, exposedfoundations and decaying wooden members. This is mainly attributed to the poor maintenancepractices of the residents. The primary reason is that houseowners are unable to generateadequate income from rents to undertake housing repairs due to the low rent control systemenforced in the country. On the other hand, most of the renters are reluctant to make154CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTimprovements, simply because they do not have any equity in the buildings. Given the fact thatfor political reasons the government is unlikely to increase rents to economic levels, it becomesimperative that a program is designed in which the Kumasi Metropolitan Authority (KMA), thehouseowners and tenants could co-operate to maintain the houses in a self-sustaining manner.The best approach may be to introduce house maintenance drives within the context of anneighbourhood improvement program in which all relevant public and local organisationsparticipate in creating a positive maintenance culture in the communities. Within this framework,the KMA should provide financial assistance in the form of building materials, and technicaltraining of local artisans as well as non-professionals in house maintenance skills. Training non-professionals in simple maintenance skills will facilitate the involvement of many residents inroutine maintenance activities. A "do it yourself" philosophy is an important dimension of self-helpwhich is vital for this target group.In the face of the increasing gap between rental income and the rising cost of maintenance, thewhole housing maintenance burden cannot continue to rest on the shoulders of only thehouseowners. Against this background, the researcher is of the view that the current passiveattitude of most renters to housing maintenance must give way to active involvement of tenantsin the housing process. It is therefore suggested that within the proposed maintenance program,tenants should be motivated through negotiations and workshops to make some financialcontributions to a house-maintenance fund which will be used for non-structural repairs in housessuch as painting, plumbing works etc. This strategy is not new to some of the tenants. Thesurvey found that about 42 per cent of the tenants were making irregular contributions towardsmaintenance of their houses in terms of cash and building materials. The cases reported were155CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTmostly situations where the maintenance problem affected the tenant directly or posed a serioushazard or risk of accident for people in the house. Given the previous involvement of sometenants in such activities, this strategy is likely to be successful. However, the chances ofsuccess will depend largely on the type of relationship between the houseowner and the tenants.Also if the maintenance fund is jointly managed by houseowners and tenants, many tenants maybe willing to co-operate. In fact, this suggestion will serve the interest of the tenants given thestrict rent controls and political manipulations in the rental market.The implementation of the housing improvement program should also tap the employmentpotential in housing maintenance and reconstruction activities. This has been done successfullyin similar projects by designing the programs to boost construction-related enterprises in theneighbourhoods. For example, in the Ougadougou, Burkina Faso upgrading project, localentrepreneurs were assisted to produce blocks, windows, doors, panels etc to be utilised in theon-going construction activities in the neighbourhood. The income generating record of thisUNDP funded project is regarded as one of the success stories in the history of low incomeupgrading projects in Africa (van Dijk, 1990). A similar approach is likely to work in Kumasi.Given the fact that there is no vacant buildable land for new housing construction in thecommunities, the housing improvement program provides an opportunity to increase theneighbourhood housing stock in the short-run. Twenty-five per cent of the housownersinterviewed regarded their houses to be incomplete and therefore indicated an interest inconstructing additional rooms in their buildings. Experience from other projects suggests that therate at which individual houseowners proceed with this objective should be dictated by their own156CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTfinancial resources and household priorities, not project time-tables and targets.Finally, the relevant aspects of the locational and design considerations discussed in the first partof this chapter should significantly inform the planning of these housing improvement programs.In order to reduce the cost and inconvenience associated with transformations and use-conversions, it is suggested that economic enterprises should be considered as an integral partof the housing reconstruction process. For example, houseowners involved in the improvementprogram should make space allocations for such enterprises so that the problems associated withfuture conversions can be reduced. The main point here is that since neighbourhood economicenterprises seem to be an acceptable feature of the communities, it should not continue to be anafter-thought in housing development. For instance, the survey showed that only 8 per cent ofthe sampled enterprises were initially planned and incorporated into the design and constructionof the houses. Residents have much to gain in giving due consideration to this suggestion.With respect to infrastructure, the survey showed that the communities lacked services necessaryfor both basic domestic living and economic activities. For example, the survey reported that 60and 40 per cent of the households in Ayigya and Zongo respectively lacked access to privatetoilets, while 50 per cent of the private toilets encountered in the survey were of the bucket-type.Further, 71 and 85 per cent of the respondents in Ayigya and Zongo did not have private waterconnections and therefore relied on public stand-pipes. Although the infrastructure situation wasrelatively better in the estates, most the facilities were old and had serious maintenance problems.The problem of poor infrastructure in these communities is primarily due to the question ofunequal access to government resources discussed in Chapter four (Asiama, 1985). Although157CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTsome of the residents have independently demonstrated self-help in this respect, the communitiesas a whole have not done much in organising themselves to pressure the municipal governmentto come to their aid.It is evident from the foregoing that an infrastructure improvement program which gives priorityto sanitation is critical to the development of a healthy environment in the neighbourhoods. Sucha program should be an integral part of an upgrading project. In keeping with the relevantobservations made in the study, the provision of infrastructure in the neighbourhood should beinformed first by the evolutionary and multi-functional nature of the settlements and second bythe limited financial resources available for urban development projects in the city. This requiresan incremental approach to infrastructure development and low cost services would be the mostfeasible strategy to adopt. Further, the provision of these infrastructure systems should take intoaccount the many neighbourhood enterprises which are likely to utilise these services. In thisregard, the infrastructure systems, particularly electricity, should have the capacity to support bothdomestic and small-scale manufacturing activities.According to the study, the priority needs of the informal communities are private toilets, drainagesystems and refuse management. Due to limited financial resources, services to be provided inthese communities should be low cost options that are affordable to the low income residents.For instance, private K-VIP toilets mentioned in chapter four would be an appropriate alternativefor some of the households who will not be able to afford water closet toilets. On the other hand,since all the necessary infrastructure already exists in the estates, what they require ismaintenance and upgrading of the existing services to match future increase in population.158CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTFinally, it is suggested that the project officers should explore the possibility of utilising labourintensive techniques for the installation of the facilities so that employment can be generated inthe local communities. Experience in similar projects in Ghana shows that this will not besuccessful unless the workers are paid wages comparable to the wage-levels in constructionprojects in the private sector (Daily Graphic, 1989). Another important lesson learnt from projectsin Ghana and many other developing countries is that labour-intensive techniques are not suitablefor all infrastructure installation projects (Winnpeny, 1976). For example, labour substitution hasbeen found to be low for road construction, electricity projects, and heavy storm drainagesystems. These two problems caused some delays in the implementation of Nima-MaamobiUpgrading project in Accra funded by the World Bank. First, the project offered low wage levelswhich made it difficult to recruit construction workers. Second, the officials realised that it wasgoing to be very difficult and time consuming to construct the storm drains with human labour.They eventually got the job done through the use of heavy machinery.6.5.0 Community OrganisationExperience from Ghana and other countries suggests that the housing and infrastructureproblems identified in the communities cannot be adequately addressed without strong communityorganisation and mobilisation. This is necessary for two reasons. First, the communities needa strong political force that will lobby municipal politicians to allocate funds for housing andinfrastructure improvements in the communities. Unless they organise themselves into such aforce, very little is likely to happen in their neighbourhoods. Asiama's (1985) study, which isempirically rooted in Ghana, reinforces this argument because the main reason for the poorphysical conditions in these informal settlements is their inability to access the municipal budget.159CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTThe study established that their counterparts in the estates enjoy better housing and infrastructureservices not because they have very high incomes, but simply because they could have accessto heavily subsidised public housing. Most of the residents in the informal communities arenorthern migrants who normally stay away from municipal politics. Unless they shed their pilgrimmentality, and become active players in city politics, very little improvement will be seen in theirneighbourhoods.Second, the communities need to mobilise themselves for action within their own neighbourhoods.They need to demonstrate their capability to address at least, some of their local developmentproblems and not to give the impression of being over-reliant on external assistance. The surveyfound that strong social ties built around religion and ethnic relations exist particularly in theinformal communities. Also, there are a number of secondary associations such as food sellersassociation, retailers association, artisans association, youth clubs, women's groups etc in all thefour communities. However, local leaders have not been very successful in harnessing theseorganisational potentials to solve neighbourhood development problems. It is important tounderstand the reasons behind this problem so that appropriate measures can be devised toaddress the apparent social inertia in the communities.Two reasons account for this. First, most of the secondary associations in the communities arepre-occupied with their parochial economic or social interests. For example, the retailersassociation is primarily concerned with how the group can act collectively in promoting theirbusinesses in the community. These observations imply that any attempt to promote communityparticipation would be more effective if it begins by strengthening and re-orienting existing160CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTassociations. Since most of the secondary associations are already bound together by commoneconomic interests, it would be more appropriate to re-organise them into producer co-operatives.With some assistance and training, the individual cooperatives would be able to undertake bulkpurchasing of inputs, lobby for credit facilities or organise collective marketing strategies. Whenthese groups are organisationally strengthened, local leaders can then re-orient their attention toneighbourhood development concerns.Second, it was also observed in the survey that previous attempts to involve such groups incommunity programs were not very successful because the groups were often called upon onlyto offer "free" labour for community projects. They were not allowed to participate in decision-making processes. This also implies that community participation will be more enhanced if theorganisations in the communities are mobilised to participate in all phases of developmentprojects. This can be done by ensuring that all groups are well represented on variousneighbourhood committees. Since the majority of the population and the entrepreneurs in boththe estates and the informal communities are women, it would be in the overall interest of thecommunities to encourage their involvement in policy decisions. This suggestion would beculturally feasible in the estates, but it is likely to encounter some difficulties in the informalcommunities due to the predominant muslim population. The role of women in muslimcommunities is generally known to be paternalistic.Although social organisation is essential, the communities should avoid realising this objectivethrough the work of external agents. Experience from other countries indicates that externalbodies sometimes have the unintended tendency to "tame" local community groups. Community161CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTorganisation for the purposes stated above should be pioneered and led by local people. Duringthe survey, the researcher interacted with a number of knowledgeable and enthusiastic peoplewho seem to have the capabilities to provide the necessary leadership. But the question is: whatleadership organisation exist in the communities? Can they be relied upon to organise the peopleor a new leadership group should be created for this purpose?Two main leadership groups were identified in all the communities: the Committees for theDefence of the Revolution (CDR) and Neighbourhood Development Committees (NDC). TheCDR is an element of a national leadership structure which was recently introduced by the currentmilitary government. The group was created first, to articulate government policies in towns,villages and neighbourhoods, and second, to mobilise people at institutional and communitylevels. The government intended using this group to mobilise the poor and the powerless todefend themselves against the exploitation of the wealthy at both the workplaces and at theneighbourhood levels. The CDR therefore emerged as a strong pro-government leadershiporganisation at the grassroots. The group is very powerful in local communities because of itsclose association with the government. Some of these groups have been accused of abuse ofpower. The activities of the CDR were initially criticised by the public as defensive andunproductive and as a result, the scope of their functions was broadened to include developmentprojects, farming and commercial ventures. The main problem with the CDR is that it does notseem to have a future. The history of such groups in Ghana indicates that the CDR will surviveas long as the present government remains in power. They are likely to disappear whenever thisgovernment leaves the scene. Many of the committee members are not popular with theresidents due to the aggressive manner in which they carry out their responsibilities. In some of162CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTthe communities, the CDRs have succeeded in improving public sanitation. For instance, theCDRs in the informal communities have taken over the management and maintenance of thepublic toilets.The neighbourhood development committee (NDC) is the traditional leadership organisation inmost Ghanaian communities officially responsible for development matters. The committee plansand executes development projects through mobilisation of internal and governmental resources.It used to be quite active, but CDRs seem to have usurped their powers. The NDCs identifiedin communities are virtually defunct. The residents interviewed intimated that the NDC membersare conservatives who cannot be trusted to bring about social change in the communities.Considering the strength and weaknesses of the two leadership groups, it seems much can bedone through the CDRs given their cordial relationship with the government. However, workingthrough the CDR is risky because it has an unpredictable future. On the other hand, the NDChas the advantage of stability and continuity. The researcher believes it will be in the short- andlong-term interest of the communities, if they could take advantage of the merits of both groupsby selecting a joint mobilisation task force comprising members from the CDR, the NDC and newpeople with credibility and a good reputation in local communities.The history of previous attempts at social organisation in the respective communities and the levelof dynamism of the existing social groups identified in the survey suggest that social mobilisationwill encounter more difficulties in the informal communities than the estates. The mainexplanation for this observation is the high level of illiteracy in the informal communities.163CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTExperience from Ghana indicates that people with less formal education are relatively slow inresponding to social change. This implies it will take more time and effort to organise theresidents in the informal settlements for social action.6.6.0 Integrated Support ServicesAn integrated housing and economic development strategy in the communities will need technicalsupport mechanisms currently lacking. The results of the study indicate that the followingservices are required for the improvement of housing and neighbourhood enterprises in thecommunities: training, credit facilities and market promotion.6.6.1 Integrated Training ProgramsIt was observed in the study that although most of the entrepreneurs are making progress in theirbusinesses, productivity, output and income levels are still generally low. One of the interventionsthat can enhance the economic performance of the enterprises is training in the application ofimproved technologies and equipments, basic accounting, inventory taking, marketing andmanagement skills etc. As suggested earlier, improved housing construction skills are alsoneeded to support the on-going housing transformation in the communities. Training is thereforerequired in masonry, carpentry, plumbing, electrical works, painting etc.The need for this expertise calls for the design of an integrated training program within theupgrading scheme. The curriculum should reflect a balanced focus on entrepreneurship, businesspromotion and the maintenance of housing and infrastructure facilities. In keeping with theinformal skill acquisition pattern characterising the enterprises, training programs should be as164CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTinformal as possible. Emphasis should be placed on "learning by doing". This can be realisedby actively involving local producer co-operatives in the organisation of the training programs byway of recommending trainees, sharing their business experiences at the training sessions orallowing their individual businesses and workshops to be used as case studies. It will also beadvisable in future to engage some of the experienced artisans and entrepreneurs to handlesome of the courses. This will help to gradually reduce their dependency on external experts.A similar training program was introduced in neighbourhood improvement programs in Cairo,Egypt. In the Egyptian projects, technical resource centres were established in the communitiesfor training and other technical purposes. Such centres would be necessary in Kumasi. It must,however, be emphasised that the delivery of the three technical support services, ie, training,credit delivery and market promotion will be more effective and easy to coordinate if all areplaced under the umbrella of the centres.6.6.2 Integrated Credit SystemAbout 83 per cent of the entrepreneurs expressed the need for capital. Although this issuerequires more research, what is more important is a credit delivery mechanism which fits theinformal character of housing development and economic enterprises in the communities. A non-conventional credit system with small short-term loans, flexible re-payment arrangements and lessbureaucratic processing procedure is recommended (UN, 1978). Experience from other ThirdWorld countries indicates that the best way to administer credit facilities to this target group is towork through traditional saving schemes and local credit unions such as "susu" described inChapter five.165CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTA community-based scheme tried in Indonesia is worthy of note. In that experiment, existingcommunity-based organisations were selected to serve as financial intermediaries betweencommercial banks and loan applicants. The banks supplied market-priced lines of credit tofinancially sound and well-managed community based credit institutions which in turn on-lentthese funds at market interest rates to their customers. Thus in the Indonesian case, the fundswere advanced at market interest rates. The creditors defend their position on the grounds thatmarket-priced interest compensates lenders for the various costs and risks involved and also thatthis interest rate is often lower than the rates paid by those who rely on local money lenders.Some of the secondary associations identified in the communities have the organisationalcapability to play such a role in Kumasi if a similar scheme were introduced to supply credit forthe development of both housing and neighbourhood enterprises. Such a scheme is likely tomotivate the small-scale entrepreneurs to cultivate the culture of regular savings as a way of de-linking the financial aspects of their business transactions from family expenditures. This will notonly ensure proper accounting, but will also lead to the mobilisation of domestic capital forinvestment purposes. It is necessary to reiterate that the "susu" system which is currently popularin the communities only serves as a monthly saving facility for its customers and therefore doesnot create any standing capital to grant credit to people. Small scale entrepreneurs are likely torespond if the pay-in and withdrawal procedures are not cumbersome. Since the entrepreneursdo not use cheques, access to cash is essential. Finally, in the administration of credit, onefundamental point that must always be ascertained by the staff in charge of the program is toensure that a sufficient market exists for the goods and services to be produced. For anyparticular activity, the number supported should not be too large and a healthy competition must166CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTalso be maintained among the entrepreneurs (Risbud, 1990).6.6.3 Market ExpansionGiven the fact that limited markets are one of the crucial problems confronting most of theneighbourhood enterprises, policies are required to promote demand for their goods and services.Observations made in the survey suggest that many of the enterprises have the capacity toexpand production if only they can dispose of their products. Market expansion is critical to thefuture survival and growth of the enterprises. Various strategies are therefore required at thelocal and national levels to expand existing market outlets and also create new ones both withinand outside the city.Evidence from this study and many others in Ghana suggest that external market potential existsfor some of the goods produced by the neighbourhood enterprises, particularly manufacturing,retail stores and chemical shops. The survey revealed that over 30 per cent of all the goods andservices produced by the enterprises in Zongo were patronised by customers outside the city.It was also observed that 30 and 14 per cent of the goods produced or sold by manufacturing andretail stores respectively went to external markets (see Tables 5.8 and 5.9). Economictransactions between rural communities and urban centres in Ghana have been found to besignificant. The rural settlements often market their foodstuffs and other agricultural products inthe urban areas and in turn procure manufactured goods from the urban centres. The informalsector in Kumasi is noted for the production of good quality furniture, traditional and modernshoes, weaving and dyeing of local clothes, dress making, soap production, cutlasses and hoes.The market for these products is increasing in other towns and villages in Ghana. It is important167CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTto mention that many elementary school graduates in the city are currently involved in themarketing of these goods in other regions. Some of these products even cross the nationalfrontiers into Togo, Cote D'Ivoire and Burkina Faso.At the local level, it is necessary that the secondary associations, i.e., the proposed cooperatives,play an important role in finding markets for their goods. One way to do this, is through trainingprograms at the technical resource centre. Through collaborations with the co-operatives andother relevant private and public organisations, the centre could mount different marketingstrategies. Possible strategies that could introduced in collaboration with other agencies includearranging contracts with manufacturing enterprises, organising marketing co-operatives, arrangingfor bulk purchases with guaranteed prices, setting production targets, exploring external marketsoutlets and even exports to foreign markets, price negotiations, provision of cooperative storagefacilities etc. For example, the Intermediate Consultancy Centre in Ghana has been verysuccessful in securing contracts or production orders for their trainees. The implementation ofthe suggested strategies will be more effective if it begins with research aimed at understandingthe local economy, its potential to grow in specific sectors, its linkages with different enterprisesand external markets as well as the patterns of existing informal economic activity in the city(Risbud, 1990).At the national level, concrete policies are required to link output in the informal enterprises withlarger industrial establishments not only as a way of expanding the market for the small scalefirms, but most importantly, as one of the decisive steps to bridge the artificial dualism betweenthe "formal and informal sectors". It is interesting to learn that the big computer manufacturing168CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTfirms in South Korea rely on small home-based enterprises which supply them with the computerparts. With a regular supply of parts from the small firms, the big companies concentrate onassembly, research, marketing etc (KCTS television documentary, 1991). Opportunities exist forsuch linkages in Ghana. For example, the big furniture companies in Kumasi can award contractsto small-scale manufacturers to provide them with different types of finished or knocked downfurniture for sale in other towns.Finally, in the provision of all these three services: training, credit and market promotion, it shouldbe borne in mind that different enterprises need different supports. Over provided and misplacedsupports which are not responsive to specific needs may actually be counter productive andineffective. Therefore, more investigations are required to ascertain the real needs of the variousventures.6.7.0 Fundamental Flaw in Previous ProjectsAll the interventions suggested above are proposed to be carried out within an integratedprogram. However, it is important to question whether the type of integrated program proposedin this study is different from those found in housing project documents, i.e., upgrading and siteand services implemented in the 1970s and 1980s. Aside from housing provision, most of theWorld Bank projects also had job creation objectives. If they were not implemented as intended,then what is the guarantee that this program will not suffer a similar fate? What hindered theirimplementation and what is different and new about the integrated program suggested in thischapter?169CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTThe main explanation for this problem is that the twin-objectives were to be implemented byinstitutions and professionals with a mindset that viewed these residential enterprises as ananomaly or an illegal development that needs to be addressed rather than an opportunity thatmust be seized and stimulated to the advantage of housing goals. In most cases, necessarysteps were not taken to change the planning regulations which prohibited the operation ofeconomic enterprises in residential areas. A case in point is the STEP-UP1 program initiatedby the Madhya Pradesh state government in India to support housing improvement and home-based economic activities of the low-income population in the slums of Bhopal. It is surprisingto observe that whereas the STEP-UP program made provision for credit assistance to developeconomic enterprises in homes, the official lease granted to the squatter households did not allowthe use of their premises for any purpose other than residential. Due to the failure to undertakefundamental reforms or resolve possible conflicts in the twin project objectives at the policy level,the home improvement component of the STEP-UP program was not implemented at all. Eventhough one department was tasked to implement the land tenure/housing improvement andSTEP-UP programs, the conflict could still not be resolved at the implementation level (Risbud,1990). Another case in point is the site and services project in Darkar, Senegal initiated by theWorld Bank in 1972. Although the project document indicated that 30 per cent of the project cost,that is $4 million would be spent on job-creation, Annex 10 of the Appraisal Report specified thatplots could only be used for housing (van Dijk, 1990).Similar examples can be cited from many former British colonies. Due to this obstacle, most1. Special Training and Employment Program for the Urban Poor (STEP-UP).170CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTprojects ended up focusing mainly on the housing and infrastructure improvements. Even incases where some attention was given to the employment component, efforts were limited mainlyto employment generation in housing construction and the installation of infrastructure. That isthe reason why this dissertation addresses this fundamental problem from its roots by advocatinga radical reform of the conventional land use segregation concept which separates housing fromworkplaces and thus prohibits the operation of economic activities in residential areas. Withoutsuch a fundamental change, project planners cannot develop a disposition which will enable themto design and implement integrated housing and employment programs effectively.6.8.0 New Institutional FrameworkAside from urban planning reforms, one other means through which the fundamental problemsdiscussed above can be alleviated in Kumasi is to introduce structural change in the currentinstitutional framework governing urban development in the city. In fact, the multi-faceted natureof the proposed strategy calls for an inclusionary institutional structure which will be able torespond to the varying concerns of different communities as well as the different components ofthe program. The current institutional structure is exclusionary because it does not serve theinterests of the socially disadvantaged groups. For instance, there is no single department inthe present institutional arrangement which attends to the development affairs of the low-incomecommunities. It is important to mention that low-income neighbourhoods constitute a uniquetarget group whose development needs cannot be adequately addressed through conventionalmunicipal procedures. In view of this limitation, it is suggested that a separate UrbanImprovement Department (UID) should be established within the Kumasi Metropolitan Authorityto promote economic, housing and infrastructure development in the poor neighbourhoods.171CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTSpecifically, the UID should be responsible for the planning and implementation of integratedsettlement upgrading programs in low-income communities (see fig. 6.1). The objective is not toembark on ad hoc projects tied to the availability of only external funds. Rather, the researcheris of the opinion that what is needed is a self-sustaining program which makes housing andinfrastructure improvements a permanent feature fashioned to stimulate local economicdevelopment in the communitiesGiven its multiple responsibilities, it is suggested that the UID should have the following threeinter-linked units:(a) Policy and Planning Unit(b) Mobile Action Research Unit(c) Project Implementation UnitThe Policy and Planning Unit should oversee and coordinate the activities of the UID. This unitinitiates the planning process by selecting a number of communities for upgrading projects.Following this, the Mobile Action Research Unit would conduct social and technical investigationsin the selected communities with the participation of the residents. Given the social conditionsand physical characteristics in the communities, the research unit would not be able to producethe desired neighbourhood transformation unless it relies more on participatory researchapproach. "Participatory research aims to develop critical consciousness, to improve the lives ofthose involved in the research process, and to transform fundamental social structures andrelationships Rather than merely recording observable facts, participatory research has theexplicit intention of collectively investigating reality in order to transform it" (Maguire, 1987). The172ii_i MOBILE ACTIONRESEARCH UNITNPOUCY AND PLANNING UNITCHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTKUMASIMETROPOUTANAUTHORITYURBAN IMPROVEMENTDEPARTMENTFIG 6.1 Institutional Framework for IntegratedNeighbourhood Improvement Program173CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTresults of the field studies and recommendations will be submitted to the Policy and Planning Unitfor major project decisions. After the considerations of other technical and financial factors, theProject Implementation Unit would then see to the implementation of the projects by collaboratingwith the communities and relevant service agencies such as electricity and water companies. Asan action research project, the research unit would continue to conduct evaluation studiesperiodically throughout the implementation process so that necessary changes can be effectedin the program at appropriate times.Briefly the specific functions of the three sections would be as follows:1. Policy and Planning Unit- preliminary selection of communities;- mobilisation of internal and external funds;- costing and programming;- general coordination and documentation.2. Mobile Action Research Unit- housing and infrastructure needs assessment;- neighbourhood economic enterprises assessment;- local land tenure arrangements;- site analysis and density studies;- socio-economic surveys;- organisational analysis.3. Project Implementation Unit- management of the proposed technical resource centre;174CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENT- procurement of inputs;- allocation of materials to contractors and houseowners;- programming of activities;- sub-contracting, supervision and monitoring.The local resource centres will also serve as the office for both the research unit and theimplementation unit in the various communities.Finally, given the current budgetary constraints facing the KMA, the upgrading program willdefinitely require external funding from international agencies such as the World Bank. However,the researcher is of the view that in order to make the program self-sustaining in the long-term,reliance on external capital should gradually shift to local resources. Although income levels aregenerally low in Ghana, it should be noted that "in economies of scarcity, the mass of thecommon people, though poor, possess the bulk of the nations human and material resources forhousing" (Turner, 1976). Turner's point is valid and instructive for Ghana. External capital isvery necessary but it cannot substitute for local resources in the long-run.6.9.0 ConclusionsThe survey found that the location of the enterprises in relation to the house has importantfunctional and environmental implications for the family. Since the enterprises operate as familybusinesses functionally integrated into the lifestyle of the households, it is argued that futureintervention in the planning of the neighbourhoods should explore ways and means to strengthenthis vital relationship. In line with the settlement development process and land use patternsobserved in the communities, housing and neighbourhood planning should not only be175CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTapproached from an evolutionary perspective, but more importantly, it should be culturallyappropriate and economically supportive to the survival of the family.In order to enhance the cultural and economic utility of the traditional compound houses, somedesign-modifications are required to ensure that they allow for the convenient incorporation ofeconomic enterprises, tenant accommodation, and privacy lacking in the original designs. In thedevelopment of new low-income housing schemes, spatial designs and housing forms shouldreflect the multi-functional land use patterns existing in old neighbourhoods.An integrated upgrading program has been proposed in response to the poor housing andinfrastructure situation in the communities. Within the framework of this program, the city council,houseowners and tenants should co-operate in mounting a house maintenance drive. Given thestrict rent control legislation in the country, it is suggested that tenants should contribute towardsthe maintenance of their rented houses. The upgrading program should incorporate anincremental infrastructure improvement strategy which gives priority to sanitation and low-costtechnologies. In keeping with the employment generation objective of the study, housingmaintenance and infrastructure programs should be designed to stimulate local constructionactivities by way of utilising labour intensive methods and appropriate low cost technologies.Strong social ties built around religion and ethnic relations were found particularly in the informalcommunities. In addition, there were a number of secondary associations in all communities.Unfortunately, their organisational potential has not been harnessed to address local developmentproblems. It is argued that the poor housing and infrastructure conditions in the communities are176CHAPTER 6. INTEGRATED NEIGHBOURHOOD DEVELOPMENTprimarily due to the problem of unequal access to public resources. This problem cannot beeffectively addressed unless the people organise themselves into a strong political force that willbe able to persuade the city authorities to allocate resources for the improvement of housing andinfrastructure in their neighbourhoods. Efforts to promote community participation should beginby strengthening and re-orienting existing social groups and associations. Participation could beeffectively encouraged by ensuring that all the groups are not only well represented on variousneighbourhood committees, but also participate in all phases of community projects.Finally, it is evident in the study that the implementation of an integrated development programrequires upgrading of housing and entrepreneurial skills, credit facilities and expansion of markets.In view of this, local technical resource centres have been suggested to provide these servicesin an integrated manner. Experiences from other countries suggest that much can beaccomplished if all the three support services are administered by a single agency based in thelocal communities. The resource centres will be part of new institutional framework which reflectsthe multi-faceted nature of the upgrading program. The functions of the proposed UrbanImprovement Department to be established in the KMA should be executed by three inter-linkeddepartments: Policy and Planning Unit, Mobile Action Research Unit and Project ImplementationUnit. The next Chapter discusses the kind of reforms that will be required at urban level toensure the implementation of the proposed integrated neighbourhood development.177CHAPTER SEVEN - IMPLICATIONS OF RESEARCH FINDINGS FOR URBANDEVELOPMENT7.1.0 General ImplicationsWhat generalisations can be made out of the empirical analysis and findings and what newinsights do they bring to planning thought? What reforms are necessary at the urban level tofacilitate an implementation of integrated development, i.e., housing and economic activities, atthe neighbourhood level. And what challenges do these pose to current urban planning practicein Ghana?The results of the study demonstrate that in Ghana low income households put their housing andneighbourhood spaces to multiple use. This evidence provides sufficient grounds to question thesplit between housing and workplace formalised through conventional urban planning. Thefeatures and patterns observed in both the informal communities and even the government builtestates suggest that the planned separation of the urban fabric into production and consumptionsectors creates an artificial dualism. In particular, it is evident from the rich diversity of adaptedspaces, land use patterns and housing formation in the informal communities that naturalcommunity development processes lean towards the integration of work and residence. Thus,when there is a minimum of formal planning and technological intervention in the humansettlement process, there is a greater tendency towards functional and spatial integration ofhuman activities. Recent evidence from the estates is also consistent with this implication. Afterthe privatisation of the estate houses, planning intervention in the estates was considerablyreduced and this sparked various modifications and extensions for commercial and otherpurposes. This does not mean urban planning is a negative instrument per se. The challengehowever is: what model of planning will create functional unity of societal activities, particularly178CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTwork and residence in the development of human settlement in the Third World?It was observed in the study that although official policy promotes a fundamental separationbetween work and housing, residential outcomes reflect an integration of the two activities. Thisreveals a gap between what housing is and what housing means to technocrats and to residents.The development and physical characteristics of the estates indicate that even if housing isplanned and built according to the official policy, in the long run the aspirations of users have agreater weight in the determination of housing outcomes. Even though the initial housing designand neighbourhood structure of the estates represent the ideals of policy makers andtechnocrats, the current outlook is more reflective of the changing needs and aspirations ofusers. These observations indicate that planning practice in Kumasi is not responsive or sensitiveto the differing roles housing plays in the household economy of different social groups.Consequently, middle class values and standards are the prism through which urban developmentis viewed. To the poor, a house is not just a physical dwelling place, but a place where people"live, work and struggle for survival" (Stein, 1989).If housing means different things to different people, then the conventional perceptions andnotions about housing, the neighbourhood, employment and zoning embodied in physical planningsystems must be questioned. Coupled with the different economic opportunities in the city, acommon definition of housing and employment for all social groups is not only inappropriate, butalso oppressive to the poor majority in Third World cities. When the housing process is mainlycontrolled by policy-makers, their idealistic perception of housing shapes the housing outcomesand this invariably results in mismatches between what people need and what government179CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTdelivers.This study provides some insights and explanations for the imperfect correspondence betweenpublic policies and their outcomes. The gap between public policy and the actual housingsituation in the communities studied reveals the limits of public policy in controlling humanbehaviour in the housing development process. The empirical evidence from the studyestablished that although public policy disallows the operation of economic activities in residentialareas, the material conditions or economic circumstances of people dictate otherwise. Thismeans, in a situation where the implementation of public policy requires substantial inputs andresources from people, policy outcomes are determined largely by the material conditions ofpeople. Particularly, in the case of housing, what eventually gets built and how the house is usedare dictated mainly by the financial circumstances of people. This is especially common in manyThird World cities, where the institutions for the enforcement of policies and regulations arewoefully lacking.This particular inference is different from Van Meter and Van Horn's hypothesis tested by Morahfor Nigeria's new capital project at Abuja (Morah, 1990). Their hypothesis states that public policyoutcome is determined by the "disposition of officials". This outcome is due to the fact that mostof the resources required for the implementation of that project were provided by the government.When the resources come directly from individuals, the outcome is largely determined by peoples'financial ability to meet goals or standards. This implies that standards become irrelevant whenthere are no resources to achieve them. On this score, planning and housing policies which seekto bring all categories of people to the same residential standards are inappropriate given the180CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTdifferent affordability levels in the city.In the final analysis, what are the real problems affecting the performance of neighbourhoodenterprises? Is it the regulations which discourage their establishment or is it the failure toanticipate and plan for these enterprises? Evidence from this study indicates that due to weakenforcement the regulations do not pose an obstacle. Although these enterprises are officiallyprohibited in residential areas, several thousands thrive openly in almost all neighbourhoods inthe city providing essential services and employment opportunities the government has failed todeliver. On the other hand, the operation of these small enterprises in an urban system whichis not supportive in terms of financial, infrastructure and technological facilities prevent them frommaximising their potential. In practical terms, failure to anticipate and plan for these enterpriseshurt more than poorly enforced legislation which is supposed to prohibit their establishment. Onanother level, they generate environmental problems which could have been minimised throughplanning as was observed in the planned estate communities. This observations imply that in asituation where material conditions of people dictate a particular course of action, planning toaccommodate such action is more realistic than to ignore or resist it through legislation.7.2.0 The Need for Urban Planning ReformThe empirical findings from this study and their planning implications provide cause to argue thatin Ghana a reform of the current planning philosophy based on formal segregation of humanactivities in space is needed. The housing-workplace split is currently under attack even in itsbirthplace (i.e., the western world) as a result of changes in technology, family structure, role ofwomen and environmental concerns. Two critics of this approach are Hayden (1984) and Hague181CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENT(1984). Based on her analyses of changing family structure, life styles, residential zoning andtransportation in America, Hayden argues that American housing patterns reflect the dreams ofthe mid 19th century more than the realities of the 20th century. She concludes that the designof American cities is still informed by Victorian spatial ideals of the house as a woman's sphereand the city as a man's world.Hague (1984) criticises the spatial division between home and work on the grounds that itaccentuates the sexual division of labour. His rationale is that a closer association of home andwork holds possibilities for strengthening community solidarity and for the sharing of roles. Healso questions the dichotomy between production and consumption in city planning and stressesthe need to "plan production as part of planning the city". Arguing from a Marxist perspective,he advocates for a design perspective that is geared to the production of more use-values insteadof exchange-values.A new trend is gradually emerging in western cities reversing the unifunctional residential landuse approach. With the mounting concern about pollution caused by motor vehicle traffic andgrowing sophistication in communication technology such as fax, electronic mail systems etc,more and more jobs are returning to homes and residential areas. If this planning system is nolonger sustainable in the west, then the need for change in the Third World is more justified andlong over due.It is abundantly clear that the economic resources, technological facilities, and socio-cultural life-styles necessary to sustain this model of urban development are simply non-existent in the poor182CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTcountries of the developing world. Rather, the realities in Third World cities, dire poverty, limitedformal employment opportunities, chronic housing shortages, atrophied infrastructure, longcommuting distances and pollution, etc. make it unquestionably necessary for Third Worldplanners to re-think their planning concepts and policies.7.3.0 Towards a Paradigm ShiftIt is impossible to talk about reforming the urban planning system without recourse to thefundamental principles which determine urban form and structure and how it functions. So, thestarting point of the reform package should be the formulation of a new urban planning paradigmwhich defines the framework for an integration of work and residence. The new urban formenvisioned suggests that there may be a need for a paradigm shift. This would involve shiftingfrom the "rational" model of land use segregation to a holistic perception of the urban system andthe organic integration of its functions in space. The unique aspect of this concept is that itmaintains a holistic world-view of society and recognises the inseparable relationships betweenthe conceptual dualisms: formal and informal structures, production and consumption, work andresidence, rich and poor, legal and illegal, etc. These dualisms are nothing but the different oropposite sides of the same issues be they economic, housing, industrial etc. It is simply aquestion of who defines and draws the boundaries between what is legal or illegal, formal orinformal, and standard or sub-standard etc.The conceptual separation of these elements in current urban planning practice in Ghana and theThird World is artificial and out of touch with the realities in the cities. An appreciation of theinter-connections between the various facets of human settlements will result in the evolution of183CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTurban spatial system which fit the unique cultural and economic circumstances in the urbanenvironment.7.4.0 Feminist ContributionAlthough recent literature in planning, architecture, urban sociology etc have raised concernsabout the conventional land use segregation model, it is significant to mention that some feministshave been more vocal and instrumental in advocating a paradigm shift. Two cases are citedbelow. Hayden argues that:Housing issues must include "work" as well as "home". Better spatial planning anddesign requires concern for employment patterns and household work as the basiceconomic issues connected to residential neighbourhoods. Private life and publiclife, private space and public space are bound together, despite all the culturalpressures to separate them (Hayden, 1984, p227).Yomi, (1991) arguing from a feminist perspective, raises similar concerns about the separationof work and housing and how it affects women in Nigeria:Most of the planning concepts used in the country are anti-women, for example theconcept of the separation of place of work and home .... Priority has never beengiven to spaces for public utilities relevant to women's needs (eg. child carecentres, health clinics, market and schools) ... Because of the erroneousassumption that women are entirely involved in domestic and householdresponsibilities and that men are bread winners, working mainly outside theirhomes, the need for space for income generating activities within the communityis overlooked. Zoning legislation mostly prevents the development of incomegenerating activities in residential areas resulting in particular problems for women"(Yomi 1991, p. 11).It is also significant to note that a similar concept is currently evolving at the global level. A "Oneworld view of planning" is now emerging as an important concept in development literature.184CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTProponents argue that we now live in 'one world' which is becoming increasingly linked throughcommodity trade, technology and financial transfers, communication networks as well as commonenvironmental problems. In response to this new challenge, Sanyal (1988) suggests thatplanning education should provide the framework for planners to think globally and act locally.The evolution of a holistic perception of the global system lends credence to an organicintegration approach in planning at the urban scale.7.5.0 Defining the Essential Elements of the New Emerging ParadigmThe organic integration paradigm has five essential building blocks:(a) Redefinition of housing, work and the neighbourhood;(b) Variable and evolutionary planning standards;(c) Community economic development;(d) Integrated and multi-functional land use system;(e) Incremental Planning;(f) Structural political reforms.7.6.0 Redefinition of housing, work and the neighbourhood.It was argued earlier that since housing means different things to different people, a commondefinition is inappropriate in an urban setting with vast economic and cultural diversities.Consequently, organic integration of where people live and where they make a living requires anew and relevant definition and perception of work, housing and the neighbourhood within thecontext of the available technological facilities and economic realities in Third World cities. In thislight, the conventional definition of work limited to formal employment located away from the185CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTresidential area is not tenable. A new conceptualisation of work not tied to a particular locationor to formal institutional structures is needed. Hayden amplifies this point: "To correct the artificialsplit between 'home' and 'work' would require a new redefinition of GNP and all nationalaccounting methods." Hayden's point is philosophical and its implications are profound. By thisstatement, she is calling for the review of the traditional notion of work limited to activitiesundertaken for payment at a location outside the home.Milroy (1991) gives a detailed critique of the conventional conception of work from a feministperspective. She questions its traditional notion and underlying assumptions which viewemployment as that "separate from, and of a higher order than activities that are not strictly-speaking productive". Simply put, she means the concept of work should encompass non-wagehousehold services (Milroy, 1991). Arguing from these criticisms, conventional perceptions andstandards restricting the use of housing to a dormitory or consumption commodity should giveway to new a perception which combines both consumption and production in a mannerresponsive to the changing needs of the occupant (Hague, 1984). The existential value ofhousing which emphasises the supportiveness of housing to the user should be upheld (Turner,1976). The neighbourhood should no longer be seen as solely a residential domain of the city,but should also provide a diversified array of economic and social opportunities which respondto the varied needs of differing social groups.This new concept of housing and work is consistent with current practices in the neighbourhoodsof Kumasi. For instance, it was found in the survey that about half of employed persons in thecommunities were engaged in neighbourhood enterprises. If people view their housing186CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTenvironment as a place to live, work and struggle for survival, then public housing policies shouldreflect this popular perception. Without such a change, housing policies will continue to be inconflict with local housing practices.7.7.0 Variable and Evolutionary StandardsHousing development in the communities was found to be characterised by a continuous processof housing transformation that results in progressive improvement in housing quality. The rateat which this transformation process proceeds differs from family to family due to varying financialcircumstances and priorities of individual households. It was also observed that although thehouses in the estates were built to acceptable city standards, more of them have beentransformed than the houses in the informal communities. These observations undermine the twoprinciples associated with conventional standards. First, if housing is an open-ended process,then static standards are inappropriate. Second, if the rate of housing transformation varies fromhousehold to household, then uniform standards are contrary to local housing development trendsobserved in the settlements.Another flaw of mandatory standards is that they are supposed to promote the welfare of all andalso minimise the risk of health and accidental hazards. But the question is: whose standardsare followed and who determines an acceptable risk? Generally, planning standards reflectmiddle-class values and their universal imposition across the board in urban planning penalisesthe poor. The universal application of standards is unethical and should be rejected.Contrary to conventional standards, the concept of organic integration calls for a shift from the187CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTstatic and uniform application of standards to a new concept of urban planning standards thatallows for variability and evolutionary standards which are socially relevant to and economicallyachievable by different social groups. In addition, this new concept of standards should recognisethe heterogeneity of society and therefore allow for the co-existence of different standards.Evidence from both poor and rich countries indicates that the enforcement of uniform highstandards prices people out of the housing market. Even improved squatter housing in ThirdWorld cities, on account of its new desirability and enhanced market value, becomes vulnerableto upward transfers and eventual displacement of former low income occupants (Johnson Jr.,1987). The validity of applying rigid standards and defining substandard housing at the city levelhas been questioned by Abrams as early as 1963 and later by Turner (1972). Similar criticismshave been aired by Fraser (1969) and Rapoport (1977) in the field of architecture.According to Turner (1972), minimum standards are generally counterproductive on two counts:First, when there is a significant gap between the levels of investment they requireand effective demand; and second, when that gap cannot be closed withsubsidies, whether through lack of financial resources or lack of will on thegovernment's part. (Turner, 1972, p.150).Turner continues with these questions:If government cannot, or will not make up the difference between what housinglaws require and what the effective demand can purchase, then why do theycreate these problems? Why is the commonsense solution of allowing andencouraging people to make the best use of what they have, treated as subversivenonsense by the technocratic and bureaucratic institutions?....Why are theseproblems so universally defined in terms of what people ought to have (in the viewof the problem staters) instead of in realistic terms of what people could have?Turner, 1972, p.151).Although standards have their rightful place in all types of planning, it is improper to use them as188CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTa universal measure of human value. For example, uniform standards on densities are untenable.Density after all is relative and not very meaningful in planning without reference to the cultureand quality of life of a particular social group. Conditions which may be stressful for some peoplemay be wholesome for others (Asante-Kyeremeh, 1980). Standards should then be user-relevantand evolutionary. They should not deny the poor the right to make do with whatever resourcesare available to them. In short, standards should be affordable to the user. This will be possible,if the definition of acceptable standards is not controlled only by technocrats. The key issue thenis who defines the acceptable standards or boundaries.7.8.0 Community Economic Development (CED)It is evident from the literature review and background information presented on Kumasi thatconventional planning practice separates housing and work. In particular, the spatial, economicand social dimensions of urban development are often treated as separate entities in masterplans.Unlike the conventional planning system, an organic integration of urban development calls fora policy perspective that promotes the twin objectives of advancing economic development ofcommunities as well as providing decent housing within livable neighbourhoods. The concept ofcommunity economic development provides the framework for the concurrent pursuit of bothgoals. To this end, this concept should be at the core of urban planning in Ghana.This concept evolved in North America in response to the needs of communities plagued withcontinuing problem of economic stagnation and dislocation. These communities were often189CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTcharacterised by chronic unemployment, out-migration and lack of business opportunities. Eventhough CED programs varied among different types of communities, their general objectives havebeen the same: "to take some measures of control of the local economy back from the marketsand the state" (Boothroyd, 1991). However, emphasis within the CED concept differs. It rangesfrom controlling the local economy for narrow economic ends such as increasing the capacity ofa community to make money, or for broader purposes such as to increase economic stability andcontrol of resources, or to serve fundamental goals of economic justice. Thus, CED programsare variously oriented to either economic growth (E), structural change (D), or communalisation(C). While the economic growth driven programs measures success by indicators like output,employment and investment, the development oriented programs place a high premium on goalssuch as stability, sustainability, independence, equity and quality of working life. Lastly,communilisation approach to CED emphasises caring and sharing attitudes, distribution, non-cashmutual aid and democratic management principles.It is important to mention that the concept of community economic development is not new inGhana. As observed in the study, the natural settlement development process integrates people'seconomic survival strategies into housing development. In fact, the unity of labour and residencehas its roots in the traditional urban culture of Kumasi and other Ghanaian cities as indicated inChapter two (Hull, 1976). Unfortunately, this important attribute of Ghanaian pre-colonial citieswas not preserved in the master-plans that were produced in Kumasi in the late 1940s. If thispractice has survived over 40 years of conventional master-planning in Kumasi, then it is hightime its merits was recognised and re-introduced in current planning activities in the city. It wasencouraging to learn in the survey that some of the planners in the city are beginning to think in190CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTthis direction.The re-introduction of this concept in urban development in Ghana would enable planners tosupport programs that build neighbourhoods which are not only more prosperous, but alsostronger, healthier, more skilful and self-assured. Second, the CED program will introduce adiversified array of projects and activities designed to achieve self-reliance, stability andsustainability of the overall development effort. In sum, the organic integration model providesthe framework which treats economic issues as an integral part of urban and neighbourhooddevelopment process.7.9.0 Integrated and Multi-functional Land Use DesignThe fourth strand examines the spatial implications of the organic integration concept. Theintegrated and multi-functional land use patterns observed in the communities should be reflectedin urban design for Ghanaian cities. Unless this is done, public housing policies will be out stepwith local housing practices tied to the economic survival of families. The organic integrationconcept provides the framework for this change. Unlike the conventional planning system basedon land use segregation, this new concept promotes an integrated and multi-functional land usepattern that is more in harmony with nature and the techno-economic resources available inGhana. It therefore rejects the current design approach which divides the city into large, visibleand discreet land uses and rather, advocates: (a) small mixed land uses at city andneighbourhood levels, and (b) decentralised employment zones within the city.The integration of housing and employment at the city level is conceptually illustrated in Figure191CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENT7.1 in comparison with the land use segregation concept. Whereas the former requiresmovement of people between homes and workplaces, the latter integrates the two functions asmuch as possible. The diagram of the new model suggests that a large part of the urban areawould be designed for multiple and integrated functions, particularly work and housing. On theother hand, given the fact that some economic activities are incompatible with residential living,the model makes room for special areas designated for the exclusive use of heavy industriesassociated with harmful environmental effects. In keeping with current practice, the model alsoprovides exclusive housing zones for people, particularly the rich, who may want to live insuburban areas and commute to workplaces. Through discriminatory tax policies and incentives,more people could be encouraged to live in areas designated for mixed uses. The wealthy whowould prefer to live in the exclusive housing zones may be required to pay higher land andservice costs.In actual fact, evidence from this study shows that the "new" model is the current (althoughunauthorised) land use practice in Kumasi and other Ghanaian cities. Whereas municipal policiesrepresent the former, i.e., separation of housing and work, housing practices in theneighbourhoods reflect the latter, i.e., integrated development. On this score, what is beingadvocated here is a shift from idealism to realism in urban planning practice in Ghana. In sum,apart from being consistent with local housing and land use practices, it is believed that this newurban design model will help in reducing urban sprawl, mass movement of people and commutingdistances, traffic congestion, environmental pollution and urban management costs.192CURRENT CITY DESIGN CONCEPT HOUSING^WORKPLACESSEPARATION OF HOUSING AND WORKPLACENEW CITY DESIGN CONCEPT HOUSIN ORKPLACESeOUSINGONLYTEGRATEHOUSING IANDORKPLACHEAVYDUSTRIEONLYINTEGRATED APPROACH FIG 7.1 CITY DESIGN CONCEPTCHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENT193CHAPTER Z INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENT7.10.0 Decentralised Employment ZonesA four-tier employment zone hierarchy is suggested comprising: home-based economic activities,neighbourhood employment zones, city centre business zone and heavy industrial zones.7.10.1 Level 1 - Home-Based Economic ActivitiesThese are economic enterprises that can be sited in or around houses as observed in the survey.They comprise economic activities which are needed for domestic life and free of environmentalproblems particularly, noise and solid or liquid waste. Examples are corner shops, groceries, foodrelated activities, sewing, hair dressing, radio services, typing, photography and urban agriculture.7.10.2 Level 2 - Neighbourhood Commercial ZonesThese are public spaces that can be demarcated for neighbourhood shopping centres and lightindustrial workshops. They are particularly earmarked for economic activities using productiontechnologies which require either large space or generate some environmental hazards andpollution. These may include light manufacturing firms like bakery, metal works, gold smithing,furniture making shopping centres, restaurants etc. The allocation of enterprises to levels oneand two may differ from community to community.7.10.3 Level 3 - City Centre Business ZoneThis zone is the typical central business district which accommodates institutional offices,shopping centres, and hotels.194CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENT7.10.4 Level 4 - Heavy Industrial ZonesThis zone is for heavy industrial establishments which normally generate a large amount of wasteproducts. Examples are oil refineries, iron and steel plants, automobile firms, electrical andelectronic firms, chemical industries etc.The employment zones are defined here at a conceptual level. The specific application of thisconcept in a community should be based on extensive research and an interactive planningprocess with local people.7.11.0 Incremental PlanningThe next building block of the organic integration concept is incremental planning. Perhaps, themost striking feature characterising the development of the neighbourhood enterprises andhousing in all the communities is its evolutionary nature. As discussed in Chapter four, this isprimarily due to the fact that the houseowners and entrepreneurs rely mostly on income resourcesrather than capital resources. Housing development was found to be governed by an open-endedprocess tailored to changing aspirations and priorities of families. Coupled with this, urbanmanagement in Kumasi is faced with limited financial resources. Under these circumstances, themost feasible and pragmatic strategy is to adopt an incremental approach to urban planning. Thisstrategy is consistent with the inherent principles characterising the other building blocks of theorganic integration concept. For example, multi- functional and integrated land use systemsrequire a flexible design process that is able to respond to the changing space needs ofneighbourhoods and households. Also, it is an incremental approach to urban development thatcan provide the necessary framework for the implementation of variable and evolutionary195CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTstandards. In effect, what is advocated here is a shift from rational comprehensive planningwhich tries to define the entire trajectory of settlement growth to a more decentralised piecemealapproach. Critics of the rational comprehensive approach believe such a piecemeal approachis the best we can hope for in planning (Propper, 1944; Lindblom, 1979).7.12.0 Structural Political ReformsIt was argued in the literature review that the current planning practice in Kumasi and most ThirdWorld cities is dominated by the wealthy and the educated elite who run the affairs of the city.It was also mentioned in Chapter four that the poor housing and infrastructure conditions in thelow income communities are primarily due to the question of unequal access to governmentresources. Evidence available suggests that this problem cannot be adequately addressedwithout structural changes in the political system which defines and controls urban planning.McConnell (1981) acknowledges the dominance of political power in planning:Public planning exists because those in power have willed that it should exist, andit operates in each country in the world today more or less exactly in the formsanctioned by those currently in power. Every planning decision made by a groupof elected or appointed people is a reflection of their political stance. As differentpolitical parties gain control so the form of planning changes. (McConnell, 1981,p. 104).Since the rational land use planning concept is sustained by the dominant interest group with aparticular urban vision, the alternative of organic integration cannot survive in isolation. This newvision requires a new political arrangement anchored to responsive planning strategies andeconomic justice (McConnell, 1981; Rawls, 1971; Macpherson, 1987).Responsive planning involves the sharing of planning responsibility among technocrats,196CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTpoliticians, affected people and interest groups. It requires that those who are most affected byplanning should influence the decisions and those who are responsible for planning decisionsshould be accountable to the people. These principles challenge the myth of planning based onnarrow technical expertise. The traditional notion of technical planning dominated byprofessionals should be rejected and broadened to include professionals skilled in eliciting variedideas and concerns and non professionals representing affected groups. The experiences frommany housing projects suggest that more humane and functional neighbourhoods are producedwhen facilitative professionals and interest-oriented non-professionals are allowed to contributeto the planning of such projects (Hulchanski, 1990).The central issue in responsive planning is participation. Whether a planning decision will beresponsive to the preferences of people depends on the degree of participation allowed in thedecision making process. Simply put, the people who are going to be affected by theconsequences of decisions should have an unrestrained opportunity to influence the choices andthe decision. Thus, important planning decisions and standards will not be hijacked by a few tothe disadvantage of the majority.Meaningful structural political reform cannot be realised when women who constitute the majorityremain in a paternalistic position in the development process of the communities. Consequently,given the predominance of the female population in both the communities as well as theenterprises as evidenced in the study, the necessity of their active involvement in shaping thefuture of the neighbourhoods cannot be over-emphasised. This will not only satisfy therequirements of responsive planning but would also be in the overall interest of the communities.197CHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTTo this end, first, it would be necessary for the government and local community leaders toencourage the participation of women in decision-making processes by ensuring theirrepresentation on various development committees. Second, city authorities should strengthenwomen's groups through funding, literacy training programs and the introduction of activities thatare more responsive to the cultural and economic needs of women. Third, it is vitally importantthat some of the women begin to take up leadership positions at both urban and neighbourhoodslevels to ensure that their concerns are sufficiently addressed in development policies.The current inequalities in the urban system require some measure of economic justice. Theprinciple states that (a) planning should positively discriminate in favour of the mostdisadvantaged; and (b) inequality in the distribution of resources should only be allowed when itfavours the least advantaged. Economic justice as defined by Macpherson has two stipulations:(1) It treats economic relations as having become distinct from social relations ingeneral, and now requiring principles more specific than those of justice in general,(2) it seeks to impose on economic relations some ethical principle deduced froma supposed nature of man (Macpherson, 1989, p.2).Macpherson's theory of economic justice goes beyond abstract human rights and focuses on theeconomic and material well being of people: an acceptable standard of living, guaranteed accessto decent housing, adequate medical care, education and social services as enshrined in article25 of the UN Charter on Human Rights. Economic justice demands state intervention toameliorate possible distortions of the market. Planning should therefore be interventionist,producing results different from what is commonly associated with market forces. In sum,responsive planning and economic justice will create the necessary structural transformations198Organ IC 1IntegrationConventional Land Use-Segregatio1. Integrated land use2. Multi-functional land use3. Variable and Evolutionarystandards4. Community Economic Development5. Decentralised Planning (politicalreform)6. Incremental Planning1. Discrete Zoning2. Unifunctional land use3. Uniform Standards4. Centralised Regulatory Process5. Assumptions of ConsensusCHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTwithin which an organic integration concept will be politically feasible.The building blocks of the organic integration concept are diagrammatically illustrated in Fig. 7.2.These elements are compared with that of the land use segregation concept in Table 7.1.Table 7.1 Comparison of Planning Concepts7.13.0 ConclusionThis chapter examined the implications of the research findings and how these insights informan urban planning reform program that will facilitate an integrated development of housing andwork. It was deduced from the empirical analyses that (a) natural community developmentprocesses lean towards spatial and functional integration of human activities; (b) sinceperceptions about housing and affordability levels differ, the universal imposition of a particularresidential pattern or housing standards for all categories of people is not only inappropriate, butalso oppressive to the poor; (c) in a situation where the implementation of public policy requiressubstantial inputs and resources from people, policy outcomes are determined largely by thematerial conditions of people; (d) in an instance where material conditions of people dictate aparticular course of action, planning to accommodate such action is more realistic and effective199IncrementalPlanningecentralizedPlanninyOrganicIntegrationCommuniEconomicDevelopmenIntegratedZoningCompeting InterestsVariableandEvolutionaryStandadsCHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTFig 7.2 Parameters for a New ParadigmCHAPTER 7. INTEGRATED URBAN DEVELOPMENTthan to ignore or resist it through legislation.Based on these generalisations, a trend towards a paradigm shift seems discernable. The needto shift from the conventional rational land use segregation concept to a holistic perception of theurban system and organic integration of its functions in space was suggested as an alternativemodel. This new vision of the urban system rests on five building blocks: (a) a redefinition ofhousing, work and the neighbourhood; (b) the introduction of variable and evolutionary standards;(c) a community economic development approach as the backbone of urban development; (d) anintegrated and multi-functional land use system; (e) incremental planning and (f) structural politicalreforms in urban governance.These reforms should constitute the basis of a comprehensive review of current planninglegislation and practice in Ghana and other Third World countries that have fashioned theirplanning on western models. With such a review, neighbourhood economic enterprises will beformally recognised as legitimate developments in the urban system. It is believed, thesesuggested transformations at the urban level will create the appropriate framework that willfacilitate the integration of housing and work at the neighbourhood level.201CHAPTER EIGHT - SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSThis dissertation questions the rationale and appropriateness of the land use segregation conceptof planning which separates residential areas from workplace and standardises this unifunctionalland use pattern as the norm to which all social groups must conform. The literature reveals thatthe separation of land uses is not so much "western", but it rather developed out of a particularset of circumstances related to the expansion of industrial capitalism. This concept is governedby principles emanating from utilitarian and rational comprehensive traditions of planning:unifunctional land use, discreet zoning, uniform standards, regulatory processes and anassumption of consensus in society (Faludi, 1973b; Hudson, 1979).Empirical research for this study examined the creative processes through which low incomehouseholds in Kumasi, Ghana integrate their economic survival strategies into the design and useof their housing spaces. Specifically, it analysed the extent to which income, settlement typology(i.e., informal and government built estates) and location (i.e., inner-city or periphery) haveinfluenced the development of neighbourhood enterprises in four low income settlements inKumasi. The study also analysed the kinds of impact the enterprises have on family income,employment generation, the use of housing space and the functional linkages of the enterpriseswith the urban economy.The study found that a wide variety of informal economic enterprises operate in residentialenvironments in Kumasi. About 1289 enterprises were surveyed ranging from informal to semi-formal activities; home-based to non home-based businesses; goods- to service-orientedactivities; and those which service the neighbourhood market to others with markets outletsoutside the city. With the exception of few schools and drug stores which are partially regulated202CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSby the government, the rest of the enterprises operate without any official registration orregulation. While 76 per cent were home-based, i.e., attached to or detached from buildings, 18per cent were located within public domain and the remaining six per cent were sited onundeveloped plots. Often, the home-based enterprises operated as family businesses which werefunctionally integrated into the day to day family chores. In terms of housing development, thestudy revealed that the housing process manifests a gradual progression from mainly domesticland use to increasingly complex and integrated activities.On average, each enterprise employs about three persons while about half of the employedpersons in the communities are engaged in neighbourhood enterprises. The goods and servicesproduced by the enterprises are not only consumed within the neighbourhood, but also, havemarket outlets in other parts of the city and beyond. For example, the activities of about 68 percent of the enterprises were confined to the neighbourhood economy, 28 per cent had customersin other parts of the city and four per cent had access to markets outside the city. Femaleinvolvement was found to be significant. Women constituted 64 per cent of the total workforceand 63 per cent of the entrepreneurs. These home-based enterprises allow women toconveniently combine household responsibilities such as cooking and child care etc with theearning of income. The emergence of the enterprises are influenced by three determinants:income level, proximity of settlement to city centre and the development process of community.The analysis showed a higher concentration of the economic enterprises in settlements withrelatively lower income; proximity to the city centre; and with greater flexibility in its developmentprocess. Based on these findings, the study concluded that the degree of concentration ofenterprises in a community is closely related to (a) the level of informal processes (i.e, flexibility,203CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSincrementalism and minimum regulations) allowed in the development of the settlement; (b) theproximity of the settlement to the city centre; (c) is inversely related to the level of income in thecommunity.Poor housing and infrastructure was common problem in the communities especially, the informalcommunities. Although the residents have not demonstrated sufficient local initiative to improvethe physical conditions in their neighbourhood, the problem of poor housing and infrastructure inthese communities is primarily due to the question of unequal access to government resourcesas argued by Asiama (1985). The study established that their counterparts in the estates enjoybetter housing and infrastructure services not because they have very high incomes, but simplybecause they could manoeuvre to obtain access to heavily subsidised public housing. In fact,most of the residents in the informal communities are northern migrants who normally isolatethemselves from municipal politics.The study revealed that although municipal policies pursue a goal of separation between wherepeople live and where they work, housing practices in low income communities reflect anintegration of residence and work. The foregoing findings lead to the conclusion that naturalcommunity development processes lean towards spatial and functional integration of humanactivities and thus to the poor, a house is not just a dormitory but also a place where people live,work and struggle for survival.8.1.0 Impllications for an emerging paradigmBased on these findings and conclusions, the dissertation suggests a shift from the conventional204CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSland use segregation planning system in Kumasi and the Third World to a more holistic perceptionof the urban system and the organic integration of its functions in space. This new vision of theurban system rests on six building blocks: (a) redefinition of housing, work and theneighbourhood; (b) introduction of variable and evolutionary standards; (c) community economicdevelopment approach as the backbone of urban development; (d) integrated and multi-functionalland use system; and (e) incremental planning (f) structural political reforms in urban governance.These reforms should constitute the basis of a comprehensive review of current planninglegislation and practice in Ghana and other Third World countries that have fashioned theirplanning on western models.At the neighbourhood level, it is argued that housing and neighbourhood planning should not onlybe approached from an evolutionary perspective, but more importantly, it should be culturallyappropriate and economically supportive to the survival of the family. In this regard, it issuggested that future intervention in the planning of neighbourhood enterprises should exploreways and means to ensure that the businesses remain functionally integrated into the lifestyle ofthe households as was observed in the study. In the development of new low income housingschemes, spatial designs and housing forms should reflect the multi-functional land use patternsexisting in old neighbourhoods. Given the increasing responsibilities and role of women theneighbourhood economy, such designs should be more responsive to their cultural and economicneeds.8.2.0 Policy SuggestionsIn the face of the increasing gap between rental income and the rising cost of maintenance, it is205CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSsuggested that the Kumasi Metropolitan Authority (KMA), houseowners and tenants should co-operate within the framework of an upgrading program to launch a house maintenance drive inthe communities. Within this framework, the KMA will provide financial assistance in the form ofbuilding materials, and technical training of local artisans, while houseowners and tenantscontribute to a house-maintenance fund which will be used for non-structural repairs such aspainting plumbing etc in the houses. With respect of infrastructure, the communities need anincremental infrastructure improvement program which gives priority to sanitation and low-costtechnologies. For instance, private vented indirect pit toilets (K-VIP) would be an appropriatealternative for some of the households who may not be able to afford water closet toilets. Inkeeping with the employment generation objective of the study, it is suggested that housingmaintenance and infrastructure programs are to be designed to stimulate local constructionactivities by way of utilising labour intensive methods and appropriate low cost technologies.Although strong social ties built around religion, ethnic relations and secondary associations existparticularly in the informal settlements, community leaders have not been very successful inharnessing these organisational potentials to address local development problems. Futureimprovement in the communities will depend largely on their ability to organise themselves forboth local and external action. First, the communities need a strong political force that will lobbymunicipal politicians to allocate funds for housing and infrastructure improvements in thecommunities. Unless they shed their pilgrim mentality, and become active players in city politics,very little improvement would be seen in their neighbourhoods. Second, the communities needto mobilise themselves for action within their own neighbourhoods. They need to demonstratetheir capability to address at least some of their local development problems and not to give the206CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSimpression of being over-reliant on external assistance. It is suggested that the two leadershipgroups in the communities (i.e, neighbourhood development committee and the committee forthe defence of the revolution) should jointly appoint a community mobilisation committee toorganise the residents for social action. Since local groups already exist in the communities,mobilisation will be more effective if it begins by strengthening and re-orienting existing socialgroups and secondary associations.Finally, technical support services have been suggested to provide training, credit facilities andmarket promotion to enhance the development of housing, infrastructure and neighbourhoodenterprises in an integrated upgrading program. Local technical resource centres have beensuggested to provide these services in the communities. Experiences from other countriessuggest that much can be accomplished if all the three support services are administered by asingle agency based in the local communities. The resource centres will be part of newinstitutional framework which reflects the multi-faceted nature of the upgrading program. It issuggested that an Urban Improvement Department (UID should be established in the KMA to planand implement improvement programs in the settlements in close collaboration with the residents.The functions of the department will be executed by three inter-linked departments: policy andplanning unit, mobile action research unit and project implementation unit.At the national level, there is a need for a change of attitude and policy shift towards the informalsector in general. The needs of these small scale enterprises should be addressed in nationaldevelopment plans. Their requirements should be clearly defined in the formulation of policieson education, technology and industrial planning and investment priorities. The current national207CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSeducation reform program in Ghana, i.e, the junior secondary school system, which gives priorityto vocational and technical training is a positive step in that direction. National policies shoulddemonstrate concrete steps that will link the "formal and informal" economic enterprises throughstrategies like sub-contracting and market promotion.8.3.0 Future ScenariosIn the final analysis is there any future for neighbourhood enterprises in Ghanaian cities? If thereis, what factors will determine that? Based on this study, there are at least three possible futurescenarios. The first is to enforce the legislation which prohibits the operation of economicactivities in residential areas. This scenario is not likely to be realised because of the weak lawenforcement tradition in the city. The best the authorities can do is to streamline their activitiesin order to minimise any environmental problems associated with their operations. The secondscenario is to recognise the enterprises and introduce programs that will stimulate theirperformance. This scenario is the most desirable option but it does not look possible in theimmediate future given the disposition of officials and politicians who control affairs in the citynow. The third scenario is benign neglect. It represents the status quo. City officials feel thisscenario is safe because it gives them room to introduce selective controls without necessarilyimposing a general ban on people's means of survival. This implies that as long as the activitiesof these enterprises remain confined to the neighbourhoods without any significant environmentalimpact on the city, authorities will pretend they do not exit. On the other hand, if their activitiesbegin to impair the beauty and image of the city, then steps are likely to be taken to control andstreamline their operations. This scenario confirms Gilbert's observations on public discretiontowards illegal developments in cities. One can therefore argue that these enterprises are208CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSexisting not simply because there is demand for their services, but also because discretion isexercised towards them by those who decide on what is acceptable or unacceptable in the city(Gilbert, 1991). On this premise, the future of the neighbourhood enterprises dependssignificantly on the support and attitude of the city authorities in Kumasi.The main contribution this dissertation makes to knowledge is the organic integration vision ofurban planning which recognises the inseparable relationships between work and residence,formal and informal structures, production and consumption, legal and illegal etc. The conceptaims at promoting a human settlement strategy which combines the twin objective of advancingeconomic development of communities as well as improving housing conditions. The study alsoprovides some critical insights about the imperfect correspondence between public policy andpeople's responses. Ironically, it was observed that the resident's means of livelihood were inconflict with official planning/housing policy. This divergence reveals the limits of public policy incontrolling human behaviour in the housing development process. It was established that in asituation where the implementation of public policy requires substantial resources from people,policy outcomes are determined largely by the material conditions of people. This simply means,standards become irrelevant if there are no resources to meet them. These insights lead to theconclusion that housing policies which seek to create a standard residential model for allcategories of people are inappropriate given the differing affordability levels in the urban system.The central issue is: housing means different things to different people. On another level, thestudy also reveals that in a circumstance where the material conditions of people dictate aparticular course of action, planning to accommodate such actions is more realistic and beneficialthan to ignore or resist it through ineffective regulations.209CHAPTER 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSFinally, given the increasing inability of the poor to find gainful employments and decentaffordable housing in Ghanaian cities, the development of residential environments that facilitatethe multiple use of housing and residential spaces for a variety of social and economic activitiesin a mutually supportive manner is vital for the transformation of the uncontrolled low incomesettlements into viable, self-reliant and sustainable neighbourhoods. Such a move will not onlyaddress the chronic housing and employment problems facing the poor, but will also havesignificant impacts on the entire urban system by way of reducing urban sprawl, mass movementof people, commuting long distances, traffic congestion, environmental pollution and urbanmanagement costs. How far this twin objectives can be achieved would invariably depend on thedisposition of the educated elites and authorities who run the affairs of the cities.210APPENDIX ONEQUESTIONNAIREHousing and Employment Survey in KumasiName of Interviewer:^2. House Index:A. Housinq and Household Data1. Questionnaire no.:2. Respondent: a) Houseownerb) Representative of houseowner3. Personal profile:^a) Age^b) SexC) Occupation1. Farmer2. Trader3. Artisan4. Civil servant5. Commercial/Accounting6. Otherd) Education1. None2. Primary3. Secondary4. Post-Secondary4. Types of house: 1. Single storey compound2. Multi-storey compound3. Semi-detached4. Detached bungalow5. Type of building materials:a) Walls^i) Swish^ii) Bricks111) Wattle and daub^iv) woodb) Roofingi) Iron sheets^ii) Asbestosiii) Shingles iv) Tilesc) Floor^i) Laterite^ii) cement screediii) Terrazo211APPENDIX6. ServicesFacility Not Available Shared Exclusive UseWaterToiletBathroom7. Sources of water supply: 1) Well^2) Pipe-borne3) Other8. Electricity: a) Available b) Not Available9. Sources of fuel:^a) kerosine^b) charcoalc) Firewood d) other10. Type of toilet:^a) Bucket^b) water closetc) KVIP^d) Pit11. Number of households in this house:12. Details:Household Index No. of persons inhouseholdSex No. of roomsoccupied010203040506070809101113. Number of rooms in house:14. When was your plot acquired?15. What kind of title do you hold? a) leasehold c)Otherb) Freehold212APPENDIX16. Did you pay any amount for the plot? a) Yes^b) No17. If yes, how much did you pay?17. You made payment to whom? a) Chiefb) Family headc) Land dealerd) other18. Have you registered the land with the Lands Commission?a) Yes^b) No19. How long did the land acquisition process take?20. Do you have any legal document on the plot?a) Yes^b) No21. Do you consider your house to be completely built?a) Yes^b) No22. If no, what is the state of completion?a) Aspects completed^b) Aspects uncompleted23. Physical housing conditions:a) Walls^i) Severe cracks^ii) Few cracksiii) Few cracks iv) Otherb) Roofs^i) Leakages 2) No leakages^c) Other24. When did the construction begin?25. What were your sources of finance?a) Personalb) Family assistancec) Loans from friends and familyd) Loans from banksd) Other213APPENDIX27. Any reasons for your reliance on a particular source?a) Availability and easy accessb) Low interest rateC) Less harassment in case of default in paymentd) Others28. Why didn't you go for a bank loan?a) Not available or accessibleb) No informationc) Just don't like itd) High interest ratese) Fear of consequences of default29. Were you or any member of your family directly involved in the construction?a) Yes^b) No30. If yes, what was your contribution?a) blockwork or masonryb) carpentryc) paintingd) plumbinge) electrical worksf) designg) management31. What were your sources of building materials?a) Informal small-scale dealers^b) large building material companiesc) Government sources^d) Other32. Why this particular source?a) Availability and accessibilityb) Low pricec) Credit facilityd) Other33. Any particular problems with your choice?a) Lack of regular supplyb) Long distancec) High pricesd) Other34. What was your procurement approach?a) incremental purchase and latter useb) incremental purchase and direct usec) bulk purchase^d) other214APPENDIX35. Which of these factors is particularly responsible for the delay of the construction?a) Building materialsb) Financec) Labourd) Lack of immediate need of roomse) Lack of infrastructure servicesf) Processing of documents36. Which of these factors was more difficult to mobilise?Rank in ordera) Landb) Building materialsc) Labourd) Infrastructuree) Finance37. If your house is not completed, how do you intend financing the completion of the house?a) Personal and family sourceb) Loan from friendsc) Loan from bankd) Loan from private money lenders38. Given opportunity, what would you prefer?a) Personal and family sourcesb) Loan from friendsc) Bank loand) Loan from money lenders39. What transformation (improvements) have you made to the original design?a) Additional roomsb) Additional storeyc) Balcony or parlourd) Commercial conversionse) Others40. If any, what was your contribution?a) Blockworkb) Designc) Carpentry workd) Plumbing and other servicese) Painting41. What necessitated the transformation?a) Lack of space for increasing householdb) Rental demand215APPENDIXc) Commercial purposesd) Common neighbourhood trende) Other42. How did you finance the transformation?a) personal or householdb) Loans from friends and family membersc) Loans from private money lendersd) Bank loans43. Did you employ skilled labour? a) Yes^b) No44. If yes, what particular tasks?a) Blocivvorkb) Designc) Carpentry workd) Plumbing and other servicese) Painting45. Were you or the household directly involved in the transformation?a) Yes^b) NoWhich of the services were provided before the house was occupied?a) Water b) Electricityc) Toilet^ d) Bathroome) Kitchen46. These services were provided in what order?1.^2.3.^4.5.^47. What part did you play with regard to the supply ofa) Water^ b) Electricityi) provision of materialsii) payment of cashiii) Lobbyingi) provision of materialsii) payment of cashiii) lobbying48. When was the last time you carried out repair works on this house?216APPENDIX49. What did you repair and who did it.Type of repairs Self-help Paid Laboura) Wallb) Roofingc) Wooden membersd) Plumbinge) Electricityf) Paintingg) Floor50. How did you finance the maintenance works?a) personal or householdb) Loans from friends and family membersc) Loans from private money lendersd) Bank loans51. If there are renters in this house, do they contribute to maintenance?a) Yes^ b) NoIf yes, in what ways?a) Financialb) Direct labourc) Provision of materials52. Have you put any of your rooms to commercial uses?Rental rooms:^Rent per room:Neighbourhood enterprises: Rent per room:53. Indicate the type of neighbourhood economic enterprise (NEE):54. Was the enterprise originally planned? a) Yes^b) No55. If no, what necessitated the conversion?a) Personal business or financial interestb) External requestc) Common neighbourhood trendd) Other56. What specific transformations did you undertake for commercial purposes?1) Additional2) Converted a patio or kitchen3) Converted a room or rooms4) Frontal changes217APPENDIX5) Others57. Has the use conversion affected you in anyway?a) Structural effects on houseb) Family life or user comfortc) Living spaced) Nuisance effecte) Other58. Do you regard the commercial use as permanent? a) Yes^b) No59. Is there any particular NEE you would disallow in your house?a) Personal servicesb) Retailingc) Food processingd) Light manufacturinge) Animal rearingf) Educationg) Constructionh) Others60. Do you think NEEs should be extensively encouraged in the neighbourhood?a) Yes^b) No61. Do you foresee any problems if this is done on a large scale?a) Noise^b) Waste problemc) Congestion^d) Others218APPENDIX62. Can you indicate where the employed residents in your house work?Residents Within house Outside house butwithinneighbourhoodOutside theneighbourhoodResident 1Resident 2Resident 3Resident 4Resident 5Resident 6Resident 7Resident 8Resident 9Resident 1063. Do you stay regularly in this house?a) Yes^b) NoB. Nektbourhood Economic Enterprises (NEE) 1. House Index:^2. NEE Index:3. Type of enterprise:a) Personal servicesb) Retailingc) Food processingd) light manufacturinge) Urban agriculturef) Educationg) Construction4. Personal profile of entrepreneurs:a) Age: b) Educationi) Noneii) Primaryiii) Secondaryiv) Post-secondary219APPENDIXC) Tenurial Status a) houseowner b) renter(d) Ethnicity:a) Akanb) Northernerc) Ewed) Ga Adangbee) Non-GhanaianSex: a) male^b) female5. Is this your first job?^a) Yes^b) No6. If no, what was your previous job?7. Why did you leave that job to start this?a) Lost previous jobb) Low wagesc) Lack of convenienced) Other8. How did you start this enterprise?9. If you are a renter, how did you get houseowner to approve of the enterprise?a) Relative to houseownerb) Houseowner is a partner in the businessC) Sheer kindnesse) Payment in kindf) Other10. How many people do you employ?Category of labour Full-Time Part-timeMale Female Child Male Female ChildPaid labourUnpaid Labour11. What was your source (s) of initial capital?a) Personalb) Family or friendsc) Local credit uniond) Bank credit220APPENDIX12. Why did you choose this particular NEE?a) Personal choicesb) Family occupationc) Popular ethnic occupationd) Last resorte) Other13. Does your enterprise require a special skill?a) Yes^b) No14. What special skill is required? Specify15. How did you learn this skill?a) From the familyb) From apprenticeshipc) From formal vocational training schoold) No formal training (natural gift)16. Why this location?a) Convenience and availabilityb) Proximity to marketc) Proximity to housed) Proximity to source of raw materials17. Are you satisfied with your location? a) Yes^b) No18. If no, what are the problems of the site?a) Limited spaceb) Not easily seen by customersc) Objections from neighbours and landlordd) Lack of infrastructuree) Other19. Do you have any intention to relocate? a) Yes^b) No20. If yes, to where?21. Locational Characteristics:a)^i) Lengthii) Breadthiii) Areab)^i) Attached to house-frontal ii) detached from houseiii) In internal courtyard^iv) Other221APPENDIXd) Distance from major street:i) Less than 100 meters^ii) 101 - 500 metersiii) 500 meters - 1 km.22. Use of space:a) Only business useb) Business and domestic (sleeping and cooking)23. What are your market outlets?Market Outlets^Quantity^ ProportionWithin NeighbourhoodWithin CityOutside City24. On the average, what quantity do you produce or sell per day/week/month?What is your unit price?25. Do you depend on any infrastructure services?a) Waterb) Electricityc) Drainage systemd) Access roads26. What problems are associated with these services?a) Irregular supplyb) High service chargesC) Other27. How do intend solving it?28. Does the activity create any environmental problems?a) Noise^b) Visual nuisancec) Smell d) Spatial conflicte) Liquid waste^f) Solid waste29. Are you satisfied with your job? a) Yes^b) No30. Given opportunity, would you like to shift to another job?If yes, what job?a) Self-employed job outside homeb) Non-public employment outside home222APPENDIXc) Government employmentd) Other31. Do you think NEEs should be encouraged on a wide scale?a) Yes^b) NoGive reasons:32. Name 3 major problems confronting the NEEsa)^b)c) 33. What assistance do you require from the government?a)^b)c) 34. 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