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The effects of social role attitudes on the planning behavior of First Nations mothers Atleo, Marlene R. 1993

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THE EFFECTS OF SOCIAL ROLE ATTITUDES ONTHE PLANNING BEHAVIOR OF FIRST NATIONS MOTHERSbyMARLENE RENATE ATLEOB.H.E., The University of British Columbia, 1988A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESSCHOOL OF FAMILY AND NUTRITIONAL SCIENCESFAMILY STUDIESWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAAugust, 1993© Marlene Renate Atleo, 1993In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.Department of ^d22 X.4,-/ez„...2/)The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate ^w_a-dil /6, /9,,eDE-6 (2/88)iiAbstractA common perception by non-natives is that First Nations people do not plan. Conversely,this study takes the position that planning is a universal human ability embedded in socialrelations and investigates how First Nations families plan. The pattern of planning and socialrole expectations of the First Nations mother were investigated in the Family ResourceManagement Framework (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989) for which the authors claim crosscultural utility. Using the framework, the "Maternal Social Role Attitude and PlanningModel", was developed to guide the study in a bicultural context. Guided by this model, therelationships between the personal value of and commitment to (salience) social expectations ofFirst Nations mothers in four life roles, the sociodemographic attributes of mothers andfamilies, and their planning behaviors were explored. Forty First Nations mothers with schoolaged children responded to the survey through First Nations organizations and affiliations.The three-part questionnaire included demographic measures, the Planning Behavior Scale andthe Life Role Salience Scale. Scale management, validation, and performance with thispopulation were discussed. Three dimensions of planning were identified (morphostaticplanning, morphogenic planning, and adherence to rules). Social role attitudes in order ofsalience were: parental role, home care role, occupational role, and marital role. Salience ofoccupational role attitudes and income were the most important predictors of planninggenerally. Lower levels of educational status specifically predicted planning by adherence torules. A multiple regression test of the model revealed characteristics of the family andmaternal systems and maternal social role attitudes that contributed significantly to explainingthree dimensions of planning behavior in First Nations families. Adherence to rules andmorphostatic planning were explained by the maternal social attitude, occupational rolesalience, and income. Morphogenic planning was explained by, income, living in a smallercommunity, and the maternal social attitude, occupational role salience. The maternal socialrole attitude, occupational role salience, was shown to make an important positive contributionto the planning of First Nations mothers. The performance of the model as an analytical toolhas provided some knowledge about the planning behavior of First Nations mothers.Table of ContentsPageAbstract^  iiTable of Contents ^ iiiList of Tables viList of Figures^ viiAcknowledgments viiiChapterI. Introduction^ 1Purpose 4Review of Related Literature^ 4Planning in First Nations Social Systems^ 5Sociocultural Role Expectations for First Nations Women^ 8Historical influences on social role expectations 9Contemporary influences on sociocultural role expectations^ 14Contemporary socioeconomic role expectations for other mothers^ 17Planning in a Family Resource Management Perspective^ 22Social roles and family stages^ 23Social attitudes and family organization ^ 24Inter-role conflict^ 25Gender role issues 25IL The Conceptual Model 28Environments of Family Systems^ 28The Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning Model^ 37Input^ 37Sociodemographics^ 37Expectations for social roles^ 39Throughput^ 40Life role attitudes ^ 40Output 41Planning^ 41iiiPageHypotheses ^ 43Sociodemographics and Planning Behavior^ 44Life Role Salience and Planning Behavior 45Sociodemographics, Life Role Salience, and Planning Behavior^ 46III. Methods^ 50Sample Recruitment^ 50Data Collection Context 51Data Collection Process 51Data collection in formal settings ^ 52Data collection in informal settings 53Comparability of Data from Diverse Settings 54Return Rate of the Questionnaires ^ 56Special Issues Influencing Return Rate and Sample Recruitment^ 57Ethics^ 59Measures 60Independent Variables^ 60Maternal characteristics  60Family/household characteristics^ 61Life role salience 62Dependent Variable^ 64Planning  .64IV. Results ^ 66Description of the Data Set^ 66Description of the Respondents 66Maternal characteristics 66Family/household characteristics ^ 67Reliabilities of the Morphostatic and Morphogenic Planning Scale^ 70Reliabilities of the Life Role Salience Scale^ 72Tests of Hypotheses^ 75Sociodemographics and Planning Behavior: Hypotheses 1 - 5^ 75Life Role Salience and Planning Behavior: Hypotheses 5 - 10 76The Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning Model: Hypotheses 11 ^ 78ivPageV. Discussion^ 83Social Role Expectations of First Nations Mothers^ 83Planning Behaviors of First Nations Mothers 86Sociocultural Expectations and Planning Behaviors^ 88Hypotheses 1 - 10: Sociodemographics, Life Role Salience and Planning 89Educational status^  89Income^ 91Occupational role salience 92Hypothesis 11: The Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning Model ^ 93The morphogenic planning model^ 94The planning by adherence to rules model 95The morphostatic planning model 96The planning model^ 96Limitations^ 97Conclusions 99Implications^ 100References 103AppendicesA. Letter To Potential Participating Agencies and Ethics Review Form^ 112B. Questionnaire^ 115C. Description of Morphogenic and Morphostatic SystemComponents of Planning^ 125D. Correlations of Planning Dimension Items by Three Planning Dimensions:Questionnaire Items Identified by Dimension, Component, and Number^ 126VList of TablesPageTable 1. T-test Comparison of Two Groups of Respondents:Recruitment and Treatment^ 57Table 2. Maternal Characteristics^ 68Table 3. Family/Household Characteristics^ 69Table 4. Descriptive Statistics and Reliability Coefficients forPlanning Scale Dimension 71Table 5. Number of Items, Descriptive Statistics and Reliability Coefficients for theLife Role Salience Scale^ 73Table 6. Regression of Family and Maternal Characteristics Salience in Life RoleDomains on Planning Behavior 81viList of FiguresPageFigure 1. Social, Individual, and Family Systems and Subsystems^ 31Figure 2. The Development of Standards in the Personal Subsystem 36Figure 3. The Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning Model^ 38Figure 4. Systems Concepts, Family Resource Management Concepts,and Measures^ 42viiVIIIAcknowledgmentsMy most sincere appreciation is extended to Dr. Phyllis Johnson, my supervisor, forher perseverance; the many hours spent with me on revisions and conceptual development. Aspecial "thank you" is extended to Dr. James White whose work in theory development andenthusiasm for statistics was an inspiration. Dr. Jean Barman's support in the initial phases ofconceptualization and especially when the going got rough is gratefully recognized. Theencouragement of Dr. Margaret Arcus as graduate advisor, and her counsel throughout theduration of my program was highly valued.I am grateful to the many First Nations men and women who participated with me andencouraged me in this project. A heartfelt "Thank You, Thank You" and "Kleco-Kleco" to allthose who had the courage to participate. I acknowledge my elders in this work from whomthe orientation of this thesis has surely come: Adam Fiilber, a tool and die maker, fromDiisseldorf, Germany, who taught me how to look; Margaret Grace Atleo, a First Nationshakum, from Ahousaht, British Columbia, who specialized in "cloud scapes" and "cats-cradles", who taught me how to see; and Gertrude (Atleo) Frank, from Ahousaht, who taughtme what to pay attention to. Sadru Sachedina deserves special mention here as a mentor, a"slayer of mathematical dragons", who demonstrated time and again that numbers can bemastered.To my family: thank you Shawn, Nancy, Tyson, and Tara for your patience with anabsentee "Nana" and mom. Thank you, Taras, for the wonderful support you became on thehome front. Thank you Barb, for the long distance connections. KLECO! KLECO! UMEEKfor kicking at the darkness with me "until it bled daylight". Thank you Richard, for yoursupport beyond the call of duty and for seeing it through.1Chapter IIntroductionFirst Nations people have been characterized as non-planners by individuals outside theircultural milieu (Goldthrope, 1975; Stepien, 1978; Smith, 1975; Ridington, 1990). Ridington(1990) cites Mr. Justice Addy's decision on November 4, 1987 which found against theDunne-za/Cree that these people "also lacked to a great extent the ability to plan or manage,with any degree of success, activities or undertakings other than fishing, hunting, andtrapping. It seems that many of their decisions could better be described as spontaneous orinstinctive rather than deliberately planned" (p. 188). Goldthrope (1975) suggests that FirstNations culture does not include planning or saving. He reasons that native culture consists ofsharing and living for today.Historically, foresight into the unfolding of future events was highly valued by FirstNations people and particularly developed by some (Brody, 1981; Ridington, 1988). Ofparticular value was the contribution of insight about the relationships between everydaypersonal choices and behaviors and future large scale events and activities (e.g., mythical,environmental, social, personal, etc.). Understanding such relationships was known to beuseful to envision future goals from which to develop expectations and action plans for theiraccomplishment (Ridington, 1988). Historically, special effort was made to investigate and tomanage such relationships.Smith (1975) maintains that First Nations people do not manage their finances orpurchase decisions. Stepien (1978) concluded that daily shopping by First Nations mothers(including Dunne-za) was a social activity rather than a planned, purposive purchasingstrategy. These low income mothers lived in remote areas where food costs were 32% to 82%higher than in urban areas. Her conclusions were based on the common logic of authorities(Goldthorpe, 1975; Smith, 1975) and the lack of evidence of budgeting and meal planning asdefined in her study. These conjectures are however suspect considering empirical findings byHawthorn, Belshaw, and Jamieson (1958) who concluded that due to legal, social, andgeographic isolation from mainstream society, First Nations people lacked access to2historically valued resources as well as modern resources. They considered that it was thislack of access to resources and opportunities which reduced the planning horizon of FirstNations people to daily choices. Thus the planning horizon of First Nations people may havebecome a victim of poverty originating in the socioeconomic change of colonization ratherthan a culture of poverty inherent in traditional First Nations people.A controversy exists. First, there is a claim based on expert opinion and the ensuinginterpretation of data, that First Nations people not only do not plan but that they do not havethe inherent human and cultural ability to plan. Second, there is a claim that a scarcity ofresources and an abundance of acculturative demands have reduced the material and socialability of First Nations people to plan except at a daily level. If First Nations people areperceived to lack the ability to plan as a part of their inherent humanity and culture, alternativeexplanations for their behavior will be formulated by authorities from outside their culture. IfFirst Nations people have the ability to plan as part of their humanity and culture but do notappear to plan as non-natives would expect, there may be another explanation for theirbehavior.The characterization of First Nations peoples as non-planners may be an example of acultural judgment reflecting ethnocentric criteria. Such judgments, which focus exclusively oninter-cultural differences and use ones own culture as the norm, may have problems withvalidity similar to those found in psychometric testing in cross-cultural studies (Das &Khurana, 1988; Irvine & Berry, 1989; Klich, 1988; Kline, 1988; McShane & Berry, 1988;Pooringa & van der Flier, 1988; Vernon, Jackson, & Messick, 1988). These generalizationsor stereotypes about an individual or group may represent the relatively unchanging nature ofcultural information processing and cue utilization which contribute to differences in attitudesacross cultures (Segall, 1986). When culturally specific processes dominate perception ratherthan those necessary to represent abilities, anticipate outcomes, reconstruct events, andinterpret context specific changes in objects (McGillicuddy-De Lisis, De Lisis, Flaugher, &Sigel, 1987), misperceptions may abound. Misperceptions about First Nations peoplegenerally may obscure evidence of their planning process, outcomes, abilities, and values.3Historical evidence of planning provided by Cole and Chaikin's (1990) accounts of thepotlatch issue, Boelcher's (1988) in-depth documentation of lineage resource management,Jarvenpa and Brumbach's (1988) analysis of human and material resource management bysocial group reorganization, and Brody's (1981) account of individual and group interactionconcerning resource management, suggests that a great deal of deliberate consensual planningwas done in First Nations social systems. In fact, "quelas", a Salishan word for potlatch istranslated "something which has been planned for a long time" ("Wisest of Indians," 1961)which suggests the deliberate and future orientation of First Nations planning. These accountsgo against Justice Addy's conclusions. That the planning was invisible and its outcomes notvalued by non-natives, while natives claimed that it was their whole existence (Cole &Chaikin, 1990), suggests that there were indeed misperceptions in the interaction between FirstNations peoples and officers of Canadian social institutions (Barman, 1991).First Nations families have been persistent in the maintenance of value principles in theface of increasing change, poverty, and expectations that they as a people will vanish (Castile,1978). Baker (1979) suggests that family system persistence is associated with valuesmaintained as principles and managed by a process that envisions family values as goal andresource expressions in new situations. Identifying expressions of private and group valuesthat have relevance to real-world environments under unfamiliar or changing environmentalconditions is a challenge (Sternberg & Wagner, 1989) for individuals and families. Judging bythe persistence of First Nations families the challenge is apparently being met (Carson, Dail,Greeley, & Kenote, 1990).Relationships between everyday choices and activities and large scale patterning ofevents (e.g., mythical, environmental, social, personal, etc.) have been of particular interest toFirst Nations people for envisioning the future (Ridington, 1988). Planning has beenidentified as the process of envisioning future goals, events, and activities (Deacon &Firebaugh, 1989). In this process the values of individuals and families are used to producenew goal orientations, achievements, development, and change (Das, 1988). The developmentof values takes place in such resources as family and personal capacities and qualities, income,4and net worth (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). If persistence in family systems is associatedwith both the process of planning and the expression of the value principles of the group, thenan examination of planning decisions by First Nations may provide insight into theirperceptions of relationships between everyday choices and large scale sociocultural patterns.Therefore it seems to be important to ask how First Nations families plan since they persist asfamily systems under changing sociocultural environmental conditions.PurposeThe first purpose of this study was to discover the relationship betweensociodemographic variables (maternal characteristics and characteristics of family systems) andthe pattern of planning behaviors (producing morphostatic or morphogenic systemfunctioning). The second purpose was to examine the relationship between social role attitudes(marital, parental, occupational, and home care) of First Nations mothers and their planningbehaviors. The third purpose was to investigate the pattern of relationships between maternaland family characteristics, maternal social role attitudes, and planning behaviors of FirstNations mothers. Planning was expected to be influenced by the bicultural adaptation oracculturation of these mothers, their social orientation to the norms of non-native social roles,and their socioeconomic status (maternal and family system characteristics).Review of Related LiteratureThis section brings together the concepts of planning and social role expectations forFirst Nations mothers representing the sociocultural environment in which plans areembedded. First, the concept of planning is illustrated by historical examples of planningoutputs of First Nations social systems. Second, sociohistorical influences unique to thedevelopment of contemporary sociocultural role expectations of First Nations women areexplained. Third, evidence is presented of selective, domain specific socioeconomic roleparticipation of contemporary women who belong to First Nations or ethnic socioculturaltraditions. Finally, evidence is presented of planning behavior by contemporary women in themajority sociocultural tradition participating in occupational and family roles. This literatureis presented to indicate the manner in which individual qualities affecting planning (i.e.,5demographic characteristics, time orientation, and perceptions of control) (Deacon &Firebaugh, 1989) pertain to First Nations women.Planning in First Nations Social SystemsExamples of large scale planning outcomes in First Nations social systems serve toillustrate the variety of demands and resources used. These illustrations come from groupsthat vary by features of mobility (sedentary or nomadic), economic base (fishing, hunting, andagricultural), and social organization (matrilineal, patrilineal, and bi-lineal) to betterdemonstrate the traditional range of planning behaviors of First Nations people. Theseillustrations indicate outcomes of mainly within group planning except possibly the potlatchthat requires cooperation between rival groups.Strategic planning of major social and economic significance for First Nationscommunities was conducted with great enterprise by First Nations peoples of the potlatch.The potlatch is a highly complex institution characterized by "patshatl" or "giving" in whichexchanges of material or intellectual goods promote the development of social status (Cole &Chaikin, 1990). This institution in part perpetuated formal complex reciprocal social andeconomic relationships among peoples within and between groups such as the Nuu-chah-nulth(a.k.a., Nootka), the Haida, the Tlingit, the Kwakiutl, the Salish, and the Carrier. Theplanning horizon for potlatches stretched far into the future, sometimes concerned with thefortunes of children yet unborn (Boelcher, 1988). Such planning would include a range ofactivities and often took many years to complete. Material goods to be given to witnesses toseal the contract of the occasion had to be produced. Art work to commemorate the occasionhad to be commissioned in advance. Food stuffs to permit physical harmony and satiety at thefeasts required gathering and preservation. Entertainers and ritualists practiced their crafts todemonstrate the wealth and greatness of their chiefs. Hospitality for guests would beorganized (Boelcher, 1988; Cole & Chaikin, 1990). Detail would be given meticulousattention because the complex social structure had long since formalized many of these rolesinto heritable positions (Boelcher, 1988). These nations occupied main village sites, had a6relatively secure subsistence economy based on fishing and hunting and were socially highlydifferentiated.In the 1800's, First Nations people brought this social organization to bear in vigorousparticipation in the newly established trade economy, bringing material wealth into their socialsystem. As the trade economy gave way to the establishment of a colony with a growingsocial system the development of First Nations was sharply curtailed. By 1884, the Canadiangovernment, under pressure by moralists, government agents, and social reformers, outlawedthe custom in an attempt to bring European "order" into the lives of natives (Cole & Chaikin,1990). Government thus effectively reduced the competitive edge of First Nations byeliminating the social expression of their intrinsic value of trade.Boelcher (1988) documents the highly complex management of systems of planningamong the Haida fishers, a matriarchal society based on a group of islands off the northwestcoast of British Columbia. This management of real and symbolic worlds continues todayperpetuating ancient systems of meaning among the Haida which organize the social andeconomic relationships of individuals, families, lineages and villages. The matriarchies of theHaida fishers continue to reconcile available resources with contemporary demands to meetstrategic and domestic goals which are socially oriented to perpetuate historical identitieswithin the cultural group and contemporary society.Jarvenpa and Brumbach (1988) document the spacio-temporal quality of Chipewyanplanning. Chipewyans were historically a bi-lineally ordered society with a matrilinealemphasis living in what is currently central Canada. Their lifestyle included seasonal roundswithin a given territory and seasonal reorganization of the membership of the group.Chipewyan planning included conjugal pairs allying themselves with clusters of from 20 - 50people during the winter months and dispersing during the summer months. Chipewyansformed large sedentary groups in times of scarcity and conservation of harvested resources anddispersed into small mobile groups in times of seasonal resource harvesting when subsistencewas assured. Planning and decision making for this structural approach occurred in thehousehold and group. This approach was predicated on organizational flexibility promoted7through bilateral lineage systems. Mobilization of human and material resources was criticalfor these First Nations people who relied on their ability to manage and harvest resources overa vast expanse of land.Brody (1981) documents the planning process among the highly individualistic Dunne-zahunters. The Dunne-za planners used "dreams" to purposively access perceptions unavailablein waking states to envision game (goals), hunting conditions (activities) and events (gatheringsof people). Hunting partners could "dream" the same dreams having access to the sameperceptions, environmental cues, and expected outcomes. The type of planning described byBrody (1981) has evolved over thousands of years by a people who not only live in theterritory but also consider themselves an organic part of the territory. This type of planning ispredicated upon cultural knowledge and intimate contact with the environment and with eachother. These First Nations people know that knowledge is power and that personal knowledgegained through a Dunne-za type of experience the most highly prized because it promotesforesight and predictability (Ridington, 1990) which translates into survival and psychologicalsecurity.These examples of planning in First Nations communities suggest that the technicalaspects of planning activities may be embedded in the sociocultural ecology (Randall, 1987).That plans were invisible to non-natives should not be surprising since Friedman, Scholnick,and Cocking (1987) maintain that plans are "blueprints for thinking", in which models aredeveloped which specify how to meet desired goals. Ogbu (1981) suggests that the ability toenvision with what and how to meet desired goals requires an operational intelligencedeveloped in the cultural ecology in which the activity occurs. Today, the cultural ecology ofFirst Nations families has expanded from a local territory to including all of non-native societyboth at a local and a global level. Consequently, the ability of First Nations mothers tounderstand their whole cultural ecology which includes both a First Nations and a non-FirstNations cultural perspective, becomes important. Understanding their social roles and those oftheir families would seem to be important for the advantageous functioning of First Nations8and other ethnic women, in the management of resources and demands in cross culturalsettings.Sociocultural Role Expectations for First Nations Women The cultural ecology of First Nations people has changed in "continuous and patternedways... especially relating to physical status,... physical containment and geographicallimitation, alterations of sociopolitical structures..." (McShane, 1986, p. 80) in transactionswith the majority culture. Individuals respond to such change with stable individual qualitiesattempting to "perpetuate and promote that society/culture's basic values and foundations"(McShane, 1986, p. 80). Such stable, culture perpetuating qualities result in a "lack of fit" forindividuals caught in the gap between the directions and goals of two interacting cultures.Individual qualities which focus on the maintenance of First Nations culture were, untilrecently (McShane, 1986), maintained at the cost of social exclusion from the majority culture.This tide of exclusivity seemed to peak by the late 1960's when colonization peakedinternationally (Atleo, E. R., 1990). By 1970, the Canadian government had begun topromote bicultural policies. The government of Canada offered equality to First Nationspeople by another re-assignment of status (Government of Canada, 1969). First Nationspeople refused to comply and delineated the terms of the new relations to be based in mutualagreements and understanding developed in a negotiated consensus, a developmental solution,and a de-colonization process (Indian Chiefs of Alberta, 1970).First Nations people perceived that cultural assumptions held by non-natives obscuredclaims and aspirations of First Nations (Indian Chiefs of Alberta, 1970). Since First Nationspeople maintain their cultural difference from the larger society it follows that they may notnecessarily conform to behavioral norms or customs of the majority society. Their socialmotivations may thus be obscured to individuals of the larger society and this may havehistorically and recently permitted their characterization as "non-planners" (Goldthrope, 1975;Smith, 1975). Consequently, the sociocultural influences specific to social role expectations ofFirst Nations people, especially women, become important factors in understanding thesociocultural context in which First Nations women and families plan today.9First Nations people seem to differ from the larger society particularly in those qualities(i.e., social status, time orientation, foresight, and perception of control) that Deacon andFirebaugh (1989) suggest affect planning outlook and skills. Berry (1990) maintains that theoutlook of First Nations people as a group are organized by the legal definition of theirinvoluntary minority status. He suggests that their legal status distinguishes them socially notonly from the larger society but also from other minorities such as ethnic groups, immigrants,sojourners, and refugees. If their legal status differentiates them from other social groups,their development of those qualities which affect planning could also be expected to bedifferent.The specificity of acculturation of those qualities which affect planning would be basedon pre-contact conditions, purpose of contact, length and permanence of contact, relativepopulation size and cultural qualities (Berry, 1990). Individual qualities developed in responseto the acculturative pressure of First Nations group experience could be expected to result inselective, possibly domain-specific adaptation. An awareness of the sociohistorical influenceswhich shaped these qualities may be expected to contribute to the understanding of theperceptual organization of these individuals which developed in the interaction between FirstNations people and the colony/nation of Canada.Historical influences on social role expectations. The sociohistorical environmenthas provided harsh adaptive conditions for the physical and cultural survival of First Nationsfamilies (Carson et al., 1990) in a context of colonization which has been hostile (Chrisjohn,Towson, & Peters, 1988; Herring, 1992; McShane, 1986) and exclusive (Atleo, E. R., 1990).The hostility should not be surprising considering that among the objectives of colonizationwas displacement of these people from their traditional lands and resources for the benefit ofimmigrant settlers and European home markets. Colonizers expected to "civilize" FirstNations people into behaviors based on European culture and, by legislating such behaviors, toeradicate native traditions and behaviors.The Indian Act (Government of Canada, 1985) stands as a legal record of theobjectives of the civilization process especially towards First Nations women (Joseph, 1990).10This parliamentary act re-defined diverse nations of people as one group, yet did not recognizetheir individual rights of citizenship through the franchise until 1960. The Act selectivelyintervened in sociocultural practices, disrupting patterns of rights and obligations in marriage,inheritance, leadership, and social membership of traditional culture (Knight, 1978). The Actintervened in the traditional social roles of First Nations people through legal prescriptionswhich constrained the development of modern social roles through acculturation.Before 1930, mission societies in British Columbia encouraged two different socialresponses (Knight, 1978). Protestant missionaries encouraged First Nations to adapt toEuropean social behaviors as a proof of their Christian conversion. Catholic missionariesunder the Durieu system (a system of indirect rule) encouraged First Nations to assimilateChristian ideology into their social system. Both systems offered new ways to enhance statusin First Nations society and especially in mission villages brought the opportunity for upwardmobility in societies hitherto in social gridlock (Knight, 1978). Thus while there seemed tobe some social leeway in the acculturation process, as society and industries becameincreasingly regulated, the social role ideology of the dominant culture through legislation andpolicy increasingly intruded into the most private aspects of the lives of First Nations women.First Nations people were in the majority at the onset of Canadian colonization. FirstNations populations dropped dramatically due to disease and resource limitations as thereserve system was instituted to make room for non-native colonists. First Nations survivorscurrently constitute approximately 4% of the Canadian population (Statistics Canada, 1990).They are currently one of the fastest growing populations in Canada. First Nations womenbear almost twice as many children at every age as their non-native counterparts (StatisticsCanada, 1984; 1990). The birth rate possibly reflects the value of children for First Nationscommunities who envision them as their future (White & Jacobs, 1992). While First Nationspeople see these children as their future, their role as parents in preparing the children hasbeen undermined as children were removed from their communities by government authoritieswho had a different vision for these children (White & Jacobs, 1992).11The first of these interventions began in the late-1800's and lasted until the early 1970's.Children were removed from their homes and communities to boarding schools first bychurches and then by the state. Officials reasoned that a more direct influence on theacculturation of these children in a controlled setting away from parents was desirable (White& Jacobs, 1992). School age children, away from their communities during three quarters ofall of the annual social and economic cycle, were deprived of important cultural groundingduring school years. Parents were deprived of interaction with their children.The second intervention came with the prohibition of the potlatch. Potlatches provided apublic forum for acknowledging the development of individuals with rites of passage. Newnames confirmed each new status and developmental transition. Potlatches provided the publicforum in which children were provided a model of social expectations and normativedevelopmental progressions were acknowledged. Families resorted to private and secretacknowledgments when the potlatch was unlawful. Thus public and formal models fornormative behavior increasingly became private and secret (Cole & Chaikin, 1990).The third intervention in the 1950's subjected families on reserves to provincial childwelfare legislation where no federal legislation had previously existed (White & Jacobs, 1992).Suddenly, the standards of a modern post-war nation and a British tradition were imposedwholesale on First Nations people in their homes. These First Nations people had beenstripped of resources and were particularly excluded from acculturation in the British traditionlest they gain advantage (Barman, 1986). Children and infants were removed from povertystricken First Nations communities by child protection workers "in the best interests of thechild" (White & Jacobs, 1992, p. 19).The fourth and current intervention is the psycho-emotional treatment of the wholefamily in residential or community settings. First Nations families have been diagnosed asdysfunctional due to their history of colonial oppression. As a consequence families andindividuals are currently participating in psycho-emotional and educational developmental(healing) activities in which parents are taught modern child rearing methods (White & Jacobs,1992). The development of the parental role of modern First Nations women has been12influenced by legislative forces that have eroded the power, authority, and legitimacy oftraditional culture and parental role, substituting a basis for modern parental role expectationswhich originate in the larger society.First Nations women contribute to population growth but they lag behind other Canadianwomen in formal social and economic development (e.g., occupations, education, and income)(Statistics Canada, 1984; 1990). Prior to European contact, First Nations women participatedin social and economic roles which varied with the structural complexity, type of descent, andlevel of community living. In British Columbia, First Nations women participated in the laborforce beside their men even in such dangerous enterprises as sealing in the Bering Sea (Knight,1978). Some women were commercial fishers and some worked in the canneries of the coast,making homes in the company housing in coastal fishing camps. Some First Nations womenrecruited labor from their own and nearby villages to work in the fruit and vegetable harvestsboth in the interior, Fraser Valley, and Washington state. First Nations women, men, andchildren would make a seasonal round of harvests between early summer and late fall beforereturning to home villages for the winter (Knight, 1978). First Nations women participated inwage labor, at times in organizational roles.A boarding school education prepared First Nations women, as maids, housekeepers,cooks, laundresses, seamstresses, or practical nurses, for service in private or institutionalsetting in which they could earn wages (Barman, 1986). Such work kept First Nations womenin a position of social and economic servitude. Students demonstrating academic ability werediscouraged because it upset social relations in the school, drawing the protest of parents andthreatening the financial solvency of the school (Barman, 1986). Real wages and economiccontributions were to be made away from villages, but increasingly First Nations women wereconstrained to remain in the villages to accommodate the mandatory school attendance ofchildren.Before trade goods were available, First Nations women produced much of the materialgoods used in and about the home. Skillfulness in home production in subsistence economieswas considered by some the major criteria for social adulthood for women (Guemple, 1986).1 3Traditionally dwellings were portable because households were seasonally dismantled andreassembled in other locations (Jarvenpa & Brumbach, 1988; Ridington, 1990).Consequently, the home care focus was on the homemaking skills and care for the family bythe mother rather than on the dwelling. Later, forced immobility on reserves renderedrelocation skills obsolete. First Nations girls were trained in housekeeping skills in a boardingschool setting, with a curriculum designed to mimic the conditions of reserve life to whichthey were expected to return (Barman, 1986). However, the design, function, andcomposition of housing and life on reserves to which most returned, did not reflect theconditions for which housekeeping skills had been taught. Single family housing represented astandard that was generally unfamiliar to First Nations mothers and unsuitable to the needs oftheir households. While nuclear families lived in these houses, the housing was more usuallylegally owned by the band rather than individuals and hence not a personal asset that could beused for credit.In the early 1950's, regulation of formal First Nations social institutions (potlatch laws)was repealed in keeping with the spirit of Canada's post-war participation in the UnitedNations Declaration of Human Rights (Joseph, 1990). Subsequent to this repeal provincialchild welfare legislation was made applicable to families on reserves where no previous federallegislation had existed (White & Jacobs, 1992). There were some implications of thisprovincial legislation to the social production of native women. Since the late 1870's, FirstNations women, together with their offspring from previous relationships, had lost their statusas First Nations people if they married non-native men. While non-native society viewed sucha change in legal status as social advancement for First Nations women, such changes broughtprofound social loss as these women were alienated from their relatives and their communityof origin. Such changes resulted in restructured relationships with non-natives (Jeffries, 1990;Joseph, 1990). First Nations women who married out of the First Nations community had nolegal claim to physical participation with their consanguineal relations. They could not evenbe buried with their ancestors in historical grave sites. Thus, from a Eurocentric perspective,First Nations women who could become socially transformed into non-natives through1 4legislation, could with the imposition of provincial welfare legislation forfeit their children tothe state if they did not parent according to the social standards of the larger society (White &Jacobs, 1992).Contemporary influences on sociocultural role expectations.  Deacon and Firebaugh(1989) suggest that time orientations, "the dominant referenced points in life" (p. 82), areaffected by the enculturation of social expectations and resources. For First Nations peoplethe dominant reference point is European contact and with contact the onset of disrupted socialexpectations and alienation of familiar human, material, and territorial resources. Timeorientation for First Nations people, as for other ethnic groups, may be marked either by thepoint of contact or with reference to the present as an outcome of contact. Thus, such peoplemay live in a historical time and/or a sociological time and locate themselves in traditionaland/or modern times (Clignet, 1990). Clignet (1990) suggests that inconsistencies betweenthese time orientations present potential conflicts for individuals. Thus, if time orientationaffects planning (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989) and inconsistencies in time orientation existbetween First Nations and the larger society, there may logically exist potential conflicts forplanning behaviors of First Nations peoples.These temporal inconsistencies seem to be similar to those which Berry (1990)identifies as existing between the individuals representing differences in acculturation at thegroup and individual level. Since contact, the historical change of First Nations people hasbeen absorbed in sociological time (Clignet, 1990) by the individual and family through theprocess of acculturation and bicultural functioning. First Nations individuals seem to achievethis by locating themselves simultaneously or sequentially in First Nations culture (historicaltime) and in popular culture (sociological time). Thus the bicultural social role adaptation ofFirst Nations women may best be understood as having a traditional social orientation as thebasis of her cultural identity and a contemporary socioeconomic adaptation based on thesecond cultural tradition.Jones (1976) and Cruikshank (1976) give some insight into the adaptation of FirstNations mothers into implicit rules of non-native sociocultural environments in urban centers.1 5These two groups of mothers were similar in their cultural traditions and living conditions eventhough Jones' Alaskan women were not under the jurisdiction of the amended Indian Act(Government of Canada, 1985) that potentially disenfranchised Cruikshank's mothers.Jones (1976) investigated the social and psychological functioning of native men andwomen in the Anchorage area by looking at their work adaptations. Her focus was specificallyon early socialization and work adaptation as explained both by universal and unique featuresof culture. Her perspective was interactional and consisted of interviews with 54 men and 47women contacted through employers in the Anchorage area.Jones' (1976) findings indicated that while subsistence activities are still of importance invillages the socialization or production of attitudes for such activities through childrearing stillprevailed though less rigorously. Males were socialized to value skill, achievement and self-reliance whereas females were taught obedience, responsibility, and nurturance. With thesubsistence activities largely absent it was the attitudes rather than the experiences which werepassed on to the next generation.Jones (1976) concluded that the central issue for her participants was the opportunity toachieve ideals consistent with First Nations enculturated expectations. Such ideal achievementwas curtailed for the native man because economic opportunities were lacking but marriageand parenthood provided stability and sustained them while they were in low status jobs. Forthe native women, ideal achievement was possible through social opportunities to nurtureothers in marital and parental roles. The native women, not socialized for wage labor, couldbe satisfied with low status jobs because her self definition and self worth were related tomarital and parental roles. These First Nations women seemed to maintain their positive self-image by helping their partners maintain an acceptable and stable self image, if not an idealself-image. This may be an important adaptation for mothers who are not socialized for wagelabor but are socialized for nurturing tasks. By nurturing their husbands, these womenmaintain not only the family unit but also a microcosm of the ethnic group, providing a criticalpoint of identification for the First Nations person.1 6Cruikshank (1976) investigated matrifocal families in the Canadian north as part of aCanadian commission. These families were characterized as going through rapid anddeleterious cultural adaptation. Families were defined as "matrifocal" if males were"empirically" absent although it was acknowledged that males were present at various timesover the family life cycle. The women in this study had more to gain and less to lose byadapting to modern ways. While the hunting skills of the men were territory and culturespecific, the skills and human resources of the women were portable and translatable into anew culture. Those women who had some education had normative expectations aboutmarriage although a significant number of men and women did not marry legally. Womencould fulfill the important role of motherhood and maintain a measure of control overthemselves and their children by remaining legally unattached. Cruikshank (1976) suggeststhat stable matrifocal families were recognized by government departments as preferable tounstable intact families. While men historically had provided protection, provisions, andpaternity for their offspring in a traditional sociocultural complex, sociocultural changesintervened with their ability to continue. Consequently, First Nations women minimized risksby establishing provisional rather than legally binding relationships so that their options forthemselves and their offspring remained open ended (Cruikshank, 1976).These patterns of social role adjustment by First Nations women become importantindications of bicultural functioning. These adjustments reflect the manner in which the socialnorms of the larger society (Dill, 1988; Imamura, 1990) influence private as well as public lifefor women, especially mothers. When mothers fail to meet public standards for private lifethey may have their children apprehended by welfare agencies (Cruikshank, 1976). Social roleattitudes serve as an indicator of an orientation to social life which permits socialpredictability. In turn, social predictability would permit planning which would aid familybehavioral consistency over time and changing conditions. Orientation to social life isordinarily gained by experience in the consanguineal family which would permit theanticipation of culturally bound normative events and appropriate role behaviors for individualswith particular status.1 7Contemporary socioeconomic role expectations for other mothers. The orientationsof ethnic, immigrant, refugee, sojourner, and indigenous mothers socialized in another contextor tradition may in fact be inconsistent with the requirements of social life in the modernmilieu of their children. The socialization the mother may have received in a different social,technological, economic, geographic, or linguistic environment may provide few useful cuesfor self orientation in a new environment. Ethnic mothers have a special burden in thesocialization of their children in that there is little if any social reinforcement for the child ofvalued family behaviors in the school, media, or workplace (Dill, 1988). While First Nationspeoples resemble "ethnic" minorities by their minority status, they are indigenous inhabitantswho have become involuntary minorities (Berry, 1988). First Nations peoples are similar toother minorities in the lack of social reinforcement of specifically valued behavior in the largersocial milieu (Ogbu, 1981). An integrated hierarchy of valued social behavior between theindividual, family, and larger social level has been largely absent for minority families (Dill,1988; Ogbu, 1981).Consequently, the bicultural functioning of women could be expected to differ based ondifferences in valued social behavior. Differences in valued social behavior could be derivedfrom differences in gender role development: rate, pace and social tasks; relative importanceof ascribed and achieved status in social role participation; and level of personal conflict whensocial expectations contravene norms of earlier socialization (Imamura, 1990). Motherhoodwas more important than marriage for expatriate women in cross-cultural marriages.However, expatriate mothers found that the social role motherhood required extensive informalsocialization in the culture milieu in which childrearing was taking place. These mothers wereacutely aware of their lack of this informal socialization. This lack of cultural experiencecreated interactional difficulties and social distance between themselves and the cultural milieuin which the child's socialization and education were taking place. Due to such discrepanciesin social orientation, these mothers found themselves in almost continuous personal conflict intheir mothering role (Imamura, 1990).1 8Imamura's (1990) findings point to an important issue in the development of social roles.Motherhood is a social as well as a biological status. The biological status may well exist inhistorical time but the social status is distinctly in sociological time. Social status is based onmeeting socially prescribed standards learned in extensive informal socialization in a culturalmilieu. The development of social status or roles from ascribed (in name only) or achieved(role functioning) statuses would then depend upon experience in the cultural milieu in whichthe social judgments are made and in which social distance is assessed.Canadian multicultural ideology suggests that social functioning in Canadian society canbe learned and that the process of education about Canadian social goals can reduce socialdistance. Dion's (1985) findings have shown that, in the opinion of Canadians, race, ethnicityand occupation are the major personal characteristics which organize social status. Canadiansjudge the social desirability of people based on their occupational status. Occupational rolestatus is judged by Canadians to be the best proximal indicator of social compatibility betweenindividuals. Occupational achievement reflects the individually oriented achieved values ofCanadian society. Occupational achievement also reflects a socialization process into Canadiansociety which may better approximate a common experience than race or ethnicity in a countrywhich is highly diverse (geographically, economically, culturally and socially).The relationship between the individualistic value of achieved status and work roleswould seem to be a barrier for First Nations mothers in finding opportunities in the formaleconomy. As peoples with group values, First Nations people would focus on ascribed statussuch as group affiliations. Kinship and personal relationships would form the basis fromwhich social distance could be judged. While there is great diversity among First Nationspeoples, the value of the collective is a principle rather than a rule. The fluid nature of groupaffiliations would permit the most advantageous alliances as the situation would dictate. Therelative importance of these life roles have been suggested by Menaghan (1989) to be based oncultural values and as such valuing would possibly affect the manner in which family rules orpolicies are managed in planning.1 9There is ample evidence that mothers strive to balance their time and energy to meet theneeds of the family (Bolger, De Longes, Kessler, & Wethington, 1989; Di Salvo, Lubbers,Rossi, & Lewis, 1988; Grant, Simpson, Rong, & Peters-Golden, 1990; Greenhause, 1988;Marks, 1977; Nieva, 1985; Otto & Call, 1990; Rose & Larwood, 1988; Small & Riley, 1990;Tiedje, Wortman, Downey, Emmons, Biernat, & Lang, 1990). One way mothers accomplishthis is by adjusting their role behaviors in relation to demands and resources (Yogev, 1982).Cruikshank's (1976) mothers became heads of matrifocal families, meeting their traditionalreproductive demands with little social and economic input by the dispossessed First Nationsman. This suggests that mothers expect to achieve both the ideals and pragmatics of their roleswhich entails hard choices. Stepien's (1978) First Nations mothers met the ideal by using thepreferences of their children and husband as the foremost criteria for purchase decisions andincorporated the practical by also considering quality, nutrient value, availability, and cost.Social role combinations, type of occupation and occupation of husband were however foundto be barriers to positively balancing role overloads (Haynes & Feinleib, 1980). Mothers inJones' (1976) study struggled with helping their husbands maintain their motivation anddignity based on earlier socialization while living in the current reality of low socioeconomicopportunity. In fact Baber and Monaghan (1988) found that while young college womenexpected to have a career they also expected to be mothers, adopting a "do-both attitude" tothese life roles. First Nations mothers have attempted to satisfy household and wage earningdemands either simultaneously (Jones, 1976) or sequentially (Cruikshank, 1976).Women have been maintaining their ascriptive imperative (motherhood, ethnic identity)while developing in achieved statuses (Baber & Monaghan, 1988). Contrary to Haynes andFeinleib's (1980) conceptualization of role overload, Marks (1977) advanced the idea that anexpansion approach to the issue of multiple roles should be considered. This expansionapproach focuses on resource expansion rather depletion and includes choices about whichaspects of roles to enact. Native women are lagging behind other Canadian women in mostdemographic trends by bearing almost twice as many children at every age, having largerhouseholds with more non-family members to manage and participating in formal roles such as20work and marriage at much lower rates than all other Canadian women (Statistics Canada,1984; 1990). First Nations women also seem to be attempting to maintain ascriptive status,their traditional and contemporary ideals as mothers and producers of goods and services. Theinvestigation of their social production or social attitudes of women, which Marks (1977)intimates may come in the form of commitments, may provide insight as to how First Nationsmothers evaluate bicultural role activity.First Nations mothers, like other racial ethnic mothers, historically have had differentlife experiences than their mainstream counterparts. The socialization of families which areviable, persistent and contribute to another culture has been the lot of ethnic mothers. Dill(1988) documents the hardships racial ethnic mothers have had in their parenting process.Racial ethnic mothers have had access to few of the resources of the larger culture in terms ofwage labor and social resources yet they have been expected to perform to social standardswhich are ideals for that culture. The discrepancy between the ideal and the real in which aracial ethnic mother functions in her parental role has been vast.Ethnicity has been found to be an important theme in socioeconomic stratification inCanadian society which may be related to structural differences in opportunities or socialpsychological differences in subcultures (Clifton, 1982). Understanding the macroenvironment would seem to be important to foresight in family functioning. Investigatingresilient families, McCubbin and McCubbin (1989) found evidence for ethnic specificpatterning in the participation of husbands and wives in the socioeconomic environment. Inresilient Caucasian families, husbands were involved in the occupational role and the husbandand wife participated as a couple in the expatriate community. In resilient black families, bothhusband and wife were involved in occupational roles and had little social role involvement inthe expatriate community. In resilient "other ethnic" families, only the husband was involvedin the occupational role; neither husband nor wife participated in social roles outside of thefamily. Resilient families differed by the role involvement of the parents based on ethnicity.These findings suggest that social and economic demands and resources are patterned in theenvironment and accessed differently in the ordering of both the " mechanisms and processes"21(Simon, 1959, p.275) by ethnic group and by gender roles within the groups. For the "otherethnic" families (including some American Indians) the occupational role involvement of thehusband and the family role involvement of the wife that was related to family resilienceseemed to be associated with a specialization of labor which permitted the predictability ofsocioeconomic reward patterns in the larger society for that family.This ethnic specific gender patterning of role involvement may be associated with thebalance between social expectations of the larger society and unique ethnic expectations forfamily and work role performance. This ethnic specific role patterning may be seen to supportMenaghan's (1989) view that cultural values influence role activity. However, while inMenaghan's (1989) view this relationship is directional (i.e., that is cultural values result inrole activity), the relationship may be as suggested by Simon (1959), interactional in that it isthe "social influences on choice, which determine the role of the actor" (p. 276). Such socialinfluence is not to be minimized since it entails "a social prescription of some, but not all ofthe premises that enter into an individual's choice." (1959, p. 274). The choice of whichsocial prescriptions of the larger society to fulfill seems to become an important means tofamily resilience for ethnic parents.The choice of a subset of normative aspects of role behaviors would be consistent withcollectivist ethnic orientations functioning in an individualistic society (Triandis, Bontempo,Villareal, Asai, & Lucca, 1988). Such choices would be conditional on social influenceswhich structure the role of the individual in the maintenance of ethnic identity and normativebehavior in the larger society. This view is also consistent with Berry's (1990) idea ofselectivity associated with acculturation. Findings by Szalay and Manday (1983) have shownthat sub-cultural groups participate selectively in aspects of the majority culture. Selectiveparticipation by minorities promotes similarity between sub-cultural groups and the majorityculture but differentiates between sub-cultural groups. These acculturative dynamics seem tobe complex and vary by sub-cultural group. For First Nations people, the complexity andvariation could be expected to be compounded by the involuntary and immobile nature (Berry,1990) of their relationship with Canadian society.22Planning in a Family Resource Management PerspectiveBeard (1975) investigated planning in families from a systems perspective anddeveloped a planning instrument based on two ways she found systems to focus, on goals andon resources. Families that focused on goals were characterized as morphogenic systems.Such systems had authentic communication, were flexible, and were responsive to change(Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). Families which focused on resources were characterized asmorphostatic systems. Such systems had controls based on social conformity, were inflexible,and were resistant to change (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). Beard's (1975) premise was thatfamilies are subjected to rapid change at the societal and individual level and family systemsadjust to remain viable. Consequently, her conceptual focus has contributed to themeasurement of planning in the family resource management framework.Beard (1975) tested her planning instrument with a volunteer sample of 252 marriedAmerican mothers. A factor analysis of the relationships between demographic variables anddimensions of planning resulted in three solutions significant at p < .01: 1) adherence to ruleswas negatively related to income, education, and stage in the family life cycle; 2) morphogenicplanning was negatively related to income and positively related to stage in the life cycle andemployment status: and 3) morphostatic planning was negatively related to income andemployment and positively related to education, number of children, and general satisfaction.Buehler and Hogan (1986) used the concept of planning styles as tracers of the planningprocess in their investigation of 203 single mothers and fathers. Buehler and Hogan usedBeard's (1975) complete planning scale and conducted a factor analysis on the data. Whilethey identified factors with item content similar to Beard's (1975), they renamed the factorsemphasizing the focus of planning (i.e., goal focused, resource focused, constrained) ratherthan, as Beard, on the behavior of the system (i.e., morphostatic planning, morphogenicplanning, planning by adherence to rules). Their results produced three factors described asthree distinct "styles" of planning: planning centered on resources (similar to morphogenicplanning), planning centered on goals (similar to morphostatic planning) and planning which isconstrained by conditions internal or external to the family system (similar to random23planning). Household size, age, educational and occupational status, and home ownershipwere predictors of planning. As household size decreased or as occupational status decreased,fathers were more inclined to use morphogenic planning. Older mothers were more inclinedto use morphostatic planning and less inclined to use constrained or random planning. The ageof parents was a stronger predictor of planning style than either the planning process or thestage in the family life cycle. These findings may indicate that younger parents may not havethe managerial skills or the experience or may be too present oriented to plan ahead. Variablesfound to be related to planning were gender, occupational status, household size, age, homeownership, and education (Buehler & Hogan, 1986).Social roles and family stages. Stage in the family life cycle and planning styledifferences (Beard, 1975; Buehler & Hogan, 1986) were the basis for examining the attitudinaland behavioral expectations of individuals regarding family roles. Beard (1975) found stage inthe family life cycle negatively related most to planning by adherence to rules, then tomorphogenic planning, and finally to morphostatic planning. Earlier in the family life cycle,adherence to rules would be used more. Garrison and Winter (1986) found that family typewas a better predictor for managerial behavior than socioeconomic and demographiccharacteristics. Thus structural composition of the family at various stages in the life cycle hasimplications for planning. These findings indicated that in the presence of pre-schoolersparents used planning to meet inflexible needs (morphostatic type planning) and in thepresence of adolescence, used planning to meet flexible needs (morphogenic type planning).Families that had both preschoolers and adolescents used morphogenic planning (resourcecentered planning) least, and used a constrained planning (random planning) most frequently.Since structure and stage of family life cycle are important for planning, the salience of theparental role may have implications for planning. Buehler and Hogan (1986) noted theimportance of having a stabilizing goal orientation when children are young. This orientationmay involve planning behavior which is reactive to change in order to produce stability in thefamily during child rearing. Such an orientation would necessitate morphostatic planning (goalcentered planning style). When the stage of the family life cycle is concerned mainly with the24parental role, morphostatic planning, would further social expectations of child rearingimperatives suggested by parental role norms (Davis, 1969).When the focus is on the parental role and planning behaviors are a product of roleattitudes and expectations for role performance, then deviation from the parental role focuscould be expected to bring commensurate discrepancies into the family management system.Buehler and Hogan (1986) found that social demands and resources were significantly relatedto resource centered planning (morphogenic planning) and constrained planning (randomplanning) by single mothers. Education and home ownership were positively related tomorphogenic planning. Education represents human resource potential which may be readilytransformable into manifest human and material resources. Home ownership is a manifestmaterial resource which can be the source of human resources such as self esteem and securityor potential material resources when it is used as collateral for a loan. The predictive nature ofthese factors in identifying morphostatic decision making has been demonstrated in consumerand family literature consistent with resource and exchange theory (Rettig, 1987).Social attitudes and family organization.  Corfman and Lehman (1987) concludedthat the salience of resource contributions in decision making was dominated by the intensityof preferences and history of decisions. Preference intensity and decision history may be seenas an attitudinal stance that is indicative of role salience. Warner, Lee, and Lee (1986) foundthat the attitudes about, preferences for, and accessibility to resources affected the ability ofwives to make decisions in cross-cultural situations. The resource knowledge of wives wascrucial to decision making power and varied by social patterns of residence and descent.Power was based on the ability of the wife to exercise resource knowledge in the interests ofthe family. When resource knowledge and operational interests were separated the wife wasdisempowered. This lack of power was most evident when residence was patrilocal anddescent patrilineal. The wife's lack of power occurred when either the knowledge of theresource base and the demands of the resource base were out of her control.Filiatrault (1980) found resource-focused decision making was characterized by roledominance in the use of public resources and communicative consensus was significantly25influenced by the non-dominant participants, such as children, in the decision making process.Schaninger and Buss (1986) measured marital commitment and found that resource focusedplanning was predictive of marital happiness and contributed to marital capital. When coupleswere committed to the marriage they share dominant roles and resource knowledge whichincreased the capital of the marital relationship and contributed to marital happiness.Inter - role conflict. Conflicts between expectations for social role behaviors based onethnicity, gender, or generation seem to play a role in planning. Jorgensen and Klein (1979)found support for the notion that resource-based decision making in the marital role isenhanced by the diversity of resources brought together in heterogeneous marriage.Constraining traditional assumptions may be precluded by the diversity of resources and socialexpectations individuals bring to bear in such marriages. Consensus building, a moreconscious, deliberate activity which is conducive to relationship building, may promoterelationship cohesion through the process of planning based on resources. The mothers ofyoung children did not compromise their control of resource allocation if they perceived such aloss to be detrimental to the welfare of the children. These mothers chose conflict in themarital role rather than to compromise their parental focus in child rearing. Parental rolesalience was higher than the marital role for the mother in the early part of the family lifecycle when the children were young (Rand, Levinger, & Mellinger, 1981). This parental rolefocus is consistent with the "self-as-other" orientation evoked by stimuli of gender roleexpectations in purchase decisions. Meyers-Levy (1988) found that economic decisions madeby women were on the basis of "for the other" whereas purchase decisions made by men weremade on a more egocentric basis.Gender role issues. The relationships between demographics and planning behaviorsin Buehler and Hogan's (1986) study seemed to be related to gender. Factors which weremost predictive of planning behavior for fathers were household size, educational level,occupational status, and age. Factors which were most predictive of planning behavior formothers were home ownership, educational level, age, and occupational status. In the use ofmorphogenic planning, occupational status and household size were important for fathers;26home ownership and educational level were important predictors for mothers. As occupationalstatus and household size decreased, morphogenic planning by fathers increased. As homeownership and educational status increased, morphogenic planning by mothers increased. Asparents' age decreased, random or constrained planning increased. As mothers' occupationalstatus decreased, random or constrained planning increased. As age increased, both mothersand fathers were more likely to use morphostatic planning.Gender differences which seem to be implicated in the planning process may actuallybe capturing different levels of planning: strategic, administrative, and operative planning(Arndt & Holmer, 1978). Strategic planning was traditionally based on normativeexpectations in which both husband and wife participated in a long range, decision makingpattern that provided continuity. Such continuity was reflected in "lifestyle", "wifestyle" or"residential style". In contemporary marriages, strategic planning may involve the consensualdevelopment of mutual expectations. Administrative planning, traditionally the domain of thehusband, included the delineation of authority and responsibility of family members in theacquisition and development of material and social resources. In contemporary marriages,authority may be negotiated by the spouses and responsibilities shared. Operative planning,traditionally the domain of the wife, consisted of daily decisions. Strategic and administrativeplanning decisions were operationalized in the daily activities of shopping, meal preparation,home care, child care, and other family activities. In contemporary families this level ofplanning may also be shared by spouses. In these levels of planning, identified by Arndt andHolmer (1978), the division of labor in planning may be organized by social roles based ongender. The different patterns of planning exhibited by recently divorced fathers and mothers(Buehler & Hogan, 1986) may be reflecting their planning role in the previous marriage or atransitional in their post-divorce adjustment.In summary, the review of literature has provided evidence that there seems to be arelationship between planning and social expectations for social roles that may be genderspecific. Because women are known to adjust their role behaviors to balance demands andresources (Yogev, 1982) and roles are culturally organized it seems that, in the process of27planning, women use their social expectations to create a balance between demands andresources. For First Nations women these expectations may be complicated by the biculturalcontext in which they plan. As such, conflict may exist in every planning decision associatedwith social role expectations. The relationship of the salience of social roles and the demandand resource structure associated with planning in this review are thus examined further in theconceptual framework and model that follow.28Chapter IIThe Conceptual ModelThe focus of this study is on the effects of maternal and family sociodemographics andmaternal social role attitudes on the planning behavior of First Nations families. Examiningpurposive behaviors of daily living such as planning behaviors of mothers of First Nationsfamilies would suggest the requirement for a conceptual framework with a "firm commitmentto the strategic role of families and households in society" (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989, p. xi)which is consistent with the view of the family as a proactive social institution (Sgritta, 1989)and the bicultural mother as an active agent (Thomas & Alderfer, 1989). Examining theinteractions of two sociocultural systems as perceived by mothers of First Nations familiesoperating in a single nation state would suggest the need for a systems based conceptualframework which can account for the interactions between systems.The Deacon and Firebaugh (1989) family resource management framework consists ofsystems, their environments and component parts which are integrated by their functions andlinkages to produce the functioning of the "universe of the family" (p. 7). The systemsapproach distinguishes between the components of family systems and the system itself,subsystems of the family and their respective components as well as the environments in whichsystems function. This conceptual framework provided the frame on which a model wasdeveloped to investigate the planning behavior of First Nations mothers.Environments of Family SystemsUnderstanding planning behavior in the family system requires first an understanding ofthe environments in which the family system is nested and the sub-systems which it in turnnests. Understanding these environmental contexts is especially important in cross-culturalstudies (Beutler, 1985). The family system is embedded in three distinct environments(Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989): a macro environment which consists of a physical and biologicalsurround, a macro environment which consists of societal systems that include, economies,technologies, politics; and a structured system which is physical, biological and human made.29The family system interacts with microsystems such as the cognitive and physical systems inthe development of its members; social institutional systems such as roles, schools, interestgroups, and government agencies; intellectual and technological systems such as socialtheories, computer technology and software, the legal system, other cultures, a cash economy;physically structured systems such as dams, bridges, housing, urban sprawl, suburbs; andnatural systems such as waterways, weather, seasonal cycles, lunar cycles, and primaryresources.First Nations families have historically been most intimately associated with naturalsystems and localized social systems. For the past 500 years, the relationships of First Nationspeople with these environments have been complicated by non-native societal systems whichsocially and legally mediate between the native family system and other environments.Because this mediation is recent in historical time, the native family system has been requiredto deal with a system of value expression which is different from its own cultural tradition.The non-native societal system becomes an additional environment with which the FirstNations family must deal.The relative openness or closedness of the family boundary determines the family'sinteraction with other systems. For example, systems which have more internal transfers areconsidered closed in comparison to those which have more exchange with other systems(Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). Anthropologists have historically viewed traditional societiessuch as First Nations societies as "outsiders", viewing them as closed systems in whichmembership was determined by birth and death and infrequently by adoption. First Nationsoften identified themselves as closed systems also. First Nations people distinguished betweentheir nations and other nations, for example, as "The People" (e.g., Dene, Inuui) or the peopleof a specific location (e.g., Nuu-chah-nulth, people living with their backs to the mountainsalong the length of Vancouver Island and the Olympic Peninsula).Among these First Nations, family systems were based along kinship lines. Biologicaland cultural (social, political, and economic) ties formed the basis for sociocultural relations.Castile (1978) suggests that the persistence of enduring systems is their dependence upon this30dual focus of biological and cultural reproduction. A dual focus on biological and socialrelatedness permitted the perpetuation of family systems through a range of systems formswhich were viable for survival. For example, matrilineal, patrilineal, and bi-lineal FirstNations family systems were described by the Europeans (Levi-Strauss, 1963). Bothmatrilineal and patrilineal systems could be found in groups that were sedentary in a particulararea in which subsistence was relatively predictable. Matrilineal systems generally occurredunder conditions of social stability (e.g., Haida, Iroquois) and patrilineal systems underconditions of social instability (e.g., Nuu-chah-nulth) in relatively sedentary groups. Bi-linealsystems could be found among groups who ranged over great expanses and for whom therewas both social and economic instability (e.g., Chipewyan). While colonial administrationsfocused on the need to define the social form of these First Nations systems, First Nationspeople continued to focus on "all their relations": the kinship ties organized the hierarchies oftheir particular systems.While the First Nations systems may have been closed to the non-native systems,family systems may be viewed as systems which varied in their form and content but not intheir over all membership. Inclusive memberships expanded social and material resourcespermitting flexibility both in form and substance. A First Nations family may be open tonatural systems and closed to new technological systems. Such preferences could be expressedby living in unspoiled wilderness areas and practicing an environmentally conscious lifestyle.Such a system could be classified as relatively closed to societal system interaction butrelatively open to natural system interaction. A First Nations family may be relatively open tointeraction with non-native social systems through formal occupational relationships andrelatively closed to informal, personal system interactions. Such a family system would beclassified as highly committed to current organization and selectively open to new demands.The manner in which family systems function may be said to be expressions of theircharacteristics.Nested in the macro and micro environments, the family system is composed of thesystems of its members as subsystems of the family and the family as a subsystem of the social31system (see Figure 1). As the figure indicates, the Native and Non-Native Social Systems, theIndividual Maternal Systems and the Family Systems interact with each other. The individualis integrated into social systems by participating in the marital, parental, occupational, andhome care systems according to the social rules or norms which organize activities and goals inthese systems. The social "demands" for reciprocal interaction of individuals in socialactivities results in integration. The individual, in this case the First Nations mother, developsher capacities and her values as she participates with other members in the managerialsubsystem of the family. The First Nations mother develops as her personal and managerialsystems interact, first, with her family of orientation and second, with her family ofprocreation.Figure 1Social. Individual, and Family Systems and SubsystemsNative and Non Native Maternal^ NativeSocial Systems < > Individual System < ^ > Family SystemNative Systemsmarital systemparental systemoccupational systemhome care systemNon-Native Systemsmarital systemparental systemoccupational systemhome care systemPersonal Subsystemdevelopmental subsystemvalue subsystemManagerial SubsystemPlanningStandard SettingDemand ClarificationResource AssessmentManagerial SubsystemPlanningStandard SettingDemand ClarificationResource AssessmentNote. Adapted from Deacon & Firebaugh (1989, pp. 20, 22, 24, 25, 77).32The personal and managerial systems of the individual are discussed here separately toclarify their functions, but are fully integrated conceptually. In the personal system, capacitiesare developed and values evolve. The managerial system is "a process of thought and actionthrough which resources are utilized in the meeting of demands....The personal systemrepresents the composite of social-psychological-physiological-spiritual development that givesintegrity to management..." (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989, p. 21). Interaction of the personal-managerial systems permits the individual to manage her own personal system by settingstandards, clarifying demands, and assessing resources which are peculiar to herself as well asto her family situation and characteristics. Within the individual system the individualdevelops, values, and manages. The individual develops strategies to accomplish goals,conduct activities, and stage events by envisioning the reconciliation of demands andresources. The interaction between these systems is recursive and on going.Consequently, maternal social role participation involves demands and resources fromboth her First Nations cultural tradition and the non-native social system in which she and herfamily are embedded. The maternal (personal and managerial) system is embedded within thefamily system of native cultural expectations (the native social system) and the culturalexpectations of the non-native system (the larger society). Both the formal and informal socialdemands or expectations for the First Nations family and the mother come from the publicsphere of the larger society. A second source of demands for both formal and informal socialbehavior originates in the First Nations culture. The mother then uses her personal, culturaland family resources to meet the prescribed native and non-native social demands. Thedynamic balance struck by the First Nations mothers between the demands of both socialtraditions is expected to be highlighted by the pattern of her personal investment in social rolesand her patterns of planning behaviors.The First Nations mother's personal and managerial system receives the demands for liferole behavior from both the non-native social system and the native family system. FirstNations mothers may have little opportunity to learn appropriate informal behaviors in thenon-native social context from which the demands of formal behavior originate (Cruikshank,331976; Jones, 1976). For example, if health care has been mediated through an intermediarygovernment agency then the First Nations mother may have no personal experience of thehealth care system. Without first hand experience with the official workings of the system theFirst Nations mother has limited potential to deal successfully with the system without socialmediation. Consequently, the First Nations mother may be in the position of being evaluatedby her ability to meet the public criteria of non-native social roles without ever having been ina position to learn the non-native context or expectations for appropriate social role behaviors.These subsystems are "a set of components functioning together for a purpose offulfilling the same conditions of a system and playing a functional role in a larger system "(Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989, p. 7). Each member of the family is a subsystem of the family.Each family member has their own personal systems. The individual's personal systemconsists of a developmental component and value component. The personal system interactswith its own managerial system in a highly integrated manner to produce personal plans andwith the family managerial system to produce plans by some manner of consensus (e.g.,traditional, negotiated, assumed, etc.). The personal system receives demands and resourceswhich are both internal and external. External demands received by the developmentalsubsystem are family values, goals, and social norms. Internal demands received areperceptions of values and goals. External resources received by the subsystem are, forexample, family and social support. Internal resources received by the subsystem are abilitiesand qualities. Human and social development occur in the personal system. The personalsystem in purposeful interaction with the environment creates the managerial system and itssubsystem, planning. The purposeful activity in the interaction between the personal systemand the managerial system produces the ability to perform valued, socially defined roles.The social system is composed of institutions such as marriage, parenthood,occupation, and homemaking which are organized by sets of sanctions or norms that specifyrole behaviors which individuals hold to varying degrees (Rossi & Berk, 1985). These normsorganize life domains into life roles which are defined as normative domains (marital,parental, occupational, and home care). These normative domains are viewed in two34dimensions: objectively as social demands for role behavior and subjectively as personalexpectations for social role behavior. The objective dimension consists of organizing sets ofsocial sanctions and rewards which are institutionally specific (Rossi & Berk, 1985)prescribing the relationships between people in the context of activity. The subjectivedimension consists of organizing perceptions in a manner which has real world relevance forthe individual and consequences for immediate and future behavior (Fuller, 1990; Sternberg &Wagner, 1989). Individual and family systems respond to these social demands with theirperceptions of what is important in their expectations for social behavior. Such perceptionsare based on the relationship between values of and resources accessible to the personalsystems of individuals that make up family systems and demands of the social systems as theyrelate to the characteristics and organization (demands and resources) of family systems.In the throughput process of the developmental subsystem of the personal system, theseinternal and external demands and resources are changed into developing capacities whichbecome the cognitive, emotional, social and physical characteristics of this system (Deacon &Firebaugh, 1989). These developing capacities interact in the throughput of the valuesubsystem of the personal system in which intrinsic and extrinsic values evolve by becomingmore differentiated and complex, producing standards for value expressions or goals. Outputsfrom the developmental and value subsystems of the personal system are responses todemands. Such responses involve personality dispositions, goal/value orientations, andchanges in resources. These responses include changed personal capacities, personal qualities,income, and net worth.The managerial system of the individual interacts with the developing capacities andevolving values of the personal system of the individual in the processes of planning andimplementing Deacon and Firebaugh (1989). In the throughput of the planning process, theoutputs of the individual personal/managerial systems are responses to environmental demands(goal orientations, goal achievements and personal development) and changes of environmentalresources (personal capacities, personal qualities, material income, and net worth).35Social system demands and resources enter the personal subsystem as expectations forbehavior and the means to meet those expectations. In the personal subsystem there is anassessment of the demand and the situation in concert with personal criteria (subjective goalsand values) which results in a choice of planning behaviors, the development of a standardappropriate for the family. Choices, based on the attributes of the family system, become self-referential, self predictive over time contributing to the identifying characteristics of theindividual or family. Morphostatic and morphogenic planning behaviors thus anticipate thepermeability of the boundary, the criteria for standards and sequences of activity, thecommitment to the system and the openness to adjustment to make decisions for futureexpectations. These personal and family systems selectively anticipate themselves. Randomsystems, which are spontaneous, do not anticipate their own system functions. Systems whichuse planning by adherence to rules anticipate their own system functions relative to demandsexternal to the system such as the larger society.The development of standards for behavior is illustrated in Figure 2. The affective andcognitive domains in the personal subsystem value and produce goals from both intrinsic andextrinsic orientations. Intrinsic values and goals have meaning in themselves whereas extrinsicvalues and goals have meaning relative to something else (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). Anintrinsic orientation of the personal subsystem suggests that subjective criteria are matchedwith attributes of resources and situational demands to create objective criteria which havemeaning in themselves. An extrinsic orientation suggests objective criteria found in theattributes of resources and situational demands are taken as subjective criteria and givenmeaning relative to intrinsic values. For example, pleasure in achievement (intrinsic value)and earning a living (extrinsic value) can be combined in a variety of ways to produce meaningand accomplish valued ends. While rapid social and technological change brings shifts invalue orientations, since these orientations are not exclusively intrinsic or extrinsic, thisprocess develops enduring standards for attitudes and behavior.Resources--- > Situational Demands> Sub'ective CriteriaSTANDARDS> 0 jective CriteriaA fective DomainValues > Goals36Figure 2The Development of Standards in the Personal Subsystemognitive DomainNote. Adapted from Deacon & Firebaugh (1989, p. 47).The development of standards occurs when the personal system interacts with the microand macro environments. Internal demands, such as thirst, a need for fresh water, arerecognized and external resources which satisfy the demand are sought. The value of waterfor example, a basic human need, would then become a goal of having access to water. Anassessment of the water resources available in relation to the value-based goal permits thedevelopment of criteria. The development of criteria based on both objective and subjectiveassessment produces an outcome of standards. A standard for water might be unfloridated,chlorinated water with low coliform counts. This standard would reflect a subjective value ofhealth and an objective goal of "pure, clean" water as opposed to medicated water. Thestandard may remain unchanged as long as the internal and external demands are stable. Ifhowever there is change in the environment in which this process is occurring an adjustmentcould be expected. The adjustment may be of standards, values or goals from the affectivedomain or resources from the cognitive domain. In changing internal and externalenvironments, the development of standards would seem to be an important process of whichto be aware. The ability to anticipate changes and to develop a continuity of standards wouldseem to be an important aspect of this process. Deacon and Firebaugh (1989) suggest thatmanagement is the arena in which this ability is fostered.37The Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning ModelThe "Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning Model" (see Figure 3) conceptualizesmore particularly the maternal and family system, their components, and the linkages to theirenvironments as they relate to planning. This model thus provides a conceptual framework forinvestigating the interaction of two sociocultural systems by examining the attitudes developedby First Nations mothers in their bicultural functioning. Figure 3 illustrates the integration ofthe concepts of this study, demonstrating their role in the process of management. Theindependent variables are conceptualized to be the throughput of the individual personalsystem. The dependent variable is conceptualized as the planning behavior of the maternalindividual managerial subsystem representing her expectations in the family managerial activityof planning.System elements of input-throughput-output are central to defining systems. The inputof systems generally are "material, energy, and information" (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989, p.17) which may be classified as demands and/or resources. In this study the inputs are fromtwo sociocultural systems in which the sociodemographic attributes of women and theirfamilies are ascribed value and the social roles of women are defined. Such inputs enter intothe family and personal systems and become changed or change the system. In this study thethroughputs are the value of and commitment to social roles held by First Nations mothers. Inthis study the outputs are dimensions of planning behaviors of First Nations families.InputSociodemographics. Characteristics of individuals and families described associodemographics are system attributes (Broderick & Smith, 1979). For example, the peopleliving in a family, their gender and their relationships are important attributes of the familysystem which have implications for their resource management (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989).First Nations mothers may prefer to live in a village on traditional territory despite fewmodern conveniences or opportunities for education and employment. Social preferencesreflecting value orientations may differ radically for First Nations mothers compared to non-natives. Frideres (1974) enumerates a long list of cultural differences between "Whites" and38"Natives" which suggest almost polar opposites in values such as time orientation(present/future), collective emphasis (group/individual), accumulation (giving/saving), etc..The descriptions of First Nations women (Cruikshank, 1976; Jones, 1976) as wives, workers,and mothers provide little evidence for such a polarized view.Figure 3The Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning ModelSOCIALSYSTEMSfMATERNALPERSONAL SYSTEMMATERNALMANAGERIAL SYSTEM1^ I ISOCIAL ROLES LIFE ROLE SALIENCE PLANNINGEXPECTATIONS FOR:VALUE OF: process of reconcilingdemands and resources byenvisioning personal andfamily system outcomes ofchoices:MORPHOSTATICevaluation of personal andfamily value of rolebehaviorsCOMMITMENT TO:occupational role behaviormarital role behaviorparental role behaviorhome care role behaviorevaluation of personal andfamily commitment to rolebehaviorsADHERENCE TO RULESMORPHOGENICI^ IDEMOGRAPHICSdemandsMATERNALCHARACTERISTICSFAMILYCHARACTERISTICSresources>^<39Expectations for social roles. At the level of social systems, roles organize areas ofsocial activity. Social or life roles are defined as normative domains consisting of "thosenorms that specify role behaviors" (Rossi & Berk, 1985) which consist of two dimensions:objective and subjective. The objective dimension consists of sanctions that prescribe therelationships between individuals in specific contexts of activity (e.g., the mother in theparental role, the wife in the marital role, the employee in the occupational role, thewife/mother in the home care role). Such prescriptions for social functioning are consideredto be demands. The subjective dimension consists of perceptions organized in a manner thathas real world relevance for the individual and consequences for immediate and futurebehavior (Fuller, 1990; Sternberg, 1985; Sternberg & Wagner, 1989).Cruikshank (1976) and Jones (1976) described the enculturated expectations oftraditional roles for First Nations women as complimentary to that of men in their survivaltasks. Both noted that the traditional role of First Nations men as a provider by hunting hasdisappeared and that the men have not yet made a transition to a new task around which tobuild the provider role. Out of necessity, First Nations women seem to have moved onsocially and economically while their potential partners are still invested in the "hunter" role(Cruikshank, 1976). The occupational, parental, marital, and home care roles enacted by FirstNations mothers are of necessity a product of two cultures.Bell (cited in Thomas & Alderfer, 1989) found these choices produced three social rolepatterns for these women. In the first pattern, women who valued their occupational roleorganized their lives around their occupations. While they worked largely in the whitecommunity they had social ties to both the majority and minority community. The tensiondeveloped between their family and occupational roles. In the second pattern, women whovalued their community were distanced from the majority culture and involved in their localcommunity. These women perceived the lack of community resources and lack of personalsocial support as sources of stress. For these women, working in the white community wasassociated with the most bicultural stress but they experienced less of the double consciousnessof the career oriented women. In the third pattern, women who were focused on family roles40and worked were the least stressed. This group felt some stress about not being careeroriented enough. Bell's study (cited in Thomas & Alderfer, 1989) provides evidence for levelsof bicultural adaptation based on development in social role behaviors (Bennett, 1986).Bell (cited in Thomas & Alderfer, 1989) found that women of color (black American)live in the tension of a parallel system of cultural environments, a life in two worlds. Thisbicultural adaptation entails a physical, cognitive, and emotional shift as the individual movesbetween two distinct culturally organized worlds. This shifting is associated with emotionaland physical tension as the individual moves across cultural boundaries, adopting appropriateattitudes and engaging in socially appropriate behavior. These women choose the extent towhich they will engage in such cross cultural movement.Kagitcibasi (1989) found that the social organization of families changes for those intransition from traditional to modern. The change was from extended, adult-orientedsocioeconomic units focused on survival to nuclear, child-oriented socioeconomic units focusedon psychological satisfactions. This transition from traditional to modern transverses threetypes of family organization each providing a unique solution to the reconciliation of thedemands and resources on the family system. Social role changes based on changing valueexpressions are important aspects of these family states. As modernization and urbanizationoccur, family relationships become less valued in concrete economic terms and more valued inabstract psychological terms. Kagitcibasi (1989) found that all three types of familyorganization occurred simultaneously in modern societies and at different socioeconomiclevels.The choices a First Nations mother makes to participate in bicultural social roles wouldbe expected to have important implications for her planning behavior.ThroughputLife role attitudes. Salience of life role attitudes is determined at the personal systemlevel. Salience is conceptualized as the perceptions which are prominent for or have value forthe individual (Sternberg & Wagner, 1989) and are evaluated by a generalization of status41characteristics (Webster & Foschi, 1988). Salience of life role attitudes occurs through aprocess of value clarification in the production of standards (see Figure 2).In the personal system, salience of life roles includes two dimensions: value andcommitment. The value dimension is conceptualized as "the essential meanings relating towhat is desirable or what has worth" (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989, p. 40), affective goalsproviding the personal importance (Amatea, Cross, Clarke, & Bobby, 1986) and the criteriawith which to identify the means (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). The commitment dimension isconceptualized as anticipated outcomes (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989) which provide a criteriafor personal resource allocation to meet the particular objective (Amatea et al., 1986). Hence,commitment may promote the management of multiple life roles rather than role strain(Marks, 1977).Output Planning. The dependent variable and its components occur in the managerial systemof the mother as she participates in the managerial system of the family. Planning isconceptualized as a cognitive process used to envision a behavior such as a goal, an activity, oran event (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). Envisioning what is to be done entails clarifying goalsor events, setting standards for goals, events, and resources, as well as assessing resources andsequencing actions (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). Clarifying the relationships of maternal andfamily characteristics and maternal attitudes is an important aspect of the planning process.Planning is considered to have morphogenic or morphostatic characteristics (Beard,1975; Beard & Firebaugh, 1978; Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). Morphogenic planninganticipates changes in value expressions (Beard & Firebaugh, 1978) and encourages expansiveand adaptive behaviors which promote system flexibility and high levels of non-routineactivities (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). Morphostatic planning behavior anticipates stability orno change (Beard & Firebaugh, 1978). The preference for simple style, limitations, andstability permit this style to maintain the status quo (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). One type ofmorphostatic planning is adherence to rules. Such planning is characterized by demandsoriginating outside the family which cannot be met due to the absence of common resources42which usually satisfy the demands and permit the family system to adjust (Beard & Firebaugh,1978).Figure 4 provides a visual summary of the relationships between systems concepts(input-throughput-output), family resource management concepts (social, personal, andmanagerial systems; demands and resources, and planning components) and measures of theconcepts (operationalized as expectations, value and commitment, and planning systemtendencies).Figure 4Systems Concepts. Family Resource Management Concepts, and MeasuresINPUT^Social SystemsDEMANDSRESOURCESoperationalized as:Family/householdcharacteristics:community sizeincomenumber of membersleadershipMaternal characteristics:ageeducational statuslevel of employmentsecurity of accommodation> THROUGHPUT^Personal SystemATTITUDESoperationalized as:value of and commitmentto social expectations in:occupational rolemarital roleparental rolehome care role> OUTPUTManagerial SystemPLANNINGoperationalized as:management of familysystem components thatpromotemorphostasis/genesis:morphostatic planningadherence to rulesmorphogenic planning43HypothesesThe hypotheses concerning relationships between sociodemographic variables andplanning behavior were largely derived from three studies assessing planning behavior (Beard,1975; Buehler & Hogan, 1986; Garrison & Winter, 1986) and a limited number of associatedmanagement studies. The hypotheses concerning social attitudes and planning were informedby literature that included First Nations and other minority mothers and families. The finalhypothesis was derived from the conceptual model developed for this study, the "MaternalSocial Role Attitudes and Planning Model", which is based on the Deacon and Firebaugh(1989) model of Family Resource Management.Sociodemographics and Planning BehaviorHl: Presence of preschoolers is positively related to morphostatic planning.Buehler and Hogan (1986) found that single parent mothers with preschool age childrenused morphostatic planning most, followed by constrained or random planning and least of allmorphogenic planning. Beard (1975) found that the earliest stage of the family life cycle,when preschoolers are more likely to be present, is related to less morphogenic planning.112: Education is positively related to morphogenic planning.Buehler and Hogan (1986) found that morphogenic planning was used most by singleparent mothers with higher educational levels. Beard (1975) found that morphostatic planningwas used by non-working mothers who had some college education and were in intact families.While these findings may seem contradictory it should be noted that the characteristics of thesamples varied. Notably, the single parent mothers tended to be employed while the othersample consisted of non-employed mothers. In general, increased availability of resources isrelated to morphogenic planning. Education is considered an important human resource andthus would be expected to be related to morphogenic planning.44113:^Maternal age is negatively related to morphogenic planning in families.H4: Maternal level of employment is negatively related to morphogenic planning.H5: Renting is negatively related to morphogenic planning.Buehler and Hogan (1986) found that single parent mothers who were younger, wholacked years of work experience, and who rented rather than owned their residences usedmorphogenic planning the least. All of these variables exemplify restricted material andhuman resources. Younger mothers would be expected to have less sociocultural experienceand hence fewer social resources and less social flexibility for planning. As mothers havelower levels of employment reflecting less work experience and occupational investment theymay be less able to anticipate the availability of future resources on which to base plans.While most obviously renting represents the lack of flexibility that capital investment inaccommodation would provide, renting may be seen in terms of the social demands of a rentalagreement in return for occupancy. Especially if bicultural standards are an issue, socialcompliance in return for use of the premises may be seen as a constraint to planning beyondthe rental term, thus reducing the flexibility permitted by a longer term horizon. Restriction ofappropriate resources is expected to curtail the ability to transform resources or change familyrules which are essential for morphogenic planning.Life Role Salience and Planning BehaviorThe lives of women are organized by culturally defined life roles which consist ofbehavioral expectations for marriage, parenthood, work, and homemaking (Rossi & Berk,1985). Life roles of First Nations women are influenced by two social traditions. Thepatterns of the social life cycles of women in these two cultural traditions can be expected tovary in terms of the rate, pace, and role content, the relative importance of ascribed andachieved status, expectations and norms (Imamura, 1990). First Nations mothers are expectedto choose bicultural social role behaviors which aid in perpetuating First Nations group identitythrough family system functioning (Carson et al., 1990; Castile, 1978).45H6: Maternal family role salience is related to morphostatic planning.Beard (1975) and Buehler and Hogan (1986) found that those mothers with the greatestfamily role demands, especially when pre-schoolers were also present, were moremorphostatic in their planning behavior. Involvement in family roles is statistically normativefor First Nations mothers (Statistics Canada, 1990).H7: Maternal work and family role salience is related to morphogenic planning.Buehler and Hogan (1986) found that recently divorced single mothers who usedmorphogenic planning were more likely to be employed full or part time than those who usedconstrained or morphostatic planning. Morphogenic planning possibly permits the new goaldemands of maternal employment and new financial and human resources from employment tocross the boundary of the family system to meet the high demands and low resource levelswithin the family.H8: Maternal work role salience is related to planning by adherence to rules.Maternal work role salience is non-normative for First Nation women with less than halfparticipating in the labor force (Statistics Canada, 1990). Jones (1976) found that First Nationwomen were more able to tolerate low status jobs and subordinate relationships compared toFirst Nations men because they did not rely on their jobs for self definition and self worth.Consequently, as the First Nations mother shifts to emphasizing the occupational role,planning is expected to, at least initially, become a rigid adherence to rules. Demands of thework environment may increasingly encroach upon native value expressions resulting in lesspredictability of the family system itself (Frideres, 1974).H9: Maternal life role commitment is positively related to morphogenic planning.Bielby and Bielby (1989) found that commitment to work and family roles producedidentification with those roles and a propensity to create a balance between the role areas.Their findings indicated that the identity formation of individuals was associated withindividual investment of time, energy and personal resources in role behaviors which reflectthe gender based organization of cultural roles. First Nations mothers may have a choicebetween traditional and modern life roles. Thomas and Alderfer's (1989) review revealed that46a bicultural adaptation was related to the type of commitment women made to career, family,economic opportunity, or ethnic community. Morphogenic planning may be expected, asresource investment by the maternal personal subsystem becomes available to the familysystem to meet new demands.H10: Maternal life role value is positively related to morphostatic planning.Jones (1976) found that early socialization had permitted urban First Nations women inAlaska who were co-providers to adapt more easily to non-traditional role expectations thanFirst Nations men. However, the transition to the role of primary wage earner, for whichthere was no early socialization, was fraught with personal conflict. Lack of socialization intonon-traditional roles, which may limit the goals and resources of family members, is expectedto be related to morphostatic planning in family systems. Maternal assessment of thepersonal/family value of her social role behavior is expected to be based on her ability tobalance social and family demands relative to resource availability and appropriateness.Sociodemographics. Life Role Salience, and Planning BehaviorDeacon and Firebaugh (1989) suggest that management entails a global assessment of thedetails in order to "comprehend the totality of the given situation" (p. 8). To test this premise,the final hypothesis was concerned with the details of family and maternal characteristics,maternal attitudes and planning dimensions.H11: Maternal and family sociodemographics and maternal life role saliencecontribute to three planning dimensions (morphostatic planning, planning by adherence torules, and morphogenic planning).In keeping with the purpose of the study, the patterns of relationships betweensociodemographic features of First Nations mothers and their families, the salience of theirsocial role attitudes, and their planning behaviors are of particular interest in this hypothesis.These patterns are of interest because the relationships seem to be complex yet systematic withthe bicultural approach of this study adding to the complexity. Thus, for example, educationwas identified as a human resource contributing to planning outputs in a manner that differed47by family leadership (single headed, dual headed), occupational status, and gender (Beard,1975; Buehler & Hogan, 1986).The relationship between demographic variables, except for age, and planningbehaviors seemed to be gender specific and indicative of social reciprocity between parents(Buehler & Hogan, 1986). For women, morphogenic planning was predicted by highereducational status and home ownership and for men, predicted by smaller households andlower occupational status. For younger women, constrained planning was predicted by loweroccupational status and for younger men, by higher levels of education. Both older men andwomen used morphostatic planning. In light of these patterns, evidence that dimensions ofplanning may be related to a division of labor based on gender roles (Arndt & Holmer, 1978),and the possibility that First Nations women who are socially and economically bicultural maylack social and economic reciprocity with First Nations men (Cruikshank, 1976; Jones, 1976),it is expected that different dimensions of planning may be associated with the social rolepriorities of First Nations women.The social role priorities of First Nations mothers are expected to reflect their biculturalsocioeconomic aspirations based on their perception of value in and commitment to the socialrole expectations of the larger society when their personal and family characteristics are takeninto consideration. The three patterns of social role behaviors associated with womenparticipating in two cultural systems (Thomas & Alderfer, 1989) and the three patterns offamily system behavior identified to be associated with societal modernization (Kagitcibasi,1989) suggest that social role patterns reflect the social value of personal and family systembehavior. Thus the patterns of social role attitudes of First Nations mothers may be seen toreflect the acculturative transition of families from traditional to modern (Kagitcibasi, 1989)and their bicultural functioning (Thomas & Alderfer, 1989). First, if their family system istraditional and they are involved in little bicultural social interaction, their priorities areexpected to be focused on parenting and family roles with formal occupational roles leastsalient. Second, if their family system is transitional and they are involved in some biculturalsocial interaction, their priorities are expected to reflect attempts to balance occupation,48parenting and other family roles. Third, if their family system is modern and they areinvolved in more bicultural social interaction, their priorities are expected to reflect anoccupational role priority as a means to satisfying personal aspirations and family role needs.The pattern of role attitudes of First Nations mothers is expected to reflect a high level ofbicultural social demands for which resources are low and supportive family organization isgenerally absent.The relationship between the expectations of First Nations women and planningbehavior is expected to be constrained by lack of income and by legislation that createddisadvantages for groups of people, especially those in smaller (reserve) communities. Factorsaffecting patterns of social roles may also order role salience, role demands, availableresources, relative investments, and costs inextricably involved in the planning responses(Davis, 1969) as milieu specific norms for behavior (McCubbin & McCubbin, 1989). Thepattern of social role salience is expected to capture the adaptive response by First Nationsmothers to this convergence of traditional and modern social life cycles from two cultures.This pattern of role salience is expected to reflect a decision history and indicate a preferenceintensity (Corfman & Lehman, 1987) adaptive in this convergence. Such an attitudinal stanceis viewed as a pragmatic adaptation to change in resources and demands.For example, under conditions of change Baker (1979) suggests reconciliation ofdemands and resources takes place through the conservation of value principles by clarifyingand identifying family values as goal and resource expressions in new conditions. While FirstNations families seem to conserve their family systems, their goal and resource expressionsseem to be constrained. While Baker's (1979) suggestion makes common sense, in the case ofFirst Nations families resource inequities cannot be ignored. As non-natives settled in FirstNations territories and expressed their own value principles, non-natives redefined theenvironment. Thus, for First Nations people, traditional goal and resource expressions becameredefined by non-native value principles. Consequently, the traditional value principles ofFirst Nations families may possibly only be conserved by mothers who understand therelationship between the contemporary occupational activities (goals and resource expressions)49and goal and resource expressions "for families such as theirs". An historical comparison ofthe social role development of middle class white and racial ethnic mothers (Dill, 1988)suggests that the experience of First Nations mothers may be typical of an ethnic groupconserving group value principles as specific goal and resource expressions while sharing anenvironment with a majority that redefines the environment according to their own goal andresource expressions. While Riley (1984) documents the admiration some trail and settlerwomen had for the resourcefulness of native women in their ability to manage children andhousehold, keenly aware of the difficulty of survival under the circumstances, these womenquickly became competitors for the same resources. As culturally distinct indigenousminorities with an historical experience of demand-resource inequities, First Nations mothersare expected to be oriented to planning that conserves group identity (Carson et al., 1990;Castile, 1978) when resources are low.50Chapter IIIMethodsThe study was designed to investigate the relationships between family and maternalcharacteristics, maternal social role attitudes (occupational, marital, parental, and home carerole salience) and the planning behavior of First Nations mothers with school age children.Investigating these relationships required a highly specific sample in which individuals bothoccupied and functioned in the social positions identified as pertinent by the "Maternal LifeRole Salience and Planning Model" (Figure 3). This section reports the process of samplerecruitment, special issues that may have affected sample recruitment, the ethics review andthe measures in the questionnaire.Sample RecruitmentA purposive sample of First Nations mothers of school age children was recruited. Apurposive sampling strategy was used because First Nations people are not randomlydistributed in the general population and a deliberate effort was required to obtain a samplewhich was most representative of the group as a whole.Establishing social and self-identity of First Nations women was (from the researcher'sperspective) vital to the design of the study. First Nations social identities were established bythe affiliation of women with First Nations institutions (lineages, villages and programs). FirstNations self-identity was confirmed by asking the respondents "Are you.... 1) a First Nationsperson? 2) a non-First Nations person?".Establishing that the respondent was the mother of school age children was achieved bythe mother reporting at least one child age 3 to 18 years old living with her. In this study"school age" was defined as attending programs in formal schools. The educationaladministration in the First Nations village that participated had established that all villagechildren aged 3 and 4 years attend school for half days. Urban First Nations families areencouraged to enroll their 3 and 4 year old children in programs in local schools whichparticipants anecdotally confirmed was their practice.5 1To achieve a measure of representativeness the design included sampling for majoraspects of diversity among First Nations populations: geographic distribution and institutionalinvolvement. Recruitment was carried out in the lower mainland, south coast, west coast andnorth coast of the province of British Columbia. Recruitment took place in schools, colleges,community organizations, political organizations, and family lineages. The groups andgeographic areas canvassed reflected a broad sociodemographic cross-section of First Nationspeople.Data Collection ContextFive types of First Nations organizations and affiliations were initially approached:lineages, village education programs, special interest associations, urban community serviceassociations that have regular meetings or offer programs, and urban educational institutions.Those that participated were a lineage, a village education program, an urban association thatoffered programs, and several urban educational institutions or programs. No political orreligious organizations participated.Respondents affiliated with public and formal institutions accounted for the majority(55%) of the sample recruited from the North Coast, Lower Mainland and Vancouver Island.The village and lineage sample (45%) was from the Vancouver Island region.Data Collection ProcessConsistent with the organizational differences between the two types of institutionalaffiliations, two approaches were used for data collection. The "Investigator Absent" approachwas used to reduce bias in populations where individuals may have been known to theinvestigator. The "Investigator Present" approach was used in populations where individualswere unknown to the investigator. While two approaches were used, the information used tointroduce the survey, to establish investigator legitimacy, to elicit respondent co-operation, andto establish rapport with the respondents was substantively the same. Comparable results wereexpected through these approaches. To reduce the burden on the institutions and respondents,the survey was brought onto the site and into the existing social organization or activity (e.g.,at a family event for the lineage women, in the homes of village women, in the classrooms of5 2women attending programs). This approach was expected to produce lower levels of intrusionwhich were in turn expected to facilitate research that depends on the good will and co-operation of First Nations institutions and respondents.Data collection in formal settings. The procedure followed in obtaining participationfrom urban and political organizations consisted of five steps: a phone call to arrange aninterview; an interview with an administrator or program manager, followed by a formal letterconfirming the details of the interview; a presentation to the Board of Directors and/or staff; arecruitment presentation to potential participants; the administration of the questionnairefollowed by a workshop.This procedure permitted the development of terms of agreement between theobjectives of the project and the interests of the organizations based on information andconsent. A face-to-face interview with the administrator provided the investigator theopportunity to present the information and the administrator to evaluate it in terms of the valueof the project balanced against the responsibility of granting permission and the allocation ofinstitutional resources. The letter of confirmation permitted the administrator to have in handthe clearly articulated version of the terms on which he and the investigator had agreed. Thepresentations to the Boards of Directors and program staff informed all who might be involvedabout the general nature and specific aspects of the research from the measurement of conceptsto the statistical treatment of the data. This process permitted a consensus to evolve betweenevery level of the organization and the investigator. This process provided the organizationalframework for the recruitment process.Investigator contact with the respondents occurred during recruitment and in theworkshop. Recruitment occurred in class time, consisting of a ten minute presentation(paralleling the explanation provided to the administration) followed by asking the students toparticipate. Positive expected outcomes for the participants were emphasized. Individualsgathered at the appointed time to participate, the questionnaires were distributed, and theircompletion was followed by a debriefing workshop.53Groups of participants completed the questionnaires during class time, during a lunchhour, or after regular class hours. The questionnaires were completed in less than forty-fiveminutes with most taking twenty to thirty-five minutes. The investigator was on hand toclarify problems with vocabulary and terminology for questionnaires done in organizationalsettings. The de-briefing workshop included a presentation about the concepts and a livelydiscussion of the issues by participants.Of those individuals who completed the questionnaires during class time, 100%participated (n = 13). Of those who participated on their own time rather than class time, lessthan 10% (n=8) participated (appeals had been made to over 125 individuals in groups). Ofthose individuals recruited through an urban home school program (n = 6), 100% decidedagainst participation after they had completed part of the questionnaire. Data collectionoccurred between July, 1991 and February, 1992.Data collection in informal settings. Because the investigator was a member of thecommunity, she decided to elicit the help of high school students in the data collection. Theschool board and administrator of the rural school were contacted in the late spring of 1991with a request for an initial interview. An initial presentation to the school board and'administrator permitted an opportunity to explain the project and ask for their participation. Afollow-up letter was sent to confirm arrangements with the administrator.In the fall of 1991, students from an accounting class were recruited to distribute andcollect the questionnaires. The students were given some general background about researchand specifically the nature of the research (management by First Nations people) as it relatedto their accounting studies and cultural heritage. The students were invited to participate indata collection and then were given instructions for the distribution and retrieval of thequestionnaires.The school administration provided an alphabetical list of parents (both elementary andsecondary school) from which the teacher assigned 10 names to each of the seven students by aquasi-random process. A total of 70 questionnaires was handed out to the students. Thestudents were given the added incentive that their participation in the data collection would54contribute to their course mark. The students distributed 25 questionnaires (35.7% out of apossible 70 questionnaires) to mothers. The students invited participating mothers to attendone of two consecutive afternoon meetings for a debriefing. The students returned a total of20 questionnaires in sealed envelopes to the teacher during the next several weeks. The returnrate was 80%. Of these twenty, 12 were satisfactorily completed and included in the dataanalysis.A workshop was offered on two consecutive afternoons beginning on the day after thequestionnaires were distributed by the students. Since the investigator knew who potentialquestionnaire recipients were and saw that none attended either workshop, she made substitutepresentations about two other topics she had previously prepared. All workshop informationand materials were related to very specific aspects of local history and culture. Thoseindividuals who did attend participated enthusiastically. These workshops were not debriefingsfor the questionnaire.After all the questionnaires had been returned, the investigator met with the studentsduring class time. The students were thanked for their participation and the nature of theresearch was more fully explained as part of the debriefing process. Discussion of thedistribution rate revealed that the students had felt uncomfortable approaching non-familymembers to fill out the questionnaires. Students felt awkward asking for help from non-familymembers with an assignment associated with school.The group of lineage women (n = 6), an informal institutional affiliation, was recruitedby a post secondary education student who came from the village being surveyed. Sheadministered the questionnaires during a week-end family celebration. She returned thequestionnaires in sealed envelopes as had the high school students. While this sample isassociated with the village that was surveyed, the respondents were not living in the village atthe time of the survey.Comparability of Data from Diverse SettingsThe process of recruiting respondents from formal and informal institutions differed.However, the two groups are considered to be two parts of a whole population and were55sampled to represent the universe of the First Nations community. In fact, respondents mayhave been part of both kinds of institutions.The effects of these differences in the recruitment process were assessd by computing avariable for the two dimensions on which the groups differed: recruitment (type of institutionalaffiliation) and treatment (absence or presence of investigator). The variable "sampling effect"was computed by recoding the case identification codes and ordering them into two valuesreflecting the two groups: Group 1, Investigator Absent -- Village and Lineage Women; andGroup 2, Investigator Present -- Pre-employment and Educational Programs.Table 1T-test Comparison of Two Groups of Respondents: Recruitment and TreatmentVariablesGroup laMean^SDGroup 2bMean^SD n t-valueCommunity size 2.31 .95 3.65 1.66 34 -2.86**Renting .44 .51 .91 .29 36 -3.59**Level of Employment 2.66 .59 1.95 .38 37 4.52**Security of Accommodation 3.06 .99 2.14 .56 36 3.17*Occupational Role 3.42 .78 4.17 .51 38 -3.66**Note. N = 40.aGroup 1 is the village and lineage sample (informal institutions, investigator absent) n =18; bGroup 2, the pre-employment and educational institution sample (formal institution,investigator present) n = 22.*p < .05. **p < .01.Independent t-tests were conducted on 22 variables to be used in hypotheses testing toinvestigate whether differences between the two groups were statistically significant. Of the22 variables only 5 variables were significantly different for the two groups (p < .05). Group2 (formal institution, investigator present) was significantly more likely to live in a largercommunity, be renting and have higher occupational role salience than Group 1. Group 1(informal institutions, investigator absent) had significantly greater security of accommodation5 6and higher level of employment than Group 2. Of primary interest for these two groups weredimensions of the dependent variable, planning. The t-test scores for the three dimensions ofplanning (morphostatic planning, morphogenic planning, and planning by adherence to rules)indicated no significant differences.These differences could be minimized in the testing of the hypotheses by controlling forthe sampling effects. Controlling for the sampling effects would permit the two groups whowere subjected to different methods to be treated the same, to permit the assumption of "nodifference".Return Rate of the QuestionnairesSixty-four questionnaires were returned. Because the canvassing for participantsoccurred in highly diverse groups and no one who chose to participate was refused, 19individuals who did not meet the study criteria completed questionnaires. These individualswere: two single-parent fathers who felt they were "mothering," three grandmothers who wereactively mothering, two non-native mothers who were instructors in some groups, one nativemother whose child was not of school age, and eleven women who were either anticipatingmotherhood or whose children were no longer school age.Of the 49 participants who met the criteria, 9 had either not answered large sections ofthe questionnaire or had answered several pages using the same response number. Thesequestionnaires were eliminated from the sample. Visual inspection of the remaining 40questionnaires revealed some missing data. The missing data occurred in the two major scales(life role salience and planning) in 15 cases across 24 items. Of these 15 cases with missingitems: 1 case had four missing items, 2 cases had three missing items, 1 case had two missingitems and 11 cases had one missing item. Missing items may cause serious problems in thedata analysis considering the small sample size and lack of randomness. After consultationwith advisors, "missing data" were imputed from a whole number average for the item. Toassure 40 cases in most of the analyses, .005 or .5% of the data were imputed (24 responsesout of a possible 4,640).57Special Issues Influencing Return Rate and Sample RecruitmentSpecial issues are believed to have had a direct influence on the rate of participationand the return rate of the questionnaire. Special issues identified were, first, the social,political, and legal environment during the recruitment period, second, a concurrent federalsurvey, and third, competing paradigms and definitions.During the recruitment period the national and provincial political climate was beingshaped by the ongoing redefinition of the terms of co-existence between First Nations peoplesand Canadian institutions. During the period 1990 - 1992, the media, especially the mediumof television news, brought the non-native perspective of the constitutional debate into thehomes of First Nations families. During this same period First Nations communities wereengaged in the development of consensus on constitutional issues from their own perspective.Both the larger society and the native community were actively engaged in redefiningfundamental terms of co-existence with each other in a public forum. A consequence of theseconstitutional talks was an escalation of hostility within the aboriginal community about themanner in which they were being defined majority institutions. The re-negotiating of socialterms of reference at the institution level filtered into social relations not only between nativesand non-natives but also between some groups of First Nations women and official FirstNations leadership. The public debates brought frustration, confusion, anger, and pain to FirstNations people, especially, women ("Dispute widens", 1992).Concurrent with this study, Statistics Canada (1991) was conducting a major andcomprehensive survey in selected First Nations populations including a village in this sample.The instrument was developed in consultation with regional and national First Nationsorganizations and provincial, territorial and federal government departments. The Surveydefined individuals as aboriginal if they had at least one Aboriginal origin and/or registrationunder the Indian Act of Canada (including Bill C-31 applicants) and identification with at leastone Aboriginal group. Previous census definitions lacked the group identification component.The Survey covered identity, language and tradition, disability, health, lifestyles and socialissues, mobility, schooling, work and related activities, expenditures and income, and housing.58The Survey was developed to meet the information needs of First Nations organizations,governments, and businesses, and to promote social and economic development for aboriginalgroups. The fifty-eight page interview was lengthy, thorough, and official. It wasadministered in a house to house campaign by local First Nations persons trained and paid torepresent Statistics Canada.In contrast to Statistics Canada's Aboriginal Peoples Survey, this survey of First Nationsmothers of school age children was conceptualized and administered by an individual includedin the Survey definition (First Nation status, social identification and "origins" through bandmembership) rather than by an institution to serve the needs of institutions. This survey wasconducted with few resources, mainly found resources which included the largesse of advisors(printing questionnaires), participating institutions and individuals (time, classroom space andstaff), and an independent First Nations researcher (technical, computer, travel, and paper).The substantive content of this survey was from the perspective of First Nations womenand was designed to respectfully document the socioeconomic pattern of functioning in the"social demography" in which First Nations women live and plan. The rationale for thissurvey was to produce information about normative First Nations functioning by investigatingplanning behavior of First Nations women. This nonpathological perspective was at odds witha currently popular and pervasive orientation in formal social programming among FirstNations people. In this orientation First Nations families are viewed as inherentlydysfunctional due to high rates of alcoholism and colonial oppression as opposed to beingadaptive in adverse circumstances. The vocabulary of a dysfunctional family systemsperspective was at odds with the family resource management systems perspective used in thisthesis research.Conflicting paradigms created communication difficulties. One group of urban parentswas dissuaded from participating when the preliminary explanation about the study wasdisrupted. One father loudly asserted his opinion that First Nations people lived spontaneouslynot by decisions to achieve goals or use resources. A group of students in a human serviceprogram voiced strong disagreement with the premise in the cover letter that First Nations59mothers have choices. Members of this group are not known to have participated. In yetanother group, a mother related to choices from the perspective of the "scapegoat", a label sheused to identify her role in her family system. These differences in perspective createdunexpected problems in communicating with prospective participants and probably lowered theparticipation rate.EthicsProcedures as approved by U.B.C. ethics committee were followed (Appendix A). Acovering letter for the questionnaire complied with the ethics committee requirements fordisclosure to participants and for their consent. While issues of disclosure and consent wereimplicitly met by the ethics review process, First Nations organizations deemed it necessary toexplicitly understand the substantive aspects of the research itself before granting theinvestigator access to their members. Examples of such substantive aspects of the researchproject were the methodology, the conceptual framework or model, and the tendency toinvestigate stereotypical differences such as on reserve and off reserve dichotomies. In oneorganization this process took four months, involved the active advocacy of a staff memberwho supported the project and hands on involvement by the Board of Directors (reading ofdraft of the proposal and an in-depth explanation of the proposal at meeting of Directors). Atthe board meeting the investigator was accompanied by a character witness, a First Nationsresearcher and hereditary chief associated with a prominent First Nations organization. Aletter of support by the chair of the student's thesis committee to the organization was alsorequired.The review process clearly reflected two foci on standards. The first focus, in theacademic community, was on an implicit social contract of professional practice: the standardsof the ethical review process. The second focus, in the First Nations organizations andassociations, was on an explicit social contract, based on the standards of the ethical reviewprocess and a consensus negotiated between officials and staff of the First Nationsorganizations, representative members of the First Nations community and the investigator.Both standards had to be met.60MeasuresIndependent VariablesIndependent variables included maternal and family sociodemographic data andmaternal social role attitudes measured as life role salience (see Appendix B, Questionnaire).Maternal characteristics.  First Nations membership was measured by askingrespondents to circle the category indicating whether they themselves and their partners were a"First Nations person" or "not a First Nations" person.Respondents circled the category describing their marital status: single, living together,married, separated, divorced, or widowed. The categories provided informal status such as"living with a partner" that may in some circumstances be considered a formal status.Respondents indicated their educational status by circling one of nine levels ofeducational attainment: Elementary School, Grade 9, Grade 12, a Trade Program, a TechnicalProgram, an Undergraduate Degree and a Graduate Degree level. For the analysis "TradeProgram" and "Technical Program" were combined into a "Trade and Technical " category.To determine the occuptional status of respondents they were asked to complete thesentence: "My occupation is " The responses were classified and rankedas: 1) none identified, 2) handicrafter, 3) student, 4) laborers and processors, 5) office workerand 6) paraprofessionals and professionals. Respondents in the first three categories includedthose without a current formal occupational status. Respondents in the second three categorieswere considered to have formal occupational status based on Statistics Canada criteria. Thecategories were ranked in ascending order based on increasing educational requirements so thata high score indicated occupations requiring higher levels of formal education for the job.Respondents were asked to circle the category describing their employment status: fulltime (more than 29 hrs. per week), part time (less than 29 hrs. per week), seasonally (manyhours during some part of the year and few or none at other parts of the year), not employed,not seeking work, a student (not seeking work) and an open category in which they coulddefine another type of employment status.61Occupational status and employment status were combined to reflect current maternallevel of employment. A cross tabulation produced three distinct respondent categories: thoseformally employed full and part time (professionals and paraprofessionals, laborers andprocessors and office workers); those preparing for future employment (students); and thosenot formally employed (none identified, homeworkers, homemakers, and seasonal employees).Level of Employment measures the level of respondent role involvement in work andeducation for formal employment, reflecting the investment of time and personal resourcesbetween the formal and informal spheres of economic activity.Family/household characteristics.  Community size was indicated by the respondentscircling one of six categories: "more than 500,000 people", "100,000 to 499,999 people","30,000 -- 99,999", "less than 30,000", "Village", to "Rural, a few houses near by".Living arrangements were indicated by the respondents checking one of six diverseresidential options. This variable was used to create two other variables. To assess theeconomic security of living arrangements, a dichotomous variable "renting" was created.This variable has two levels "Renting" and "Other arrangements". To assess a more globallevel of security of living arrangements, an interval variable, "security of accommodation" wascreated. This variable has four levels, "Neither Economic nor Psychological Security" (livingas a guest), "Psychological Security" (co-rental or co-ownership of accommodation),"Economic Security" (renting), "Both Economic and Psychological Security" (sole ownership).Score increases reflect a progression from interdependence to independence in accommodation.Respondents were asked to indicate their current gross annual household income from allsources (wages, family allowance, welfare, unemployment insurance, pensions, etc.) bycircling one of 9 income categories: from "Under $5,000" to "$40,000 and over" inincrements of $5,000. Two categories at the top of the range were collapsed for data analysis,which resulted in an 8 point scale anchored at the high end of the scale by "$35,000 and over".Respondents were asked to describe household members by "the individual's age, inyears, their relationship to respondent (e.g., son, friend), circle their sex". Four variableswere created from this information: "number of people in the household", "number of children62in the household", "family leadership", and "presence of preschoolers". The variable"Family/Household Size " was derived from the number of people in the household, producingthree household groupings by number of members: 1 = "0 - 3 members", 2 = "4 - 6members" and 3 = "7+ members". The variable "Number of Children per Household" wasderived from the number of individuals 18 years and under per household. FamilyLeadership" was derived from "Marital Status" and confirmed by mothers' reports of absenceor presence of husbands or partners living in the household. This variable has two levels:"Single" (mothers only) and "Dual" (mothers and husbands or partners). The variable"Preschoolers" was derived from the ages of sons and daughters by recoding ages 1, 2 to 1,ages 3 to 18 to 0. The result was a two level variable in which the "Absence of Preschoolers"= "0" and the "Presence of Preschoolers" = "1". The lower age limit was determined byavailability of "Headstart" type programming in rural and in urban schools for First Nationschildren as young as 3 years of age and the upper limit by the age of majority after which themother could no longer be expected to be responsible for the child's school attendance. Thisvariable was used as an indicator of child care demands on the household by identifyingwhether there were only school age children or also pre-school children.Life role salience. The independent variables, social role attitudes, consisting of valueof and commitment to life roles, were measured by the Life Role Salience Scale that wasdeveloped by Amatea et al. (1986). The scale measures value and commitment in four socialrole domains: occupational, marital, parental, and home care. There are five items in each ofthe eight subscales or forty items in total. Two examples of statements from the scales are:"My life would be empty if I never married" (measuring current or expected value ofmarriage) and "I expect to devote whatever time and energy it takes to move up in my job andor career field" (measuring current or expected commitment to work). Possible responses onthe Life Role Salience Scale are: 1) disagree, 2) somewhat disagree, 3) neither agree ordisagree, 4) somewhat agree, 5) agree.Four theoretical criteria guided the development of the Life Role Salience Scale(Amatea et al., 1986). First, value and commitment were conceptualized as role dimensions63rather than two ends of a continuum. The personal importance of the role (the role value) andthe level of commitment of personal resources to the enactment of the role (the rolecommitment) are considered distinct. Second, the authors claimed gender neutrality for theirscale validated by studies with male and female college students, academic women, andparents of new borns. Third, items were applicable to those enacting roles as well as thoseanticipating roles as validated by college students anticipating all life roles, by academicwomen involved in work and family roles and by males and females newly involved in theparental role. Finally, levels of life roles could be captured to reflect levels of role status.There were two phases in the original scale development in which the scale was testedon a total of 1,069 individuals. The first phase had two distinct parts. A ninety-item pilot testwas first administered to 143 college students (73 women; 70 men). Then a refined instrumentof six, 6-item scales was first tested on a group of college students (234 women; 200 men) andsecond on a group of career women (192 women). The second phase, undertaken with newparents (150 men and 150 women), was a sample for whom active engagement in the parentalrole was the criteria. The recruitment of the latter sample was through a sampling of birthannouncements. The student sample represented an anticipatory combining of roles acrossgender. The academic women and parents represented those actively engaged in combiningroles with occupation (career) within gender. The parents represented those actively engagedin combining roles across gender.Three statistical criteria guided the development of the Life Role Salience Scale as aninstrument with strong discriminatory power. First, items below 2.0 or above 4.0 on a 5-pointscale were eliminated as extreme. Second, items with too little variance (less than .50) wereeliminated. Third, in comparing the factor structure similarity between the undergraduate andacademic women's sample (using Cattell's salient variable similarity index, s ), only the itemsthat loaded .30 or above were considered salient and retained. Scale development began witha 90-item pool. A factor analysis of these items supported the identification of eightdimensions of this scale that resulted in the final 40-item scale. In the initial uses of the scale64(Amatea et al., 1986) the item-total correlations were only moderate at p =. 001 but the alphacoefficients were reasonably good (between .79 and .94).Dependent VariablePlanning. The Morphostatic -- Morphogenic Planning Scale was used to assess theplanning behavior of First Nations families. The scale was conceptualized by Beard (1975)and later refined by Beard and Firebaugh (1978). These 86 statements were evaluated by tenhome management experts to establish expert or face validity. The questions were pilot testedon 62 home management undergraduates. The scale was then administered to 252 women in23 women's groups.This scale as published by Beard and Firebaugh (1978) contained 75 of the original 86planning statements. The authors had eliminated 11 items which did not attain a factor loadingof .30. The remaining 75 planning items consisted of 38 statements suggesting morphostaticstrategies (system maintenance with an end-state focus) and 37 statements suggestingmorphogenic strategies (system change with a means focus). The statements elicitedagreement on a five-point Likert-type scale regarding the similarity between the planningstatements and planning behavior in their families. The choices ranged from "Not Like WhatMy Family Does" to "Exactly Like What My Family Does" .In Beard's use of the scale, reliability was assessed with a Kuder-Richardson formula(KR-20), a special version of alpha testing internal consistency for dicotomous variables (deVellis, 1991). She re-classifed planning scale items as positive or negative responses (like ornot like the family). The internal reliability was a KR-20 coefficient of .82 for all 86statements, .76 for the morphostatic statements and .73 for the morphogenic statements.Forty-nine statements (57%) had commonalities or a shared variance of .30 and above. Beardand Firebaugh (1978) condensed the scale when eight principle components were extracted inthe initial factor analysis with seventy-five items loading .30 or above in an orthogonal rotationof the initial analysis. Thirty-three percent of the variance was accounted for in the first eightfactors. Since this was a component factor rather than a common factor analysis it isimportant to note that these factors include all variance: random error, common, and specific.65According to Beard and Firebaugh (1978), five of the factors (I, II, V, VI, and VII)identify characteristics of morphostatic and morphogenic planning behavior and the remainderare of limited use in differentiating between morphostatic and morphogenic planning.Although Beard and Firebaugh consider Factors III, IV, and VIII of limited usefulness inidentifying family rules for morphostasis (maintenance) or morphogenesis (change) these otherfactors may suggest other ways families use maintenance and change in their lives. Issuesarising from planning statements which suggest descriptions for these factors hint at the levelof engagement of family rules (emotional versus cognitive, community versus family,individual versus family). In Beard's (1975) analysis and Beard and Firebaugh's (1978) reportof the findings, factors were classified by the behavioral content they typified as follows:Factor III, "Family coping with demands of random planning behavior", suggests a rigidadherence to rules that conserve current family functions but are not planful; Factor IV,"Community involvement", suggests a community orientation or lack thereof as a source foremerging family rules; Factor VIII, "Individual flexibility", suggests that flexibility at theindividual level may serve family planning behavior differently for family change(morphogenesis) or maintenance (morphostasis). The statements contributing to these factorswere retained in this study so that the "characteristics of planning behavior" could be examinedfor relationships between systems characteristics (Broderick & Smith, 1979), familymanagement characteristics and family characteristics (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989).A large pool of items was considered desirable since the scale had not been normed in aFirst Nations population. Spector (1992) suggests that when internal consistency of scalesbreak down across time and between populations the frame of reference remains thedistribution of scores. The greater the number of scores the greater the probability of findingrelationships between scores. Using the pool of items salient for Beard's sample was expectedto permit the development of a norm with a factor analysis for our First Nations populationthat was comparable to Beard's study. This approach was considered more desirable thanusing the existing factors (Beard & Firebaugh, 1978) as norms for this First Nationspopulation.66Chapter IVResultsThe report of findings is divided into three parts. The first part is a description of thesample, including independent variables both in their original scales and scales converted forhypothesis testing. The second part includes a report of the reliabilities of scales that make upthe dependent variable, planning, the Morphostatic and Morphogenic Planning Scale (Beard &Firebaugh, 1978) and the independent variables, social role attitudes, the Life Role SalienceScale (Amatea et al., 1986), with a discussion of the decision process that produced themeasures for hypotheses testing. The third part is a report of the tests of the hypotheses.Description of the Data SetUnivariate statistics were computed to examine the statistical distribution ofdemographic, life role salience, and planning measures. Given the small, purposive sampleand number of values for each of the variables, a one-sample non-parametric Chi-square testwas computed to assess the independence of the measures. These Chi-square results indicatedthat a minimum of 80% of the items making up the planning and life role scales weresignificant at p < .10; size of community, marital status, educational status, currentoccupation, employment status, and living arrangements were significant at p < .001; incomewas significant at p = .005. These low probabilities provided evidence of statisticalindependence, probabilities not solely attributable to chance. Thus the important assumptionof independence was met satisfactorily, increasing confidence in the validity of furtherstatistical tests in the data analysis and inferences drawn from the results (Kerlinger, 1986).Description of the RespondentsMaternal characteristics.  The respondents were between 19 years and 51 years with amean age of 32.28 years (SD = 1.15). The majority (70%) were married or cohabiting, with15% single and 15% widowed, divorced, or separated. Of those women married or cohabiting(n = 28), 85.7% were in homogamous relationships wherein husbands or partners were alsoFirst Nations individuals (n = 24). Of all the respondents, 60% were in relationships with67First Nations partners, only 10% were in relationships with non-First Nations partners, and30% were not currently in relationships.Grade 12 was the mean level of education attained with only 10% holding universitydegrees. Only one third of mothers with post secondary levels of education (15%) hadattended technical or trade schools. Attained levels of education were reflected in theoccupational areas which were identified. Of the 50% who had formal occupational identities,30% were para-professionals or professionals, the remainder, laborers and processors andoffice workers. Of all the respondents, only 5% said they had no current occupation. Theemployment status of this sample of respondents indicates that they were actively investing inoccupational identities with 32.5% employed and 55% (students) developing skills to achieveemployment. Only 70.6% of those employed were employed full time (see Table 2).Family/household characteristics. The mean household income from all sources wasbetween $15,000 and $19,999, with 70% of households receiving under $19,999 annually.Half of the respondents lived rurally or in villages, one quarter lived in communities withpopulations of less than 30,000 and one quarter with populations of more than 30,000. Avariety of living arrangements was evident. Rental housing with sole tenancy was the modalresponse.The modal household size of these First Nations families was four to six members(55%); a more detailed analysis indicated that 65% of households had four or fewer members.The majority (82.5%) of households consisted of nuclear families with two types of extendedfamilies, one extended with relatives (10%) and the second extended with friends (7.5%).Twice the number of households were led by a spousal pair (67.5%) as by a single female(32.5%). School age children were present in all households, preschoolers were present in onethird of these households. One (30%) and two child (40%) households were in the majority(see Table 3).Table 2Maternal CharacteristicsCharacteristicNumber ofRespondentsPercentage ofRespondentsLevel of EducationElementary 3 7.5Grade 9 12 30.0Grade 12 16 40.0Trade and Technical School 2 5.0University degree 4 10.0Missing data 3 7.5Total 40 100.0Level of EmploymentNot Trained or Employed 3 7.5Transitional - Student 22 55.0Trained and Employed 14 35.0Missing data 1 2.5Total 40 100.0Security of AccommodationNeither Psyc/ Ec Security 1 2.5Psychological Only 3 7.5Economic Only 25 62.5Psycho-Economic Security 9 22.5Missing data 2 5.0Total 40 100.068Table 3Family/Household CharacteristicsCharacteristicNumber ofHouseholdsPercentage ofHouseholdsType and Size of CommunityRural - Few houses 2 5.0Rural - Village 16 40.0Urban - less than 30,000 9 22.5Urban - 30,000-99,999 1 2.5Urban -100,000- 499,999 3 7.5Urban - 500,000 5 12.5Missing data 4 10.0Total 40 100.0Amount of Income in 000'sof dollars (CDN)Under -^5,000 3 7.55,000 -^9,999 4 10.010,000 -^14,999 10 25.015,000 -^19,999 11 27.520,000 -^24,999 4 10.025,000 -^29,999 1 2.530,000 -^34,900 2 5.035,000 -^Over 3 7.5Missing data 2 5.0Total 40 100.0Size of Family/Household0 - 3 members 10 25.04 - 6 members 22 55.07 +^members 8 20.0Total 40 100.0Type of LeadershipMother Only 12 30.0Mother and Partner 28 70.0Total 40 100.06970Reliabilities of the Morphostatic and Morphogenic Planning ScaleThe dependent variable, planning, was measured by the Morphostatic and MorphogenicPlanning Scale (Beard & Firebaugh, 1978). A limited sample size precluded a factor analysiswhich is the most desirable assessment of scale performance in a new population. Instead,using a conceptual approach, planning scale items were summed in two ways. First, eightsub-scales were created using Beard's (1975) initial conceptualization of morphostatic andmorphogenic boundaries, morphostatic and morphogenic standards and sequences,morphogenic and morphostatic organizational commitment, and morphostatic and morphogenicadjustment to demands. Reliabilities of the scales produced by this approach were checkedusing Cronbach's alpha. The resulting alpha statistics (from .70 to .25) indicated that theinstability of these summed sub-scales precluded their consideration for further data analysis(see Appendix C, Table 1).Second, eight sub-scales were created by summing the items to correspond with theeight dimensions identified through a factor analysis of Beard's (1975) data as tentativelynamed by Beard and Firebaugh (1978). The eight planning dimensions included: Factor I:Morphostatic Planning Behavior, Factor II - Morphogenic Planning Behavior, Factor III -Family Coping with Demands, Factor IV - Individual Plan Flexibility, Factor V - CommunityInvolvement - Morphostatic, Factor VI - Resource Maximization, Factor VII - FamilyAdherence to Rules, Factor VIII - Individual Flexibility - Morphogenic. These eight planningdimensions, as interpreted by Beard and Firebaugh (1978), identified family planningbehaviors that focused on resources (Factor I), that focused on goals (Factor II), that copedwith demands using both morphogenic and morphostatic planning (Factor III), that wereinvolved in the community (Factor IV), that depended on individual plan flexibility (FactorV), that maximized resources (Factor VI), that adhered to externally imposed standards(Factor VII), and depended on individual flexibility (Factor VIII).71The number of items, means, standard deviations, and coefficient alphas for these eightplanning dimension sub-scales are reported in Table 4. Of these eight sub-scales, three producedcoefficient alphas which suggested acceptable levels of scale reliability: "Morphostatic Planning"(alpha = .84), "Morphogenic Planning" (alpha = .76), and "Adherence to Rules" (alpha = .72).Based on the standardized means, the level of endorsement seemed highest in "Adherence to Rules"and lowest for "Morphogenic Planning". The family managerial system named "Family Copingwith Demands" by Beard and Firebaugh (1978) and consequently described as "Random" byDeacon and Firebaugh (1989) was one of the planning dimensions included in the hypotheses forthis study which demonstrated insufficient reliability to be included in further analyses. Instead"Adherence to Rules" which assesses aspects of morphostatic planning behavior has beensubstituted. Item-scale communalities in the planning dimensions exceeding .30 were 94% in"Adherence to Rules", 90% in "Morphostatic Planning", and 87.5% in "Morphogenic Planning".Table 4Descriptive Statistics and Reliability Coefficients for Planning Scale DimensionsNo.ofItemsPlanning Scale Dimensions Factora Mean SDalphaN =4020 Morphostatic Planningb I 3.35 .683 .8417 Morphogenic Planningb II 3.15 .584 .7611 Family Coping with Demands III 2.98 .579 .509 Community Involvement IV 3.04 .451 .138 Individual Plan Flexibility V 3.36 .489 .2410 Resource Maximizing VI 3.29 .570 .508 Adherence to Rulesb VII 3.33 .775 .729 Individual Flexibility VIII 3.35 .495 .19a Planning factors identified by Beard and Firebaugh (1978).b Dimensions of the dependent variable (planning) used in this study.72Three factors of the original eight factors identified and described by Beard and Firebaugh(1978) were statistically confirmed for this sample of First Nations mothers. Because the sampleon which these factors were normed was American mothers in volunteer/community associations, itis not surprising that not all of the dimensions achieved reliability for a sample of First Nationsmothers. However, the three dimensions of planning identified seem to be measuring familysystem level planning behaviors adequately enough to proceed (see Appendix D, Table 1).Reliabilities of the Life Role Salience ScaleLife Role Salience scales and sub-scales retained in the analysis are reported in Table 5.The standardized means highlight the level of role endorsement by First Nations mothers.Role value and commitment are highest in the parental role with the least variation (M = 4.45,SD = .30) and lowest in the marital role with the most variation (M = 3.27, SD = .91).Numbers of items, means, standard deviations, and alpha coefficients of life roledomains, life role compliments, and life role attitudes are reported in Table 5. Acceptablelevels of reliability were found in the occupational role domain (alpha = .83), the marital roledomain (alpha = .86), and the home care role domain (alpha = .75). These alphas suggeststable measures in three life role domains. Only the parental role scale had an alpha (.13)judged to be statistically and hence conceptually unreliable for this population. Efforts tostabilize the alpha of the parental role scale as suggested by de Vellis (1991) (e.g. reversescoring items, deleting items) were unsuccessful. The high mean and low variation, yet lackof item-to-scale correlation in the parental role measure resulted in an unacceptable level ofreliability and convergent validity. However, the measure was retained because its statisticalfailure may be indicating something of theoretical value and will be discussed in thelimitations.Table 5Number of Items, Descriptive Statistics and Reliability Coefficients for the Life RoleSalience ScaleNo.^ofItemsLife Role Salience Scale Mean SDalphaN=40Life Role Domains a:10 Occupational Role Value & Commitment 3.84 .741 .8310 Parental Role Value & Commitment 4.45 .300 .1310 Marital Role Value & Commitment 3.27 .913 .8610 Home Care Role Value & Commitment 4.22 .600 .75Life Role Complimentsb:40 Salience of Four Social Roles 3.94 .382 .7830 Salience of Three Family Roles 3.98 .411 .75Life Role Attitudesb:20 Value of Four Social Roles 4.00 .461 .6720 Commitment to Four Social Roles 3.89 .424 .69a Life Role Salience Scale (Amatea et al., 1986). bAdapted from Amatea et al. (1986).7374A correlation matrix was computed to confirm the convergent and discriminant validityclaimed for the life role salience scales by Amatea et al. (1986), and to assess the relativeperformance of the summed subscales. The correlations between "Life Role Domains" were,as expected, mainly weak, positive and nonsignificant with one exception; the "Parental Role"was positively ( r = .30, p < .05) associated with the "Marital Role" and negatively(r = -.30, p < .05) associated with the "Home Care Role". The significant association of the"Parental Role" with these two roles provides a theoretical rationale for including it in theanalyses. The "Occupational Role" was independent of other life roles and consequentlyconsidered useful for further analyses. The Role Compliment, " Salience of Three FamilyRoles", a summation of the salience of Parental, Marital and Home Care Roles, wasindependent of the "Occupational Role" (r = .14, n.s.) and therefore also considered usefulfor further analyses, as were "Value of Four Social Roles" and "Commitment to Four SocialRoles". In summary, the life role domain measures seemed to perform adequately, with theexception of the Parental Role, achieving measures of life role salience which were judged tobe stable and valuable independent variables to be included in the tests of the hypotheses.75Tests of HypothesesSociodemographics and Planning BehaviorThe associations between categorical variables were assessed by analysis of variance.Association between interval variables were assessed with partial correlations. The samplingeffects were entered as controls in all assessments.Hypothesis 1 Presence of preschoolers is positively related to morphostatic planning.An analysis of variance was conducted with the dichotomous variable "Preschool"(Absence of Preschoolers = 0, Presence of Preschoolers = 1) and the interval variable"Morphostatic Planning", controlling for sampling effects. The main effects of the presence ofpreschoolers on "Morphostatic Planning" did not reach significance (F (2,38) = .04, p = .84)and consequently the hypothesis was rejected.Hypothesis 2Education is positively related to morphogenic planning. The association between two interval variables, "Educational Status" and "MorphogenicPlanning" was tested by computing a partial correlation coefficient which permitted samplingeffects to be controlled. Educational status was negatively and moderately, but notsignificantly (r = -.21, p = .22) related to "Morphogenic Planning". This hypothesis wasrejected.Hypothesis 3 Maternal age is negatively related to morphogenic planning. The association between two interval variables, "Age" and "Morphogenic Planning"was tested by computing a partial correlation coefficient which permitted sampling effects tobe controlled. Age was weakly, negatively and not significantly (r = -.04, p = .79) related to"Morphogenic Planning". While the direction was correct, and younger mothers did usemorphogenic planning less, the strength of the association and achieved level of significancedid not warrant acceptance of this hypothesis.76Hypothesis 4Maternal level of employment is negatively related to morphogenic planning. An analysis of variance was conducted on the independent ordinal variable "Level ofEmployment" and the dependent interval variable "Morphogenic Planning", controlling forsampling effects. The main effects of level of employment (F (3,35) = .03, p = .97) did notachieve significance and the hypothesis was rejected.Hypothesis 5Renting is negatively related to morphogenic planning. An analysis of variance was conducted on the "dummied" dichotomous variable"Renting" and interval variable "Morphogenic Planning", controlling for sampling effects.Main effects of renting on morphogenic planning did not reach significance (F (2,38) = 1.45,p = .24). While renting approached significance, the test revealed no significant differenceand consequently the hypothesis was rejected.Life Role Salience and Planning BehaviorThe associations between interval measures of life role domains, life role attitudes, liferole compliments and planning behaviors were assessed with partial correlation coefficients inorder that the contribution of sampling effects could be controlled in tests of these hypotheses.Partial correlation coefficients are reported to indicate the remaining contribution of theindependent variable in predicting the dependent variable after the sampling effects wereremoved.Hypothesis 6Maternal family role salience is related to morph ostatic planning. A partial correlation coefficient measured the association between two interval variables,"Family Roles" and "Morphostatic Planning", controlling for sampling effects. Family rolesalience was wealdy and positively but not significantly (r = .16, p = .33) associated with"Morphostatic Planning". This hypothesis was rejected.77Hypothesis 7Maternal occupational and family role salience (all life roles) is related tomorphogenic planning.A partial correlation coefficient measured the association between two interval variables,"All Life Roles" and "Morphogenic Planning", controlling for sampling effects. Occupationaland family role salience were positively but weakly (r = .18, p = .27) associated with"Morphogenic Planning". This hypothesis was not significant and was rejected.Hypothesis 8 Maternal occupational role salience is related to planning by adherence to rules. A partial correlation coefficient measured the association between two interval variables"Occupational Role" and "Adherence to rules", controlling for sampling effects. Occupationalrole salience was strongly, positively and significantly (r = .36, p = .02) related to planningwhich emphasizes rules. The hypothesis was not rejected.Hypothesis 9Maternal life role commitment is positively related to morphogenic planning. A partial correlation coefficient measured the association between two interval variables,"Commitment" and "Morphogenic planning", controlling for sampling effects. This life roleattitude was positively but weakly (r = .17, p = .30) related to "Morphogenic planning".This hypothesis failed to achieve significance and was rejected.Hypothesis 10Maternal life role value is positively related to morphostatic planning. A partial correlation coefficient measured the association between two interval variables,"Values" and "Morphostatic Planning", controlling for sampling effects. This life role attitudewas moderately, positively but not significantly (r = .22, p = .18) related to "MorphostaticPlanning". This hypothesis was rejected.Post hoc analysis. A post hoc analysis was conducted on the relationships betweensociodemographic variables, maternal life role salience measures, and planning dimensions nothypothesized from the literature. Income was included as a variable and analyzed in78association with all planning dimensions. Five additional, statistically significant, partialcorrelations were found when sampling effects were controlled. Occupational role saliencewas positively related to morphostatic planning (r = .36, p = .02). Educational status wasinversely related to "Adherence to Rules" (r = -.51, p = .001). Income was inversely relatedto all three plannning dimensions (i.e., planning by adherence to rules and morphogenicplanning, (I. = -.30, p < .10) morphostatic planning (r = -.43, p < .01).The Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning ModelHypothesis 11 Maternal and family sociodemographics and maternal life role salience contribute toalarming (morphostatic planning, planning by adherence to rules. and morphogenicalarming). The contributions of family and maternal socio-demographics and maternal life rolesalience to three dimensions of planning were investigated using a multiple regression. Acontrolled method of entry was employed in which variables were entered based on thetheoretical model "Maternal Social Role Attitudes and Planning Behavior". Variables wereentered in two steps. First, the sampling effects were entered to check the significance of theeffects of methodology and possible sampling bias. Second, all the other variables wereentered.The basic multiple regression model was:Planning = B (sampling effects) + B (family and maternal sociodemographics andfour maternal life roles).79Three conceptual equations were generated, one for each dependent variable, accordingto the additive multiple regression model:Planning by Adherence to Rules = B (sampling effects) + B (FamilySociodemographics [size of community + income + number of persons inthe household + type of family leadership] + Maternal Sociodemographics[age + educational status + level of formal employment + security ofaccommodation] + Maternal Life Roles [occupational role salience +parental role salience + marital role salience + home care role salience] ).Morphogenic Planning = B (sampling effects) + B (Family Socio-demographics[size of community + income + number of persons in the household + typeof family leadership] + Maternal Socio-demographics [age + educationalstatus + level of formal employment + security of accommodation] +Maternal Life Roles [occupational role salience + parental role salience +marital role salience + home care role salience] ).Morphostatic Planning = B (sampling effects) + B (Family Sociodemographics[size of community + income + number of persons in the household + typeof family leadership] + Maternal Sociodemographics [age + educationalstatus + level of formal employment + security of accommodation] +Maternal Life Roles [occupational role salience + parental role salience +marital role salience + home care role salience] ).Before proceeding with these analyses, several data checks were made to deal withcritical assumptions of the regression analyses: independence of variables, levels of tolerance,and normal distribution. Since the independent variables were the same for each planningdimension these checks are reported only once but apply to all three models. First, acorrelational matrix was computed to deal with the assumptions of independence among thevariables in the equation. Ten percent of the relationships between the fourteen independentvariables were significantly interrelated. The highest interrelationship was between number ofpersons living in the household and family leadership (r = -.60). Second, after entering thevariable to control sampling effects, the tolerances of the remaining variables not in theequation were assessed. The lowest level of tolerance was in level of employment (.68).80Tolerances (proportions of unexplained variance) were considered to be acceptable posingminimal threat to assumptions of independence. Third, an examination of the residual analysisindicated that there were no outliers in the casewise plots. In the standardized residual plot therange was between 1.00 and -1.00 (n = 31). A visual inspection of the normal probabilityplots indicated that generally the distribution of the observed values was relatively close to theregression line and the distribution was generally linear.The resulting statistics of the three regression equations were (see Table 6):Planning by adherence to rules:Y = 6.02 + (-.09) + (-.24) + (-.58) + (.04) + (-.09) + (-.05) + (-.17) + (-.03) + (.15)+ (.63) + (.17) + (.13) + (-.06) + error.Morphogenic planning:Y = 6.30 + (.00) + (-.44) + (-.55) + (.21) + (-.21) + (-.10) + (.00) + (-.08) + (.07)+ (.37) + (.28) + (.11) + (-.30)^+ error.Morphostatic planning:Y = 4.61 + (-.17) + (.12) + (-.47) + (.32) + (.02) + (.08) + (-.08) + (.07) + (.21)+ (.80) + (.02) + (.16) + (-.01) + error.Adherence to rules.  Standardized beta coefficients and F-ratios for the regressionmodel "Adherence to Rules" are reported in Table 6. The sampling effect was entered in stepone and the R2 of .03 was not significant (F (1,29) = .99, p = .33) and explained only 3% ofthe variance in this model. Family and maternal characteristics and maternal life role saliencewere entered in the second step. The significant R 2 change of .64 (F (13,17) = 2.83, p =.03) indicated the goodness of fit of the "Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning Model".The model explained 64% of the variance when sampling effects were controlled.81Occupational role salience and income contributed significantly to explaining"Adherence to Rules". As occupational role salience increased and income decreased,"Adherence to Rules" increased.Table 6Regression of Family and Maternal Characteristics, Salience in Life Role Domainson Planning BehaviorIndependent Variables Adherencea^Morphogenicb Morphostaticcto Rules^Planning^Planning Beta Beta Beta Family Characteristics:Size of community^-.24 -.44** .12Income^-.58*** -.55** -.47*Household size^.04 .21 .32Leadership -.09 -.21 .02Maternal Characteristics:Age^-.05 -.10 .08Educational status^-.17 .00 -.08Level of employment^-.03 -.08 .07Security of^.15accommodation.07 .21Life Role Salience:Occupational role^.63*** .37* .80***Parental role .17 .28 .02Marital role^.13 .11 .16Home care role -.06 -.30 -.01a (F (13,17) = 2.83, p = .03 ). b (F (13,17)c (F (13,17) = 2.00,p = .09).= 2.36, p = .05).*p < .10,^**p < .05, ***R < .01.82Morphogenic Planning. Standardized beta coefficients and F-ratios for the regressionmodel "Morphogenic planning" are reported in Table 6. The R2 of .01 was not significant (F(1, 29) = .38, p = .54) when the sampling effect was entered by itself. Family and maternalcharacteristics and maternal life role salience were entered in the second step. The significantR2 change of .62 in the second step (F (13,17) = 2.36, p = .05) indicated the goodness of fitof the "Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning Model". The model explained 62% of thevariance when sampling effect was controlled.Occupational role salience, income, and size of community contributed significantly toexplaining "Morphogenic Planning". As occupational role salience increased and income andsize of community decreased "Morphogenic Planning" increased.Morphostatic Planning. Standardized beta coefficients and F-ratios for the regressionmodel "Morphostatic Planning" are reported in Table 6. The sampling effect was entered instep one as a control variable. The R2 change of .06 (F (1, 29) = 1.93, p = .18) indicatedthat sampling effect explained 6% of the variance in this model when entered by itself. Thebalance of the variables were entered in the second step. The R 2 change of .55 (F (13,17) =2.00, p = .09) achieved significance explaining 55% of the total variance when samplingeffects were controlled.Occupational role salience and income were significantly related to "MorphostaticPlanning". As occupational role salience increased and income decreased "MorphostaticPlanning" increased.Summary. Support was found for the final hypothesis that tested the "Maternal SocialAttitude and Planning Model" in three planning dimensions. Income and maternaloccupational role salience contributed significantly to explaining planning generally.Community size only contributed significantly to explaining the "Morphogenic Planning"dimension.83Chapter VDiscussionThe purpose of this study was to examine the relationships between social demographicsof First Nations mothers and their families and the social role attitudes (life role salience) ofthese mothers in association with their planning behavior. Eleven hypotheses were used toexplore the relationships between the planning behaviors of First Nations women, theiroccupational, marital, parental, and home care role expectations, and sociodemographiccharacteristics of the mother and her family. The first five hypotheses were derived fromplanning literature based on samples drawn from the majority culture; the second fivehypotheses, from social role literature that included some minority samples. The eleventhhypothesis was based on the "Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning Model" developedfor this study. The Model was derived from the Family Resource Management framework(Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989).Social Role Expectations of First Nations MothersThe pattern of social roles endorsed by this sample of First Nations mothers, as indicatedby standardized scale means, was: parental role, home care role, occupational role, and maritalrole. The order of the roles in this pattern of salience suggests a primary social orientation tothe parental role with marital role the least salient. This pattern partially reflects the role statusof our sample of mothers (i.e., mothers, 100%; female head of nuclear household, 82.5%)with the last two reversed (i.e., employed, 37.5%; married, 55%). This primary orientation,indicated by the pattern of scale means, may reflect the early part of the family life cycleoccupied by these mothers in which the demands of young or school age children are highwhile maternal and family resources are low. Mothers have been found resistant to sharingcontrol of scarce financial resources with a spouse if they perceive the needs of their childrento be compromised (Rand, Levinger, & Mellinger, 1981). This orientation seems to beconsistent with a "self as other" orientation evoked by social expectations which may begender specific, that is "for women" (Meyers-Levy, 1988) or group specific, that is "forfamilies such as mine" (Triandis et al., 1988). First Nations mothers endorse a hierarchy of84life roles reflecting the traditional primacy of the parental role (White & Jacobs, 1992) in ahome economy of scarce resources.Since the scale was developed and normed in a non-native population (Amatea et al.,1986) it may be possible that, while these mothers tended to generally agree with the scales,individuals tended to disagree with items that did not reflect their expectations for role content.The pattern of reliabilities (alpha statistics) for these mothers was: marital role, .86;occupational role, .83; home care role, .75; parental role, .13. The lack of reliability of theparental role measure was the most obvious problem. This low score may reflect a lack ofunderstanding of the items by this group. Several items were reverse scored which may haveconfused respondents, reflecting a reduced consistency of responses. The high mean for theparental role, and the low variability which is reflected in the low reliability more likelyreflects the lack of variability in this sample of parents. The alpha statistic is based onassumptions of normal distribution which are not met in this purposive sample.Since the Life Role Salience Scale (Amatea et al., 1986) was robust for three out of fourrole domain measures, a closer examination of the reliability of the scale seemed warranted.A closer look found the pattern of reliabilities (alpha statistics) was the mirror image of thepattern of means, yet reflected the pattern of standard deviations ( i.e., from greatest to leaststandard deviation: marital role, .91; occupational role, .74; home care role, .60; parentalrole, .30). This pattern of relationships (i.e., reliabilities mirrored standard deviations ratherthan means) was identical to that of the academic women but differed from that ofundergraduates and new parents (i.e., reliabilities mirrored means rather than standarddeviations) reported in Amatea et al. (1986). In as much as these patterns of statistics for liferole salience seemed to be systematic, they may be indicating a bias rather than merely ameasurement error which is similar for these two samples. Academic women were engaged inand First Nations mothers were engaged in preparing for participation in occupational roles,that may be seen as non-normative for their reference group (i.e., "for women"), whereasstudents and parents were participating in behaviors normative for their reference groups. Thestatistical patterns suggest that academic women and First Nations mothers may have two85terms of reference. The first, representing a social norm, and the second, a personal norm.For the First Nations woman a distinction between social and personal norms may havecultural connotations which when associated with occupational role salience may be related tolevels of bicultural functioning (Thomas & Alderfer, 1989). The scale may be capturing thedifference First Nations women perceive between the socially normative expectations from thetraditions of the larger society reflected in the scale and the personal role expectations based onpersonal involvement and norms from their own cultural tradition.To account for such possible differences in social and personal expectations for life roleswhich could be reflected in scale outcomes it may be useful to look at some examples of thehistorical and contemporary interventions in the social lives of First Nations women. Thesocial roles of First Nations mothers have been legally and linguistically redefined to reflectthe sociocultural history of the larger society. Such redefinitions reflect expectations by thelarger society for First Nations people to conform to non-native behavioral norms whilediscounting their own expectations for behavior arising from native culture and traditions. Forexample, linguistic and legislative changes may provide an altered point of reference for FirstNations mothers without the sociocultural knowledge and experience in the context from whichthat point of reference originates. Group membership and resources of First Nations womenand children (Joseph, 1990) were redefined in a manner which was found to reduce the powerand authority of women in the household (Warner et al., 1986). Such reductions in socialpower and authority of First Nations women would be expected to reflect a reduction inpersonal resources and social expectations based on their development in their legal statusunder the Indian Act (Government of Canada, 1985). Expectations for marriage may be basedon potential marital partners who are also potential providers (Jones, 1976). Undercontemporary conditions such partners may be in short supply due to the lag in theoccupational development of First Nations men in an economy that has changed fromsubsistence to wage labor and entrepreneurial and most recently to an information focus.Mothers may be unwilling to formalize unions with partners who are periodically absent orwho, when present, jeopardize the welfare of children (Cruikshank, 1976).86Social authority has changed from local tribal law and customs of First Nations to non-native customs that are enforceable by law. For example, conflict may be underlying theambiguity of the marital role created by the personal focus of the measure based onindividualistic non-native norms for an individual with collectivist ideals (Triandis et al.,1988). Such dissonance may be present because the traditional focus of the marital role inFirst Nations has been the formal social contract between the families (Boelcher, 1988; Cole &Chaikin, 1990) and cultural standards of task performance to assure survival (Guemple, 1986)rather than the personal, intimate social relationships of modern private individuals.The validity check of the life role salience scales revealed a positive association betweenthe parental and marital roles and an inverse association between the parental and home careroles. The positive association suggests that parental and marital roles may be perceived bymothers to be complementary. The negative association suggests that parental and home careroles may be perceived by mothers to be competing. The relationships among these threefamily roles may reflect the changing net value (demand and resource potential) of the parentalrole as families shift from traditional to more modern socioeconomic orientations (Kagitcibasi,1989). In traditional families, children are perceived as resources and a source of status formothers, especially when occurring within marital unions. In contemporary families, childrenare perceived as demands competing for time and money with other symbols of adult statusespecially when both parents work. While caution is recommended in the use andinterpretation of the parental role scale because of its low reliability, the central tendencies ofthe group indicated by these associations seem to be consistent even if intra-individualvariations exist as reflected in the reliability statistic (alpha).Planning Behavior of First Nations MothersThe planning behavior of First Nations mothers seems to demonstrate characteristics incommon with traditional planning by First Nations people and contemporary planning bymajority women. First Nations mothers in this sample endorsed planning dimensions the sameas (Beard & Firebaugh, 1978) or similar to (Beuhler & Hogan, 1986) those endorsed by non-native samples. Even in this small sample, the planning dimensions endorsed are reflective of87traditional planning behaviors in number, variety, and characteristics of planning outcomes.For example, morphostatic planning, because of its characteristic rigid structure, internalconsistency, and resource regulation (Beard, 1975), seems to parallel planning behaviors inhighly structured matrilineal and patrilineal family systems. In such systems, arrangedmarriages were used to elaborate kinship structure and contribute to system maintenance(Boelcher, 1988; Cole & Chaikin, 1990). Planning by adherence to rules, characterized byattempts to meet externally originating demands without the usual, required resources, seemsto be consonant with planning behaviors that create "maps" of the activities needed to reachgoals in which strategic partnerships may contribute to system maintenance (Brody, 1981).Morphogenic planning, characterized by flexible structural criteria, deviance enhancement,spacio-temporal integrity, and resource expansion (Beard, 1975), is consonant with planningbehaviors of bilineal family systems such as the Chipewyan (Jarvenpa & Brumbach, 1988) andthe Inuit (Guemple, 1986). In these bilineal family systems, considerable mobility and/orhousehold reorganization occurs to secure resources which contribute to maintaining the familysystem, if not necessarily the social structure of relationships as defined by non-native society.First Nations mothers in this study chose planning behaviors that reflected characteristics ofboth modern and traditional system outcomes.First Nations mothers in this sample seemed to use planning dimensions similar to thosefound in studies with non-native women. An endorsement of common or core planningbehaviors is consistent with evidence (Szalay & Manday, 1983) that minority groups sharecore behaviors with the larger society. These core behaviors typically differ by minoritygroups, differentiating not only between the majority and minorities but also betweenminorities (Szalay & Manday, 1983). Such patterns suggest selective acculturation (Berry,1990) that possibly provides the basis for minority group identity development, ethnogenesis(Roosens, 1989). Such development would entail a common repertoire of behavior whilehighlighting minority differences in the larger society. Minority differences could beindicative of further behavioral variety at the population level which if recognized at the familylevel may, according to Broderick and Smith (1979), reduce the risk of immobilization,88structural disintegration, or innovation through deviation in the family system. Common corepatterns of behavior could then be expected to occur in socioeconomic domains with commonvalue and result in a greater behavioral range in the population as a whole.The apparent consonance between traditional and contemporary planning characteristicsof First Nations people and a core of planning behaviors in common with non-natives may berelated to enduring sociocultural orientations (i.e., social role attitudes, values, and personalityattributes) of First Nations people in the face of change. Pottinger (1987) found evidence thatcore adaptations and change adaptations could be differentiated as aspects of culturaladaptation in indigenous African populations. McShane and Berry's (1988) review ofadaptation in indigenous North American populations provides evidence of a similar pattern ofa highly stable core adaptation in the face of change. Pottinger (1987) found that ideals andambitions based on traditional subsistence patterns and material orientations (core adaptations)persisted to a depth of ten generations even with successful adaptation in a changing modernmaterial culture. Compared to the larger society which consists of relatively recent immigrantpopulations, the persistence of such core adaptations in indigenous populations may reflect thelack of real change in their orientation to subsistence activities or traditional territories.Sociocultural Expectations and Planning BehaviorsSociocultural information that defines the cultural organization of the interrelationshipsamong the family, societal systems, physical and biological systems is important input toplanning (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). The cumulative knowledge of and experience withthese interrelationships create sociocultural expectations that reflect their own socialorganization. A large part of the cultural knowledge and ordinary skills needed to findpractical solutions in highly context dependent situations (Forester, 1989) are based on thesociocultural expectations of prescriptive norms that evoke "a sense of commitment and moralobligation" (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989, p.33). The practical solutions First Nations mothersenvision for families could then be expected to "depend upon the peculiarities of a specificcontext that define the given problem...responding to the demands of a situation with all itsparticularities" (Forester, 1989, p. 63). Under such conditions, knowledge of and experience89with the prescriptive norms of both cultures would then be expected to contribute to planningbehaviors.Hypotheses 1 - 10: Sociodemographics, Life Role Salience, and PlanningThe first ten hypotheses tested relationships between sociodemographics, life roleattitudes, and planning dimensions with a bivariate approach. Predicting specific planningbehaviors of First Nations mothers from the variables identified in the literature was of limitedvalue. Only one out of ten hypotheses was supported: occupational role salience was related toplanning by adherence to rules. This general failure of the hypotheses should not be surprisingbecause sociodemographic variables are known to lack predictive power for behaviors ofacculturating individuals such as immigrants and First Nations people (Erickson, 1950;Trimble; 1988). The reconciliation of demands and resources by First Nations mothers andother minority mothers could be expected to differ from the majority mothers if minoritymothers are oriented in a minority culture, acculturated in the majority culture, and currentlyfunctioning in a common socioeconomic context using the norms of both cultures.Subsequent bivariate post hoc analyses revealed that universal resources (income), formalsociocultural knowledge and status (educational status), and socioeconomic orientation(occupational role salience) were associated with dimensions of planning and that, with theexception of the association between occupational role salience and planning by adherence torules, were not previously found in the literature.Educational status. Education was inversely associated with one planning dimension,planning by adherence to rules. Educational status was expected to be related to morphogenicplanning because education is thought to reflect the development of human capacities thatpromote personal system flexibility (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989). While the evidence suggeststhat these mothers may be personally flexible since they plan by sacrificing family goals andstandards in the face of external demands (i.e., adherence to rules), their flexibility may nottranslate into family flexibility. Garrison and Winter (1986) and McCaskey (1974) suggestthat planning behavior is contingent upon system rather than individual attributes. However,maternal education may contribute differently to planning depending upon the structure of the90family. For example, education may contribute to the morphogenic planning of recently singlemothers (Beuhler & Hogan, 1986) or to the morphostatic planning of mothers of intactfamilies (Beard, 1975). The educational status of mothers, in both single and intact FirstNations families, may contribute to meeting majority cultural demands as well as First Nationsexpectations without the "common" or culturally appropriate resources. Mothers who lackeducation may be limited in their adaptation to planning by adherence to rules.First Nations mothers who espouse a collectivist orientation (Triandis et al., 1988), inwhich personal and group goals may be merged, may find planning by adherence to rulesadaptive if they lack educational status. Sacrificing personal and family goals to those of thegroup may be positively perceived by women who have had little personal interaction withnon-native institutions. Merging personal and group goals in this sample of First Nationsmothers, a majority of whom were students, may account for the use of this planningdimension. For such individuals, acculturation into sociocultural goals may be attainedthrough practical and academic experience found in First Nations training programs.Formal education is expected to promote personal development to meet situationaldemands in the larger sociocultural context. The use of planning by adherence to rules, inassociation with a lack of education, may reflect an absence of sociocultural resources becauseof a dearth of experience with formal non-native institutions. Personal development in theformal institutions of the receiving society has been found to be essential to the development ofcapacities and adaptive abilities for bicultural individuals. Thomas and Alderfer (1989)suggest that personal experience, in, for example, occupational settings, permits the minorityperson to develop biculturally. In occupational settings, minority persons develop their rolesin task focused organizational activity, moving to more personal, less superficial standards forrole behavior (i.e., social referencing and group norms).Education may similarly provide acculturating individuals personal experience with therules or prescriptive norms of the larger society (Deacon & Firebaugh, 1989) from whichpersonal standards of social role behavior may be developed. The lack of formal educationassociated with planning by adherence to rules suggests the absence of a shared core of such91experience. Occupational and educational status are known to serve as indicators of the socialresources of such shared experience. Such indicators signal common social standards andindicate social distance (Dion, 1985), producing social capital (Coleman, 1990) necessary forsocioeconomic participation. First Nations mothers who lack educational development mayalso lack such social capital and by identifying bicultural planning contexts in "either/or" termsmay be attempting to reconcile cross cultural demands and resources by substituting norms orsocial goals of non-native institutions as behavioral goals for their families.Income. Income was inversely related to all three planning dimensions. The significantinverse relationship between income and planning behavior is surprising considering the lackof previous findings (Beuhler & Hogan, 1986, Garrison & Winter, 1986), although Beard(1975) reports income to be inversely related to planning. As income increases, the planningdimensions used reflect a family system increasingly able to meet externally originatingdemands with appropriate resources. The strong association between income and planning byadherence to rules suggests that increases in financial resources contribute to increased selfregulation and self definition (morphostatic planning) or redefinition (morphogenic planning)of the family system. Of the three planning dimensions, income is most strongly andsignificantly related to planning by adherence to rules. Since the average income in thissample of households was very low, this relationship suggests, the lower the income the morelikely these mothers plan by sacrificing family goals and standards and adopting externallyoriginating goals and standards. The inverse relationship between income and planning may inpart be explained by the nature of exchanges involved in socioeconomic transaction sinceDeacon and Firebaugh (1989) suggest that, in the absence of universal economic resources(e.g., income), particular social resources (e.g., planning behaviors) become importantsubstitutes. Increased income may be a necessary but not a sufficient resource for the planningFirst Nation mothers.The First Nations family functioning in a non-native social context may find thatparticular substitutes for income (e.g., social resources such as services, education, support,etc.) become increasingly available through social agencies to those who plan by adherence to92rules, since rules are usually the deciding criterion for program qualification, the currency ofbureaucracy. The criteria of social agencies usually represent institutional standards of thelarger culture that may be unfamiliar to First Nations mothers and for whom requiredcompliance may even seem coercive. The cost of such perceived coercion, an aspect of thestress of bicultural functioning, may then lead to selective engagement with social andeconomic institutions by minority mothers and families (Cruikshank, 1976; Dill, 1988;Imamura, 1990; Jones, 1976; Thomas & Alderfer, 1989). Their behavior in turn may beperceived as dependence, resistance or learned helplessness by the larger society (Locke, 1992)when in fact the sociocultural links between cultures are absent. However, in the absence ofincome, planning by adherence to rules may become a social means to severely limitedeconomic opportunities.Occupational role salience. In the original test of relationships between roleexpectations and planning dimensions, occupational role salience was found to be associatedwith planning by adherence to rules. This single association may point to the socioculturalintersection of two cultures for First Nations mothers. While high occupational participationrates are not usual for First Nations women generally (Statistics Canada, 1990), almost 90% ofthe mothers in the sample were employed or preparing for employment. Since behavioralexpectations for social roles are culturally defined (Rossi & Berk, 1985), these mothers areinvolved or have expectations for a social role which is non-normative for First Nationswomen and to an extent which is also unusual for non-native women. Since social life cyclesdiffer between cultures in the rate and pace of social role development (Imamura, 1990), theseFirst Nations mothers seem to be functioning biculturally in association with planning behaviorin the one social role to which they have been acculturated as employees or in which they arecurrently developing as students.Occupational role salience was important input into both planning by adherence to rulesand morphostatic planning. While these planning dimensions both conserve family systemorganization, they differ based on the availability or appropriateness of resources. Familygoals and standards are sacrificed when planning by adherence to rules because the appropriate93resources are lacking. Family goals and standards, as well as family structures are conservedwhen using morphostatic planning because with the appropriate resources the family exercisescontrol over its social presentation.First Nations mothers are participating and developing in roles which are non-normativeand cross cultural. First Nations mothers may be using both planning dimensions in anattempt to balance the demands of traditional and modern or cross cultural expectations in theirfamily systems to deal with the requirements for functioning in their bicultural occupationalcontext. Balancing changing role repertoires that are different from those expected for one'sage, gender, and ethnicity was associated with psychological distress in women (Menaghan,1989) and with acculturative stress in indigenous North Americans (Berry, 1990). Whetheremployed or students, the occupational role salience of First Nations mothers was related toplanning to maintain the family system either by controlling resources entering the family orby adhering to external standards for which the resources for adjustment were absent. Theserelationships serve as a classic illustration of the planning efforts of mothers to balance therequirements of personal, occupational, and educational system demands with financial andsocial resources in a bicultural context.Hypothesis 11: The Maternal Social Role Attitude and Planning ModelThese first ten hypotheses used the empirical findings from non-native populations in thecontext of the larger society to create measurement models of the planning behavior of FirstNations mothers. The use of empirical findings from the larger society as the basis for theprediction of the behaviors of a minority group becomes little more than a mere accentuationof behavioral differences. To avoid this pitfall, the eleventh hypothesis tested a conceptualmodel in which the effects of family and maternal characteristics and maternal life rolesalience on planning behavior were controlled.Compared to the bivariate models, the "Model" provided a good fit for all three planningdimensions even though the sample size was smaller (i.e., n = 37 - 40 for bivariates; n = 31for regressions). The regression analyses extended the bivariate analyses by controlling thecontributions of sociodemographics and social role attitudes. Controlling the variables in the94model altered some relationships. For example, educational status, which had been inverselyassociated with planning by adherence to rules in the bivariate test, no longer contributedsignificantly when other variables, notably income and occupational role salience, wereincluded in the analyses. The regression identified community size as a significant contributor,with income and occupational role salience, for one dimension of planning - morphogenicplanning. While the bivariate analysis indicated occupational role salience was related tomorphostatic planning and planning by adherence to rules, the regression confirmed itsassociation with all three planning dimensions. The bivariate analyses provided essentialpredictor variables. The regression model provided a more coherent and complete pattern ofcontributions to planning.The "Model" was found to be useful for predicting the planning behavior of FirstNations mothers. The independent variables operationalizing this model best accounted forplanning by adherence to rules, then morphogenic planning, and morphostatic planning theleast, based on the level of significance of the F statistic of their coefficients of determination.The same sample and independent variables were used to test all three planning dimensions toassure the stability of the standardized regression coefficients (Kerlinger, 1986) and hence thecomparability of their contribution between dimensions, across planning models. Morphostaticplanning was explained by the highest and morphogenic planning by the lowest contribution ofoccupational role salience. Morphostatic planning was explained by the highest and planningby adherence to rules the lowest contribution of income. Community size contributed only toexplaining morphogenic planning.The morphogenic planning model. As occupational role salience increased and incomeand community size decreased, the mothers tended to use morphogenic planning, In suchplanning mothers envision the adjustment of the family system to meet new demands becausenew resources, especially monetary resources, are expected to become available (Beard, 1975).Living in smaller communities was for this sample associated with living on reservesince approximately half of these participants resided in "Villages" which were reserves asdefined under the Indian Act (1985). Living in smaller communities, having a lower income,95and higher occupational role salience contributed similarly to explaining morphogenicplanning. First Nations people are the majority in reserve communities in which new socialand economic demands and resources are increasingly mediated by local band governments.Local government involvement may provide standards and goals intermediary between theFirst Nations family and the larger society to which mothers may orient their planningbehavior. For example, band governments in remote locations may provide or subsidizepublic services appropriate for their membership which encourages socioeconomic interactionbetween villagers and the larger society. Mothers living in such communities may be moreable to adopt new demands as family goals because they are the goals of the First Nationscommunity and because they expect the availability of appropriate resources with which toadjust. Accepting new demands that originate external to the family may be an importantaspect of living in smaller communities. For example, the smaller the community the lesslikely there is a buffer of professionals to assist the family. Under such conditions, adjustmentto common goals may take place without mothers and families losing their social identitybecause they are not merely connected to the community through social roles but also throughkinship. The adaptive persistence of First Nations systems may thus be possible as bandgovernments negotiate new demands and resources with the larger society.The planning by adherence to rules model.  As income decreased and occupationalrole salience increased, mothers used planning by adherence to rules. Income andoccupational role salience contributed almost equally to explaining planning by adherence torules.Increasing occupational role expectations and decreasing income associated with thisplanning dimension may reflect increases in the investment of "common resources" or socialcapital (Coleman, 1990) as financial resources decrease. Mothers seem to envision meetingthe demands of the family system by engaging in occupational activity. Since the majority ofthe mothers in this study are either working or anticipating work, planning by adherence torules may be reflecting the major way these mothers anticipate exchanging their personalresources for income to satisfy externally originating demands. This "Model" possibly best96indicates how the particular social resources of First Nations mothers and families are changedthrough the economy into the common resources which the larger society demands.The morphostatic planning model. As income decreased and occupational rolesalience increased, mothers used morphostatic planning. Beard's (1975) definition suggeststhat the issue in morphostatic planning is resource availability for family boundarymaintenance, in particular, financial resources (Beard & Firebaugh, 1978). For these FirstNations mothers, the greater contribution of occupational role salience relative to incomeseems to suggest social resources may also be implicated.The tendency to use morphostatic planning in association with occupational role saliencewas almost twice that associated with income. To maintain morphostatic planning systemsFirst Nations mothers seem to be investing personal resources at twice the rate income isinvested. The mothers that Jones (1976) interviewed were clearly investing heavily in theirown occupational role expectations while also emotionally and sometimes financiallysupporting their husbands who had poor prospects in the wage labor economy. First Nationsmothers who invest in morphostatic planning do so at great personal cost, reflecting the doubleburden of their bicultural functioning, a cultural parallel to the "double day".The planning model. The "Model" revealed that the tendency for First Nations mothersto use planning increased significantly as income and community size (sociodemographics)decreased and occupational role salience (maternal life role salience) increased while thecontribution of maternal characteristics was not significant. While family roles were notsignificant, their patterns in association with planning dimensions hint at a possible relationshipbetween patterns of family role salience to the development of family systems. Such patternsmay be due to changes in the social life cycle due to acculturation or may reflect stages in thefamily life cycle.The patterns of life role salience contributing to planning, while not statisticallysignificant in this small sample, may provide theoretical insight into the relationship betweenthe social role attitudes of these First Nations mothers who are striving to balance work,family, and ethnicity (Dill, 1988; Imamura, 1990; Jones, 1976; McCubbin & McCubbin,971989), income and community resources and their planning dimensions. As occupational,marital, and home care role salience increased, parental role salience decreased. This patternof life role salience is consistent with Kagitcibasi's (1989) findings of a shifting role focus inevolving family forms as families change from traditional extended to modern nuclear forms.Shifts in role focus may indicate sociocultural changes in demands and resources (e.g.,income, community size). With increasing modernization maternal economic contributionsoutside the family become increasingly important as does the companionship in the maritalrole, and the security of the home in urban living. At the same time the rewards ofparenthood decrease and with it maternal salience of the role. As parental role saliencedecreased and occupational, marital, and home care role salience, community size, and incomeincreased, mothers tended to go from using morphogenic to using morphostatic planning.Occupational, marital, and home care roles were associated with conserving structure withmorphostatic planning. These roles provide the social resources (material and social status)that permit First Nations mothers and families to structurally define themselves in the largersociety. An increasing parental role focus is associated with adjusting structures withmorphogenic planning. Focus on the parental role, especially in small reserve communitieswhere children are valued in a traditional manner, may provide economic and social resourcesfor First Nations mothers with which they are increasingly able to define themselves. Thebicultural orientation (pattern of life roles) of First Nations mothers seems to be linked to theplanning behavior they use to reconcile demands and resources for their family. The threemodels of planning dimensions which tested the "Model" demonstrated that the planningbehavior of First Nations mothers has a socioeconomic orientation taking place in a biculturalcontext to which public, financial, and maternal motivational resources (i.e., value of andcommitment to) contribute significantly.LimitationsSample size and scale reliability were two limitations that arose in the data analysis. Thesmall sample size (N = 40) precluded preferable analyses that would have provided a moreeffective and robust measure of the dependent variable, planning behavior. The control98variable created to reduce methodological differences may be contributing to either under orover estimation of the effects of predictor variables by reducing the stability of variablescontributing to explaining planning. The parental role scale, while highly endorsed (M =4.45), had little variation (SD = .30) which produced low scale reliability (alpha = .13).Poor parental role scale reliability may have been precipitated by the purposive samplingstrategy that effectively removed variability. The scale was entered with the other threeplanning scales because the reliability for "all life roles" was acceptable and parental role wasexpected to interact with the other roles in the multiple regressions rather than alone. Still itbegs the question whether the parental role conceptualization was suitable for this population.When a variety of theoretical perspectives are synthesized, terminology may become abarrier to clarity and brevity. Native and non-native perspectives are combined to permit anexamination of some of the assumptions when these perspectives are synthesized by FirstNations mothers and families. The bicultural perspective that serves as the context for thestudy at some level becomes synthesized and integrated for the woman who functionsbiculturally. The discussion of these syntheses integrates terminology and concepts from tworesearch orientations (Coomer & Hultgren, 1989): the empirical-analytic which includesbehavioral theory and systems theory and the interpretive which includes history, ethnography,and anthropology. In the behavioral orientation, the family resource management modelprovides the framework based in systems theory. The framework is substantively expressed bydemographics and social role theory in two social contexts. Thus, the range ofsociodemographic values reflects potential bicultural expectations and the maternal social roleattitudes of First Nations mothers reflect their bicultural orientations in the family resourcemanagement framework. The paucity of empirical survey research about the planningbehavior of First Nations people precluded the use of previously developed substantiveconcepts thus requiring a synthesis of loosely related concepts that might accommodate twocultural orientations.The sample in this study was as a group not comparable to the First Nations womendescribed in the census data because they were a subgroup (i.e., mothers with school age99children). This study used subjective definitions and indicators of First Nations orientations.Statistics Canada (1984, 1990) used social indicators as well as mother tongue and legaldefinitions. This study selected women with school age children whereas census data(Statistics Canada, 1984; 1990) includes women with children both younger and older thanschool age. Generalizations of the findings would not be recommended because the women inour sample may not be representative of mothers with preschool children.ConclusionsFirst Nations mothers were found to use three dimensions of planning (planning byadherence to rules, morphogenic planning, and morphostatic planning). The social roleattitudes of First Nations mothers, in order of salience, were found to be: parental role, homecare role, occupational role, and marital role. Occupational role salience and income were themost important predictors of planning generally. Lower educational status predicted planningby adherence to rules specifically. The model revealed characteristics of the family andmaternal systems and maternal social attitudes that contributed significantly to explaining thethree dimensions of planning behavior in First Nations families. Planning by adherence torules and morphostatic planning were explained by the social role attitude, occupational rolesalience, and income. Morphogenic planning was explained by income, living in a smallercommunity, and the social role attitude, occupational role salience. Maternal social roleattitudes, specifically, salience of the occupational role, was shown to contribute positively toexplaining the planning behavior of First Nations mothers.The findings of this study have demonstrated the utility of "The Maternal Social Attitudeand Planning Model" for investigating the planning behavior of a cultural minority such asFirst Nations mothers. The Model offers a framework in which theoretical criteria may beentered at various system levels that are critical for exploring the selective, domain specificorganization of acculturation or adaptation. Intrapersonal, personal, family, institutional, andcross-cultural systems can be readily framed in this model. The "Maternal Social Attitude andPlanning Model" included both objective and subjective measures to explore the biculturalperception of First Nations mothers. The subjective measures provided powerful indicators of100the role of attitudes as mediators in the vertical integration of the value-attitude-behaviorhierarchy (Homer & Kahle, 1988) inherent in reconciling bicultural demands and resources.The Model reflects the efficacy of Trimble's (1988) suggestion that acculturative status may bebest captured by multilevel models, yielding useful, readily interpretable results.ImplicationsThe limitations provide caveats cautioning the reader but are not meant to obscure theimportant findings in this first examination of the planning behaviors of First Nations mothers.The finding that First Nations mothers use planning behaviors significantly more as theeconomic means of the household (income) decrease and maternal socioeconomic motivation(occupational role salience) increases suggests the heart of planning may involve exchangesbetween material and social or motivational resources. Mothers seemed to be counterbalancingthe dearth of resources with an investment of personal resources to meet family systemdemands. The more mothers invested in the occupational role, the more the family systemused morphostatic planning associated with structural rigor and organizational stability. Theless mothers invested, the more the family system used planning associated with adjustment.When mothers invested the least in the occupational role they lived in smaller communitieswhere they may have access to cultural resources and kin and thus more able to adjust familystructure and organization (morphogenic planning). When mothers were less invested ineducational status, the family maintained their structure and organization but adjusted theirstandards and sequencing (planning by adherence to rules). This contribution of educationalstatus to explaining planning by adherence to rules suggested that First Nations mothers maybe using parallel sociocultural rules (i.e., native and non-native) which they may integrate astheir educational status increases. Such a process seems to corresponds with Thomas andAlderfer's (1989) concept of the development of "dual consciousness" in biculturalfunctioning. Planning by adherence to rules in a bicultural context suggests a search for newsocial resolutions or appropriate resources while maintaining the form of the family system.Once a resolution is identified the family system may move into another state of structure andand organizationa and employ other planning dimensions.101It is perhaps noteworthy that the three planning dimensions identified occur in this groupof mothers and may possibly represent a cycle of planning in First Nations families. As thecontribution of maternal occupational role salience to planning increases, First Nations familiesare more likely to live in larger communities, have greater incomes, and mothers whose socialrole attitudes reflect the salience of a modern, pattern of social roles. Such a cycle of planningmay be particularly applicable to those that move in and out of their home reservecommunities which may be explained by the variations in contribution of public, financial, andpersonal maternal resources which has consequences for the structural stability and integrity ofthe planning system.The interrelationships between maternal life role salience, income, and community sizesuggest a dynamic process between maternal perceptions, objective resources, maternal andfamily system structure and organization. This dynamic may indicate attempts by mothers tosubstitute personal cognitive and emotional resources for those formal and financial resourcesneeded to meet the demands of non-native society. Mothers using morphostatic planning couldbe putting themselves and their families at risk, particularly if high occupational roleexpectations are actually provider role expectations for their marital partner who shares neithertheir prior socialization nor their current employment opportunities (Jones, 1976).First Nations mothers personally invest more in planning as their network of relationsdecreases and their context of norms is increasingly bicultural, possibly resulting in a patternof economic participation and social separation similar to that found by McCubbin andMcCubbin (1989) for "other ethnic" families. For First Nations mothers such a transition mayconstitute a net loss of kinship relations and questionable legitimacy in the second culturalcontext and as the moral authority as female head of the household. Such profound loss maybe that which Dill (1988) describes as "grief" in association with ethnic mothering, a result ofthe losses sustained when moving from traditional communities in which they constitute themajority to larger communities in which they are the minority. Maternal "grief' is possiblythe price of bicultural functioning in which motivational resources significantly contribute toplanning tendencies which promote family system stability and integrity.102Further research is needed to understand the bicultural adaptation of minority womensuch as First Nation mothers especially as it concerns management in the family (Atleo, M.R., 1990). Investigating the relationship between increased income and system structure anddecreased planning may illuminate the transformation of resources and demands across culturalboundaries. The very high contribution of maternal occupational role salience associated withmore structured family systems and the low contribution associated with morphogenic planningand small community living may provide insight into some of the differences in demands onFirst Nations mothers.While this investigation in the family resource management framework indicated thatFirst Nations mothers plan in a bicultural context, there are many questions left to beinvestigated in future research. Is the inverse relationship between income and planningrelated to exchange between classes of resources, family structure, maternal marital status, orthe sociocultural nature of planning as a social product? The inverse relationship betweeneducational status and planning by adherence to rules gives rise to two questions: What specificresources do mothers with lower educational status lack that constrain them to planning byadherence to rules? What resources do such mothers have that planning by adherence to rulesis advantageous? The relationships between different weights of income and occupational rolesalience contributing to planning prompt the question: Why is a similar contribution of incomerelated to different levels of occupational role salience depending on the size of the communityin which families live? Is the relationship of community size to planning dimensionsassociated with cultural expectations or opportunities? What is the relationship of maternalroles to the roles of First Nations fathers? The identification of possible patterns of socialroles related to planning, acculturation, and the evolution of diverse family forms may be afruitful area of investigation with a larger, random or possibly multicultural sample. 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Report of the aboriginal committee community panel: Family and children's services.Victoria, BC: Queen's Printer.112Appendix ALetter to Potential Participating Agencies:This letter is further to our telephone conversation (date) regarding the participation ofthe (agency/organization) in the study: "Choices for Family Living by Mothers with SchoolAged Children." This survey of First Nation mothers with school age children investigatesthe day to day choices mothers make which affect the behaviors of their families.This study is the final assignment of my sponsored program of studies for a Master ofArts: Family Studies. The topic of this assignment is based on my personal witness of thedifficult and challenging role of First Nations women with children from a perspective of thetwenty-five years in which I have been a member of the First Nations community. The effortsof First Nations mothers have not been documented in the formal, public body of literature. Iexpect this survey to formally document some of the strategies First Nations women use tomanage their families in the face of great social and economic odds.The participation of the (agency/organization) with me in this study would be greatlyappreciated. Your assistance would include arranging for women in your programs to gatherat a time mutually convenient. At the meeting time the context of the study would beintroduced and the questionnaire would be completed by the participants. Then there would bea ten to fifteen minute break. After the break, I would conduct a workshop on "StrategicChoices for First Nations Family Functioning: Health and Harmony." During the workshopthe participants will be encouraged to share their ideas about the issues and their experiences inthe situations suggested by the items on the questionnaire. The workshop will focus on thetheoretical background of the questionnaire. The physical requirements would be a meetingroom with tables and chairs that would be available for a two and a half hour period for onetime only . It would be helpful to be able to schedule the meeting at the earliest possible time.When the results of the analysis are known and the thesis is completed, I will send acopy to the (agency/organization). A copy will provide a record of the participation of yourorganization and may serve as a documentary resource for your files. Additionally, asummary of the thesis would be provided for distribution to participating women. The offersof a copy of the thesis and a summary report to participants are not a part of the thesisrequirement. The offer is based on my personal belief that participants should have access tostudies in which they have been surveyed. With access to such information, participants maymore readily come to understand how the results of studies represents them and comprises abody of literature that provides the foundation for formal planning in areas such as113governmental policy, human services programming and educational curriculum.Misunderstanding by individuals about the research enterprise may be reduced if participantsare given an opportunity to see the linkages between the outcomes of studies and the use ofsuch outcomes.My expectation for this study is to describe the manner in which First Nations mothersmake choices in everyday family situations in their roles as wives, mothers, workers andhomemakers. I welcome your participation with me in this effort to gain respect.As discussed in our conversation, a meeting time (date) would be suitable for me andpermit you enough time to review the materials.In Sisterhood,Marlene Atleo, B.H.E.home phone, office phone, fax numberEnclosures: questionnaire, proposal summary.114Ethics Review FormThe University of British Columbia^B91-192Office of Research ServicesBEHAVIOURAL SCIENCES SCREENING COMMITTEE FOR RESEARCHAND OTHER STUDIES INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTSCERTIFICATE^of APPROVALINVESTIGATOR: Johnson, P.J.UBC DEPT:^Family & Nutr SciINSTITUTION:^UBC-CampusTITLE:^The effects of maternal social roleattitudes on the planning behavior ofAmerindian familiesNUMBER:^B91-192CO-INVEST:^Atleo, M.R.APPROVED:JU L 1 5 4c‘c34The protocol describing the above-named project has beenreviewed by the Committee and the experimental procedures werefound to be acceptable on ethical grounds for researchinvolving human subjects.Dr. R.D.Directorand Act'pratleyResearch servicesng hairmTHIS CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL IS VALID FOR THREE YEARSFROM THE ABOVE APPROVAL DATE PROVIDED THERE IS NOCHANGE IN THE EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURES115Appendix BQuestionnaireChoices for Family Living by Mothers with School Aged Children.Marlene Atleo, InvestigatorSchool of Family and Nutritional Sciences,University of British Columbia(604) Telephone numberThis survey is about choices mothers of school aged children make in organizingactivities of their families. The first section asks questions about the setting in which mothersmake their choices. The second section describes some personal priorities mothers might haveabout their roles. The third section is about how mothers choose to do those activities shebelieves are important for her family.Choices are neither right nor wrong but an expression of the individual or family. Tounderstand the effects of conditions upon family choices it is helpful to know the patterns offamily choices.Thank you for assisting me in this investigation of a vital area of study. Yourparticipation is highly valued and much appreciated. If you have any questions about theprocedure please feel free to ask. To assure your anonymity, the questionnaires will benumerically coded, entered as electronic data and then destroyed. Completing the surveymeans you are giving your consent to participate. This is a rule by which the UBC ethicscommittee looks after your interests. The survey will take about half an hour to complete. Ifat any time you feel that you do not want to proceed, you are free to stop and still participatein the workshop which follows. If you continue, please be sure to: 1) read every statement, 2)try to put your family and yourself into the situation and 3) circle the number below thewords which best describes how much the statement is like you and your family.IT IS IMPORTANT THAT YOU ANSWER EVERY QUESTIONSection 1Please answer by circling the letter unless otherwise indicated:1. The number of people in the area where my family currently lives is:a) more than 500,000 people c) 30,000 - 99,999^e) villageb) 100,000 to 499,999 people d) less than 30,000 0 rural (few houses nearby)2. I am a^ a) First Nations person^b) not a First Nations person1163. My partner/husband is a^a) First Nations person4. I am^ years old. (Please indicate number of years)5. I am currently^a) singleb) marriedc) living with a partner6. I have completed:^a) Elementary Schoolb) Grade 9c) Grade 12d) Trade Program7. My occupation is: (Please write the title of the occupation or job)b) not a First Nations persond) separatede) divorcedf) widowede) Technical Programt) Undergraduate Degreeg) Graduate Degree8. I am currently^a) employed full time (more^d) not employed, not seekingthan 29 hours per week)^workb) employed part time (less^e) a student, not seeking workthan 29 hours per week)c) seasonally employed ( many^0 other - please explainhours during some part of theyear and few or none at otherparts of the year)9. The home we live in now is a) owned by my family only^d) rented by others we stay withb) rented by my family only^e) owned by us with othersc) owned by others we stay with 0 rented by us with others10. The people who live with me in my household are:(Write the individual's age in years, their relationship to you (eg. son, friend), circle their sex.)For example if 'Person 1' is your husband and he is 45 years old, you would write :Person 1^M / FPerson 1^ M/ F^Person 6^ M/ FPerson 2 M/ F^Person 7 M/ FPerson 3 M/ F^Person 8 M/ FPerson 4^ M/ F^Person 9^ M/ FPerson 5 M/ F^Person 10 M/ FOther (please explain)11. Current (gross) annual family income from all sources is( wages, family allowance, welfare, unemployment insurance,a) under -^5,000 d) 15,000 - 19,999b) 5,000 -^9,999 e) 20,000 - 24,999c) 10,000 - 14,999 0 25,000 - 29,999pensions)g) 30,000 - 34,999h) 35,000 - 39,999i) 40,000 - and overSection 2Circle the number that best describes your response to the statement.The numbers represent the following:1) DISAGREE2) SOMEWHAT DISAGREE3) NEITHER AGREE OR DISAGREE4) SOMEWHAT AGREE5) AGREEDisagree Neither Agree1. Having work/a career that is interesting and exciting tome is my most important life goal.1 2 3 4 52. I expect my job/career to give me more realsatisfaction than anything else I do.1 2 3 4 53. Building a name and reputation for myself throughwork/a career is not one of my life goals.1 2 3 4 54. It is important to me that I have a job/career in which Ican achieve something of importance.1 2 3 4 55. It is important to me to feel successful in mywork/career.1 2 3 4 56. I want to work, but I do not want to have a demandingcareer.1 2 3 4 57. I expect to make as many sacrifices as are necessary inorder to advance in my work/career.1 2 3 4 58. I value being involved in a career and expect to devotethe time and effort needed to develop it.1 2 3 4 59. I expect to devote a significant amount of my time tobuilding my career and developing the skillsnecessary to advance in my career.1 2 3 4 510. I expect to devote whatever time and energy it takesto move up in my job/career field.1 2 3 4 511. Although parenthood requires many sacrifices, thelove and enjoyment of children of one's own areworth it all.1 2 3 4 512. If I chose not to have children, I would regret it. 1 2 3 4 513. It is important to me to feel I am (will be) an effectiveparent.1 2 3 4 514. The whole idea of having children and raising them isnot attractive to me.1 2 3 4 5117Disagree Neither Agree15. My life would be empty if I never had children. 1 2 3 4 516. It is important to me to have some time for myselfand my own development rather than have childrenand be responsible for their care.1 2 3 4 517. I expect to devote a significant amount of my timeand energy to the rearing of children of my own.1 2 3 4 518. I expect to be very involved in the day-to-day mattersof rearing children of my own.1 2 3 4 519. Becoming involved in the day-to-day matters ofrearing children involves costs in other areas of mylife which I am unwilling to make.1 2 3 4 520. I do not expect to be very involved in child rearing. 1 2 3 4 521. My life would seem empty if I never married. 1 2 3 4 522. Having a successful marriage is the most importantthing in life to me.1 2 3 4 523. I expect marriage to give me more real personalsatisfaction than anything else in which I aminvolved.1 2 3 4 524. Being married to a person I love is more important tome than anything else.1 2 3 4 525. I expect the major satisfactions in my life to comefrom my marriage relationship.1 2 3 4 526. I expect to commit whatever time is necessary tomaking my marriage partner feel loved, supported,and cared for.1 2 3 4 527. Devoting a significant amount of my time to beingwith or doing things with a marriage partner is notsomething I expect to do.1 2 3 4 528. I expect to put a lot of time and effort into buildingand maintaining a marital relationship.1 2 3 4 529. Really involving myself in a marriage relationshipinvolves costs in other areas of my life which I amunwilling to accept.1 2 3 4 530. I expect to work hard to build a good marriagerelationship^even^if^it^means^limiting^my1 2 3 4 5opportunities to pursue other personal goals.118Disagree Neither Agree31. It is important to me to have a home of which I can beproud.1 2 3 4 532. Having a comfortable and attractive home is of greatimportance to me.1 2 3 4 533. To have a well - run home is one of my life goals. 1 2 3 4 534. Having a nice home is something to which I am verycommitted.1 2 3 4 535. I want a place to live, but I do not really care how itlooks.1 2 3 4 536. I expect to leave most of the day-to-day details ofrunning a home to someone else.1 2 3 4 537. I expect to devote the necessary time and attention tohaving a neat and attractive home.1 2 3 4 538. I expect to be very much involved in caring for ahome and making it attractive.1 2 3 4 539. I expect to assume the responsibility for seeing that myhome is well kept and well run.1 2 3 4 540. Devoting a significant amount of my time tomanaging and caring for a home is not something Iexpect to do.1 2 3 4 5Section 3Which choices, described in the statements, would you and your family make? Circle the number that bestdescribes what your family does.The numbers will be shown like this:1) Not like^2)^3) Somewhat^4)^5) Exactly likeand mean the following:1) NOT LIKE MEANS THIS IS NEVER OR NOT AT ALL WHAT YOUR FAMILY DOES.2) SLIGHTLY LIKE MEANS THIS IS SELDOM OR SLIGHTLY LIKE WHAT YOUR FAMILY DOES.3) SOMEWHAT LIKE MEANS THIS IS SOMETIMES OR SOMEWHAT LIKE WHAT YOUR FAMILY DOES.4) A LOT LIKE MEANS THIS IS USUALLY OR A LOT LIKE WHAT YOUR FAMILY DOES.5) EXACTLY LIKE MEANS THIS IS ALWAYS OR EXACTLY LIKE WHAT YOUR FAMILY DOES.IT IS IMPORTANT THAT YOU CIRCLE YOUR CHOICE FOR EVERY STATEMENTNot like Somewhat Exactly like1. Plans for spending our income tax refund are made 1 2 3 4 5before the exact amount of the refund is known.2. Money is the primary consideration in selection of 1 2 3 4 5housing for the family.119Not like Somewhat Exactly like3. Money for food and time for preparation are carefully 1 2 3 4 5checked before fancy or expensive foods areplanned for a meal with guests.4. Good routines the children learn at home will be helpful 1 2 3 4 5to them later in life.5. Housing repair and upkeep is done on a regular basis to 1 2 3 4 5avoid major repairs.6. With the increase in cost of living, we use means other 1 2 3 4 5than money to get some of the things we used tobuy.7. The person in the family responsible for how money is 1 2 3 4 5spent decides whether or not family members canhave what they ask for.8. We accomplish more goals if we check the means 1 2 3 4 5available for getting them before deciding what wewant.9. It is okay if our food, housing and clothing costs are 1 2 3 4 5different from the average for families of the sameincome.10. The family tithes to the church. 1 2 3 4 511. Individual family members decide how much they 1 2 3 4 5should give to church and charity.12. When plans are being made to purchase a car, prices 1 2 3 4 5of various features and models are obtained beforedeciding which features and models are desired.13. "Borrowing" from a fund set aside for food, taxes, 1 2 3 4 5etc. to buy things not in the budget is avoided.14. When money is scarce and time and skills are limited, 1 2 3 4 5it is difficult to think of ways to accomplish newgoals.15. Plans are made for buying something only after it is 1 2 3 4 5obvious that the time and money are available.16. Plans are often made to do or buy something for which 1 2 3 4 5the time and money are not yet available since away to increase resources can usually be found.17. There is a set time and day for doing most household 1 2 3 4 5chores which we try to avoid changing.120Not like Somewhat Exactly like18. When plans are being made to purchase a car, 1 2 3 4 5desirable features are determined before prices arechecked.19. Wants beyond what we can afford are either changed 1 2 3 4 5to something that costs less or delayed until we canafford them.20. The family wants things we cannot afford. 1 2 3 4 521. If a family member lost $10, he/she would do withoutsomething that is important to him/her but not to 1 2 3 4 5the rest of the family.22. If the refrigerator breaks and no other money is readily 1 2 3 4 5available, the savings for a vacation would be usedfor the refrigerator instead.23. A special effort is made, if necessary, to fit special 1 2 3 4 5foods into the food budget and the time availablefor company meals.24. Guests would be invited for meals more often if there 1 2 3 4 5were not time, money, and/or space limitations.25. Since inflation has become so rampant, it has been 1 2 3 4 5necessary to depend more on non-money resourcesto maintain our level of living.26. If a family member lost $10, we would adjust plans so 1 2 3 4 5that no family member would have to suffer much.27. Decisions about whether we can spend money for 1 2 3 4 5some item not in the budget are made.28. We frequently "borrow" money from a fund set aside 1 2 3 4 5for food, taxes, etc. to buy things not in the budget.29. The way the outside of our home looks does not 1 2 3 4 5depend on what the neighbors think.30. Plans for spending the income tax refund are made 1 2 3 4 5after the exact amount of the refund is known.31. If children want something the parents approve of but 1 2 3 4 5cannot afford, we find a way to get it.32. Adjusting to the rapid rise in cost of living is possible 1 2 3 4 5only if we get a pay increase.33. The money lost to the family if a family member 1 2 3 4 5should die is the main factor in deciding the33. The money lost to the family if a family member 1 2 3 4 5should die is the main factor in deciding the amountof life insurance to buy.121Not like Somewhat Exactly like34. When wants cost more money than is available, wants 1 2 3 4 5are reduced to make things balance.35. When wants cost more money than is available, 1 2 3 4 5attempts are made to increase income or to usesomething besides money to get them.36. The household routine can be easily changed to fit 1 2 3 4 5around unexpected opportunities and emergencies.37. We often must settle for less than we expect because of 1 2 3 4 5emergencies, inflation and the like.38. We try to keep the outside of our home looking like our 1 2 3 4 5neighbors expect it to look.39. We try to keep spending for food, housing, clothing, 1 2 3 4 5etc. close to the average for families in our incomegroup.40. Parents evaluate all purchases grade school children 1 2 3 4 5want to make before letting them have the money.41. House repair and upkeep is delayed as long as possible 1 2 3 4 5because of time or money costs.42. If the refrigerator breaks and the vacation fund is the 1 2 3 4 5only readily available money, some way would befound to pay for both vacation and refrigerator.43. We find time and money for guest meals as often as we 1 2 3 4 5want to entertain.44. Once a good money plan (budget) is established, an 1 2 3 4 5effort is made to carry it out without being temptedby additional wants.45. Plans for use of money are frequently changed to take 1 2 3 4 5care of new goals.46. There are other means of accomplishing goals when 1 2 3 4 5time and money are limited.47. If the children want something that the parents approve 1 2 3 4 5of but cannot afford, they are encouraged to chooseother goals to teach them to live at a level they canafford.48. Wants beyond what we seem to be able to afford are 1 2 3 4 5often obtained through a special effort to think upways to get them.122Not like Somewhat Exactly like49. Most really important wants can be worked into plans. 1 2 3 4 550. There seems to be no way to have all the things we 1 2 3 4 5used to get with inflation as rampant as it is.51. The children are learning to be creative in reaching 1 2 3 4 5goals that at first seem impossible.52. Planning for spending money is shared by family 1 2 3 4 5members.53. I generally choose brands of products that are "tried 1 2 3 4 5and true" rather than unfamiliar brands.54. I always fmd some good reason for refusing to collect 1 2 3 4 5money door-to-door.55. If I have a plan, I feel free to change it to take care of 1 2 3 4 5new demands.56. If I were a mother of pre-schoolers, I would make time 1 2 3 4 5for working part-time and taking refresher coursesin case I should return to work full-time in thefuture.57. I usually agree to requests that require commitment of 1 2 3 4 5time.58. Whenever the children do jobs around the house, I 1 2 3 4 5redo them if they do not meet my expectations.59. If I want a particular item that I cannot find in the 1 2 3 4 5stores, I come home empty-handed.60. If I get up 15 minutes late one day, family members 1 2 3 4 5are likely to be late to school or work.61. If I were a mother of pre-schoolers, considering 1 2 3 4 5returning to work in the future, there would be noextra time for part-time work or refresher courses.62. When I have too much to do in one day or week, I 1 2 3 4 5delay or delete some task.63. I am in community or church groups requiring 1 2 3 4 5continual altering of plans to meet the requests ofthese groups.64. If my schedule is disrupted, it is fairly easy to make a 1 2 3 4 5new one.65. Having my plans interrupted is very disturbing. 1 2 3 4 5123124Not like Somewhat Exactly like66. When I buy something new, a strong consideration is 1 2 3 4 5how it fits in with what I already have.67. I tend to avoid becoming active in community or 1 2 3 4 5church groups that might make unexpecteddemands.68. I am willing to collect money door-to-door for a 1 2 3 4 5worthy cause.69. I know the daily schedules of each other family 1 2 3 4 5member.70. I frequently buy new brands of products. 1 2 3 4 571. I do not let presently owned items restrict my choice 1 2 3 4 5of color, style, etc. of new things I buy.72. If I cannot find a particular item I want in the stores, I 1 2 3 4 5can usually find a good substitute.73. If I have a plan, it keeps me from taking on new 1 2 3 4 5demands that might conflict with present goals.74. If I get up 15 minutes late one day, routines can be 1 2 3 4 5adjusted so that family members will not be late toschool and work.75. I need to know schedules of other family members 1 2 3 4 5only when they affect my schedule.76. I think of my family as:^ 1) Staying the same.2) Changing3) Never knowing what will happennext.Please feel free to make any comments in this space regarding the questions, the way the questions were asked orother questions they raised for you.125Appendix CTable 1Descriptions of Morphogenic and Morphostatic System Components of PlanningNo. ofItemsMorphostatic and MorphogenicComponents of Planninga Mean S DALPHAN = 40Morphostatic Components:9 Boundaries Relatively Closed 3.65 .59 .3511 Inflexible Standards & Sequencing 3.50 .64 .615 High Commitment to Current Organization 3.18 .71 .4511 Low Adjustment to New Demands 3.41 .70 .69Morphogenic Components:13 Relatively Open Boundaries 3.02 .62 .7012 Flexible Standards & Sequencing 3.03 .42 -.363 Low Commitment to Current Organization 3.71 .89 .5410 High Adjustment to New Demands 3.08 .65 .63a Adapted from Beard (1975).126Appendix DTable 1Correlations of Planning Dimension Items by Three Planning Dimensions: QuestionnaireItems Identified by Dimension Component, and NumberDimension,Components,and Number ofItemsMorphostatic Planning(alpha = .84)MorphostaticPlanningPlanningbyAdherenceto RulesMorphogenicPlanningXDO2 Money is the primary consideration in housingselection..71** .44* .38*XDO3 Resources are checked before guests are invited. .69** .35 .16XBO7 A person decides whether members can have. .66** .34 .23XA08 Higher odds of meeting expectations if based onavailable means..70** .26 .37XD12 Prices obtained before deciding which is desired. .40 -.01 .22XB13 We do not borrow from our budget to meetchanging expectations..64** .21 .20XA15 Buying plans are made when time and money areobviously available..43 .19 .09YA16 New expectations are encouraged since resourcescan increase..36 .43 .64**XB17 We avoid changing time/day of household chores. .56** .26 .06XA19 Expectations are changed or delayed untilaffordable..63** .44* .36XD21 Individual member would do without for loss ofmoney..24 .04 -.07YA28 We borrow from our budget to meet changingexpectations..07 .20 .08XA30 Our expectations are based on currently availablemoney..14 -.07 -.01XA34 Expectations are reduced when money is notavailable..60** .42* .40XD37 We settle for less because of unexpected events. .58** .56** .17XB40 Parents evaluate purchases before letting childrenhave money..51** .73** .36XC44 We carry out a budget without being tempted byadditional wants..68** .25 .34XD47 We teach children to live at a level they canafford..33 .39 .24XD50 There seems to be no way to have all the thingswe used to..53** .55** .23XB66 New purchase consideration is how it fits withwhat I have..37 .15 .23Planning by Adherence to Rules(alpha = .72)YBO9 It is okay if our costs (food, house) are quitedifferent from the average for families of thesame income..23 .55** .14YB29 Homes outside does not depend on what theneighbors think..30 .45* .25127Dimensions,Components,and Number ofItemsPlanning by Adherence to Rules(cont'd)MorphostaticPlanningPlanningbyAdherenceto RulesMorphogenicPlanningXC32 Only a pay increase can help us adjust to priceincreases..56** .56** .23XB38 Homes outside looks like neighbors expect it . .15 .41* .27XB39 We try to keep spend the way families who earnwhat we do..31 .79** .37XB40 Parents evaluate purchases before letting childrenhave money..51** .73** .36XD50 There seems to be no way to have all the thingswe used to..53** .55** .23XD62 I delay or delete some task to reduce short termtime pressure..33 .61** .57**Morphogenic Planning(alpha = .76)YB11 Charitable contributions are individual familymembers decisions..21 .09 .29YA16 New expectations are encouraged since resourcescan increase..36 .44* .64**YD18 Desirable features, then price determine carpurchase plans..15 .18 .37YD26 The financial loss of one family member is sharedby all..29 .28 .54**YA31 We find a way to meet children's reasonableexpectations..17 .13 .20YD33 The financial loss is the factor in life insurancepurchase..13 .08 .55**YD35 Income increase or other resources help meetwants..14 .26 .51**YB36 Household routine can be changed to fit theunexpected..33 .37 .35YD42 Some way can be found to pay for both. .04 .12 .58**YA43 We find time and money for guests as often as wewant..24 .23 .62**YB45 New goals require changed money use plans. .24 .38 .61**YD46 Other resources meet goals when time and moneyare limited..43* .35 .51**YA48 Special efforts get us wants beyond what we canafford..26 .27 .59**YA49 Most really important wants can be worked intoplans..20 .32 .34XD50 There seems to be no way to have all the thingswe used to..53** .55** .23YA51 Children creatively reach goals which seemimpossible..49* .53** .36YB53 We use tried and true rather than unfamiliarbrands.-.10 -.17 .14YC64 A disrupted schedule is fairly easy to remedy. .19 .47* .57Note: Planning Dimensions: X = Morphostatic, Y = Morphogenic. Family System Components: A =Boundary, B = Standards and Sequences, C = Organizational Commitment, D = Adjustment to Demands.*R < .10, **R < .05.


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