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An analysis of stakeholder perceptions regarding the closure of the Highland Valley Copper Mine Roberts, Stephen Alexander 2005

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AN ANALYSIS OF STAKEHOLDER PERCEPTIONS REGARDING THE aoSURE OF THE HIGHLAND VALLEY COPPER MINE  by  STEPHEN ALEXANIMIR ROBERTS  M Land MdL, The TJnh•emiiy c’fBtidsh C*n*k 1999 BA-, Qiscen’ Undtnfty, 1983  A DISSERTATION SUBMITfEC’ IN PARTIAL. FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DECIREEOF DOCTOR OF mtosoniv  in  THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (MINING ENGINEERING)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 2005  0 Srtpbt A nn4erRobn3.,, 200$  ABSTRACT  The focus of mine closure policies and practice in British Columbia has undergone considerable change since the first closure laws were enacted in the late l960s. Even though the technical standards for determining what constitutes a successful mine reclamation project have risen considerably over the past three decades, the public’s growing hostility toward the industry suggests that expectations have risen even faster. In response to the public’s rising expectations, the mining industry has begun to develop new policies for integrating sustainable development principles into their closure planning models, but creating a systematic and transparent framework for measuring and reporting actual system performance remains elusive. Sustainable Development Indicators (SDIs) may provide part of the solution, but a problem with many of the proposed indicator systems is that they focus too narrowly on biophysical impacts while neglecting social and economic impacts. Furthermore, most indicator systems were developed by and for experts, thus making them ill-suited for describing system performance from the perspective of those living in the affected communities. To facilitate greater public understanding those charged with developing policies for mine closure and reclamation need to work with stakeholders to develop a set of “sustainability proofs” that simply and effectively communicates to the local community how the company’s reclamation and closure program will assist the community in making the transition to a post-mining economy. This case study of the Highland Valley Copper (HVC) mine presents a framework for identifying these indicators that utilizes a heuristic model to integrate expert advice with local knowledge. Twenty stakeholders were interviewed to determine their perceptions of the quality and focus of HVC’s closure planning and reclamation program to date. Despite the fact that the community’s capacity for effective longterm consultation is limited, the results underscore the fact that local stakeholders fully expect to be involved in preparing the fmal closure plan. There is a clear preference for a closure plan that would allow another industrial user to assume partial control over the site. Evidence was provided which suggests that aesthetics play an important function for evaluating the effectiveness of HVC’s reclamation program. Finally, the issue of third party liability is seen as an important impediment to any plan to have the site support a follow-on industry. The limitations of the study and future directions for research are also discussed. Key Words: Aesthetics, Community Capacity, Highland Valley Copper mine, Mine Closure and Reclamation Policy, Public Consultation, Sustainable Development Indicators  11  TABLE OF CONTENTS  ABSTRACT TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES TABLE OF FIGURES LIST OF PLATES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS CHAPTER ONE 1.0 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Structuring the Problem 1.2 Issues to be Studied 1.3 Research Organization CHAPTER TWO 2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction 2.2 General Closure Concepts 2.3 The Goal of Closure Planning 2.4 A Review of Reclamation Practice in British Columbia 2.4.1 Current Rules & Regulations 2.4.2 A Critique of Current Practice 2.5 Sustainable Development 2.5.1 A Brief History 2.5.2 Sustainable Development: Some Implications for the Mining Industry 2.5.8 The Role of the Community in Achieving Sustainable Mine Closure 2.6 Summary 2.7 Purpose of the Study 2.7.1 General Research Objectives 2.7.2 Specific Research Objectives CHAPTER THREE 3.0 METHODOLOGY 3.4 Entering Assumptions 3.7 Instrumentation CHAPTER FOUR 4.0 RESULTS 4.1 Introduction 4.2 The Context of the Case 4.2.lTheMine 4.2.2 Bethlehem Mine 4.2.3 Highmont Mine 4.2.4Lornex 4.2.5 Valley 4.2.8 Site Exemptions 4.3 Reclamation Potential of the Site 4.3.1 Climate 4.3.2 Topography 4.3.3 Fertility 4.3.4 Acid Generation Potential 4.4 Program Evaluation: General 4.4.1 On-going Research 4.4.2 Projected Reclamation/Decommissioning Costs 4.4.5 Socio-Economic Impacts of Closure on Local Communities 4.5 Logan Lake 4.5.1 Community Amenities 4.6 Analysis of Interview Data 4.6.1 Category 1: Sustainable Development 111  ii iii vii xi xii xiii 1 1 5 7 10 12 12 12 12 14 17 18 19 25 25 27 35 50 51 52 52 53 53 57 60 65 65 65 66 66 71 72 73 74 76 76 76 77 77 78 78 79 79 79 81 82 83 84  4.6.1.1 Cluster: Future Challenges 4.6.1.1.1 Theme: Maintaining Water Quality 4.6.1.1.2 Theme: Tailings Dam 4.6.1.1.3 Long-term Liability 4.6.1.1.4 Long-termMonitoring 4.6.1.1.5 Site Management 4.6.1.2 Cluster: End Land Use Options 4.6.1.2.1 Theme: Industrial Option 4.6.1.2.2 Theme: Tourism Option 4.6.1.2.3 Theme: Agricultural Option 4.6.1.2.4 Theme: Wildlife Option 4.6.1.3 Cluster: Economic Issues 4.6.1.3.1 Theme: Minimize economic effects of closure 4.6.1.3.2 Theme: Offset tax losses to community 4.6.1.3.3 Theme: Maximize local involvement in reclamation 4.6.1.3.4 Theme: Offset costs of site monitoring and maintenance 4.6.1.3.5 Theme: Provide economic benefits to FN 4.6.1.4 Cluster: Social Issues 4.6.1.4.1 Theme: Closure planning should redress social impacts on community 4.6.1.4.2 Theme: Closure will lower quality of life of local residents 4.6.1.4.3 Theme: Families will move away 4.6.1.5 Cluster: Environmental Issues 4.6.1.5.1 Theme: Balance economic productivity with environmental integrity 4.6.1.5.2 Theme: Restore site’s environmental integrity 4.6.1.6 Cluster: Company Policies on SD 4.6.1.6.1 Theme: Defining SD in the context of num 4.6.2 Category 2: The Stakeholders 4.6.2.1 Cluster: Positive Perception of HVC 4.6.2.1.1 Theme: Perception of HVC as corporate citizen 4.6.2.1.2 Theme: Perception of HVC’s relationship with community 4.6.2.1.3 Theme: Perception of HVC’s commitment to reclaim site 4.6.2.2 Cluster: Negative Perception of HVC 4.6.2.2.1 Theme: Company as Corporate Citizen 4.6.2.2.2 Theme: Failure to consider alternative end land uses 4.6.2.2.3 Theme: Profits over needs of community and environment 4.6.2.2.4 Theme: Lack of coniniitment to support local communities 4.6.2.2.5 Theme: Company withholding information 4.6.2.3 Cluster: Perception of HVC’s Obligation to the Community 4.6.2.3.1 Theme: Closure Plan should mitigate economic effects of closure 4.6.2.3.2 Theme: HVC will only do what is required by law 4.6.2.3.3 Theme: Company should underwrite feasibility studies 4.6.2.4 Cluster: Perception of the Community 4.6.2.4.1 Theme: Knowledge of subject matter 4.6.2.4.2 Theme: Perception of LL as a good place to live 4.6.3 Category 3: Stakeholder Participation in Decision-making 4.6.3.1 Cluster: Communication between Stakeholders 4.6.3.1.1 Theme: Building trust and confidence 4.6.3.1.2 Theme: Information sharing 4.6.3.2 Cluster: Consultation with Political Leaders 4.6.3.2.1 Theme: Company efforts at communicating closure plans 4.6.3.2.2 Theme: Role of Local Government in closure planning 4.6.3.2.3 Theme: Leadership 4.6.3.3 Cluster: Community Involvement in Decision-making 4.6.3.3.1 Theme: Citizen involvement in closure planning 4.6.3.3.2 Theme: Citizen’s expectations of their role in the decision-making process 4.6.3.4 Cluster: Consultation with First Nations 4.6.3.4.1 Theme: Perception of relationship between HVC and FN 4.6.3.4.2 Theme: Need for consultation 4.6.3.4.3 Theme: Information sharing iv  .85 86 87 87 88 88 89 90 91 92 92 93 94 95 96 96 96 97 98 99 99 100 100 101 101 102 102 103 104 104 105 106 107 107 108 108 109 110 110 111 ill 112 112 113 113 114 115 116 117 117 118 118 119 119 121 121 122 122 123  4.6.3.5 Cluster: Stakeholder Identification 4.6.3.5.1 Theme: The Company 4.6.3.5.2 Theme: First Nations 4.6.3.5.3 Theme: Local Communities 4.6.3.5.4 Theme: Government 4.6.3.5.5 Theme: “Outside” groups 4.6.4 Category 4: Performance Evaluation 4.6.4.1 Cluster: Measuring Success 4.6.4.1.1 Theme: Objective criteria 4.6.4.1.2 Theme: Subjective Criteria 4.6.4.1.3 Theme: Role of time 4.6.4.1.4 Theme: Understanding the “goal” of reclamation 4.6.4.2 Cluster: Regulations 4.6.4.2.1 Theme: Code requirements 4.6.4.3 Cluster: Subject Knowledge 4.6.4.3.1 Theme: Our experts vs. their experts 4.6.4.3.2 Theme: Complexity of subject matter 4.6.4.3.3 Theme: Role of lay knowledge 4.6.4.4 Cluster: Aesthetic Evaluation 4.6.4.4.1 Theme: Design for aesthetics 4.6.4.4.2 Theme: Important aesthetic indicators 4.7 Analysis of the Questionnaire Results 4.7.1 Section 1: Demographic Information 4.7.2 Section 2: Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities 4.7.2.1 Summary of Results 4.7.2.2 Calculating the Participant’s Degree of 4.7.2.3 Summary of Results 4.7.3 Section 3: Definitions of Resource Values and Reclamation Outcomes 4.7.3.1 Summary of Results 4.7.4 Section 4: Photo Evaluation 4.7.4.1 Summary of Results 4.7.4.2 Calculating the Participant’s Degree of for the Photographs CHAPTER FIVE 5.0 DISCUSSION 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Summary and Discussion of Findings of Participant Interviews 5.3 Participant’s Responses 5.3.1 Category 1: Sustainable Development 5.3.1.1 Mitigating the Economic Impacts of Closure 5.3.1.2 End Land Use Options 5.3.1.3 Mitigating the Social Impacts of Closure 5.3.1.4 Mitigating the Environmental Impacts of Closure 5.3.1.6 Implications for Closure Planning 5.3.2 Category 2: Perception of the Participants 5.3.2.1 Perception of HVC as a Corporate Citizen 5.3.2.2 Perception of HVC’s Obligation to the Community 5.3.2.3 Implications for Closure Planning 5.3.3 Category 3: Stakeholder Participation in Decision-making 5.3.3.1 Identifying the Stakeholders 5.3.3.2 Consultation with Stakeholders 5.3.3.3 Community Involvement in Decision-making 5.3.3.4 Consultation with First Nations 5.3.3.5 Implications for Closure Planning 5,3.4 Category 4: Performance Evaluation 5.3.4.1 Measuring Reclamation Success 5.3.4.2 Usefulness of the Regulations to Define Success 5.3.4.3 Participant’s Knowledge of Subject Matter 5.3.4.4 The Role of Aesthetics in Performance Evaluation 5.3.5.2 The Consultants  .  V  124 125 125 125 126 126 126 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 132 133 134 135 136 136 137 137 138 139 144 144 146 146 147 148 155 157 160 160 160 160 161 161 161 162 164 164 166 168 168 170 171 171 172 173 174 175 177 178 179 180 180 181 185  5.3.5.3 First Nations.186 187 5.3.5.4 The Political Leaders 189 5.3.5.5 The Business Group 190 5.3.5.6 Interpreting the Results of the Photo Evaluation 191 5.3.6 Weighing the Capacity of Stakeholders to Influence Decision-making 192 5.3.6.2 Exercising Political Influence 194 5.3.7 Reporting the Results to the Community 197 CHAPTER SIX 197 6.0 CONCLUSION 6.1 Limitations of the Study 200 202 CHAPTER SEVEN 202 7.0 RECOMMENDATIONS 205 7.1 Future Directions for Research 207 LITERATURE CITED 219 APPENDIX I 219 LETTER OF INTRODUCTION FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 220 APPENDIX II THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA CONSENT FOR RESEARCH PARTICIPATION FORM.... 220 APPENDIX III 222 INTERVIEW GUIDE 222 224 APPENDIX IV 224 QUESTIONNAIRE 235 APPENDIX V 235 PARTICIPANT’S RATING OF SECTIONS II AND IV OF QUESTIONNAIRE APPENDIX VI 239 LETTER REQUESTING PARTICIPANT FEEDBACK (STAGE 1) 239 240 APPENDIX VII LETTER REQUESTING PARTICIPANT FEEDBACK (STAGE 2) 240 APPENDIX VIII 242 242 COMMUNITY SURVEY 243 APPENDIX IX 243 ETHICS APPROVAL FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 245 APPENDIX X 245 COMMUNITY CORRESPONDENCE  vi  LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1: Proposed Reclaimed End Land Use Objectives  21  Table 4.1: Reclamation/Decommissioning Costs of HVC  79  Table 4.2: Expected Impact from Mine Closure on Economic Development of Local Communities  80  Table 4.3: Expected Socio-Economic effects of Mine Closure on Local Communities  81  Table 4.4: Expected effects of Mine Closure on Local Government Revenues  81  Table 4.5: Major Categories and Clusters  84  Table 4.6: Category 1- Sustainable Development  85  Table 4.6.1: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Future Challenges Cluster  86  Table 4.6.1.1: Maintaining Water Quality  86  Table 4.6.1.2: Tailings Dam  87  Table 4.6.1.3: Long-term Liability  87  Table 4.6.1.4: Long-term Monitoring  88  Table 4.6.1.5: Site Management  88  Table 4.6.2: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for End Land Use Options Cluster  90  Table 4.6.2.1: Industrial Option  90  Table 4.6.2.2: Tourism Option  91  Table 4.6.2.3: Agricultural Option  92  Table 4.6.2.4: Wildlife Option  93  Table 4.6.3: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Economic Issues Cluster  94  Table 4.6.3.1: Minimize Economic Effects of Closure  94  Table 4.6.3.2: Offset Tax Losses to Community  95  Table 4.6.3.3: Maximize Local Involvement in Reclamation  96  Table 4.6.3.4: Offset Costs of Site Monitoring and Maintenance  96  Table 4.6.3.5: Provide Economic Benefits to FN  97  Table 4.6.4: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Social Issues Cluster  98  Table 4.6.4.1: Closure Plamiing Should Redress Social Impacts on Community  98  Table 4.6.4.2: Closure Will Lower Quality of Life of Local Residents  99  Table 4.6.4.3: Families Will Move Away  99 vii  Table 4.6.5: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Environmental Issues Cluster  100  Table 4.6.5.1: Balance Economic Productivity with Environmental Integrity  101  Table 4.6.5.2: Restore Site’s Environmental Integrity  101  Table 4.6.6: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Company Policies on SD Cluster  102  Table 4.6.6.1: Defining SD in the Context of Mining  102  Table 4.7: Category 2- The Stakeholders  103  Table 4.7.1: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Positive Perception of HVC Cluster  104  Table 4.7.1.1: Perception of HVC as Corporate Citizen  104  Table 4.7.1.2: Perception of HVC’s Relationship with Community  105  Table 4.7.1.3: Perception of HVC’s Commitment to Reclaim Site  105  Table 4.7.2: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Negative Perception of HVC Cluster  106  Table 4.7.2.1: Company as Corporate Citizen  107  Table 4.7.2.2: Failure to Consider Alternative End Land Uses  107  Table 4.7.2.3: Profits Over Needs of Community and Environment  108  Table 4.7.2.4: Lack of Commitment to Support Local Communities  109  Table 4.7.2.5: Company Withholding Information  109  Table 4.7.3: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Perception of HVC’s Obligation to the Community Cluster  110  Table 4.7.3.1: Closure Plan Should Mitigate Economic Effects of Closure  110  Table 4.7.3.2: HVC Will Only Do What Is Required by Law  ill  Table 4.7.3.3: Company Should Underwrite Feasibility Studies  112  Table 4.7.4: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Perception of the Community Cluster  112  Table 4.7.4.1: Knowledge of Subject Matter  113  Table 4.7.4.2: Perception of Logan Lake as a Good Place to Live  113  Table 4.8: Category 3- Stakeholder Participation in Decision-making  114  Table 4.8.1: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Communication between Stakeholders Cluster  115  Table 4.8.1.1: Building Trust and Confidence  115  Table 4.8.1.2: Information Sharing  116  Table 4.8.2: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Consultation with Political Leaders Cluster  117  Table 4.8.2.1: Company Efforts at Communicating Closure Plans  117  viii  Table 4.8.2.2: Role of Local Government in Closure Planning  118  Table 4.8.2.3: Leadership  118  Table 4.8.3: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Community Involvement in Decision-making Cluster. 119 Table 4.8.3.1: Citizen Involvement in Closure Planning  120  Table 4.8.3.2: Citizen’s Expectations of Their Role in the Decision-making Process  121  Table 4.8.4: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Consultation with First Nations Cluster  122  Table 4.8.4.1: Perception of Relationship Between HVC and First Nations  122  Table 4.8.4.2: Need for Consultation  123  Table 4.8.4.3: Information Sharing  124  Table 4.8.5: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Stakeholder Identification Cluster  124  Table 4.8.5.1: The Company  125  Table 4.8.5.2: First Nations  125  Table 4.8.5.3: Local Communities  125  Table 4.8.5.4: Government  126  Table 4.8.5.5: “Outside” Groups  126  Table 4.9: Category 4- Performance Evaluation  127  Table 4.9.1: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Measuring Success Cluster  127  Table 4.9.1.1: Objective Criteria  128  Table 4.9.1.2: Subjective Criteria  128  Table 4.9.1.3: Role of Time  129  Table 4.9.1.4: Understanding the “Goal” of Reclamation  129  Table 4.9.2: Participant’s Response Distribution Table forRegulations Cluster  130  Table 4.9.2.1: Code Requirements  131  Table 4.9.2.2: Changing Standards  131  Table 4.9.3: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Subject Knowledge Cluster  133  Table 4.9.3.1: Our Experts vs. Their Experts  133  Table 4.9.3.2: Complexity of Subject Matter  134  Table 4.9.3.3: Role of Lay Knowledge  135  Table 4.9.4: Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Aesthetic Evaluation Cluster  136  ix  Table 4.9.4.1: Design for Aesthetics  .  136  Table 4.9.4.2: Important Aesthetic Indicators  137  Table 4.10: Demographic Information Summary  139  Table 4.11.1: Ecosystem Health & Biodiversity  140  Table 4.11.2: Employment  141  Table 4.11.3: Recreation/Tourism  141  Table 4.11.4: Safety  142  Table 4.11.5: Visual Quality  142  Table 4.11.6: Water Quality  143  Table 4.11.7: Cultural/Historical Values  143  Table 4.12: Participant’s  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  145  Table 4.13: Resource Values & Reclamation Outcomes  146  Table 4.14.1: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #1)  149  Table 4.14.2: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #2)  150  Table 4.14.3: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #3)  150  Table 4.14.4: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #4)  151  Table 4.14.5: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #5)  151  Table 4.14.6: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #6)  152  Table 4.14.7: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #7)  152  Table 4.14.8: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #8)  153  Table 4.14.9: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #9)  153  Table 4.14.10: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #10)  154  Table 4.14.11: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #11)  154  Table 4.14.12: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #12)  155  Table 4.15.1: Degree of  for Developing a Recreational Fishery  158  Table 4.15.2: Degree of  for Developing Wildlife Habitat  159 195  Table 5.1 Participant Feedback  x  TABLE OF FIGURES  Fig 1.1 Fig 2.1  -  —  Conceptual Breakdown of the Research Agenda  9  Graph of Mine Closure Costs  Fig 2.3- Example of Calculating Values of for a Hypothetical Mining Project  16 for the indicator “Presence of Salmon in local waterways” 49  Fig 3.1- Case Study Method  57  Fig 3.2: Category, Cluster and Theme Hierarchical Structure  60  Fig. 4.1: Reclamation Profile for Highland Valley Copper (Total)  71  Fig 4.2: Reclamation Profile for Bethlehem  72  Fig 4.3: Reclamation Profile for Highmont  73  Fig 4.4: Reclamation Profile for Lomex  74  Fig 4.5: Reclamation Profile Valley  75  Fig 4.6: Reclamation Profile Highland  76  Fig 4.7: Map of Logan Lake and Area  82  Fig 4.8: Modified Weighted Inference Equation  145  Fig 4.9: Calculating a Participant’s Degree of Fig 5.1: HVC’s Fig 5.2: Consultant’s Fig 5.3: First Nation’s  for a Specific Reclamation Outcome  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  158 184 185 186  Fig 5.4: Political Leader’s  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  188  Fig 5.5: Business Group’s  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  189  Fig 5.6: Relative comparison of stakeholder ability to influence decision-making  xi  191  LIST OF PLATES  Plate 1: Aerial view of Valley Pit and Waste Dumps with Highmont Pit in background  xiv  Plate 4.1: Aerial Photo of Lomex and Valley Pits  66  Plate 4.2: Aerial Photo of Bethlehem Pit and Waste Dumps  67  Plate 4.3: Aerial Photo of Tailings Dam  68  Plate 4.4: Reclaimed Bethlehem Seepage Pond (HVC undated)  69  Plate 4.5: Deer grazing on reclaimed waste dump (HVC, undated)  70  Plate 4.6: Constructed Spawning Channel (HVC, undated)  70  xii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  There are many people who have assisted me in bringing this study to completion. First, I would like to thank those twenty people where willing to fmd the time to share their thoughts on what should happen on the mine site after closure. I would also like to acknowledge the important financial and logistical support that I received from HVC. In particular I want to thank those who work in HVC’s Environmental Department: Mark Freberg, Mark Richards, Robert Hamaguchi, and Diane Ward.  I believe that in a project of this type, success or failure is often determined by the quality of those people who comprise the doctoral committee. Therefore I need to acknowledge those who agreed so long ago to take on this responsibility: Dr. Marcello Veiga, Dr. Malcolm Scoble, and Dr. Stephen Sheppard. Your patience, advice and ongoing support have allowed me to see the project through to completion.  As the father of two small children (Lauren & Alexandra), I could not have traveled to the mine without someone being there to pick up the slack at home. In my case this person was my mother-in-law Marie Rickwood. Thanks for being there whenever I needed you.  Finally, I must write a few words for my wife Jilhian. Obviously I would not be here today if it wasn’t for your undying love and support. I look forward to the day when I can turn off the computer for the last time and we can spend an evening together, unburdened by the guilt that flows from a work in progress.  SAR  xiii  i,  Plate 1: Aerial view of Valley Pit and Waste Dumps with Highmont Pit in background (Jones, 2003)  xiv  CHAPTER ONE  1.0 INTRODUCTION It is an historical fact that mining has played a critical role in the development of the economy of British Columbia.’ Many communities across BC owe their very existence to the presence of nearby mineral deposits, including Nanaimo, Kimberly, Trail, Granisle, Tumbler Ridge and Logan Lake. And despite years of relative decline, recent reports still rank it as the province’s second largest industry (Errington, 2001b), employing around 9,300 people directly and another 8,000 in related sectors (MEM, 2005) and contributing approximately $1 billion annually in taxes (Barr, 2000).  Yet for environmentalists, social activists, and other critics of the mining industry these benefits have come at a high cost  —  both to society and the environment. The long-term social costs of mining have been thoroughly reported  (Epps, 1997; Roberts et al., 2000; Warhurst, 2000). Equally well documented are the environmental impacts of mining, effects that can last long after a mine has closed (Simmons et al., 1998; Azcue, 1999; Mining Watch, 2000; Warhurst, 2000). Critics have also argued that the reported benefits of mining for the provincial economy are in fact largely overstated as they do not take into account the $500 million in annual subsidies that the government provides to the industry (Mining Watch Canada, 1999, Mittelstaedt, 2002).  Observing this debate unfold, political leaders and the wider public have become increasingly aware that longstanding govermnent policies and practices regarding mineral development were no longer serving the public interest. As in many other jurisdictions, mining in British Columbia has traditionally been viewed by most citizens as a preferred end land use. Even as recently as the early 1960’s the focus of public attitudes and government policies was on maximizing mineral production for the purpose of directing part of the surplus to the provincial treasury (Cordes, 1997). Decision making authority over the industry was concentrated within provincial ministries. Little opportunity was given to other stakeholder groups in influencing decisions on the desirability of proposed mineral development projects (Day and Affum, 1995). However, by the end of the decade things had begun to change. What evoked these changes is open to debate, but Cordes (1997) and others (Thering and Doble, 2000) have made a strong case to suggest that it was the social and environmental movements of the 1 960s and 70s that were the 1  Recent archaeological evidence suggests that First Nations peoples mined for obsidian as far back as 9000 years ago.  1  catalysts. The ideas that these movements popularized profoundly altered the public’s perception of how industrial development projects should be evaluated and government policies designed, to optimize net public benefit. These movements also brought about important changes at the political level. For one thing citizens were now much less likely to defer all decision-making authority to their elected governments. On issues of great public importance, citizens now demanded that they be given far greater involvement in decision-making (Thomas, 1995).  For the mining industry these changes had important implications. First, it meant that in many jurisdictions the laws governing mine operations became increasingly restrictive. The evolution of the regulations governing mine closure in British Columbia illustrates this point (Errington, 2001 b) As a partial response to this trend toward increased regulatory oversight, the industry itself has taken steps to undercut the need for greater government oversight of its activities. Realizing that simple compliance with environmental regulations generates little public praise, the large multinational mining corporations in particular have turned to voluntary initiatives as best way to publicly demonstrate their commitment for dealing with environmental and social concerns in a responsible manner (Clausen & McAllister, 2000).  Conflict and dispute resolution is a second area where social and environmental activism have combined to challenge some long standing industry practices. Centralized decision-making is now giving way to democratic decision-making processes designed to take into account the rights and interests of communities and other interested stakeholders (lIED, 2002).  During the 1 980s and 90s public attitudes on economic development issues evolved still further as the concept known as sustainable development (SD) began to gain popular acceptance. As articulated in the Bruntland Commission’s report to the United Nations, SD was described as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”(WCED, 1987). At its core the goal of SD is the equitable distribution of the costs and benefits that result from economic development. It is also about leaving to future generations a world that offers equal or greater opportunities for living productive and happy lives.  While commonly described in terms of the balance between economic, social, and environmental objectives, there is also a strong political component embedded in the description of what constitutes SD. A sustainable society is thought to require decision-making structures that identify development trade-offs in ways that are widely regarded  2  as fair (lIED, 2002). In this context fairness results from the effective participation of the relevant stakeholders in shaping the final decision. Fairness also is seen as an important contributor for ensuring acceptability and legitimacy of the fmal decision (Thomas, 1995).  For an industry that deals exclusively with the extraction and processing of non-renewable resources, this deceptively simple concept has a number of important implications, not the least of which is that on its face there appears to be an obvious contradiction between the stated goals of SD and mining. In their attempt to deconstruct this apparent contradiction, the mining industry and its supporters have approached the problem in two ways. First, at the macro level they documented the important contribution that minerals and metals production have made to the economic and social development of mankind (Government of Canada, 1996; Barr, 2000; Mining Association of BC, 2000; lIED, 2002). From toothpaste to transistors, they argued that the products of mining now permeate all aspects of human existence to the point where it is difficult to imagine how society could exist without them.  While such statements may be useful when presented as a general argument in defense of an industry whose products sustain the global economy, they are less convincing when used to allay public concerns regarding the impact mining has at the micro level  —  impacts that must inevitably be borne by the environment, the economy, and  the local community (Simmons et al. 1998). Here industry proponents have tended to focus on how the application of new technologies and innovative management strategies can minimize a mine’s ecological and social footprint (Parsons and Hume 1997; UNEP 1997a; Scoble and Daneshmend, 1998). Despite some recent high profile enviromnental accidents , a strong case has been made that because of these advances the majority of mining’s 2 environmental impacts have either been eliminated or substantially reduced (Anonymous, 2000; Cordes, 1997; Parsons and Hume, 1997; Carbon, 2000).  So great have these advances been that some observers have suggested that environmental issues have now been supplanted by other concerns. For example, industry executive David Humphreys offered that “the bigger challenge now is not a teclmical one. Rather it lies in the development of interactive and lasting relationships with the communities, regions and countries in which the industry operates” (Humphreys, quoted in Epps, 1997). He went on to conclude that in the coming years companies will derive their license to operate on public land based on “their  2  Recent examples include Omai in Guyana (1995), Marcopper in the Phillippines (1996), Los Frailes in Spain (1998), Somes River in Romania (2000), and Yanacocha in Peru, (2000).  3  ability to align the interests of local communities with their own in areas they wish to operate and to develop mines within those communities on the basis of mature and respectful partnerships.”  It is argued here that it would be a mistake to discount the importance of Humphrey’s conclusions. He correctly identified a critical component of SD as it applies to the mining industry  -  the requirement of a company to access  public lands for the purpose of building a new mine. For mine operators and their investors, it is at this intimate scale that the concepts that underlie SD can be seen to move from the abstract to the concrete. Unlike some other industries, mines defS’ rational planning  —  they can only be built where nature has provided the resource. Ore bodies  are also fmite resources, and once depleted the mine must close. For a company to survive past closure presupposes that it has developed an ore body in a new location.  But even as the mining industry begins to recognize the importance of demonstrating to the public its capacity for dealing with environmental and social concerns in a responsible manner, certain systemic issues remain which have slowed the pace of change. For instance, while industry leaders recognize the need to adopt a more inclusive decision-making model (lIED, 2002), creating the necessary bureaucratic structures to support it poses a number of challenges to long established corporate management structures. Most mining executives were trained as geologists or engineers, are male and over 50 years of age (Seymoar, 2000). As a group they typically have some understanding of the key environmental issues, but as Seymoar notes “they are ill equipped to understand social scientists or community workers whose focus is on cultural and relational issues (and whom, they can’t help but notice, are often women)”. Yet it is these same groups that are increasingly involved in determining whether or not governments provide the necessary permits, tax breaks, infrastructure, and other supports that are required to bring mineral deposits into production.  However difficult they may have found working with these groups to be, senior industry officials have in large part accepted the fact that strategically, cooperative engagement is necessary for gaining access to public land (Cordes, 1997; Epps, 1997; Seymoar, 2000; lIED, 2002). Examples of this strategy include the Whitehorse Mining Initiative (McAllister & Alexander, 1999) and the Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Development Project (lIED, 2002). But even if the benefits of multi-stakeholder decision-making are substantial, engaging the public in decision-making that involves complex technical issues can present its own set of problems. Experience has shown that lay people and experts have a tendency to perceive technical risks and trade-offs differently and this can complicate the  4  mechanics of resolving policy disputes (Thomas, 1995; Bossel, 1999). Nevertheless recent attempts at several 3 in British Columbia to engage the public in joint decision-making on mine reclamation have generally been mines viewed favorably by those in industry, the public, and government who participated in the process (Britton, 1998). But despite these apparent successes the public at large remains divided in its attitude toward mining. For example, one recent poll reported that 96% of B.C. residents support mining development (MacDonald, 2000), while another found that 86% of respondents wanted existing environmental standards either maintained or strengthened (Young, 2000). This polling data suggests that the public remains ambivalent when presented with industry claims that the benefits of mining “to individuals, their families, communities and the economy are substantial” and therefore worth the risks (Mining Association of British Columbia, 2000).  1.1 Structuring the Problem As the mining industry in British Columbia enters the 21st Century it fmds itself at an important crossroad in its development. Despite being endowed with enormous mineral potential (Barr, 2000), since the early 1990s BC has seen its mining industry slowly implode under the pressure of increased government regulations , public 4 ambivalence, native land claim concerns , low commodity prices, and international competition. Where once there 5 were between 30 and 40 base and precious metals mines in the province, only six remain in operation today. Of these six, all but one is scheduled to close by 2010 (Young, 2003). Yet today the industry seems poised for a dramatic turnaround. Fuelled mainly by historically high commodity prices for base metal and coal, net incomes for 2004 was greater than the previous eight years combined (Greenwood, 2005). Continued strong demand from China and India suggests that commodity prices will remain high for the foreseeable future. Sensing the opportunity, across the province some 13 new mining projects are now in various stages of development (Stueck, 2005).  However, it is far from certain whether any of these proposed projects will be developed. Opposition has come mainly from environmental groups, but investor concerns over the role of First Nations peoples in the permitting and approval process is the larger issue. Until a clearer process is in place, it is thought that large institutional investors will remain cautious in their outlook for investing in BC (Stueck, 2005).  These include the Sullivan, Brenda, and Island Copper mines. to the Fraser Institute’s Annual Survey of Mining Companies 2003/2004, BC was rated lowest in Canada in terms of the impact of government policies on exploration investment (Fraser Institute, 2004). The Fraser Institute survey identified BC as the least attractive among 53 jurisdictions for those executives who consider the uncertainty of native land claims to be a strong deterrent to new investment.  5  For mining to remain a viable industry in B.C. it must continue to have access to public lands, but as a condition for access the industry must demonstrate that mining provides a long-term net benefit to the province. Specific to mine closure this would include as a minimum some sort of plan outlining how the company intends to assist the local community in making the transition to a post-mining economy. In theory, the general objectives of the closure plan would as a minimum include the following elements: 1)  That managers should arrive at decisions in cooperation with local stakeholders;  2)  The plan should thoroughly examine the feasibility of the widest possible list of end land use options that the site could reasonably support;  3)  Maintain as much of the mine’s existing infrastructure as possible. This allows for the possibility of future generations adopting a land use options that may not be viable under present economic or social conditions;  4)  Put the necessary resources in place to ensure the capacity of local citizens to understand and manage the site once the closure plan has been fully implemented; and  5)  Where practicable and/or desirable, the plan should allow for local stakeholders to access and use the site in much the same way as existed prior to mining.  Where efforts have been made in B.C. to write these objectives into closure plans the results have, by and large, been viewed as positive, but they have also created additional problems that have yet to be resolved (Britton, 1998; Teck Cominco, 2002). One problem involves finding clear ways of demonstrating to communities that their concerns regarding pollution mitigation and post-mining land use objectives are being adequately addressed. The problem is a considerable one given that even among the experts there are wide differences in attitudes on what reclamation can or should achieve (Smyth and Dearden, 1998). These differences have practical consequences for the industry as they have been shown to affect the interpretation and successful implementation of reclamation programs. If the professionals cannot agree on these core issues, how can lay people be expected to provide meaningful input in decisions on post-closure planning?  Another problem with closure planning in B.C. is that even after recent attempts to make it more open and transparent (Britton, 1998), the decision-making process remains largely expert driven. Engineers, biologists, soil scientists, foresters, and other highly skilled professionals control the process. Their goal has been a relatively simple one: “satisfy the concerns of government regulators and corporate executives.” (Smyth and Dearden, 1998). By serving two masters what has emerged is an approach to closure planning whose primary aim is to balance the  6  letter of the law against relatively narrow short-term cost considerations.  It is argued here that because the existing decision-making process largely marginalizes the contribution of the nonexpert, local citizen’s groups (including local politicians) play a largely passive role in closure planning. This fact calls into question both the legitimacy of the closure planning process and the measures that experts currently use to gauge reclamation success. Because it is a product of an expert-driven system, closure planning does not necessarily lead to end land use decisions that express in their form or function a community’s own unique sense of values and. place in the larger landscape. Also, because people usually accord value to landscapes those forms and functions they understand (Kaplan and Kaplan, 1981; Nassauer, 1995; Nassauer, 1997; Saito, 1998; Smyth and Dearden, 1998), one should not expect that the public would necessarily fmd value in a reclaimed mine site. The result would be to greatly limit the perceived value of reclamation to assist a community in making the transition to a post-mining economy.  One possible solution to the problem of creating value is to identify mechanisms that are specifically designed to help the public understand the many complex activities that take place at a site during final reclamation and beyond. One such mechanism would be a set of simple performance indicators of sustainable reclamation. While these sustainable development indicators (SDIs) are intended to work in much the same way as GDP and CPI numbers do in reporting changes to the relative health of the economy, these indicators would be selected primarily on their ability to resonate with the non-expert living in the affected community. In addition to communicating changes in relative performance, these locally derived indicators would have the added benefits of helping to educate on issues of importance to mine closure and reclamation, as well as assist in making the decision-making process more transparent.  1.2 Issues to be Studied Although a significant amount of recent research on SDIs has focused on their application to the mining industry (NRCan, l998b; Warhurst, 1998; Hodge, 1999; Noranda, 1999; Placer Dome, 1998; Hodge, 2001), there are several gaps in the current literature. One significant limitation of SD! research to date has been the focus on developing indicator sets intended for use by government and industry decision-makers. As a consequence these efforts have tended to produce highly technical generic indicators that are arguably ill-suited as vehicles for communicating useful information to the general public. Little is known, for example, about what value there would be  7  —  to the  mining industry, the local community, or the government  —  for advancing the goal of sustainability from using  community-based SDIs. Another limitation of traditional approaches for developing indicator sets has been their tendency to overweight the importance of measuring changes to the health of environmental systems. Little has been done to identify indicators that would measure changes to social and/or economic systems. If the goal is to maximize mining’s contribution to the sustainability of communities, then it is imperative to develop measurement tools that encompass the three pillars of sustainable systems.  Studies have also failed to identify the extent to which stakeholder involvement in the decision-making process might have increased the perceived efficacy of SDIs to accurately report on system performance. Finally, another important limitation of the research to date has been its near total focus on developing indicator sets that report on the operational phase of the mine life-cycle. Little practical research has been done to develop a comparable set of SDIs that cover the period after closure.  In pursuing these issues, the researcher will ground the study using an actual mine that is presently scheduled to close in 2009. The general conceptual approach that will be used for conducting this research project is represented graphically (Fig 1.1).  8  Better Community Outcomes  Improved Perceptions of Mining  Improved Environmental Outcomes  Public Process Best Practice  -  Tools for Identifying Important SDIs  Products ofthe Research  Research Methodology  Factors Influencing Stakeholder Perceptions  C)  CD l) CD  CD  0  0  0-  CD  C) CD  0  C.)  •rI  1.3 Research Organization In chapter one initial arguments were presented to illustrate why, as an industry in crisis, the future of mining in B.C. may increasingly depend upon its ability to provide more compelling reasons why the industry remains as a desired end land use. It was suggested that community-based SDIs of mine closure, derived from meaningful public input in the planning process, could be influential in helping the industry make a compelling case that with proper closure planning and reclamation communities can realize a net benefit from mining that extends beyond closure.  Chapter two reviews both general closure concepts, as well as evolution of reclamation practice in BC. It includes background information on sustainable development and the mining industry, performance measurement and indicators of sustainability. A model based on research in the design of Expert Systems is presented as a method for selecting effective SDIs of closure. Finally, the role of communities in achieving sustainable mine closure is discussed in order to substantiate the case for why the industry should include the public in discussions on postmining end land use.  In chapter three the justification for the research methodology is presented. Research procedures and instrumentation for collecting and analyzing the data are outlined and the ethical considerations described.  Chapter four describes the context of the case study and includes the main results. The data generated from the questionnaire and interview session are presented using a variety of tables to organize the information. Selected quotations from the participants is provided in order to bring this information to life.  In chapter five the participant’s responses are discussed with references made to the available literature, showing how perceptions differ regarding stakeholders views on the success of HVC’s mine closure and reclamation program. SDIs were identified based on their relevance to the stakeholders, and conclusions offered regarding their potential value for expanding the range of success criteria now currently used to evaluate HVC’s mine closure and reclamation program. The researcher provides recommendations for how these results could be used by HVC.  In chapter six, the researcher offers his conclusions described the limitations encountered in the design and execution of this study and suggested directions for future research projects.  10  In chapter seven the researcher provides his recommendations for the conduct of closure planning and discussed how HVC, Logan Lake Council, and First Nations Band leaders can work collectively to meet the needs of their respective constituencies.  11  CHAPTER TWO  2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW Reclamation is when I spend $500 an acre to turn land that was originally worth $25 an acre into land that will be worth $25 an acre. Quotation from an anonymous mine manager (Britton, 1998) When the mining companies leave, there ‘11 be nothingfor us and Nothingfor our children except torn up mountains. They call this Reclamation, but the mountains aren’t there, they ‘rejust hills. Shoshone elder (quoted in Mining Watch, 2000)  2.1 Introduction Recognizing that sound decision-making is often contingent upon a solid understanding of the context in which the decisions are being made, chapter two will present a review of the literature on mine reclamation theory and practice as it applies to British Columbia. Also included is a review of the applicable literature on the topics of sustainable development theory and application, SDI development, heuristics, public participation in decisionmaking, and environmental perception and appreciation. While noting the limitations within the existing literature, the rationale, purpose, and research questions of the study are detailed.  2.2 General Closure Concepts A review of the literature revealed that there are many different terms used to describe events that occur once a mine has ceased operations. These include decommissioning, restoration, reconstruction, rehabilitation, reclamation, and post-closure (Mudder and Harvey 1998; RRU 2000). For the general public, understanding what each of these terms mean can be quite confusing as they are used differently or interchangeably depending on the author cited. In their review of closure activities within North America, Mudder and Harvey (1998) provided this assessment of how closure concepts are generally applied: Decommissioning is referred to as the transitional period between cessation ofoperations andfinal closure. Reclamation refers to the physical aspects of earth moving, regrading and revegetation. Rehabilitation is another wordfor closure used primarily in countries other than the United States. Closure is a term reservedfor the point in time at which revegetation has been completea excess solutions have been eliminated to the extent practical, the maximum degree ofpassive management has been implementea and afmnal surface and/or ground water monitoring programme has been initiatecL  12  An alternative set of definitions was developed by the Reclamation Research Unit (RRU), a mine reclamation think tank operated by Montana State University. Drawing primarily on documentation from government and academic sources in the US, the RRU (2000) developed this set of definitions: 1)  Reclamation: the establishment of a functional plant-soil system different than the pre-disturbance condition, but consistent with the post-disturbance land use.  2)  Restoration: the establishment of an ecological condition that closely approximates the pre-disturbance condition.  3)  Revegetation: the establishment of vegetation on a disturbed site inclusive of weeds, introduced species and native species without regard for the post-disturbance land use or without reference to the pre-disturbance condition.  A more general definition is offered by Natural Resources Canada (NRCan), the federal agency responsible for developing national level policies on mining. They describe mine reclamation as an activity designed to “prevent or minimize adverse long-term environmental impacts, and create a self-sustaining ecosystem as near as practicable to what existed before the mining activity.” (NRCan, 1998a).  While NRCan’s definition can be criticized for its simplicity, in the case of British Columbia, its provincial regulators could be accused of obfuscation. Instead of providing a straightforward definition they choose instead to defme reclamation in terms of the standards contained in the code (MEl, 1997). Presumably this decision was meant as a way to build flexibility into the regulations. A worthwhile objective given the diverse nature of the mining industry, but it also has the effect of muddying the waters in terms of providing a clear public statement of what reclamation is supposed to achieve. Even for those responsible for implementing the reclamation provisions of the code, there are some fundamental differences of opinion on the central question of what the objective of mine reclamation should be (MMPR, 1977).  If the regulations have spawned such confusion within the minds of the experts, one can only imagine what effect it has had upon the general public. At a time when public interest groups play an increasingly activist role in influencing government decision-making, politicians and bureaucrats need to recognize the advantages that are possible when regulations are crafted with the public in mind, especially when public acceptance of the law may be  13  necessary for its effective implementation. In the context of mine reclamation what is needed is a simple, concise statement of what reclamation is supposed to achieve using clearly defined environmental, economic and social criteria. Where possible these criteria should be the end products of a selection process that draws heavily on direct community consultation and involvement.  It would be a mistake for anyone to view this discussion of definitions as just a semantic or academic exercise. As Powter (2004) correctly observed, the selection of the goal for mine closure has important implications, both in terms of public policy and its impact on the mining industry. For example, reclaiming a site for the purpose of re vegetating denuded areas or for complete ecological restoration will have enormous implications for the company and the regulator in terms of the cost of the project and the yardsticks used to measure its success.  2.3 The Goal of Closure Planning In general terms the principle goal of mine closure is “the rehabilitation of the disturbed area  ...  to recreate a stable  and productive locality that is acceptable to the local community and the regulatory agencies.” (Lima and Wathem, 1999). To achieve this goal mine planners endeavor to develop a closure plan that is both cost effective and able to satisfy the demands of govermnent regulators.  Even though the issues to be addressed in a closure plan are site specific, in general the plan is written to satisfy the following principle concerns (Brodie et al., 1992; Ricks, 1997; Lima and Wathern, 1999): •  Protection of public health and safety;  •  Reduction and/or prevention of further damage to the environment;  •  Creation of a productive and sustainable after-use for the site; either its original use or an alternative that is acceptable to the mine owners, the community, and the government;  •  Conservation of the site’s valuable attributes;  •  Mitigation of any adverse socio-economic impacts;  •  Reduction of the overall cost of reclamation. By planning for closure at all stages of the mine life-cycle considerable cost savings can result as reclamation activities are more efficiently planned and executed as opportunities arise;  14  •  Meeting regulatory requirements. In certain jurisdictions (i.e., BC) it is now a formal requirement for a company to submit a closure plan prior to the issuing of a license to operate the mine; and  •  Avoiding possible criminal charges being laid against senior company officials. In many countries laws are now in place that allow for company directors to be fmed and/or imprisoned for failing to demonstrate due diligence in environmental management.  While it is usually not difficult to get all parties to agree on the importance of addressing these issues in the final closure plan, Ricks (1997) notes that extending this consensus to the question of how to get there is far more difficult. Typically, communities and government regulators are far more interested in identifying solutions that ensure that “future environmental conditions are not compromised, and that no financial liability falls upon them in the event of inadequate rehabilitation.” Solutions that address the socio-economic consequences of closure are also important to these stakeholders.  Mine owners too are interested in addressing these concerns (particularly those surrounding issues of long-term liability), but their principle focus is on keeping the costs of closure as low as possible while still being able to satisfy their regulatory responsibilities. This is the case for several reasons. First, once the regulator is satisfied that the mine has met its closure obligations the company is released from any future financial and legal obligations for the property. Second, the regulatory trend in many jurisdictions is toward having companies provide some form of financial assurance to cover closure costs before an operating permit is issued. With these costs brought forward, companies have a strong financial incentive to accurately forecast the cost of closure in order to keep the assurance as low as possible. Third, in order to reduce the risks involved in financing the construction of new mines, banks and other lending institutions now require potential clients to demonstrate their competence, not only in operating mines but closing them as well.  Achieving the right balance between cost and performance requires planners to possess a thorough understanding of the site’s underlying structure and function. A closure plan that is based on false assumptions will lead to interventions that are either unwarranted or inadequate to meet the requirement. As illustrated in Figure 2.1, failures in closure planning can be a serious and lasting drain on company resources.  15  U) Co  0  0 0) U)  0  0  Mine Closure Date  J Close-out  Start  A  C Operation  Fig 2.1  —  E  F Post Closure  Graph of Mine Closure Costs (adapted from Brodie et al. 1992)  The graph is intended to demonstrate how closure costs can be largely influenced by assumptions and events as they occur over a mine’s entire life cycle. At the point in time where actual mining begins then closure costs are reckoned to equal G. In the absence of a program of progressive reclamation these costs will eventually rise to I. If progressive reclamation is performed, represented as line GH, then the cost to reclaim the site will drop to H. As reclamation work continues during the closure phase, costs will decline to J. During post-closure the cost curve to complete the reclamation will move in one of two trajectories: after a period of monitoring to determine if the closure objectives have been met (line JE), the mine owners are issued a certificate of compliance signaling that they no longer have any further obligations to the site; a regiment of ongoing active and/or passive care is required to ensure the physical, chemical, and biological stability of the site and surrounding area. This care may extend for an indeterminate length of time (line JK).  It is important to understand how early planning and clearly stated objectives can greatly affect the final cost of closure. A well conceived mine plan will identify during the mine development phase the optimal method for the handling and stockpiling of topsoil and mine waste that will eventually be used during reclamation. Clearly defined  16  end land use objectives —with measurable standards of performance  —  enable miners to avoid the uncertainty and  added costs that result when reclamation work has to be redone to accommodate the changing requirements of government regulators.  2.4 A Review of Reclamation Practice in British Columbia Even though the modem history of mining in British Columbia dates back over one hundred and fifty years, the legal requirement to reclaim former mine sites has oniy been in effect since 1969. As documented by Britton (1998), the pivotal event that precipitated government action occurred in 1968 when Kaiser Steel of Oakland, California, put forward a plan to develop a large coal deposit in the East Kootenay region of the province. Up until that time most mines in the province were underground operations whose physical footprint were relatively small. What made Kaiser’s proposal unique was that the mine was planned as a large open pit operation, suggesting that a significant amount of land would be disturbed during the life of the mine. At the same time as Kaiser’s plans were being finalized, the environmental movement was beginning to emerge as a significant political force. Kaiser’s proposal was used by the environmentalists to highlight the government’s perceived inability to oversee and control industry misuse of public lands. Fearing a political backlash, the provincial government responded by amending Section 8 of the Coal Mines Regulation Act and Section 11 of the Mines Regulation Act to include provisions for mine reclamation. From that beginning the government has over the last thirty years progressively updated the regulations as new information has become known relating to the effects mining can have on human health and safety, and the biophysical wellbeing of the surrounding area.  Looking back over the thirty-year history of reclamation policy making in British Columbia, Errington (1992; 2001b) and Britton (1997) observed the following trends: •  Increasing scope of the regulations (In 1969 the regulations applied only to large mines but within a decade they were expanded to include all mining related surface disturbances);  •  Increasing specificity of regulations based on written standards (initially the Minister was given broad discretionary powers in determining scope of reclamation programs. Later on a more stringent set of reclamation ‘standards’ were developed);  •  Increasing scope and cost of reclamation bonds;  •  Increasing scale of land disturbed by mining (from less than 1000 hectares in 1969 to over 40,000 hectares in 2000); and  17  •  Growing public concern over the “costs” of mining has prompted the government to further regulate the mining industry.  2.4.1 Current Rules & Regulations The last major amendment to the regulations on mine reclamation and closure came in 1990 with the publication of B.C.’s new Health, Safety and Reclamation Code (MEl, 1997). The revised Code represented the culmination of over two years work by a committee consisting of members from government, industry and organized labour. Quoting from the Minister’s preamble to the Code (MEl, 1997): The new code reflected recognition of change in three important areas: conditions in our province’s mining industry; society’s expectationsfor full environmental protection andpermanent mine reclamation; and the needfor worker particzation in ensuring safe, healthy and environmentally sound mining operations.  As stated in the preface to the regulations, the purpose of the Code is to: “(1) Protect employees and all others from undue risks to their health and safety ...; (2) Safeguard the public from risks ...; (3) Protect and reclaim land and watercourses affected by mining; and (4) Monitor the extraction ... and ensure maximum extraction with a minimum of environmental disturbance, taking into account sound engineering practice and prevailing economic conditions.” (MEl, 1997). In examining the regulations no direct mention is made with respect to actions that companies are required to take for ameliorating the social costs of closure, which suggests that they were intended only to address the economic and environmental impacts of mine closure.  Ensuring that mine sites are reclaimed in accordance with the standards outlined in Part 10 is the responsibility of the Chief Inspector of Mines. Appointed by the Minister, the Chief Inspector is the senior government bureaucrat responsible for overseeing all aspects of the mine life cycle, including closure and reclamation. Under the authority of the Mines Act the Chief Inspector may (and does) appoint others to assist him in the performance of his duties 6 for the (MEl, 1997). Section 9 of the Act requires the Chief Inspector to establish and chair an advisory committee  6  Originally, the Reclamation Advisory Committees (RACs) were responsible for overseeing this function. Now all mine related activities, including reclamation, are reviewed by the RMDRC.  18  purpose of reviewing all applications for mine approvals and reclamation permits (MEl, 1997). The Act provides no written guidance in terms of the size and/or composition of the advisory committee. Britton (1998) notes that it is standard practice for the committees to be chaired by either headquarters or regional office staff, and when necessary include representatives from other government departments (i.e., Enviromnent, Forestry, Lands, Agriculture, Fisheries, etc.,).  Is there a role for the public in the existing reclamation permitting process? Since 1991 it has been government policy to increase the level of public participation in decision-making on mine reclamation (MEMPR, 1991), but in point of fact there are few real opportunities for the public to actually participate in the process. One such opportunity exists during the initial mine permitting phase when mine operators are required by law to include as part of the initial mine design a conceptual plan for the final reclamation of the site. Before a mine can be pennitted these documents are subject to public review and comment. It should be noted however that once a mine is in operation there is no longer any formal requirement under the Mines Act for the mine owner to consult with the public on any aspect of the reclamation plan.  Another potential opportunity for public input occurs when the regional Mine Development Review Committee (MDRC) meets to review applications for closure as required under section 10.1.2 of the Act. Members of the public are allowed to attend these meetings provided that they have previously made formal application to do so. In this capacity they are allowed to present their views to the committee through a written brief but are not allowed to participate in MDRC’s deliberations.  2.4.2 A Critique of Current Practice Reading Part 10 of the Reclamation Code for Mines in British Columbia (MEl, 1997) it is reasonable to conclude that the focus of the existing regulations is on achieving three primary objectives; (1) the protection of human health and safety, (2) mitigating the potential for acid rock drainage and metal leaching (ARD/ML), (3) and the restoration of the site’s natural ecological productivity. For a typical mine site these goals are often satisfied through a comprehensive program of reclamation designed to ensure the following: the long-term physical stability of the site, the control of soil erosion, the elimination of non-point sources of water pollution, and matching where practicable the pre-existing land use and productive capability of the site. In theory once these objectives have been met to the satisfaction of provincial regulators the security bond is released back to the mine owners and their responsibility for  19  the site ends.  An unintended consequence of the regulations is that they reward short-term results and strict adherence to the rules (Lavkulich, 1991; Smyth and Dearden, 1998). Take for example actions used to resolve problems associated with waste dumps. These exposed mounds of soil and rock can be massive in scale and typically require some form of managed site rehabilitation to address issues relating to soil erosion and aesthetics. The solution to both problems is usually found in a program designed to establish a vegetative cover as quickly as possible. To hasten the process reclamationists often resort to methods of site rehabilitation that may include the application of topsoil and fertilizer, large-scale re-seeding, and the extensive use of irrigation. Though effective in producing short-term results, “greening” the site in this manner is not only expensive, but the vegetative cover may be subject to failure once the artificial inputs are withdrawn from the system. Unless steps are taken to establish a self-sustaining water and nutrient cycle, system failure becomes unavoidable (Lavkulich, 1991; Dietrich, 1991).  Another unintended consequence of the existing regulations is that they have fostered an attitude of complacency and reactivity within the minds of industry officials. Veiga (2002) has described this mindset as the “phone bill mentality”, suggesting that closure planning today is strongly influenced by cost-benefit analyses of code requirements (land productivity objectives, site monitoring) and of the perceived effectiveness of the techniques used in reclamation (re-vegetation, re-sloping, the benefits of using native plant species). This assertion was confirmed by a survey of the attitudes of management personnel involved in surface coal mine reclamation in Alberta and British Columbia (Smyth and Dearden, 1998). The survey found that engineers (the dominant actors)  and agronomists (lesser players in decision-making) tended to view the goals of reclamation differently. For example, the recommendations by agronomists to increase the use of native plant species was often resisted by managers based on their assessments of the cost of planting native species (which they deemed were high) compared to the perceived environmental benefits (which they saw as low).  This emphasis on economics is understandable given that the cost of closure today can easily run into tens of millions of dollars (Anonymous, 2000). Recalling our earlier discussion on reclamation bonding, there are important financial and legal incentives for companies to move quickly to meet their closure obligations. Satisf’ing the terms and conditions of service as they are laid out in Part 10 of the Mines Act represents the path of least resistance for meeting these obligations. While limiting risk to the company, this attitude rewards short-term thinking and may  20  prevent communities living near former mine sites from benefiting more substantially from closure (Smith and Dearden, 1998). This is the case because Part 10 of the code largely ignores issues relating to the long-term economic and socio-cultural effects of closure, a conclusion borne out by referencing the proposed reclaimed end land use objectives summary (Table 2.1) compiled by MEMPR (Errington, 2001 b).  Table 2.1: Proposed Reclaimed End Land Use Objectives (Errington, 2001b)  Proposed End Land Use  Percent to be Reclaimed  Wildlife  53  Forest  22  Other  16  Grazing  9  Looking at the table one can interpret the data as suggesting that the vast majority of reclaimed mine land in British Columbia is intended to satisfy the habitat requirements of non-human species. Historically mining has occurred in areas that were essentially undeveloped wilderness and because section 10.6.4 of the Code specifies that these sites be reclaimed to a level of land productivity roughly comparable to what existed prior to mining (MEl, 1997), closure planners have tended to focus their efforts on re-establishing the site’s capacity to support local plant and wildlife. As a consequence reclaimed land often possesses little or no capacity to generate additional economic value for future generations. For example, Barr (2000) has cited figures produced in 1996 that described the economic return of different land use activities in B.C. In the case of mining the average operation generated direct annual revenues of $110,620 per hectare. Compare this with the revenues generated from forestry ($5700), agriculture ($1400), and parkland ($42).  This disparity in the ability of different land uses to provide communities with a real alternative to mining after closure has important implications for an industry that argues that reclamation plays a key role in creating more sustainable post-mining communities. Consider for a moment what happens to a mine site once operations cease. Working in accordance with the government approved mine closure plan, the company initiates a series of targeted remediation efforts designed to bring the site up to the required standard. In theory once this standard has been met  21  to the satisfaction of govermnent inspectors then the company will be issued with an exit ticket, releasing it from any further custodial responsibilities for the property. At this point anyone wishing to purchase the property is required to assume full liability for any future legal actions taken on account of impacts to public health and safety and/or the environment. But since even the most carefully crafted mine closure plan cannot guarantee that all possible hazards have been accounted for, it is difficult to find buyers who are willing to assume the liability risk. It is even a challenge to find buyers for sites that are judged to pose little or no threat to the surrounding environment since even these sites often require a program of ongoing active or passive monitoring and care (Ricks, 1997; Lima and Wathern, 1999). When these expenses are combined with the unknown costs of future litigation, from a risk management perspective it simply makes more sense for investors to avoid these sites altogether. As a point of fact no metal mine in British Columbia has ever received an exit ticket from the provincial government, nor is it envisioned that under the present system one will be issued any time soon (Errington, 2001 a). The absence of a definable time limit and the many biophysical and social uncertainties that surround closure provide the government will little incentive to assume liability for these sites. 7 This suggests that one of the chief beneficiaries of a more flexible policy on end land use objectives would be the mining companies themselves (Patterson and Wambolt, 2003).  Had the regulations been written to encourage companies to design for closure on the principle of maximizing the potential of the site to support another economic activity besides mining, the financial risk to third party investors would be quite different. Under this scenario one of the primary objectives of closure planning would be to maximize the site’s potential to finance its own ongoing program of active or passive care, thus removing an important source of financial uncertainty for prospective investors (Robertson, 2003). Some possible self-sustaining land uses that may be counted upon to offset some of the ongoing costs of closure would include agriculture, forestry, and/or industrial uses. In certain circumstances this list might be further expanded to include recreational or tourism-based activities (Roberts, 1999).  As was noted earlier in this chapter, Part 10 of the Code also fails to directly address issues that pertain to the social effects of closure. The fact that this omission exists should in no way suggest that these effects are less damaging to a community than the biophysical or economic effects. A quick review of the literature demonstrates why: when provincial government is now considering amendments to the Code that would enable companies to “re-mine” without assuming the full liability for the site.  22  mines close there often follows a measurable increase in the rate of stress-related illnesses, substance abuse, mental breakdowns, family violence, suicides, and homicides (Warhurst, 2000).  As the social costs of closure become more reported in the media how will such information affect public attitudes towards mining? A poii commissioned in 2001 by the Canadian Democracy and Corporate Accountability Commission suggests that 80% of Canadians, and 75% of shareholders reported that they support “mandatory requirements to make corporations take such things as the effect on the environment, employees and their communities into account when making key decisions.” (Naumetz, 2002). Furthermore the commission found that 75% of Canadians believe that government should punish companies that have a record of bad social responsibility by withholding government contracts. The practical effect of poll numbers like these is that politicians will be emboldened to legislate additional restrictions on the activities of the mining industry. In the case of BC, examples 8 of past bad performance have been cited by critics as evidence that the industry needs much stronger regulation (Simmons et al., 1998). The provincial government has in recent years begun to enact rules that it maintains will force the industry to behave in a more socially and environmentally responsible manner (Day and Affum, 1995). So far these moves have been tentative in nature, but the trend suggests that the industry should be prepared to take on new responsibilities in this area. For example, amendments to the province’s Environmental Assessment Act (EAA) now requires companies to prepare a brief social impact statement when applying for either a new mine development permit or when modifications are made to existing mine plans (Ministry of Energy and Mines, 200lb). But while these changes to the EAA signif’ that the government is beginning to grasp the importance of the issue, in its current form the EAA is not an ideal instrument to articulate plans for minimizing the social consequences of mineral development. The most obvious problem with using the EAA to address social issues is that it helps to reinforce the outdated notion that the problems associated with mining are largely environmental and/or economic. Since this is arguably not the case (Cordes, 1997; Parsons and Hume, 1997; Carbon, 2000), how then should the government proceed?  8  Examples cited include the Mt. Washington mine (ARD), Equity Silver mine (ARD), Britannia mine (ARD), Samatosum mine (ARD), Kemess South mine (damage to fish habitat), Sullivan mine (ARD, ground water contamination), Myra Falls mine (ARD, damage to fish habitat, loss of aesthetic values), Gibraltar mine (inadequate closure planning), and the Tulsequah Chief project (potential to harm wilderness and traditional culture of First Nation).  23  One avenue available to the government is to create an entirely new regulatory framework that places environmental protection and human welfare on more or less an equal footing. In the same way that a decade ago environmental impact assessments (EIAs) were created to minimize the biophysical impacts of mining, social impact assessments (SIAs) are now being touted as an equally effective tool for mitigating a mine’s social impact (Epps, 1997; lIED, 2002). More specifically, SIAs are seen to provide decision-makers with an effective way for dealing with such issues as: •  Developing a more efficient framework for the planning, management, and execution of closure programs;  •  Encouraging the formation of partnerships between government, industry, and communities for the purpose of facilitating a more equitable distribution of the benefits and costs of mining; and  •  Creating development strategies that foster long term community socio-economic independence.  If at some point in the future the provincial government 9 does decide to enact a “Social Assessment Act”, how might this affect mine closure planning and practice in British Columbia? For one thing it would go a long way toward putting aside long-standing shibboleths on the importance of re-establishing pre-mining land productivity and land use values. This change would greatly benefit those communities’° living near these sites as the current rules place de facto limits on how companies can plan for and manage the socio-economic effects of mine closure. A more flexible regulatory regime would also allow companies to approach reclamation planning from an entirely new perspective, placing less emphasis on short-term results and more on solutions aimed at re-establishing functional, productive landscapes that are valued by those living nearby. But would these changes be sufficient to address the long-term social and economic effects of closure on the local community? And what might a reclaimed mine site look like if the scope of the regulations were broadened to include both social and economic objectives? At present there are no clear answers to these questions, but history suggests that the pattern of increasingly restrictive reclamation laws will continue into the future. Mining companies can either resist these changes or they can adopt a more proactive approach in the search for solutions that will serve the interests of all stakeholders.  There is reason to believe that the government is moving in this direction. In its recently published BC Mining Plan, the government suggested that in 2005 it would meet with key stakeholders to develop and implement guidelines to maximize the mining industry’s contribution to sustainable development. 10 This is not an insignificant number as there are in Canada some 128 communities that rely almost exclusively on mining for their economic survival (NRCan, 1999), and many more that derive considerable indirect economic benefits.  24  2.5 Sustainable Development Whereas the general subject of sustainable development (SD) has been thOroughly discussed in countless texts and articles, the focus of this section will be primarily on those underlying concepts and issues of SD that specifically apply to the mining industry.  2.5.1 A Brief History In the forty-odd years that “sustainability” issues have been part of our collective consciousness , the debate over 11 what the concept really means remains ongoing. The Brundtland Report’s (WCED, 1987) definition of SD as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (WCED, 1987, in Thompson, 1998) is so broad in its meaning that it risks being vulnerable to criticism that the concept has evolved into nothing more than an overused cliché. Attempts at clarifying the definition have been the subject of numerous articles. Even as early as 1994, there existed in the mainstream literature some 80 different definitions and interpretations of the term (Mebratu, 1998).  In reviewing the many definitions of SD one can identify an evolving pattern of attempts to isolate and identify  speqfic qualities of sustainable systems. Initially these early attempts concentrated on the importance of economic growth that preserved the earth’s biophysical integrity (Bell and Morse, 1999). Later on as interest in SD grew, the definition was further expanded to include measures that optimize the societal benefits of economic development (WCED, 1987; And just as the temporal dimension of sustainability needs to be carefully considered, the issue to .  system quality  —  namely what systems are we intent on preserving and/or improving  —  is equally critical in shaping  our understanding of how a sustainable system should function. Referring to the Reclamation Code for mining in British Columbia (MEl, 1997), the systems of primary interest are those that relate to the economic and biophysical characteristics of the site. No mention is made of the social dimension of sustainable systems. The effect of this omission on the planning and practice of mine reclamation in this province is significant because as Bell and Morse (1999) observed  “  sustainability, like development, is all about people  ...“.  In failing to provide clearly defmed  system qualities that address the quality of life of people living in proximity to the reclaimed site the government has inadvertently created the conditions for conflict between mine owners and the local community.  ‘One sign of the growing popularity of SD, the investment firm of Jones Heward recently created a “sustainable development” mutual fund. The fund is marketed on the premise that companies pursuing SD will, over the long term, outperform those that do not. (LeMay, 2001).  25  Another way to c1assif’ different definitions of SD is to use a typology based on sustainabilily princ4iles. A key principle in many of these definitions has been the elimination of poverty through a more equitable distribution of the benefits and burdens that economic growth provides (WCED, 1987; Hardi and Zdan, 1997; Bossel, 1999). In this context equity not only describes the sharing that should go on within the present generation, but between present and future generations. Other authors have argued that another core principle of sustainable social systems is greater public participation in the decision-making process (Hardi and Zdan, 1997; Veiga et al., 2001; lIED, 2002). They suggest that our existing political and economic institutions need to be reformed so that private individuals can have more input in decisions that have a direct impact on their quality of life. The suggestion that we need to make the decision-making process more democratic is consistent with a more holistic understanding of the factors that lead to long-term economic development.  The environment and the economy must be integrated in our major institutions of decision making: Government, industry, and the home. This is perhaps the most important condition for sustainable development. Although it is possible to state the general directions in which development must proceed in order to be more rather than less sustainable it is not yet possible to define the precise conditions for sustainability in respect to each spec/Ic development. (MacNeill et al. quoted in Hardi et al., 1997) ...  Reviewing these last series of examples we can once again say that the focus of the debate is still on system conditions, this time focusing on human decision-making rather than on the supporting biophysical or economic systems. But even if society were to decide to embrace SD on the grounds that it offers a more equitable and democratic way of sharing the fruits of economic growth, all of these definitions do little in the way of answering the central question “how do we get therefrom here?” The question remains largely unanswered because at the heart of the definitional problem is the fact that in practice the concept of SD is ambiguous at best (Cordes, 1997). This explains why much of the debate about definitions is actually a debate about the different aspects of sustainability that particular authors have chosen to focus on (Carbon, 1997). But settling on a definition of SD is important because, in the words of Hardi et al., (1991) “The issue of definition is linked to ranking and prioritizing values and goals as well as those policies needed to meet goals and allocate costs and benefits.” Thus in the absence of a generally agreed upon definition, it will be very difficult to resolve the practical problem of how to transform a vision of civil society into a coherent set of policy initiatives.  26  If there is a common thread to be found in all this then it is that humanity’s current development path is not sustainable and that the changes required to make it so will be both substantial and difficult (Wackernagel, 1997). As the world’s industrial economies evolve to become more sustainable there will be winners and losers. Determining who will end up where will be a matter of social choice, “choice on the part of individuals and families, of communities, of the many organizations of civil society, and of government.” (Hardi and Zdan, 1997). Because in a democratic country like Canada change is possible only with the consent of the governed, decision-makers in government and across civil society must take care to ensure that the conceptual and technical issues that underscore SD are first allowed to become part of everyday discourse. Only then will the values and insights of society as a whole feed back to those who are responsible for creating the policies and programs necessary for SD to move from vague concept to operational reality.  2.5.2 Sustainable Development: Some Implications for the Mining Industry Growing public concern over the state of the environment has proven to be a force for change in the mining industry. The increasingly stringent terms and conditions which dictate how a mining company will be able to explore, develop, and eventually close a mine site reflect a changing public attitude concerning the social, economic,  and environmental impacts of mining (Brevik, 1997; Carbon, 1997; Cragg et al., 1997; Cordes, 1997; Labonne, 1999; Roberts et al., 2000; and Shields and Solar, 2000). Public pressure on the industry to make its operations more sustainable has forced many companies to re-examine various long-held business practices (Noranda, 1999; Placer Dome, 1999; BHP, 2000a; McNeilly, 2000). However, this begs several important questions: Can mining be  sustainable? and What role does mine reclamation play in contributing to the overall sustainabilily of the mining industry? Answers to these questions are complex, contentious and constantly evolving in response to changing circumstances. In the section that follows the reader will be presented  —  albeit briefly  -  with some of the argument  both for and against the proposition that mining can be a sustainable activity.  2.5.3 Mining as a Sustainable Industry As an activity based on the large scale extraction and processing of non-renewable forms of energy and mineral resources, the mining industry is confronted with a number of important challenges in presenting itself as a sustainable industry. For many observers, there are both obvious and subtle difficulties in trying to reconcile SD  27  with mining.  In their examination of the issue, Shields and Solar (2000) identified six obstacles to applying SD to the mining and metals industry: 1.  Differences of opinion concerning the relative validity of weak vs. strong sustainability makes the use of the capital theory approach’ 2 problematic;  2.  International law which upholds the sovereign right of States to control the development of their own natural resources is in conflict with provisions of the Rio Declaration that limit a country’s freedom of action;  3.  Laws to promote SD will only succeed if such laws are enforced. Many developing nations lack the necessary institutional structures to ensure compliance with regulations;  4.  Efforts to increase the recycling of metals are at odds with government regulations seeking to protect the environment from the dumping of hazardous wastes;  5.  The perception that SD is at odds with the way markets and economies function. Deregulation and trade liberalization have replaced state ownership, trade barriers, and high levels of taxation as the vehicles for creating long-term economic growth; and  6.  The difficulty in identifying those economic, social, and environmental issues that are both within the capacity (technically, legally, ethically, financially and logistically) of the industry to affect, and reasonable to expect them to solve.  Overcoming these and other obstacles has been the subject of numerous books, academic papers, government reports, and industry sponsored conferences. Included here is a sampling of some of the products of these efforts, beginning with a focus on what has been done internationally and concluding with a look at events in British Columbia.  Crowson’s (1992) response to the challenge of reconciling mining and SD was to dismiss outright the argument that the world is running out of minerals. He points out that if one takes into account the global aspects of exploration, technology, recycling and pricing, it is highly improbable that society will run out of minerals over the long term. 12  This approach is particularly relevant to mining as minerals are part of natural capital. Their transformation to human-made capital, and then to human and social capital can be described as moving from “primary means to ultimate ends, i.e. well-being.”(Shields and Solar, 2000).  28  Writing for the World Bank, Anderson (1998) argued that the benefits and costs of mining must be seen in the larger social context: “a society’s wealth consists of the sum of its natural, built, human and social capital.” To ensure that future generations have at least as many opportunities as people living today “requires not only the efficient use of economic capital, or the maintenance of ecosystem integrity and natural resource productivity, but also social equity and mobility, participation, and empowerment” (Anderson, 1998). Sustainable mining equates to a situation where the products of mining  -  in the form of increased built, human and social capital  —  contribute to overall system  quality. The National Mining Association (1998) in the US and others (Editorial, 1997; Clark, 1998; Roberts, 1999; Roberts et al., 2000) have suggested that with a combination of advanced production techniques and environmental technologies, as well as initiatives aimed at educating and informing public opinion the result will be to “encourage the development of a socially, economically, and environmentally sustainable mining industry” (National Mining Association, 1998).  Another approach that the industry has used to make the case that it is sustainable is to suggest that through reclamation mining is merely a temporary use of the land (Mining Association of B.C., 2000). In this regard mining is deemed to be sustainable in the context that its effect upon a community’s environmental, economic and social structures is sustainable. Given this understanding it naturally follows that the issue of post-mine reclamation takes on critical importance when re-establishing the sustainability of a community that has been impacted by the closing of a mine (Powter et al., 1991; Roberts, 1999; Roberts et al., 2000; lIED, 2002). Even those who are usually critical of the mining industry do not necessarily dispute the fact that with the right safeguards in place mining can take place with a minimum of environmental and social disruption (Porter, 1995; Anonymous, 2000d; Young, 2000).  2.5.4 The Mining Industry’s Response to the Challenge of SD Until very recently Canada’s mining industry has responded to the challenge posed by SD directing its energies on measures designed to minimize the environmental impact of mining (Hilson, 2000). In this section the reader will be presented with a brief overview of the actions the industry associations and individual mining companies have taken to respond to the challenge offered by SD.  2.5.5 The Role of Industry Associations Mining industry associations have played a key role in assisting member companies in their ongoing efforts to  29  improve environmental performance (Roper, 2000). According to Miller (1997), The Mining Association of Canada (MAC) was the first national mining association to develop an environmental policy. The Policy, which was released in 1989, was later updated and strengthened in 1995. One year later a companion document was released, the MAC Environmental Framework, which laid out the principles and general guidelines member companies should follow when establishing their own environmental management systems (EMS). Overall, the intent of these efforts was to ensure that MAC members, whether operating in Canada or abroad, provided the highest level of environmental protection in the most cost-effective way.  Though not an industry association itself; the Ottawa based International Council on Metals and the Environment (ICME) deserves some mention because of the important contributions it has made in promoting sustainability issues within the Canadian mining and metals sector. Created in 1991 by mining companies from around the world, the ICME has developed an Environmental Charter that requires member companies to implement “sound environmental and health policies and practices in the production, use, recycling and disposal of non-ferrous and precious metals.” (Hilson, 2000). The ICME also participates in international forums that meet to discuss regulatory  and policy issues relating to the environment and mining.  While both the MAC and ICME have focused much of their efforts on improving the mining industry’s environmental performance, they have also worked on strategies for reducing mining’s social impact. One strategy for achieving this goal is improving the industry’s capacity to work cooperatively with communities and other groups on social issues. This strategy was put to the test in 1992 with the Whitehorse Mining Initiative (WMI). The  IvLkC was instrumental in promoting and supporting the WMI throughout its two year mandate. The ICME has also devoted resources to the study of consensus building and social impacts (Miller, 1997). Included as a companion to its Environmental Charter is a Statement ofCommunity Concern that includes general principles when working with communities.  2.5.6 Corporate Sustainable Development Policies Even as the mining industry is being criticized for its slow response to the challenge posed by SD (Carbon, 2000),  30  many of its best companies’ 3 have come to embrace the concept as the key to guaranteeing the future prosperity of the industry (Cooney, 1996; Carbon, 1997; Cordes, 1997; Miller, 1997; McNeilly, 2000; Wilson, 2000). This turnaround in thinking can be traced to two important realizations. First, many corporate leaders began to reject the long held belief that there must necessarily be a trade-off between production costs and environmental and social responsibility. It has been suggested that this so called ‘win-win’ scenario may prove to be an important catalyst in helping companies operationalize the concept of sustainability (Warhurst, 1998). The second resulted from a recognition that public attitudes with respect to the industry had undergone a number of profound changes since the 1960’s and 70’s. Where mining was once looked upon as a preferred land use, concern over the industry’s perceived environmental and social costs made the public much more hesitant when it came to approving new mine construction (Carbon, 1997; Cordes, 1997; Warhurst, 1998). Because the industry’s future survival largely depends on public acceptance of its activities, it became clear that miners had to learn, in the words of John Cordes’ 4 “to co exist in the context of sustainable development expectations.” (1997).  As was noted earlier in this chapter, the social and environmental movements of the 60s and 70s had a profound effect on the way most citizens now viewed the potential benefits of mining. With the growing popularity of SD in the 80s and 90s these views evolved still further to the point that rather than being evaluated solely on the basis of economic criteria, mine development projects were now being judged in terms of their combined environmental, economic and socio-cultural impacts. This change in public attitudes had the concomitant effect of dramatically increasing the level of government oversight of all phases of the industry’s operations, including closure and reclamation (Errington, 1992; Britton, 1998; Roberts et aL, 2000).  Responding to what they perceived as an undesirable intrusion into their business practices, industry leaders have responded to the challenge of SD in several ways. These include: •  Meeting demands for bettor environmental performance through increased investment in pollution control technology (Cordes, 1997; Editorial, 1997; Parsons and Hume, 1997; Carbon, 2000; Roberts et al., 2000);  ‘  This list includes BHP, Cambior, Falconbridge, Homestake, Noranda, North, Pasminco, Placer Dome, Rio Tinto, Sasol, Shell Coal and WMC. Source: London Mining Journal/MEM, March, 2000. ‘ John Cordes is a respected academic who currently is the Director of the Institute for Global Resource Policy and Management at the Colorado School of Mines.  31  •  Promoting industry-based BMPs and other voluntary non-regulatory initiatives that meet or exceed existing regulatory requirements (Cordes, 1997; Anonymous, 2000d);  •  Strengthening community-industry partnerships through multi-stakeholder engagement (Carbon, 1997; Epps, 1997; Jones, 1997; McAllister and Alexander, 1999; Danielson, 2000; Moore and Noller, 2000; Veiga et al., 2001).  These measures can be viewed as achieving various levels of success. Recent advancements in technology have essentially eliminated, or at least greatly reduced, the majority of mining’s most serious environmental impacts (Editorial, 1997). The record of industry sponsored BMPs for reducing the environmental and social costs of mining is spotty. The inherent limitation of BMPs is that they are both company specific and voluntary. With respect to the former, this complicates efforts to compare performance between corporations. As for the latter, the concern here is that a company may avoid enforcing its own standards if the costs of enforcement become too high and/or regulatory oversight by government is lacking (Cordes, 1997).  Programs aimed at expanding multi-stakeholder involvement in decision-making, either by promoting community capacity building or by other means, is one area that is receiving more attention by academics and industry leaders. Often viewed by the industry as the most difficult component of the sustainability triangle to integrate into their operations (Seymoar, 2000), addressing the social costs of mining has emerged as a major management issue. Problems occur because most communities are ill equipped to deal with what Epps (1997) referred to as “the harsh realities of mining”. The physical disturbance of land on a massive scale, the possible resettlement of local people, the influx of new people into the area, such events can overwhelm the institutional capacity of the local community to cope. Where state run social programs are few and/or poorly funded, communities now increasingly look to the mining company to provide much needed health, education and other social services. Failure to meet these expectations can lead to social unrest that may in turn impede the company’s ability to profitably operate the mine.  So important is the need to build strong industry/community relations that David Humphreys, then chief economist of Rio Tinto, concluded that: “The biggest challenge now is not a technical one. Rather it lies in the development of interactive and lasting relationships with the communities, regions and countries in which the industry operates.” (Humphreys, quoted in Epps, 1997). He went on to conclude that companies that are best able to nurture these relationships will have a distinct competitive advantage over those that fail to take seriously their corporate social  32  responsibilities. All of this suggests that the old rules of engagement that existed between the mining firms and the communities in which they operate no longer apply. In the past the rules of the mining game were simple (Shields and Solar, 2000):  miningfirms obtain the necessary permits and work collaboratively with community representatives in the expectation that, havingfu(flhled all the legal requirements and having reached agreement with major stakeholders, they were allowed to mine. Given the climate of opposition to mining, this is no longer the inevitable outcome.  Few people would argue that the rules today have changed. Individuals and/or groups that have seen their efforts to block mineral development through traditional legal means fail now do not hesitate to avail themselves of other alternatives. Either by making a direct appeal to their elected officials or by using the internet to plead their case before the court of world opinion, those opposed to mining are now able to stall development projects even though a company may have received all of the necessary operating permits. Delays, even relatively minor ones, can drive up development costs thereby increasing the level of debt service and lowering the mine’s overall level of profitability. Measures designed to decrease the likelihood of individuals opting for these extra-legal alternatives (i.e., community capacity building, increased public education, etc) have the potential to remove some of the already large financial risk associated with new mine construction.  2.5.7 Current Research Initiatives on Mining and Sustainability At the same time as the mining industry was working to resolve the practical problems associated with integrating sustainability principles into their operations, a small but growing number of researchers were devoting considerable energy to furthering the theoretical understanding of these same issues. Starting with an initial focus on identifying ways for reducing the environmental effects of mining, their research interests eventually broadened to include more complex questions related to the long-term social and economic effects of mineral development. This shift in research focus came about, at least in part, in response to some important changes in the power relationship that exists between mining companies and the communities where they operate. Labonne (1999) points to such worldwide trends as globalization, greater economic interdependence within and between nation states, decentralization of government authority, and the rise of civil society as important players in political decision  33  making. McMahon and Strongman (1999) add technology to this list, arguing that while new technologies may lessen the enviromnental impact of mineral development its use often disrupts existing local patterns of employment and social relations (Labonne, 1999; Carbon, 2000; Shields and Solar, 2000).  Whatever the reason for these changes, the result has been that over the last decade communities have emerged as important actors in resource management decisions (Cordes, 1997; Ricks, 1997; Lahiri-Dutt, 1999; Roberts et al., 2000). And while there is still some ambivalence among industry and government officials over how far to include the public in resource management decisions (Shields and Solar, 2000), there is the suggestion that these changes provide miners with important opportunities for rebuilding the trust that once existed between the industry and the public (Warhurst, 1998; Seymoar, 2000). In addition Epps (1997) and others (Cordes, 1997; McMahon and Strongman, 1999; Moore and Noller, 2000; Sweeting and Clark, 2000; Veiga et al., 2001; and Robertson, 2003) have argued that initiatives aimed at promoting increased cooperation between stakeholders hold the key for creating a more socially responsible mining industry. For instance, Epps points to the work of the Rio Tinto Foundations as an example of how miners can assist communities in making more informed decision-making based on a clearer understanding of the expected benefits and trade-offs that accompany mineral development. He goes on to argue that in order to make this new relationship work, companies must be willing to adopt a more decentralized framework for the management of socio-cultural issues. In practical terms this means devolving more decision- making power to local authorities whose job it would be to work with community activists to develop site specific policies that reflect the following aims: •  Mutual respect and the commitment of both sides to the principle of fair dealing;  •  Defining the company’s perspective on how the benefits of mining are to be distributed to the community;  •  Articulating and incorporating a vision of the future for the community;  •  Ensuring that this vision includes provisions on intergenerational objectives and goals; and  •  A realization that this vision will form the basis of closure planning and reclamation of the site.  In a similar vein Veiga et al. (2001) argue that mining companies, whether operating in Canada or abroad, need to do more to demonstrate their commitment to creating “a lasting legacy of sustainability and well-being for the community  ...“.  The authors note that there are a number of significant challenges that stand in the way of achieving  this objective, including the fact that in many countries miners are looked upon with great suspicion. Cast in the role  34  of modern day conquistadors, international mining companies are seen as foreign invaders having little regard for a region’s unique environmental, cultural, or economic systems. Overcoming such deep seated perceptions will be difficult. The key, the authors maintain, lies in providing communities with the tools they need to engage the mining companies on a more or less an equal footing. “Until community members themselves feel that they are partners in decisions that intimately affect their lives and the environment in which they live, little progress on the path to sustainability will be achieved.” In practice this means providing communities with the necessary resources to fund their own social/environmental impact assessment studies.  Robertson (2003) suggests that because mining represents a temporary use of the land, mine operators must see themselves as just one “custodian in a succession of custodial caretakers of the site.” Effective management of the long term effects of mining requires mine operators to involve succeeding stakeholders “in the planning, execution, and succession processes” is essential for ensuring that the benefits of local and regional development stimulated by the mine can be sustained beyond closure. In this context effective management requires the mine to involve local stakeholders in a decision-making process that is based on an open exchange of information and an accounting procedure that allows for consideration of all stakeholder concerns.  2.5.8 The Role of the Community in Achieving Sustainable Mine Closure As was noted earlier in this chapter, the term sustainable development (SD) largely grew out of the social and environmental movements of the 1960s and 70s. One important byproduct of this merging of ideas was the realization that the existing top-down approach to economic decision-making off economic development goals against environmental goals  —  —  one that typically involved playing  often produced results that ran counter to the long-  term interests of humanity. For the proponents of SD, what society needs instead is a decision-making framework that will allow people representing different segments of society to work cooperatively to identify solutions that will minimize harm to the supporting biosphere while maximizing the material and social benefits of development.  Until relatively recently this essential fact has often been overlooked by those involved in the search to fmd ways to increase the sustainability of modern mining practices. While it is clear that actions taken to improve the environmental performance of mineral extraction and processing procedures are critical for maintaining the  35  continued health of the biosphere, such measures alone will not guarantee that the social health and welfare of the people living near a mine site will be preserved.  As the mining industry has come to appreciate the wider dimensions of their obligation to the communities where they operate, we have seen that they have begun to direct resources into programs designed to codify the industry’s responsibilities vis-à-vis mining and sustainable community development. 15 One area that has recently received particular attention is the subject of increased multi-stakeholder engagement in mineral resource development decisions. This reflects an acceptance by the traditional governing elites that devolving decision-making authority to the local level is a necessary condition for promoting more sustainable communities “specifically because the members of the community have the most at stake and are most affected by the relative sustainability of the community.” (Smith and Taylor, 2000). With this in mind there is now widespread agreement in government and industry circles that the key to creating a socially acceptable, sustainable mining industry requires miners and communities to come together in partnership to create a more equitable distribution of the costs and benefits derived from mining. There is less agreement, however, when the discussion turns to the specifics of how this shared decision-making would work. The great fear within government and industry circles is that by giving the public a real voice in the process they could very well create a situation where citizen’s demands for jobs, social services, public infrastructure etc., exceed the industry’s financial and/or institutional capacity.  While giving local stakeholders a greater voice at the negotiating table carries with it an element of risk, I believe that the mining industry has few options available to it. The tide of history is presently moving toward greater devolution of decision-making authority down to the local level and by opposing this trend the industry would only succeed in further tarnishing its public image.  16  Rather than create barriers to a movement that they cannot stop the  industry should instead view these changes as an opportunity to reconnect with the public. But in order to make the most of this opportunity industry leaders must first have a clear understanding of the political and social forces that together are driving the sustainability movement.  Examples include the Whitehorse Mining Initiative and the recently launched Global Mining Initiative. Some may challenge this assertion by pointing out that agreements such as the WTO and NAFTA effectively strip soverign power away from nation states and give it to supranational trade panels. Though such agreements run counter to the suggestion that society is moving in the direction of more egalitarian world, on the whole I would argue that the conditions that support local empowerment (i.e., the ending of the Cold War, mass communication technology, improved educational services etc.,) have a greater potential to shape the human condition. 16  36  Since the mid 1 960s the proposition that citizens should be allowed to participate more fully in the institutions that directly affect their well-being has become an accepted part of North American political culture (Jackson et al. 1986; Thomas, 1995). But change of this magnitude does not occur in a vacuum and in this case an important driver of change was the public education system. Francis Bacon once observed that ‘knowledge is power’ and taken in the context of contemporary political decision-making in Canada and the US it was the combination of improved public education services and the proliferation of information technologies that eventual broke the ruling class’s near monopoly over decision-making. No longer able to control events with little regard for how their decisions would be received by the masses, the ruling elite found that citizens were increasingly questioning the government’s sovereign authority. Confronted with this challenge to their legitimacy, politicians endeavored to create new forms of governance that would encourage greater citizen involvement. According to Thomas (1995), these new forms of citizen participation differed in two important ways from past attempts to include the public in decision-making:  First, whereas the proper role of the public had traditionally been viewed as confined to policy making, the new public involvementfocused squarely on policy implementation, on involving the public in deciding how policies, once adoptea would be put into operation  ...  Secona in contrast to the  elite bias ofmost public involvement  the new public  ...  involvement broadened the definition ofrelevant citizens to include those in the low-income category. The definition was further broadened throughout the 1970s to encompass a broad range ofpublics and citizen groups.  Together these differences reflect a shift in emphasis away from patterns of governance based on centralized, hierarchical decision-making structures with a short-term focus in favor of structures that rely on community-based decision-making focusing on long-term social and environmental issues. This shift in emphasis is important for those interested in understanding how programs aimed at promoting community empowerment can contribute to the creation of more sustainable communities.  At its core the desirability of greater public involvement in government decision-making depends largely on the public manager’s perceived need for quality versus the need for public acceptability of the final decision. In reviewing the history of multi-party resource management decisions in North America, disputes between competing  37  groups have often occurred when one party (i.e., government) fails to adequately acknowledge the concerns of another (typically the weaker one) as being relevant to the settlement of the dispute. As a consequence, many of the decisions that have resulted from this flawed process have lacked the legitimacy that is necessary to ensure their proper implementation. This issue of legitimacy becomes even more problematic when the disparity of power between groups is highest.  In determining which method to use, public managers should consider their reasons for soliciting the public’s input in the first place. As a general rule public managers will move from left to right along the continuum when faced with either one or more of the following situations (Dorcey, 1988; Thomas, 1995): •  Public opinion is divided;  •  The public’s desire for government action is absent or unclear;  •  There is a problem in identif’ing specific public interest groups;  •  The facts pertaining to the situation remain unclear or are contested; and/or  •  The government’s goals and interests differ from that of the public.  Key to the success of any public process are those measures designed to safeguard the legitimacy of the process. In the case of mediating disputes between the mining industry and the public, one of the greatest threats to the legitimacy of the process is the perception by the public that the industry’s access to wealth, information, and elected officials make it all but impossible for there to be a fair resolution of the dispute. To counter these perceptions, public managers must be willing to take steps to level the playing field. What specific measures they take will vary considerably depending on which dispute mechanism is selected, but as a general rule public managers should focus on attacking the roots of the power imbalance. These may include actions such as: •  Encouraging the participation of all relevant stakeholder groups;  •  Provide appropriate funding for research, expert testimony, trave!, etc.,;  •  Provide access to confidential information;  •  Make clear statements about the goals, objectives and timetable of the process;  •  Ensure timely reporting of decisions to the public; and  •  Provide justification for the final decision (Roberts et al., 2000).  38  By implementing these and other confidence building measures, public managers can achieve two important results (Thomas, 1995): 1) they can directly counter the arguments of those who would challenge the credibility of the process with allegations of bias and injustice; 2) by facilitating citizen “ownership” of the decision, public managers can increase the likelihood that the policy in question will be successfully implemented. In cases where public opinion is highly polarized (e.g., large scale urban redevelopment, the permitting of new prisons, landfills, open pit mines, etc.) and/or the government deems that it cannot act unilaterally, both results may be critical in advancing the government’s policy objectives.  Another added benefit of a more engaged public is the effect that active, hands-on involvement in decision-making can have on strengthening a community’s institutional capacity for understanding complex issues (Thomas, 1995; Kruger, 2000, in Sheppard, 2001). The time and energy required to acquire through formal education the necessary core competency in such technically difficult or esoteric issues like mine reclamation or sustainable development may be beyond the ability of many members of the community. Actual participation in decision-making through multi-stakeholder forums is arguably a more effective vehicle for improving community awareness, capacity building, and broad-based public involvement (lIED, 2002).  A final argument in favour of public process involves the secondary, indirect effects that participation can have on the mind-set of the people sitting at the table. At a minimum, multi-stakeholder collaborative processes can provide the technical “experts” with an opportunity to increase their understanding of the issues that are important to local people (Sheppard, 2001). Beyond that, participation in multi-stakeholder decision-making can lead to changes that are more profound, including (Poncelet, 2001): 1.  Changes in the way participants understand environmental issues;  2.  How they view environmental action;  3.  How they relate to other stakeholders; and  4.  How they conceive of themselves.  39  As Poncelet points out, the transformative nature of multi-stakeholder decision-making has important implications for those involved. First, because of the strong personal bonds that form between the participants, there is a greater likelihood of creating consensus based decisions that reflect the diversity of interests and opinions of the whole. Second, when compared to traditional, negotiation-based solving methods, multi-stakeholder decision-making is more likely to produce innovative “out-of-the-box” solutions. Third, it creates a network of individuals who in the future can be called upon to participate in similar forums.  As valuable as these potential benefits are for improving the quality and acceptability of the proposed solutions, some important limitations exist that can decrease their effectiveness (Poncelet, 2001). For instance, the transformative effect of multi-stakeholder participation cannot guarantee that solutions will necessary reflect a balanced approach to the problem. Organizational allegiance is a strong counterforce to newly developed social bonds. Situations where great disparities in power exist can also be problem.’ 7 The less powerful members of society may be wittingly or unwittingly co-opted to endorse decisions that really reflect the interests of the dominant elites, Rural communities are especially vulnerable to this form of manipulation. Due to their limited economic and human resources, rural communities often lack the institutional capability to act as full partners in resource development decisions (Smith and Taylor, 2000; Veiga et al., 2000; lIED, 2002).  2.5.9 The Limits of Participation While the benefits to miners and communities from increased cooperation in decision-making are substantial, cooperation, in and of itself should not be seen as a panacea. In charting the evolution of participatory processes in North America, Thomas (1995) cautions that there are occasions when citizen involvement in decision-making should be avoided. These include programs where citizen “buy-in” is not required for its successful implementation  and/or cases where public opinion runs counter to expert opinion.  Research also suggests that public involvement in decision-making requires a level of commitment on the part of citizens that they may fmd difficult to sustain over a long period. As a precondition of having meaningful involvement in the process, citizens are often required to personally invest a great deal of time and effort to  17  In this context, power can take many forms including political, social, economic, knowledge, etc.  40  familiarize themselves with the issues (Buchecker, 2001). Participants must also be willing to commit themselves to a process that may take years to complete. In those cases’ 8 in B.C. where citizens have been encouraged to participate in the process, these preconditions for “meaningful” participation have not been met (Britton, 1998).  Finally, efforts to adopt a more inclusive decision-making model carries with it the risk of creating a level of expectation within a community that the mine cannot satisfy. From his research of mining communities in Australia, Canada, the U.S. and Peru, Nest (2003) noted cases where attempts by the mine to embrace some form of multi stakeholder decision-making often were a catalyst for community discontent. Cooperative agreements will never satisfy the concerns of all stakeholders, nor can they redress historic patterns of inequality and mistreatment.  2.5.10 Measuring Stakeholder Perceptions of the Sustainability of Mine Reclamation For those researchers writing on sustainability issues, the focus of debate has largely shifted “from the issue of definition to one of measurement” (Mitchell, 1999). With the release of the Brundtland Report (WCED, 1987) the world was given a benchmark definition of what was meant by the concept of sustainable development. However when it came to measuring progress toward SD no one system has yet attained a comparable level of support, this despite the fact that numerous governmental agencies, NGOs, academics and corporations have invested considerable time and energy in pursuit of this goal.  Why this emphasis on measurement systems? Management requires measurement and the ability to quantify significant social, economic and environmental impacts as an important first step in the management of SD (Hardi & Barg, 1997; NRCan, 1998b; Bossel, 1999). One of the nagging criticisms of SD has been its apparent remoteness from day-to-day decision-making (Prescott-Allen, 2001). The ability to measure results is seen by many observers as the best way for institutions to operationalize what is for many a very abstract concept (Hardi and Barg, 1997; Hardi and Zdan, 1997; Bell, 1998; NRCan; l998b; Bossel, 1999; Mitchell, 1999).  2.5.11 What is an Indicator of Sustainability? The Brundtland Commission’s definition of SD does not describe a system that is fixed, but one that is dynamic that  18  The cases being referred to are the Brenda, Sullivan, and Island Copper mines.  41  continues to evolve without seif-destructing. This means that the many different forces that act on the system must be in balance for it to be considered sustainable. Indicators of sustainability, then, must be appropriate to the dynamic system in which we live. They can be aggregate measures of the stability of the whole, or more specific measures of the system’s parts.  All attempts to measure progress toward sustainability must accept the fact that we do not really know very well how the system works (Lavkulich, 1991; Hardi & Barg, 1997). We are only still discovering the environmental impacts of many of humanity’s economic activities, and the interaction between growing or declining states of human well-being on either the environment or the economy is poorly understood. In other words, we know that all aspects of the system affect all others, but we do not know all the specifics of those impacts. For that reason sustainability indicators differ considerably from traditional indicators of social, biophysical, or economic progress (UNCED, 1992; Heeney, 1995; Mascarenhas, 1996; Bossel, 1999; HED, 1999). Traditional indicators measure change in one area as if it were totally independent from the others, whereas sustainability indicators reflect a holistic understanding that social, economic and biophysical systems are closely interconnected.  2.5.12 Attributes of Effective Sustainable Development Indicators The ability to function within a complex system means learning to recognize a specific set of indicators, and to assess what their current state means for the health, or viability, of the larger system. In order to respond appropriately to a situation it is essential to choose indicators that tell us something important about how well a system is functioning. Unfortunately selecting the most appropriate indicator is usually not obvious or intuitive. And if an indicator of the state of the system is poorly chosen, inaccurately measured, biased or otherwise flawed, then decisions based on it are unlikely to be effective. Misleading indicators may éause over or under reactions, changes that are too weak or too strong to bring the system back to the desired state (Meadows, 1998).  Though error or poor judgement cannot be totally eliminated from the selection process, steps can be taken to reduce the level of risk. This typically involves referencing potential indicators against a set of predetermined selection criteria of effectiveness. The criteria most generally used include the following (Hardi and Barg, 1997; Meadows, 1998; Bossel, 1999; HED, 1999): 1) Relevance; they provide you with information about the system that you need to know;  42  2) Easy to understand, even by members of the general public; 3) Reliable; and 4) Based on information that is readily accessible.  While this describes the characteristics of indicators in general, sustainable development indicators (SDIs) must be evaluated using an additional set of criteria (Hardi and Barg, 1997). In explaining the reasons for this it will be shown why traditional indicators of development are inadequate to report on progress toward sustainability.  2.5.13 Selecting SDIs of Mine Closure: A Community-based Approach As it now stands in BC, closure planning is an elite-directed activity focused on highly technical physical, chemical, environmental criteria (BCMEI 1997; Ricks 1997). What then can be done to “democratize” the closure planning process? Even if an acceptable mechanism was found to bring together all of the relevant stakeholders, communication between industry and government “experts” and those representing the communities would be difficult. What is required is a device that can break down these barriers to open communication. It is suggested here that decision-makers develop community-based SDls. On the surface the idea of using indicators to explain complex information is not a novel idea. Already there are number of initiatives’ 9 completed and/or currently under way for this very purpose (Warhurst, 1999; Carbon 2000; Hodge 2001). In general these initiatives tend to rely on a relatively small number of indicators to communicate results in the same way as changes in GDP and unemployment rates are used to measure economic progress (Placer Dome, 1999; BHP, 2000b). While this represents a step in the right direction, the author believes that the top down, expert driven process favoured by the industry is fatally flawed. In creating a process designed by experts for experts, the resulting indicator sets tend to be highly technical in nature and this limits their value as a vehicle for engaging public input and support. Arguably, a better way for selecting SDIs would be to effectively integrate expert opinion with input from the local community. Ideally this merging of scientific and local knowledge would produce a set of indicators that would be both readily understood by members of the community (e.g., does a local stream continue to support salmon runs), while at the same time meeting the broad technical and legal requirements of the provincial regulations on mine reclamation.  While at first glace this merging may appear difficult, there are several ways in which this might be accomplished. One involves an approach that has already been successfully applied in a number of urban settings. For example, the 19  An important deliverable of the Global Mining Initiative is a set of SDIs.  43  Sustainable Seattle program began in 1991 as a response to growing public concern over the effects of rapid economic growth on the quality of life of Seattle area residents. The program’s primary goal was to develop a mechanism for measuring movement toward or away from sustainability. Emphasis was placed on identifying indicators of social, economic, and biophysical sustainability through a process that relied heavily upon the involvement of Seattle area residents. This decision reflected the philosophy of the program’s supporters who believed that community empowerment is a necessary prerequisite for creating a more sustainable urban environment (Sustainable Seattle, 1993). To assist citizens in understanding the significance of the selected indicators, each SDI was accompanied by a brief description, definition, interpretation, analysis of results, and an explanation of how that indicator is linked with the others.  It is interesting to note that a significant number of the chosen indicators are aimed at revealing people’s perceptions of the events going on around them (i.e., the health of fish stocks, equitable treatment in the justice system, individual sense of well-being, etc.). While some may criticize the usefulness of including highly subjective items, this researcher agrees with those writers (Hardi and Barg, 1997; Bossel, 1999; Mitchell, 1999) who argue that to be truly useful in advancing the goal of sustainability, SDIs must be capable of changing the way society as a whole thinks about development. This means choosing indicators that speak both to the heart as well as the mind.  A somewhat different approach to the problem of identifying indicators of sustainable development has been proposed by Sheppard (2001). Building upon the theoretical work of Nassauer (1997), Carlson (1999) and others, Sheppard (2001) has attempted through his research into BC’s forestry practices to clarify the practical consequences of government policies aimed at increasing the sustainability of the province’s forests. Looking specifically at the issue of “social sustainability”, Sheppard argues that public satisfaction with forest management practices is dependant in part on “society seeing tangible proof that forestry is ecologically sustainable and carefully managed”. While acknowledging that many indicators of ecological health are not visible to the human eye, Sheppard holds that some are and that every effort should be made to maximize the visibility of these indicators. Forest management practices will only be seen as good (or sustainable) if they can demonstrate “an obvious and sustained commitment of people to the places and ecosystems under their control.”  44  This concept of visibly demonstrating sustainable forestry  —  which he termed Visible Stewardship  —  is founded on  the theoretical principle that people’s aesthetic preferences to man-modified landscapes are strongly influenced by the presence of signs of human care. In the context of forest management this means providing clear signs to the public that foresters have a long-term attachment to the land. Sheppard identified three tests of visible stewardship that can be applied to what is being seen on the ground: 1.  Visibility: Site management should be more visible, not less. There should be frequent or continuously visible management activities on the land and in the community, avoiding long periods of perceived ‘naturalness’ between harvesting cycles;  2.  Good respectful design: Careful landscape design is important to show the fit between management requirements and the uniqueness of each place, ecologically and culturally; and  3.  Verification: The viewer needs to see corroborating evidence that what ‘looks good’ is actually good, or that what looks bad is a worthy trade-off for long term benefits. This is where supplemental information sources, such as information signage, interpretative facilities  ...  should be available.  Faced with many of the same “image” problems that confront BC’s forestry companies, the mining industry too could benefit from placing a far greater emphasis on providing the public with visual proofs that its mine closure practices “demonstrate an obvious and sustained commitment of people to the places and ecosystems under their control” (Sheppard, 2001).  In the course of sketching out the broad outline of how such an alternative SD! selection process would work, the author determined that the biggest difficulty lay in finding a defensible methodology for integrating, within a single coherent structure, each stakeholder group’s differing perceptions of what a reclamation project is intended to achieve. Depending on the knowledge and experience that the stakeholders bring to the table, it is likely that each will have a very different understanding of the project’s intended goals and objectives. For example, one group may argue that the goal of the project should be to establish certain pioneer species of trees whereas another may be much more interested in planting trees that have direct commercial value. How important is this difference? Will it be a major source of conflict that divides the mine owners and the community? The author believes that if it were  45  possible to quantify these perceptual differences those tasked with developing closure pians would be in a better position to: •  Understand potential areas of commonality and conflict that exists between the various stakeholder groups;  •  Develop a communication strategy specifically targeted to address the concerns of those groups opposed to the development of the mine; and  •  Identify the most compelling set of indicators specific to the needs of regulators, the mine, and the local community.  While the need for this type of SDI selection aid may be compelling, translating it into a reality raises a whole host of problems, not the least of which is the fact that for such a system to work it would need to be able to describe, analyze and eventually deal with the paradoxical and chaotic dynamics of social systems. Upon review of the literature (Veiga, 1994) and in discussion with colleagues at the University of British Columbia, the author believes that a properly designed heuristic model could satisfy these requirements, quantifying the differences in perceptions and allowing us to create an index for ranking the “success” of reclamation activities.  2.5.14 The SDI Selection Model Before explaining how the model would work, first some background on the term “heuristics”. It originates from the Greek word heuriskein, meaning to discover. In its current usage, heuristics provides an explanation for how the human mind deals with the complex and often contradictory nature of everyday living. In seeking to make sense of the world around us, the human mind operates using a process known as bounded rationality (Borgatti 1996). This means that human decision-making, while rational in style, generally falls short of the mark due to a number of causes, including the inability of the human brain to sufficiently process sensory input. To get around our mental limitations humans have resorted to creating short-cuts that help us solve problems that would otherwise be quite complex. In this context, heuristics are nothing more than rules of thumb, hunches, time-saving devices, etc., that we use to simplify the complicated (McNeill and Freiberger 1994).  A central component of current heuristic models is its underlying knowledge base which includes all of the necessary “facts, theory, experience and rules that direct the use of knowledge to solve problems (Veiga, 1994). The information which comprises the knowledge base is usually compiled by a recognized expert(s). As is often the case  46  when studying the operation of environmental systems, the complexity .of the subject matter may require that decisions be made which are not directly supported by theory or empirical data. In the absence clear data the expert is required to use his/her best judgment to formulate a conclusion.  2.5.15 Using Heuristics to IdentifS’ Effective SDIs of Reclamation Heuristic models have demonstrated an ability to accurately simulate how humans perceive the evolution of an idea from one of complete acceptance to total rejection (Meech and Veiga, 1997). In the context of this study, a modified form of the Weighted-Inference Method was used to combine information generated by the participants in this case study to determine each stakeholder group’s degree of belief that mining can be made more sustainable through specific reclamation practices. The modified Weighted-Inference Method is adapted from the basic neural equation which propagates weighted evidence to a conclusion and is implemented within a heuristic model. The model is based on the Perception Approach to neural-computing developed by Rosenblatt (Meech and Kumar, 1993). The standard Weighted-Inference Method derives a Degree of Belief  in a conclusion by multiplying the  importance of each piece of evidence (Ii) by the belief of the stakeholders that the evidence exists. This can also ) that an action is being carried out appropriately. The modified 1 represent a stakeholder’s degree of satisfaction (S ) that the participant has regarding the subject. 1 version multiplies this number again by the degree of knowledge (K The summation emerges from a single node (or rule) as a Degree of Belief in a conclusion  ranging in  value from 0 to 1 (Meech and Veiga, 1998). 20  n DOBconciusjon  Ii Si  =  i= 1 In most heuristic models, weightings or degrees of importance for each piece of information (Ii) are generally established by experts which potentially could limit their usefulness to the public (Eduljee, 2000). By contrast, in the model presented here, representatives from different stakeholder groups are asked to weigh the importance of each indicator identified in the inference model by assigning a value between 0 (not important) and 1 (very important). The value assigned would be dependent on the user’s perception of how important a particular indicator is in demonstrating the success of the reclamation effort. Based on the research conducted by Smyth and Dearden (1998) it is evident that the attitudes of those directly involved in mine reclamation vary considerably based on factors such as experience, training, and professional occupation. For example, industry and government engineers were strongly 20  In this context, 0 represents complete disbelief and 1 total belief in an outcome.  47  divided in their attitudes towards the value of using performance criteria to measure reclamation success (i.e., using equivalent productivity), whereas the attitudes of engineers and environmental professionals diverged on the need to completely re-vegetate disturbed area. The authors concluded from this that in general engineers were concerned with issues of cost while the environmental professionals were interested in ecological issues.  Just as there is a lack of consensus within the professional groups involved in reclamation, one could reasonably predict that a community would be no less divided in its attitudes concerning what the end land use objectives of the reclaimed site should be. Consider the hypothetical example provided in Fig 2.3. For the sake of simplicity the example was limited to four possible stakeholder groups but in reality this list could potentially be far greater. There may even be a requirement to create additional stakeholder sub-groups based on criteria such as gender, race, age, ethnicity, economic self-interest, etc,.  It is important to remember that each K is based on the participant’s own rating of their knowledge of the subject matter. The decision to modify the standard weighted inference equation was made so as to take into account the effect that knowledge  —  or a lack thereof  —  can have in shaping the perceptions of the participants regarding the  reclamation and closure planning practices employed by HVC.  As for the number of indicators that should be included in the questionnaire administered to the participants, the user must balance his/her desire to be comprehensive against the possibility of overwhelming the respondent by including too many items. The problem is that large numbers of indicators make the model unfit for decisionmaking purposes. In terms of identifying which indicators should be included in the model, selection will be guided by the following criteria: •  Are the indicators quantifiable?  •  Are they significant?  •  Are they comparable over time?  •  Are they understandable to a general audience?  •  Is the data readily available?  48  Example In calculating Value of for the indicator “Presence ofsalmon in local waterways”, each stakeholder was required to weigh the importance of the indicator (Ii). This number was then multiplied by the stakeholder’s belief that the objective is attainable (AJ, and by the stakeholder’s degree of knowledge (K ) regarding salmon. 1 Stakeholder #1 * Company engineer * Male * 33 yrs old * I = 0.30 * = 0.70 1 A * K, = 0.60 =  Stakeholder #2 * Government biologist * Female * 38 yrs old * I, = 0.90 * A = 0.85 * K = 0.95  0.13  =  Stakeholder #3 * Fishing guide * Male * 42 yrs old * I, = 1.0 * A = 0.4 * K = 1.0  0.73  =  0.40  Stakeholder #4 Land Developer * Male * 48 yrs old * = 0.30 * A = 0.60 * K = 0.45 *  =  0.80  Interpreting the data: When reviewing the scores for each stakeholder it is important that the user not draw conclusions based solely on the numbers alone. These scores must be interpreted in the light of a thorough understanding of the history, culture, system of values, etc., that drive one’s decisions. Only then will one be able to provide reasoned arguments for defending or condemning the company’s reclamation plan.  Fig 2.3- Example of Calculating Values of for a Hypothetical Mining Project  It is important to note that the values of  for the indicator “Presence of Salmon in local waterways”  are not meant to provide the user with an objective valuation of  the sustainability of a specific mine reclamation project. Instead the model is meant to provide the user with a snapshot in time of the subjective impression that a respondent has concerning the importance and likelihood that an indicator of sustainable mine reclamation exists or is possible. These valuations can and probably will vary over time as the individual acquires additional knowledge and/or skills through which to filter their evaluation of the indicator. It will be the job of the user to determine which factors are critical in shaping a stakeholder’s perceptions and then designing appropriate strategies for their management. Some of these factors may be obvious (i.e., has the respondent received additional training, education, or experienced changes in his/her economic or social status), and others less so (e.g., privately held political views, personal enmity toward another stakeholder, or changes in one’s mental and/or physical health). Ideally it is through an in-depth analysis of the dynamic conditions that are unique to the situation, in this instance generated through the case study, that the user is able to identify the critical factors that are responsible for shaping the respondent’s answers. Once revealed, it is then possible that decision-makers can influence these factors through a program of targeted education, improved communication, alternative design prescriptions, or other interventions.  49  The suggestion that a heuristic model could be used to aid the mining industry in the management of complex processes is not unique to the circumstances described in this study. Expert systems using similar approaches have been developed to assist miners in the selection of optimal mine methods (Rossouw, 1995), mill management (Prasad & Ramani, 1989), and bioaccumulation risk assessment of mercury (Veiga, 1994). What is unique about this model is that it offers an approach for developing SDIs which differs from that being taken by government (NRCan, 1 998b; Bossel, 1999), academics (Warhurst, 1998), and the industry itself (Noranda, 1999; Placer Dome, 1999). All three groups have chosen to focus their efforts on developing indicators that are intended to satisfy the needs of scientists and senior government policy makers. ’ Consequently these indicators are highly technical in nature and 2 are ill suited as a vehicle for communicating to the public the industry’s determination to make its operations more sustainable. And because lay people and experts have a tendency to perceive risks and trade-offs differently (Britton, 1998), by relying on technical indicators alone the industry risks creating a source of conflict between “reclamation experts” and the communities they serve. This may explain why there is a discontinuity between how the industry  and the public perceive the effectiveness of current reclamation practices to satisfy the demands of SD.  2.6 Summary From our earlier critique of B.C.’s Reclamation Code it was shown that the current rules and regulations on mine closure planning and reclamation are almost entirely focussed on measures aimed at redressing the environmental impacts of mining. The other impacts  —  namely economic and social  -  on the people living and working in the  affected communities are simply not addressed in any meaningful way. This envirocentric focus is out of step with mainstream thinking regarding what is the most effective way for mining companies to assist communities in making the transition to a post-mining economy (Veiga et al., 2001; lIED, 2002). Furthermore, it is at least in part because of this weakness in the regulations that the public’s perception of mining has been generally negative. By focusing almost exclusively on the environmental outcomes, mining companies are subject to attack by organized environmental groups who through the electronic media use photographic images to convey a message that mining is an industry whose costs to society exceed its benefits (Simmons, 1998). Surface mining operations are particularly vulnerable to these kinds of attacks as they typically generate an enormous physical footprint, elements of which  21  For example NRCAN’s list of sustainability indicators will include such items as metal recycling rates, energy consumption rates and greenhouse gas emissions.  50  (i.e., pit walls constructed in rock) companies are not required to reclaim (MEl, 1997). Where re-vegetation of these  areas is mandated, the processes involved are both technically complex and time consuming. For instance, depending on local conditions the length of time required to implement a re-vegetation strategy that sees the site move from bare ground to conceptual climax forest can easily be measured in generations (Polster, et al., 2001).  For mine closure planning to be effective as a tool for assisting a community’s transition to a post-mining economy, changes to the current system are required. At a minimum, government and industry will need to adopt a new strategy for designing more sustainable post-mine Landscapes that includes the following: 1.  Accepting that the social and economic impacts of mine closure are at least as important as the environmental;  2.  Developing processes that permit a wider range of local stakeholders to have more meaningful involvement in decisions regarding the setting of end land use objectives for the reclaimed areas;  3.  Identifying measurable performance indicators that reflect the values, interests, knowledge, and relative experience of the various user groups.  Taken together, these changes to the current system of planning for closure would allow mining companies to provide affected communities with more sustainable outcomes.  2.7 Purpose of the Study Given the gaps in the research, the primary purpose of this research study is to help discover, understand and describe, using a case study approach, the dominant factors that influence stakeholder perceptions of the value of closure planning and reclamation to assist their community in making the transition to a post-mining economy. The , located near Logan Lake, British Columbia. 22 object of the study is the Highland Valley Copper (HVC) mine  2.7.1 General Research Objectives The general research objectives for the study are as follows: 1.  To identify the perceptions and experiences of stakeholders regarding HVCs mine closure planning and reclamation program;  22  A detailed description of the mine and the reclamation activities to date is contained in chapter four.  51  2.  Determine if and why a discontinuity exists between what the experts describe as sustainable mine closure outcomes and what the local stakeholders themselves believe; and  3.  Validate a process for selecting critical SDIs which reflect the present values and future hopes of the people whose communities are directly affected by mining.  2.7.2 Specific Research Objectives The specific research objectives of this project are: I.  Determine what specific factors influence individual perceptions regarding the objective of HVC’s closure plan;  2.  Identify those end land use objectives that are most valued and the reasons for that choice;  3.  Identify those end land uses that are least valued and the reasons for that choice;  4.  Identify the type(s) of indicator(s) that is/are currently being used to evaluate the effectiveness of HVC’s current reclamation program;  5.  Identify the type(s) of indicator(s) that potentially would be the most useful as a performance measurement tool;  6.  Determine the extent to which stakeholder involvement is required for the successful implementation of the closure plan;  7.  Identify areas of possible convergence and conflict that exist between stakeholder groups;  8.  Create a transparent method for determining the relative importance of alternative SDIs;  9.  Propose recommendations to the Reclamation Code for Mines in BC based on the results of this research; and  10. Identify areas of possible future research in the field of closure planning.  It is anticipated that this research will encourage government and industry officials to consider the value of alternative approaches when planning for mine closure, in particular those that encourage the more active involvement of the local community in closure planning and performance evaluation. This research is also intended to empower local people by providing them with additional insights regarding the value of their participation in decisions that will directly affect the quality of life for themselves and future generations.  52  CHAPTER THREE 3.0 METHODOLOGY 3.1 Introduction Chapter two described how HVC is responsible to the BC Ministry of Energy and Mines to reclaim all areas disturbed by mining as laid out in its mine permit. It has also established that there is a large degree of discretion, both on the part of the company and the regulator, regarding how the permit conditions should be interpreted. Research examining the attitudes of environmental management personnel involved in mine reclamation in Alberta and BC revealed a measurable difference between occupational and experience subgroups of the population (Smyth and Dearden, 1998). These divergent attitudes were interpreted as representing a preoccupation with short-term economics (engineers) over the long-term ecological benefits with respect to the achievement of end land use objectives (environmental professionals). A related finding was the lack of consensus amongst professional sub groups regarding the efficacy of differing reclamation techniques for surface mine disturbances.  Arguments were presented that mining companies could increase public satisfaction with the industry by employing in their operations methods tangible evident that mining is being carried out in an ecologically and socially sustainable way. Given the complexity, scale, and duration of the physical and biological processes involved in reclaiming land disturbed by mining, to be effective these “proofs” must resonate with the public. Based on the experience of other professionals including public administrators, city planners, and landscape architects, public participation in decision-making has proven to be an effective technique for increasing the likelihood of public acceptance and of successful implementation (Thomas, 1995). It was argued that HVC should convene a public process  —  involving stakeholders living in and around Logan Lake  —  in order to identify the objective(s) of the  closure plan and agree upon the yardsticks used for measuring company’s level of compliance.  The purpose of chapter three is to provide a rationale for the research methodology selected for this study. It also describes the researcher’s entering assumptions, the participants, procedures, instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis that were used to conduct this research study. The chapter concludes with the ethical considerations underlying this study  3.2 Choice of Research Methodology A primarily qualitative methodology was chosen because the research objectives center on understanding the beliefs  53  in terms of the meaning individuals bring to them. Qualitative research may be characterized by the following core elements (Yin, 1994; Creswell, 1998; Denzin and Lincoln, 2000): •  Research is conducted in a natural setting;  •  Researchers act as a central instrument for the collection of data;  •  Data is collected through interviews, field notes, photographs, recordings, etc.;  •  Research outcomes are process rather than product oriented;  •  Data is analyzed inductively, interpreting data in terms of the meanings participants bring to them; and  •  Results are presented using expressive, reasoned arguments to build a holistic picture of the object of study.  The qualitative approach to understanding phenomena was appropriate to the goals and conditions of this study. Qualitative research is especially suited to situations where an emphasis is placed on the experiential qualities of people and events and on processes and meanings that cannot be “experimentally examined or measured in terms of quantity, amount, intensity, or frequency. Qualitative researchers stress the socially constructed nature of reality, the intimate relationship between the researcher and what is studied, and the situational constraints that shape inquiry. They seek answers to questions that stress how social experience is created and given meaning.” (Denzin and Lincoln, 2000)  It is evident from the above description that an important attribute of qualitative research is the interaction between the researcher and participant. As such, the process of qualitative research is subjective rather than objective, with each qualitative researcher bringing to the endeavour a perspective that is unique. As a consequence, reliability in the quantitative sense, is not possible in a qualitative study. This fact has led some critics to refer to qualitative researchers as journalists, or ‘soft scientists’ (Denzin and Lincoln, 2000). This being said, subjectivity does not necessarily make the researcher’s observations and conclusions invalid. Validity or the truth value of a qualitative study is subject-oriented (Sandelowski, 1986). As explained by Sandelowski, validity is ensured by the participant’s approval of the research results: “A qualitative study is credible when it presents such faithful descriptions or interpretations of a human experience that the people having the experience would immediately recognize it from those descriptions or interpretations as their own.”  54  Given the intimate interaction between researcher and the object of study, validity is further enhanced when the researcher makes clear his or her own internal bias. What the researcher brings to the investigation in way of experience and attitude toward the research subject is important and should be clearly stated:  Since a major threat to the truth value of a qualitative study lies in the closeness ofthe investigator-subject relationship, the credibility ofqualitative research is enhanced when investigators describe and interpret their own behaviour and experiences as researchers in relation to the behaviour and experiences ofsubjects. (Sandelowski, 1986)  Through an open and honest discussion of pre-existing bias, the researcher can begin the journey towards understanding the meaning of human perceptions and experiences. In essence, knowledge is created. A description of this researchers pre-existing bias is contained below in the section entitled Entering Assumptions.  3.3 The Case Study as a Research Strategy As a general rule, case studies are the strategy of choice for researchers interested in examining ‘how’ or ‘why’ a situation occurs, when they have little control over the events in question, andlor when the object of study is a contemporary event with a real-world context (Yin, 1994; Stake, 2000). Case study research also allows the investigator the ability (unlike historical studies) to collect data through direct observation and systematic interviewing of selected subjects. This describes the situation that this researcher encountered in attempting to understand how different stakeholder groups perceive the efficacy of HVC’s closure plan to meet its stated objectives.  While definitions of the term case study vary amongst authors, a useful defmition is provided by Creswell (1998):  a case study is an exploration of a ‘bounded system’ or a case (or multiple cases) over time through detailea in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of information rich in context. This bounded system is bounded by time and place, and it is the case being studied a program, an event, an activity, or individuals The context ofthe case involves situating the case within its setting, which may be a physical setting or the social, historical, and/or economic settingfor the case. —  ...  55  In this study the case is clearly bounded by space and time. Spatially the communities that will be most directly affected by the closure of the mine and/or the final reclamation of the site are clearly identified. Based on a 2003 socio-economic impact assessment report prepared by Sunderman (2003), proportionately Logan Lake is the town that will be impacted the greatest by the mine’s closure. And because of their historic claims in the area, the local First Nations communities have a direct and compelling argument that they will again be using the site after reclamation and therefore should be involved in decisions pertaining to end land use.  On the subject of time, recent events suggest that 2004/05 could potentially be an important period in the development of a final closure plan. As required by the provincial regulator, the mine recently completed a conceptual end land use plan for the site. Beginning in Spring 2004, the President of HVC began a series of briefmgs to local Councils to make them aware of how the company intends to reclaim the site. Any move by local citizens to include end land uses not presently identified in the plan will become increasingly expensive to implement once this period ends. It is therefore imperative that stakeholders come together now while time and site conditions still permit the company to consider the practicality of making amendments to the plan.  3.3.1 An Embedded Single-Case Study The decision to focus on a single site came about after careful consideration of whether it was possible to satisfy the project’s research objectives by referencing just one case. There are many reasons for limiting the scope of the project to a single site. 23 In this situation the HVC site satisfied Yin’s (1994) criteria for single site case studies as the site represents both a critical and a unique case of mine reclamation in British Columbia. The HVC mine is one of largest open pit copper mines in North America. Once mining has ceased in 2009 a significant amount of land will have been disturbed, much of which can be seen from a major highway. Given the prevailing political and social climate within the province, the success or failure of HVC’s reclamation program will have an enormous impact on the ability of the company to win public approval for developing additional mineral deposits in the future.  3.3.2 Designing the Case Study Like other forms of empirical data gathering and analysis, case study research requires the investigator to follow a  23  One of the principle prejudices against this type of case study is that it does not produce data that can be generalized to a larger population. It should be remembered that like the single experiment, the goal of this type of case study is to “expand and generalize theories (analytic generalization) and not to enumerate frequencies (statistical generalization).” (Yin, 1994).  56  logical design sequence that aims to connect raw data to the research question and, finally, to a set of defensible conclusions (Yin, 1994). Figure 3.1 describes the procedures that the researcher used in conducting this embedded single-case study.  Define & Design  Prepare, Collect, & Analyze —  —  Analyze & Conclude  —  —*  Fig 3.1- Case Study Method (adapted from Yin, 1994)  3.4 Entering Assumptions One of the central tenants of qualitative research is the belief that all researchers bring their own perspectives to their research studies (Creswell, 1998; Denzin and Licoin, 2000). Although qualitative researchers are cautioned to avoid allowing their subjective bias from unduly influencing how they conduct their work, acknowledging one’s own history and perspective is important for understanding one’s relationship with the subject matter. The following are the three principal entering assumptions of the researcher: 1.  The belief that it is responsibility of the mine to honestly engage the public in a public process that is both fair and transparent;  2.  That it is the right of those living in the area to be involved in decisions that will directly affect the quality of life of themselves and future generations; and  3.  That it is the responsibility of our elected representatives to advocate for a closure plan that would see the site be reintegrated back into the lives of local residents;  3.5 The Participants For reasons of confidentiality, precise demographic information regarding the participants will be withheld.  57  However, it is important to offer some degree of contextual information in order for the reader to understand the rationale for selecting these individuals.  Twenty individuals were interviewed for this study. Though small, due to the immense volume of verbal data that must be analyzed, sample sizes of this number are typical of qualitative research (Sandelowski, 1986). The actual number of participants within each group is identified in brackets  [1.  Participants were classified using a modified  version of a sampling procedure first developed by Morrison and Ziemkiewicz (in Smyth and Deardon, 1998). The first three groups (sub-populations) are differentiated according to their professional group differences, occupation, role, function, or occupation within the reclamation process as described below: 1.  Government Environmental [1]: Environmental experts employed by the provincial government to review and administrate industry reclamation plans and programs;  2.  Industry Environmental [2]: Environmental experts contracted by the company as reclamationists; and  3.  Industry Engineers [3]: Mining engineers directly employed by the company as planners and supervisors.  The four remaining groups were identified to represent the diverse interests of the local community. This list includes: 4.  Political Leaders [5]: Elected and non-elected government officials who are involved in land use planning decisions;  5.  Business Groups [4]: Land owners, retail and wholesale store owners, etc., who may have a financial interest in how the site is developed after closure; and  6.  First Nations Groups [3]: First Nations people who reside in the surrounding area  7.  Non-affiliated Persons [2]: Persons who are not affiliated with any of the six previous groups but who have demonstrated an interest in participating in decisions on how the site should be reclaimed.  In qualitative research, samples are typically not representative in the quantitative sense. Instead representativeness often refers to the data produced rather than the subjects sampled. It is the task of the researcher to “establish the typicality or atypicality” (Sandelowski, 1986) of the data being presented.  58  3.6 Procedure Perspective participants were contacted over the phone, through e-mails, and in person. Individuals who expressed an interest in participating in the study were given a brief introduction to the study. Semi-structured interviews were conducted at a location of the participant’s choosing.  An introductory letter (Appendix I) and consent fonn  (Appendix II), questionnaire (Appendix IV) were also provided at this time.  The interviews typically ran for approximately 45 minutes and were recorded on audio cassette (a sample of the interview guide is provided [Appendix III]). The tapes were subsequently transcribed verbatim by a private secretary  and then partially analyzed for themes and patterns using a protocol analysis procedure influenced by Colaizzi (1978) and Roberts (1998). This procedure of analysis included: 1.  Gathering a sense of each participant’s perspective through the repeated listening to the interview tapes;  2.  Going line by line through the transcripts and identifying significant statements to each question; and  3.  Formulating statements of meaning and/or themes from these statements.  The decision to model the data analysis procedure on Colaizzi (1978) was based primarily on the fact that the amount of raw data that was provided by the 20 participants was large. In total the interviews generated some 200 pages of single spaced typed text. Reviewing this material line-by-line and then cataloguing the resulting themes required a process that was simple to apply, systematic in process, and thorough in its data handling. Although Colaizzi is best known as a pioneer in phenomenology, his approach to data analysis has received wide acceptance amongst qualitative researchers including those who conduct case studies (Maxwell, 2002).  To validate the results of the analysis, participants were asked (Appendix VI) to review the transcribed interviews as well as the researcher’s analysis and make adjustments or follow-up comments where necessary. Where required the analysis was modified based on participant feedback. A complete listing of themes from each participant was then compiled. These lists were then printed out on different coloured paper. Individual themes and/or statements of interest were then cut into strips and sorted into various piles according to their most central meaning. At this point it became possible to visually track common themes based on content and source. In general it was possible to arrange the themes into larger groupings, called clusters. Very few themes were found not to fit within the clusters. Upon review these isolated themes typically did not contain information of particular relevance to the aims of this study.  59  The piles representing theme cluster were then given labels according to their most central meaning. Finally, these clusters were grouped together to form categories. Again, each category included clusters of a similar meaning and the categories were labeled according to their central meaning.  Tables showing the relationship between the categories, clusters and themes were produced to organize this data visually. Figure 3.2 graphically illustrates the relationship between the three elements.  Fig 3.2: Category, Cluster and Theme Hierarchical Structure  Once prepared, the themes were then integrated into an extensive description of the participant’s perceptions of events. This summary along with the tables were then sent to each participant. In a letter to the participants (Appendix VII), each was requested to provide confirm the validity of the results. Of the original 20 people who were interviewed, 10 provided feedback. Each response was positive and confirmed the validity of the identified themes. It should be noted that no participant expressed any concern about the comprehensive nature of the final analysis (i.e., none of the participants expressed concern about the individual themes which were omitted).  3.7 Instrumentation Data was collected from three main sources: 1) document reviews, 2) the individual interviews and 3) a questionnaire.  3.7.1 Documents The principal source of written research material used in this study consisted of published and unpublished  60  documents including, where appropriate, minutes and transcripts of meetings, company reports, government files,  and miscellaneous correspondence from the various stakeholders. To avoid problems relating to issues of confidentiality and to facilitate reproducibility of results, the researcher restricted himself only to those documents that are in the public domain.  3.7.2 Interview Questions During the interview the researcher asked each participant a series of standard questions (Appendix III). The questions were intended to illicit participant responses in the following areas: •  Stakeholder Information: Who is considered a legitimate stakeholder and what role should they play in decision-making;  •  The Mine: What is the participant’s level of knowledge/ involvement/impression of the mine.  •  Policy: Participant’s rating of their knowledge/experience of issues pertaining to mine closure and reclamation.  •  Performance Evaluation: Evaluating HVC’s reclamation program;  •  Scientific Knowledge and Uncertainty: The value and limits of science to predict and convey the company’s intentions for the site;  •  Lay Knowledge: What is/should be the role of lay knowledge for evaluating site performance;  •  Options for the Future: Participant’s suggestions on what end land uses should occur on the site after closure; and  •  Open Question: Participant’s were asked to share any comments, suggestions, or concerns they had with respect to the upcoming closure and reclamation of the mine.  3.7.3 Survey Questionnaire The purpose of the questionnaire was to gain information from the participants on several important issues. First, a series of questions were asked to gauge how the participant’s value competing end land use outcomes that may be present at the HVC site once it has been fully reclaimed. Participants were requested to evaluate the end land uses according to its perceived importance, their knowledge of the subject matter, and whether or not they were satisfied  61  with HVC’s current reclamation program. Participants were also asked to evaluate a series of photographs 24 taken from the site and again rate them according to a set of reclamation performance criteria based on knowledge, attainability, satisfaction, and importance. The results were then reviewed using a simple form of quantitative analysis in order to provide another level of understanding regarding why stakeholders value certain performance indicators over others.  As a general rule the photographs were selected based on their ability to accurately reflect the reclamation objectives —  maintaining water quality standards and habitat restoration  —  currently being pursued by HVC. It is important to  note that in selecting which photographs to include in the questionnaire, the researcher did not want to overwhelm the viewer with extraneous images, while at the same time provide adequate visual support in order to generate the necessary written feedback. Photographs were also selected according to generally accepted professional standards (Sheppard, et al., 2004) which holds that good visualizations should have these characteristics: 1) Comprehensible; 2) Representative; 3) Accurate; 4) Credible; 5) Defensible; 6) Engaging; and 7) Accessible.  The questionnaire was prepared in accordance with standard design principles (Dillman; 1978; Galloway, 1997; Duffy and Martin, 2001; Arzheimer and Klein, undated). Following the interview participants were asked to complete a survey questionnaire (Appendix IV) and return it by mail as soon as possible to the researcher. Respondents were asked to provide information in the following areas: •  Demographic data;  •  Rate the importance, satisfaction, and knowledge of differing resource values/reclamation priorities;  •  Identify end land use preferences for HVC site.  •  Evaluate photos of reclaimed areas of HVC site according to importance, attainability, satisfaction, and knowledge.  An analysis of the data generated from the document review, the interviews, and the questionnaire will form the basis for the calculation of the participant’s Degree of Belief in the validity of the proposed indicator.  24  Actual photographs taken of the HVC site were used for two reasons: First, the researcher believed that because of the complexity of the issues being studied, accurate visuals would greatly assist the participants in understanding the intent of the questions. Second, the selection of the photos themselves were intended to generate information regarding how subject knowledge and aesthetics may influence how a participant interprets the significance of the image.  62  3.8 Maintaining Scientific Rigor Much has been written about the difficulty of maintaining scientific rigor in qualitative research (Davies and Dodd, 2002; Denzin and Lincoln, 2000; Whittemore et al., 2001). In this context the concept of scientific rigor encompasses such things as objectivity, validity, reliability, and replication. One approach argues that qualitative researchers should simply reject any suggestion that they apply traditional quantitative notions of rigor to their work (Janesick, 2000). Others warn that without some kind of method for guaranteeing rigor, the research will always appear to be “sloppy” and lacking in credibility (Davies and Dodd, 2002).  As a researcher who uses both qualitative and quantitative methods in the design of case studies, Yin (1994) described three general principles for increasing the validity and reliability of case study research which have been applied in this study. First, access multiple sources of evidence. Second, establish a clear chain of evidence that if followed by an external observer would allow them to arrive at the same findings and conclusions. Third, provide participants with numerous opportunities to review andlor comment on the products of the study. This procedure offers a way of corroborating the essential facts and evidence presented in the final case report. In this study participants were given an opportunity to provide feedback on: •  The transcript. Participant’s were asked to review and comment on the accuracy and completeness of the transcript;  •  Researcher’s initial transcript analysis. Participants were requested to review the researcher’s analysis of their responses and make amendments or follow-up comments as necessary.  •  Researcher’s in-depth transcript analysis. Participants were requested to complete a validation survey. The purpose of the survey was to get final confirmation that the data analysis was complete and accurate. The  survey was completed by 14 of 20 participants.  3.9 Delimitations As with any research project, there were a number of methodological limitations that influenced the design, and consequently, the outcomes of the project. The principle factors limiting the universality of this study are as follows: 1.  As stated in earlier in this chapter, the inability of qualitative research to be generalized to other communities has been argued as a limitation. This study surveyed the options of 20 individuals. This sampling procedure prevents the results from being generalizable to other mining communities; and  63  2.  The study was limited to data collected from September 2003 to October 2003. It is reasonable to assume as 2009 draws nearer the participant’s opinions on many of the issues addressed in this study will change.  3.10 Ethical Considerations Every effort was made to ensure the highest level of ethical practice throughout the study. Ethics approval was obtained from the University of British Columbia (Appendix IX). The subjects were provided information on the following: I.  The aims and methods of the research;  2.  The nature of their involvement in the study; and  3.  The possible risks to which they may be exposed.  Confidentiality was strictly maintained. Identification numbers were assigned for all working documents used in the write-up. The only individual who had access to the transcripts was the investigator. No identifiable information (i.e., names, etc.) was included in the transcribed interviews. Both the audio tapes and written transcripts were kept in a locked cabinet in the investigator’s residence. No identifiable records were (or will be) published or presented at public meetings. Both the tapes and transcripts will be destroyed two years after completion of the study.  3.11 Data Security The security of the data will be protected through the following measures. Once collected, the data will be kept in the strictest confidence unless the participant signs a waiver permitting the researcher to release the information. In the absence of a waiver the only individuals having access to the data will be the research and members of his supervisory committee. The data will be stored in a locked file cabinet. The original raw data will be destroyed two years after completion of the study.  64  CHAPTER FOUR 4.0 RESULTS  4.1 Introduction  The purpose of this chapter is to report the findings from the document review, participant interviews and survey questionnaire. The chapter is organized into five parts. In part one the case analysis of the Highland Valley Copper mine and the impact upon the surrounding communities is provided. The focus of the case will be on HVC’s reclamation and closure planning to date, and how the closure of the mine in 2009 will impact the local area. In part  two the results of the analysis of the demographic data is reported. Part three consists of a reporting of the responses to the questions from the survey instrument. Part four reports on the perceptions of the participants as determined from the analysis of their responses during the interview. Part five of the chapter is an expanded analysis of the clusters and themes. As in part two, the results of the data analysis is presented graphically depicting the relationship between the clusters and themes under each category. Relevant quotes taken directly from the participants have also been included to give the reader a better sense of the stakeholder’s perceptions in their own words. The reader should be aware that the selected quotes were chosen because they best reflect the identified theme and therefore do not provide equal representation from all stakeholder groups. It will become evident that some participants are cited more often than others. This is due to their ability to clearly express a point of view that is shared across a wider audience. Participant quotes can be identified from the researcher’s own interpretation by the fact that they are either in quotation marks or are indented. Participant identification numbers (ID#) along with their participant code are listed in parenthesis following the quotations.  A thorough discussion of the results of the data analysis, together with recommendations for changes in the mine closure planning process are provided in chapter five.  4.2 The Context of the Case  4.2.1 The Mine Large scale mining began in the area following the commissioning of the Bethlehem Mine in 1960. This was followed by Rio Algom’s Lomex Mine in 1972, and Teck’s Highmont Mine in 1982. In 1983 Cominco began  65  mining its large Valley deposit. In 1986 Rio Algom and Cominco consolidated their operations to form Highland Valley Copper. Teck and Highmont Mining Corp added their holdings in 1988. Further ownership changes in the l990s created a partnership between Teck Cominco Ltd (64%) and BHP Billiton (34%), with actual management of HVC split evenly between the two. In 2004 Teck Cominco purchased the BHP Billiton’s holdings to become the sole owner. Currently the mine represents one of the largest operations of its kind in the world (Plates 4.1, 4.2, & 4.3).  Plate 4.1: Aerial Photo of Lornex and Valley Pits (HVC, undated)  66  Plate 4.2: Aerial Photo of Bethlehem Pit and Waste Dumps (HVC, undated)  Plate 4.3: Aerial Photo of Tailings Dam (HVC, undated)  67  The HVC site is comprised of four mine areas  —  Bethlehem, Highmont, Lomex and Valley  —  the latter two of which  remain active. Mining operations are carried out on a 24/7 basis, 365 days a year. The pits are mined by conventional truck and shovel operation. Approximately 275,000 tonnes of ore and waste materials are handled each day. The Highland Mill operates five parallel grinding circuits which produce an average of 1,200 tonnes/day of copper and molybdenite concentrate. The copper concentrate is taken by truck to the railhead in Ashcroft where it is then transported by train to the port of Vancouver for shipment overseas. The molybdenite concentrate is trucked to processing facilities across North America or to overseas markets.  4.2.7 HVC’s Reclamation Program HVC’s reclamation obligations are described in Reclamation Permits M-55 and M-1l. The permits require the company to reclaim disturbed areas of the site to provide the following end land uses: grazing, non-commercial forestry, wildlife, agriculture, and water storage (see Plate 4.4  —  Plate 4.6). To satisfy these objectives, the HVC  reclamation program has been structured to satisfy the following goals (Jones, 2003): •  Develop a self-sustaining vegetative cover using a combination of agricultural and native species to achieve specific land use objectives for the various types of disturbed areas;  •  Achieve a level of productivity on the reclaimed mine land equal to that which existed prior to mining, on an average property basis;  •  Meet permit requirements defined by the BC Ministry of Energy and Mines; and  •  Meet the water quality guidelines as set out by the Environmental Protection Division of the BC Ministry of Water, Land and Air Protection.  In addition to the reclamation requirements described in the permits, FIVC is responsible to provide a replacement recreational lake as compensation for Little Divide Lake that was drained to allow for the original development of the Valley pit.  68  Plate 4.4: Reclaimed Bethlehem Seepage Pond (HVC undated)  Plate 4.5: Deer grazing on reclaimed waste dump (HVC, undated)  69  Plate 4.6: Constructed Spawning Channel (HVC, undated)  It is estimated that by the time HVC closes in 2009, approximately 6,900 hectares of land will have been disturbed by mining activity (Jones, 2003). Selective reclamation has been ongoing since 1983, with some 2,000 hectares having been reclaimed 25 as of 2003 (Jones, 2003). A breakdown of the work completed to date is outlined in Fig 4.1. Much of the remaining disturbed land will not be reclaimed until after mining operations cease.  25  On average, approximately 100 hectares are reclaimed annually (Jones, 2003).  70  Water Bodies Achieving End Land Use 2%  1110 Exempt 9% Land Remaining to be Reclaimed 41% Reclaimed Land 34% Water Bodies to be Reclaimed 14%  Fig. 4.1: Reclamation Profile for Highland Valley Copper (Total)  4.2.2 Bethlehem Mine In 1982 the mining operation ceased in the Bethlehem pits when the ore body was exhausted. No further mining activity is planned for this area. Some tailings and waste rock storage have occurred in the pit areas. A program of re-vegetation on the level surfaces of the Bethlehem waste rock dumps began in 1983. In 1987 reclamation work began on the Main tailings deposit. Reclamation of the Trojan Tailings pond began in 1990. Significant portions of the waste dumps (which are easily viewed from the highway) are exempt as the Reclamation Code 26 does not apply to disturbances which occur prior to, and have remained inactive since, the passage of the reclamation legislation in 1969 (MEl, 1997). According to the current closure plan, substantial portions of the Bethlehem site is designated as mixed use for wildlife and livestock grazing (Jones, 2003). Grazing trials (1994  —  1997) with cattle were initiated to  determine the future feasibility of using reclaimed Bethlehem tailings for livestock production. No evidence was found that cattle suffered from molybdenum toxicity or copper deficiency (Steinke and Majak, 2003). Presently  26  Also exempted are the pits themselves.  71  Trojan tailings and Huestis pit support a recreational fishery (Otchere et al., 2004). Compared to other areas of the HVC site, as a percentage Bethlehem has the least amount of land still to be reclaimed (Fig 4.2).  Water Bodies Achieving End Land Use 8% EEl Exempt 22%  Land Remaining to be Reclaimed 13% Reclaimed Land 56%  • Water Bodies to be Reclaimed 1%  Fig 4.2: Reclamation Profile for Bethlehem (Jones, 2003)  4.2.3 Highmont Mine Mining operations at Highmont ceased in 1984. As with Bethlehem, the site has been thoroughly evaluated and it has been determined that there will be no further mining in the area. The two pits are being allowed to fill with water. Reclamation of the tailings area commenced in 1989. Highmont East pit presently supports a small recreational fishery. Waste dump areas are currently designated as mixed use for wildlife and livestock grazing. Highmont tailings is deemed most suited for growing hay due to the availability of water for irrigation and flat topography (Jones, 2003). Unfortunately, during trials (1998 —2002) Mo levels in forage at Highmont was found to be high enough (approximately i OX the level at Bethlehem) to cause short-term health problems in cattle. As of 2003, approximately half of the site has been reclaimed (Fig 4.3).  72  Water Bodies Achieving End  IJfl  Land Use 4% Exempt 7%  Land Remaining to be Reclaimed 33% Reclaimed Land 50% Water Bodies to be Reclaimed 6%  Fig 4.3: Reclamation Profile for Highmont (Jones, 2003)  4.2.4 Lornex The pit has been developed over the years through a series of sequential pit push-backs. The final push-back is now underway which will carry it through until closure in 2009. The dimensions of the ultimate pit have been estimated to be 2400 m long by 1600 m wide by 270 m deep. Permanent reclamation of Lornex waste rock dumps was begun in 1987. The current end land use plan designates the site as mixed use for wildlife and livestock grazing. Forested areas of Lornex are known to support a significant moose population. Corridors running through the Lornex plant site and Highland tailings could provide important linkages during the winter. The Lomex pit is designated as a water reservoir (Jones, 2003). Currently, the Lornex site has the highest percentage of reclaimed areas (Fig 4.4).  73  Water Bodies Achieving End Land Use % Exempt 10%  Land Remaining to be Reclaimed 18% Reclaimed Land 60%  Water Bodies to be Reclaimed 12%  Fig 4.4: Reclamation Profile for Lomex (Jones, 2003)  4.2.5 Valley By far the largest of the four workings, the Valley pit has also been developed through a series of sequential pit push-backs. When operations cease in 2009 it is estimated that the ultimate pit dimensions will be 2200 m long by 1900 m wide by 490 m deep. The present end land use plan calls for the site to support a mixture of agricultural and wildlife uses (Jones, 2003). The Valley pit has been designated as a reservoir and a possible recreation site. As the primary working pit, the bulk of the reclamation work at Valley will occur after the mine closes in 2009 (Fig 4.5).  74  Water Bodies Achieving End Land Use % Etli Exempt 4%  Land Remaining to be Reclaimed 49% Reclaimed Land 24%  Water Bodies to be Reclaimed 23%  Fig 4.5: Reclamation Profile Valley (Jones, 2003)  4.2.6 Highland Tailings Because the tailings dam remains an integral part of the mine’s operation, the area cannot be reclaimed until after final shutdown. The Highland Tailings area represents the largest and most challenging area of the site to reclaim. Difficulties center on the extremely fine texture of the tailings material. Establishing a self-sustaining vegetative cover will require that the site be capped using enormous quantities of stockpiled waste rock and biosolids. Unfortunately, the tailings material cannot support the weight of earth moving equipment. This problem will require money and time to correct.  The potential exists for using an existing pipeline that runs from the dam to the Thompson River for the production of electric power, or as a source of irrigation water for ranches in the Thompson valley.  75  Water Bodies Achieving End Land Use % 111i Exempt 7%  Land Remaining to be Reclaimed 68% Reclaimed Land 4%  Water Bodies to be Reclaimed 21%  Fig 4.6: Reclamation Profile Highland Tailings (Jones, 2003)  4.2.8 Site Exemptions As described in Part 10 of the Reclamation Code, HVC is not required to reclaim areas that were disturbed prior to 1969. Other areas exempted by the Code include certain waste rock dumps and the pit areas. The excluded dumps are located primarily on the Bethlehem property.  4.3 Reclamation Potential of the Site  4.3.1 Climate Due to the range of elevations  —  both natural and the result of mining  —  considerably. While the freeze free period of the upper elevations (1500  76  climatic conditions across the site vary —  1600 m) average only 20 days/year,  greater precipitation allows for the use of grass and shrub species deemed suitable for reclamation use (Jones, 2003).  At the mid-level elevations (1250 -1500 m), a net moisture deficit of 0 to -lOOm requires the use of drought tolerant plant species (Jones, 2003).  Elevations below 1250 m extending to the valley floor experience growing conditions that are both slightly warmer  and drier. Re-vegetation of these areas is primarily limited to the use of drought tolerant grass and the selective planting of drought tolerant shrubs on northern slopes. It is unlikely that these sites will be capable of supporting dense forest cover (Jones, 2003).  4.3.2 Topography Resloping of the waste rock dumps facilitates the establishment of a vegetative cover by increasing the amount of soil sized particles in the surface material, improving the rate of water infiltration, and lowering the potential for soil erosion. While suitable for supporting a variety of grasses, legumes, shrubs and tree species, with slopes greater than 20 degrees agricultural equipment will have difficulty operating safely on the dumps (Jones, 2003).  In order to maintain their structural integrity, the tailings dams will not be re-sloped. Options for re-vegetation will largely be limited to the establishment of grass species for wildlife use.  For the large flat benches of the waste rock dumps and tailings area, lack of available moisture will limit plant productivity. While these areas are marginally suitable to support healthy conifers, it has been shown that drought tolerant grass, legume, and shrub will thrive under these conditions.  4.3.3 Fertility Soil tests have shown that the available mine waste materials  —  tailings, waste rock, overburden  —  are low in nitrogen  and phosphorous. The application of maintenance fertilizer is being used to promote the establishment of healthy vegetative cover. As of 2003, approximately 350 hectares have been reclaimed with biosolids (Jones, 2003).  77  The pH of the tailings and waste rock materials ranges between 7.0 to 8.5. The alkalinity of the soil may limit the success of conifer species to re-establish themselves (Jones, 2003).  Soil testing has also shown that under normal alkaline conditions, metals are generally quite low and insoluble, thus unavailable to plants (Jones, 2003). For those metals that are available, only copper and molybdenum are at levels that exceed the recommended levels for forage production. A grazing study conducted in 2002 by Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada was designed to identify methods for the prevention and treatment of clinical abnormalities that are associated with secondary copper deficiencies (molybdenosis) in cattle (Jones, 2003). Results indicated that a combination of Cu supplements and proper range management, cattle can be successfully grazed on reclaimed areas (Jones, 2003; Steinke and Majak, 2003). Because wildlife are free to range in and out of the HVC site, molybdenosis is not seen as a threat to wild ungulate species.  4.3.4 Acid Generation Potential Based on a acid-base accounting and kinetic testing of selected samples from across the site it was determined that while it is unlikely that ARD will be a significant issue at HVC, there remains the possibility that small-scale acid seeps may occur at some point in the future (Jones, 2003).  4.4 Program Evaluation: General Based on ongoing studies of reclamation success, the prime contractor (C.E.Jones & Associates) has developed a set of standards for measuring site performance. These standards are based on a combination of productivity (above ground plant biomass) and plant nutritional status. Results to date show that approximately 80% of reclaimed areas can be classified as being successfully reclaimed, 15% as “limited”, and 5% as “marginal” (Jones, 2003). The majority of limited sites were reclaimed early in the program and Jones believes that with the application of biosolids the productivity of these areas will improve.  78  4.4.1 On-going Research To support their reclamation objectives, HVC maintains an ongoing program of research 27 aimed at ensuring that the most cost-effective operational techniques are used to handle the site’s specific soil and climatic conditions. Specific research programs are ongoing in the areas of biosolids, metals uptake in plants and fish, the effects of molybdenum on cattle, passive aqueous metal removal systems, and site re-vegetation.  4.4.2 Projected Reclamation/Decommissioning Costs Using the MEM Reclamation Costing Spreadsheet (MEM, 2001), a reclamation cost estimate was prepared based on the liability existing at the close of 2002 (Jones, 2003). Costs were divided between work presently scheduled for completion by 2009 and work that will be completed post closure. In addition to the costs identified in the Table 4.1, $0.3 million/annum has been budgeted to cover the ongoing costs associated with long-term water treatment and site monitoring/maintenance programs.  Table 4.1: Reclamation/Decommissioning Costs of HVC (Jones. 2003’) 2003-2009 Post Closure Reclamation 17.8 14.6 Decommissioning 1.0 3.2 Water Management 5.6 6.5 Permitting/Monitoring & 3.8 3.7 Research 2 Cost Recovery 4.2 Totals $28.2 $23.8 -  Total $32.4 $ 4.2 $12.1 $ 7.5 ($4.2) $52.0  In discussions between the researcher and HVC, the company is anticipating that the final costs of closure will be substantially higher than those estimates currently in use. For reasons of confidentiality, company officials were  unwilling to provide additional information.  4.4.5 Socio-Economic Impacts of Closure on Local Communities HVC currently employs approximately 950 full-time employees with a total annual payroll, including wages and benefits, of just in excess of $90 million. Based on a recently prepared socio-economic impact assessment  (Sunderman, 2003), the direct impact of the mine’s closure on the local economy will be substantial (see Table 4.2 27  Completed and/or ongoing research studies have examined the effects of elevated molybdenum forage on cattle, establishment of fish habitat in the tailings ponds, and the effects of biosolids for accelerating soil creation and plant growth in reclaimed areas. This item refers to equipment or other assets that can be sold to help offset the costs of closure.  79  through Table 4.4). In addition to the direct loss ofjobs, the associated decline in the level of community disposable income could threaten the viability of Logan Lake’s few retail businesses. The mine’s closure will also call into question the ability of the municipal government to deliver the current level of services. The latest estimates project that property taxes would have to nearly double in order to offset the share of tax revenue that HVC currently provides (Sunderman, 2003). This additional tax burden would undercut the ongoing efforts of political and business leaders to market Logan Lake as a retirement community (CFDCTC, 2000).  Table 4.2: Expected Impact from Mine Closure on Economic Development of Local Communities (Sunderman, 200Y) Economic Ashcroft Cache Creek Logan Lake Merritt Kamloops Development HVC Employment in 2002 Direct HVC Total Employment Income (Wages & Benefits) Direct HVCAfterTax Wage Income Percentage of community total Disposable Income HVC Direct & Spin offEmployment Direct Additional Indirect and Induced New Employment created by Retirement Spending Total Job Impacts HVC Direct & Spin offIncome Direct After-tax Indirect and Induced After-tax Retirement Benefits and Associated Wage Income Net Change in Community Personal Income Percentage of Total Community Disposable Income  79 Employees  22 employees  281 employees  66 employees  463 employees  $6.1 M $5.OM  $1.7 M $1.4M  $22.4 M $17.9M  $5.0 M $4.1 M  $38.2 NI $30.7M  14%  6%  35%  3%  1%  -79 employees -35 to -45  -22 employees -LO to -15  -281 employees -95 to -135  -66 employees -25 to -35  -463 employees -400 to-570  +4  +1  +15  +2  +20  -110 to -120  -31 to -36  -361 to -401  -89 to -99  -853 to -570  -$5.0 M -$0.6 M to -$0.8 M  -$1.4 M -$0.1 M to -$0.2 M  $17 M -$2.1 M to -$2.9 M  $4.1 M -$0.4 M to -$0.6 M  $30 M -$6.8 M to -$9.5 M  +$0.6 M  $0.2 M  +$2. 1 M  +$0.4 M  +$2.7 M  -$5.0 to -$5.2 M  -$1.3 Mto -$1.4 M  -$17.9 to -$18.7 M  -$4.1 to -$4.3 M  -$34.8 Mto -$37.5 M  -14% to -15%  -6% to -7%  -43% to -45%  Less than -4%  Less than -2%  -  80  -  -  Table 4.3: Expected Socio-Economic effects of Mine Closure on Local Communities (Sunderman, 2003)  Population 2001 Population HVC Employees & their families HVC population outflow Spin-off population outflow Total Population Impact (Direct & Spin-oft) PercentChangein Population Total School Enrollment Impact (Direct & Spin-oft) Labour Force Percent Decline in Total Labour Force Personal Income Change in Average Community Income  Ashcroft  Cache Creek  Logan Lake  Merritt  Kamloops  1,855 250  1,096 60  2,265 775  7,415 195  81,050 1,305  -80 to -100  -15 to -20  -250 to -300  -70 to -80  -500 to -550  -45 to -65  -10 to -15  -125 to -175  -40 to -55  -600 to -850  -125 -165  -25 to -35  -375 to -475  -110 to -135  -1100 to -1400  -7%to-9%  -2%to-3%  -16%to-21%  -1%to-2%  -1%to-2%  -30 to -40 students  -6 to —8 students  -75 to -100 students  -30 to -40 students  -270 to -360 students  -13% to -15%  -7% to -8%  -33% to -37%  Less than 3%  -2% to -3%  -$2512 or 10%  -$922 or -4%  -$8023 or -29%  -$544 or -3%  -$412 or -1.5%  Table 4.4: Expected effects of Mine Closure on Local Government Revenues (Sunderman, 2003)  Municipal Revenues & Tax Base Total Municipal Revenue in 2001 Property Tax Share of Total Revenue Residential Property Taxes in 2002 on Average  Ashcroft  Cache Creek  Logan Lake  Merritt  Kamloops  $1.59 M  $1.84 M  $2.70 M  $7.45 M  $79.10 M  59%  15%  66% with HVC  64%  71%  $2,512  $1,659  $1,682  $2,182  $2,445  -  -  Home  Potential Residential Property Tax Increase  $295  $1,435  -  4.5 Logan Lake As indicated by the data, proportionately the town of Logan Lake (LL) will be most directly impacted by the mine’s closure. Incorporated in 1970, LL owes its existence to the mine (CFDCTC, undated), and despite efforts to diversity its economy 29 its prosperity remains strongly dependant on the mine. The mine is located on Highway #97C, approximately 15 kilometres west of the town.  29  Tourism is seen to have the greatest potential to generate revenue for LL and the surrounding area. Other economic sectors include agriculture (primarily cattle) and film production.  81  Fig 4.7: Map of Logan Lake and Area  4.5.1 Community Amenities Currently the town offers its citizens a diverse mixture of educational, health, policing, and recreational amenities in the form of: •  Kindergarten to grade 12 and post secondary education;  •  A medical health centre;  •  Ambulance services, fire department and RCMP detachment;  •  Modem sewage treatment and water system;  •  Abank;  •  Mini mall and grocery stores; and  •  In-town full-service camping, nearby access to X/C and snowmobile trails, and opportunities for fishing  and hunting on Crown Land.  According to the most provincial recent survey, the population of LL is 2,516 (CFDCTC, undated). Of that total, a disproportionate number, 28.7% vs. 21.8% provincially, are in the 45-65 age group. This is due to two factors; first,  82  a large proportion of the population are miners, many of whom have been employed since the mine startup. Second, the town has been actively promoting itself as a safe, clean, and friendly retirement community. Primarily because of mining, the average annual income for males is approximately 10% greater than the regional average. Employment by sector indicates that mining and retail trade (45.5% combined) are disproportionately weighted when compared to the combined provincial average of 13%. This suggests that the community will be hard hit when the mine closes in 2009.  4.6 Analysis of Interview Data Twenty individuals, representing seven distinct stakeholder groups, agreed to be interviewed for this study. As described earlier in chapter three, the data they provided was first coded by theme and then reviewed in order to identit, patterns in the data. The individual themes were then grouped according to their similarities and differences to create theme clusters. The theme clusters themselves were grouped to create categories. It should be noted that the author of this study was solely responsible for coding and grouping of the data.  As a result of the process described above, the following categories were developed: 1.  Sustainable Development;  2.  The Stakeholders;  3.  Stakeholder Participation in Decision-making; and  4.  Performance Evaluation  These categories are discussed below and illustrated in Table 4.5. 30  30  Each cluster described in this table is comprised of a number of related themes which are subsequently identified in Tables 4.8, 4.9,4.10, and 4.11.  83  Table 4.5: Major Categories and Clusters Categories Sustainable Development  The Stakeholders  Stakeholder Participation in Decision-making  Performance Evaluation  Clusters within each Category Future Challenges  Positive perception of HVC  Communication between Stakeholders  Negative perception of HVC  Consultation with Political Leaders Consultation with Community  Environmental Issues  Perception of HVC’s obligation to the Community  Company Policies on Sustainable Development  Perception of the Community  End Land Use Options Economic Issues Social Issues  Measuring Success Government Regulations Evaluating HVC’s Reclamation Program Role of Expert Knowledge  Consultation with First Nations  Role of Lay Knowledge  Stakeholders  Aesthetics  4.6.1 Category 1: Sustainable Development Participant’s responses to the interview questions indicated their interest in sustainability issues. This should not be surprising given the mine’s relationship with the community of Logan Lake (LL). From the interview discussions six theme clusters emerged. These include future challenges, end land use options, economic, social, and environmental issues. The themes that were identified from the interviews were arranged within those six clusters and are listed below in Table 4.6. They are discussed and supported by a series of quotations drawn from the participant’s interviews.  For each cluster a Particzant ‘.s Response Distribution Table has been prepared. The purpose of the tables is to show the distribution and frequency of the group’s response for each theme in the cluster.  Also included in this section is a series of tables that link the individuals, groups, and themes together. Where two or more participants share a common opinion on a subject, they are grouped together as indicated in the tables. In order to maintain confidentiality, only the participant’s individual identification numbers (ID#s) have been included in the tables.  Where it would better serve to explain the views of the participants, their actual comments have been  included in the table.  84  Table 4.6: Category 1- Sustainable Development CLUSTERS Future Challenges  End Land-use Options  Economic Issues  Social Issues  Environmental Issues  Company Policies on SD  Themes within each Cluster Maintaining quality of local water resources  Industrial Option Tourism Option  Minimize economic effects of closure  Concerns about integrity of Tailings Dam  Agricultural Option  Offset tax losses to community  Wildlife Option  Maximize local involvement in reclamation  Long-term Liability Issues Long-term Monitoring Site Manage ment  Closure planning should redress social impacts on local communities Concern that closure will lower quality of life of local residents  Offset costs of site monitoring and maintenance  Balance economic productivity with environmental integrity  Defining SD in the context of mining  Restore site’s environmental integrity  Families will move away  Provide economic benefits to FN  4.6.1.1 Cluster: Future Challenges During the interviews the participants identified a number of themes that they believed would challenge well into the  future those responsible for managing the HVC site after it has been reclaimed.  85  Table 4.6.1: Participant’s ’ Response Distribution Table for Future Challenges Cluster 3 HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NA (3)  %P  %G  Maintaining quality of local water resources  2  1  0  3  0  0  0  30  42  Tailings Dam  3  1  0  1  0  0  0  25  42  Long-term Liability  3  0  0  0  1  0  0  20  28  Long-term Monitoring  3  1  0  1  1  1  0  35  71  Site Management  3  2  0  3  1  2  1  60  85  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.1.1.1 Theme: Maintaining Water Quality This theme was identified by 30% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Interest in the water quality issues was primarily limited to participants from the HVC and FN group. Five distinct points of concern were discussed.  Table 4.6.1.1: Maintaining Water Quality Participant Group(s) HVC & C HVC HVC & C FN  ID# 003 & 023 003 023 015 & 018  FN  015  31  Comments Maintaining water quality will require long term treatment. Possible contamination of local aquifers in 1 O0years. Issues to be addressed: treatment and release of excess water. Perception that mine has adversely affected local water quality for band members. HVC must prove that its operations are not releasing toxins into environment: “The toxicity of the site, especially impacts to wildlife. We already have reports of abnormalities in terms of wildlife and we see the mine as a point source of toxicity in the area.” Note: The theme was not discussed by the government regulator, political, business, or the non-affiliated group.  Group Codes  Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in 0 represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  86  4.6.1.1.2 Theme: Tailings Dam This theme was identified by 25% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Interest in the theme was primarily concentrated among the participants from the HVC and FN group. Six areas of concern were discussed.  Table 4.6.1.2: Tailings Dam Participant Group(s) HVC & C HVC  ID# 012 003  HVC HVC & C HVC  002 002 & 023 002  FN  015  Comments HVC’s responsibility for dam will probably be indefinite. Tailings dam will be a challenge to reclaim: “Highland tailing dam, I’m predicting we’ll have difficulty reclaiming that in a timely basis”. Best option for reclaiming dam is probably the most expensive. Dam remains primary closure concern. Dam designed to meet 10,000 yr event: “Our consultants are all saying that our tailings dams are good for the 10,000 year event”. Concerned about long-term stability of dam. Note: The theme was not discussed by the government regulator, political, business, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.1.1.3 Long-term Liability This theme was identified by 20% of the participants and 28% of the groups. Interest in the theme was primarily concentrated among the participants from the HVC group. Seven points of concern were discussed.  Table 4.6.1.3: Long-term Liability Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC HVC HVC  012 003 & 002 002  HVC  002  PL PL  005 013  Comments Is mine responsible for damage to previously reclaimed areas resulting from access to 3’ party. If site is opened up who is liable for accidents/damage. What are the company’s long term liability requirements? “The permit’s fairly explicit in terms of what has to be done but the government has been notoriously reluctant to take back something that may have some hidden liability or potential long term liability like the tailings dam.” Liability issues reduce HVC’s incentive to consider alternative end land use options: “Up until now they (the partners) have been reluctant to entertain anything that may have some degree of liability down the road that they don’t already have, so fish farming, garbage dumps those sort of things have been shied away from up until now.” Who will pay for site clean-up after final closure. Fear of assuming liability for site stands in way of local involvement in evaluating if HVC has met Code requirements. Note: The theme was not discussed by the consultants, government regulator, FN, business, or the non-affiliated group.  87  4.6.1.1.4 Long-term Monitoring This theme was identified by 35% of the participants and 71% of the groups. Though interest was primarily concentrated among the participants from HVC, participants from four other groups identified with this theme. Seven areas of concern were discussed.  Table 4.6.1.4: Long-term Monitoring Participant Group(s) HVC & FN HVC  ID# 012, 003, & 015 002  C  024  FN FN PL BG  015 015 005 010  Comments Site will need to be monitored and maintained over the long term. Recognition of long term commitment to monitor/maintain site integrity of dams and pit. Only capable of inferring performance, but over the long term site may function not as expected. Measure changes to local aquifers. Focus on toxicity of soils, water, and their effect on wildlife. Concern with the possible long term effects of biosolids. Site must be monitored to ensure health of wildlife. Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.1.1.5 Site Management  This theme was identified by 60% of the participants and 85% of the groups. Interest in the theme was primarily concentrated among the participants from HVC, the consultants, and FN group. Participants from three other groups also identified with this theme. Twenty-one areas of interest were discussed.  Table 4.6.1.5: Site Management Participant Group(s) HVC HVC HVC  ID# 012 012 012  HVC  012  HVC  012  HVC HVC  003 003  HVC HVC HVC & C  003 002 002, 003, & 023 023 & 024  C  Comments Prefer to see site used by as many people as possible. Not certain that company will relinquish control over property. “One of the big issues is the transfer of responsibility for a mine property from the mining company to another party and to an extent there isn’t a clear mechanism how that takes place in the province. There isn’t a lot of history of that happening successfully.” Issue: how quickly can site be made available for use by general public. Access to site consistent with philosophy that “mining is a temporary use of the land”. Company may be required to manage parts of site in perpetuity. Need to manage grazing of cattle on site due to molybdenum in vegetation. Solution may be to buy the land outright rather than return to crown. Securing valley pit site remains an issue. Cattle grazing will require on-going range management to prevent overgrazing of reclaimed areas. Pressure from ranchers to maximize site’s potential to support cattle:  88  C C C  024 024 024  FN FN  015 015  FN FN  015 018 & 019  PL, BG, & NA BG  005, 010, 021 010  BG  009  “pressure to have grazing on that site. It will have to be intensely and effectively managed. Local people could be involved in the actual management of the grazing. A third party, an overall manager for grazing. Have it regulated. HVC has put a lot of effort in replanting those areas and would not want to see it ruined by over grazing.” (023) Need to manage site to prevent overuse of wildlife resources. Need to manage site to prevent damage to recovering ecosystems. Divided on allowing people to access site: “I’d have mixed feelings about that—people who live close to these sites want to be able to roam around but what access means now—we have access to hundreds of roads, forest service roads, logging roads, people have lots of money to spend on 4 wheel drives there is increasingly more that can be accessed with very little effort, I don’t like that. Our footprint becomes larger. What access usually means is “I want to hunt on the site or fish”—which is different and I don’t have any problems with that”. Need to claris’ who will have access to site for fishing/hunting. Cattle grazing harmful to vegetation traditionally used by FN for food/medicine. Perceived conflict between cattle and wildlife. Important that FN be allowed to use site for hunting/fishing, gathering, etc. Important for community to access site following final reclamation. Promote access to “trophy lakes”: “If they close down, these ‘trophy lakes’ as we call them, they could be utilized, leased and monitored and maintained so fish life would stay healthy and not lose.” rd Lease to 3 party who would maintain site’s integrity. Note: Only the government regulator did not raise this issue.  4.6.1.2 Cluster: End Land Use Options Participants provided their opinion of what end land uses are appropriate for the site. Presently there is a strong consensus that whatever specific end land use is selected, it is important that it be a source ofjobs and tax revenue for the local area.  89  Table 4.6.2: Participant’s 32 Response Distribution Table for End Land Use Options Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NA (3)  %P  %G  Industrial option  3  1  1  3  4  3  3  90  100  Tourism option  1  1  1  0  3  3  1  45  85  Agricultural option  1  2  0  1  2  0  1  35  71  Wildlife option  0  1  0  3  2  0  2  40  57  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.1.2.1 Theme: Industrial Option This theme was identified by 90% of the participants and 100% of the groups. Interest in having an industrial user take over the site was very strong throughout almost all of the groups. While willing to consider the site for industry, First Nations placed greater restrictions on what types of development they would accept. Sixteen areas of comment were provided.  Table 4.6.2.1: Industrial Option Participant Group(s) HVC & NA HVC, PL & BG  ID# 012, 011 012, 003, 002, 007, 013, & 004  Comments Many in the community would prefer to see the mine remain. Potential for use as a landfill: “The land fill option bears a strong need of consideration. That could be the tax, revenue salvation of this community. We wouldn’t need anything else if it was turned into a land fill.” (013) “I wouldn’t like to see a landfill but whether we get a lot of taxation dollars maybe it might have to be something considered. Yeah, and if it benefits our tax base. I have to be practical, I like to conserve nature. It costs to run a town.” (004) Requirement for company to partner with other groups in order to defray costs/risks associated with landfill. Perceived acceptability from environmentalists for using site as landfill. .. .  32  HVC  003  HVC  002  Group Codes  Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  90  C PL BG  023 007 004  FN & BG  018 & 010  HVC & C  012 & 023  HVC HVC, R, C, PL, BG, NA  002 012, 002, 003, 001,023,007, 008, 005, 013, 004, 020, 021 007 015, 018, & 019 002, 003, 023, 007, 008, 013  PL FN HVC, C, & PL  HVC, C, & PL PL  002, 023, 007 & 008 013  BG  010  Discounts feasibility of landfill. Thorough study needed for landfill to be accepted by community. Would not want to see landfill, but would consider it if economic spin-offs were large. Would not support plan to use site for landfill: “We do not want a dump because we have ranches below along the river, probably leeching, and we have a dam there now, we have to be careful of the water. We don’t even drink the water that goes down the ranch, we drink tap water. “(018) Post use should take advantage of site infrastructure: “An industrial core used for some type of industry to generate jobs and take advantage of the fact there is power and water and services—it seems a shame to have that disappear.”(O 12) Windmills. Desire to see another industry use portion of site.  All industrial options are on the table Any plan to have another industry on site would have to be approved byFN. Aquaculture: “Aquaculture is not bad we did research a few year’s back and it was the mine’s decision to not explore that any further. It wasn’t the community’s decision.” (007) Forestry. ...  “The buildings, size, shape, would make an incredible sound stage for movie making and the regional district here is big on movie making.” A pulp mill could be built on site. Note: All participants commented on this theme.  4.6.1.2.2 Theme: Tourism Option This theme was identified by 45% of the participants and 85% of the groups. Interest in the theme was primarily concentrated among the participants from the political and business group. Participants from four other groups also identified with this theme. Fifteen areas of comment were provided.  Table 4.6.2.2: Tourism Option Participant Group(s) HVC HVC HVC&R  ID# 012 012 0l2&OOl  HVC&PL  0l2&007  PL  007 &008  PL  007  Comments Something should be left behind to mark the site as a mine. Would the site be “interesting enough” to attract tourists. Create an interpretative centre at the mine to attract tourists: “It would be really nice if there was a stop of interest there, The Afton Mine, boom, here is a picture of what it used to look like, here’s a picture of the reclaimed mines.” (001) Built museum at LL: “the building is there to turn it into an interactive mine museum which would generate tourism.” (007) Desire to see HVC make specific $ commitment to create legacy item. Provide LL with a legacy: “You want mining to live on after this. Legacy not only keeps the community alive but it keeps the mine alive whether it’s forestry and mining or something else, it’s  91  PL  005  PL BG BG BG. BG  005 010 010 009 & 010 009 & 010  BG NA  004 011  NA  011  important to continue on.” End land use should consider eco-tourism potential of site (i.e., hunting, fishing). LL economy largely dependant on tourism. Pitch & putt. Build small resort to employ local people, service fishermen. Use reclamation to create/enhance regional recreational resources. End land uses could include ski hill, mountain bike trails, snowboarding, X-countiy, snowmobiles. If no industry is found, reclaim site for recreational uses. LL can’t rely on tourism alone, must be another industry found to replace HVC. Site has limited potential to support tourism related activities. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultants, government regulator, or First Nations group.  4.6.1.2.3 Theme: Agricultural Option This theme was identified by 35% of the participants and 71% of the groups. Interest in the theme was primarily concentrated amongst the participants from the consultant and political group. Participants from three other groups also identified with this theme. Comments were mostly directed toward the need to effectively manage the site in order to prevent overgrazing by cattle. Five distinct points of interest were discussed.  Table 4.6.2.3: Agricultural Option Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 002  PL  013 & 014  C NA FN  023 & 024 011 015  Comments “Cattle will be in here and trash the reclamation in short order because the soil is very fragile, like the grasses and everything else is very fragile so long term control or medium term beyond closure where we are going to have to exercise control and how do you control it I mean these things haven’t been fully worked out yet.” Reclaiming for ranch land will not help the community: “If this place closes and it goes back to the ranch land it’s not going to do a hill of beans for this community.” (013) Pressure from ranchers to maximize site’s potential to support cattle. Ranching not enough, needs another industrial user Cattle grazing harmful to vegetation traditionally used by FN for food/medicine. Note: The theme was not discussed by the HVC, government regulator, or the business group.  4.6.1.2.4 Theme: Wildlife Option This theme was identified by 40% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Interest in the theme was primarily concentrated amongst the participants from the First Nations group. Participants from three other groups also identified with this theme. Comments were provided in the following eight areas.  92  Table 4.6.2.4: Wildlife Option Participant Group(s) C  ID# 023  FN FN FN PL NA NA  015 018 & 019 015, 018 & 019 013 & 014 020 021  NA  021  Comments “To me the most important would be to re-store it—the lands back to a natural state, as good a condition as possible, a hard thing to do.” Create moose and deer habitat. End land use should include fish/wildlife habitat. End land uses should support hunting, fishing, plants for medicinal uses and food production. Reclaiming for wildlife will not help the community: At a minimum, reclamation should provide habitat for wildlife Would accept industry if it benefited LL, otherwise reclaim site for wildlife. Emphasis of reclamation should be to re-establish wildlife habitat. Note: This theme was not discussed by the HVC, consultants, government regulator, or the business group.  4.6.1.3 Cluster: Economic Issues Participants described their perception of the likely economic impact tax revenue  —  on the local economy of the mine’s closure.  93  —  both in terms of jobs lost and reductions in  Table 4.6.3: Participant’s 33 Response Distribution Table for Economic Issues Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  HG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Minimize economic effects of closure  3  1  1  3  4  3  3  90  100  Offsettax losses to community  3  0  0  0  5  1  1  45  57  Maximize local involvement in reclamation  2  1  0  1  0  0  1  25  57  Offset costs of site monitoring and maintenance  3  0  0  0  0  0  0  15  14  Provide economic benefits to FN  1  0  0  3  1  0  0  25  42  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.1.3.1 Theme: Minimize economic effects of closure This theme was identified by 90% of the participants and 85% of the groups. Interest in the theme was very strong throughout the majority of the groups. Comments were provided in twenty areas.  Table 4.6.3.1: Minimize Economic Effects of Closure Participant Group(s) HVC HVC  ID# 012 012  HVC  012  HVC, FN  012, 015, 018 & 019  HVC  012  Comments Need replacement industry to provide jobs and tax revenue. Ideally end land use would generate economic returns sufficient to cover all/some monitoring and maintenance costs. Best interest of company to take steps to minimize socio-economic effects of closure but don’t include these values in Code. Few FN benefit directly from mine: “The communities have extremely high rates of unemployment sometimes in excess of 60%, so to have an industry that has a base of 900 members and to have all employed is an insult to the (FN) community.” (015) Understanding that FN believe that the mine has failed to provide them with expected economic benefits —  Group Codes Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in ()represent the number of individuals in each group that participated. in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  94  HVC, R, FN, PL, BG, &NA  HVC HVC & PL  012, 002, 003, 001 007, 008, 005, 013, 014, 004, 021, & 011 002  HVC & PL  002, 003, & 013 012 & 007  PL  013  PL PL BG BG BG NA NA  005 005 004 004 009 & 010 020 020  NA NA  020 021  NA  011  Need to consider closure options that create jobs.  Need to consider non-conventional end land uses. Emphasis on uses that provide jobs, taxes Use company resources to find alternative industry for site. Economic assessment study 34 detailed how closure would affect each community. Economic impact assessment was a sham, failed to address options for future economic activity on site: “I’m totally disappointed in this (report), it does not give any faint hope to this community because it says nothing good all it does is tell you how bad it’s going to go or how bad it could.” (013) Goal of end land use to minimize economic impacts. LL economy largely dependant on tourism. Objective of closure plan should be to reduce economic impacts. Local businesses will be affected when mine closes. Need to create opportunities to keep youth in LL. Concern about job losses once mine closes. Closure plan should seek balance between economic and environmental interests. Main impact of mine closure is economic. Depending on number of jobs created, would consider industrial users for site Willing to see HVC further develop property. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant group.  4.6.1.3.2 Theme: Offset tax losses to community This theme was identified by 45% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Interest in the theme was primarily concentrated amongst the participants from HVC and the political group. Participants from three other groups also identified with this theme. Comments were provided in five areas.  Table 4.6.3.2: Offset Tax Losses to Community Participant Group(s) HVC, PL, BG, & NA  HVC  ID# 012, 002, 003, 007, 008, 005, 013, 014, 004, &01l 002  PL PL  007 & 008 013 & 014  BG  009  Comments Need to consider closure options that generate taxes.  Need to consider non-conventional end land uses. Emphasis on uses that provide jobs, taxes LL can’t deal with the effects of closure by itself HVC made $ from the mine, they have an obligation to assist the community. Town will suffer when mine closes.  The report being referred to is the Highland Valley Copper Socio-Economic Impact Assessment (Sunderman, 2003).  95  Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultants, government regulator, or the First Nations group.  4.6.1.3.3 Theme: Maximize local involvement in reclamation This theme was identified by 25% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Participants from HVC, the consultant, First Nation, and Non-affiliated group commented on this theme. Comments were provided in four areas. Table 4.6.3.3: Maximize Local Involvement in Reclamation Participant Group(s) HVC & C C FN  ID# 012, 002, & 023 023 018  NA  020  Comments Reclamation work provides limited, short-term employment opportunities. Preference is to hire local people to work on reclamation projects. Band members should be involved in the actual work of reclaiming site. “Reclaiming should be environmental, and it could be economical too by having the mine hire people currently working there by giving them a job. They should be defmitely employed in the reclamation rather than people like us who only have 6 to 8 years to work before retirement.” Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator, political, or the business group.  4.6.1.3.4 Theme: Offset costs of site monitoring and maintenance This theme was identified by 15% of the participants and 14% of the groups. HVC was the only group that discussed this theme.  Table 4.6.3.4: Offset Costs of Site Monitoring and Maintenance Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012, 003 & 002  Comments Company should consider end use options that generate revenue to defray costs of managing site. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultants, government regulator, First Nations, political, business, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.1.3.5 Theme: Provide economic benefits to FN This theme was identified by 25% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Interest in the theme was primarily concentrated amongst the participants from the First Nations group. Participants from two other groups also identified with this theme. Comments were provided in seven areas.  96  Table 4.6.3.5: Provide Economic Benefits to FN Participant Group(s) HVC&FN  ID# 012&015  HVC HVC  012 012  FN PL FN  018 013 018&019  FN  015  Comments Few FN benefit directly from mine: “The (FN) communities have extremely high rates of unemployment sometimes in excess of 60%, so to have an industry that has a base of 900 members and to have all employed is an insult to the (FN) community.” (015) “We talked to one of the bands recently about trying to get more involved to make sure the people from the band have the best possible chance of working here—there hasn’t been the interest—I shouldn’t say not the interest, I’m sure they are very busy and trying to find the time to make that happen.” (012) Approximately 20 FN work @ HVC. Understanding that FN believe that the mine has failed to provide them with expected economic benefits. Two band members work at mine. “They (FN) get good deals from the mine.” Band members should be involved in the actual work of reclaiming site: “One of the requirements we ask is that our band members be involved as workers, in carpentry, forestry, fisheries, we ask for involvement. We have a lot of educated people in fisheries, environmental, forestry, we’ve had people who lived on the site before it was a mine.” Would not support industrial end land use that did not provide significant benefit to FN community Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultants, government regulator, business, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.1.4 Cluster: Social Issues Participant’s described their perceptions of the likely social impacts that will result from the mine’s closure.  97  Table 4.6.4: Participant’s 35 Response Distribution Table for Social Issues Cluster Theme within the Cluster  HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Closure planning should redress social impacts on community  1  2  0  3  3  0  1  50  71  Closure will lower quality of life of local residents  0  0  0  0  2  1  0  15  28  Families will move away  0  0  0  0  1  1  2  15  28  4.6.1.4.1 Theme: Closure planning should redress social impacts on community This theme was identified by 50% of the participants and 71% of the groups. Interest was concentrated within the consultant, First Nations and political group. Fifteen distinct comments were provided.  Table 4.6.4.1: Closure Planning Should Redress Social Impacts on Community Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC  012  HVC PL  012 013  C C C  024 023 023  FN  015  Comments Society must determine if costs of development outweigh the benefits: “The site has generated a lot of benefits for the people that work and live here. To a certain extent there is always that trade off, the site will be somewhat less than it was before in some ways but it’s contributed a whole lot. There has always been a societal tug of war in terms of how much decrease and usefulness of a site should society accept or the value that comes out of it.” Best interest of company to take steps to minimize socio-economic effects of closure but don’t include these values in Code HVC commissioned socio-economic impact study. Economic impact assessment was a sham, failed to address options for future economic activity on site. Generally, more mine can do to assist community the better Preference is to hire local people to work on reclamation projects. Consultants focused on environmental, not social issues related to closure. Reclaimed areas should include plant species FN peoples use for food and to prepare traditional medicines. —  Group Codes Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in ()represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  98  FN  015  FN  015  FN FN FN  015 018 & 019 015, 018 & 019 007 & 008 020  PL NA  Include FN native plant garden: “There are some plants that are considered noxious weeds which have been traditionally used and they are important components for making traditional medicines that are important for First Nations communities. One thing I would like to see is a Native plant, garden. The concern is that people are having to travel further and further distances to access plant resources for medicinal sustenance purposes. We are especially concerned as to availability of medicinal plants.” FN community has experienced only social costs of mining, not economic benefits. FN will be negatively affected by closure. FN lived, hunted, fished on site prior to mining. End land uses should support hunting, fishing, plants for medicinal uses and food production. LL can’t deal with the effects of closure by itself. Is mine responsible for seniors that have moved to LL? Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator, or the business group.  4.6.1.4.2 Theme: Closure will lower quality of life of local residents This theme was identified by 15% of the participants and 28% of the groups. Only the political and business group commented on this issue. Two observations were made.  Table 4.6.4.2: Closure Will Lower Quality of Life of Local Residents Participant Group(s) PL PL & BG  ID# 005 007, 008, 005 & 004  Comments Closure may force LL school to close. Loss of tax revenue will affect delivery of town services. Note: This theme was not discussed by HVC, the consultants, government regulator, First Nations, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.1.4.3 Theme: Families will move away This theme was identified by 15% of the participants and 28% of the groups. The Non-affiliated group expressed the greatest interest in this subject. A total of seven comments were made.  Table 4.6.4.3: Families Will Move Away Participant Group(s) BG PL BG NA  ID# 004 005 004 020  NA  020  Comments Young people will leave community after closure. Closure may force LL school to close. Regrets loss of families (kids) leaving town after closure. When mine closes young families should move on to where the jobs are. Company should hire younger employees to work on reclamation projects.  99  NA  020  NA  021  LL will be affected by loss of young families. Local school might close. Important that jobs would go to local people. Note: This theme was not discussed by HVC, the consultants, government regulator, or the First Nations group.  4.6.1.5 Cluster: Environmental Issues Participants described how proper attention to closure planning can provide the community with economic and social benefits and still restore the site’s ecological function.  Table 4.6.5: Participant’s 36 Response Distribution Table for Environmental Issues Cluster Theme within the Cluster  HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Balance economic productivity with environmental integrity  1  2  0  1  2  1  2  45  85  Restore site’s environmental integrity  0  1  0  2  1  0  2  30  57  4.6.1.5.1 Theme: Balance economic productivity with environmental integrity This theme was identified by 45% of the participants and 85% of the groups. Interest was primarily concentrated in the consultant and non-affiliated group. Nine comments were provided.  36  Group Codes  Consultants C Company Employees HVC First Nations FN Government Regulator R Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  100  Table 4.6.5.1: Balance Economic Productivity with Environmental Integrity Participant Group(s) HVC & C  ID# 003, 024  C  024  C  023  FN  015  PL  013  PL BG NA  013 & 014 004 020  NA  011  Comments Concern that the economic priorities of industry and govermnent may override their desire to protect environment. Miners have made a deal, in return for access to resources they will accelerate healing process. Consultant’s focus is on environmental, not social issues related to closure. “we are open to development, we are not categorically against it, but it has to be something in terms and conditions related towards sustainable development and protecting the environment.” Community would not accept end land use that damages the environment. Reclaiming for wildlife will not help the community. Protecting the environment is important. Closure plan should seek balance between economic and environmental interests. End land use should not harm environment. Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator.  4.6.1.5.2 Theme: Restore site’s environmental integrity This theme was identified by 30% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Comments were generally limited to the First Nation and non-affiliated group. Six comments were provided:  Table 4.6.5.2: Restore Site’s Environmental Integrity Participant Group(s) C  ID# 023  FN  015, 018 & 019  FN  018  PL NA NA  007 020 021  Comments “To me the most important would be to re-store it—the lands back to a natural state, as good a condition as possible, a hard thing to do.” Focus of closure plan should be to restore site’s biophysical function: “we are getting reports of significant abnormalities in animals that are harvested. We felt the wildlife and environmental issues weren’t addressed properly.” Goal should be to return site to a state that closely matches what existed prior to mining. Should reclaim site to the way it was before mining. At a minimum, reclamation should provide habitat for wildlife. Emphasis of reclamation should be to re-establish wildlife habitat. Note: This theme was not discussed by the HVC, government regulator, or the business group.  4.6.1.6 Cluster: Company Policies on SD This cluster contains comments made concerning the difficulty of integrating sustainability concepts into an operational mine.  101  Table 4.6.6: Participant’s 37 Response Distribution Table for Company Policies on SD Cluster Theme within the Cluster Defining SD in the context of mining  HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  2  0  1  0  0  1  0  20  42  4.6.1.6.1 Theme: Defining SD in the context of mining This theme was identified by 20% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Interest was concentrated within the HVC group. Comments were provided in six areas.  Table 4.6.6.1: Defining SD in the Context of Mining Participant Group(s) HVC HVC  ID# 012 012  HVC HVC  012 012  HVC R, BG  002 001 & 010  Comments Industry is pursuing policies that promote SD. HVC looking for direction on the practical implications of SD to its operations. Ambiguity surround SD complicates implementation. “The site has generated a lot of benefits for the people that work and live here. To a certain extent there is always that trade off, the site will be somewhat less than it was before in some ways but it’s contributed a whole lot. There has always been a societal tug of war in terms of how much decrease and usefulness of a site should society accept or the value that comes out of it.” Use of brown field site for land fill makes environmental sense. Use reclamation to change the public’s perception of the sustainability of mining. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultants, First Nations, political, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.2 Category 2: The Stakeholders This category (Table 4.7) was constructed from those comments that describe the participant’s perceptions of HVC, its closure obligations (ethical and legal) to the people living in the area, and themselves as it pertains to their  Group Codes Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in 0 represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  102  understanding of the key issues involved in planning for closure. Participant’s views regarding important aspects of life in LL are also included.  Table 4.7: Category 2- The Stakeholders CLUSTERS  Positive Perception of HVC  Negative Perception of HVC  Perception of HVC’s obligation to the community  Perception of the Community  Themes within each Cluster  Company as corporate citizen  Company as corporate citizen  Company’s relationship with  community  Failure to consider alternative end land uses  Company’s commitment to reclaim site  Profits over needs of community and environment  Closure Plan should mitigate economic effects of closure HVC will only do what is required by law  Knowledge of subject matter Perception of LL as a good place to live  Company should underwrite feasibility studies  Lack of commitment to support local communities Company withholding information  4.6.2.1 Cluster: Positive Perception of HVC This cluster was constructed from comments made by the participants regarding their perception of HVC as a corporate citizen that is generally committed to the principle of reclaiming the site for the benefit of the community.  103  Table 4.7.1: Participant’s 38 Response Distribution Table for Positive Perception of HVC Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Perception of HVC as corporate citizen  2  2  1  0  1  1  0  35  71  Perception of HVC’s relationship with community  1  0  1  2  4  3  2  65  85  Perception of HVC’s commitment to reclaim site  2  2  1  2  4  2  3  80  100  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.2.1.1 Theme: Perception of HVC as corporate citizen This theme was identified by 40% of the participants and 86% of the groups. Comments were spread evenly across five groups. Five distinct comments were provided.  Table 4.7.1.1: Perception of HVC as Corporate Citizen Participant Group(s) HVC HVC, BG & NA  ID# 012, 002, 004 & 020  R, C PL PL  001,023 005 004  Comments Believes that HCV is a good company to work for Perception of company as a good corporate citizen: “I think they’ve done a lot of good things, they helped us with the rec centre, they used to have parties, they helped develop the community when it was young and I think they’ve done a big part and even now just their presence that people are working there and they bring tourists out that come into town.”(004) HVC has invested a lot of effort and $ in its reclamation program Overall impression of mine is positive Company contributed to the building of LL. Note: This theme was not discussed by the First Nation group.  4.6.2.1.2 Theme: Perception of HVC’ s relationship with community This theme was identified by 65% of the participants and 85% of the groups. It was discussed widely among the participant groups. A total of fourteen distinct comments were made. 38  Group Codes  Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  104  Table 4.7.1.2: Perception of HVC’s Relationship with Community Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC HVC R, BG, NA FN  012 012 001, 004, 020 018 & 019  PL  007  PL PL BG BG BG BG NA NA  007, 008, 005 013 010 009 & 010 004 004 020 021  Comments Company has done its best to see that LL benefits economically from mine. Perception that relationship with FN is good. Management considers itself part of the community Perception that relationship between LL and HVC is good. Perception that relations have improved, HVC has asked FN for more input When asked, company has demonstrated willingness to help community. No outstanding issues between mine and LL. Council satisfied with outcome of past negotiations with company. HVC’s support to LL remains strong. HVC management cares about what happens in LL. Perception that HVC is looking for another industry to take over site. Perception that mine is assisting the community in making transition. Mine provides fmancial support to United Way. LL has benefited from HVC. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant group.  4.6.2.1.3 Theme: Perception of HVC’s commitment to reclaim site This theme was identified by 80% of the participants and 100% of the groups. It was widely discussed among the participant groups. Seventeen separate comments were made.  Table 4.7.1.3: Perception of HVC’s Commitment to Reclaim Site Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC, C,R, BG & NA  012, 002, 023, 024, 001, 004 & 021  023  C C C  023 024  C&R C & PL  024 & 001 024 & 005  R  001  FN FN  018 018 & 019  PL & BG PL & NA PL  007 & 010 007, 008 & 011 013  PL  013  Comments Senior management has supported the work of the Environment Department. Perception that HVC’s reclamation program is very good. HVC has invested a lot of effort and $ in its reclamation program. Successful for the expectations that exist for it. Most at HVC take pride in effectiveness of company’s reclamation program. “They try harder than most mining companies”(024) care about the results they are Rating of HVC is “very good getting”(024) Perception that HVC is living up to its obligation to reclaim site: “We are happy as heck. If every mine was like that we’d be in great shape.” Personal experience of reclamation is positive: “its really green”. Site tours effective for demonstrating success of reclamation program. Company personnel appear proud of work. For non-expert, HVC looks like its doing a good job ...  Lack of protests from environmental and FN groups suggest that mine is doing a good job Admiration for efforts company has made to reclaim site. HVC has  105  “done a hell of a good job, they work at it”. HVC concerned about protecting the environment. Aware that company has won reclamation awards. Has heard fishing at Trojan pond is good.  010 & 020 004 004, 021 & 011  BG & NA BG BG & NA  Note: This theme was discussed by all groups.  4.6.2.2 Cluster: Negative Perception of HVC This cluster was constructed from coniments made by the participants regarding their generally negative perception of HVC as a corporate citizen fully committed to the principle of reclaiming the site for the benefit of the community.  Table 4.7.2: Participant’s 39 Response Distribution Table for Negative Perception of HVC Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Company as corporate citizen  1  0  0  2  1  0  0  20  42  Failure to consider alternative end land uses  2  0  0  0  1  0  0  20  28  Profits over needs of community and environment  2  1  0  1  2  0  0  30  57  Lack of commitment to support local communities  0  0  0  0  4  0  3  35  28  Company withholding information  0  0  0  3  4  0  2  50  42  Theme within the Cluster  Group Codes Consultants C Company Employees HVC First Nations FN Government Regulator R Business Groups BG Political Leaders PL Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  106  4.6.2.2.1 Theme: Company as Corporate Citizen This theme was identified by 15% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Comments were concentrated among the First Nation and political group. A total of seven separate observations were made.  Table 4.7.2.1: Company as Corporate Citizen Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 003  FN FN FN  015 018 018  PL  013  PL  013  PL  013  Comments Difference between the company’s words and its actions: “By and large most of the people think in good terms but when it comes down to the actual spending our money and doing the job properly I think we are missing the boat in a lot of areas. We are not doing what we should be doing— costs—we are still obliged to do a good job and I don’t think we are doing the best job in a lot of areas.” Company does not listen to FN concerns. Perception that past negotiations with mine have been one-sided. Perception that the mine has not lived up to past commitments on shared water resources. Council and community should not take company at its word: “No. I’ve seen the mine closure plan and I can also guarantee the plans they showed me are not the mine closure plans the people in Toronto are looking at.” Company was a better corporate citizen before merger: “change of ownership takes it back to decisions made in Toronto rather around the table here. The managing board comes out to Highland Copper twice a year, which says all about their corporate image. That’s had a major impact. Change in ownership that really could care less.” HVC is hiding behind provisions of the Code. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, business, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.2.2.2 Theme: Failure to consider alternative end land uses This theme was identified by 20% of the participants and 28% of the groups. Comments were limited to the HVC and political group. Four observations were made.  Table 4.7.2.2: Failure to Consider Alternative End Land Uses Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 002 & 003  HVC PL  002 & 003 007  PL  013  Comments End land use plan seen as too timid. Fails to consider nonconventional options. Resistance of partners to consider land fill as possible end land use. HVC decision not to pursue aquaculture done without consulting council. Company not interested in considering other industrial uses for site. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, First Nations, business, or the non-affiliated group.  107  4.6.2.2.3 Theme: Profits over needs of community and environment This theme was identified by 30% of the participants and 57% of the groups. A total of four groups commented on this theme, with the HVC and First Nation group providing the greatest number. A total of eleven comments were made.  Table 4.7.2.3: Profits Over Needs of Community and Environment Participant Group(s)  HVC  ID# 002  HVC & PL  002, 013 & 14  HVC  003  HVC  003  HVC  003  C  024  FN FN  015 015  FN  015  FN  015  PL  007  Comments  Company has committed insufficient resources for fmding alternative closure options Company taking ‘phone bill’ approach for resolving problems: “Logan Lake is going to need assistance and as good corporate citizens these people do more now, more than they plan on doing, all they pian on doing is closing the mine and doing all the required reclamation work and going back to Toronto.”(013) “If this council let’s them do that, they will happily let them do that.”(O 14) Miners must realize that reclamation is part of the cost of doing  business. Reclamation performance should not be based solely on economics: “From the point of view of management, at the senior executive level, have to think in terms of reclamation is part of the operation itself and it has to be done whether you make money or not. If you can’t make money because the reclamation (?) you shouldn’t have a mine, it’s the cost of doing business, you have to do a good job in the reclamation, if you don’t and take shortcuts because of the price of copper you shouldn’t be in this business.” Shortcuts being made that are not readily apparent to the average person. Mining companies are primarily interested in the bottom line perceive reclamation as not having value. Belief that mine is damaging health of local wildlife. Belief that wildlife and environment issues are not being adequately addressed by company. Given perceived impacts from mine, project would not be approved today. Perception that mine has adversely affected local water quality for band members. Perception that HVC’s commitment to reclaim site is motivated primarily by economics. Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator, business, or the non-affiliated group. —  4.6.2.2.4 Theme: Lack of commitment to support local communities This theme was identified by 35% of the participants and 28% of the groups. A total of five comments were provided by the political and non-affiliated group.  108  Table 4.7.2.4: Lack of Commitment to Support Local Communities Participant Group(s) PL & NA PL  ID# 007, 008, 005, 020, & 011 013  PL  013  PL NA  013 021  Comments HVC has been less involved in supporting LL Owners in Toronto don’t care about what happens to LL after closure. Since they announced closure date, company support of LL has declined. Company no longer interested in what is happening in LL. Not aware of how mine supports community. Note: This theme was not discussed by the HVC, consultant, government regulator, First Nation, or the business group.  4.6.2.2.5 Theme: Company withholding information This theme was identified by 50% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Nine comments were made by the First Nation, political and non-affiliated group.  Table 4.7.2.5: Company Withholding Information Participant Group(s) FN FN  ID# 015 018 & 019  PL PL  007 & 008 008  Comments HVC has not shared information with FN. Perception that company is not providing band with sufficient information regarding its reclamation program. HVC has not responded to LL requests for more information. Perception that HVC is not really interested in surrendering control of site to another industry they want to keep their mine development options open: “I’m sure they want to be a good corporate citizen but the bottom line is they are a business to make money and they have criteria they have to meet in order to finish off the job. Because they’re in the business to make money they are going to do exactly what they have to do and not any more unless there is reason to do it. I think that’s one of the reasons they don’t want to get into discussions with us right now about legalizing that mine except for anything else except mining because they may have a plan in progress for shut down in 2009 but that’s just a plan. Things could change.” HVC has provided little information/guidance to LL about closure plans. Council waiting for company to directly approach them to discuss closure plans. Suspicion that HVC is withholding information regarding their true closure plans. Suspicion that mine may not close (why is HVC buying land nearby). Belief that HVC’s environmental reports may not be objective. Note: This theme was not discussed by the HVC, consultants, government regulator, or the business group. —  PL  007  PL  005  PL  013 & 014  NA  021 & 011  NA  011  109  4.6.2.3 Cluster: Perception of HVC’s Obligation to the Community This cluster was constructed from those comments that expressed the participant’s understanding of HVC’s legal and moral obligation to assist area communities in their efforts to make the transition to a post-mining economy.  Table 4.7.3: Participant’s ° Response Distribution Table for Perception of HVC ‘s Obligation to the Community 4 Cluster  HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Closure Plan should mitigate economic effects of closure  2  2  0  0  5  1  1  55  71  HVC will only do what is required by law  1  0  0  0  3  0  0  20  28  0  0  0  3  3  0  1  35  42  Theme within the Cluster  Company should underwrite feasibility studies  4.6.2.3.1 Theme: Closure Plan should mitigate economic effects of closure This theme was identified by 55% of the participants and 71% of the groups. Five groups identified with this theme, with the majority of comments provided by the consultant and political group. A total of twelve comments were provided.  Table 4.7.3.1: Closure Plan Should Mitigate Economic Effects of Closure Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC  002  Comments Best interest of company to take steps to minimize socio-economic effects of closure. Responsibility of HVC to mitigate effects of closure on LL community: “Logan Lake was built for the mine and some would say it has some responsibility to try and mitigate the effects of closure, through finding some other economic support for the  Group Codes 40 Consultants C Company Employees HVC First Nations FN Government Regulator R Business Groups BG Political Leaders PL Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  110  C & PL  023, 013 & 014  C  024  PL PL  007,008 007  PL  007  PL BG  005 004  PL  013  PL&NA  013&01l  NA  011  community. That seems to be the modern way of thinking about it.” HVC has an ethical obligation to assist the community: “I think they should have an ethical reason for doing that—they have extracted resources from the area—assist the community in what ever way they can. Obviously, they can’t employ 900 people, but if they can employ some local citizens it should be done.”(023) “the mine is saying we’re in the business of mining, once the reclamation requirements have been met, we are out of here, which is fine but it doesn’t do the community any good. The mine has a large responsibility to ensure it doesn’t die when they quit.”(013) Mine owes something to the community: “I haven’t spent much time thinking of it and not a lot of experience in the social aspect of closure so purely philosophical I would say “the more the mine can do to help folks the better” but I’m not sure in a concrete way what that would be. The mine owes something to the community.” HVC should play a greater role in the affairs of the community. Goal of closure plan should be to lessen economic impacts on community. Perceived verbal understanding that HVC will consider options that economic spin-offs. Government and mine have an obligation to assist LL. Believe that company and government share responsibility for finding solutions. HVC should be using closure plan to assist LL in making transition to post-closure economy. Company and government created LL, they have a responsibility to the community: Focus of closure plan should be the survival of LL. Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator, or the First Nation group.  4.6.2.3.2 Theme: HVC will only do what is required by law This theme was identified by 20% of the participants and 28% of the groups. The political group provided the majority of comments. Three separate points of view were provided.  Table 4.7.3.2: HVC Will Only Do What Is Required by Law Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 002  PL PL  007 013, 014  Comments Ultimately it’s the company’s decision as to what will be done with the site. Recognition that HVC is a business bottom line is to make $. Company will only do what is required by law. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultants, government regulator, business, or the non-affiliated group. —  4.6.2.3.3 Theme: Company should underwrite feasibility studies This theme was identified by 40% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Only one distinct comment was provided.  111  Table 4.7.3.3: Company Should Underwrite Feasibility Studies Participant Group(s) HVC FN, PL, & NA  ID# 002 015, 018, 019, 007, 008, 013 & 020  Comments Company should be open to funding such studies. Believes that mine should underwrite cost of studies to determine feasibility of other industrial uses for site: “I think it should be the mine for a feasibility study. They exploited the land, which I’m not against, as they were our employer they could also provide some of their money.”(020) Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultants, government regulator, or the business group.  4.6.2.4 Cluster: Perception of the Community This cluster was constructed from themes that describe how participants view themselves, and the community of LL.  Table 4.7.4: Participant’s ’ Response Distribution Table for Perception of the Community Cluster 4 HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Knowledge of subject matter  3  2  1  0  4  0  3  65  71  Perception of LL as a good place to live  2  0  0  0  4  3  3  60  57  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.2.4.1 Theme: Knowledge of subject matter This theme was identified by 65% of the participants and 71% of the groups. There was a high rate of response from the HVC, consultant, political and the non-affiliated group. A total of fifteen separate comments were made.  Group Codes 41 Company Employees HYC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  112  Table 4.7.4.1: Knowledge of Subject Matter Participant Group(s) HVC HVC HVC&PL HVC C  1D# 012 003 003 &005 002 023  C  024  R PL PL PL  001 007, 008 005 13  NA NA NA NA NA  020 020 021 021 Oil  Comments Knowledgeable about issues, 13 years at HVC. Knowledgeable about issues, 12 years experience. Community not aware of the issues. Moderate knowledge of issues, 3 years experience. Self-assessment of knowledge of issues rated as good, 14 years experience. Self-assessment of knowledge of issues rated as moderate, 8 years experience. Knowledgeable about issues. Possess little/no knowledge on subject matter. Limited knowledge of issues. Knowledge of issues self-rated as extensive, worked 27 years at mine. Moderate knowledge of issues, has lived in mining towns all her life. Husband worked in mine for 20 years. Has lived in LL since childhood. Doesn’t believe mine closure will affect her life. Doesn’t believe qualified to evaluate HVC, has lived in LL for 10 years. Note: This theme was not discussed by the First Nation or the business group.  4.6.2.4.2 Theme: Perception of LL as a good place to live This theme was identified by 40% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political and business group. A total of seven observations were made.  Table 4.7.4.2: Perception of Logan Lake as a Good Place to Live Participant Group(s) HVC & BG  ID# 002, 009, 010 & 011  PL & BG PL PL BG  007& 004 005 013 004  Comments Community seen as good place to live: “It’s like a little oasis—so clean, well kept, people are really nice, constantly waving at everyone, it’s a small town.”(009) “It’s a great place to raise kids.”(OlO) LL offers residents affordable housing, amenities. Closure will have limited effect on community. Understanding that LL has the “best water in Canada”. LL has beautiful scenery, security. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, or the First Nation group.  4.6.3 Category 3: Stakeholder Participation in Decision-making Broadly speaking, this category (Table 4.8) was built around participant comments regarding their opinion of what  type of decision-making process should be used to determine what should happen on the site after the mine has  113  closed. Also participants offered their insights on the question of who should be allowed to participate in these decisions.  Table 4.8: Category 3- Stakeholder Participation in Decision-making CLUSTERS  Communication between Stakeholders  Consultation with Political Leaders  Community involvement in decision-making  Consultation with First Nations (FN)  Stakeholder Identification  Themes within each Cluster  Building trust and confidence  Company efforts at communicating closure plans  Citizen involvement in closure planning  Role of government in closure planning  Citizens expectations of their role in the decision-making process  Information sharing  Leadership  Perception of relationship between HVC and FN Need for consultation  The Company FN Local Communities Government “Outside” groups  Information sharing  4.6.3.1 Cluster: Communication between Stakeholders This cluster includes the comments participants made regarding their understanding of what is required to build a level of trust between HVC and the community.  114  Table 4.8.1: 42 Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Communication between Stakeholders Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Building trust and confidence  2  0  1  1  2  0  1  35  71  Information sharing  1  0  0  3  4  0  1  45  57  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.3.1.1 Theme: Building trust and confidence This theme was identified by 35% of the participants and 71% of the groups. A total of thirteen separate comments were made.  Table 4.8.1.1: Building Trust and Confidence Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC HVC HVC HVC HVC, PL & FN R R FN FN  012 012 012 003 012, 005 & 019 001 001 015 018  PL PL NA  013 005 021  42  Comments Importance of cultivating personal relationships between mine and community leaders: “Been willing to talk and the people on council have been good to work with along with the different administrators there. We are close enough that we feel part of the community”. Current good relations built on communication and trust. HVC president has made presentations to various councils Resolve issues early before they grow into problems. Important to build/maintain credibility with community. Site visits seen as important vehicle for building trust with public. Perceived importance of communication for building trust. Importance of personal relationships for building/maintaining trust. Company does not listen to FN concerns. Perception that the mine has not lived up to past commitments on shared water resources: “They may put water this way because they were supposed to be releasing water to our communities and they haven’t done that for a few years. So (community) don’t have sufficient water to irrigate or live there. We want compensation for our loss of water. It wasn’t given to us like it was in the agreement as they shut the pump house down.” Council and community should not take company at its word. Important to build and maintain open lines of communication. Mine did a poor job of explaining the effects of its proposal to  Group Codes  Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  115  increase ground water pumping. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, or the business group.  4.6.3.1.2 Theme: Information sharing This theme was identified by 45% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the HVC, political, and First Nations group. A total of eighteen separate comments were identified.  Table 4.8.1.2: Information Sharing Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC  012  HVC  012  HVC  012  HVC  012  FN FN FN FN  015 015, 018 & 019 018 & 019 018  PL PL  007 & 008 007  PL  007  PL PL PL  008 005 005  PL PL  013 013  NA  011  Comments Closure discussed through open houses, company publications, presentations to council Public has not shown an interest in accessing company reports: No one’s ever asked for one and as far as I know we’ve never been asked. Anyone can go in Victoria and ask to see one, can go to the mines office in Kamloops to see one, so there is no reason for them not to be available.” Need to control expectations of those interested in using site after closure. Closure reports are not easily accessible to public. Copies available in Ministry Offices: “They are available, yes, are they readily available, probably not. They are probably documents, reclamation reports, are they in the library, no.” Past attempts at communication (i.e., open houses) have had limited success. HVC has not shared information with FN. HVC has not provided FN with a copy of closure plan. “  Proposed hydro project poorly explained. Questions about reclamation and end land use have not been properly answered: Answer: “We were asking what’s going to happen to the pump house site, to all the underground piping and how long the reclamation will be happening.” Question: “Did you get satisfactory answers?” Answer: “I don’t know if anybody ever did satisfS’ our questions.” HVC has not responded to LL requests for more information. Communication was key to addressing community’s concerns over de-watering proposal. Historically LL council has not had discussions on common issues with FN communities. Council briefed on closure in 1999. Initial information concerning closure communicated through media. Site visits seen as important vehicle for communicating information to public. HVC has not provided council with a closure plan. Company failed to properly brief community regarding its closure intentions. There hasn’t been a proper discussion of what the mine’s closure  116  plans are. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, or the business group.  4.6.3.2 Cluster: Consultation with Political Leaders This cluster describes how the participants view the role of government in planning for closure. Table 4.8.2: 43 Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Consultation with Political Leaders Cluster Theme within the Cluster  HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Company efforts at communicating closure plans  1  0  0  0  4  0  0  25  28  Role of local government in closure planning  0  0  0  0  5  0  1  30  28  0  0  0  0  4  2  2  40  42  Leadership  4.6.3.2.1 Theme: Company efforts at communicating closure plans This theme was identified by 25% of the participants and 28% of the groups. Comments were only provided by the HVC and political group. Ten distinct comments were made.  Table 4.8.2.1: Company Efforts at Communicating Closure Plans Participant Group(s) HVC HVC HVC HVC PL PL PL  ID# 012 012 012 012 008 008 007  Comments Company has briefed LL council. HVC president has made presentations to various councils. Not sure if current LL mayor has participated in those briefings. Consultation with communities to begin in 2004. President of HVC wants to meet with LL Mayor to discuss closure. LL and HVC hold annual meetings. HVC has not communicated to council its plans for site.  Group Codes Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in 0 represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  117  PL  007  PL  005  PL  013  HVC decision not to pursue aquaculture, done without consulting council. Council waiting for company to directly approach them to discuss closure plans. HVC and LL council have discussed closure since 88, 89. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, or the First Nation group.  4.6.3.2.2 Theme: Role of Local Government in closure planning This theme was identified by 30% of the participants and 28% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political group. A total of six comments were made. Table 4.8.2.2: Role of Local Government in Closure Planning Participant Group(s) ID# Comments PL 007 & 008 Government and community leaders should be involved in planning process. PL 013 & 014 People and elected officials must work together to fmd a solution. PL 013 LL council was not involved in planning closure. PL 013 Develop partnership with HVC and provincial gov to study options. PL 013 Council must develop long-term strategy for keeping pressure on Victoria to provide support and pressure company: “The mine said they would have council in on their closure plans but from my discussions, you’re not getting realistically to the people that really count who are making the decisions. We need a local MLA with clout, in cabinet, here on side to be pushing our case and we to them.” NA 011 Doesn’t believe that government is necessarily objective HVC provides important tax $. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, or the First Nation group. —  4.6.3.2.3 Theme: Leadership This theme was identified by 40% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political, business, and non-affiliated group. Ten comments were identified.  Table 4.8.2.3: Leadership Participant Group(s) PL PL PL PL PL  ID# 007 & 008 007 013 013 013 & 014  BG  009  Comments LL is developing own plans to deal with effects of closure. LL council should be doing more to build bridges with company Council should not wait for company to approach them. Council must take leadership role or nothing will happen. “I think there is but I think you’d be hard pressed to have anyone from the community or even on council as taking those responsibilities.” (013) “Nobody’s really willing to step up and do anything. I think that’s not just in our community but anywhere—getting volunteers, very  118  BG & NA  difficult because you always get the same people out ending up with the same mindsets. No change hanoenmun.” Doubts that council wants community tobe part of process.  009, 010, & 021 010 021 021  BG NA NA  Disillusioned with past attempts at public process. Mayor needs to get community involved. Lack of trust in politicians to get best deal for community. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, or the First Nation group.  4.6.3.3 Cluster: Community Involvement in Decision-making This cluster was constructed from those comments that described the participant’s views on what level of involvement the average citizen should have in planning for closure.  Table 4.8.3: 44 Participant’s Response Distribution Table for Community Involvement in Decision-making Cluster Theme within the Cluster  HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Citizen involvement in closure planning  3  1  1  N/A  0  2  1  47  83  Citizen’s expectations of their role in the decision-making process  N/A  N/A  N/A  N/A  2  3  3  73  100  4.6.3.3.1 Theme: Citizen involvement in closure planning This theme was identified by 47% of the participants and 83% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the HVC and the government regulator group. A total of seventeen observations were made.  Group Codes Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in 0 represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  119  Table 4.8.3.1: Citizen Involvement in Closure Planning Participant Group(s) HVC HVC  ID# 012 012  HVC  012, 003, 002 & 024  HVC  012  HVC  012  HVC  012  HVC C&R  012 024 & 001  R  001  HVC  003  HVC HVC HVC, NA  003 003 002 & 20  HVC HVC  002 002 & 003  R  001  BG  009 & 010  Comments The time is now to get people involved in decision-making. What is an acceptable end land use: results will vary depending on stakeholder. Consultation necessary if people are to accept legitimacy of end land use decisions: “Well I personally can’t think that if we don’t have consultations as we are making some of these decisions that the overall plan will be accepted by the people. You have to set up a stake holder’s group and be involved in the decision and actually have their say before the decisions are made, you’ll get a better overall view of what’s going on here.”(003) “One important thing is it is good to get local input on desired end land uses and what constitutes success.”(024) Existing closure plan approved by government, but developed with very little input from local stakeholders. Important to get community’s opinion on what should happen postclosure. HVC needs to encourage communities to participate in a long-term public process. Consultation with communities to begin in 2004. Understanding that community has not shown willingness to be involved: “No, I haven’t heard anything, no demand for it. So it sounds to me like they are interacting with the community pretty well through their annual tours and annual visit and letting people know what they are doing.”(OOl) “I don’t think evaluating, well maybe, the sort of lay contact you get are some of these committees like the Friend of (?) Committee, the committee at Sullivan we thought we had done that committee for years and mostly pensioner—they are mostly Cominco pensioners that come out for an evening entertainment and want a cup of coffee and a cookie.” (001) Alternative to public consultation is buying land outright and maintain control indefinitely. Company should create structure of public process. Company should not attempt to make unilateral decisions. Company partners will ultimately decide what type of end use option is selected. Community should be active in identifying what they want for site. Perhaps some value in having community involved in evaluating program: “Might help, not sure, I guess it depends on the individuals of that community as to how they come up with different thoughts, what their agenda is. If they are true to finding out what’s best for the land it might be okay but if there is an axe to grind I don’t know .“(003) Public participation in decision-making can lower technical quality of final decision Many people still do not think mine will close. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, First Nation, political, or the non-affiliated group. ..  120  4.6.3.3.2 Theme: Citizen’s expectations of their role in the decision-making process This theme was identified by 73% of the participants and 100% of the groups. Comments were provided primarily by the political group. A total of eight comments were made.  Table 4.8.3.2: Citizen’s Expectations of Their Role in the Decision-making Process Participant Group(s) PL  ID# 013 & 014  BG & NA  004, 009, 010 & 020 004, 009 & 010  BG  BG & NA  010 & 021  BG BG BG BG  010 010 010 009  Comments Skeptical that public meetings would accomplish much: “I don’t know if that would accomplish anything.”(O 13) “I don’t think it would.”(014) “It would turn into a fiasco. You need people that are knowledgeable. I’ve been to too many public meetings that deteriorate. They lose focus.”(O 13) Community should be involved in determining what should happen on site. Like to see community involved in process but doubts it is possible: “I think the community is too divided. I don’t think much will get accomplished. So many do and don’t want change. I think we should, but I don’t think it would work with the community as it stands now.”(009) “Nobody’s really willing to step up and do anything. I think that’s not just in our community but anywhere—getting volunteers, very difficult because you always get the same people out ending up with the same mindsets. No change happening.” Disillusioned with past attempts at public process: “Public meetings, lots of public meetings, that’s getting into a whole other area. If council and the public can work well together—in the past they don’t work well together—council just does what they want... Regarding the mine if council can work with the mine maybe something can be done—really listen to the public. Logan Lake should have a say in what goes on up there.”(02 1) Council and HVC have not asked the people what they want Too many people criticizing Mayor, council. With right people, something positive can be accomplished People in the community must step forward: “We feel we have said our piece but nobody’s listening to us so right here and now we don’t feel the community could ever get together—in six years that may be possible. But it has to start now not in six years. If they are going to meet in the fall that’s good. People have to accept this is going to happen. Let’s keep this town alive it’s so worth it.” Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, or the First Nation group.  4.6.3.4 Cluster: Consultation with First Nations This cluster contains those comments that were made which described participant views on the level of involvement First Nation peoples should have in closure planning.  121  Table 4.8.4: Participant’s 45 Response Distribution Table for Consultation with First Nations Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Perception of relationship between HVC and FN  1  0  1  3  0  0  0  25  42  Need for consultation  2  0  0  3  3  0  0  40  42  Information sharing  0  1  0  3  0  0  0  20  28  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.3.4.1 Theme: Perception of relationship between HVC and FN This theme was identified by 25% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Comments were provided primarily by the First Nations group. Five distinct comments were made.  Table 4.8.4.1: Perception of Relationship Between HVC and First Nations Participant Group(s) HVC C FN  ID# 012 024 015  FN  018  FN  018 & 019  Comments Perception that relations with FN are good. Understanding that FN mistrustful of public process Cynicism regarding fairness of HVC’s past decisions regarding issues that impact FN. FN have ongoing relationship with mine i.e., road access to pumphouse, water rights. Recent decision-making more consensus based: “We want to share information and we are willing to give our input but sometimes it seems like it’s more one-way rather than dual. It has been getting better lately, they’ve come to more decisions in a consensus rather than just being told what’s going to happen.”(O 18) Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator, political, business, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.3.4.2 Theme: Need for consultation This theme was identified by 40% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the HVC and First Nations group. A total of seventeen distinct comments were identified. Group Codes Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  122  __________  Table 4.8.4.2: Need for Consultation Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC&FN  012,003,015, 018&0l9  HVC  012  HVC&FN  012,015,018 & 019  HVC  012  FN FN  015 015  HVC&FN FN FN  012&015 015 015  FN  015  FN FN  FN PL  015 015,018& 019 015, 018 & 019 015 007 & 008  PL  005  FN  Comments Recognition that lack of ongoing dialogue has hurt relations with FN: “a couple of year’s ago we had to go through an environmental assessment, it became apparent that the lack of ongoing dialogue complicated things and there were issues that they felt strongly about that hadn’t been discussed—issues related to their involvement and the benefits that they perceived they’d receive from the mine being here. There were some strongly felt issues. Perhaps a different type of dialogue might have helped. This mine being developed today, the role they’d have played would be a lot different than it was because of when the mine was developed.” Company must formally work with FN in terms of planning for closure: “BC Supreme Court said that both crown and third parties have an obligation to consult with First Nation communities ...“(015) Not a lot of contact between mine and FN: perception that there wasn’t any need. Understanding that if mine was being developed today, FN would expect their involvement to be far greater ie., in decision-making, jobs, etc.. Understanding that LL and FN probably have different closure objectives. Believes that HVC is required by law to consult with FN. Belief by FN that HVC has made a commitment to include FN in closure decisions. Historically, little interaction between mine and FN. Dissatisfaction with past experience with joint decision-making HVC is meeting its Legal requirements to consult FN prior to making decisions. Consultation process is too short, info too complex to allow for informed decision-making. Scope of consultations established by mine, not FN. Recent court decisions have empowered FN peoples. FNs have a historic claim to area. Perception that LL has not properly consulted with FN. LL believes that FN need to be involved in decision-making: “Council has never requested to meet with the neighbouring First Nations communities. We need to be doing this, we need to know our neighbours.”(007) LL should partner with FN to develop unified negotiating strategy. Note: This theme was not discussed by the consultant, government regulator, business, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.3.4.3 Theme: Information sharing This theme was identified by 20% of the participants and 28% of the groups. Four separate comments were made.  123  Table 4.8.4.3: Information Sharing Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  C  024  FN FN  015 018 & 019  Comments “When we first looked at using biosolids on the site we looked hard to contact a FN group to discuss it, we had a separate open house for them and we did get a number come up for that.” Difficult to bridge communication barrier between experts and FN: “it’s a tricky thing to do, particularly in traditional FN’s context, hard to understand how to make those cultures communicate—an 80 year old FN person and a western scientist—finding that common language is difficult. It may be easier talking local European / Canadian lay expectations, or knowledge. There is a lot of value to that effort. It’s really worthwhile but it depends on expectations and how much the local communities have shown enthusiasm to be involved. It’s not only those who have year’s of schooling that should be involved but everyone.” FN have not seen final closure plan. Believe that Band Leaders have seen closure plan. Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator, political, business, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.3.5 Cluster: Stakeholder Identification This cluster describes which groups the participants see having a legitimate stake in deciding what should be done with the HVC site.  Table 4.8.5: Participant’s 46 Response Distribution Table for Stakeholder Identification Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  The Company  3  2  1  3  5  3  2  100  100  FN  3  2  0  3  2  0  0  50  57  Local Communities  3  2  1  3  5  3  3  100  100  Government  1  1  1  1  4  1  2  55  100  “Outside” groups  1  2  0  0  5  1  1  50  71  Theme within the Cluster  Group Codes 46 Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in ()represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  124  4.6.3.5.1 Theme: The Company This theme was identified by 100% of the participants and 100% of the groups. Comments were provided by all participants.  Table 4.8.5.1: The Company Participant Group(s) HVC, C, R, FN, PL, BG,&NA  ID# 012, 003, 002, 023,024,001, 015, 018, 019, 007, 008, 005, 013, 014, 004, 009, 010, 011, 020,&021  Comments HVC as stakeholder.  Note: This theme was discussed by all participants.  4.6.3.5.2 Theme: First Nations This theme was identified by 50% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Comments were divided evenly among the HVC, consultant, First Nations, and the political group.  Table 4.8.5.2: First Nations Participant Group(s) HVC, C, FN, & PL  ID# 012, 003, 002, 023, 024, 015, 018, 019, 007 & 005  Comments FN as stakeholder.  Note: This theme was not discussed by the government regulator, business, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.3.5.3 Theme: Local Communities This theme was identified by 100% of the participants and 100% of the groups. Comments were provided by all participants.  Table 4.8.5.3: Local Communities Participant Group(s) HVC, C, R, FN, PL, BG, & NA  NA  ID# 012, 003, 002, 023, 024, 001, 015,018,019, 007,008, 005, 013,014004, 009, 010, 011,020, & 021 020  Comments Local communities as stakeholders.  Local church groups  125  Note: This theme was discussed by all participants.  4.6.3.5.4 Theme: Government This theme was identified by 55% of the participants and 100% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political group.  Table 4.8.5.4: Government Participant Group(s) HVC, C, R, FN, PL, BG,&NA  ID# 012, 024, 001, 015,007,008, 005, 013, 014, 004, 01l,& 020  Comments Government as stakeholder.  Note: This theme was discussed by all groups.  4.6.3.5.5 Theme: “Outside” groups This theme describes those groups that the participants viewed as representing the interests of people who live outside of the area. It was identified by 50% of the participants and 71% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the HVC, consultant, and the political group. Seven observations were made.  Table 4.8.5.5: “Outside” Groups Participant Group(s) HVC HVC C C  ID# 002 002 023 024  PL  007, 008, & 005 013 & 014 004 & 020  PL BG & NA  Comments Interest in final outcome determines who is a stakeholder. Geography determines who is a stakeholder. No one should be excluded from the process. Ideally, planning for closure should involve widest possible group of stakeholders: “Generally, I agree the net should be cast broad— anyone showing an interest has a right to be there. Ultimately in Canada most of our land is Crown, we all have an interest in what happens on it.” Outside groups should only have a limited role in decisions that affect LL. Not opposed to outside groups being involved in closure planning. Stakeholders are local: “Just our community I think. I don’t think outsiders should make any decisions.”(020) Note: This theme was not discussed by the govenunent regulator, or the First Nation group.  4.6.4 Category 4: Performance Evaluation This category was constructed from those comments that reflected the participant’s views concerning how the site would and/or should be evaluated for achieving the goals of final closure and reclamation.  126  Table 4.9: Category 4- Performance Evaluation CLUSTERS  Measuring Success  Regulations  Subject Knowledge  Aesthetic Evaluation  Themes within each Cluster  Objective criteria  Code requirements  Subjective criteria  Changing standards  Our experts vs. their experts  Design for aesthetics  Complexity of subject matter  Role of time Understanding the “goal” of reclamation  Important aesthetic indicators  Role of lay knowledge  4.6.4.1 Cluster: Measuring Success This cluster contains those comments that describe the participant’s views concerning the type of criteria that should be used to determine what constitutes successful mine reclamation.  Table 4.9.1: Participant’s 47 Response Distribution Table for Measuring Success Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Objective criteria  1  2  1  1  2  2  2  55  100  Subjective criteria  0  0  1  1  2  1  2  35  71  Role of time  3  1  1  0  0  1  1  35  71  Understanding the “goal” of reclamation  2  2  1  3  2  0  0  50  71  Theme within the Cluster  Group Codes Consultants C Company Employees HVC First Nations FN Government Regulator R Business Groups BG Political Leaders PL Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in 0 represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  127  4.6.4.1.1 Theme: Objective criteria This theme was identified by 55% of the participants and 100% of the groups. Comments were provided by all groups. A total of eighteen separate comments were provided.  Table 4.9.1.1: Objective Criteria Participant Group(s) HVC, HVC  ID# 012, 012  HVC&R  012&001  C  024  C C  024 024  C  024  C R FN FN FN FN PL&NA PL, BG&NA BG&NA NA NA  023 001 015 015 015 015 007, 020 013, 004, 021 010, 020 021 021  Comments Emphasis_to_date_on “technical indicators” for measuring success. Mine struggling to identify objective indicators of reclamation success. Issue of performance measurement frustrates both regulator and the company. Success indicators currently in use reflect the professions that dominant reclamation ie., forestry, agronomy, engineering. Vegetative success good indicator of quality of growth medium. Soil capability best indicator of potential of site to support widest range of end land uses. Measure biomass, plant densities: “We approach it by measuring different parameters in vegetation with the idea that surface materials are the most important things and vegetation is the best at providing feedback on that. It’s a much better meter of what’s going on in most materials than any fancy stuff you could install.” Government should have a more objective standard. Capability measures offers a standard of performance. Use impacts to health of people, wildlife as key indicators. Incidents of abnormalities in wildlife as indicator. Consultation with communities as indicator. Health of salmon species, moose, deer, species at risk as indicators. Success indicated by health of fish, grasslands. Healthy fish is a good indicator Wildlife use the site. Indicators seeing HVC planting more trees. Trees planted on site. Note: This theme was discussed by all groups. —  4.6.4.1.2 Theme: Subjective Criteria This theme was identified by 35% of the participants and 71% of the groups. Seven separate comments were made.  Table 4.9.1.2: Subjective Criteria Participant Group(s) HVC & R  ID# 003 & 001  FN PL  018 007  PL BG & NA  013 010 & 021  Comments Subjectivity in measuring success: “partially scientific from a point of view you can measure some of that stuff but also just a gut feeling what you see out in the field. I don’t think you can measure it.”(003) “The layman will look at it and go “is it green?” Well that’s not a lot different than what we do (laughter) in many respects.” Recognition that site will never look like it did before mining. Suspicion that ethics of company may be poor performance indicator. Green dumps, fish, environmental awards all indicators of success. Sees indications that site is being groomed and vegetation is —  128  NA  020  NA  021  growing. Hunts in area and likes what she sees: “I hunt in the area and I like what I see... The grass growing, lots of wild life came back, lot of wild horses, the animals go there, the deer look healthy, the moose— I just judge by the animals, they are well fed on the mine property.” Site looking normal again. Note: This theme was not discussed by the HVC, or the consultant group.  4.6.4.1.3 Theme: Role of time This theme was identified by 35% of the participants and 71% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the HVC and the consultant group. Four comments were made.  Table 4.9.1.3: Role of Time Participant Group(s) HVC & R HVC & C C BG & NA  ID# 012, 003, 002 & 001 003 & 024 024 010 & 021  Comments Time as a mitigating factor. Time as complicating factor. Recognition that in time site will heal itself Recognition that complete reclamation of the site will take a long time. Note: This theme was not discussed by the First Nation, poltical, or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.4.1.4 Theme: Understanding the “goal” of reclamation This theme was identified by 50% of the participants and 71% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the HVC and the consultant group. Nine separate observations were made.  Table 4.9.1.4: Understanding the “Goal” of Reclamation Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC HVC, C, R, PL C  003 003, 001, 024, 007, 008 024  C C  024 024  C, FN  023, 015, 018, 019 001, 007, 008 001  R, PL C  Comments Objective of closure planning: identifS’ areas of potential problems and direct resources to solve them. Recognition that returning site to pre-mined state is impossible. Goal is to establish self-sustaining vegetation. General goal of reclamation: creating the potential to support a wide range of possible end land uses. Difficult to measure success in the context of FN expectations. Technically the main goal of reclamation is to create best possible growing medium. Primary goal of reclamation: restore site back to natural state. Not always desirable to recreate pre-existing site conditions. Capability vs. Productivity: “The philosophy on capability vs. productivity, and they have to go hand in hand, right? You make a judgment of capability based on productivity that you see but the  129  capability largely is what aspect is it, what soil material is it and even though you are not getting the productivity at this minute eventually you will get good productivity because you’ve got the right soils, the right slope, it has to happen, right? So, if you have a steep slope and a course textured material and you measure productivity that is really good you know that’s not going to last, so that’s what we are trying to push it towards capability. That’s not easy either.” Note: This theme was not discussed by the business, or the nonaffiliated group.  4.6.4.2 Cluster: Regulations This cluster was build around participant comments that dealt with the reclamation Code and the perception that the standards used for measuring success remain poorly defined.  Table 4.9.2: Participant’s 48 Response Distribution Table for Regulations Cluster  Theme within the Cluster Code requirements  HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  3  1  1  0  1  1  0  35  57  3  2  1  0  0  0  0  30  42  Changing standards  4.6.4.2.1 Theme: Code requirements This theme was identified by 35% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political and business group. A total of seven observations were made.  48  Group Codes  Company Employees HYC Consultants C First Nations EN Government Regulator R Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in ()represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  130  Table 4.9.2.1: Code Requirements Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC & R  012 & 001  HVC, R & C  003, 001, 024  HVC & R C  002 & 001 024  C  024  R R  001 001  PL  013  BG  010  Comments Code allows company to exercise discretion in achieving required end land use objectives How do you measure the relative value of different end land uses i.e., moose habitat vs. deer habitat. In theory, the Code provides clear objectives. In practice, interpreting the Code is highly subjective. Primary objective of closure is need to satisfy Code requirements. Interplay between provisions of Code and evolving expectations of public/regulators. Concerned that because of looseness of Code and lack of public pressure (input and/or clout), it is up to HVC to determine how good ajob they wish to do. Lack of clarity in regulations. Both regulator and industry frustrated in trying to define success: “we actually change it from productivity to capability on the code and if you can understand what the code reads right now on the capability side of it then tell me because I don’t understand it but because the code committee made some changes to it and neither the technical people of the industry or the technical people of this ministry were really happy with the words.” Ministry of Mines too focused on enforcing Code, government should be trying to find replacement industry. Recognition that I-IVC ‘s reclamation obligation is to return site to a state equivalent to what existed prior to mining. Note: This theme was not discussed by the First Nation or the nonaffiliated group.  4.6.4.2.2 Theme: Changing standards This theme was identified by 30% of the participants and 42% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political and business group. A total of seven observations were made.  Table 4.9.2.2: Changing Standards Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC  012  HVC  003  Comments Ambiguity of Code makes it difficult for company to identify success: “The goal posts haven’t changed just the way you evaluate it, you establish self sustaining vegetation using appropriate species that meets productivity goals—how do you measure that? Is it green after 5, 10 years? If you’re returning the site to the exact same usage before you can reasonably measure things, part of our component is wild life habitat, how you measure the value of a load of alfalfa as compared to a lodge pole pine stand adjacent to the property...how do you measure those values? There is a lot of frustration felt by government regulators and about the mining company.” Company prefers some ambiguity as opposed to highly prescriptive regulations. Government acceptance of closure will depend on popular acceptance: “Yeah. It’s very difficult to determine because the goal post may change with the political wind—it’s not measurable, it’s not tangible, you’re depending on weather, climate, things can change fast, it’s hard to say when you’re finished. It comes down to  131  HVC&C  003, 023& 024  —  -  HVC&R R R R C  003,002& 001 001 001 001 024  C  023  a government accepting what we’ve done and how they are going to go about it has a lot to do with politics and getting the okay of the public view. I think that is important. The government relies on the stakeholders to give them their blessing. If there is enough negativity from people saying the job hasn’t been done well, then the government would relieve (inaudible) our obligation of the permit. If there are enough saying the job hasn’t been done well then the government will listen to that, so it’s important. We have to satisi’ these people, stakeholders, groups.”(003) Perception that the “rules of the game” change over time: “It’s a little confusing what’s acceptable.” (023) “It’s not so much a concern as an observation—we’re going to be stuck with some stuff we wish was better and the reason it’s not is going to do with the changing regulatory environment, how far companies can be pushed to be good corporate citizens and where they want to draw the line and how much government sees itself as a steward of the environment vs. how much they see themselves as a steward of the economy. I’d rather not see some of the decisions that get made on an economic basis get made.”(024) Doesn’t believe that exit ticket will be issued even if permit requirements are met. Subjective evaluation process and criteria for measuring success. Lack of clarity in regulations. Recognition that industry is frustrated with process. Productivity guidelines are subject to interpretation, therefore difficult to determine success. HVC uses productivity, not sure if regulators do. Note: This theme was not discussed by the First Nation, political, business or the non-affiliated group.  4.6.4.3 Cluster: Subject Knowledge This cluster was constructed from those general observations that were made with respect to the level and type of knowledge required to understand the issues that are involved in planning for closure. Also contained here are comments that express the skepticism that some people have regarding the objectivity of HVCs socio-economic and environmental impact assessments.  132  Table 4.9.3: Participant’s 49 Response Distribution Table for Subject Knowledge Cluster HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Our experts vs. their experts  3  2  1  3  3  1  1  70  100  Complexity of subject matter  3  2  1  3  5  0  3  85  85  Role of lay knowledge  2  2  1  3  3  1  1  65  100  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.4.3.1 Theme: Our experts vs. their experts This theme was identified by 70% of the participants and 100% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political and business group. A total of seven observations were made.  Table 4.9.3.1: Our Experts vs. Their Experts Participant Group(s) HVC, R, C  FN  ID# 012, 001, 023 & 024 012, 003, 002 & 001 015  FN  015  FN FN & PL  015 015, 018, 019  HVC & R  Comments HVC relies on specialist knowledge provided by contracted experts. Importance of expert knowledge and experience for evaluating success. HVC has provided FN with some funding to conduct environmental studies. HVC using “objective studies” to hide truth from FN: “We are of the opinion that the scientific expert’s evidence, provided by HVC, was misleading in the best case now whether it’s—we got into an impasse to agree, one of the other issues assessed property (?) we were of the opinion that scientific evidence was a direct attempt by Highland Valley Copper either to minimize the impact or to mislead. We would like to have an independent assessment not someone who’s contracted by Highland Valley Copper”. FN should be involved in selecting who will be conducting studies. HVC’s experts are biased: “Basically we got into a conflict of  Group Codes Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in ()represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  133  & 013  FN, PL & NA  FN FN  FN BG  015, 013, 014 & 011 015 018 & 019  015, 018 & 019 010  scientific expertise or differences of opinion, and we were rather disappointed on how the environmental assessment was conducted. Basically they took the position of the opponent and disregarded a lot of the information.” (015) Environmental studies must be conducted by independent experts.  Western science too narrowly focused on short-term. Must be clear that experts are working for FN: “We have people who are professional agronomists but it’s always nice to get independent researchers to verify reports. You can get unbiased reports from consultants even if they are paid through the company as long as they know they are reporting to the band.” (018) HVC sponsored research studies are acceptable to band. Too many consultant’s reports and not enough action. Note: This theme was discussed by all groups.  4.6.4.3.2 Theme: Complexity of subject matter This theme was identified by 85% of the participants and 85% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political and business group. A total of seven observations were made.  Table 4.9.3.2: Complexity of Subject Matter Participant Group(s) HVC HVC  ID# 012 012  HVC  012  HVC  002  HVC, C, NA HVC HVC & R  003, 024 & 011 003 003 & 001  C  023  C FN  023 015, 018 & 019  HVC, C & NA  012, 024 & 021  Comments Where knowledge gaps exist, knows who to talk to. No attempt by company to write reports using language that the public would understand. Re-writing reports for lay readers would cost resources and is not currently a priority. “An uphill learning curve. I’ve never been involved with shutting a mine before so I’m learning here. I think it’s a fairly minimal knowledge at this time where we are going to go.” Lack of certainty in predicting how site will evolve over time. Experts rely on gut knowledge for evaluating site’s performance. With incomplete knowledge, acceptance that you do the best you can. Requirements of report writing for lay audience: less jargon, transparent process, knowledge of public interests. Reports not written for public consumption. Some internal capacity to review technical reports, but limited by cost of hiring experts: “We do have some capacity as a community to review these reports, we have wildlife biologists but their time is not based on contractual basis so the majority of the staff don’t have (sufficient) funding so there certainly is the capacity issue to overcome, its a cost issue Technical reports too difficult for lay person to interpret results: “It would defmitely be a challenge in some of the reports. It’s always an issue giving someone technical data who don’t know how to interpret it can draw the wrong conclusions either assuming everything is okay or find one number which doesn’t look quite right  134  PL  007 & 008  FN, PL & NA  015, 007, 008, 009, & 020 005  PL PL & NA  013, 014, 011 & 021  and get things out of proportion.” (012) Not qualified to accurately evaluate the site: need support from experts. Recognition that community lacks organic capacity to fully evaluate at a scientific level the effectiveness of HVC’s reclamation program. Subject matter complex, more information required in order to evaluate performance. Technical reports should be written for the lay person. Note: This theme was not discussed by the business group.  4.6.4.3.3 Theme: Role of lay knowledge This theme was identified by 65% of the participants and 100% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political and business group. A total of seven observations were made.  Table 4.9.3.3: Role of Lay Knowledge Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 002 & 003  HVC  002  C  023  C  023  R  001  HVC, R C & FN  012, 002, 003 & 001 024 & 015  FN  015  FN FN  015 015  FN FN  015 018  FN FN  019 015 & 019  PL  007 & 008  PL & BG NA  013 & 010 020  Comments Limited role for layman to evaluate reclamation performance: I don’t think the public is fully aware of what’s going on. Just look at the overall job we are doing in general I think it’s pleasing to the eye and it occurs we are doing a good job. I know we are taking shortcuts here and there and that’s not appropriate.”(003) Lay participation in evaluation would add little to the quality of end result. Sees some value in using FN and local knowledge to plan reclamation. Use knowledge of how site function prior to mining. Perception that lay people draw conclusions by referencing the site’s physical appearance [i.e., green is good] Layman rely too heavily on aesthetic preferences to guide judgments on reclamation success Uncertain of value of lay participation in evaluation success. “.  Experts have a problem interpreting meaning/role of traditional knowledge Scientific community has acknowledged the importance of incorporating traditional knowledge. Science and traditional knowledge complement each other. Traditional knowledge provides a more long term view of changes to the landscape. Lay knowledge of non-FN people also considered important. Experts should use traditional knowledge to assist in preparation of closure plan. Want to share knowledge of site with mine. FN have necessary skills and knowledge to contribute to site’s reclamation. Lack of personal understanding of how site looked, functioned prior to mining. Confident in own ability to evaluate the quality of reclamation work. Those that use the land have the ability to evaluate it: “I’d say hunters defmitely, I think maybe just Logan Lake itself, we’ve got all kinds of people here, lots of hunters, foresters, environmentalists,  135  outdoors people, we would probably have a good sense of what they are doing up there.” Note: This theme was discussed by all groups.  4.6.4.4 Cluster: Aesthetic Evaluation This cluster was built around those comments that describe how different participants view the proper role of aesthetics in judging the performance of HVC’s reclamation program.  Table 4.9.4: Participant’s ° Response Distribution Table for Aesthetic Evaluation Cluster 5 HVC (3)  C (2)  R (1)  FN (3)  PL (5)  BG (3)  NG (3)  %P  %G  Design for aesthetics  3  1  1  2  3  2  1  65  100  Important aesthetic indicators  0  1  0  3  2  1  2  45  100  Theme within the Cluster  4.6.4.4.1 Theme: Design for aesthetics This theme was identified by 40% of the participants and 57% of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political and business group. A total of seven observations were made.  TableS 4.9.4.1: Design for Aesthetics Participant Group(s) HVA  ID# 012  HVC HVC HVC & R C  012 003 & 002 003 & 001 023  C&R C  024 & 001 024  50  Comments Concentrating now on reclaiming areas that are not very visible from the highway. General goal is to focus on reclaiming areas visible from highway. No overt plan to design specifically to enhance views from highway. Public relies too heavily on aesthetics. Perception that lay people draw conclusions by referencing the site’s physical appearance [i.e., green is good] Bethlehem site offers unique challenges: area predates Code. Early mine methods limit future availability of capping material. How to deal with areas that are left when material runs out.  Groun Codes  Company Employees HVC Consultants C Government Regulator R First Nations FN Political Leaders PL Business Groups BG Non-affiliated Groups NA Percentage of Participants who identified item %P Percentage of Stakeholder Groups who identified Item %G Note: Numbers in () represent the number of individuals in each group that participated in this study. —  —  —  —  —  —  —  -  -  136  R FN PL  001 015 008  PL BG NA  007 009 021  Aesthetic judgements can run counter objectives of Code. Evaluation of site would not be based on aesthetics. Personally uses aesthetics to make judgements about what is good/bad with the site. Aesthetic of working mine is acceptable. Aesthetics guide how site is evaluated. Concerned about how the lake looks. Note: This theme was discussed by all groups.  4.6.4.4.2 Theme: Important aesthetic indicators This theme was identified by % of the participants and % of the groups. Comments were primarily concentrated within the political and business group. A total of seven observations were made.  Table 4.9.4.2: Important Aesthetic Indicators Participant Group(s) HVC  ID# 012  HVC & R HVC C FN & NA FN  012, 001 003 023 015 & 011 018  PL PL PL PL BG  007 008 008 013 010  NA  020  NA  021  Comments Harsh site conditions make it difficult to “tree-up” areas near entrance. Looking “green” is an attribute that most non-experts can relate to. Recent reclamation work makes the site appear much greener. Lush vegetation, re-sloping dumps important visual indicators. Making it green does not mean that it is environmentally healthy. Personal experience of reclamation on site is positive, “its really green”. Aesthetic indicators are probably not very useful for evaluating site. Initial perception of lake was positive based on colour of water. Told that colour of tailings pond indicates that lake is dead. Green dumps, fish, environmental awards all indicators of success. Sees indications that site is being groomed and vegetation is growing. Important indicators are green grass, presence of wild horses, deer, moose: “The grass growing, lots of wild life came back, lot of wild horses, the animals go there, the deer look healthy, the moose—I just judge by the animals, they are well fed on the mine property.” Seeing HVC planting more trees. Site looking normal again. Note: This theme was discussed by all groups. —  4.7 Analysis of the Questionnaire Results Approximately 60% of those individuals who participated in the study completed all or parts of a questionnaire (Appendix IV). ’ While the total rate of return was not ideal, the fact that 5 out of the 7 stakeholder groups returned 5  ‘  The low response rate was likely due to the fact that the questionnaire was completed by the participant following the interview and then mailed to the researcher. It was anticipated that this might be a problem, so steps were taken to build into the questionnaire certain qualities that would increase the response rate. These included optimizing the questionnaire layout and length, the use of an introductory letter, and the provision of a prepaid return envelope containing multiple stamps (Duffy and Martin, 2001) Research has also shown that offering incentives can increase response rates (Arzheimer and Klein, undated),. In most surveys, the incentive for the respondent is intrinsic, (i. e. of  137  the questionnaire means that we can still use the results to further our understanding of the values and priorities that  are guiding individual decisions regarding the effectiveness of HVC’s reclamation program to meet specific end land use objectives. Adding to their validity is the fact that arguably the three key stakeholders Nations, and the political group  —  —  HVC, First  are represented . 52  Participants were asked to provide information in the following areas: •  Demographic information;  •  Resource values/reclamation priorities;  •  Definitions of resource values and reclamation outcomes; and  •  Photo evaluation.  4.7.1 Section 1: Demographic Information Those that responded to the questionnaire broke down into the following groups with the actual numbers in  0: HVC  (3); consultants (2); First Nations (1); political leaders (5); and business group (1). Both the government regulator  and non-affiliated group failed to return the questionnaire.  Whereas approximately 60% of the interview subjects completed, the data contained in Table 4-10 has been modified to reflect information that was known to the researcher (ie., a participant’s gender, place of residence, etc.).  the type predominantly found in processes of social rather than economic exchange). In this case the reward is the satisfaction of being “consulted” on a matter that has great importance for the future of Logan Lake. This conclusion is based on the following analysis: First, because the existing closure plan satisfies the conditions 52 of the reclamation permit, any decision to amend it is primarily up to the company. Second, if there is political pressure to see the plan amended to include additional economic or social objectives, the source of that pressure will be from local groups.  138  Table 4.10: Demographic Information Summary Age Gender Education Level  Employment by Sector Household Income Have you ever worked directly or indirectly for HVC? How long have you lived in the region? Where do you live?  Category: Response: Category: Response: Category: Response: Category: Response: Category: Response: Category: Response:  31-40 41-50 51-60 61-70 19% 50% 19% 13% Male Female 50% 50% High Some Post Trades Undergrad Graduate School Secondary Certificate Degree Degree 14% 14% 43% 21% 7% Mining Retail Financial Service Govermnent Retired 21% 7% 21% 36% 7% 7% 21-30K 3 1-40K 5 1-60K 61-70K >70K 11% 11% 22% 11% 44% Yes Hourly Employee Staff No 17% 62% 38% 83%  Category: Response: Category: Response:  6-lOyrs I 1-l5yrs 16-2oyrs >25 yrs N/A 15% 15% 8% 38% 23% Cache Creek Kamloops Logan Lake Other 16% 5% 53% 26%  The average age of the participants indicates that many of them will still be of working age by the time the mine closes. Assuming that as a group they wish to remain living in the area , this suggests that as a group they have a 53 clear incentive to see the site continue as a source of jobs and tax revenue. While at first glance the group appears highly educated, five of the nine graduate/post graduate degrees are held by the HVC and consultant group.  4.7.2 Section 2: Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities 54 priorities, level of satisfaction, and degree of The purpose of section two was to determine the participant’s knowledge vis-a-vis the value of different end land use values or outcomes that may be present once the site has been fully reclaimed. The values/outcomes to be considered were ecosystem health and biodiversity, employment, recreation/tourism, safety, visual quality, water, and cultural/historic values (Appendix IV). Participants were asked to assign a rating for each according to the following criteria: •  Its importance or priority (Scale: Very Important[ 1]  •  Their level of satisfaction regarding HVC’s current efforts to reclaim the site (Scale: Very Satisfied[1]  —  Not Important[0]) represented as “Ii”;  —  Not at all Satisfied [0]) represented as “Si”; and A reasonable assumption given that many of them have resided in the area for twenty years or more. Company Employees (HVC), Consultants (C), First Nations (FN), Political Leaders (PL), and Business Group (BG)  139  •  Their degree of knowledge that they are using to make these decisions (Scale: Very Knowledgeable [1]  —  Little/no Knowledge [0]) represented as “K ”. 1  The results of section 2 are summarized below in a series of bar graphs identified as Table 4.11.1 through Table 4.11.7. The raw data containing the participant’s individual ratings are attached as Appendix V.  Table 4.11.1: Ecosystem Health & Biodiversity  Ecosystem Health & Biodiversity  140  Table 4.11.2: Employment  Employment  I 0.5  -  o Importance  0.74  0.6  0.6  1  1  0.78  ISatisfaction  0.54  0.7  0.6  0.7  0.8  0.66  KnowIedge  0.66  0.4  0.6  0.56  0.6  0.56  Table 4.11.3: Recreation/Tourism  RecreationlTou rism  141  Table 4.11.4: Safety  Safety  I  0.5 0  HVC  C  EN  PL  BG  Mean  Importance  1  0.9  1  0.88  1  0.96  • Satisfaction  0.8  0.7  0.6  0.8  0.8  0.74  Knowledge  0.8  0.4  0.6  0.56  0.8  0.64  ,____________  Table 4.11.5: Visual Quality  Visual Quality  HVC  C  FN  PL  BG  Mean  Importance  0.94  0.9  1  0.92  0.8  0.92  • Satisfaction  0.74  0.5  0.6  0.7  0.8  0.66  •Knowledge  0.8  0.9  0.6  0.7  0.8  0.76  142  Table 4.11.6: Water Quality  Water Quality  1  H 1 o.: HVC Importance  C  EN  iJ  I  I  0.94  0.7  0.6  Knowledge 0.86  0.6  0.6  Satisfacon  PL  7G’7!ean  Ji  I  [J0.8 0.66  0.6  I  0.72 0.66  Table 4.11.7: Cultural/Historical Values  CulturallHistorical Values I  0.5  0  H-  HVC  C  FN  PL  BG  Mean  0.6  0.7  1  1  1  0.86  •Satisfaction  0.74  0.7  0.6  0.56  0.8  0.86  Knowledge  0.54  0.3  0.6  0.56  0.6  0.52  Importance  143  4.7.2.1 Summary of Results It is important to preface any inferences drawn from the data with the caution that response rate by group varied greatly from a high of 100% for some groups down to a low of 0% for others. 55 With this limitation in mind it still is possible to identify areas of commonality and divergence among the groups.  Importance. For this category the data from the individual and mean scores suggests that there is agreement across all groups that issues of promoting ecosystem health & biodiversity, safety, visual quality, and maintaining water quality are important priorities. Conversely the importance of employment, and cultural/historical values highlight the different priorities that are held by the company and the community of Logan Lake. This suggests the likelihood that the existing closure plan economic benefits  —  —  with its emphasis on establishing end land uses that generate little or no direct  will not meet the expectations of large segments of the community.  Satisfaction. The data suggests a consistent pattern of lower levels of satisfaction when compared to how these individuals rated the importance of the same items. This is especially true when the participants were asked to rate their satisfaction of the visual quality of the areas that have been reclaimed to date. In other words, the stakeholders recognize the importance of items related, for instance, to safety, visual and water quality, but they perceive that HVC could be doing a better job in meeting these end land use objectives.  Knowledge. There is a general perception among the groups that they lack the necessary knowledge to properly evaluate many of the items. Specifically, the participants rated their knowledge of employment and cultural/historical values as being particularly low. Also worth noting is that for the objective “Recreation/Tourism”, the experts rated their knowledge of the subject matter at, or below, that of non-experts.  4.7.2.2 Calculating the Participant’s Degree of  Using the modified weighted inference equation (Fig 4.8), the participant’s  were calculated for the end  land use values or outcomes identified in section two of the questionnaire. Table 4.12 presents the results.  Response rates by group were as follows: HVC(100%), C(l00%), R(0%), FN (33%), PL(100%), BG(33%), and NA(0%).  144  n  1 S  =  •  i= 1  Where: I  Importance  =  S  Satisfaction  =  K  =  Knowledge  Fig 4.8: Modified Weighted Inference Equation  Table 4.12: Participant’s  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  1 0.8  L 6 . 0 0.4  J_ 0  Ecosystem Health  Employment  Recreation /Tourism  Safety  Cultural! Historical Values  Visual  Water  Quality  Quality  0.56  0.81  0.24  0.41  0.42  0.15  HVC  0.41  0.26  0.46  0.64  C  0.63  0.17  0.18  0.25  • FN  0.36  0.22  0.14  0.36  0.36  0.36  PL  0.43  0.39  0.38  0.39  0.45  0.4  0.31  111111 BG  0.64  0.48  0.64  0.64  0.51  0.48  0.48  0.49  0.3  0.36  0.46  0.46  0.49  0.31  Mean  -  -  0.36  Legend Company Group: HVC  Consultant Group: C  First Nations Group: FN  Business Group: BG  145  Political Group: PL  1  4.7.2.3 Summary of Results  4.7.3 Section 3: Definitions of Resource Values and Reclamation Outcomes In this section participants were asked to provide their views on resource values and reclamation outcomes which can be directly managed or influenced by decisions regarding the desired end land use for the reclaimed portions of the HVC site. Participants (number of respondents indicated in  []) were asked to rate their response to each question  on a scale of strongly agree (1) to strongly disagree (0). Table 4.13: Resource Values & Reclamation Outcomes Questions  1. Jobs & the Local Economy la. A strong economy & stable local communities depend on a healthy ecosystem. lb. The primary focus of HVC’s end land use plan should be on creating alternative employment opportunities. Ic. End land use objectives should be dictated primarily by the economic feasibility of such objectives. 2 Recreation/Tourism 2a. Recreation & tourism can be compatible with former mine sites. 2b. Recreation & tourism could offset jobs lost with the closing of the mine. 2c.You are confident that you know what the ulill potential is for recreation & tourism on the HVC site. 2d. Where possible, residents should be allowed to recreate on the site following reclamation. 3 Visual Quality 3a. If reclaimed land looks bad to you, is it likely that the site will be ecologically productive. 3b. Land that is reclaimed to maximize its aesthetic values is also likely to be ecologically productive. 3c. Variances (exemptions from regulations) should be granted for those portions of the HVC site which are difficult to re-vegetate. 3d. Landscape design & aesthetics are given enough attention in the development of post-mine land use plans. 3e. The goal of reclamation activities should be to recreate the landscape as it existed prior to mining. 3f. More emphasis on aesthetics would  Participant Group FN  C  0.8  0.9  1.0  0.8  0.3  0.6  0.92  0.8  0.68  0.74  0.3  0.8  0.88  0.8  0.7  w&&i  PL  BG  Mean  HVC  IiLki hác 0.9 1.0  rppq  nq  0.8  0.8  0.6  clII 0.84  0.74  0.3  0.8  0.54  0.5  0.8  0.92  c’ iiir.wwa 1.0  0.82  0.76  0.8  0.68  0.4  0.76  0.6  0.56  0.8  0.8  0.8  0.6  0.76  0.7  0.3  0.4  0.6  0.5  0.52  0.46  0.5  0.6  0.64  0.8  0.6  0.94  0.3  0.2  0.52  0.8  0.56  0.6  0.4  0.6  0.56  0.8  0.6  0.34  0.9  0.8  0.56  0.8  0.68  0.4  0.4  0.8  0.68  0.6  0.58  fl IIII L’S  —  146  increase the use of native species in mine reclamation. 3g. The reason that native plant species are preferable is because they reduce the visual contrast between reclaimed and adjacent natural areas. 3h. Mine spoil re-sloping should only be considered for geotechnical or slope stability reasons. 4. Ecosystem Health & Biodiversity 4a. Establishment of a self-sustaining vegetative cover should be the main criteria of reclamation success. 4b. All forms of surface mine disturbances (i.e., waste dumps, high walls, tailings ponds) should be re-vegetated. 4c. The function of reclamation activities is to assist nature. 4d. The objective of reclamation activities should be the complete restoration of the site to pre-disturbance conditions. 4e. Agronomic species are only suitable as “nurse” crops in reclamation programs. 4f. Long-term re-establishment of vegetation on reclaimed sites is only possible with the extensive use of native species. 4g. Native plant “islands” are useful as seed sources for later plant successional development.  0.46  0.6  0.8  0.76  0.8  0.68  0.4  0.3  0.8  0.56  0.8  0.58  0.8  0.8  0.4  0.76  0.8  0.72  0.4  0.6  0.8  0.76  0.6  0.64  0.8  0.9  0.8  0.9  0.8  0.84  0.54  0.7  0.8  0.66  0.8  0.7  0.54  0.7  0.6  0.6  0.8  0.64  0.52  0.5  0.8  0.6  0.6  0.6  0.86  0.9  1.0  0.8  0.8  0.88  ,IIII  4.7.3.1 Summary of Results Jobs & the Economy. In general both HVC and the community are in agreement that efforts should be made to explore the possibility of continuing an industrial presence on the site. Conversely, the consultant group did not give this objective a high rating.  Recreation/Tourism. In general the groups believe that recreation & tourism is a compatible end land use for reclaimed mine sites. With the exception of the consultants, there is a general belief that recreation/tourism can, at least partially, provide some economic offsets. There is a general acknowledgement that participants lack the required knowledge to properly assess the site’s potential to support recreation/tourism activities. The responses to question 2d indicates that there is an expectation that some point after closure, local residents will be allowed to access the site.  147  Visual Quality. Participants expressed diverse range of opinions on these questions. For question 3a, the consultant and FN group were the most strongly opposed to the suggestion that an ‘ugly’ landscape could also be ecologically healthy. The HVC group were the most likely to agree with this statement. The responses to question 3b suggests that the community is more likely than HVC or the consultant group to accept that there is a connection between aesthetics and biological health. The answers to 3c show a clear divide between HVC and the other groups on the question of the desirability of granting variances. The issue is potentially an important one for the company depending on any difficulties they encounter in reclaiming the main tailings dam. Question 3d suggests a general ambivalence among the groups that reclamation planners should place a greater emphasis on aesthetics. Questions 3f & 3g suggest a very different understanding between HVC/consultants and the community with respect to the value and use of native plant species.  Ecosystem Health & Biodiversily. The answers to these questions suggests that, in general, there is broad agreement among the groups on the importance of restoring the site’s ecological systems. However opinions do differ on several key issues. Questions 4b & 4c indicate that the community has a greater expectation of what should be reclaimed when compared to company. The differing understanding vis-à-vis the proper role of native plant species is again raised (4f & 4g).  4.7.4 Section 4: Photo Evaluation Participants were asked to review a series of photographs (examples of the photos are provided in Appendix IV) taken of areas of the HVC site that have either been, or are now, undergoing active reclamation. The photos were chosen to demonstrate different phases of development for two end land uses currently planned for the site; the creation of fish and wildlife habitat.  As they viewed the photos, participants were instructed to evaluate images based on four criteria: •  Its overall importance or priority;  •  Belief that the objective is attainable given HVC’s current resources and/or management priorities;  •  Level of satisfaction regarding HVC’s current efforts to reclaim the site; and  •  Degree of knowledge that one has to make these evaluations.  148  The purpose of these questions was to ascertain how participants evaluated the effectiveness and legibility of specific reclamation techniques now employed on the site, as well as sample their opinion of what would constitute a critical indicator(s) of success for that objective. The results of the photo evaluation section are summarized below in a series of bar graphs identified as Table 4.14.1 through Table 4.14.12. Values were derived by averaging the scores awarded by the participants in each sub-group.  Table 4.14.1: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #1)  Develop Recreational Fishery  I 0.5 0  HVC  EN  PL  BG  Mean  J  0.86  0.4  0.8  1  1  0 Attainability  1  0.7  0.8  1  1  • Satisfaction  0.94  0.8  0.8  0.6  1  0.82  o Knowledge  0.94  0.7  0.6  O52  0.8  0.6  Importance  149  0.82 0.9  Table 4.14.2: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #2)  Develop Recreational Fishery  1  0.5 0 Importance  f  HVC 0.86  1  C  FN  PL  BG  Mean  0.4  0.8  0.94  1  0.8  øAttainability  1  0.7  0.8  0.94  1  0.88  • Satisfaction  0.86  0.8  0.8  0.8  1  0.86  nil Knowledge  0.94  0.7  0.6  0.52  0.8  0.6  Table 4.14.3: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #3)  Develop Recreational Fishery  I 0.5 0  HVC  Importance  C  EN  PL  BG  Mean  0.4  0.8  1  1  0.82  AttainabiIity  1  0.8  0.8  0.74  0.8  0.82  iSatisfaction  1  0.8  0.8  0.4  1  0.8  ni Knowledge  1  0.6  0.7  0.4  0.8  0.7  150  Table 4.14.4: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #4)  Develop Recreational Fishery  1  0.5 0Importance  1  0.4  0.8  1  1  0.82  AttainabiIity  1  0.8  0.8  I  0.8  0.88  • Satisfaction  I  0.8  0.8  0.86  0.8  0.86  iiil Knowledge  1  0.7  0.6  0.74  0.8  0.76  Table 4.14.5: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #5)  Develop Recreational Fishery  I  0.5 0  HVC  C  FN  PL  BG  Mean  Importance  1  0.4  0.8  1  1  0.84  DAttainability  1  0.8  —_0.8  1  1  0.92  Satisfaction  1  0.8  0.8  0.86  1  0.88  m Knowledge  1  0.7  0.6  0.76  0.8  0.76  r  151  Table 4.14.6: Develop Recreational Fishery (Photo #6)  Develop Recreational Fishery  10.5  -  0Importance  1  0.4  0.8  1  0.8  0.8  AttainabiIity  1  0.8  0.8  0.94  0.8  0.86  • Satisfaction  1  0.8  0.8  0.66  0.8  0.82  i Knowledge  1  0.7  0.6  0.6  0.8  0.74  Table 4.14.7: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #7)  Develop Wildlife Habitat  1 0.5 0  z  Mean  HVC  I  I  I  1  0.8  0.94  0.8  0.8  0.8  0.82  0.6  0.54  0.6  0.68  Dimportance  I  I  I  0 Attainability  0.94  1  1  • Satisfaction  0.94  0.8  Knowledge  0.74  0.9  ED  152  -  Table 4.14.8: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #8)  Develop Wildlife Habitat  I 0.5 0  HVC  C  FN  PL  BG  Mean  Importance  I  I  I  I  I  I  AttainabiIity  0.7  0.9  1  1  0.8  0.88  Satisfaction  0.66  0.8  0.8  0.74  0.8  0.76  0.7  0.9  0.6  0.66  0.8  0.74  11111  Knowledge  Table 4.14.9: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #9)  Develop Wildlife Habitat  I  Th  0.5 0  HVC  C  FN  PL  BG  Mean  Dimportance  I  I  I  I  1  1  DAttainability  0.9  0.9  1  1  0.8  0.96  B  Satisfaction  0.94  0.8  0.8  0.74  0.8  0.82  iii  Knowledge  0.8  0.9  0.6  0.6  0.8  0.74  153  Table 4.14.10: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #10)  Develop Wildlife Habitat  I 0.5 0-  HVC  C  FN  PL  BG  lmportance  1  1  1  1  1  Attainability  0.9  0.8  1  1  0.8  0.9  • Satisfaction  0.94  0.7  0.8  0.66  0.6  0.74  0.8  0.9  0.6  0.6  0.6  0.7  irni Knowledge  j  Mean  Table 4.14.11: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #11)  Develop Wildlife Habitat  I 0.5 0  I  PL  HH BG  Mean  1  1  1  1  0.8  1  1  0.94  0.7  0.8  0.74  0.9  0.9  0.6  HVC  C  FN  1  1  AttainabiIity  0.9  • Satisfaction  Importance  Knowledge  154  -  0.6  [  0.8__—  0.9  0.8  0.8  0.6  0.72  Table 4.14.12: Develop Wildlife Habitat (Photo #12)  Develop Wildlife Habitat  1 0.5 0  IH  I—  HVC  C  FN  PL  BG  Mean  1  1  1  1  1  1  Attainability  0.94  0.9  1  1  0.8  0.92  • Satisfaction  0.94  0.8  0.8  0.54  0.8  0.78  o Knowledge  0.74  0.9  0.6  0.46  0.6  0.66  lmportance  4.7.4.1 Summary of Results Importance (I,). With the exception of the consultants, all groups rated the development of a recreational fishery as either an important or very important objective. All groups rated the development of wildlife habitat as very important.  Attainability (A,). All groups considered both objectives to be attainable. When rating the attainability of developing a recreational fishery, the consultant group consistently scored lower than HVC.  Satisfaction (S,). For the fishery objective the results are the same as in the previous category. For the objective “develop wildlife habitat”, the results were less uniform. In the photos that contain wildlife, lush vegetation, or signs of active human intervention, participants rated them as high or very high. Conversely, those photos contained vegetation that appeared sparse, or with stoney soil, participants rated them as moderate or below.  155  Knowledge 1 (K ) . This category contained the greatest degree of variability. For both end land uses, HVC staff identified themselves as possessing a high or very high knowledge of the issues. The consultant group consistently rated themselves as having a moderate knowledge of fisheries habitat, but high or very knowledge of wildlife habitat. The First Nation and political group consistently assigned themselves a moderate or below rating for both end land use objectives. For the political group the lowest ratings were associated with the photos of the spawning channel during its construction phase. For the fisheries objective, the business group considered themselves to poses a high level of knowledge of the issues. A rating of moderate was given for their knowledge of wildlife habitat requirements.  Participant’s Comments. In certain cases the participants offered their opinion on what would serve as a critical indicator(s) of success for the objective in question. Listed by photo number, several are presented below.  Photo #1 “Stable fish population, no maintenance of spawning channel required.” (ID#002) “Healthy state of fish population in their environment.” (ID#003) “Good vegetation cover along stream; suitable habitat conditions for fish; presence of a healthy, self-sustaining fish population.” (ID#023)  Photo #2 “Success of frys collected to stock other bodies of water.”(ID#003) “Good vegetation cover along stream; suitable habitat conditions for fish; presence of a healthy fish population.” (ID#023)  Photo #5 “health and size of fish.” (ID#003)  Photo #6 “health and size of fish.” (ID#003)  156  Photo #7 “High population of moose and calf/cow ratio” (ID#003) “Presence of wildlife or signs of wildlife use; a good mix of vegetation cover types (i.e., coniferous forests intermixed with deciduous shrubs and some open grasslands); a variety of land terrain/topography.” (ID#023)  Photo #8 “To determine and learn that short cuts will not attain reclamation goals.” (ID#003)  Photo #9 “Mining and wildlife can co-exist.” (ID#003)  Photo #10 “High marmot population” (ID#003)  Photo #11 “Learning that wildlife will adapt to landscape as long as there is food.” (ID#003)  4.7.4.2 Calculating the Participant’s Degree of  for the Photographs  Again using the modified weighted inference calculation (Fig: 4.14), for each photo the participant’s degree ofbelief for the specific end land use objective was calculated using four sources of information: (1) the overall importance or priority of the item; (2) the attainability of the indicator; (3) the degree of satisfaction the participant’s have regarding HVC’s reclamation program; and (4) the participant’s degree of knowledge for making the evaluation. Table 4.15.1 presents the results for DoB 1 values for developing a recreational fishery. Table 4.15.2 presents the results for DoB 1 values for developing wildlife habitat.  157  n  1 • K• A S 1  =  i=1  Where: I  =  S  Importance  =  Satisfaction  K = Knowledge A  =  Attainability  Fig 4.9: Calculating a Participant’s Degree of  for a Specific Reclamation Outcome  Table 4.15.1: Degree of Belief 011110 for Developing a Recreational Fishery  158  Table 4.15.2: Degree of  for Developing Wildlife Habitat  0.9 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0 HVC  C  FN  PL  BG  1M1  Photo #7  0.65  0.72  0.48  0.43  0.38  0.52  D Photo #8  0.32  0.65  0.48  0.49  0.51  0.5  •Photo#9  0.68  0.65  0.48  0.44  0.51  0.54  lI Photo #10  0.68  0.5  0.48  0.4  0.29  0.47  Photo#11  0.76  0.5  0.48  0.44  0.38  0.52  Photo #12  0.65  0.65  0.48  0.25  0.38  0.47  Legend Company Group: HVC  Consultant Group: C  First Nations Group: FN  Political Group: PL  Business Group: BG  A discussion of the significance of these results, how they address this study’s original research questions, as well as the implications for future research will be presented in chapter 5.  159  CHAPTER FIVE  5.0 DISCUSSION  5.1 Introduction In the context of the relevant literature presented earlier in chapter two, in this chapter the author discusses the implications of the study, beginning with a summary of the key findings reported in chapter four. The summary is organized in two parts. Part one discusses the results of the participant interviews. The results of the questionnaire  are discussed in part two.  5.2 Summary and Discussion of Findings of Participant Interviews The purpose of this research study was to discover, understand and describe, using a case study approach, the dominant factors that influence stakeholder perceptions of the effectiveness of closure planning and reclamation to facilitate Logan Lake’s transition to a post-closure economy. To this end the research questions were constructed to elicit participant responses in the following general areas: 1.  Identification of legitimate stakeholders;  2.  Stakeholder’s relationship with the mine;  3.  Stakeholder understanding of issues relating to mine closure planning/reclamation;  4.  Performance evaluation of HVC’s reclamation program;  5.  Role of scientific and lay knowledge for evaluating reclamation success; and  6.  Resource values/end land use preferences of stakeholders.  Using a methodology based on the recommended guidelines for conducting qualitative case study research, information was gathered from a variety of sources including public and private documents, on-site observations, semi-structured interviews, and participant questionnaires. Through a process adapted from the works of Colaizzi (1978) and Roberts (1998), the data that was generated from the interviews was analyzed to reveal the participant’s perceptions, meanings, and insights regarding the effectiveness of HVC’s reclamation program to facilitate Logan Lake’s transition to a post-closure economy.  160  5.3 Participant’s Responses To provide both a contextual framework and to simplif’ the discussion of the results, the interview findings are organized below under the same four categories as described in the previous chapter. A great deal of data was generated during the interview sessions. In order to increase the usefulness of this research to effect positive change in the mining industry, the discussion of the results will focus primarily on those elements that have had the greatest impact on shaping the perceptions of the participants regarding the planning and practice of reclamation at Highland Valley Copper. Included at the close of each section is a brief discussion of the possible implications design and planning perspective  —  —  both from a  for HVC based on these results.  The discussion of the questionnaire data will be presented separately. Again, emphasis will be given to those items that have been identified as having the greatest potential for shaping stakeholder perception of the role mine reclamation can play in facilitating their community’s transition to a post-mining economy.  5.3.1 Category 1: Sustainable Development An analysis of the interviews suggests that as a group the participants share a desire to see the end land use plan provide for a range of economic, social, and environmental values. It was widely recognized that closure will have a profound effect on the local economy, particularly in Logan Lake. Many reported a willingness to see a replacement industry take over at least some portion of the site so long as its environmental footprint is minimal. Additionally, many in the community expressed the intention to access the site post-closure for recreational and other uses. This suggests that HVC will need to implement an effective system of on-site management if it is to successfully balance the public interest against its own long-term liability concerns. Uncertainty regarding issues of public safety, the integrity of the tailings dam, water quality, and maintaining the vegetative productivity of the reclaimed areas provide a strong motivation for the company to limit public access to the site.  5.3.1.1 Mitigating the Economic Impacts of Closure For reasons owing to their individual professional and private interests, those that participated in the study expressed strong and varied opinions regarding what they thought the goal of closure planning should be. Because everyone who participated in the study is familiar to some extent with the mine’s role as the principal employer in the area, they all had formed an opinion regarding how its closure in 2009 will impact the lives of the people living in the  161  surrounding communities. Given the extent of the job and tax losses, many people expressed the belief that an important part of closure planning should be to examine ways to offset such losses, such as identif,’ing other industries that could take advantage of the extensive infrastructure that already exists on the site. From the interviews it also became clear that for some participants, the closure of the mine represents an opportunity for the community to re-establish its historic connection to the site. Prior to mining the area had been used extensively by hunters, fishermen, and ranchers in support of a traditional subsistence and agrarian lifestyle. In this context, an objective of closure planning should be to focus on measures designed to re-establish a self-sustaining ecosystem that can support such uses.  Despite the efforts of Logan Lake Council to diversify the economy and tax base, it is clear that HVC’s closure will severely disrupt the socio-economic fabric of the community (Sunderman, 2003). With at least a third of the town’s labour force out of work and its tax base reduced by two-thirds, those people who are committed to see Logan Lake survive beyond closure face some difficult decisions. Fortunately for the community, HVC and the regulators appear open  —  at least on a philosophical level  —  to consider proposals that would see another industrial user take over at  least a portion of the site. At present the site is well serviced in terms of access to roads, water, and power. The buildings on site are large, well maintained and capable of accommodating the needs of a number of potential industrial uses. While it seems unlikely that a single large company could be found to replace HVC, identifying several small firms each capable of employing 50  —  100 workers is not an unlikely scenario.  5.3.1.2 End Land Use Options Presented with a list of the post-mining land uses 56 currently proposed for the site, the majority of participants expressed the belief that the existing plan did not go far enough in identifying uses that are capable of offsetting, at least in part, the employment and tax losses that will occur after closure. To this end many participants provided their own recommendations regarding the type(s) of end land uses the closure plan should be pursuing. These are grouped below under the headings of industry, tourism, agriculture, and wildlife.  the current plan the proposed post-mining land uses include agriculture, wildlife, mixed agriculture and wildlife, and aquatic uses.  162  Industry Interest in having an industrial user take over some portion of the site was expressed by 90% of the participants. There was a recognition by participants that it would be a waste not to take advantage of the existing site infrastructure. Suggestions for a replacement industry were extremely varied and included ideas such as a municipal waste landfill, pulp mill, wind farm, aquaculture, and commercial forestry. The desire to see an industrial user take over at least part of the site was only tempered by the concern that its operation may harm the local environment.  The main source of opposition to the industry option came from First Nations groups. With respect to the idea of establishing a land fill on the site, First Nations were strongly opposed primarily out of concern that down stream water courses could become contaminated. On the larger issue of locating another industry on the site, First Nation’s support would be dependant upon several factors. First, they would have to be intimately involved in the decision-  making process. Second, they would need some guarantee that their members would benefit economically from the proposal.  Tourism The idea that the closure plan should contain some specific proposals for enhancing local tourism opportunities was expressed by 45% of the participants. Interest in this theme was primarily concentrated among those from the political and business group. Suggestions ranged from a museum aimed at celebrating the area’s mining heritage to proposals to reclaim the site to maximize its ability to support outdoor recreational activities (e.g. trails for snowmobiles, X-country skiing, and mountain biking).  Agriculture This theme was identified by 35% of the participants. Support for this option is even lower than the numbers would suggest. It was recognized that turning the site over to agricultural users, particularly cattle grazing carries a number of risks. Ranching is seen to provide few benefits for the larger community. There is also the concern that without proper range management cattle can degrade reclaimed areas to the point were the vegetation is no longer self sustaining.  Wildlife This theme was identified by 40% of the participants with interest primarily concentrated within the First Nations  163  and non-affiliated group. What was expressed here was a desire to see the site reclaimed for the purpose of supporting hunting and fishing by local residents. As in the previous theme, many participants expressed a concern that this option will provide too few economic benefits to Logan Lake.  5.3.1.3 Mitigating the Social Impacts of Closure Concern with the social impact of closure was a theme identified by 50% of the participants, with interest concentrated within the HVC, consultant, First Nations and political group. The company accepts that it has an obligation to mitigate these effects and to that end it commissioned a socio-economic impact study (Sunderman, 2003) in order to clarify the issues. The consultant group also believe that HVC has an obligation to assist the community, but acknowledged that they themselves do not have the organic capacity to address these issues. First Nations groups expressed the perception that as a community they have experienced only the social costs of mining. They see reclamation as a way to re-establish their traditional association with the site.  5.3.1.4 Mitigating the Enviromnental Impacts of Closure Along with protecting public safety, the current regulations on mine closure are primarily intended to address the environmental effects of mining. However, from the perspective of 45% of those that participated in the study, there is a desire in the community to seek a better balance between environmental integrity and economic productivity. They value the natural beauty of the area and want to see in the closure plan provisions to protect the environment, but they maintain that this should not preclude HVC from pursuing end land uses that will employ displaced mine workers.  In the minority were those groups  —  primarily the First Nations and non-affiliated group  —  who view closure  planning in terms of a program for restoring the site’s natural ecosystem.  5.3.1.5 Future Challenges This sub-section of the category sustainable development consists of five issues that were identified as representing a long-term challenge for both the company and the surrounding community. These issues include: 1.  Maintaining local water quality;  164  2.  Maintaining the integrity of the tailings dam;  3.  Long-term liability;  4.  Long-term monitoring; and  5.  Site management.  Referring to Table 4.6.1 in chapter four, some readers may conclude that due to the relatively low P and G , the issues identified in the Future Challenges cluster are not important. It is only when one looks at who 57 numbers is identified with these issues does their importance become apparent. What emerges is a pattern of responses that highlights those issues that truly differentiate the concerns of the company from those of the community. For example, the tailings dam represents the largest single long-term liability issue on the site. It has been accepted by the company that its responsibility for monitoring and maintaining the integrity of the dam will probably last indefinitely, and because of the physical characteristics of the tailings material, reclaiming the area in a timely way will be both technically difficult and expensive. Yet as important as this issue is for HVC, for the community it has little significance. This sets the stage for conflict in the future if the public’s plans for the site are at odds with the company’s management strategy for maintaining the dam’s integrity.  Site management and liability issues are two other important issues that have the potential to strain the relationship between the company and the community. While recognizing the legitimacy of the public’s desire to access to the site as quickly as practicable, HVC is concerned that early access could damage the developing ecosystem. Because the mechanism for transferring the site back to the Crown remains unclear, the mine is inclined to restrict access to the site until they have a clearer understanding of what land capability threshold they have to meet before the regulator is willing to issue an exit ticket.  It was noted in the interviews with HVC staff that because of the joint management arrangement between Teck Cominco and BHP Billiton, decision-making in general was slow and cumbersome. With respect to proposals made by HVC to explore the potential of the site to support a follow-on industry (i.e., a municipal waste landfill), it was thought at the time that the owners were unwilling to accept any proposals that might alter the current liability assessment. Now that ownership of the mine has been turned over to Teck Cominco, this perception appears to have been valid. The mine has now expressed a willingness to consider proposals to use the site as a replacement for the These numbers refer the % of participants and % of groups who raised this issue during the interview.  165  Cache Creek landfill.  5.3.1.6 Implications for Closure Planning If one of the goals of closure planning is to assist a community in making the transition to a post-mining economy, then identifying a follow-on industry represents a critical objective. Based on the interviews there appears to be a willingness within the community to consider the possibility of locating another industry on the site. It is important to note that this support is conditional on HVC being able to meet three conditions: 1.  A replacement industry would not negatively impact the local environment;  2.  The replacement industry would generate the required economic returns to justify a decision not to fully reclaim the site; and  3.  Local interest groups  —  particularly First Nations leaders  —  would be fully consulted.  Assuming that HVC, or another corporate partner is able to meet these conditions, the practical effect on the economy of Logan Lake could be substantial. For example, six stakeholders representing the HVC, the political and business groups suggested that portions of the site should be considered for use as landfill. The practical benefits for local residents is afready established by referencing events in the nearby town of Cache Creek. For several years now the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) has been trucking its garbage to a landfill located at the edge of town. In 2003, the economic benefits to Cache Creek were as follows (Golder Associates, 2004): •  110 fulltime positions;  •  Wages & benefits valued at $5.3 million;  •  Landfill expenditures on fuel, equipment maintence, etc., greater than $2 million;  •  Taxes paid $1.2 million.  At current levels, the landfill will have reached full capacity in 2007. In 2003, GVRD purchased the Ashcroft Ranch as a successor to the Cache Creek landfill. Located near the town of Ashcroft, this working cattle ranch is expected to handle 500,000 tonnes/year of garbage over an expected life of 100 years. The economic spin-offs are estimated to be comparable to what the landfill at Cache Creek is providing (Golder Associates, 2004). When these numbers  166  are compared to what Sunderman (2003) has projected will be lost when HVC closes , a landfill could offset much 58 of the economic impacts of closure. Compare these values to the economic returns that would be expected from the end land uses  —  agriculture ($1400 per hectare) and wildlife ($42 per hectare)  —  that are currently planned for the  site. Consider also that the amount of land required for the actual landfill represents a very small percentage approximately 6%  —  —.  of the approximately 6,900 hectares of land will have been disturbed by mining activity.  A landfill could also offer important economic benefits to HVC. Based on business model developed for the landfill constructed at the Gibraltar Mine, profits from the operation will offset millions of dollars of bonding requirement that otherwise the mine owners would have to cover (Patterson and Wambolt, 2003). Again using Gibraltar as a model, costs to the mine owners would be further reduced as the cost to reclaim the landfill is covered by the landfill’s capital budget.  Unfortunately for those who support this option there are a number of legal, financial, and institutional roadblocks in place that make the objective of identifying an acceptable replacement industry very difficult to realize. For instance, the requirement to assume liability for the site represents a substantial risk for potential 59 investors. This is an important disincentive for anyone considering the economics of developing a brownfield site, but it is particularly true for disused mine sites given the nature and scale of the disturbance.  Another disincentive for action lies in the fact that before any industry could be considered for the site the necessary feasibility studies would have be completed. In the case of a landfill, these studies would represent a significant cost to HVC. There are also the political costs that would likely result from any plan that place another industrial user on the site. Unless it was clear that environmental and other special interests groups are willing to buy into the proposal it is unlikely the company would seek to pursue this option.  Regardless of what end land uses are ultimately decided for the site, some form of ongoing site management will be required to ensure that critical areas (e.g., re-vegetated dumps, pit areas, the tailings dam) are not subject to damage  58  As was stated in Table 4.2,job losses will be between 361-401, lost wages and benefits $22.4 million, and lost taxes $2.7million. The agreement between Gibraltar Mines and the Cariboo Regional District (CRD) to operate a landfill demonstrates that liability issues can be addressed with the necessary financial incentives and legal safeguards in place.  167  from human or natural causes. While representing an ongoing cost to the company, a well executed management program will not only ensure that the physical and biological integrity of the site is maintained, it also has the potential to demonstrate the company’s on-going commitment to putting sustainable development principles into practice. This is possible when even after closure people in the area still see clear indications that HVC continues to maintain a physical presence on the site. Some of the more obvious indicators would include well maintained buildings, fences, and access roads, as well as ensuring that the Trojan and other ponds are protected from over fishing. Annual briefmgs on the state of the site to Logan Lake Council and/or other public forums are another clear way of demonstrating the company’s commitment to the site and the community.  5.3.2 Category 2: Perception of the Participants This category was developed using those comments that participant’s provided to describe their perception of: •  HVC as a corporate citizen;  •  The company’s obligation  —  both legal and ethical  —  to assist communities in making the transition to a  post-mining economy; and •  Their personal understanding of the key issues involved in planning for closure.  5.3.2.1 Perception of HVC as a Corporate Citizen Given the long history and scale of the mining operations in the Highland Valley it is not surprising that the participants would have developed some clear opinions regarding HVC. The following sections describe the basis upon which these opinions have been formed and how they might affect HVC’s ability to win the public’s support for its final closure plan.  Positive Perception of HVC As a general statement the majority of groups viewed the company in a positive light. Employees (albeit management) consider HVC to be a good company to work for. People in the community have not forgotten that the company was instrumental in helping to establish Logan Lake as a functioning community. Participants generally believe that when asked, the company has always shown a willingness to provide financial and/or material  168  assistance to the town.  This view of the company also extends to how people perceive HVC’s commitment to reclaim the site. Those responsible for managing the HVC’s reclamation program expressed their belief that senior management supports the work they are doing. Both the consultants and the government regulator view HVC as one of the best in the business when it comes to the quality of their reclamation work. Many people in the community in the community who were generally critical of the company in other areas  —  —  even those people  observed during the interviews that  they were satisfied with the direction of the reclamation work they saw being performed on the site.  The reasons why participants from so many different stakeholder groups view the company’s reclamation efforts so favourably deserves some comment. For the experts the reasons appear to largely stem from a pragmatic appreciation of the difficulties the company faces in establishing a self-sustaining vegetative community on what is clearly a large and difficult site. Another factor at play is the strong inter-personal bonds that have been forged between the company and the regulators. Through long association 1980  —  —  HVC started reclaiming portions of the site in  both parties have come to view their relationship as less adversarial and more as a working partnership. For  lay people, the positive perception of HVC is based on reasons that are quite different. They tend to rely heavily on what they actually see (or hear from friends) happening on the site. The perceived success of HVC’s efforts to re vegetate the waste dumps and/or create a recreational sport fishery were frequently cited as reasons why an individual viewed the company in a positive Light.  Negative Perception of HVC Those that expressed negative comments tended to focus on particular actions that HVC did or did not do that they felt belied the company’s reputation as a good corporate citizen. From the interviews five general themes emerged. The first theme can be loosely described as corporate integrity. A number of respondents observed that on certain issues the company’s actions failed to live up to its rhetoric. Examples of this included broken promises with First Nations regarding shared water resources, and the perception that HVC has withheld its real closure intentions from Logan Lake Council.  Specific to the subject of closure, the company was criticized on a number of points. Several people suggested that they believed that HVC was disinclined to consider any end land use option that might increase its liability  169  exposure, regardless of the possible economic and social benefits that the option might generate for the community. The company was also criticized for citing the low price of copper as a justification for certain decisions relating to how the site should be reclaimed. Both of these complaints were raised by HVC staff suggesting that these criticisms cannot simply be dismissed as the product of an uninformed mind.  It was noted by a number of people that they felt the company was no longer as interested in Logan Lake as it once was. One person suggested that when the combined company was formed a new management culture emerged, one that was physically and culturally detached from events in Logan Lake. There is some basis in reality for this charge as member of the new management consortium was BHP, an Australian based mining conglomerate. Also, when mining first began in the valley in the late 1 960s, senior management adopted a paternalistic relationship with its employees. Not only did the mine build the town of Logan Lake to house the workers, mine managers were required by their terms of employment to live in the community. This close relationship naturally created conditions whereby it was difficult to separate the interests of the town from that of the mine. Over time, however, this relationship began to break down as managers were allowed to live wherever they wanted, with most choosing the much larger community of Kamloops. Another important symbolic change occurred when the company decided it would no longer directly fund the town’s social clubs, choosing instead to direct money to organizations like the United Way. Collectively these and other similar decisions created a perception within the community that the mine was systematically withdrawing its support for Logan Lake.  5.3.2.2 Perception of HVC’s Obligation to the Community While there is a general perception that HVC has an obligation to assist Logan Lake in its transition to a post-mining economy, there is little agreement on what specific actions the company should take. From the company’s perspective, their obligation includes measures aimed at assisting community leaders in identifjing other industries that might want to use the site once active mining operation cease. There also is some willingness on the part of the company to invite local businesses to participate where possible in contracts to provide services in support of the closure plan. For its part the community wants to see HVC tailor its closure plan to maximize the site’s potential to support another industrial user. They also would like to see the company provide the necessary seed money to underwrite the cost of any required feasibility study. The cost of such studies (e.g., to determine the feasibility of the  170  site for use as a landfill) can run into six figures, and to date HVC has not expressed any interest that it would consider funding such studies.  5.3.2.3 Implications for Closure Planning As they move closer to the 2009 shutdown it is likely that the relationship between HVC and the community of Logan Lake will be subject to enormous pressures. How the company responds to these pressures will largely  determine the success or failure of its closure plan to meet its perceived obligations to the community. The Reclamation Permits (M-1 I and M-55) require the company to reclaim land to a variety of uses “that are compatible with the existing, surrounding use”(Jones, 1998). With its emphasis on agricultural, wildlife, and aquatic uses the current plan does exactly that. These end land uses have some support in the community, but as the section on sustainable development indicated, most people are looking for uses that greater generate economic benefits. At the very least there is an expectation that HVC should at least consider the viability of a follow-on industry as part of its planning process.  HVC has expended considerable time and resources building up and maintaining its relationship with the community of Logan Lake. It was, and continues to be, a relationship built on strong personal ties between company officials and leaders within the community. As planning for closure moves into its final stages it is imperative that the company continue to nurture these ties. For instance, by adopting an inclusive closure planning process they can give people in the community a mechanism for expressing their collective vision of where they see Logan Lake headed after the mine has closed. Regular briefings to Council and public meetings specifically designed to highlight the status of important milestones in the move towards closure are other tools that the company should adopt.  5.3.3 Category 3: Stakeholder Participation in Decision-making Broadly speaking this category was developed from comments provided by the participants regarding their opinion of what type of decision-making process should be used to determine the content of the final closure plan. Participants also offered their insights on who should be allowed to participation in these decisions. Participant responses are summarized below.  171  5.3.3.1 Identif’ing the Stakeholders Not surprisingly there was a general consensus that the company, provincial government, and the local communities all have a role to play in planning for closure. The company’s role is seen as stemming from the fact that because they are paying the bills they have earned the right to participate in deciding how the money should be spent. Similarly, it is assumed that because they will be most affected by the mine’s closure, the local communities have also earned the right to participate in decisions that will affect their future. Less clear in the minds of the participants is the precise role the provincial and local governments should play in planning for closure. While as a group there is a general recognition that the two levels of government should be involved in the process, what form this involvement should take is less clear. One point of view sees government as just another stakeholder group whose interests are to be accommodated through a process of negotiation. The majority of participants fall within this group. The minority see the government as acting as the main counter to what would otherwise be the overwhelming power of the company to impose its will on the other stakeholders. This camp is comprised of the First Nations representative and two members of the political group. In the case of both groups their desire to involve the government seems to stem from their perception that the company has failed in the past to completely live up its obligations to the community. This perception is a recurring theme and will be discussed in greater detail in later sections of this chapter.  Though identified by only 50% of the participants, the recognition that First Nations are a separate stakeholder is strongly held by the company, their consultants, and First Nations themselves. This result is indicative of the state of resource management planning in British Columbia today. Based on the interviews, HVC appears to recognize the necessity of attaining some level of buy-in from the local First Nations communities. This should not be surprising given the general recognition within the mining industry that resource management plans effectively cannot be implemented without involving the local First Nations community (Fraser Institute, 2004). Consistent with this interpretation of the current reality, it was made clear during the interviews with the First Nations representatives that their leaders would vigorously contest the legitimacy of any planning process that excluded them from participating.  While most participants could agree on whom should be identified as a stakeholder, opinions did vary on which group(s) should be excluded. Occupying one extreme, the consultants believed the process should be open to anyone who was willing to participate. Their position on the issue of inclusion is best reflected in this observation:  172  “Generally, I agree the net should be cast broad  —  anyone showing an interest has a right to be there. Ultimately in  Canada most of our land is Crown, we all have an interest in what happens on it.” On the other extreme several people suggested that participation should be limited to those people who are living in the surrounding communities. They do not believe that “outsiders” should have any role in making decisions that will directly affect the future of Logan Lake. Occupying the middle ground, HVC and the majority of the members of the political group suggest that geographic proximity to the site determines who should be viewed as a stakeholder. As one moves outside of the affected communities, the influence of these outside groups should diminish accordingly.  5.3.3.2 Consultation with Stakeholders Those that provided comments on this theme stressed the importance of communication for building trust and confidence. From the company’s perspective, their current good relations with the surrounding communities is a by product of efforts that have included written correspondence, phone calls and face-to-face discussions all aimed at cultivating a personal relationship between the mine and community leaders. Company managers see it as part of their job description to regularly brief the various councils on issues that are seen to affect their communities. These efforts do appear to be paying dividends for the company as most of members in the political group rate their relationship with HVC as generally a positive one. Interestingly, where this relationship appears to be breaking down is on the issue of closure planning. Here both parties agree that the mine has been slow in sharing information with respect to its plans for the site after closure. The company maintains that it will begin having formal discussions with area councils beginning in 2004, but in the meantime sufficient information is already available in the public realm for anyone interested in accessing it. The company’s explanation for this approach reflects their desire to control the expectations of those groups who are interested in using the site after mining operations have ceased. Based on their analysis of previous mine closures in other communities, company’s that exercise poor control over the flow of information create conditions that can either inflate the cost of closure and/or lead to communities being dissatisfied with the final outcome. By taking this approach HVC has inadvertently created a situation similar to the one they wanted to avoid. Veiga (2002) has observed that mining is an industry that feeds off rumor and speculation, and in this case by restricting the flow of information HVC has fuelled speculation on a  173  number of 6 fronts. The result has been to cause some in the community to question the company’s motives. °  As confident as the company is that they have taken the necessary steps for building a trusting relationship with local leaders, they recognize that their relationship with First Nations leaders has not been as positive. For reasons based partly on history, culture, and economics, the mine and the local First Nations communities have had little direct contact when compared to the other stakeholder groups in the area. Lack of communication has created the perception amongst First Nations that HVC does not listen to their concerns. Further, they perceive the company as being unwilling to share information, particularly as it relates to how the site will be reclaimed after closure. HVC’s relationship with First Nations will be explored in greater depth later in the chapter.  As was previously mention, since 2004 Teck Cominco has become the sole owner of HVC. This fact will likely have an effect on the willingness of the mine to involve local stakeholders in end land use decisions. This conclusion CEO of Teck Cominco has demonstrated his commitment to involving the public in t is based on the fact that the 6 planning for closure.  5.3.3.3 Community Involvement in Decision-making From the interviews an interesting dichotomy emerged with respect to how different groups viewed the nature of their involvement in closure planning. Not surprisingly the political group saw their involvement in the closure planning process as being critical for advancing the interests of Logan Lake. For various reasons result of deeply held suspicions of the company’s motives  —  —  some being the  this group believes that the issue of what is to happen  on the site is too important to be left solely in the hands of HVC and the Provincial Government. As far as involving the larger public in these decisions, the political group in their interviews did not seem to consider this as being either desirable or necessary. Contrast this with the opinions put forward by the business and non-affiliated group who believe strongly citizen involvement is important and a possible explanation for this apparent oversight begins to emerge. Logan Lake appears to have experimented in the past with different forms of public process. Several of the participants observed that these forums tended to degenerate into little more than “bitch sessions” that ultimately produced few tangible results. It may be, as some in the community suspect, that the political group simply views  60  often repeated rumor is that HVC has identified another large ore body on the property and therefore the mine will continue to operate beyond 2009. 61 David Thompson was recently honoured with the Ethics in Action’s Individual Impact award for his firm’s support to the town of Kimberley in the decade leading up to the closure of the Sullivan Mine (Penner, 2004).  174  the issue as being too important to risk involving the community.  Further on this theme, one of the strongest proponents of wider public consultation is HVC. They view the establishment of some type of public forum as a precondition for developing a closure plan that has any legitimacy in the eyes of the community. Given the recent case history of mine closure in BC, and the position of HVC on the issue it seems likely some form of public process is inevitable. Whether or not it succeeds in terms of public and expert acceptance of the final end land use plan  —  —  success being measured  will depend, in part, on conditions that are  outside the direct control of company and government officials. They can create the process but unless people in the community are willing to step up and participate in what is likely to be multi-year undertaking the results are bound to be disappointing. To their credit many people in Logan Lake recognize the difficulties, but their desire to see the community live on after closure fuels their resolve to be part of the solution.  5.3.3.4 Consultation with First Nations Based on their cultural and historical connection with the site , First Nations peoples need to be viewed as a 62 uniquely separate stakeholder group. Within their community there still are elders who remember living on the site prior to development of the mine. Their perception of the negotiations that preceded their resettlement suggests that they believe that they were largely treated unfairly by the company. 63 Further, they believe that the company has not shown them the respect that they deserve, either through offering greater employment opportunities to band members or in negotiations over water rights and other shared resources. They interpret recent court rulings upholding aboriginal title claims to tradition lands as empowering them to press for a more equitable distribution of the benefits of resource development.  It is argued here that failure to acknowledge the legitimacy of First Nation’s concerns is not a viable option for the company. As discussed earlier in this chapter, the relative political influence of this community in recent years is disproportionate to its economic strength or total population. The community has also in the past demonstrated that  62  At one time the site was home to two Indian reservations. In one case the land was purchased outright, while in the other HVC negotiated a 99 year lease. 63 During the interview session with an HVC manager, it was acknowledged that the negotiations leading to the resettlement of residents living in JR 14 & 15 was heavy-handed, reflecting the paternalistic approach of government and industry when dealing with Indian affairs in the 1960’s.  175  it is willing to resort to extreme forms of civil disobedience to advance its political agenda. 64 In combination, these factors have had a paralyzing effect on the ability of the industry to attract the necessary capital to develop to new mines in the province (Fraser Institute, 2004). For the minerals and mining sector, sustainability consists of many component parts, including the ability of companies to develop new mines as old deposits are exhausted.  Since some form of negotiated settlement between HVC and First Nation’s leaders appears to be the only viable option for securing the latter’s support, the only issue that remains to be resolved is deciding on what form the public process should take. Thomas (1995) described five variations on the theme, ranging from autonomous managerial decision-making (allowing for a minimum of public input) to full public decision-making where the manager and the public work collaboratively to reach agreement on a solution. Identifying which model will work best in this situation requires us to understand the motivations that underlie the thinking of aboriginal leaders. Morin et al. (2003) provide some useful guidance in this area. They found in their study that when compared to other nonnative stakeholders, negotiations with First Nations people tend to take longer because of the consensual nature of aboriginal decision-making. Another important difference is that First Nations have developed a culture that is largely based on verbal and graphical communication. In their discussion of issues they will often employ story telling as a device to explain a point of view. All of this tends to make cross-cultural communication more challenging.  With respect to creating a public participation model that is responsive to the needs of First Nations peoples, HVC is probably looking at some form of segmented public consultation. Here company managers share the problem separately with the key stakeholders, getting ideas and suggestions, and ultimately making a decision that balances the interests of all groups.  To their credit HVC recognizes that the lack of ongoing dialogue between them and local band leaders has complicated negotiations on issues where it later proved to be important to gain First Nations approval. They also acknowledge that had the mine been built today the involvement of First Nations in development decisions and employment would be far different. Specific employment and purchasing objectives would have been established  64  Some high profile examples were militant members of the Aboriginal community have turned to armed conflict to advance perceived treaty rights include the standoff at Oka in Quebec and Ipperwash in Ontario.  176  from the beginning to ensure that First Nations communities received their fair share of the benefits of the mine.  Beyond acknowledging the mistakes of the past, the company has taken a number of steps today to improve their standing with the bands. Recent decision-making has been more consensus-based and when the company first considered using bio-solids a separate open house was specifically organized to address the concerns of First Nation peoples.  5.3.3.5 Implications for Closure Planning As it now stands, closure planning at HVC is an expert driven, largely internal process that involves personnel from the company, its primary reclamation consultants (C.E. Jones), and the government regulator. The public’s involvement in the process is at best peripheral, occurring when company officials brief Council, hold public meetings, or during the annual HVC open house. The lack of a more open and transparent decision-making process  has the potential to damage the company’s standing in the community as many people Nations  —  —  political, business and First  have an expectation of having some involvement in mapping out a transition strategy.  If public acceptance of the closure plan is important to the company, it must take steps now to engage stakeholders in the planning process. More specifically it must reach out to those groups that have the highest expectations for accessing the site after closure. For example, within the First Nations community there is desire to access the site in search of plants used in the preparation of traditional medicines. The company could be working with band leaders to identify what these plants are and then use them in their designs to create “healing gardens”, but several barriers to progress stand in the way. First, attitude surveys suggest that support for the use of native plant species varies considerably by profession with environmental consultants being the most supportive (64%), and the mining industry the least (10%) (Smyth, 1999). The primary reason given for supporting the use of natives focused on their value for creating self-sustain vegetative covers. Attitudes regarding the relationship between natives and aesthetics was mixed, with only 1/3 of respondents agreeing that aesthetics would result in increased native species use. The use of native species for cultural benefits was not even addressed in the survey, possibly suggesting that it is a use that has not even been considered.  177  Another barrier that limits the usefulness of the site as a source of traditional medicines is the fact that re-vegetation to support cattle grazing is a major objective of the current end use plan (Steinke and Majak, 2003). Seeding of agronomic forage species on waste rock dumps occurred on approximately 60% of the site (Jones, 2003). The remaining areas were planted with natives trees and shrubs to provide forage and shelter for wildlife. There was no mention in the latest annual reclamation report to suggest that the medicinal value of plants was even considered. This oversight cannot be explained by the suggestions that there is a lack of available knowledge regarding the medicinal uses of plants native to BC. Not only have there many books written (Moore, 2001), the government also maintains a website on the subject (BC Ministry of Forests, 1995).  Another misperception that needs to be changed is the one that suggests that the company is deliberately withholding information that its operations are damaging the local environment. Part of the problem lies in the fact that the environmental impact reports are written by and for experts. The highly technical content of these reports makes their value as a public document extremely limited. The company should consider the merits of demystifying the results of its site monitoring program. This could be as simple as more people friendly Executive Summaries or a parallel reporting process that is tailored specifically to the needs of the public. In either case this would require directing additional resources to HVC’s Environmental Department and/or C.E. Jones.  5.3.4 Category 4: Performance Evaluation This category was developed from the comments the participants made regarding their views on what metrics they would use to evaluate the current performance of HVC’s reclamation program. Taken in this context, the term performance came to mean different things to different people depending on their own group bias. The main areas of discussion included the following: •  Measuring Reclamation Success;  •  Usefulness of the Regulations to Define Success;  •  Participant’s Knowledge of Subject Matter; and  •  The Role of Aesthetics in Performance Evaluation.  178  5.3.4.1 Measuring Reclamation Success This cluster reflects those comments that describe the participant’s views regarding the criteria that they will be using to determine what constitutes successful mine closure. It describes both closure planning process as well as the “physical” components of reclamation.  The analysis of the interviews showed a clear distinction between “objective” and “subjective” measures of success. It was also clear that particular stakeholder groups had a preference for which one they would rely on to measure success.  Objective Criteria While a preference for objective criteria was found in every stakeholder group, it was strongest with the company, its consultants, and the government. Given these individual’s technical training, this result is not surprising. While members of the other groups also recognized the value of objective criteria, their choice of which criterion they would use is illustrative of the differences between experts and laymen. For example, the former tend to use indicators like metal uptake in plants or biomass counts, whereas the latter group tends to take a more holistic approach, focusing instead things like the health and availability of trout or deer populations. Another important difference is that laymen were more willing to base their opinions on visual cues, whereas experts rely heavily on the use of equipment and methodology as the basis for their conclusions.  Subjective Criteria This theme was identified by only 35% of the participants. Here people were making judgments based on the impressions they have regarding the “ethics” of the company or the relative “greenness” of the site. 65 The indicators of success tend to have both a physical and emotional quality. Interestingly, both HVC and the regulator acknowledged that at a certain level they too rely on “gut feeling” to interpret the events they see happening on the site.  65  In this context, the word “greenness” reflects both a literal reference to the actual greening up of the site, as well as judgment of the site’s perceived environmental health.  179  5.3.4.2 Usefulness of the Regulations to Define Success This cluster was built around participant comments dealing with the reclamation Code and the perception that the standards used for measuring success remain poorly defined.  Code Requirements This theme was identified by 35% of the participants. For the company, its consultants, and the regulator, the Code is looked upon with a certain degree of ambivalence. It provides guidance on what needs to be achieved during final reclamation, while allowing the company to exercise discretion in how it goes about achieving the required end land use objectives. On the other hand the Code is sufficiently ambiguous in terms of what the company needs to do to earn an exit ticket that some at HVC are questioning the value to shareholders of continuing with a process that appears to have no endpoint. Would it simply be better for the company to buy the land and thereby exempt itself from being subject to the Code? How this question is eventually resolved will certainly impact those stakeholders in Logan Lake who are looking to the company for help in identifying a follow-on industry.  5.3.4.3 Participant’s Knowledge of Subject Matter When asked to self-rate their knowledge/experience of the issues the company and its consultants generally gave themselves high marks in the “hard” or technical aspects (i.e., project management, engineering, soil science, etc) involved in reclaiming land that has been impacted by mining. They readily admit that their understanding of the “soft” issues  —  here we are talking about measures aimed at limiting the social costs of closure  —  was weak, but if  required they could acquire the necessary knowledge by contracting outside consultants. To their credit those living in Logan Lake generally acknowledged during the interviews that they did not feel that their knowledge base was sufficient to truly appreciate many of the complexities involved in reclaiming mine sites. One area in the interviews where the significance of this knowledge gap became most apparent occurred when the different stakeholder groups expressed their thoughts on what they considered to be the future challenges for the site. Issues such as water quality, maintaining the integrity of the tailings dam, long-term monitoring and liability concerns were all identified by the experts  —  HVC, their consultants, and the regulator  —  as representing important challenges for the future.  In marked contrast, most lay observers in the community failed to attach any particular significant to any of these issues. The major exception to this was the First Nations group. The local band leadership has had an ongoing and  180  sometimes acrimonious relationship with the mine on issues that include shared water resources. To the west of the property First Nations ranchers have expressed concerns in two areas: (1) a desire for greater access to water from the HVC property in support of their cattle operations; and (2) assurances that HVC will take steps to improve the quality of water that is released from the property. To the east, the concern of First Nations leaders is more specifically focused on water quality issues. Their perception is that recently observed abnormalities in the local moose and deer population is the result of high metals concentrations in the surface streams. HVC’s mining operations are thought to be the source of the metals contamination. This belief is based entirely on anecdotal evidence given by those band members who hunt on, or near the property. The First Nations participants appear to place a high degree of trust in the accuracy of conclusions based on this type of first hand knowledge. This trust may reflect both a cultural bias for this type of information, as well as a distrust of expert derived scientific reports.  5.3.4.4 The Role of Aesthetics in Performance Evaluation This theme was identified by 60% of the participants. There was a general recognition that “looking green” is an important indicator of success. Even for the experts, the vitality of the plant communities is seen as one proof that the program is working. Other important visual indicators include the presence of deer and moose feeding on vegetation growing on the reclaimed dumps and tailings areas.  Counter opinions were based on the premise that just because a landscape is green does not mean that it is environmentally healthy. This reflects both a sophisticated understanding of biophysical systems, and degree of skepticism that HVC has been selectively withholding important information from its environmental reports regarding the discharge of toxic metals and other effluents into local waterways.  It is important to note that at present HVC does not specifically identif,’ aesthetics as one of many design criteria that it uses to guide the development of a site remediation plan. There are no landscape architects either employed directly or indirectly by the company or its prime reclamation contractor. This is an unfortunate but inevitable outcome of a regulatory regime that is narrowly quantitative in scope. The Code provides relatively clear guidelines on land productivity, site stability, the clean up of structures and equipment, and other technical issues, but remains silent on identif,’ing visual standards for reclaimed areas. With their near total fixation on what Swartz (2001) has described as the “quantitative issues of repair”, those charged with overseeing the work of mine reclamation  181  inevitably fail to deliver sites that are able to reconnect visually or culturally with the surrounding landscape.  As a mine that prides itself on the quality of its reclamation program, HVC needs to step back and consider how it can infuse aesthetics into its designs while still meeting its permit obligations. Unlike some mines that are located in remote locations, the HVC site straddles Highway 97C, an important commercial and tourist connector that links the Trans Canada and the Coquihalla Highway. For most people the way they experience the mine is through the windshield of an automobile. More effort should be made to enhance the visual quality and learning potential of this experience.  5.3.4.5 Implications for Closure Planning There is value in deliberately placing visual cues in the landscape that reinforce HVC’s assertion that it is taking its stewardship role very seriously. Examples of important visual cues would include any of the following: •  Selecting plant material that reduces the visual contrast between disturbed and undisturbed areas;  •  Selecting and locating plant material that is a food source or source of habitat for high value wildlife species;  •  Design visually interesting landscapes that can be seen from the highway and/or at pre-selected road stops. This could include the purposeful planting of trees or the grading of landforms to maximize their scenic value;  •  Use appropriate signage or other aids (e.g. articles in the local paper) to place what is happening on the site within the context of the overall closure plan;  •  Integrate into the design cultural or symbolic representations of the working mine and its closure (eg., murals, interpretative exhibits, landform sculpture, etc);  •  Design a network of trails in order to facilitate controlled public access to the site and nearby viewpoints. This allows people to experience the site’s transition from working landscape to one that supports wildlife or other values. The trail system would also serve to direct people away from areas of the site that remain are vulnerable to human activity; and  •  Ensure the regular maintenance of site infrastructure including buildings, fences, and access roads.  182  5.3.5 Interpreting the Questionnaire Result One of the main functions of the questionnaire was to gather information that could be used by reclamation practitioners to assist them in their efforts to create more socially sustainable sites, sites whose economic, social, environmental, and aesthetic features facilitate their reintegration into the surrounding landscape. Key to this goal was identifying a set of reliable performance indicators  —  based on the values and priorities of stakeholders  —  that  would report the mine’s progress toward achieving the desired end land use objective. As different stakeholders are unlilcely to respond equally well to the same indicator, it is important to understand what factors influence individual decision-making. That is why the questionnaire asked participants to evaluate different performance criteria based on their appreciation of its importance, their satisfaction with HVC’s reclamation program, the attainability of the objective, and their knowledge of the subject matter.  Discussion of the questionnaire results has been organized by stakeholder group. In each section the preferred indicators will be identified along with the factors that influenced their selection.  5.3.5.1 HVC From the  66 identified in Fig 5.1 we can infer that members placed the highest value/priority on scores  reclamation outcomes that are directly related to the company’s permit requirement to maintain water quality standards, and ensure public safety.  66  axis scores express values of between 0 (not important) and 1 (very important).  183  0 z  Cf  Fig 5.1: HVC’s  c’  o  z  0  o  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  For HVC, the most desirable perfonnance indicators are those that reliably report on changes to the specific reclamation objectives detailed in the reclamation permit. In the case of meeting the required water quality standards, the presence of a healthy stable trout population at Trojan Pond is viewed by biologists and laymen alike as an excellent indicator that the company is meeting its reclamation obligations.  Compared to other values and priorities that would seem to be of greater interest (i.e., employment) to the company, visual quality was rated relatively highly. This issue of visual quality is an interesting one for several reasons. First, though it received a relatively high rating, the Code provides no direct guidance on the subject. The best that can be inferred from the regulations would see improvements to visual quality as an indirect by-product of site clean-up and re-vegetation.  A second point worth noting is that while it rated highly when judged as a resource value/reclamation priority, Table 4.12 (participant’s  for Alternative Resource Values/Priorities) indicated that when values are turned into  outcomes, the company’s belief in their success in achieving visual quality objectives is not as strong. This may reflect the fact that HVC personnel  —  trained as mining engineers or geologists  critically evaluate visual quality objectives.  184  —  lack the necessary skill set to  5.3.5.2 The Consultants From Fig 5.2 we can conclude that for the consultants, the goal of restoring ecosystem health and biodiversity is primary. This is not surprising for at least two reasons. First, they are hired specifically to develop and oversee the execution of HVC’s reclamation plan which stresses environmental outcomes. Their ability to hold onto the contract is dependant on them satisfying the government regulator. By every indication they have so far succeeded. Part of the reason for their success is that the consultants are able to bring to the discussion a depth of expertise from a range of disciplines. Their expertise is particularly evident in the disciplines of agronomy and forestry.  Fig 5.2: Consultant’s  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  For this group important SDIs of reclamation would include items like evidence of self-sustaining ground cover waste dumps, or the successful re-colonization of native plant and animal species. This is supported by their evaluations of the photos taken from the HVC site. They consistently commented that signs of “good vegetation”, the “presence of wildlife or signs of wildlife use” and “a good mix of vegetation types” are good performance indicators of successful reclamation.  185  We can also see that for this group the presence of “suitable fish habitat” and a “healthy fish population” are also useful indicators. It is important to note however that for the consultants, the value of these indicators relates to their ability to report on changes to the quality of local water courses.  It is interesting to note that, like the participants from HVC, this group also assigned visual quality with a relatively high rating.  5.3.5.3 First Nations Due to the small sample size  —  one participant  —  it advisable not to overemphasize the significance of the data.  However when the questionnaire data is interpreted in conjunction with the participant interviews it becomes possible to identify indicators that reflect the values and concerns of this group.  From the interviews it was made clear that for First Nations peoples, their objectives for the site centered on ecosystem restoration, water quality, and cultural/historical values (Fig 5.3).  Fig 5.3: First Nation’s  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  186  As a community they have voiced a strong desire to use the site in ways that support their traditional hunter/gatherer lifestyle. They see the complete restoration of all surface mine disturbances to be one of the primary goals of reclamation. They also regard the use of native plant species as an integral part of the process to recreate pre disturbance conditions. Important indicators for this group are those that speak directly to these reclamation outcomes. Examples would include healthy moose, deer and fish populations. Also important is the presence of plant species that mirror what is growing in the surrounding landscape, in particular those species that have medicinal or cultural significance. To their credit the reclamation consultants hired by HVC have, where possible, used native species in their replanting programs, but they have not consulted with First Nations groups regarding their planting preferences.  Employment and recreation/tourism are not seen as important end land use objectives. This may reflect the belief in this community that after final reclamation, First Nations peoples will the site in support of their traditional hunter/gather economy. Follow-on industry and/or eco-tourism is not seen as being compatible with these uses.  5.3.5.4 The Political Leaders The values/priorities of this group reflect their interest in reclamation and closure planning decisions that attempt to balance the requirement to re-vegetate the impacted areas with the need to see the site support some type of follow on economic activity (Fig 5.4).  187  Fig 5.4: Political Leader’s  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  Desirable reclamation outcomes include those that create employment opportunities for local residents while maintaining the functionality and scenic beauty of the local landscape. An industry that is seen to successfully balance these two interests is recreation/tourism. The tourism sector in this part of the province is viewed as an important engine of the local economy (Meadfield Consulting et al., 2002). Logan Lake already benefits from tourism but growth in the sector is limited by its distance from large population centers and a lack of diversity in what is available to attract tourists. Increasing the range of activities that are available to tourists is reflected in the desire of local politicians to be more actively involved in the preparation of the final closure plan. They see the site as a potential tourist draw if certain actions are taken to facilitate user access. Important performance indicators would include the development of a network of integrated hiking/ski trails that could be easily accessed from a location near the highway. They would also like to see a mining museum or interpretive centre be built, either at the site or in Logan Lake.  It should be noted that as a whole, this group gave generally similar ratings of the importance and satisfaction of the resource values/reclamation priorities listed in the questionnaire. Where significant differences did occur, these tended to be confined to the knowledge category. Owing to the complexity of the subject matter, those participants who rated their knowledge as low are probably reflecting a more accurate appraisal of their actual ability to evaluate  188  HVC’s reclamation program. This speaks to the need for the company to design an educational program that is specific to the needs of local political leaders  5.3.5.5 The Business Group Like the First Nations, the response rate (1) for the business group was too low to provide clear insights into their values and priorities. Based on the limited data that is available, as a group they consistently posted DoB 1 , 001 0 scores that were at or above the mean (refer to Table 4. 12: Participant’s  for Alternative Resource  Values/Priorities)). These scores reflect both a general satisfaction with HVC’s current reclamation program and their own assessment that their knowledge of the subject matter is high.  Like the political leaders group, the business group has an interest in seeing a balance between the requirement to re vegetate the impacted areas with the need to see the site support some type of follow-on economic activity (Fig 5.5). They too recognize that if thoughtfully planned and managed outdoor recreation is compatible with both objectives. Important indicators for this group include healthy wildlife populations, and a strong local economy based on stable growth.  1 0.9 0.Sj 0.7j 0.6r  A V.-,  0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0  —  . C.._  • •  E  0  —  —  — — _-_  — —  _  —  —  —  —  — . 0  •  C  z  riD  _i  — _i C)  E 0  .  C  E  o C) U  Fig 5.5: Business Group’s  for Resource Values/Reclamation Priorities  189  5.3.5.6 Interpreting the Results of the Photo Evaluation The participant’s scoring of the photos suggests the following: •  With respect to the end land use objective “Develop Recreational Fishery”; o  There was great variability in the awarding of scores. Highest scores were assigned to photos that demonstrated clear signs of human intervention (Photo #1, #4, & #5), water (#4 & #5), fish (#5), and vegetation (#4 & #6). Lower scores were awarded to photos #2 & #3. These photos were taken just following the initial construction phase of the project, after the equipment was removed but before the vegetation and water flows had been re-established,  o  A significant difference exists between HVC and its reclamation consultant regarding both the importance of this end land use objective, and the participant’s level of knowledge of the subject matter. This can be explained in two ways: 1) Within HVC there is an institution bias in favour of the work they have done to re-establish healthy fish stocks on the property; and 2) The differences in the level of professional knowledge and training between the two groups. The people at HVC were trained as mining engineers or geologists. Their function is to plan and manage HVC’s reclamation program. The role of the consultants is to implement the plan, and because reclamation in BC is largely about re-vegetating disturbed sites, C.E. Jones employs people who were trained as agronomists, foresters, or soil scientists.  •  With respect to the end land use objective “Develop Wildlife Habitat”; o  Generally little variability in the awarding of scores. This may reflect the fact that the photos communicate information that all the stakeholders understand. Whether it is the actual presence of wildlife (Photos #7, #9, and #11), evidence of tree planting (#8), or the greening of previously disturbed land (#10 & #12), participants were satisfied that HVC was meeting its obligation to re establish the site’s ecosystem.  o  Generally higher mean scores when compared with the fishery objective. The primary reason for this is the greater similarity in scores between HVC and its consultants. This suggests that both groups see this as an important objective, they are confident in their ability to evaluate success, and they are satisfied with the quality of the work to date.  190  5.3.6 Weighing the Capacity of Stakeholders to Influence Decision-making Before discussing the possible impact of the participant’s responses on closure planning at HVC, the reader should recognize that in terms of their ability to influence decision-making, there is a great disparity of power between those stakeholder groups 67 that may be involved in closure planning at HVC. Fig 5.6 is a graphical representation of the relative ability of the different stakeholder groups to influence decision-making at HVC. In this context a group’s power is derived either from their personal and/or professional relationship with company personnel (i.e., HVC personnel, the regulator, or the consultants), or from their political influence (i.e., the political group, First Nations). The capacity of either to influence decision-making should not be discounted. While the relative placement of the stakeholders reflects the researcher’s own opinions only, their positioning was informed by the relevant literature and the interview data.  High  FN PLR  HVC BG C  Very poor  Relationship with the company  Very strong NA  Low  Fig 5.6: Relative comparison of stakeholder ability to influence decision-making  67  Group Codes  Company Employees  HVC Government Regulator R Political Leaders PL Non-affiliated Groups NA —  —  —  Consultants C First Nations FN —  —  Business Groups  —  191  —  BG  5.3.6.1 The Importance of Personal Relationships Not surprisingly, the strength of an individual’s relationship with HVC’s senior managers would leverage the ability of the former to exert influence on the latter. At the very least having a close personal relationship with members of the management staff would translate into greater access, thus permitting the stakeholder the opportunity to voice their concerns directly to those who have the power to effect change. In this case study, the groups having the closest relationship with the company are, in descending order, the HVC employees, the consultant, the government regulator, and the political group. The source of the first two group’s power is self-evident. Looking at the government regulator, that individual has through years of service and professional integrity established a close connection with the management staff at HVC. This allows that person to affect decision-making to a degree that another person in the Ministry would be unable to do. Even though Logan Lake is no longer a ‘company town’, the bonds between the municipal politicians and the company have remained strong.  Occupying the other end of the spectrum are the First Nations and Non-affiliated group. For reasons that were described in earlier sections of this chapter, the local First Nations communities have historically had a poor relationship with HVC which continues to this day. This fact limits their ability to use personal connections to advance their interests. Conversely, First Nations peoples in BC have recently benefited from legal decisions whose effect has been to instill in them the confidence that they can control their own destiny.  The relative weakness of the non-affiliated groups is the result of two facts. First, they too lack a strong personal connection with those at HVC who are making the decisions on closure. Second, as a group they lack of a clear leadership structure. This makes identifying individuals who speak for the respective sub-group interests difficult.  5.3.6.2 Exercising Political Influence Under the current regulations neither the government nor the mining companies are specifically required to facilitate the involvement of citizens in closure planning decisions. In those examples in B.C. where citizen groups have played an important supporting role, their involvement only came about as a result of a deliberate policy by the government or the mine owner to include them (Britton, 1998). The decision to make the process more inclusive was initially difficult for some in the industry, but since that time enough has been written to suggest that public involvement in planning for closure is now a generally accepted principle (Veiga et al., 2001; lIED, 2002; Teck  192  Cominco, 2002).  At Highland Valley several events make it highly unlikely that the company could successfully execute its closure plan without first involving local citizenry in some form of public process. For two groups in particular Nations and the political leaders of Logan Lake  —  —  the First  there is a clear expectation that they will have to sign off on any  plan before it can be approved. While technically untrue, this belief has the potential to make things very difficult for the company if it decides to proceed without first gaining the support of these two important stakeholder groups. First Nations peoples in particular, supported by recent high profile treaty agreements and Supreme Court of Canada rulings, have developed a new sense of self-confidence whose effects will be felt in the Highland Valley. As was presented earlier in the discussion of the themes identified under Category 3 making (pg 173)  —  —  Stakeholder participation in decision-  the question for senior managers at HVC is not whether to engage in a public process, but rather  how the process should be structured and its timing. How the process is structured will set the parameters for the extent of the public’s involvement and their influence (Thomas, 1995).  The issue of timing now becomes increasingly important because as the case history of public administration has shown, effective decision-making —  —  decision-making that is seen as being effective by both managers and the public  most often occurs when it is initiated by the managers (Thomas, 1995). Decisions imposed from above (in this  case from the Teck Cominco head office or from the provincial government) or below (from citizen’s groups) either lack legitimacy or fail to satisfj the quality requirements (i.e., technical, regulatory, or budgetary constraints) that are a part of most decisions. Initiating the process provides managers with an opportunity to structure the discussion in a way that ensures that the company’s immediate closure priorities  —  as described in the closure permit  —  are not  overlooked. In the case of HVC conditions on the ground already suggests that the company needs to take action now if it is to gain the initiative. Even though the mine is not scheduled to close until 2009, already some segments in the community are making plans regarding their intended use of the site. How well these uses mesh with the end land use objectives contained in the company’s closure plan will largely determine the extent to which reclamation has contributed lasting benefits to the community.  193  5.3.7 Reporting the Results to the Community At the request of the Mayor of Logan Lake, on November  th, 30  2004 the researcher presented the project’s main  findings to an open session of Council. The purpose of the presentation was highlighted in the local newspaper. In addition to the eight members of Council, ten people from the community attended the meeting. This level of attendance is typical of council meetings. All but one member of the community in attendance was over the age of 50.  Following the presentation, Council members offered their comments on the issues raised (Appendix IX: Community Correspondence). Comments were limited to the following points: •  Council’s determination to take a more active role in its dealings with HVC;  •  Council’s desire to see the provincial government play a more active role in assisting Logan Lake in identifying alternative follow-on industries;  •  Council stated its commitment to involve the public in future decision on closure; and  •  Mayor Brown expressed her desire to see the site considered as a possible alternative to the proposed GVRD landfill at Ashcroft Ranch; and  •  Mr. Roberts is invited to present his findings to the public at an open house meeting tentatively scheduled for 2005.  In order to provide another layer of validation of the research findings, the researcher queried those present regarding the following: 1) their impression of what end land uses are appropriate for the site after closure; 2) the value of similar presentations to raise awareness of closure issues within the community; 3) provide an addition validity check for the research findings; and 4) gather feedback on the researcher’s ability to communicate the report’s main findings and recommendations. Participant’s recorded their comments using a Participant Feedback Form (Appendix IX). These results are summarized below in Table 5.1.  194  Table 5.1 Participant Feedback •  Strongly Agree  Agree  Logan Lake Council should play a leading role in determining what should happen on the site after the mine has closed.  12  The people of Logan Lake should be encouraged to participate in decisions regarding the future of the HVC site The primary focus of HVC’s end land use plan should be on creating alternative employment_opportunities. End land use objectives should be dictated primarily by the economic feasibility of such objectives. Where possible residents should be allowed to recreate on the site following reclamation. The goal ofreciamation activities should be to recreate the landscape as it existed prior to mining. If reclaimed land looks ugly to you, is it likely that the site will not be ecoloicallyproductive.  r  Neutral  Disagree  2  4  0  11  7  0  0  0  11  5  2  0  0  7  7  4  0  0  11  7  0  0  0  3  2  10  3  I found the information presented to be consistent with my understanding of the issues.  (  0  4  4  0  r j  0  [__________  10  0  L__________  -  Presentations like this help raise awareness in the community.  Strongly Disagree  12  5  0  0  16  2  0  0  1  0 0  An analysis of the feedback would indicate the following: •  The results are consistent with the research finding that local political leaders overwhelmingly believe that Council should play a lead role in determining what end land uses are selected for the HVC site;  •  The results are consistent with the research fmdings that suggested that the unelected citizens have an expectation that they should be allowed to participate in decisions regarding the future of the HVC site;  •  The results are consistent with the research findings that suggested that the primary focus of HVC’s closure plan should be on identi1’ing end land uses that create additional employment opportunities for local workers;  •  The results are consistent with the research findings that suggested that people have an expectation that they will be allowed to access the site after closure. Given the advanced age of many of the people at the meeting, this finding underscores the depth of feeling that many have regarding their “right” to access Crown land;  195  •  The results are consistent with the research findings that suggests that most Logan Lake residents do not believe that the primary goal of reclamation should be the remediation of environmental disturbances;  •  The results are consistent with the research findings that suggested the link between how a site “looks” and the belief that it is ecologically healthy;  •  The results indicate a strong belief that the presentation was seen as providing a valuable service to the people of Logan Lake by raising the public’s awareness of the issue; and  •  As only 4 of the 18 people who completed the questionnaire were also participants in the original research study, these results can be used as partial validation that the research findings are consistent with the beliefs of the larger community.  Further on the issue of validation, an e-mail (Appendix X) was sent to the researcher by a member of the public who attended the Council meeting. This individual has been involved over the years in various private initiatives to diversify Logan Lake’s economy. Writing on the issue of public process, she too observed that many in the community were disillusioned with Council. She identified community alienation and poor communication between elected officials and the public as serious impediments to the success of any future public process. Specifically, she recounted the difficulties she has experienced in attempting to convince Council of the importance of regular “round table” public meetings to discuss issues related to the issue of economic diversification. Her description of this experience is consistent with the feedback provided by a number of the stakeholders who participated in this study. The net result of the feedback provided by the community from this presentation serves to strengthen the validity of the study’s main findings.  196  CHAPTER SIX  6.0 CONCLUSION The purpose of this research case study was to develop a clearer understanding of stakeholder perceptions regarding their community and a mining company’s plan for closing and reclaiming a mine site. While this is primarily a qualitative study  —  the resulting small sample size precludes generalizability  —  the results provided here do satisfy  the requirement to provide a “slice of the life world” (Denzin, quoted in Sandelowski, 1986) of those who will be most affected by the closing of a major open pit mine in B.C.  Based on the comments made during the interview sessions and from the questionnaire the researcher has drawn the following conclusions: •  Over 70% of citizen’s had an expectation that they should have a role in planning for closure. 100% of First Nations people had this expectation. Currently, there are no mechanisms in place, formal or otherwise, which would enable stakeholders to engage in a meaningful, long-term public process;  •  The internal capacity of both the mining company and surrounding communities (i.e., Logan Lake Council, First Nations bands) to deal with the social and economic impact of closure is weak. HVC, its primary reclamation consultant, and local governments do not have anyone on staff who possess the necessary skill sets to mitigate the social and economic impacts of closure;  •  The majority of stakeholders have a desire to see another industry occupy the site even if this includes a GVRD landfill. Support for this option is predicated on evidence that the proposed industry would meet the following requirements: o  It would not negatively impact the local environment,  o  It would generate sufficient tax and employment benefits to justify delaying the site’s full reclamation,  •  o  Local stakeholders are fully consulted, and;  o  The issue of third party liability is resolved to the satisfaction of the mining company.  The majority stakeholders clearly want the “products” of closure to be more focused on providing tax and employment benefits to the local community. While valued, the environment is seen as secondary to economic issues;  •  The majority of stakeholders believe that HVC is doing a good job reclaiming the land;  197  •  The relationship between HVC and Logan Lake Council, built on years of trust and close cooperation, remains strong;  •  The relationship with First Nation’s (FN) represents critical challenge to HVC for the following reasons: o  Relations between HVC and First Nation’s communities are generally poor;  o  FNs have an historic claim to the site;  o  FNs believe that the costs/benefits of mining have been unequally distributed;  o  FNs perceive that HVC’s current mining operations are damaging the environment;  o  FNs have an expectation that they are to be considered as equal partners in any decisions that affect the site; and  o  FNs people have an expectation that they will utilize site post-closure for traditional hunting, gathering and social functions.  •  The Reclamation Code is too narrowly focused on environmental issues. It completely overlooks the value to the local community that timely planning can have in mitigating the social and economic impacts of closure;  •  HVC’s current reclamation practices provide few direct economic and social benefits to the local community;  •  Important points of agreement exist between the mine and local stakeholders on the following issues: o  That the community should be involved in decisions regarding end land use,  o  Both local & provincial governments have role to play in end land use decisions,  o  There is a perception that HVC is committed to reclaiming the site,  o  Stakeholders have an expectation that they will be permitted to access the site after final reclamation, and  o  There is a perception that HVC has at a minimum a moral obligation to assist Logan Lake in its transition to a post-mining economy.  •  Important areas of conflict exist between the stakeholders on the following issues: o  There is a strong minority opinion expressed by those representing the company, political, business and First Nations groups that was critical of: •  HVC: •  For its perceived reluctance to share its closure plans with the community,  198  •  For appearing to be backing away from its close historic ties with Logan Lake,  •  For its perceived reluctance to consider the possibility of alternative industries for the site.  Logan Lake Council: •  For a perceived failure of leadership in regard to demanding that HVC communicate its closure plans, and  •  There exists the perception that Council is not interested in allowing citizens the opportunity to meaningfully participate in decisions on closure,  •  Due to the complexity of the subject matter and the time involved in recreating a self-sustaining ecosystem, most stakeholders recognize that they are poorly equipped to evaluate the effectiveness of HVC’s reclamation program;  •  While visual indicators (e.g., fish, wildlife, vegetation) are relied upon by all stakeholders for how they evaluate the success of HVC’s reclamation program, there is no explicit, expert-informed, or measurable program to include these in the Reclamation Standards (Part 10 of the reclamation code) as required performance criteria; and  •  Any future use of the land, including industrial or recreational uses, must address the issue of long-term liability. Until the issue is resolved to the satisfaction of the government, mine owners, and perspective third party developers, the risks to all parties is a major impediment to efforts to reuse brownfield sites.  •  The most effective sustainability proofs appear to be those that reflect a stakeholder’s core values (as indicated by an indicator’s importance and attainability) and their understanding of what issues are important when measuring the success the effectiveness of the company’s reclamation program (as indicated by their knowledge and degree of satisfaction in the company’s performance). For the community, the visible presence of healthy, self-sustaining wildlife populations large ungulate species  —  —  in particular fish, and  represent important proofs. First Nations people specifically also identify with the  appearance of surface water leaving the mine site. Evidence that the company is actively engaged in reclamation is also seen as an important proof. This evidence can take one of two forms: The first occurs as signs of actual remediation taking place on site (i.e., tree planting, soil preparation, fish habitat reconstruction). The second proof takes the form third-party testimonials regarding the quality of the reclamation work being done. Newspaper articles, government reports, and comments from hunters and  199  fishermen represent important and credible sources of information to those local citizens who otherwise have limited or no association with the site. While also valuing these proofs, representatives of the company, its chief reclamation consultant, and the regulator showed a preference for scientifically derived indicators (i.e., metals uptake in plant and fish populations, biomass counts, etc). This latter group was also much more aware of the critical importance of issues such as maintaining the integrity of the tailings dam, and future liability concerns when discussing the long-term future of the site. Given the complexity of these issues, simple direct proofs are hard to identifS’. What industry stakeholders did suggest was that they wanted from government a clearer set of policies regarding what constituted the real end point of final reclamation. The current regulations with their broad objectives, combined with vague performance measures make it impossible for mining companies to accurately forecast the real costs of closure. This ambiguity over what constitutes “successful” reclamation also creates additional liability concerns for miners and any third party who may otherwise wish to utilize the site infrastructure. Until the issue of third party liability is resolved, the business case for reusing former mine sites will remain weak.  6.1 Limitations of the Study There were limitations to the present study. First and foremost, only twenty individuals were interviewed, albeit in some considerable depth. Arguably, a larger and more varied sample, representative of additional sub-populations within the community would have helped to enrich the data. However, for reasons afready stated in chapter three, the information generated by these 20 individuals is nevertheless considered to provide a detailed and representative sample of the viewpoints held by the principle stakeholders within the local community.  It is a possibility that the researcher, being an “outsider”, may also have influenced what the participants decided to offer in the way of a response to the questions asked. This may be true for two groups in particular. The participants from HVC may have been under some pressure to self-edit their comments. Because HVC is their employer, it is conceivable that potentially important information may have been left out of their responses. To lessen the likelihood that participants would be less than forthright in their responses, every effort was made before, during and after the interviews to guarantee their responses would be kept in strictest confidence.  200  Another group that may have been uncomfortable with the process was the First Nations. Cultural differences between the researcher and this stakeholder group made open communication more difficult. Overcoming these differences would require a degree of inter-personal contact that was not possible given the condensed timelines of this study. Nevertheless, because the researcher has had some previous experience working with First Nations people, he is confident that the steps taken to create a respectful interview session were sufficient to ensure that the answers given were an accurate representation of that community’s concerns.  It would have perhaps been beneficial to have interviewed stakeholders from other communities across B.C. The additional data collected could then have been compared and contrasted in the hope of identifying larger systemic issues relating to closure planning and practice in B.C. Provincial specific recommendations could then have been developed. Moreover, interviewing additional participants, especially from various geographic locations across the B.C. would have allowed the researcher to develop a more thorough understanding of the perceptual differences within other communities affected by mining. However, given the limited financial resources available to the researcher, it would have been impossible to have increased the study’s scope. This work represents an initial study of an issue of great social and economic relevance for those communities in B.C. who depend on the mining sector. Replication of the results identified here should be the objective of those who hope to see these communities survive as viable places to live once the mines close.  201  CHAPTER SEVEN 7.0 RECOMMENDATIONS It is an oft repeated axiom that for every complex problem there is a solution that is simple, neat, and wrong. It would be mistake to suggest here that by simply opening up the decision-making process mining companies are going to solve all of their closure problems. Clearly there are important technical and regulatory issues that will not be resolved through a public process. What a public process can do is to bring out into the open those issues that are of greatest concern to the respective stakeholders. This allows participants to comprehend the motives and desires of the other, thus broadening the range of success criteria that can be recognized by each side. A well executed public process also has the ability to increase stakeholder acceptance of the final decision, which is important when successful implementation may hinge on that acceptance.  Based on the conclusions presented in chapter six, the following recommendations are presented as best management practice in mine closure planning and reclamation: The mining industry should move to put in place the structures that will allow for a meaningful public process to take place. Creating the mechanisms for an efficient public process require expertise and patience. Teck Cominco’s previous experience with the Sullivan Mine closure demonstrates this fact (Teck Cominco, 1999). Companies need to begin as early as possible to develop a capacity for engaging the public on a regular and sustained basis. In this regard they have three options to choose from;  •  o  they can hire outside consultants to organize and manage the process,  o  they can develop an in-house capacity, or  o  they can adopt a hybrid program that contains elements of the first two options;  Working in full consultation with local stakeholders, companies should be open to development proposals that would lessen the social and economic impacts on communities following closure. When necessary companies should be willing to underwrite the cost of feasibility studies to determine what industries may be suitable for the site;  •  Companies should determine what end land uses have particular resonance with local stakeholders. Each community is comprised of a set of individuals whose vision of the future is uniquely their own. Companies need to identify those land uses that clearly resonates with the local community. For example, for Logan Lake there is a desire to see HVC direct resources toward the creation of productive fish habitat.  202  The company’s current plan to improve the existing drainage ditch running from Trojan pond to a marsh south of Highway 97C should be seen as an opportunity to create productive fish habitat. Its close proximity to the highway would present an opportunity for the public to view aquatic wildlife. Mining companies need to move aggressively to strengthen their ties with their local First Nations communities. This can be accomplished through the following: o  Improve the lines of communication by: •  Specifically meeting with First Nations leaders in order to thoroughly brief them on the content of existing closure plans, and  •  Reconsider how the mine communicates the results of its site monitoring program. First Nations are deeply skeptical that current reporting procedures tell them the complete truth regarding the effects of mine operations. Band leaders need greater assurances that the reporting process is fair and objective. One way to do this is to provide funding to the bands themselves so that they pay for more of these studies.  o  Mine managers must demonstrate a clear willingness to amend closure plans based on feedback they receive from band leaders,  o  Companies should examine ways to increase First Nation’s participation in supplying goods and services for company’s reclamation program. This has the potential to be an importance of revenue new entrepreneurs and seasonal employment for band members. It also creates an opportunity for First Nations people to begin the process of re-integrating the site back into their lives,  o  Companies should consult with First Nations peoples regarding the type and placement of plant material used in the site re-vegetation program. If they are available, plants that are culturally important to the local band members should be used when possible;  •  Companies should state publicly that their vision for closure extends beyond the mainly environmental objectives contained in the reclamation code. Ideally their position should be that closure plans are intended primarily as a blueprint for assisting affected communities in making their transition to a post-mining economy, and  •  To make it easier for stakeholders to evaluate the actual performance of a company’s reclamation program, companies should adopt the following practices:  203  o  Simplii’ the reporting of the results contained in the annual reclamation report. A supplement to the annual report should be written for the non-technical reader.  o  Where it is feasible plant placement and land contouring