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Life history of a collection: the Tahltan materials collected by James A. Teit Fenn, Catherine 1993

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LIFE HISTORY OF A COLLECTION:THE TAHLTAN MATERIALS COLLECTED BY JAMES A. TEITbyCATHERINE J. FENNB.A., The University of British Columbia, 1988M.A., York University, 1989A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment of Anthropology and SociologyWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAJune 1993©Catherine Joan Fenn, 1993In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate^August 25, 1993DE-6 (2/88)ABSTRACTThis paper documents the life history of the Tahltan materials from northwestern BritishColumbia collected by James A. Teit in 1912 and 1915 for the Geological Survey of Canada.The paper situates the collector's work in the social and institutional contexts that influenced hisactivities, gives recognition to the Tahltan people who contributed to the collection'sconstruction, and provides an overview of how the collection is currently organized in theCanadian Museum of Civilization (CMC). I address the questions: what is the life history of thiscollection? and what constitutes this collection today? Naming and classifying activities, macro-systems of museum classification, contribute to, and indeed create, the dispersed nature of largemuseum collections. Removed from communities and social settings, assembled 'artefacts' aredispersed to central holding agencies far afield from ethnographic sites and the originatingpeoples. Thus, the paper focusses on the relationship between field collecting and museumcollections as archival records exemplified by the collection assembled by Teit in northwesternBritish Columbia. Further, the paper addresses the issues arising from the report of the TaskForce on Museums and First Peoples (1992). The conclusions of the Task Force call forimproved access to collections by aboriginal peoples and point to the pressing need to carry outinventories of existing collections. Originally created to accommodate and even facilitateacademic research, museum classification practices actually impede the implementation of theTask Force's recommendations.TABLE OF CONTENTSAbstractTable of ContentsAcknowledgements^ ivI. INTRODUCTION 1II. THE COLLECTOR: JAMES A. TEIT^ 3i. Teit in British Columbia^ 4Teit and Franz Boas 6III. INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT FOR COLLECTING:THE GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA^ 8i. The Formation of the Anthropological Division 8Boas/Teit/Sapir Connection^ 10iii. The Geological Survey Museum's Classification System^12IV. CREATING THE COLLECTION^ 13i. Teit and the Outside Service 14Teit's Northern Field Work 16iii. Field Relationships: The Tahltan People who Contributedto the Collection's Construction^ 22V. THE COLLECTION AS MUSEUM ARCHIVE^ 25i. Artefacts, Songs, and Photographs 25ii. Field Notes and Unpublished Manuscripts 25iii. Structures of Classification and Control:Cultural Materials in Museum Archives^ 26iv. Travelling History^ 28VI. ACCESSIBILITY AND RETRIEVAL OF COLLECTION^ 30i. Methodology 30ii. Retrieving the Collection and Related Information 32VII. DISCUSSION^ 33VIII. CONCLUDING REMARKS: EMERGING MUSEUM PRACTICE^35ENDNOTES^ 37BIBLIOGRAPHY 41ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI wish to extend special thanks to Julie Cruikshank and Michael Kew, my advisors in theDepartment of Anthropology and Sociology, for their astute advice, steadfast support, warmth,and good humour. Wendy Wickwire also gave advice to this project and encouraged my interestin James Teit. I would like to thank my UBC colleagues, especially Virginia Appell, DoriBixler, Ron Hamilton, and Linda Park whose individual words and actions echo still. Mycolleague at large, Joanne Tompkins, in Melbourne, Australia provided encouragement andinspiration. Michael J. Friedlaender, whose tolerance threshold astonishes me, continues to giveme his unfailing support in all endeavours.The staff at the Canadian Museum of Civilization in Hull provided access to the Teitdocuments and collections records. I wish to thank Louise Dallaire, Geneviëve Eustache, DennisFletcher, Andrea Laforet, and Judy Thompson for their time and assistance. Special thanks toMargo Reid and Benoit Thdriault. Unpublished manuscripts, field notes, and correspondenceare quoted by permission of the Canadian Museum of Civilization.I wish to acknowledge Mrs. Grace Edzerza, Vera McGinty, and Allen Edzerza ofWhitehorse, Yukon and Marilyn Norby of Dease Lake, British Columbia for their time andinterest in this project, and for their hospitality. My thanks also to Ingrid Johnson for her warmsupport.Financial support for field work in the Yukon was provided by a Northern StudiesEndowment Fellowship from the Northern Research Institute (Yukon College), and The NorthernScientific Training Program.iv1I. INTRODUCTIONThis paper is concerned with one particular collection made under the auspices of the GeologicalSurvey of Canada and tells a life history of that collection. In 1912 and 1915, James A. Teitcollected material objects, songs, narratives, and historical photographs from members of severalTahltan communities in northwestern British Columbia. This study situates the collector's workin the social and institutional contexts that influenced him, documents his field work carried outin the Telegraph Creek and Cassiar districts, and attempts to give recognition to the Tahltanpeople who contributed to the collection's construction. The paper focusses on the relationshipbetween field collecting and museum collections as archival records exemplified by the collectionassembled by Teit in northwestern British Columbia. Taken as a case study, the paper concludesby addressing the issues arising from the report of the Task Force on Museums and First Peoples(1992) which calls for improved access to museum collections by aboriginal peoples and thedissemination of information about those collections.An academic background in literature and anthropology with specific interests inaboriginal oral and written narratives led me to the "Tahltan Tales" collected by Teit andpublished by Franz Boas in the Journal of American Folklore (Teit 1919, 1921). The publishednarratives suggest an editor's heavy hand because of the formal arrangement of the stories,Latinized passages, and standardized English. Originally, the focus for this paper was to be acomparison between the published narratives and the collector's field notes, and the paper wasto seek answers to the following questions: what is the relationship between the publishedversions and the stories collected in the field? what or who do the published stories represent?In February 1992, I travelled to the Canadian Museum of Civilization (CMC) to conduct archivalresearch. I could not locate Teit's manuscript of the narratives. The following summer, I2returned to the CMC. With the help of archivist Benoit Theriault I discovered that the originalmanuscript of the narratives no longer exists. Edward Sapir had turned it over to Franz Boasin October 1917, and it has since disappeared.1During the search for that elusive manuscript I was struck by the disarticulated nature ofthe 'artefact' assembled by Teit. Interrelated components of this 'artefact'—field notes andunpublished manuscripts, material objects, songs, narratives and photographs—have beenseparated out and are dispersed throughout the Museum's archival systems. Given thisdisassembled 'artefact', the questions for this study then became: what is the life history of thiscollection? what constitutes this collection today? Phillips notes that in "larger, moreacademically orthodox museums, the fragile webs of interconnectedness [between componentsof the 'artefact] have more often been destroyed by conventional practices of naming andclassification, and they can be reconstructed only with painstaking research" (Phillips 1992:8).In telling the life history of the Tahltan materials assembled by James Teit, this paper attempts,through great convolutions, to reconstruct these fragile webs. The vantage point for this studyis provided by the collector's field notes, unpublished manuscripts, and correspondence, as readand interpreted today.While the Tahltan and Kaska narratives Teit collected appeared in the Journal ofAmerican Folklore (Teit 1917, 1919, 1921) and some of Teit's Tahltan work was published (Teit1906, 1909, 1914, 1956), little has been published about Teit's northern collecting activities.'Some of the sub-Arctic materials Teit collected have been exhibited and documented (Clark1974; Glenbow Museum 1987; Duncan 1989; Thompson 1990); however, no work takes theTahltan materials as its sole focus. This study seeks to begin to fill this void by providinginformation about Teit and the collection he made in northwestern British Columbia.3II. THE COLLECTOR: JAMES A. TEITNancy Parezo, who is based in the American southwest, points out (after Kroeber, Fenton,Sturtevant, and others) that a large percentage of museum collections remain unstudied (Parezo1987; Nicks 1992). Reasons suggested for this are many.' Parezo contends that original fieldwork is generally emphasized or more highly valued in anthropology than archival or libraryresearch. A museum collection is the result of someone else's fieldwork and research efforts;collections research, then, is neither original nor field work in the strict sense and is generallyequated with archival research. Parezo identifies yet another explanation for the lack of interestin museum collections research which bears directly on this investigation: "most researchers haveunderstood neither the procedures employed in making the collections nor the assumptions anddecisions that surrounded and informed their construction" (Parezo 1987:2). Museum collectionsare not random samplings of a culture's material production. Collectors and their activities arenot without bias. Systematic collections like those made for the Smithsonian Institution, theBureau of American Ethnology, and the Geological Survey of Canada result from preconceivedagendas (Kaeppler 1989; Sturtevant 1991; Thomas 1989, 1991).Individual researchers and field workers are influenced by their own aesthetic andresearch interests. The collections they constructed reflect these interests more than they do thepeople with whom the materials originate (Hail 1991; Krech 1991; Lee 1991; Thomas 1989,1991). I consider some of the assumptions that underlie James A. Teit's collecting activities innorthwestern British Columbia and discuss the institutional mandate and research interests of theGeological Survey which further influenced Teit's activities. Teit's life is well documented byothers (Boas 1922; Banks 1970; Howes and Lean 1979; Bunyan 1981; Wickwire 1979, 1988,in press 1993); I draw on these sources to provide enough detail pertinent to this study.4i. Teit in British Columbia'In 1883, John Murray (Teit's maternal uncle) who lived in Spence's Bridge, British Columbia,extended an invitation to the Taits (Teit's parents) in the Shetland Islands asking whether one oftheir children would be interested in taking over his general store. James accepted the offer,signed over his legal birthright to his brother, and emigrated to Canada. At nineteen, in Marchof 1884, James Tait arrived in Spence's Bridge (Banks 1970:43; Wickwire 1988:185).By 1887, Tait was involved in hunting expeditions throughout southern interior BritishColumbia. The Yale Register of Marriages notes that James Alexander Teit (Teit reverted to theNorwegian spelling of Tait) married Susannah Lucy Antko on September 1, 1892. Antko wasa member of the Spence's Bridge Band, a division of the Nlaka 'pamux (Thompson). Wickwirenotes that "through his marriage to Lucy Antko, [Teit] gained even deeper access to the cultureof the Nlaka 'pamux people" (1988:187). After Antko's death from pneumonia in 1899, Teitremained in Spence's Bridge and married Leonie Josephine Morens in 1904. Of their sixchildren, five survived: Erik, Inga, Magnus, Sigurd, and Thor (Howes and Lean 1979). Teitand his family lived in Spence's Bridge until 1919 when they moved to Merritt, BritishColumbia.Teit's hunting and guiding expeditions in British Columbia took him north in search ofmoose and big-horn sheep as well as ethnographic materials. He travelled to the Stikine Riverto hunt northeast of Telegraph Creek from August to November, 1903. The ethnographicartefacts Teit collected on this trip were sent to the American Museum of Natural History(AMNH) in New York (Teit 1906:337). Two years later, from August to October, he huntedin the Cassiar district (Teit 1906; Banks 1970:46-47). During this time, Teit again collected forthe AMNH, and for the Field Columbian Museum in Chicago (now Field Museum), under the5direction of Franz Boas and Charles F. Newcombe, respectively. The information in Teit'spaper, "Notes on the Tahltan Indians of British Columbia" was gathered during these trips (Teit1906; Banks 1970:91-92).Teit travelled and hunted with the Nlaka'pamux, spoke their language fluently, and overthe years worked closely with The Indian Rights Association of British Columbia (1909-1916)and The Interior Tribes of British Columbia (1910s). The latter organization, assemblies ofwhich took place in Spence's Bridge, represented the Thompson, Okanagan, Shuswap, andLillooet peoples. Teit took active roles in these organizations (Tennant 1991). In 1910, aStatement about land claims prepared by Teit on behalf of Shuswap, Okanagan, and Couteauchiefs was presented to Sir Wilfrid Laurier on August 25, 1910, in Kamloops, British Columbia(Teit 1910; Howes and Lean 1979; Wickwire 1988).The Tahltan people in northwestern British Columbia drafted the 1910 Declaration of theTahltan Tribe while Teit was in the area. This document declares the rights, desires, and claimsof the Tahltan peoples and is signed October 18, 1910. Chief Nanok, Nastulta (Little Jackson),George Assadza, Kenetl (Big Jackson), and eighty other members of the Tahltan tribe signed theDeclaration asserting that they "have heard of the Indian Rights movement among the Indiantribes of the Coast, and of the southern interior of B.C....we have read the Declaration made bythe chiefs of the southern interior tribes at Spences Bridge..." (1910 Declaration of the TahltanTribe, copy obtained from the Tahltan Tribal Council in Dease Lake, British Columbia). Teitwas in Telegraph Creek from August through October 1910. While he is not mentioned by namein the Declaration, Teit may well have provided information about the interests of the InteriorTribes and lent his advice to the Tahltan representatives who signed the Declaration.'During his 1910 visit to Telegraph Creek, Teit acted as guide to Homer Sargent, a6California millionaire (Rosenberg 1928; Banks 1970:48-50). He also collected interior Salishbaskets and woven materials for Sargent who in 1912 began to donate his collection to the FieldMuseum (Cole 1985:210).In January of 1912, Teit accompanied a delegation of nine chiefs representing The IndianRights Association of British Columbia to Ottawa. This delegation presented their interestsregarding land claims to the Honourable R. Borden, Premier of the Dominion of Canada, andhis Cabinet. Teit acted as interpreter (Wickwire 1988:190-91). While in Ottawa, Teit met withMarius Barbeau and Edward Sapir in the Geological Survey's Anthropological Division. At thistime, the delegation of chiefs agreed to record a collection of sixty songs with Barbeau. Thesesongs are now part of the CMC collections (Wickwire 1988). Also, Teit and Sapir fmalized thedetails of Teit's appointment to the Geological Survey's Outside Service (Sapir to Boas, January13, 1912, CMC Library I-A-236M).6 In 1915, Teit again travelled to Ottawa with a delegationof eight chiefs representing The Interior Tribes of British Columbia (Tennant 1991).At a conference in 1916, which established The Allied Tribes of British Columbia,' asteering committee was struck to deal with the question of outstanding land claims. Teit wasappointed committee secretary. In this capacity, Teit helped draft the "Statement of The AlliedIndian Tribes of British Columbia for the Government of British Columbia" (Canada 1927).This Statement was presented to British Columbia Premier Oliver in December 1919 and becamethe authoritative statement of British Columbia aboriginal claims (Tennant 1991).Teit and Franz BoasIn September 1894, Franz Boas, while employed at the American Museum of Natural History(AMNH), travelled to British Columbia. Boas was carrying out a general survey of aboriginalpeoples in that province for the Northwestern Tribes Committee of the British Association for7the Advancement of Science (BAAS). En route to Bella Coola country, Boas stopped inSpence's Bridge and was directed to Teit. When they met, Boas immediately engaged Teit asan assistant. Teit accompanied Boas while the latter took anthropometric measurements of theNlaka 'pamwc living in the Spence's Bridge area. This meeting marks the beginning of whatwould prove to be a long and fruitful collaboration. Boas returned to Spence's Bridge inDecember 1894 at which time Teit agreed to write a report for Boas about the Nlaka 'pamux(Boas Family Letters in Rohner 1969:139-140, 162). This work resulted in the publication of"A Rock Painting of the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia" (Teit 1896), and acollection of Nlaka'pamux stories, Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society (Teit 1898).Teit's collaboration with Boas continued with the Jesup North Pacific Expedition (1897-1907). Financed by Morris K. Jesup, President of the AMNH, the North Pacific Expedition wasa systematic research project engaged in investigating ethnological relationships between Americaand Asia (Cole 1985). Teit produced several reports on the Thompson, Lillooet, and Shuswappeoples which appeared in the Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition (see Sprague1991). From 1900 to 1910, Teit carried out an investigation of the Salishan under Boas'sdirection, fmanced by Homer Sargent (Banks 1970:90). The collaboration between Teit andBoas would continue throughout Teit's tenure at the Geological Survey.Teit brought to the Outside Service of the Geological Survey his experience as a long-timeresident of British Columbia, as a political activist who worked on behalf of various aboriginalorganizations in that province, as a field worker and collector for major museums in NorthAmerica, and as a private collector in his own right. These overlapping experiences determined,in part, the nature of the collection he made for the Survey's Museum.8III. INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT FOR COLLECTING: THE GEOLOGICAL SURVEYDouglas Cole and Edward Said have referred to "the scramble" for artefacts which began asearly as the eighteenth century (Cole 1985; Said 1988; Thomas 1989, 1991). 8 The systematiccollecting activities which took place in North America formed the basis of extensive museumethnographic collections (Cole 1985; Stocking 1985; Nason 1987; Hail 1991). In the UnitedStates, the Smithsonian Institution and the Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE) began theircollecting in the late 1800s. While the Geological Survey of Canada began collectingethnographic materials around 1879, the more systematic collecting began in the 1890s andcontinued into the early part of this century. These extensive institutional collections were madeto serve as material bases for scientific research and public education (Fenton 1960; Cole 1973,1985; Jacknis 1985, 1992; Stocking 1985; Parezo 1987). The Geological Survey provided theinstitutional context that directed Teit's northern collecting activities. What were the directivesthat determined how and why the Geological Survey of Canada's collections were constructed?The Formation of the Anthropological DivisionEstablished in 1842 as an independent body, the Geological Survey's primary responsibility wasto survey and map the country's geological resources, and in 1856 the first Survey Actempowered the Survey to establish a Geological Museum. The Geological and Natural HistoryMuseum was located in Montreal with geologist Sir William Dawson (Principal of McGillUniversity) as curator. Secondary to these geological activities, the Survey would later have amandate (Survey Act 1877) to collect, document, exhibit, and preserve cultural, linguistic, andarchaeological information from aboriginal peoples throughout the country whose populations andcultures were thought to be in rapid decline and in danger of disappearing altogether (Brock1911; Waiser 1989). In 1877, a new Survey Act brought the Survey under the auspices of the9Department of the Interior and called for the removal of both the Survey and its Museum toOttawa. In 1881, the Museum was relocated to the former Clarendon Hotel building at Sussexand George Streets in Ottawa (Waiser 1989).Geologist George M. Dawson, son of Sir William Dawson, worked for the GeologicalSurvey from 1875 until 1901. In 1895, George Dawson became Director of the Survey.Dawson was active in the field and "the main force in directing the Survey's museum towardanthropology" (Cole 1985:79; Cole and Lockner 1989). The results of Dawson's field work inthe Yukon and northwestern British Columbia were published by the Survey (Dawson 1888,1898). Teit's northern work would build on these reports. In 1897, Dawson was appointedChairman of "A Committee on an Ethnological Survey of Canada" established by the BAAS(Cole 1973). His death in 1901, however, brought a hiatus to the Committee's activities. In1909, a new Ethnological Survey Committee was struck, and in 1910 this Committee, chairedby Rev. Dr. George Bryce, recommended to the Canadian government that it establish anethnology division at Ottawa (Cole 1973).9In 1910, an Anthropological Division in the Geological Survey Branch was establishedwith funds appropriated by Parliament (Cole 1973:42). R.W. Brock, Director of the Surveyfrom 1910-1914, outlines the Anthropological Division's mandate:The plans of the Anthropological Division include field work among the nativetribes of Canada for the purpose of collecting extensive and reliable informationon their ethnology and linguistics, archaeological field work, the publication ofresults obtained in these investigations, and the exhibition in the Museum ofspecimens illustrative of Indian and Eskimo life, habit, and thought (Brock1911:7).The Mines Act of 1907 had established a new Department of Mines which oversaw both theGeological Survey Branch and the Mines Branch. This act "called for the Survey to 'collect,classify and arrange for exhibition in the Victoria Memorial Museum such specimens as are10necessary to afford a complete and exact knowledge of the geology, mineralogy, palaeontology,ethnology and fauna and flora of Canada" (quoted in Waiser 1989:173). Begun in 1904 toreplace the inadequate facilities of the Sussex Street building, the Victoria Memorial MuseumBuilding on McLeod Street became the home of the Geological Survey Branch and its Museum.Brock moved his staff into the uncompleted building in 1910 (Russell 1961).'Boas/Teit/Sapir ConnectionCole suggests that through his work under the BAAS, Boas "set the standards and shaped thedirection of anthropology in Canada" (Cole 1973:41). Boas played a key role in theestablishment of the Anthropological Division in the Geological Survey. The task of choosinga director for the new Division fell to Brock who sought and acted on advice from Boas, thenhead of the Anthropology Department at Columbia University. Boas's reply to Brock suggeststhere is but one candidate qualified for the position. He recommends his former student:Dr. Sapir is without any doubt the most brilliant among the youngeranthropologists; and if you were to ask me for a recommendation, I shouldwithout hesitation pick him out as the man whom I should most confidently expectto develop the particular work you have in mind...The record of his work,wherever he has been, is excellent, and he has turned out a most incredibleamount of material within a very short time. At the same time he has a mostexcellent critical mind, clear insight into ethnological problems, and ability toorganize extended scientific investigation (Boas to Brock, May 14, 1910, quotedin Maud 1982:110).Sapir accepted Brock's offer to head the Anthropological Division. The appointment, effectiveSeptember 1, 1910, marked what Darnell suggests is the beginning of professional anthropologyin Canada (Darnell 1975:404). Sapir credits the newly created Division as the outcome of"many years work on the part of Dr. G.W. Dawson, formerly the director of the GeologicalSurvey, and Dr. Franz Boas" (Sapir 1911:789). Sapir's remarks in Science assert the urgencyfor carrying out ethnological projects in Canada:11Now or never is the time in which to collect from the natives what is stillavailable for study.. .With the increasing material prosperity and industrialdevelopment of Canada the demoralization or civilization of the Indians will begoing on at an ever increasing rate. No shortsighted policy of economy shouldbe allowed to interfere with the thorough and rapid prosecution of theanthropological problems of the dominion. What is lost now will never berecovered again (Sapir 1911:793)."Notably, the same institution established in 1842 to survey, name, and map the country, activitiesthat support and even encourage expansion, is now responsible for carrying out salvageethnography among aboriginal communities.By January 1911, C.M. Barbeau and Harlan I. Smith joined the scientific staff of theAnthropological Division. While Sapir hoped to model his Division on the BAE, his style ofadministering research was unique (Sapir 1911:789).12 The BAE preferred cooperative projectsthat necessarily involved more than one scholar. Sapir, on the other hand, encouraged hisresearch staff to retain "individuality in working style and career progression" (Darnell 1990:65).The Division itself was organized according to culture area, and the four sub-disciplines withinanthropology were covered by specialists: Harlan I. Smith (archaeology), Francis Knowles(physical anthropology), Marius Barbeau (ethnology), and Sapir (linguistics). This staff wasaugmented by a varying number of researchers and field workers employed on a part-time orshort-term basis.Sapir noted that generally information about aboriginal peoples in Canada was lacking.The area that required the most urgent attention was "the Athabascan tribes of the MackenzieValley. A thorough investigation of these tribes (Chippewyan, Slaves, Yellow Knives, DogRibs, Hare and Loucheux) is probably the greatest single need of ethnological research inCanada" (Sapir 1911:792). Of the four classic sub-disciplines, Sapir's focus was on12Athapaskani3 linguistics. Assisted by an introduction from Boas, this is where Sapir's interestsand Teit's northern work would intersect in 1911 (Sapir/Boas Correspondence, 1911 passim).iii. The Geological Survey Museum's Classification SystemAt the American Museum of Natural History, Boas had arranged tribal collections according togeographic or regional areas. This culture area scheme challenged Otis T. Mason's typologicalevolutionary system of arranging material culture (Boas 1887a, 1887b, 1907; Mason 1887, 1890;Jacknis 1985; Fenton 1986). Mason soon adapted arrangements at the National Museum(Washington) according to region, although he remained interested in typological problems(Mason 1887; Wissler 1915:78; Jacknis 1985). When Sapir became Head of the AnthropologicalDivision, he found that a large percentage of the ethnographic materials already collected hadremained unnumbered. Further, the part already numbered had proceeded according to "nodefinite principle of classification" (Sapir 1912:379). Therefore, in 1911, he renumbered thewhole collection "according to a definitely established scheme."The collection was divided into five main groups corresponding to as many culture areasof Canada, with each area assigned a number as follows: Eastern Woodlands III, Arctic orEskimo IV, Plains V, Plateau and Mackenzie Valley VI, and West Coast VII (see Wissler 1915).Physical Anthropology and Archaeological materials were assigned numbers I and II, andVIII-XII, respectively. Within each culture area, objects were assigned numbers from one toinfinity. The photographic collection was numbered in the same way. Sapir stated that with thissystem in place it would be possible "to assign any numbered specimen to its proper culture areaand tribe without the irksome necessity of looking up a catalogue" (Sapir 1912:379). Based ona Boasian precedent reflecting then current museum practices, Sapir's scheme established alogical, convenient way to accession collections received by the Anthropological Division.13IV. CREATING THE COLLECTIONTeit was unique among Geological Survey field workers. His field work was not the result ofshort, sporadic visits made to the field by a stranger. Rather, it was based on continuingpersonal and political relationships with the aboriginal peoples in British Columbia where helived and worked. At the same time, Teit was connected to mainstream anthropology throughhis continuing collaboration with Franz Boas, as a collector for major North American museums,and as a field worker for the Geological Survey. Further, his correspondence with Sapir andBoas indicates that he was aware of and reading current scientific publications and oftenrequested that copies of certain articles and books be sent to him (Teit to Sapir January 20, 1916,November 3, 1921, passim). Teit subscribed to Science and American Anthropologist (Teit toSapir, February 2, 1921). His daughter Inga Perkin indicated that her father had an extensivelibrary which included foreign language dictionaries, and volumes on botany, history, poetry,natural history, and anthropology (Banks 1970:62-63). Teit was familiar with the work carriedout among the Tahltan peoples by George M. Dawson (1888, 1898), Father A.G. Morice(1890), and Lt. G T Emmons (1911) and regularly cited their publications. On occasion, Teiteven suggested readings in the linguistic field which might interest Sapir (Teit to Sapir, February17, 1913). Among the many scientists who sought him out on their way through BritishColumbia were Dr. H.K. Haeberlin with whom Teit collaborated on "Coiled Basketry in BritishColumbia and Surrounding Region" (Haeberlin et al. 1928), Franz Boas, and Harlan I. Smithand Edward Sapir of the Geological Survey.Moreover, Teit was at the centre of ethnographic collecting in British Columbia. He hada long association in this regard with Charles F. Newcombe. They were in contact regardingcollections for the Field Museum, Chicago and the Provincial Museum, Victoria. And14frequently, Teit alerted Sapir to the availability of particularly "good pieces" from privatecollectors in Victoria, Vancouver, and elsewhere (Teit to Sapir, April 6, 1914; September 21,1914; February 27, 1917; January 28, 1920; March 24, 1921, passim).1.^Teit and the Outside ServiceThe extensive and rich correspondence between Teit and Sapir began in late 1911 and continuedon a regular basis until July 31, 1922, three months before Teit's death.' Sapir's interest inhaving Teit collect Tahltan materials is indicated in an early letter to Teit:It is my desire first of all to have a systematic mapping instituted of theAthabascan tribes of Canada, and I believe that you would be the very best personthat could be chosen to work out the exact tribal boundaries in British Columbiaand the Yukon. Hand in hand with this preliminary work should go the gatheringof representative collections for our museum. At least certain tribes, Tahltan forinstance, should be chosen for complete ethnological study on the scale you haveadopted for your Thompson River or Shuswap Indian monographs (Sapir to Teit,December 2, 1911).Sapir does not outline what a "representative collection" might consist of and in 1913 he gaveTeit free rein with regard to what should be collected.Because of Department of Mines policy, Teit could not be appointed to the Inside Serviceof the Anthropological Division. This would require that he take up residence in Ottawa; Teitchose to remain in British Columbia. His employment to the Outside Service became"practically permanent," nevertheless (Sapir to Boas, January 13, 1912). The following excerptsfrom Teit's contractual agreements with the Survey reflect the nature of Teit's appointment:1913/14^"agree to undertake ethnological field work and the purchase ofspecimens among the Athabascan tribes of British Columbia, andif necessary adjoining regions..."1914/15^"agree to undertake.. .an ethnological field trip or ethnological fieldtrips among various Salish or Athabaskan tribes of BritishColumbia...and to obtain representative museum collectionsillustrating the life of the various tribes visited...A scientific paper,or a series of scientific papers...is to be submitted for publication..."151915/16 "agree to undertake an investigation of the Athabaskan tribes ofnorthern British Columbia, Yukon, and Northwest Territories forthe purpose of obtaining further ethnological data on thesetribes...and forward...a complete and final memoir on at least oneimportant phase, such as mythology, religion, social organization,or material culture, of the ethnology of the Tahltan Indians..."(CMC, Sapir Correspondence, Contracts: 1913-1920).The 1916/17, 1917/1918, and 1920/21 contracts refer exclusively to the preparation of "finalmemoirs on the ethnology of the Tahltan Indians" (contracts for the years 1918/19 and 1919/20are not in the CMC Library [Documents Collection]). All of the contracts outline financialdetails and request the submission of all notes, notebooks, photographs, negatives, plans, maps,and specimens" that result from field work. In the 1916 contract, Teit lists his profession as"ethnologist."Teit did not always comply with Survey accounting procedures and his reports wereinvariably late; and, in the case of the "final memoirs" on the Tahltan, never submitted incompleted form. Teit's tardiness became problematic for Sapir who had to account for theactivities of his field service staff. Within a few years of Teit's appointment, Sapir encounteredadministrative problems (Sapir to Boas, October 19, 1916). The arrangements made with Teitunder R.W. Brock were not acceptable to Brock's successor, R.G. McConnell (Deputy Ministerand Director of the Survey from 1914-1920 [Russell 1961:5-6]). In an attempt to provide Teitwith continued financial support Sapir offered to purchase completed manuscripts from him(Sapir to Boas, August 11, 1919). Teit agreed to this arrangement, as reflected in the 1916/17,1917/18, and 1920/21 contracts. In fact, Teit's work for the Survey was interrupted because offinancial restraints during the first World War and because of illness, family duties, his advocacywork on behalf of aboriginal peoples, outstanding work for Boas, and fmally, his untimely death.16Throughout his employment with the Geological Survey, Teit continued to divide his time amongcommitments to Boas, to the Survey, and to various aboriginal organizations in British Columbia.jj Teit's Northern Field WorkWhile Teit's first contract on record covers the fiscal year 1913/14, the Geological SurveySummary Report for 1912 indicates that his initial work for the Survey was carried out amongthe Tahltan peoples in the Cassiar district from August 15 to November 1, 1912 (Sapir1914a:448-483; Teit 1914, 1956). Teit reported collecting about thirty Tahltan artefacts (mostlybags and tools) and sixty-one songs, among these Bear Lake Sekani songs, all from the UpperStikine River area (Teit to Sapir, November 2, 1912). The results of this trip are documentedin "On Tahltan (Athabaskan) Work, 1912" (Teit 1914:484-487). Further, Teit wrote 450 pagesof information about general ethnography, mythology, traditions, and language. Among thismaterial are the field notes Teit wrote on the Tahltan and Kaska stories that Boas would publishin the Journal of American Folklore (Teit 1917, 1919, 1921).Teit arrived in Telegraph Creek on September 1, 1912 and wasted no time in getting towork. He met with some Tahltan people the next day who had already selected a man to workwith him 16 Within six days of his arrival, Teit had found out all he could about tribalboundaries and naming and then tackled social organization. He wrote:...on points where Dawson, Morice or Emmons disagree with informationobtained by me, I am taking great pains to get hold of the true way, and haveasked a number of informants. So far they all agree so I feel confident I amcorrect. They say these other men were only a short time here and picked uptheir information casually and without taking any pains, so they say there is nowonder they have made a few mistakes (they had no paid men to give theminformation) (Teit to Sapir, September 6, 1912).Teit was shown a few "old things" which he priced, but no one was willing to sell these to himand Teit did not persist (Teit to Sapir, December 4, 1912).17Sapir's directions to Teit included various pointers on non-material culture. Specifically,Sapir requested documentation on chieftainships, inheritance of property, fishing, hunting andother economic rights, marriage regulations, naming of individuals, religion, and shamanism.Further, Sapir instructed Teit to document linguistic data he hoped would provide a basis for hisclassification of Athapaskan tribes. The data should include fairly extensive vocabularies andtest grammatical questions following guidelines set out by Pliny Goddard. It was Sapir's hopethat Teit would produce an elaborate study of one particular Athabascan tribe along the lines ofTeit's treatment of the Nlaka 'pamux (Thompson) (Sapir to Teit, December 2, 1911; January 16,1913). Sapir especially wanted to see data on the exact nature of the Tahltan clans. Hesuggested to Teit a series of questions to ask which ran to one page and a half in length. Sapirwas especially interested to find out which aspects of the social organization were primary andwhich were secondary because he believed the Tahltan represented the case of an interior tribewhich had become "profoundly influenced in its social form by the [coastal] Tlingit" (Sapir toTeit, December 21, 1912 and January 16, 1913; see MacLachlan 1981). In contrast, Sapir leftthe matter of collecting museum material entirely up to Teit: "just collect whatever seems of realinterest to you" (Sapir to Teit, January 16, 1913).When packing up the Tahltan specimens in February 1913 back in Spence's Bridge, Teitnoted to Sapir that in general he continued to collect when funds from his various museumsources had run out: "I hated to see good rare things and good replicates [sic] go by, so I boughtthem with my own money altho [sic] sometimes not very convenient for me." Teit had madethese collections over the preceding five years and offered to sell them to the Survey's Museum(Teit to Sapir, February 17, 1913). On March 5, 1913, Teit sent off the list of Tahltan artefacts;the artefacts themselves and the wax cylinder recordings of the songs followed three days later.18These arrived in Ottawa before March 22, 1913 when Sapir acknowledged their receipt.A return trip to the Telegraph Creek area was planned for the summer of 1913. This wassuspended, however, until Teit completed all outstanding work for Boas (Sapir to Teit, June 10,1913). That year, Teit collected just four Tahltan pieces; these were purchased by theGeological Survey (Sapir 1914b; Sapir does not provide details about how Teit acquired these).The thirty-one Tahltan photographs reported for 1913 were taken by Teit during the previousyear's field work.In 1914, Teit was barred by his doctor from taking any northern trips because of illhealth. Teit wrote to Sapir of his disappointment in not being fit to go north "as all the peoplewere expecting me and I had in a way made a good part of my arrangements already" (Teit toSapir, April 6, 1914). Instead, he planned to write out the Tahltan tales and material he had onhand and to continue with two papers in progress for Boas. He also suggested to Sapir that withsome practice and the proper equipment he could undertake to make anthropometricmeasurements: "It seems to me too bad to miss all the fine opportunities I have in this line. Itlooks like wilful neglect" (Teit to Sapir, April 6, 1914)."Teit's plans for the 1915 summer field season included visits to the Athapaskan andTlingit people of the Atlin and Teslin districts. He left for the Cassiar district for the period July7 to November 6, where he worked with Kaska people between Dease Lake and the Liard River.In Telegraph Creek during the latter part of this trip Teit completed work on Tahltan socialorganization, naming, and marriage systems. Of the 74 songs he collected (many composedsince his visit in 1912), some are identified by Teit as Tahltan, Kaska, Liard, Mackenzie (FortSimpson), Sekani (Nelson River and Bear Lake), Cree, Naas, Kitiksian, Taku, and Tagish (Teitto Sapir, November 16, 1915 [with appendix]) . He also collected a considerable number of19botanical specimens along with many Tahltan names and uses for them. In all, he collectedabout 150 ethnographic objects; these included some "old pieces." The lot consisted of tools,bags, utensils, clothing and ornaments. He wrote that he:bought a good many specimens—most of them old pieces. There are someduplicates but you said that would not matter. I think you will find the collectionquite interesting. As I suppose you want a pretty full collection from this area,I left a list with Dandy Jim my chief informant of the kinds of things I will buynext year. The Indians here have many valuable old things but the only way toget them is to be here in the early part of the fishing season when they arecongregated chiefly at Tahltan where they have all their stuff stored away in theirhouses. The early summer and Christmas time are the proper periods to catch theTahltan altogether (Teit to Sapir, October 13, 1915).Teit never returned to Telegraph Creek.In January 1916, Teit sent the Tahltan and Kaska tales in manuscript form to Sapir.Included were an index of the contents and a preface. He annotated the tales by makingcomparisons chiefly with Thompson River stories he had collected earlier (Teit 1898). Teitcompleted the catalogue of the Tahltan specimens collected in 1915 and sent this under separatecover in February. He noted that he had taken photographs of some mythological placesincluding "the place near Tahltan where the Raven urinated"; another photograph showed thewind break to the Raven's house, and another showed the Raven's house in a large cave in acliff. References to these places are made in the Raven Cycle of stories, "Raven in the Countryof the Tahltan" (see Teit 1919:211-212). Teit mentioned to Sapir that he had these photographsand would send them to Sapir (Teit to Sapir, February 20, 1916), but later in the same letter henoted that the prints in his possession had been produced in Ottawa on April 21, 1913 and copiesthen sent to him in Spence's Bridge (Teit did not, after all, return these photographs to Sapir).Taken during the 1912 trip, only the first of these three photographs in the CMC's collectionshas survived. The card catalogue in the CMC Library (Photographic Archives) describes the20photograph of the place where Raven urinated as a "group of summer houses or fishing lodgesof Tahltans made of poles, some roofed with bark, Telegraph Creek, B.C. "—the mythologicalsignificance of this place is not mentioned. The other two photographs are listed as discards.Following Sapir's suggestion, Teit planned to compare the Tahltan tales he had collectedwith Tlingit tales in Swanton's Tlingit Myths and Texts (1909). Sapir hoped to edit and publishthe Tahltan and Kaska tales under the auspices of the Geological Survey, but continued financialrestraints made this impossible (Teit to Sapir, March 20, 1917). Also in this letter, Teitrequested prints of some twenty photographs that he had taken in the Telegraph Creek andCassiar districts. A Tahltan "subchief" unnamed by Teit wanted to show these photographs topeople "up north" .1gSapir had begun to edit Teit's manuscript, but in the fall of 1917 he offered themanuscript to Boas who was looking for "good Indian material" for the Journal of AmericanFolklore. Sapir asked Teit if he objected to his turning the stories over to Boas. Teit did notobject; along with Sapir, he wanted to see them published. In October 1917, Sapir transferredthe manuscript to Boas at Columbia University who completed the editing, including theannotations, and published them. Teit's four-page preface was removed, as were his designations"Tl" which indicated Tlingit origin for some of the stories.' Boas Latinized some of the moresensitive passages and highlighted moralizing aspects of each tale with the use of italics.In May 1918, Teit received by mail two dozen copies of the published "Kaska Tales"(Teit 1917)—the "Tahltan Tales" were not published until 1919 and 1921. He sent "5 or 6 of(the copies] to persons up in the Tahltan and Kaska countries-3 of them Indians." He alsodistributed a copy to Dr. Charles F. Newcombe and a copy to the Provincial GovernmentLibrarian in Victoria. Others he gave to friends in British Columbia interested in folklore (Teit21to Sapir, May 12, 1918). During 1919 and 1920, Teit continued to prepare his notes for thecomprehensive Tahltan study he planned to write up. More and more of his time, however, wastaken up by his work for The Allied Tribes of British Columbia and his paper for Boas onNlaka 'pamux (Thompson) uses of plants.In 1920, Sapir informed Teit that the newly formed Anthropological Club of Ottawa withSapir as President and Harlan Smith as Secretary had elected Teit as a member, an honour thatcarried with it no responsibilities and a few privileges (Sapir to Teit, February 16, 1920). Laterthat year, Teit put aside the manuscript on Tahltan ethnography to devote his energy to therecently initiated Ditchburn-Clark inquiry into the Report of the Royal Commission on IndianAffairs for the Province of British Columbia (Canada 1916). Teit was appointed to the inquiryto represent aboriginal interests. The inquiry was completed March 19, 1923 (Titley 1986:149),five months after Teit's death. In a letter to Sapir, Teit reported that he had to:...occupy an my time during the rest of this month and the greater part of nextwith work for Mr. Scott [Duncan Campbell Scott, Deputy Superintendent ofDepartment of Indian Affairs] and the Indians in connection with placing theIndian case before the Board which has been appointed by the two governmentsto investigate the actual needs of the Indians as regards lands, fishing, hunting,etc. This Board of two officials [W.E. Ditchburn for the Department of IndianAffairs and Major J.W. Clark for British Columbia] will later makerecommendations to the Governments and then an attempt will be made to settlewith the Indians and if possible end this troublesome controversy. Work inconnection with this important matter will take up most of my time for somemonths to come (Teit to Sapir, November 10, 1920).In the same letter, Teit refers to the Tahltan, Kaska, and Tlingit vocabularies that remainedunfinished due to his unfamiliarity with the sounds and their rendering. In February 1921, Teitforwarded the Tahltan manuscript unfinished to Sapir.In March 1921, Teit was diagnosed with cancer and his doctors gave him only a fewmonths to live. Prompted by this news, Teit sent to Sapir sixty pages of linguistic material on22his Tlingit, Tahltan, and Kaska vocabularies and all the Tahltan notes he had in Spence's Bridge.Later that month, Teit left British Columbia for the Mayo Brothers clinic in Minnesota to seektreatment. During May and June of that year, Teit took a series of x-ray treatments inVancouver. On July 18, 1921, Teit suggested to Sapir that they call off the outstanding financialsettlement for the Tahltan manuscript (Teit to Sapir, July 18, 1921). Teit made only one furtherreference to this work, but he never took it up again (Teit to Sapir, March 18, 1922). Teit diedon October 30, 1922.To the end, Teit was concerned about the fate of ethnographic materials he watchedleaving the province:I think the Museum is making a mistake (I don't mean yourself of course) in nothaving some funds on hand yearly for the purchase of specimens—especially forarchaeological and old stuff which cannot be duplicated. This stuff is constantlygoing to the museums in the States, and here and there to private collectors andspeculators instead of to the National Museum of Canada as it should (Teit toSapir, March 18, 1922).iii.^Field Relationships: The Tahltan People who Contributed to the Collection's ConstructionMuseum classification systems in general dehumanize collections. If they exist at all, referencesto individuals involved in the collecting process remain buried in field notes, diaries, andaccounts books. Teit refers to individuals with whom he worked in the north throughout his fieldnotes and correspondence. We cannot know what constitutes this collection without consideringthe Tahltan people involved in its formation.Teit notes in 1912 that Dandy Jim "is said to be one of the best informed men in the tribeselected by Indians at meeting 2nd September as first man to give information" (Teit Field Notes1912-1915a; Teit to Sapir, September 6, 1912; Teit 1956:40). Throughout his field notes andpublished papers, Teit repeatedly refers to Dandy Jim as his chief informant. After his return23home from Telegraph Creek, Teit mentions that Dandy Jim "sat with [him] nearly every day"(Teit to Sapir, December 4, 1912). He also notes that Dandy Jim was born about 40 miles upthe Iskut River around 46 years earlier, and gives Dandy Jim's Tahltan name as Ttift'.ts ('strongrocks'), a member of the 10'1ot-en' (Nahlin) clan of the Crow phratry." Teit notes there wasno real chief of the Nu 7oren ' clan, but that "Dandy Jim is a close relative [perhaps of the lateChief Katune] and able man who speaks for the clan at councils" (Teit Field Notes 1912-1915a).Teit's 1912 census of Tahltan village indicates that Dandy Jim was married to Susie Ward(Nakistitta', also called "Old Susie"). As well as providing Teit with information, Dandy Jimsang songs and sold Teit a few ethnographic objects. Teit paid Dandy Jim for the informationhe provided; Teit purchased individual songs and objects separately. In a letter dated January3, 1919, Teit informs Sapir that Dandy Jim died on a trapping trip.While Dandy Jim was Teit's primary source of information, many other people alsoassisted Teit. Teit's published papers refer to several individuals by name:Most of the information from the Kaska I obtained at the foot of Dease Lake, mychief informants being Albert Dease and his wife. The Tahltan information wascollected for the most part at Telegraph Creek from Dandy Jim. I obtained someinformation from several other individuals of both sexes of the Tahltan andneighboring tribes, particularly from Big Jackson, Slim Jim, Dennis Hyland, BearLake Billy, Ned Teit, etc. (Teit 1956:40).Teit acknowledged that he obtained information from "individuals of both sexes," but hementioned only the men by name in "Field Notes on the Tahltan and Kaska Indians: 1912-1915"(Teit 1956). Many people agreed to let Teit record them singing, almost half of them women.'The following people contributed many songs, some of which they composed themselves: SlimJim, Big Jackson, Dandy Jim, Nellie Campbell, Aggie Quak, Aggie Adset, Beal, Little Charley,Ada Quok, Susie Ward, Joe Coburn, Little Emma, Minnie Coburn, Nelson, Thommy Cigar,24John Thibet, Harry Bear Lake, Jeanie Campbell, Samuel, Davie, Bear Lake Billy, DaisyCampbell, and Lucy Campbell.' Ada Dease and Matilda Reid sang most of the Bear Lakesongs. More complete information about each of these individuals is recorded in Teit's 1912census (Teit Field Notes 1912-1915a).The notebook "J. Teit's Accounts" covers the Cassiar trip of July 7 to November 6, 1915.Teit used it to account for supplies, to itemize the objects purchased, and as a diary. The nameshe mentions regularly include Packer Johnny, Packer Tommy, George Adsit, Hunter Frank, andBombay Johnny, people with whom he camped and obtained information. Late in August, Teitnotes that he worked with Nettie and Albert Dease, recording Kaska language and stories (TeitField Notes 1912-1915a; Teit 1956:40-41). On several occasions between August and lateOctober, dances took place in the evenings.Teit kept particularly detailed notes in 1915. Unlike his earlier records, Teit notes notonly what was purchased, but also from whom. While songs and information were obtainedfrom both men and women, Teit purchased ethnographic objects almost solely from women. Heidentifies individuals by name and provides details about the purchases he made from them."The people Teit collected from in 1915 include: Albert and Nettie Dease, Jeanie Smith, May,Lucy and Louisa Dease, Nellie Nehass and her mother, Mrs. Thibet, Lucy Martin, Dandy Jim,Minnie Coburn, Lucy Campbell, Jennie Martin, Mrs. Packer Johnny, Ida and Bear Lake Billy,Sto'ngdju'.s, Jenny Martin, Old Mrs. Charley, Emma Simpson and Benny, Aggie, Frank,Dennis, Mary's mother, Ida Quok, and Lucy Albert.25V. THE COLLECTION AS MUSEUM ARCHIVEArtefacts, Songs, and PhotographsThe total number of Tahltan artefacts collected by Teit and accessioned into the Museum'scollections is 168. The fate of four from this total (one double set of gambling sticks with bag,one pipe, an arrow point, and spear head) and two snares is unknown.' The accessionedcollection includes a wide range of objects under the following general categories: bags andpouches, spoons, clothing, necklaces, tools, ornaments, baby carriers, hunting and fishingequipment, pipes, women's work bags, snowshoes, and one toboggan (Teit Collector's Files1912-1920, CMC Ethnology Division). There are 86 songs originally recorded on wax cylindersand transferred to audio tape by Eugene Arima in 1961. Teit's notes categorize the songs asbelonging to the following types: mourning, Kuwegan or peace, love, dance and potlatch,gambling, cremation, paying off songs for the dead, children's, shaman's doctoring songs, andnumerous songs for animals, sung by twenty-four individuals. Teit notes the type of song andthe person or persons singing. He identifies the situation in which the songs would be sung,includes English words for most of the songs, and in many cases he notes the composer'sname. Teit's notes identify some of the songs as Bear Lake Sekani, learned from themthrough association and intermarriage; all songs are sung by Tahltan people (Teit PhonographRecords 1912, CMC Library (Documents Collection). The photograph collection numbersover 100. The collection consists of photographs taken by Teit of the singers, of the people fromwhom Teit obtained information and purchased objects, and of various others with whom hecame into contact (Teit 1912-1915c, CMC Library [Photographic Archives]).Field Notes and Unpublished ManuscriptsThe field notes recorded and manuscripts written during Teit's 1912 and 1915 northern field trips26are held in the CMC Library (Documents Collection) and include "Field Notes: Tahltan, Kaskaand Bear Lake Indians" (Teit 1912-1915a, 9 notebooks), "Tahltan and Kaska Myths" (Teit 1912-1915e, 75 page incomplete typed manuscript), "Report on Tahltan Field Work among theTahltan, Kaska, and Bear Lake Indians" (Teit 1912-1915d, original holograph, typed manuscript,notes, maps),' "Observations on Physical Characteristics of the Tahltan and Kaska Indians"(Teit 1912-1915b), "Tlingit Vocabulary from a Tahltan Informant, Dandy Jim" (Teit 1912-1915g), "Tahltan Songs" (Teit 1912-1915f, typed notes and audio tapes), and "Notes on songsof the Indians of British Columbia, and lists of phonograph records" (Teit 1912-1921). Amongthe nine notebooks, one from 1912 provides a census of Tahltan (with English and Tahltan namesof individuals and their clans), one catalogues objects purchased and provides ethnographic notes,another includes notes on songs and myths, and an account book also documents objectspurchased. Also, Teit drew or annotated several maps. These maps indicated the approximateextent of the territory used by the Tahltan around 1912 and 1915 and are based on informationhe heard (see Teit 1956:50-52).iii. Structures of Classification and Control: Cultural Materials in Museum ArchivesRemoved from their field settings in northern British Columbia to Teit's home at Spence's Bridgein southern British Columbia, the materials (by then decontextualized from social settings ofcommunity and utilitarian function) were documented by Teit, tagged, packed, and shipped toOttawa. From the moment the objects were selected they became and were treated as scientificspecimens. Once received by the Geological Survey in Ottawa these specimens were furtherdecontextualized and fully embedded in scientific "structures of classification" (Phillips 1992).Cultural symbols, now specimens and artefacts, were accessioned, categorized, and placed intostorage, a synchronic deep-freeze, for safe-keeping. Even before their removal from the27geographic location in which the collector obtains them, the materials are embedded in ahierarchical structure of knowledge that is outside northern Athapaskan epistemology.The Tahltan artefacts, photographs, and songs collected by Teit were accessioned into aclassification system established by Sapir which was based on then current museological theory.This system was a convenient way to pigeon-hole aboriginal cultural materials and make accessto collections relatively unproblematic for scientists and scholars at the Museum who werefamiliar with its classification systems (Sapir 1914a). In 1971, the entire northern Athapaskancollection was reorganized and assigned new numbers. The Plateau and Mackenzie Valley area("Section VI") was divided. The Plateau area became Section II; the Mackenzie Valley materialsremained under Section VI, and re-labelled Northern Athapaskan." The Tahltan artefactscollected by Teit were assigned individual new numbers under section VI. With minoradjustments made over the years to account for misattribution, Sapir's system remains in tact.In their current situation in the Canadian Museum of Civilization, the artefacts aremaintained by the Collections Management division under the Director, Collections. As withall collections, these materials require specialized storage facilities. Supported by an independentrecords system, they are stored separately from the photographs and songs. To date, some ofthe artefacts are not yet installed in permanent storage (Collections Management was one of thelast divisions to move into the new building in 1990). A portion of this collection remains tobe unpacked. At the time of writing 28 items had not yet been assigned permanent locations.The song collection, managed within the Library division (also under Director, Collections),is organized and maintained separately. The photograph collection is held in the PhotographicArchives section of the Library and is organized by a numbering system cross-referenced to itsown catalogue record. The negatives are in specialized cold storage facilities in the basement.28Again, as with the songs and photographs, the collector's field notes and unpublishedmanuscripts are under the auspices of the Library; these are housed and maintained on adifferent floor from the photographs, and are managed by archivists. The CMC DocumentsCollection is stored and managed according to separate categories: archaeology, ethnology, folkculture, and history. Teit's papers and manuscripts are dispersed among the archaeology,ethnology, and folk culture sections.iv. Travelling HistorySince their acquisition in 1912 and 1915, 43 of the artefacts from this collection have beenexhibited. Fourteen artefacts were on loan to "Strangers of the North," a travelling exhibitionof northern Athapaskan materials from Alaska and western Canada. The exhibition, acollaboration between the Royal Scottish Museum and the then National Museum of Man,Canada, was formed from their respective collections and travelled from 1974-1977 (see Clark1974). The itinerary included the Provincial Museum of Alberta (Edmonton), the Royal BritishColumbia Museum (Victoria), the Anchorage Historical and Fine Arts Museum (Anchorage), theGlenbow Museum (Calgary), and the Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature (Winnipeg). Aselection of the Tahltan artefacts in "Strangers of the North" (nine of the fourteen) was includedin "Kwaday Kwadan" at the MacBride Museum, Whitehorse, from September to December1981. Although the CMC Collections records refer to this selection as "Miniathabaskan," thisexhibition and concurrent conference were important collaborations between The Council forYukon Indians, the Yukon Historical and Museums Association, and the MacBride Museuminvolving many people from across the Yukon and northern British Columbia.Other loans of the Tahltan materials collected by Teit were made to the Oblate Order in1930; to the Canadian National Exhibition in Toronto in 1933; to Australia in 1935; to the29RCMP in Ottawa, 1938; to exhibits in Montreal and Winnipeg in 1938 and 1939; and to thePembroke, Ontario Tercentenary (Pembroke celebrated its centennial in 1958). Crawley Filmsin Ottawa borrowed a man's shirt in 1948 to be used in "The Loon's Necklace. "" The "SacredCircles" exhibition (1976-77), organized by the Nelson-Aitkens Museum in Kansas City,Missouri, included a pair of Tahltan snowshoes from this collection. The exhibition showed inKansas City and London, England. Still other loans of the Tahltan materials went to UNESCO,Paris in 1983 and to the Glenbow Museum's "The Spirit Sings" exhibition in 1988. One piecehas been on loan to the Prince of Wales Heritage Centre in Yellowknife since 1978. Severalpieces were on display in the National Museum of Canada, Ottawa from 1963-67 and at theVictoria Memorial Museum Building. During the National Museum's "Indian Days" in 1964,two Tahltan powder horns were used. Several of the Tahltan pieces were included in exhibitsin the museumobile series of Caravans organized by the National Museums of Canada in the1970s and 1980s."As part of the permanent collections held by the Museum of Civilization, the Tahltanmaterials have seen homes in storage facilities in the Victoria Memorial Museum Building onMcLeod Street (Ottawa), warehouses in Bells Corners (1968-69) and on Merivale Road (Ottawa),and at the Asticou complex in Hull where all collections were centralized to prepare for the finalmove into the present location in Hull.Excepting the loans made to the MacBride Museum in Whitehorse, the Museum of theNorth in Yellowknife (as it was called at time of loan), and the current loan to the Prince ofWales Heritage Centre in Yellowknife, the balance of loans has been made to institutions outsidenorthern Canada, or abroad. No part of this collection has travelled to the originating locationsin the Telegraph Creek and Cassiar districts of British Columbia.30VI. ACCESSIBILITY AND RETRIEVAL OF COLLECTIONIn telling a life history of the Tahltan materials assembled by Teit, this paper considers theformative influences on the collector, documents his activities in northwestern British Columbia,and outlines how the collection is organized today in the Canadian Museum of Civilization(CMC). Further, this study recognizes the Tahltan people who contributed to the collection'sconstruction. This section outlines the methodology employed to locate the various componentsof the collection and to retrieve information about that collection, and discusses the difficultiesencountered.MethodologyResearch at the CMC determined the extent of the Teit documents in the CMC Library(Documents Collection). Extensive archival research produced information extracted from Teit'sunpublished manuscripts and field notes, and from Sapir's correspondence. I took my own fieldnotes of Teit's field notes, and looked for the original manuscripts of the Tahltan and Kaskanarratives collected by Teit. These manuscripts, as noted earlier, no longer exist. Copies ofTeit's field notes that relate to the narratives were obtained, as were some copies of his diaries,accounts books, and more general ethnographic field notes.Information about Teit's activities is found in his field notes and unpublished manuscripts,diaries, accounts books, and throughout his correspondence with Sapir. The Sapircorrespondence with Teit, Geological Survey administrative staff, Diamond Jenness (Sapir'ssuccessor at the Survey), and Franz Boas reveals information about Teit, his activities, and hisemployment at the Survey. This correspondence was reviewed and information relevant to Teit'sactivities and the Tahltan materials was extracted.The card catalogue and records that document the 168 Tahltan artefacts collected by Teit31were photocopied and files related to loans of these artefacts were consulted. Meetings withCollections Management staff, and Ethnology Service staff (specifically the Chief and theEthnologist for the Sub-Arctic collection), provided information about the life history of thecollection within the museum's classification systems. Combined, the data collected from Sapir'scorrespondence, Teit's field notes and unpublished manuscripts, and Collections Managementrecords enabled me to piece together the history of the collection in the CMC.Over the course of this study it was necessary to consult resources outside the CMC inorder to tell a more complete story about this collection. To augment the information about thecollection available in the Documents Collection of the CMC Library, further research wascarried out at the National Library and the National Archives in Ottawa, and the Yukon Archivesin Whitehorse.' Also, Teit's published papers, and the literature currently available about hisethnographic activities were reviewed.To determine whether information about Teit and the Tahltan collection is available tonorthern audiences, I conducted research at the Yukon Archives. Research at the YukonArchives determined that there is no information held in the Archives about the ethnographiccollection itself; Teit's published papers are the only sources currently available. The YukonCollege Library holds nothing relating to Teit. The Yukon Native Language Centre retains aphotocopy of Teit's "Field Notes of the Tahltan and Kaska Indians 1912-1915" (Teit 1956).Although primarily archival in nature, this investigation is influenced by discussions withthe Tahltan people I met in the Yukon. A meeting with an elder originally from the TelegraphCreek area, and with a representative from the Tahltan Tribal Council in Dease Lake, BritishColumbia provided an opportunity to inform people about my research involving the Tahltanmaterials. As a result of this discussion, a project description was submitted to the Tahltan32Tribal Council in Dease Lake, British Columbia. Several discussions took place with otherindividuals of Tahltan descent who have interests in the Tahltan collection and Teit's work. Iobtained information about Teit and the communities in which he worked and shared informationthat I had found in Teit's papers. Most importantly, the people I met provided a humancomponent to this study that pure archival research could not.ii. Retrieving the Collection and Related InformationThe 'artefact' (field notes and manuscripts, correspondence, material objects, songs, andphotographs) collected by Teit is physically dispersed throughout the Museum's classificationsystem and, indeed, throughout the Museum building. Management by different branches anddivisions with separate records management and staff,' and in one instance the relinquishmentof original documents to another institution, creates problems for a researcher who attempts todiscover all the components of a particular collection. Because of these spatial, administrative,and preservation divisions, different staff are responsible for each component of the collection.It is physically impossible to see all the components of this collection at once. The currentsituation of the Northern Athapaskan collection generally, but specifically the Tahltan materialsTeit collected, is such that I have been unable to see many of the parts of this collection. Duringthe entire period from June 1992 (the time of my first inquiry) through April 1993, the Tahltanartefacts, which remain packed from the move to the present location in 1990, were unavailablefor viewing.Connections between Teit's field documentation and his correspondence are severed byarchival practices which dictate that these be categorized and stored separately. Objects are notonly separated from documentation, but also from other components of the 'artefact' as productsof museum preservation and safe-keeping enterprises. The result is the further disarticulation of33interrelated cultural materials. Any interconnection between the collected materials and thepeople from whom these materials were collected is severed. The names of the Tahltan peoplewho contributed to the construction of this collection had remained buried in field notes. Oncethe fragile webs which had formally existed between components of the collection are re-constructed, only partial histories are revealed. It is then necessary to go outside the Museumto consult resources necessary to augment the story of the collection.Collections at the CMC are divided according to region of origin and subdivided furtherto accommodate the specialized storage and conservation needs of various media (artefacts,songs, photographs, and manuscripts). When a researcher attempts to piece together the'artefact' (the entire collection), she is confronted with the task of locating discrete pieces of acollection which is dispersed by the classification system and archival practices of the CMC.VII. DISCUSSIONEthnographic objects are first "defined, segmented, detached, and carried away" fromcommunities (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1992); they are further dispersed in the museum context overthe course of accession, classification, and storage. Naming and classifying activities, macro-systems of museum classification, contribute to, and indeed create, the dispersed nature of largemuseum collections. Removed from communities and social settings, assembled 'artefacts' areshipped to central holding agencies far afield from ethnographic sites and the originating peoples.Here, the 'artefact' is disarticulated and stored. Objects might be further separated ordisarticulated from each other through the selection and elimination processes of creating anexhibit. Exhibits might temporarily release objects from classification structures when they areunited with archives and other objects from the 'artefact' for exhibition purposes. While curators34and researchers consult field workers' notes and documentation to prepare labels, exhibit notes,and publications, the unity or re-unification of the 'artefact' is limited and temporary. Onlyrarely are entire collections exhibited; once the exhibit closes objects are re-absorbed into theclassification system (Halpin 1991).Historically, systematic survey collecting was carried out in order to preserve so-calledrepresentative collections of material culture from aboriginal peoples. Assemblages of objectswere and continue to be used by museums as ways to represent whole cultures. Current critiquesof museum practice assert, however, that artefacts or "scientific specimens" were created byethnographers in the field through selection and elimination. Further, these processes wereinfluenced by both individual and institutional agendas (Parezo 1987; Kaeppler 1989; Sturtevant1991; Thomas 1989, 1991). These critiques force us to challenge the way in which "systemsof cultural domination" are represented and enforced by museum hierarchies. Based on earlymuseum convention, naming and classifying practices first created and continue to privilegedomains of inclusion and exclusion (Phillips 1992). Certain kinds of information are suppressedand others are privileged. Information about the collector and the collected is compartmentalizedby the way collections are dispersed and then controlled by separate categories imposed by theinstitution. The process of collecting is buried.Museum archival and classification systems were originally designed to first create, andthen order and control, discrete components for the purposes of academic study and preservationof cultural heritage. Naming and classifying practices create categories into which are placeddiscrete components. These categories do not foster relationships between objects and people,between songs and people, or between narratives and people. Further, relationships whichexisted in the originating communities between the collector and the collected (people and35things), are severed when the 'artefact' (the collection as a whole) moves from the field settingto a museum context. From the perspective of the 'artefact' and the originating communities,these practices act as forces fragmenting the unity of the collection. The disarticulated collectionof Tahltan materials assembled by Teit illustrates how objects, songs, narratives, photographs,and documentation are dispersed by the classification practices of a large national museum.VIII. CONCLUDING REMARKS: EMERGING MUSEUM PRACTICEThe Tahltan collection considered here had its beginnings in northwestern British Columbia whenJames Teit began his field work for the Geological Survey in 1912. Teit sent the 'artefact' fromthe Telegraph Creek and Cassiar districts in northwestern British Columbia to Spence's Bridgein south central British Columbia via Vancouver. From Spence's Bridge, Teit shipped thecollection to the Geological Survey in Ottawa where it was accessioned, classified, separated intodiscrete components, and then placed in storage. Each component of this 'artefact' carries withit its own story, and each component is connected to the others. But the stories are concealedand the connections between the components are severed in the museum context. Over thecourse of attempting to re-construct the "fragile webs" of this 'artefact', I was confronted bymuseum classification practices that stood in the way of rapid, unproblematic retrieval of thecollection as well as information about the collector, and the people and their cultural materials,the collected. These difficulties bear directly on emerging museum practice related to issuesabout accessibility to collections and the reconstitution of collections in contemporary aboriginalcommunities.The report of the Task Force on Museums and First Peoples, "Turning the Page: ForgingNew Partnerships Between Museums and First Peoples" (1992), calls for improved access to36museum collections by aboriginal peoples, and recommends that:In concert with First Peoples museums should develop a workable process toprovide full disclosure of existing information relating to aboriginal collections.Such information will include the scope of the collection, the kinds of objectsincluded, and the geographical location, cultural affiliation, means and period ofacquisition (1992:8).Aboriginal peoples will increasingly approach museums with requests for information aboutcollections, and requests to reconstitute collections in their communities. Some people will wishto carry out research on the collections themselves. The CMC will have to respond to differentsets of needs and purposes than those of an institution created to collect, preserve, and storecultural heritage. Originally created to accommodate and even facilitate academic research,museum categories are impediments to the kind of research called for by the recommendationsof the Task Force. If museums are to provide full disclosure of information about theircollections, they will have to find ways to overcome the impediments of their own practices.37ENDNOTES1. The original manuscript was not returned to the Geological Survey of Canada nor was itretained among Boas's papers. It is not listed in the American Philosophical Society manuscriptcollections under the Teit or Boas entries (Freeman et al. 1966). Bernard R. Crystal, AssistantLibrarian for Manuscripts, Butler Library, Columbia University confirms that the Tahltan/Kaskanarratives manuscript was not retained among Boas's Columbia University papers (personalcommunication October 7, 1992).2. Jacknis (1992) confines his study to Teit's IVlaka 'pamux collections (Thompson River Salish,south central British Columbia). Wickwire continues to research Teit's life and work with theNlaka'pamux (1979, 1985, 1988, in press 1993). Judith J. Banks, Wickwire and others havedocumented Teit's life and provided commentary on his publications (Boas 1922; Banks 1970;Howes and Lean 1979; Wickwire 1979, 1988, in press 1993; Bunyan 1981; Maud 1982).3. As anthropology shifted from a museum-based to a university-based discipline the numberof museum anthropologists remained approximately stable while the number of non-museumanthropologists increased dramatically (Jacknis 1985; Nason 1987; Parezo 1987:2). Sturtevanthas shown that the actual percentage of publications concerned with material culture decreasedbetween 1920 and 1960 (Sturtevant 1969:626). More recently, Pearce points to a rise inmuseum research endeavours, especially in the UK where she is based. Along with Ames,Pearce sees much potential for the development of museum-based theory (Pearce 1989; Ames1992).4. Born James Alexander Tait April 15, 1864 in Lerwick, on Mainland, in the Shetland Islands,Scotland. The eldest of John and Elizabeth Murray Tait's twelve children, Tait attended highschool in Lerwick until age sixteen. He then worked in his father's general store and as afisherman on the North Sea (Banks 1970:41; Wickwire 1988:185).5. The Teit papers in the CMC Library (Documents Collection) do not confirm or deny that Teitworked with the Tahltan on the 1910 Declaration of the Tahltan Tribe.6. Unless otherwise stated, all quotations from correspondence are taken from Edward Sapir'sCorrespondence, CMC Library (Documents Collection) I-A-236M.7. The Indian Rights Association of British Columbia dissolved in 1916 when The Allied IndianTribes of British Columbia was formed at a conference on the Squamish reserve in NorthVancouver. The Allied Tribes represented virtually all tribal groups across British Columbia,including the Tahltan (Tennant 1991:87-95).8. Douglas Cole documents what he calls the scramble for Northwest Coast artefacts inCaptured Heritage (1985), his study of the collecting activities that began on the coast as earlyas the eighteenth century. Edward W. Said has referred to "the scramble for Africa" whichoccurred during the colonial expansion period in Europe (1988). Nicholas Thomas (1991)discusses the exchange and appropriation of material artefacts between Europeans and PacificIslanders based on his work in post-colonial Pacific societies.389. The Committee's recommendations were supported by the Archaeological Institute ofAmerica and the Royal Society of Canada (Sapir 1911:789).10. The Victoria Memorial Museum was formally disconnected from the Geological Survey in1920, but remained under the Department of Mines for a number of years (Russell 1961; Zaslow1975; Waiser 1989).11. Sapir's 1912 statement became the de facto mandate of the Geological Survey and itsMuseum (and the subsequent National Museum in its various guises) until 1990 (Laforet 1993).Sapir's summaries for this and subsequent years' work undertaken by the AnthropologicalDivision are found in Summary Reports of the Geological Survey (Department of Mines) for therespective calendar year.12. See Daniell (1975, 1976, 1990) and Cole (1973, 1985) for details about Sapir'scontributions to Canadian anthropology, and about his tenure at the Victoria Memorial Museum.13. This spelling reflects that used by Sapir and is the conunon spelling used in Canada. Fordetailed synonymies see The Handbook on North American Indians, Volume 6: Subarctic. JuneHelm, editor. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1981.14. The Sapir/Teit correspondence (350 letters) contains information related to Sapir's directionsto Teit, to contractual arrangements, and reveals details about Teit's work in south central BritishColumbia, and the Teit/Sapir relationship, generally. My focus here is primarily on those lettersthat refer to Teit's collecting activities in the north.15. The word "specimen" reflects Geological Survey language and is typical of natural scienceterminology in use during the period covered here.16. In his letter to Sapir (September 6, 1912), Teit does not mention any names of the peoplehe met. This information is found in his unpublished field notes (Teit 1912-1915a and 1912-191St), and is reported in the section "Field Relationships," following.17. In fact, Teit had undertaken anthropometric measurements among the peoples throughoutsouthern interior British Columbia from as early as 1895. These reports are in the Teitarchaeology papers, CMC Library (Documents Collection). This letter is a request forprofessional anthropometry equipment.18. Among those prints requested are ones of Aggie Quok, Ida Quok, Hunter Frank,Tsastle 'ma, Samuel, Minnie Adzedza, Charlie, Packer Johnny, Davy, Tommy Hawkins, AlbertDease, Nellie Campbell, Mrs. Quok, and Sauttlén.19. The typescript manuscript in the CMC Library (Documents Collection) includes Teit's four-page preface. His designation "Ti" (Tlingit) he explains as follows: "The stories marked "Tl"represent those to be which my Tahltan informants thought likely to be of Tlingit origin, whollyor in part, either because similar versions are related by the Tlingit or because the tales are setin the Tlingit country and reflect conditions of life existing there" (Teit 1912-1915e). Sapirbegan to edit these stories before he relinquished them to Franz Boas in 1917; Sapir's editing39might be reflected in certain passages appearing in Latin in the typescript. By 1916, Boasconcluded that the folk-tales and myths that had been collected from aboriginal peoples acrossNorth America indicated that stories had wide distributions; some stories were so assimilated thatany internal evidence indicating origin was rarely discovered. This conclusion might explainwhy Boas (1916) removed Teit's "Tl" designations from the Tahltan tales (Teit 1919, 1921).20. Teit's 1912 census conducted at Tahltan shows Dandy Jim as a member of the No lomn 'clan of the Crow phratry. However, Teit's "Field Notes on the Tahltan and Kaska Indians-1912-15" indicates that Dandy Jim "is a member of the Nalakoten or Nahlin clan of the RavenPliratry" (Teit 1956:40-41).21. See Wickwire's paper "Women in Ethnography: The Research of James A. Teit. "Ethnohistory 1993 (in press).22. This name list follows the order and spelling found in the CMC card catalogue for the songs(Teit 1912-19150. Some of the renderings of the names are inconsistent with Teit's manuscript.More detailed information about each song is given in Teit's notes (Teit 1912-1915a).23. Teit paid for objects, songs, and information separately (Teit 1912-1915a).24. Teit's catalogue for the 1912 field trip lists the double set of gambling sticks with beadeddouble-pouched bag. His 1915 catalogue shows the missing pipe of gunstock wood and cartridgeshells carved to represent a canoe. This pipe was made by Bear Lake Sekani, obtained from aTahltan source and said by Teit to be old. The spear head and the arrow point both appear inthe 1915 catalogue. All four objects were accessioned and assigned permanent location numbers.However, between their accession date and 1971 when a complete cataloguing and reassignmentof numbers occurred, all four artefacts went missing. Teit lists two snares in 1912 that he willforward at a later time. His correspondence with Sapir does not mention them again and therecords do not show them to be received or accessioned. Refer to Teit's handwritten catalogueand the typescript prepared from it by the Geological Survey (Teit 1912-1920).25. The singers' names are listed in the section "Field Relationships," above. The notes for thesongs are among Teit's Field Notes 1912-1915a and 1912-1915f.26. It is assumed that this typed manuscript was prepared from Teit's own manuscript (whichwas sent to Boas). The partial typescript in the Library (Documents Collection) includes: Teit'sfour-page preface, "The Raven Cycle" and 16 additional stories. This manuscript forms part ofthe collection which appears in the Journal of American Folklore 32(118):198-239, 1919. Theother 13 stories published in this volume (32(118):239-250) are not in the CMC Library(Documents Collection).27. In the fall of 1923, Diamond Jenness embarked on field work in British Columbia He hadthese field notes with him In January 1924, Jenness met with a Tahltan woman living nearHazelton to obtain information on what he refers to as "Tahltan sociology." His aim- to workover "Teit's material as much as possible, with a view to its publication later." Jenness wrotethat the Division owed at least this much to Teit in recognition of the good work he had done(Jenness to Sapir, November 25, 1923; January 6, 1924; February 4, 1924).4028. Personal communication April 15, 1993 with Judy Thompson, Curator of Western Sub-Arctic Ethnology (Canadian Ethnology Service, CMC). Ms. Thompson completed the 1971cataloguing of the northern Athapaskan collection.29. This Tahltan shirt was on loan to Crawley Films Limited (now defunct) of Ottawa fromMarch-May 1948. The shirt is worn by a character in "The Loon's Necklace" (1950), producedby Crawley. The story depicted by the film is based on a myth from the Interior Salish peopleof British Columbia and is set on the banks of the Nicola River in south central British Columbia(filmed in a studio). Douglas Leechman, archaeologist at what was then the National Museum,is credited with the story told in the film. At the time of its first release, the film was madeavailable to the Canadian Education Association, courtesy of Imperial Oil. Imperial Oilcontinues to distribute the film worldwide. This 12-minute film was the "Canadian Film of theYear" in 1950 (personal communication April 16, 1993 with Bill O'Farrell, former Vice-President of Crawley Films Limited). CMC records indicate that Marius Barbeau was hired outto Crawley Films during the making of this film although Barbeau's name does not appear in thecredits. The CMC's copy of this film is in permanent storage and is not available for viewing(personal communication April 15, 1993 with Dennis Fletcher, CMC Library). While thecontinuing story of "The Loon's Necklace" is of interest in its own right, I wish to drawattention to the misappropriation of the Tahltan shirt. Collected in northwestern BritishColumbia, it was used in a film that tells a story important to Salish people in south centralBritish Columbia. The National Archives of Canada in Ottawa has a copy of this film on videowhich was made available to me for viewing.30. These Caravans travelled throughout the country and were an attempt to decentralize theNational collections.31. In February 1992, I travelled to Ottawa from Vancouver to conduct initial research at theCMC. In July 1992 research was conducted at the Yukon Archives. Further, meetings withTahltan people interested in this collection also occurred. Follow-up research at the CMC,National Library, and National Archives in Ottawa was carried out over the summer months1992 and winter 1993. Further consultations with CMC Collections Management staff took placein September 1992, and March and April 1993.32. The organizational structure of the Canadian Museum of Civilization is in flux. In February1992, the archives were part of Canadian Ethnology Service, one of four divisions under theDirector, Research. In June 1992, I found that these had been moved to the Library Division(Documents Collection), one of three divisions under the Director, Collections. Further changesimplemented in June 1992 meant that the Director, Collections oversaw four divisions:Collections Management Services, Conservation Services, Technical Services, and LibraryServices. The Canadian Ethnology Service remains under the Director, Research along withHistory, the Archaeological Survey of Canada, and the Canadian Centre for Folk CultureStudies. Separate document collections, for each of the four divisions, were maintained byindividual archivists. 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