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A case study in the restructuring of linguistic knowledge among adult ESL students Fazio, Ronald John 1992

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A CASE STUDY IN THE RESTRUCTURING OF LINGUISTIC KNOWLEDGE AMONG ADULT ESL STUDENTS by RONALD JOHN FAZIO B.A., The University of Lethbridge, 1982 A THESIS SUBMIT I ED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Language Education  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1992  ©RonaldJohnFazio,192  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  (Signature)  Department of Language Education The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date    DE-6 (2/88)  May 25, 1992  ABSTRACT This study examines two cases of Japanese learners involved in an eight-month university exchange program in Canada. Case A, comprised of one male and one female subject, was classified as containing "advanced" speakers of English, while Case B, also composed of one male and one female subject, was classified as containing "novice" speakers of English. For the first time in their careers as second language students, these subjects experienced a task-based, process approach to learning mediated through student group membership. The study attempted a psycholinguistic analysis of individual styles of second language acquisition (SLA) through an examination of the use of three kinds of performance features: self repairs, repeats and hesitation pauses. It also attempted to draw a sociolinguistic portrait of these subjects as learners whose strategies for language acquisition were related to educational and cultural factors. Although the findings in psycho- and sociolinguistic areas of inquiry were inconclusive regarding the role of restructuring, the results indicated that changes in procedural knowledge regarding strategic behaviour occurred for both cases, and that a more autonomous attitude towards group control of behaviour was articulated by the Case A subjects. Changes in  ii  orientations to learning as measured by performance feature use were not significant, although a trend towards decreased use of hesitation pauses in Case B suggested a reduced reliance on unverbalized planning. Finally, both cases demonstrated growth in the use of such reading strategies as scanning for main ideas and using contextual clues.  iii  TABLE OF CONTENTS page ABSTRACT  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  iv  LIST OF TABLES  viii  LIST OF FIGURES  ix  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  x  CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION  1  Background of the Study  1  Purpose of the Study  3  Practical Significance of the Study  4  CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE  7  The Cognitive Perspective  7  Cognitive Theory and Second Language Acquisition  8  Automaticity and Restructuring  9  Consciousness and Second Language Acquisition  14  The Questions of Interface and Introspection  15  Restructuring and Culturally-Based Knowledge  18  Types of Strategic Behaviour  24  Learning Strategies  30  A Typology of Second Language Learners' Strategies  32  Summary  34  CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY  37  Research Problems  37  The Research Design  38  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd) Page  Purposeful Sampling Strategies  38  Data Collection Strategies  39  Instrumentation  42  Development of a Typology of Strategies Definition of Terms The Use of Video-taped Data  43 46 47  Selection of Site  48  The Classes  50  Summary  53  CHAPTER 4: RESULTS  55  Homogeneity of Experience  55  The Cases  58  Case A: The Advanced Speakers 1)  59  The Use of Performance Features  59  Comprehension Checks  66  2)  Introspective Observations on the Use of Performance Features  66  3)  Dynamics of Communication in the Group Sessions  70  4)  Changes in Learning Strategies Over Time  73  5) The Restructuring of Procedural Knowledge Related to Linguistic Behaviour 79 a)  Psycholinguistic Knowledge  79  b)  Canadian Sociolinguistic Knowledge  81  c) Strategic Behaviour  v  82  TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd) Page Summary for Case A  83  Case B: The Novice Speakers 1)  84  The Use of Performance Features  84  Comprehension Checks  90  2)  Introspective Observations on the Use of Performance Features  90  3)  Dynamics of Communication in the Group Sessions  91  4)  Changes in Learning Strategies Over Time  94  5) The Restructuring of Procedural Knowledge Related to Linguistic Behaviour 99 a)  Psycholinguistic Knowledge  b)  Canadian Sociolinguistic Knowledge...101  c) Strategic Behaviour Summary for Case B Comparison/Contrast of the Two Cases  99  102 103 104  a)  Psycholinguistic Behaviour  104  b)  Sociolinguistic Behaviour  105  c) Strategic Behaviour Summary  105 106  CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY, LIMITATIONS, IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION  109  Summary  109  Limitations of the Study  110  Implications for Educational Practice  110  Implications for SLA Research  112  vi  TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont'd) Page Conclusion  115  REFERENCES  117  APPENDICES (A-G)  125  A: The Oral Proficiency Interview (OPI)  126  B: Interview Protocol Used to Assess Participants' Backgrounds  129  C: Course Outline: ENED 379--Intercultural Communication in Second Language Education  134  D: Distribution of Performance Features (PF) by Interview and Group Session (Number/Percent)  136  E: Sample of Coded Transcripts  144  F: Letter of Initial Contact and Subject Consent Form  151  G: Letter of Consent  154  vii  LIST OF TABLES Table  Page  1 Composition of the Cases  39  2 Descriptive Analysis of Alpha and Beta Classes  52  3 Case A: Turns Embedded with Performance Features  65  4 Case A: Reported Change in the Use Of Learning Strategies  74  5 Case B: Turns Embedded with Performance Features  89  6 Case B: Reported Change in the Use Of Learning Strategies  94  viii  LIST OF FIGURES Figure  Page  1 A typology of strategies related to learning a second language  33  2 A model of the factors involved in restructuring  36  3 Working typology  45  4 Comparison of Case A corrective performance features by questionnaire/interview  60  5 Comparison of Case A corrective performance features by group session  61  6 Comparison of Case A planful performance features by questionnaire/interview  62  7 Comparison of Case A planful performance features by group session  63  8 Comparison of Case B corrective performance features by questionnaire/interview  85  9 Comparison of Case B corrective performance features by group session  86  10 Comparison of Case B planful performance features by questionnaire/interview  87  11 Comparison of Case B planful performance features by group session  88  ix  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The thoughts, encouragement and assistance of many individuals went into the making of this project. I would like to take this opportunity to thank several in particular without whose help this thesis might still be far from completion. First and foremost, a heartfelt thanks to the Ritsumeikan students, eight initially and four finally, who volunteered so much of their time. Their good humour and enthusiasm made the data collection process a most enjoyable experience. Rick Berwick, my advisor, for always being there to listen and offer insights and plans of action, and for his strong encouragement to do the best job I was capable of. Gloria Tang and Margaret Early, the other members of my committee, both of whom directed many helpful comments my way. I am particularly grateful to them for putting up with phone calls from me at all the wrong hours. The four UBC-Ritsumeikan Exchange Programme instructors in whose classes observation took place were without exception helpful, kind, and tolerant of observers bearing a profusion of microphones, cords and cameras in the midst of their lessons. Taeko Berwick and Hiroko Cameron graciously provided assistance with Japanese-English interpretations. Melodie Cook and Jean Hamilton helped out most admirably with technical matters. Finally, to my wife Ira, who managed to keep our household running smoothly despite a cranky husband bound to his keyboard, and to my son Stephen, for many muchneeded breaks on the soccer pitch when the going got tough.  CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Background of the Study Restructuring has been advanced by a number of researchers (Rumelhart & Norman, 1978; Cheng, 1985; Karmiloff-Smith, 1986; McLaughlin, 1990) as a means of explaining the nature of first and second language acquisition. Restructuring is seen as a process where higher order cognitive knowledge re-organizes lower order linguistic knowledge into forms approximating those of the target language. In this way, "bits and pieces" of grammatical and lexical knowledge gradually develop into native speaker fluency, in the case of first language learners. For adult second language learners, native speaker levels of fluency are rarely, if ever achieved; rather, the restructuring of linguistic knowledge would appear to play an integral part in the development of a functional and evolving interlanguage, where non-systematic variability of form gradually gives way to systematicity (Ellis, 1985a). One way of explaining the restructuring process is to examine conceptions of and changes in knowledge. A related concept in cognitive psychology may be that of the development of procedural knowledge and practical expertise in a given field (Anderson, 1983). Procedural knowledge--a knowledge of the steps involved in  1  actualizing a goal--has been studied by cognitive psychologists under the premise that "mind is better construed in terms of what it can do than in terms of what it 'knows'" (Kolers & Roediger, 1984, p. 440). Thus, procedural knowledge has been studied with reference to socialization processes and expert-novice communication among professionals--areas requiring a situation-specific type of knowledge transcending a merely factual understanding. In second language acquisition, procedural knowledge would appear to be operative in language learning strategies (Faerch & Kasper, 1987; O'Malley & Chamot, 1990), in that these strategies constitute knowledge of specific procedures necessary to put pedagogical material to practical use, or to clarify misunderstandings. Performance features--aspects of oral production such as self repair, hesitation pauses, and repeats--are thought to be indicators of strategic behaviour (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c). Seliger (1980) has argued that performance features may be indicative of either "planful" or "corrective" orientations to second language production. As such, performance features would appear to be component parts of procedural knowledge in that they are the external manifestations of a cognitive decision-making process. Seliger's classification provides an interesting conceptual framework upon which to analyze the function  2  and importance of performance features vis-a-vis strategic behaviour and second language acquisition. In summary, the current understanding of restructuring among adult learners of a second language is incomplete. What is known, based on observations of these learners, is that the restructuring process is almost always incomplete before fossilization of interlanguage forms appears, and that a number of socio-cultural and motivational variables interact with the cognitive processes involved in restructuring. The development of procedural knowledge appears to be a fundamental component of restructuring but, when placed within a broader perspective, it would also seem to play an integral part in the learning of socio-cultural norms of communicative behaviour. For the second language learner, these norms of behaviour may inhibit the restructuring process when they are not in accord with the communicative behaviour of target language speakers. Thus, restructuring may not be a purely linguistic process; the degree to which a learner successfully acquires a second language may depend on the degree to which he or she adapts to culturally-determined (i.e., "practical") dynamics of communication. Purpose of the Study This study investigates the restructuring of procedural knowledge in four Japanese undergraduate students over a four month period. The students were  3  members of an exchange program studying in Canada and had newly-begun their program of studies during the period of data collection. Specifically, this study attempts to analyze the restructuring of procedural knowledge in three areas related to second language acquisition: 1) performance features as they relate to oral production; 2) learning strategies in the acquisition of grammar, pronunciation, and reading, writing, listening and conversational skills; and 3) knowledge, potentially culturally-determined, of small group dynamics as this relates to the second language learning process. Practical Significance of the Study The phenomenon of groups of Japanese students spending prolonged periods of time studying at Canadian universities and other educational institutions is a relatively new one. It is a trend very likely to accelerate in the future, however. Of prime importance to curriculum developers and instructors involved in this type of program, then, is a well-developed understanding of the psycho- and sociolinguistic behaviour of Japanese language learners. This is especially true in light of apparent differences in the nature of second language education in Japanese and Canadian institutions, and the effects of culture and strategy use on Japanese learners' acquisition of English in a Canadian academic setting.  4  To summarize this chapter, the restructuring of knowledge is seen as a complex cognitive process where linguistic knowledge is refined into target language norms. Procedural knowledge has been argued here to be a key element in restructuring. This type of knowledge may be the means by which a learner develops strategic behaviour. More fundamentally, cultural norms may be a form of procedural knowledge. Thus, in order to examine the concept of restructuring thoroughly, it may not be sufficient merely to analyze changes in linguistic output over time. Rather, an overall picture of the phenomenology of language learning must also be created in order to help explain how learners attempt to refine their knowledge of both linguistic and sociolinguistic systems. Toward this goal, Chapter 2 will review the literature related to the psycholinguistic processes involved in restructuring. The discussion will also deal with culturally-determined patterns of communication which, it will be argued, play a role in the restructuring process. Chapter 3 will list the research problems of the study and describe the methodology employed in the case studies. In Chapter 4, findings related to longitudinal changes in strategic behaviour will be presented, and tentative explanations for these changes will be offered. Chapter 5 will outline the limitations and implications of the research, and then present general conclusions  5  regarding the restructuring of procedural knowledge related to strategic behaviour and patterns of communication.  6  CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE This chapter seeks to expand upon the areas introduced in Chapter One. Thus, cognitive theory as it relates to procedural knowledge and second language learning will be discussed, as will the relationship between procedural knowledge and restructuring. An analysis of communication styles in Japanese culture will also be undertaken. Especially important here will be a discussion of the prominence of the group in Japanese culture and the impact this prominence has on Japanese learners of English. This cultural analysis will be carried out for the specific purpose of attempting to elaborate up the relationship between culturally-grounded knowledge and the process of restructuring. Finally, a typology will be developed based on communication and learning strategies. The Cognitive Perspective Anderson (1983) argues that procedural learning "occurs only in executing a skill" (p. 215). He calls procedural learning sequences "productions", involving "data-action" pairs which, if present in memory, serve as a guide to action (pp. 5-6). Procedural knowledge is contrasted with declarative knowledge, or cognitive units which are, according to Anderson, "such things as propositions (for example (hate,  7  Bill, Fred)), strings (one, two, three), or spatial images (a triangle above a square)" (p. 23). The distinction between the two types of knowledge has been put in simpler terms by Ellis (1985), who refers to procedural knowledge as "knowing how" and to declarative knowledge as "knowing that" (p.166). The procedural-declarative knowledge dichotomy is seen by Anderson (1983) as a facet of a "unitary theory of cognition" (p. 1), in which individual cognitive processes, including language, are representations of the same overall framework. Thus, within Anderson's theoretical structure, language acquisition is but one embodiment of a set of principles basic to human cognition. Specifically, syntactic development of a child's first language "mirrors the structure of procedural control" (p. 261). Cognitive Theory and Second Language Acquisition McLaughlin (1987) argues that the "internal representations" central to language acquisition are language-based (pp. 133-134). The procedural knowledge inherent in language acquisition involves propositions related to the lexical, syntactic, and pragmatic rules of language use. These propositions are developed gradually  through practice, as part of the overall cognitive process (Anderson, 1983, p. 267; McLaughlin, 1987, p. 134). The cognitive framework, then, provides one theoretical underpinning for the study of learners'  8  strategies within the second language acquisition process, in that it links strategic behaviour with procedural knowledge, and posits that "language and cognition [are] seen to be inextricably interrelated" in memory storage (O'Malley & Chamot, p. 55). This would seem to indicate that strategic behaviour is linked to a process of cognitive development that learners experience along with their linguistic knowledge. It thus raises an important question related to the development of both linguistic and strategic knowledge: do these intertwined branches of knowledge grow together as a result of the same overall cognitive process, or does strategic (procedural) knowledge act as a metalinguistic regulator of linguistic (declarative) knowledge? The following section will attempt to deal with this question. Automaticity and Restructuring Studies (Clark & Clark, 1977; Wode, et al., 1978) have shown that children learning English as their first language initially acquired the correct past tense forms of irregular verbs (e.g., went, came), but then went through a phase of reformulation of these irregular forms to products of the regular rule (e.g., "goed" or "wented", "comed"). This phase, in turn, was replaced by the correct usage of both regular and irregular forms of the past tense. The first stage of this process, the acquisition of  9  irregular past tense forms, provides an example of automaticity, described by McLaughlin (1990) as follows: The development of any complex cognitive skill is thought to require building up a set of well-learned, automatic procedures so that controlled processes are freed for new learning. From a practical standpoint, the necessary component is overlearning. A skill must be practiced again and again and again, until no attention is required for its performance (p. 115). In an earlier theoretical framework of cognitive development, Rumelhart and Norman (1978) describe automaticity somewhat differently, using the notions of "accretion" and "schema tuning" (p. 51). Schema are seen as "acting data processing units" (p. 44), and the learner is able to add ("accrete") knowledge within schema so long as it falls in close approximation with the existing organizational framework ("default values") of the schema. "Schema tuning" (p. 51) will also occur, where slight adjustments are made to the organizational framework to accommodate slightly variant data. While seen as a necessary condition for language acquisition, automaticity is not in itself a sufficient condition (McLaughlin, 1990; Lightbown, 1985). This is because as learners detect new information or find new patterns in the language, a cognitive restructuring of this information is necessary. Rumelhart and Norman (1978) see restructuring as the construction of new schema based on the old framework, but do not speculate on the actual  10  cognitive processes involved. Howard (1985) has elaborated upon the important concepts of top-down and bottom-up processing. Bottom-up processing deals with the learner's "picking up" of diverse pieces of lexical and syntactic knowledge, while top-down processing describes the cognitive operations necessary to the integration of linguistic knowledge within meaningful frames of reference (pp. 291-292). Karmiloff-Smith (1986) argues for a restructuring process involving three phases. In the initial, or "procedural phase" (p. 173), children attend to the external stimulus of hearing, for example, past tense forms and proceed to incorporate them, in a datadriven, bottom-up manner, as unanalyzed chunks into their speech. In the second phase, the child "goes beyond success", and "works on ...earlier (successful) procedural representations as problem spaces in their own right" (p. 174), by employing a top-down analysis of existing data. (This process can be compared with "denativization" [Andersen, 1989], and "hypothesis formulation and testing" [Schachter, 1986]). The third phase, a "conceptual phase" (p. 174) involves a full restructuring where the external stimuli of phase one and the internal processing of phase two are incorporated into a fully-developed ability to use the past tense forms of the English language. In a similar though less structured description, Cheng (1985) argues that restructuring involves the  11  reintegration of the elements of a learning task into a new form possessing new components which are more accurate representations of the task. Implicit in this description (and explicit in that of Karmiloff-Smith), is the idea of the learner striving for successful communication, and then going "beyond success" (Karmiloff-Smith, 1986, p. 174) to a complete mastery of the task. Restructuring, then, is seen as the means toward mastery (Lightbown, 1985), although most learners of a second language never attain native-speaker fluency. McLaughlin (1990), reporting on research by Ard and Gass (1987), hypothesized that: development in a second language may involve the interaction of lexical and syntactic processes, with restructuring occurring as one or the other process predominates (p. 122). It may be insufficient, however, to argue that the learner functioning in a foreign culture restructures linguistic knowledge only. Given the apparent relationship between restructuring and procedural knowledge, and Anderson's (1983) assertion that procedural and declarative knowledge are a single element in a larger cognitive framework, it would seem reasonable to infer that a restructuring of culturally-based knowledge is also a fundamental part of the language learning experience. This would also hold true, of course, for culturally-bound  12  conceptions of the nature and goals of education and the learning process as these relate to SLA. A tentative answer to the question posed above on the nature of the relationship between strategic and linguistic knowledge (see p. 8) may now perhaps be attempted. Through strategic analysis, the learner appears to initiate a process of discovery related to the internal logic of the rules--syntactic, lexical and, perhaps, pragmatic--of a specific language. When enough information has been obtained about this internal logic, a process of restructuring occurs. Strategic and linguistic knowledge thus appear to be different yet closely related, with the former type of knowledge providing procedural pathways to gain access to declarative knowledge inherent in linguistic systems. If it is indeed the case, other questions must be asked. One such question would relate to the dynamic between strategies an restructuring. For example, are strategies of a more cognitively complex nature born of the restructuring process as in a feedback loop, or do strategies remain constant through time? Another area of inquiry relates to consciousness, strategy formation, and second language acquisition. To what extent, for example, are strategies conscious processes? Finally, in relation to SLA, what mi the actual correspondence be between what learners say the know of the second language and their operative cognitive  13  representations of linguistic forms and functions? These questions will be examined below in subsequent sections of this review. Consciousness and Second Language Acquisition According to McLaughlin (1990), cognitive theory posits an "active, constructive, and planful" learner (p. 113). While cognitive theory must account for the strategies people use in learning, McLaughlin stresses that this does not imply that learners are always consciously aware of the strategies they employ. Faerch and Kasper (1987) argue that declarative knowledge is usually found in conscious memory, while procedural knowledge is automatically and unconsciously used unless a breakdown in communication forces conscious recourse to procedural strategies. Schmidt (1990) examined several notions of consciousness with reference to second language learning. Specifically, three categories of consciousness were examined: 1) "noticing and subliminal perception" in connection with the manner in which input becomes intake; 2) "incidental learning", or the extent to which input is consciously acted upon; and 3) "implicit learning", or the role of consciousness in hypothesis formulation (p. 138). Based on his own diary entries while learning Portuguese (Schmidt & Frota, 1986), Schmidt concluded that forms frequently noticed by the learner may become part of his  14  or her production, but may not necessarily contribute to learning or intake, depending on the degree to which the form is processed by the learner. Subliminal perceptions, argues Schmidt, do not play a role in second language acquisition. This argument, however, appears to be open to question, in that subliminal perceptions could provide a stimulus to schema tuning (Rumelhart & Norman, 1978), or to restructuring (Karmiloff-Smith, 1986; McLaughlin, 1990). The various frameworks now available in the literature do not appear to discount subliminal perception as a source of cognitive development. Like Faerch and Kasper (1983b), Schmidt (1990) sees incidental learning occurring to the greatest extent when the demands of the language task force the learner consciously to process the needed input into intake.  The Questions of Interface and Introspection Several researchers and commentators have advanced positions on the degree, if any, to which second language learners are able to "interface" a consciously-learned knowledge of language rules with subconsciously-acquired ability (the emphasized words are Krashen's [1981, 1982] terminology). Krashen (1981, 1982) has advocated a noninterface model in his input hypothesis, where "learning" a rule does not effect linguistic performance because the learner must subconsciously "acquire" knowledge at the  15  level most appropriate for personal advancement in the stage of acquisition that he or she is at. Sharwood Smith (1981), on the other hand, has articulated the most complete model of full interfacing. He calls the conscious representation of a well-defined body of grammatical knowledge "explicit" knowledge. "Implicit" knowledge, conversely, is the "feel" that a learner has for grammatical felicity (p. 159). Sharwood Smith has hypothesized that interface occurs when explicit and implicit knowledge merge as output. This output, along with the utterances of other speakers, forms input which is channelled back to the learner in the form of refinements upon both explicit and implicit knowledge. Swain (1985) found that this "comprehensible output" formed an important basis for both the testing of learners' hypotheses regarding linguistic forms and the negotiation of meaning between speakers. Seliger (1979) posited a weak interface model where language rules are seen not as representations of the learner's actual knowledge of the language, but as potential catalysts in increasing learning speed and accuracy. He has compared the language learner to the professional linguist, in that both attempt to form hypotheses regarding the structural components of a language based on observation and experimentation (Seliger, 1983). The comparison ends after this rather  16  superficial similarity, Seliger argues, because the conscious, metalinguistic explanations of language learners are not the same as their internal representation of the language. Seliger bases this view on his (1979) study of native and non-native speakers' knowledge of the usage rule for the English indefinite pronouns ("a" and "an") compared with their actual use of these forms. While agreeing that Seliger's distinction between conscious and subconscious representations of linguistic forms is an important one, Cohen (1987) argues that research in this area has shown that learner's reports about how their own learning takes place can be used to reconstruct the learning phenomenon (Cohen & Robbins, 1976), and that the degree to which conscious processes are involved in production needs to be re-examined (White, 1980; Ericsson & Simon, 1980). In summary, the discussion of the interface between conscious and unconscious acquisition of language, and the larger questions of the role of consciousness in attaining linguistic and metalinguistic knowledge offers useful insights into the role played by the strategies of language learners. At the very least, introspective reports on these strategies are important in furthering knowledge of what students are actually experiencing in class, as opposed to what instructors and curriculum developers feel students should be doing in class  17  (Hosenfeld, 1976). Restructuring and Culturally-based Knowledge The discussion to this point has focussed on restructuring as it applies to the psycholinguistic processes of second language acquisition. However, another significant concept has been alluded to above, and now needs to be discussed at greater length: the concept of restructuring as it may apply to changes in sociolinguistic knowledge generated through exposure to a foreign culture (e.g., learning strategies appropriate to the Canadian university setting). Because longitudinal studies documenting change in sociolinguistic behaviour among Japanese living in foreign cultures are largely unavailable, studies examining various aspects of education (ESL or otherwise) using Japanese subjects will be dealt with here. It is hoped that such studies will present us with characteristics of the Japanese student of English which can be examined for change in the course of the present study. Reid (1987) assessed the learning style preferences of several ethnic groups, including Japanese. These learning styles were divided into six categories: 1) Visual learning: reading, studying charts 2) Auditory learning: listening to lectures, audiotapes 3) Kinesthetic learning: experiential learning, that  18  is, total physical involvement with a learning situation 4) Tactile learning: "hands on" learning, such as building models or doing laboratory experiments 5) Group learning 6) Individual learning (p. 89) The group of Japanese learners in Reid's study consisted of 130 persons of varying ages, academic backgrounds and time spent in the United States. The findings indicated that:  For reasons yet unknown (although culture may certainly play a role), Japanese speakers did not, as a group, identify a single major learning style...(p. 96) Interestingly, group learning was the only category rated by the Japanese as a negative learning style preference. Reid did not, however, monitor her subjects for changes in attitude toward learning orientations over time; nor was the structure of the group learning in any way elaborated upon. This is significant because, while various commentators (Nakane, 1971; Shimahara, 1979) have noted the great importance of group membership and harmonious group relationships in Japanese society, this observation has not led to any significant amount of research in group dynamics among Japanese second language learners. The context in which learning takes place may also  19  serve to be a determining factor in the development of learning styles. For example, in a longitudinal study of communicative preferences and competence in an individual Japanese learner of English, Schmidt (1983; cited in Larsen-Freeman & Long, 1991, p. 69), found no evidence of the gradual acquisition of creative language based on the repertoire of formulaic speech possessed by the subject of his case study. In fact, Schmidt noted that his subject, Wes, appeared to rely heavily on memorization as a means of communication. Yet, as Schmidt notes, Wes was viewed as an excellent communicator of English in the naturalistic environment in which he used the language. Thus, within the context of Wes's learning environment, formulaic speech and the learning strategies it generated appeared to be of greater importance than the acquisition of rules for creative speech (cf. Ellis, 1984 and Wong Fillmore, 1979). In the area of intra-cultural communication, Gass and Varonis (1986) studied gender differences in negotiation for meaning among adult Japanese second language learners. Same and mixed-gender dyads were given three tasks, consisting of a conversation task and two picture-description tasks. The findings indicated that the members of the mixed-dyads initiated more negotiation than their counterparts in the same-sex dyads. Gass and Varonis concluded:  20  What we have seen in this study is a situation of unequal partnerships. Men took greater advantage of the opportunities to use the conversation in a way that allowed them to produce a greater amount of "comprehensible output", whereas women utilized the conversation to obtain a greater amount of comprehensible input (p. 349). The authors also speculated that "the overall dominance of men in the conversation may be influenced by cultural norms" (p. 349). As was the case with Reid's study, a measure of longitudinal changes in these patterns that might be indicative of the effects of restructuring was not a part of the research design. Also, because the study dealt with dyadic behaviour, the role of larger group dynamics was not studied. In the Gass and Varonis study, leadership roles in directing learning processes appeared to be a predominantly male prerogative. In a study attempting to isolate other qualities of leadership in learning situations, Dearing and Rogers (1990) studied group dynamics among the scientists who had formed study groups in Japan's Tsukuba Science City. While this study is obviously not directly related to group work among Japanese second language learners, it does offer insights into the nature of the Japanese study group. Dearing and Rogers note that the concept of the informal study group was in itself revolutionary when  21  these groups were first formed at Tsukuba. We might infer from this that group work generally is not a common process within the Japanese educational system. Case studies of some of the study groups revealed the importance of group leaders: Leaders were important in the establishment and operation of the study groups we analyzed. Each group was formed and guided by a strong-willed, energetic researcher; several of these were known as excellent researchers by their peers (p. 221). Dearing and Rogers maintain that the members of these groups reaped the benefits of meeting other researchers with whom they shared common professional and/or social interests. Implications of this study for group work in the second language classroom must, of course, be stated with caution, owing to differences between scientific study groups and group work in the second language class. However, it is possible to isolate components of the study group which may be applicable to Japanese learners of English. First, the selection of group leaders on the basis of perceived excellence in the field of study may be a general characteristic of group formation. Second, in the second language classroom, we might expect group members sharing common social and, perhaps, professional characteristics to form strong communicative bonds. While very positive in itself, this could, in the context of a  22  foreign learning environment, have the less desirable effect described by Bishop's similarity-attraction theory (cited in Scarcella, 1990, pp. 342-343), where non-native speakers sharing similar "interaction norms" tend to stay together in groups largely exclusive of those having other kinds of interactive behaviour. That this is the case in cultural interactions among Japanese seems to be supported by commentators such as Yoneyama (cited in Midooka, 1990) and Midooka (1990), who note that the "degree of intimacy" (Midooka, 1990, p. 482) between speakers determines the style of communication followed. This characteristic is, of course, true of communicative interaction in many societies; anthropological studies would seem to indicate, however, that for Japanese, both inter- and intra-group patterns of communication are complex and well-defined (Midooka, 1990). Midooka argues that within the Japanese group itself, the hierarchical arrangement of members is of fundamental importance. This is elaborated upon by Nakane (1970): The vertical relation which we predicted in theory from the ideals of social group formation in Japan becomes the actuating principle in creating cohesion among group members. Because of the overwhelming ascendance of this vertical orientation, even a set of individuals sharing identical qualifications tends to create a difference among these individuals (p. 25). According to Midooka (1990), factors involved in  23  determining a person's hierarchical rank include age, position, experience, and wisdom and knowledge (p. 483). As has been noted above, Dearing and Rogers (1990) found that group leaders in scientific study groups seemed to be recognized as "excellent researchers", a categorization determined at least partially in Midooka's above criteria. In summary, a number of characteristics related to Japanese culture and norms of communication have been discussed here. The information gleaned from the studies discussed above should prove helpful in assessing Japanese subjects' developing styles of communication when living in a foreign culture. Such an assessment might also, then, serve to indicate the degree to which culturally-held procedural knowledge is restructured. In the second language classroom, we might expect such restructuring to take place in two vital areas: 1) changes in the nature of group dynamics and 2) changes in the types of strategies employed by students in the classroom.  Types of Strategic Behaviour The purpose of the discussion to this point has been to elucidate the concepts of procedural knowledge and restructuring as they apply to second language acquisition and, to a lesser degree, to culturally-based norms of communicative interaction. Having done this, it is necessary to discuss basic types of strategic behaviour in  24  the hope that this knowledge will guide the development of a typology of second language learners' strategies. The first factor that must be considered in the selection of any typology of learning strategies is the current disarray in this area of research. Several researchers and writers have commented on the lack of standardization of terms and typologies in research regarding second language learners' strategies (Tarone, 1980; Raupach, 1983; Tarone, Cohen & Dumas, 1983; Ellis, 1985; Willing, 1987; Chaudron, 1988; and Skehan, 1989). Willing (1987) argues for the need to relate second language learning strategies to second language acquisition generally. Tarone (1980), however, cautions that diligence must be exercised in examining differences among bodies of research in terms of both the conceptual framework used and the phenomena observed, so far as these influence the classification of strategies. In addition, Corder (1983) notes the confusion regarding the classification of "learning strategies" and "communication strategies", and speculates that the difficulty may reside in the fact that different interpretations can be placed on the same baseline data, i.e., the interlanguage of the speaker (p. 16). Secondly, the relationship between strategic behaviour and procedural knowledge must be considered. Faerch and Kasper (1983a) have applied the  25  "learning-acquisition" distinction to interlanguage theory. "Learning" is defined as "the processes whereby the learner discovers the rules ... of L2 and gradually comes to master them, thereby developing a continuum of IL systems" (p. xvii). "Communicating" is seen as "the ways the learner uses his IL system in interaction" (p. xvii). Declarative knowledge is seen as the "substance" of learning, while procedural knowledge is thought to mediate between declarative knowledge and linguistic production (Faerch & Kasper, 1987). Thus, procedural knowledge, in this conceptual framework at least, guides the learner in knowing when and how to apply specific strategies; it also is the means by which automatization occurs (Faerch & Kasper, 1983b). McLaughlin (1987) extends Faerch and Kasper's concept of procedural knowledge to account for the restructuring of knowledge, although O'Malley and Chamot (1990) appear to argue that such an extension was not made by Faerch and Kasper themselves, who remain within a bottom-up, structural analysis, as opposed to a top-down, cognitive approach. It is possible, however, to find in Faerch and Kasper's analysis a combination of two theoretical perspectives: their analysis of a speaker's interlanguage provides a "picture" or "statement" of the declarative (bottom-up) knowledge of the speaker, while the same speaker's procedural (top-down) knowledge may be traced,  26  at least partially, through an examination of his or her strategies for language use. The ultimate goal of this latter examination would be to provide us with a description of the cognitive processes involved in learning a second language. A third factor in selecting strategies for a typology that is responsive to learners' introspective reports on strategic behaviour in the classroom is that of learner consciousness of the use of strategies. Faerch and Kasper (1983b) define communication strategies using the primary criterion of "problem-orientedness" and the secondary criterion of "consciousness" (p. 31). Their primary criterion appears to be generally accepted by other writers as important (Tarone, 1981; Ellis, 1985); that is, a. learner will not employ a communication strategy unless a problem in communication first exists. The second criterion, consciousness, is much more problematic. As Tarone (1981) argues, it is difficult to classify the degree of consciousness inherent in a strategy. Recognizing this problem, Faerch and Kasper (1983b) define communication strategies in such a way as to allow for varying degrees of consciousness: Communication strategies are potentially conscious plans for solving what to an individual presents itself as a problem in reaching a certain goal (p. 36). We might therefore expect variation among individuals  27  regarding consciousness of communication strategies, in that some learners may have automatized strategies which once operated on a conscious level or, depending on the situation, a normally unconscious strategy may become consciously accessible (Faerch & Kasper, 1983b). The issue of consciousness is important in guiding research as to what type of introspective reports experimental subjects might realistically be expected to give. Cumming (1990), for example, found that in the case of French Ll speakers introspectively commenting on their English writing processes, consciousness did not appear to be a factor in gaining access to Ll forms, but that it was a factor in making comparisons between L1 and L2 forms (See Schmidt (1981), however, for another view, where a learner was not able to establish an effective interface between Ll and L2.). In addition, research has indicated that learnerinitiated modification of IL forms is at least potentially available to NNS working together in problem-solving or conversational groups (Morrison & Low, 1983; Porter, 1986; Gass & Varonis, 1985; Rulon & McCreary, 1986; Berwick, 198 In keeping with Faerch and Kasper's definition of communication strategies, we might well expect that a multiplicity of communicative problems arises in the types exchanges documented by the research. We might equally expect, then, that learners would be conscious of the  28  strategies they employ to negotiate meaning in these exchanges, and that these strategies would therefore be open to introspective examination. As Tarone (1981) suggests, however, it would be extremely difficult to quantify the degree of consciousness involved in the learner's modification of his or her interlanguage. Thus, introspective reports of communication strategies might well be incomplete or inaccurate. There does, however, appear to be one key area of strategic behaviour as it applies to communication strategies in interlanguage development that is relatively accessible to the researcher to study without having to rely on subjects' introspective reports. This is the area of performance features. According to Seliger (cited in Faerch & Kasper, 1983c, pp. 213-214), performance features are elements of oral communication which are indicative of planning for or executing strategic behaviour. Highly automatized in nature, they can perhaps be seen as the smallest observable elements of procedural knowledge embedded within the interlanguage of the learner. These elements include features such as self-repairs, pauses, and repeats. That the analysis of performance features might provide important clues as to the basic production orientation of the learner is a concept discussed by Faerch and Kasper (1983c). After noting the need for more  29  research on the use of performance features among second language learners, Faerch and Kasper draw on Seliger's (1980) categorization of language learners as either "planners" or "correctors". In this model, "learners who carefully plan their utterances before they start talking" (i.e., planners) use a lot of filled and unfilled pauses, while "learners who start on the execution of their utterances before they have established a complete plan" (i.e., correctors) make extensive use of repeats and self-repair (Faerch & Kasper, 1983, p. 223). An analysis of these performance features, then, might provide the researcher with two basic orientations (i.e., planning and corrective behaviour) of subjects to oral production.  Learning Strategies O'Malley et al. (1985a) conducted research into the learning strategies employed by second language learners. While Faerch and Kasper (1983b) define communicative strategies largely in terms of changes in interlanguage structures brought about through necessity and conscious planning, O'Malley et al. examine learning strategies in terms of the cognitive processes that occur with the use of certain strategies. The theoretical foundations of their work appear to rest on generative processing (Witrock, Marks & Doctorow, 1975), which characterizes learning as a complex, interactive process between content and memory. In addition, O'Malley et al. cite Brown's  30  (1982) findings that learning strategies are not effective unless metacognitive processes are combined with cognitive processes to provide focus and direction to learning. O'Malley et al. (1985a) found that cognitive strategies constituted by far the largest percentages of strategies employed by the two groups of subjects (beginning and intermediate levels) that they observed. Of the cognitive strategies, observed, most fell into categories such as "cooperation" "question for clarification", "note-taking", and "repetition" (p. 39). O'Malley et al.'s primary interest appears to lie in defining broader cognitive and metacognitive categories of strategic intent. This is in contrast to Faerch and Kasper (1983b), who attempt to give a typology of communicative strategies induced largely from structures available in learners' interlanguage. In summary, it must be noted that there is no definitive typology of the strategies used by learners of second languages, and that researchers have not reached a consensus on the theoretical underpinnings best suited to approach this area of study. Of definite importance, however, are approaches based on the study of interlanguage theory, as exemplified by Faerch and Kasper (1983b), and cognitive theory, as applied by O'Malley et al. (1985a). The researcher developing a typology within these frameworks would need to consider carefully the  31  methodology for data collection, because subjects' instrospective reports might well prove unreliable in yielding accurate data on communication strategies, while learning strategies would appear to be more accurately identified through subject introspection than through researcher observation. A Typology of Second Language Learners' Strategies The following typology is synthesized from the above discussion. While it is far from exhaustive, it does provide insight into common communicative and cognitive strategies employed by second language learners. The strategies in the typology have been selected and, in some cases, modified, in an attempt to avoid overlapping definitions of types of strategic behaviour. As an inductive typology, it attempts to draw a number of streams of thinking about strategic behaviour into a single outline, but may not adequately reflect a particular learning context, such as the one identified in this study. It is expected that this typology would be revised to fit the data collected in the research project. Two basic areas of strategic behaviour have been chosen for representation--performance features and communication strategies. The former area is important in providing characterizations of the subjects in accordance with Seliger's notion of learners as being oriented towards  32  planning or corrective behaviours. The second area, communication strategies, is divided into functional reduction and achievement strategies. The former category  is  I. PERFORMANCE FEATURES (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c) A. Self repair (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c) A.1 False starts A.2 New starts B. Repeats (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c) C. Hesitation pauses (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c) C.l Filled pauses C.2 Unfilled pauses II. COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES (Faerch & Kasper, 1983b) A. Functional reduction strategies (Ellis, 1985) A.1 Topic avoidance (Tarone, Cohen, & Dumas, 1983) B. Achievement strategies (Ellis, 1985) B.1 Subject repeats all or part of interlocutor's words, in order to clarify meaning (Abraham & Vann, 1987). B.2 Question for clarification (O'Malley & Chamot,1990) B.3 Appeal to authority (Faerch & Kasper, 1983b) B.4 Comprehension check (Berwick, 1988; Gumperz, 1990) B.5 Restructuring (Faerch & Kasper, 1983b) B.6 Translation (O'Malley & Chamot, 1990) Figure 1. A typology of strategies related to learning a second language. primarily concerned with avoidance strategies, while the latter pertains to strategies used by speakers who wish to remain with the conversational topic, but who lack the  33  lexical or syntactic means to do so (Ellis, 1985). These categories of behaviour have been chosen here in the hope that they will reflect the subjects in passive and active modes of strategic behaviour, as indicated by their use of reduction and achievement strategies respectively. It is hoped that the specific strategies chosen are amenable to observation and, to some extent at least, the conscious recollection of the subjects. Summary The study of the development and use of strategies is a complex field, relying on different theoretical frameworks and producing typologies that vary greatly, both qualitatively and quantitatively, in their attempts to define and delimit components of learners' strategies. It would appear that strategic knowledge is a kind of procedural knowledge which interacts with declarative knowledge to produce context-appropriate linguistic forms. Cultural patterns of communicative behaviour appear to play an important role in defining the actual phenomenology of learning as it relates to the aspirations of learners. Initially at least, learners studying in a foreign environment will be bound to some extent by these culturally-conditioned patterns. It is also quite likely that learners employ culturally-determined patterns for the selection and use of strategies in new learning environments, but it would seem almost inevitable that  34  cultural norms of the foreign learning environment will gradually begin to influence this process over time. These culturally-determined patterns, in conjunction with specific characteristics related to the ages and goals of the group members themselves would serve to define the type of language socialization process that takes place (i.e., formal or informal, academic or general, instrumental or integrative acquisition of the target language). The socialization process would likely determine appropriate types of strategic behaviour through a gradual process of matching strategy use with favoured outcomes. Finally, restructuring would come about as the learner experimented with the various aspects of this equation in an attempt to develop equilibrium within the language environment. Figure 2 serves to illustrate the factors that may be involved in the overall restructuring process. This figure deals with differing kinds of procedural knowledge related to the sociolinguistic acquisition of a second language, and relates to the research problems listed in Chapter 3, which attempt to document changes over time in these types of procedural knowledge that might be attributed to restructuring. Chapter 3 will also provide a detailed description of the research site as well as an explanation regarding the selection of the cases.  35  >  > Linguistic Input  I v  group  Learner's cultural  <----> norms < background  Canadian > cultural dynamics  17  SOCIALIZATION  V STRATEGIC BEHAVIOUR  V RESTRUCTURING  V OUTPUT Figure 2. A model of the factors involved in restructuring.  36  CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY In order to gain insight into the assumptions that were developed in the preceding chapter about the nature of restructuring, a longitudinal case study involving two pairs of learners was developed. Politzer and McGroarty (1985) maintain that in any study of longitudinal changes in strategic behaviour, variables such as age, sex, cultural background and previous experience with the target language should be controlled. In addition to demonstrating how these factors were controlled for, this chapter will outline the research problems of the study and describe the research site. Research Problems The following research problems relate to the purposes of the study (pp. 3-4 above); they have been refined and enlarged upon, however, in order to reflect questions that developed from the process of interaction with the data. 1) Is quantitative change in performance feature use observable in NS-NNS interactions (interviews) and NNS-NNS interactions (in class group sessions)? [related to question 1, p. 4] 2) What introspective knowledge do the subjects possess regarding their use of performance features? [related to question 1, p. 4] 3) To what extent is cultural background responsible for  37  the dynamics of communication observed in the group sessions? [related to question 3, p. 4] 4) What are the introspective reports of the members of each case regarding the use of learning strategies, and are there differences over time in the nature of these reports? [related to question 2, p. 4] 5) Are the types of behaviours and behavioural change observed in questions 1, 2, 3 and 4 related to the process of restructuring? [related to questions 1, 2 and 3, p. 4] The Research Design Purposeful Sampling Strategies Case study analyses were carried out on two pairs of subjects involved in the UBC-Ritsumeikan Academic Exchange Program. Case A had achieved "advanced" (2, 2+) ratings on the Oral Proficiency Interview (OPI), while the subjects in Case B were rated at a "novice" (0+) level (see Appendix A for a description of the OPI). Information related to the cases is summarized in Table 1. The OPI was used as the instrument of assessment because it provides a valid measure of conversational ability, which is of fundamental importance in the taskoriented group work that formed the basis of classroom observation. The OPI was administered to the subjects in May, 1991, before they left Japan. The interview team, composed of University of British Columbia (UBC) staff as well as  38  local native speaking English teachers, had been trained in conducting the OPI prior to the May administration. It Table 1 Composition of the Cases Case    Subject (Sex)  A (advanced) B (novice)      OPI Rating  Atsuko (F) Kenji (M)  2 2+  Midori (F) Ryuzo (M)  0+ 0+  was not possible to test for inter-rater reliability regarding the evaluations given each of the four subjects during this administration. However, three of the four subjects--Atsuko, Midori, and Ryuzo--were evaluated by the same interviewer, a fact which would suggest a fairly high standard of consistency in evaluation. The four subjects were selected from among nine students who had initially volunteered to participate in the project. The final selection of subjects was made on the basis of OPI ratings and gender, so that the advanced and novice cases contained both sexes. Data Collection Strategies Initially, the four subjects were interviewed regarding their educational backgrounds, knowledge of language learning strategies, and objectives in learning  39  English. The interview used was an adaptation of the questionnaire employed by Abraham and Vann (1987) (see Appendix B). The subjects then underwent a series of four video-taped classroom observation sessions followed by semi-structured interviews. In the final interview, the subjects were asked to re-answer questions about the use of strategies that had been asked in the initial questionnaire. The data gathering process began in October, 1991, and continued until January, 1992, although no fieldwork was carried out in December. Classroom observation was carried out in the form of video-taped sessions where one or more of the subjects was involved in small group language learning activities. Two sections of a course entitled Intercultural Communication  in Second Language Learning, or English Education 379 (ENED 379) (see Appendix C), were chosen, as this course offered frequent opportunities to video-record students working cooperatively in pairs or small groups on a wide variety of communicative tasks. Participants retrospectively viewed these sessions with the researcher, generally in the late afternoon of the same day as the video-tapes had been made. During the course of these interviews, the subjects were asked to explain their reactions to the content and purpose of the video-taped activity. They were also asked about strategies for effective communication. A Japanese-English  40  interpreter was present during the interviews of the two Case B subjects, but this was deemed unnecessary for the Case A subjects after the first interview. It would be appropriate to comment here on the reliability of the interpretations. The four subjects wanted to answer the interviewer's questions in English as often as possible, so that a total of only 12 translations of their responses are found in the data. The procedure that emerged during the interviews was that if a subject did not understand a question, he or she would ask for it to be translated into Japanese. Having heard the question in Japanese, the subject would usually answer in English, asking for the interpreter's help only if it became very difficult to communicate meaning fully. Reliability was checked in two ways. First, in the case of the interpreter translating the question and the subject responding in English, the researcher was able to judge immediately if the subject's answer logically corresponded to the question asked. In 100% of the cases of this type of interpretation, answers corresponded with questions, leading to the conclusion that interpretation was highly reliable. Second, in order to assess the reliability of the interpreter's translations of subject responses, a second interpreter was called upon. Five of the possible twelve subject responses, or approximately 40% of the pertinent  41  data, were randomly selected and re-recorded on a separate cassette tape. The second interpreter was then asked to translate these five responses. The researcher judged that the meaning as translated by the second interpreter was virtually identical to that given in the original interpretation in four of the five samples, for an interrater reliability of 80%. In the fifth sample, the second interpreter reported that she had had difficulty hearing the recorded voices properly, and thus could not understand the conversation. The reliability of the interpretations would thus appear to be very high, both in the subjects' responses given in Japanese and in the explanations of the researcher's questions translated into Japanese. Instrumentation Data were collected in the form of observation records (video-tapes and written transcripts), interview records (cassette tapes and written transcripts) and field notes. Written transcripts were coded for the use of performance features on the part of the four subjects. Coding was replicated on approximately 25% of the recorded transcripts by a graduate student who had been trained in the use of the coding system. Initially, two pages from the sample were coded independently by the researcher and the graduate student. This coding was then compared and differences were discussed. After complete agreement had  42  been reached on each item coded in these initial pages,  the student-assistant continued to code the rest of the sample, while the researcher reviewed the coding already applied to the entire corpus of data. Inspection of the sample determined that an inter-rater reliability of 86% had been achieved. One of the subjects was unavailable for the second observation/interview; it was therefore decided, in view of the short time lapse between observations 1 and 3, not to report on the coding of the transcripts for observation/interview 2. However, any retrospective analyses on language learning strategies provided by the three subjects present for this observation/interview were taken into account for their value in revealing strategic development and sociolinguistic adaptation. Two important issues related to instrumentation--the development of a typology of strategies and the use of video-taped data in classroom research--will be discussed below. The former issue will contain a definition of terms. Development of a Typology of Strategies Initially, the coding of transcripts was performed using a typology of 12 performance features and strategies (see p. 31). In that typology, which was synthesized from the literature, strategic behaviour was divided into two major types: communication strategies and performance  43  features. After a preliminary coding of the data using this typology, however, it was found to be ineffective as a tool of analysis and an inefficient basis for applying conceptual thinking in SLA to the task of data analysis. In addition, the ambiguity of certain codes became problematic (e.g., restructuring and self repair), while other items rarely appeared in the data (e.g., translation). In order to deal with these difficulties, it was decided that communication strategies be omitted from the working typology, and that the coding of performance features (including comprehension checks) would be the first priority. Performance features were salient in the data and supported straightforward coding. They could also be applied directly to a conceptual underpinning in the form of Seliger's (1980) suggestion that basic orientations to learning (i.e., "planning" and "correcting") might be observed through the subject's usage of performance features. This data can also be compared with the introspective comments of the subjects related to learning styles, an option not readily available through an analysis of communication strategies, which are often inaccessible to conscious processing (Faerch & Kasper, 1987). The working typology is outlined in Figure 3. The study is also concerned with achievement  44  strategies in broad areas of classroom performance such as PERFORMANCE FEATURES (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c) A. Self repair (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c) A.1 False starts A.2 New starts B. Repeats (Faerch and Kasper, 1983c) C. Hesitation pauses (Faerch and Kasper, 1983c) C.l Filled pauses C.2 Unfilled pauses D. Comprehension check (Berwick, 1988; Gumperz, 1990) Figure 3. Working Typology. listening, reading, writing, conversation, and pronunciation. However, rather than working deductively from a typology of cognitive strategies in these areas, it was decided to rely on the introspective reports of the subjects as to the specific strategies that they employed. These reports were then applied to an analysis of longitudinal change within learning strategies. This decision was taken because of the fact that observation alone is at best an incomplete and unreliable methodology in determining learning strategies actually used by the subjects (O'Malley & Chamot, 1990). The subjects' introspective reports, however, tended to elucidate upon areas of strategic development in conjunction with a growing consciousness of the demands placed upon them by the learning environment in the areas of reading, writing,  45  listening, conversation, and pronunciation. This would appear to be in accordance with Witrock, Marks and Doctorow's (1975) notion of generative processing, which relates content to memory in cognitive processes, and with Brown's (1982) findings that metacognition serves to provide focus to learning experiences. Definition of Terms The following list provides definition for the terminology used in the final typology. Performance features: aspects of oral communication indicative of planning for or executing strategic behaviour (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c). Performance features included in the typology are: -Hesitation pauses: -Filled pauses: "pauses which involve some nonlexical vocal cord activity like er, um, ah, or gambits like turn-internally used starters (well) or cajolers ( I mean, you know)" (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c, p. 215). -Unfilled pauses: "silent pauses" (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c, p. 215). -Repeats: "...repetitions which can stretch from a single phoneme up to several words" (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c, p. 215). -Self repair: "A self-initiated, self-completed  46  repair" of a feature of oral production Faerch & Kasper, 1983c, pp. 215-217). Self repair falls into two basic types: -False starts: "a self repair...placed immediately next to the item to be repaired (the trouble source)" (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c, p. 216). -New starts: the self-repair is "placed at a later point in the same speaker's turn, normally at a plausible completion point" (Faerch & Kasper, 1983c, p. 216). -Comprehension check: a rising intonation after a key lexical item or prepositional phrase, indicating that the speaker is attempting to verify the clarity of the utterance (Berwick, 1988; Gumperz, 1990). The Use of Video-taped Data  The use of the video-tape as a research tool has been well documented in the field of SLA research (Rubin, 1975; Mehan, 1977; Saville-Troike, 1984; Wong-Fillmore, 1985). It is seen as a tool allowing for an "external memory" of a research event (Mehan, 1977), since it can be viewed repeatedly. Participants can be encouraged to view videotaped data and provide feedback on their performance or verify the interpretations of the researcher (WatsonGegeo, 1988). Controversy does exist, however, regarding the ethical problems inherent in the use of video-taped data, particularly when participants are "textualized",  47  and thus disempowered as autonomous individuals capable of careful reflection and change (Tobin & Davidson, 1990). These ethical considerations were kept in mind during the periods of data gathering and analysis, in respect both to the integrity of the four subjects and in the awareness that the data collected were far from presenting a complete picture of the phenomenology of learning among these subjects. Selection of Site In September, 1991, The University of British Columbia and Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, Japan, jointly launched a program of instruction on the UBC campus. During the first year of the program participants included 100 second and third year Japanese undergraduate students (50 male and 50 female) from Ritsumeikan University. These students were divided into five classes of twenty students each, and studied at UBC for an eight-month period, from September to April, 1991-92. The students came from various academic backgrounds. The largest groupings included students from the fields of International Relations (37), Social Sciences (19), Business Administration/Economics (16), and Letters (17). The latter group included students majoring in English. At the time of entry into the program, TOEFL scores among these students ranged from 480 to 583, with the majority of students scoring in the 500-540 range, indicating  48  learners of upper intermediate ability. The program designers--from both the Canadian and Japanese sides--prioritized a program of instruction emphasizing academic discourse and intercultural communication. In the first term (September-December, 1991), all of the students studied a program of English for Academic Purposes (EAP) designed to prepare them for regular undergraduate course work. These courses were entitled Intercultural Communication in Second Language  Education (English Education 379, or ENED 379), Second Language Education Practicum (Education 395, or EDUC 395), and Academic Discourse in Second Language Education (Education 490, or EDUC 490). Students whose TOEFL scores fell in the 550-579 range had the opportunity, in the second term of the program (January-April, 1992), to audit two courses offered in the Faculty of Arts, including Understanding Culture and  Society (Anthropology 100) and Asian International Relations (Political Science 365). Students scoring 580+ on the TOEFL were allowed admission into any undergraduate course offered at UBC, in addition to the two Arts courses. Of the one hundred Ritsumeikan students in attendance, only five had gained access to this privileged status by the start of the second term. After four attempts at raising their TOEFL scores to sufficiently high levels during the first term, 68 of the students were  49  still below the 550 level, and thus repeated the EAP courses listed above (with EDUC 395 being optional). Anthropology 100 and Political Science 360 "parallel courses", which were team taught by visiting professors from Ritsumeikan University and Canadian lecturers, were also provided for these students in the second term. Those students auditing regular UBC courses were also required to enroll in the two EAP courses taken by the group whose TOEFL scores were below 550; they were also enrolled in the parallel courses. In addition to regular course work. students were able to attend optional language laboratory sessions, where they could use various cassette and video tapes as study aids. An optional "Individual Study Program" (ISP) was also offered once a week for ninety minutes. In these ISP sessions, students were able to choose from among various types of activities, including conversation and pronunciation workshops, a class offering instruction in idioms, a writing workshop, computer skills training and, in the second term, a "movie of the month" discussion group. The Classes  Atsuko and Kenji, the advanced speakers, were members of the "Alpha" section of the English Education 379 class which began in September, 1991, while Midori and Ryuzo, the novice speakers, were members of the "Beta" section of  50  this course. A brief explanation of the course format would be in order here. Every Monday morning, a guest speaker delivered a lecture to the entire Ritsumeikan student body on a topic appropriate to ENED 379 course content. Such lectures included topics in language learning, native land claims in Canada, and Canadian holidays. During the Tuesday through Thursday class sessions, instructors and students would analyze and amplify the lecture topic delivered in the plenary lecture. In both Alpha and Beta classes, pair and small group work was the preferred means of exploring these lecture topics. These group sessions ranged from tasks such as answering comprehension questions based on the guest lecturer's talk to preparing and delivering topicspecific debates or conversations. The instructors of Alpha and Beta classes demonstrated a remarkable degree of uniformity in class organization. Classes in which videotaped observations were carried out generally began with a brief, instructor-led introduction and explanation of the task being assigned, followed by a short question period. Students would then break up into pairs or groups, usually for about thirty minutes, while the instructor offered assistance and answered questions. Finally, the entire class would meet again, in order to discuss the outcomes of the task assigned or, in the case of longer tasks such as debates, to report on progress made. Thus, while the  51    material for group work was not identical in Alpha and Beta classes, the thematic issues, as well as the approach to learning, were similar. A descriptive analysis of the two classrooms is given in Table 2. Table 2 Descriptive Analysis of Alpha and Beta Classes Class  N  OPI  Alpha  F: n=12 M: n= 8 N=20  2 n=9 2+ n=7 3 n=4  528.90 s= 28.51 range=96  Beta  F: n= 8 M: n=12 N=20  0+ n= 7 1 n=13  X=  TOEFL  X=  507.55 s= 17.98 range=60  The final classroom observation took place in followup course, Education 316: Communication Skills in  Educational Settings. Classes did not contain the same populations of students, and all students had different instructors. However, during the one classroom observation that occurred under these new circumstances, it was noted that the instructors were following the same basic teaching format as they had previously employed. Also, the four subjects were, for this one observation at least, all working with students who had been in their respective ENED 379 classes the previous term. Thus, no  52  new or intervening variables were observed that made this final observation qualitatively different from the earlier observations. Summary In this study, four subjects comprising two, twoperson cases were observed in order to analyze the types of strategies they used in task-oriented group sessions as well as in conversation with a native speaker of English. In addition, these students were interviewed in order to gain further understanding of their metacognitive knowledge of the processes involved in learning a second language. The subjects were selected on the basis of gender and conversational ability as rated by the OPI. The assumption has been made that these four learners are representative of the "typical" UBC-Ritsumeikan exchange student. Although this assumption must be stated cautiously, it does appear valid because of the similar ages and cultural and educational backgrounds of the subjects. As will be seen in Chapter 4, the educational backgrounds of the subjects appear to be remarkably similar, a fact which further supports the argument that results obtained from the study of these four subjects are generalizable to the immediate population of UBCRitsumeikan exchange students. Chapter 4 will also present findings related to the five research problems stated  53  above.  54  CHAPTER 4: RESULTS In this chapter, an initial examination of similarities in the four subjects will be followed by an analysis of the two cases. The findings from each case will then be presented and analyzed with specific reference to the research questions posed in Chapter 3. A basic goal of this chapter, then, is to examine longitudinal change in strategic behaviour, while taking cultural and gender-related factors into account. A second goal is to comment, cautiously, on the role of restructuring in longitudinal changes in strategic behaviour. Homogeneity of Experience During the initial interview, questions adapted from Abraham and Vann's (1987) questionnaire revealed great uniformity in the language learning experiences of the four subjects prior to their arrival in Canada. Before analyzing the individual cases in detail, it would be useful to examine this homogeneity of experience. Each of the four subjects grew up in Japan, within uniformly monolingual home and school environments. None had travelled outside of Japan before engaging in their studies in Canada. Each began studying English formally in junior high school, and continued studying English and another foreign language (L3)--German, Mandarin, or  55  French--throughout their high school and university educations. The Japanese education system, being highly product oriented (Shimahara, 1979), would appear to deemphasize the process of language learning embedded in communicative task activities in favour of activities such as grammar study, reading and translation exercises (Duppenthaler, Viswat & Onaka, 1989). Each subject reported that the latter types of exercise constituted the basic activities of classroom work and assignments for homework. Textbooks used included class readers, as well as the audio-lingually oriented New Horizons series. English teachers reportedly spoke little English, aside from reading and grammar exercises, in the junior and senior high school classrooms, but slightly more at the university level. Group work and communicative conversational exercises were rarely, if ever used in the English language classroom. There were native speaking English teachers in high school and university, although contact with them was minimal, ranging from two or three periods per year in high school, to two hours per week for one university term. Attendance and attention in class, at the university level, at least, did not appear to be of great importance, as indicated in Atsuko's statement: Japanese way is just giving homework, and we do the homework, but the part of the homework is  56  decided beforehand, so I know, just complete, what I was given is enough to attend the class. ...So after finishing...what I did in my home, I will be free, so I don't concentrate on my class very much (Oct. 6, 1991). Based on the information given by the four subjects, then, we may conclude that the task-oriented, student-centred methodologies practised by the instructors of Alpha and Beta classes constituted a new learning experience for the Ritsumeikan students. At Ritsumeikan University, the four subjects were taught English for two hours per week, over the period of one term, by a native English speaker. While this is perhaps of no significance methodologically (i.e., in that the subjects unanimously reported on the novelty of the small group, task-based classroom assignments that they experienced after arriving in Canada), it may help to explain certain intonation features apparently acquired by the four subjects prior to their arrival in Canada, particularly the rising intonation associated with comprehension checks. An interesting distinction emerged between the novice and the advanced pairs of subjects regarding attendance at school- or university-sponsored English clubs. While none of the subjects belonged to this type of club in junior or senior high school, both of the Case A subjects reported belonging to an English club at University. Atsuko had  57  been a member for one year, and Kenji for four months. Outside the school, access to English-speaking foreigners also appeared to vary between the two cases. In a needs assessment questionnaire completed by the Ritsumeikan students prior to departure, Ryuzo and Midori both reported a complete absence of contact with foreigners, while Kenji and Atsuko noted quite frequent contact with foreign friends. The questionnaire did not stipulate, however, whether these foreign friends were English speakers or not, which might explain the apparent contradiction in a statement given later by Kenji, who said that he had no English speaking acquaintances in Japan. All of the subjects reported frequent contact with English films and music (the former of course having Japanese subtitles), but none listened to more linguistically demanding broadcasts, such as the BBC World Service or the Voice of America. The Cases The ensuing discussion will attempt to relate research findings to the research problems given above (pp. 37-38). The number and title given to each subheading in the following discussion of results for Cases A and B therefore refers to the corresponding research problem.  58  Case A: The Advanced Speakers The two subjects in this case, Atsuko and Kenji, displayed different characteristics as learners and communicators. Atsuko generally appeared to be relaxed, cooperative, and loquacious in small group activities, while Kenji often seemed reticent and quite tentative in his offerings to the group. The following discussion will describe linguistic and strategic development between these two subjects. 1) The Use of Performance Features Figures 4-7 illustrate the use of performance features as they relate to corrective and planful behaviours for the two Case A subjects. In Figures 4 and 5, corrective behaviour in each group session (G) and interview (I) was calculated by adding the frequencies of repeats and self repairs (Appendix D) and then finding the mean. The percentages of occurrence were calculated by finding the means of the three percentages for repeats and self repairs in each interview and group session. In measuring planful behaviour, the mean frequencies and percentages of filled and unfilled pauses were calculated for each interview and group session. In both the planful and corrective categories, the ratio between mean percentages and the total number of performance features overall is represented as a total at the end of the horizontal axis. The dates of each group  59  session and interview are given in Appendix D.  40  Atsuko ---Kenji  35 30 25 Percent of Occurrence 20 15 10 it». ..... - ... - ....  -  4,........ ∎	 \  5 0  Frequency of Occurrence  Quest. Atsuko 29 Kenji 19  \  \  ....•  N..  ....,  .....-  ...,  ,,#...- -. .-. - - ..k  Il  13  14 Total  27 10  28 4  38 122 7 40  Figure 4. Comparison of Case A corrective performance features by questionnaire/interview. For both subjects in this case, the number of performance features in the group sessions was much less than the number found in the retrospective interviews. We would expect that the number of performance features in the group session category is relatively small, because the interviews were longer than the video-taped sessions.  60  40  Atsuko ---Kenji  35 30 25 Percent of Occurrence 20 15 10  5 0  Frequency of Occurrence  G1  G3  G4  Atsuko 6 Kenji 0  3 0  4 1  Total 14 1  Figure 5. Comparison of Case A corrective performance features by group session. In addition, the group work often involved three or more group members, which limited the input and thus the performance feature use of the subjects within the group context. These factors indicate that a greater quantity of performance features should be found in the data collected  61    40 35 ■  30  ■  ■  ■  ■ -' *f  -  ...  .--  .. A' ■  .\  ∎  ■	 .ve... -- -- -- --  *  25 Percent of Occurrence 20 15  *  10  5  ----Atsuko — — Kenj i  0  Quest. Frequency of Occurrence  Atsuko 28 Kenji	 72  I1  13  14 Total  24 31  28 40  37 29  117 170  Figure 6. Comparison of Case A planful performance features by questionnaire/interview. in the questionnaire and interviews. What is surprising, however, is the extent to which the frequency of performance features decreases in the group sessions, particularly in the data for Kenji. At least two factors might be involved in this phenomenon. First, as indicated  62    40  Atsuko - -Kenj i  35 30 25 Percent of Occurrence 20 15 10 5 0  Frequency of Occurrence  G1  G3  G4  Atsuko 4 Kenji 0  7 0  5 1  Total 15 1  Figure 7. Comparison of Case A planful performance features by group session. above, the overall verbal input in the group sessions might decrease. Second, the level of linguistic and sociolinguistic difficulty in group interaction might be lower than that in the interview context, resulting in qualitative differences between these two categories. One way of measuring this phenomenon is to calculate the percentages of turns in the group sessions (i.e., NNS-NNS  63  interactions) coded as possessing performance features and comparing them with similarly-coded turns in the interview sessions (i.e., NS-NNS interactions). This calculation would serve to factor out the quantity of input, thus allowing us to compare qualitative differences in performance feature use between the group and interview contexts. In the coding schema, a turn was defined as an utterance uninterrupted by another speaker. Interruptions by other speakers would therefore constitute the demarcation boundaries of the turns taken by the subject. Table 3 gives a comparison of turns possessing performance features as opposed to turns free of such features in the subjects' coded group work and interviews. Seliger (1980) has claimed that performance features are indicative of either "planning" or "correcting" on the part of the learner. Planning and correcting may be seen as the types of problem-solving behaviours that contribute to the process of the restructuring of knowledge (Karmiloff-Smith, 1986), and hence, to the acquisition of the second language. It is interesting to note, therefore, that in Table 3 the percentages of turns possessing performance features are consistently higher in the retrospective interviews than in the group work. This would seem to suggest that the group sessions provide less opportunity for the restructuring of linguistic knowledge than do the interview sessions.  64  If correctors tend to use self repair and repeats extensively, while planners are more dependent on hesitation pauses, as Seliger (1980) has suggested, then the data on Atsuko's use of these performance features are inconclusive as to her overall orientation to learning. Table 3 Case A: Turns embedded with Performance Features* (Expressed as percentages of the total number of turns) Atsuko   Kenji  1  3  4  Group  25  53  36    Interview  67  61  55    Session  1  3  4  17 65  46  52  *excluding comprehension checks The data presented in figures 4-7 show corrective and planful behaviours for Atsuko quite evenly distributed at about 15% in both the questionnaire and interviews. While the group sessions showed greater fluctuations, planful and corrective performance feature use, when expressed as percentages of the total number of performance features in the data, averaged 16% and 14% respectively. This would seem to suggest that Atsuko is both a corrector and a  65  planner. Kenji, on the other hand, appeared to be a careful planner of verbal output, as indicated by high percentages of planful behaviour and much lower percentages of corrective behaviour in the data for questionnaireinterview contexts (Figures 4 and 6). It is difficult to draw any conclusions from the data for Kenji in the group session context (Figures 5 and 7). The extremely low frequency of performance features resulted in large fluctuations in the percentages of performance feature occurrence, making it impossible to detect valid behavioural patterns. The low frequency of performance feature use does indicate that Kenji was reluctant to speak out in the group sessions, a finding corroborated by in-class observation. Comprehension Checks Both subjects used the comprehension check quite frequently in the interviews (Appendix D). It was initially thought that the use of this performance feature would increase over time as it became automatized in the subjects' speech patterns. This did not appear to be the case, although in the data for Kenji the increase in the use of comprehension checks after the questionnaire (i.e., in Interviews 1 - 4) is noticeable. 2) Introspective Observations on the Use of Performance Features  66  The discussion of introspective observations made by the subjects in both cases will frequently make use of excerpts from the interviews and group work activities. In these excerpts, italic print will be used to highlight the particular performance feature or comment indicative of the strategic behaviour under discussion. Should two different types of strategic behaviour be of importance in one excerpt, the second type will be underlined. The interviewer's questions and comments are recorded in upper case print, while lower case print has been used for the subjects' responses. A number enclosed in square brackets (e.g., [3]) indicates the length in seconds of an unfilled pause. It should also be noted that excerpts used in this chapter are not verbatim transcriptions, but have been edited for clarity of meaning. Samples of verbatim transcriptions are found in Appendix E. Excerpts are numbered in closed parentheses consecutively throughout the text. That Atsuko closely monitored her linguistic production is evident from the high percentages of false starts in the data. Interestingly, she reported not being conscious of this process: (1)...We have learned grammar very strongly, stress, grammar was stressed to learn very correct very correctlyIN JAPAN?  67  Yeah, in Japan, so, so our attitude to English is like that, that we will care the grammars, the grammar, but I think, as for me, I'm, I'm not so good at thinking, uh, carrying grammars, grammar because uh, it's very small thing. ... I have to be careful, but now, I'm very, uh, concentrating on speaking, so sometimes I cannot uh, concentr-concentrate on just one small thing (Jan. 16, 1992). Despite her claim that she does not monitor linguistic output, the above excerpt indicates the degree to which Atsuko did correct her own production errors. An interesting hypothesis emerges: due to the heavy emphasis placed on proper grammatical construction in the English classes in which Atsuko had participated in Japan, it is possible that the self-monitoring process became automatized, so that she rarely had conscious knowledge of monitoring for production errors. Corrective behaviour remained a fairly constant feature in Atsuko's verbal output (Figures 4-7) despite her avowals to the contrary. Thus, no gradual lessening of corrective behaviour as target language norms of production were acquired can be reported here. For Kenji, the data indicate that planning was an important orientation to verbal output. This is in strong accordance with the introspective reports of Kenji himself, as reported in the initial questionnaireinterview: (2) Maybe we can say any language conversation is  68  very difficult to make sentences in my head, so speak correctly is very difficult (Oct. 7, 1991). (3) Maybe, the type of grammar it's very different from Japanese types of grammar. I can make the comparison in writing, but I cannot make the sentence in the head, so it's very hard to make sentence. SO WHEN YOU SAY 'IN THE HEAD', YOU MEAN FOR EXAMPLE, WHEN TALKING WITH SOMEONE? Yeah. Maybe I can say, I can make sentence to take too much time in the head. So, what, I cannot speak quickly as quickly as I can (Oct. 7, 1991). Kenji's introspective reports, however, are not totally consistent. In excerpts 2 and 3 (from the questionnaire) for example, he appears to place emphasis on difficult grammatical forms in English which thus make planning more difficult. However, in excerpt 4 (from Interview 1), he seems to be reporting that lexical items or overall meaning take predominance over grammar: (4) He doesn't, can't afford to have grammar rules. When he is speaking, he is focussing on the speaking [reported by interpreter] (Nov. 5, 1991). The data would appear to support the supposition that Kenji monitors for meaning more than grammaticality, in that self-repair performance features, which often attend to grammatical errors, are not prominent in his speech (see Appendix D). Interestingly, by the final interview, Kenji appeared to regard excessive planning as an impediment to effective  69  conversation: (5)...ARE THERE ANY STRATEGIES THAT YOU USE TO TRY TO UNDERSTAND WHAT THE PERSON IS SAYING, OR TO MAKE YOURSELF UNDERSTOOD TO THE PERSON? I don't think I use that kind of strategy. Just, I have to understand what the other persons says, just I have to react almost, I don't think anything, just say something, orJUST SAY SOMETHING? -no strategy. ...Yeah. Maybe so. That's why, I cannot speak out?  Just thinking, "What should I say", or, "What is a suitable word?", or, just thinking so, ...I couldn't say anything (Jan. 28, 1992). The data do not indicate that Kenji gradually reduced his use of long pauses to conform with target language norms of production, although it appears that he did become conscious of the need to incorporate more spontaneity into his verbal output. 3) Dynamics of Communication in the Group Sessions Atsuko, on the basis of most of the data collected on her, could well be classified as a "High input generator" (Seliger, 1977), or a second language learner who frequently initiates conversation with speakers of the target language. This was not always the case, however. One group session, for example, involved members of a class debating team planning strategies on the abortion issue, the topic that Atsuko had voted for during the selection process. She remained curiously and  70  uncharacteristically silent throughout the group work, and later explained her reasons for doing so: (6)...the reason why I was quiet is because that the, uh, because of the person who sit next to me. Uh, the person who talked most mostly, uh, I cannot speak about the, uh I cannot speak in front of him. I'm not good at speaking with him, because he is so smart, so when I talk, when I talk about my opinion, I cannot have any, I cannot have confidence, so, I think in myself, but I am afraid to express what I think, about it (Nov. 12, 1991). Significantly, Kenji also pointed out his discomfort in working with the same student mentioned by Atsuko: (7) DID YOU FEEL COMFORTABLE WITH THE OTHER MEMBERS OF YOUR GROUP TODAY? Comfortable? Not comfortable. It's always only X [the student]. His English is good, so, he likes to speak, to say his opinion. So most of the time he and another student [name given] is, uh, kind of leader in our class. Because of his, their good English (Nov. 19, 1991). Excerpt 7 provides an excellent working definition of the qualities of a "leader". It is not far removed from the description given by Dearing and Rogers (1990) (see pp. 21-22 above) of leaders in Japanese science study groups. In Kenji's definition, two qualities seem to predominate: 1) the group leader is confident, and 2) the group leader is recognized as an excellent speaker of English. Video-tapes of group work involving Atsuko, Kenji, and the unnamed group leader reveal interesting  71  differences, possibly gender-related, in the respective behaviours of the two subjects. Atsuko, for the greater part of the group session, remained quietly staring at her exercise book. In Kenji's group, eye contact was almost exclusively directed toward the group leader when other students exercised their opportunities to take turns in the conversation. Kenji himself spoke infrequently during the session, and his comments might best be described as tentative: (8)...attract many Japanese people in Canada. It not make sense to this question? [7) You don't understand? [Eye contact directed toward student X] (Nov. 16, 1991). For both subjects, responses to the presence of student X might best be described as submissive, although, in this particular case, Kenji's response appeared to involve an attempt to communicate on a level approaching equality with the group leader, while Atsuko's response was muted at best. This is perhaps an example of groups creating hierarchies where none objectively exist (Nakane, 1971). In any case, it is interesting that both Atsuko and Kenji were able, by the final interview, to articulate evolving strategies for dealing with their submissive responses in this type of group situation. For Atsuko, the need to compete with those learners whom she perceived as being more articulate became an extremely important  72  strategy of motivation: (9) I don't want to be defeated by my friends in English. I have a lot of rivals, I think my friends are rivals. Rivals. ...So the competition, there's good energy for me to, to encourage myself to study English. Yeah. Then I will escape the feeling of inferiority (January 16, 1992). Kenji, on the other hand, was able to articulate a motivating strategy, but did not appear confident in actually carrying it out: (10) I should, attract, or [4], attract or [5], I should [4] be more active to attract other people from my opinion [3]. Or, I try to join their conversation. But I can't (Nov. 16, 1991). It is difficult to judge whether these strategies were developed during the duration of the research period, or whether the subjects had long been aware of them. Given the novelty of the learning environment, both inside and outside of the classroom, we might cautiously conclude that these were new strategies for the two subjects, at least in regard to studying a second language, and that they may have been employed strategically to the learning task. 4) Changes in Learning Strategies Over Time Table 4 outlines introspectively-reported changes in learning strategies for the two subjects during the datagathering period.  73  Table 4 Case A: Reported Change in the Use of Learning Strategies Atsuko  Questionnaire (October 6, 1991)  Interview 4   (January 16, 1992)  1. Pronunciation: Repetition,  1. Pronunciation:  observation of NS vocal-  Repetition, observa-  izations.  tion of NS vocalizations.  2. Vocabulary: Extensive  2. Vocabulary: None.  reading. Repetition of  Atsuko was currently  and concentration on new  wondering how best to  words. Writing down new  expand her vocabulary.  vocabulary. 3. Listening Comp.:  3. Listening Comp.: Speaking Speaking with Canadian  Watching movies with  friends and teachers.  no subtitles. Listening to a radio program featuring a "teacher-consultant." table continues  74  Table 4 (cont'd) Case A: Reported Change in the Use of Learning Strategies  Listening in on NSNS conversations. 4.  Conversation: Listening  4. Conversation: No  in on NS-NS  strategy reported.  conversations in the cafeteria. 5. Reading Comp.: Concen-  5. Reading Comp.:  tration on the intro-  Focussing on the  duction and conclusion  first and last  of the passage.  sentences of each  In each paragraph,  paragraph. Under-  concentrating on the first  lining key content  or topic sentence and the  and function words.  last sentence.  Skipping over unfamiliar words to attain greater reading speed.  6. Grammar: No strategies  6. Grammar: No strategies  reported.  reported.  7. Writing: Completion of  7. Writing: No strategies  written assignments.  reported. table continues  75  Table 4 (cont'd) Case A: Reported Change in the Use of Learning Strategies  Kenji  Questionnaire  Interview 4  (October 7, 1991)  (January 28, 1992)  1. Pronunciation: Repeating  1. Pronunciation: Self-  problem words, both  analysis of  vocally and silently.  pronunciation difficulties, after observing problem areas when speaking with NS.  2.  Vocabulary: Making lists  2. Vocabulary: Use of  and repeating them.  dictionary.  3. Listening Comp.  3. Listening Comp.:  Listening to the news on  Listening to the news  the radio.  on the radio.  4. Conversation: No strategy  4. Conversation: First,  reported.  understanding what the other person says. Then, "just reacting" to what table continues  76  Table 4 (cont'd) Case A: Reported Change in the Use of Learning Strategies s/he says. 5. Reading Comprehension:  5. Reading Comprehension:  Reading widely (books and  Depending on the  newspapers).  nature of the reading material, skimming for the main idea and checking the dictionary for unfamiliar words.  6. Grammar: None reported.  6. Grammar: Not asked.  7. Writing: Getting help  7. Writing: No strategy  from others in  reported.  constructing sentences. It would appear that similarities developed between the two subjects regarding reading strategies. Atsuko had already begun to develop a reading strategy when she was first interviewed; by the final interview, however, she had further refined this process by concentrating on key vocabulary and reading for context where vocabulary was not known. The strategy was apparently developed to improve the speed with which she read and to lessen dependence on reference materials such as dictionaries in classroom work. Kenji had also begun a strategy of  77  scanning written material, although he appeared to rely to some extent on the dictionary as well. These reading strategies are, of course, quite frequently taught, so it would not be surprising if both subjects had received formal classroom instruction on reading techniques. In addition, the limited amount of time available in which to meet deadlines imposed on in-class work as well as written assignments would likely have provided sufficient incentive for the frequent use of reading strategies. In the use of listening strategies, both subjects had, by the final interview, reached out to the media in the form of motion pictures and the radio for opportunities in which to practice. This might be indicative of the inherent difficulties involved in carrying out direct, substantive interaction with native speakers. Overall, it appears that strategic behaviour in Case A was modified over time to reflect the stringent demands on time imposed by course work. In addition, the members of the case appeared to specialize in strategic areas most vital to personal or academic priorities. It is therefore significant to note that, in the final interview, Atsuko specified listening as the area she most wanted to improve upon, while Kenji noted that conversation, in its full sense of decoding and encoding messages, was his priority.  78  5) The Restructuring of Procedural Knowledge Related to Linguistic Behaviour a) Psycholinguistic Knowledge With the possible exception of Kenji's use of comprehension checks, there appeared to be little change in patterns of performance feature use over time for both members of Case A. This would lead us to the conclusion that no major restructuring of corrective or planful behaviours occurred over the four-month data collection period. Indeed, these orientations to verbal output may be so basic to a learner's personality that we should not expect any change other than a very gradual lessening, over longer periods of time, of extremes in corrective or planful behaviour such as very long unfilled pauses or multiple self repairs. The discussion which follows on the actual mechanics of restructuring is not directly related to the research problems in Chapter 3. It would seem important, however, in this section to discuss a possible means by which performance features are used in the process of achieving automaticity of linguistic form, which is thought to be a part of the restructuring process (McLaughlin, 1990). While it is difficult to analyze Kenji's output, because processes of automatization are largely hidden behind unfilled pauses, in Atsuko's case these processes may be seen in her ability to scaffold (Hatch, 1978). The excerpt  79  below illustrates a pattern of horizontal (i.e., syntactical, or intra-speaker) scaffolding (McLaughlin, 1987) frequently found in Atsuko's speech. Such scaffolding seemed to occur frequently around newlyacquired lexical items (e.g., "on my floor" in excerpt 11 below), where Atsuko appeared to incorporate new constructions into the conversation based on associative links with previously-acquired forms (e.g. "in my room" in excerpt 11 below). Scaffolding might also occur, as Ellis (1984) suggests, around automatized chunks of formulaic speech where the memorized formula serves as an "anchor point" (McLaughlin, 1987, p. 75) around which the rest of the utterance is constructed. For example, the phrase "as for me", which was frequently found in Atsuko's output, seems to be a focal point of organization in excerpt 12 below. (11) DO YOU SPEAK ENGLISH MUCH, HERE AT TOTEM PARK, WHEN YOU'RE NOT IN CLASS? Uh, yeah, when I'm in the classroom, in the classroom I speak only English, but after class, at cafeteria, or at the Japanese students' room, I speak Japanese with Japanese friends. But in my room, in my room,  uh, no, no, on the floor, on the floor, on my floor,  I often visit my [Canadian] friends' room to talk with my friends (Oct. 6, 1991).  (12) ...then we, we we we had, we got one answers. So I think sometimes, it, as for me, it's necessary to away from the topic (Nov. 19, 1991). The two performance features that are used in the  80  scaffolding processes above are repeats and false starts, both of which are considered to indicate planful behaviour. From the viewpoint of second language acquisition, then, corrective behaviour may possibly be a means by which automaticity of linguistic forms is achieved. b) Canadian Sociolinguistic Knowledge Within the hierarchical structure of the group, a restructuring of behaviour did appear to be underway for both subjects. Atsuko reportedly welcomed the idea of increased competition with rivals, and Kenji saw his need to assert himself more forcefully in conversation. These observations were introspective reports of ideal situations; further classroom observation was not able to verify the degree to which change actually did occur. These reports are important, however, regardless of the degree to which the two subjects were actually able to implement them in classroom activities. Given the teachercentred Japanese second language classroom described by Shimahara (1979) and Duppenthaler et al. (1989), where students' comments and opinions may be considered disruptive, Kenji and Atsuko do appear to have developed at the very least an awareness of competitive orientations to classroom group work. These orientations are more in keeping with Canadian norms of classroom behaviour, and may thus have been learned from the Canadian university  81  environment in which these subjects were studying. Several aspects of this shift in awareness remain unclear, however. These are: 1) to what extent were the subjects aware of the importance of proactive orientations to learning English while they were still in Japan?; 2) to what extent did the classroom environment, including instructors who encouraged discussion and debate in group work, influence the subjects' attitudes?; and 3) to what extent did the university environment (i.e., interaction with NS students and others) play a role in this attitudinal change? The above factors cannot be objectively measured within the context of this study; it is perhaps of some significance, however, that both Atsuko and Kenji did not make their observations on competitiveness until the final interview, which might suggest that a shift in attitudes developed gradually over time for both learners. If this is the case, we might expect that the subjects' observations of examples of such behaviour from within their new learning environment were leading to a gradual restructuring of the sociolinguistic behaviour of the subjects. c) Strategic Behaviour A positive restructuring of strategic behaviour did appear to take place for both subjects, especially in the area of reading. The use of native speakers other than teachers as resources, however, did not appear to be well-  82  developed among these subjects. We might speculate that cultural and affective barriers prevented more rewarding interaction with native speakers of English. Summary for Case A In summary, the analysis of the performance features of the subjects of Case A revealed possible psycholinguistic differences that affected linguistic production. Kenji appeared to plan his utterances carefully before speaking, while Atsuko seemed to mix elements of planful and corrective behaviour. Although the two subjects dealt with group authority in different ways, they both appeared to be affected quite strongly by the presence of leaders who were perceived to be excellent communicators in the English language. Both had reported on the need to interact more competitively with these leaders and within the group context generally. In the development of learning strategies, Atsuko and Kenji seemed to take a pragmatic approach, adopting and developing strategies that brought immediate benefits to their academic endeavours as well as to personal areas of priority. While they both made use of strategic procedures capitalizing on the fact that they were living in an English-speaking environment, it seems somewhat surprising that they did not emphasize interaction with native speakers, except in largely passive activities such as listening to NS-NS conversation, or repeating NS models  83  of proununciation. A process of the restructuring of strategic and sociolinguistic behaviour did appear to be underway t some extent. The members of Case A seemed to be restructuring knowledge around pragmatic strategic behaviour that would enable them to participate more fully in the classroom learning experience. Case B: The Novice Speakers Data from the analysis of performance features indicates that Midori and Ryuzo, the two novice speakers, appeared to be largely involved in planning their utterances during the interviews and group sessions. This was so, perhaps, because little lexical or syntactic input had become automatized in their verbal output. Some observable differences do emerge, however, in the nature of the planning operations performed by each subject. The ensuing discussion will examine similarities and differences in the strategic behaviour of these two subjects. 1) The Use of Performance Features Figures 8-11 show performance feature use as it relates to corrective and planful behaviours for the Case B subjects. The manner by which the percentages and frequencies of occurrence were calculated has been described above (pp 54-55). The most salient feature in the data from the  84  questionnaire/interviews (Figures 8 and 10) is the striking degree of similarity in the orientations to learning of these two subjects. Corrective behaviour for both subjects has a mean range extending from 7% to 13% of performance feature use throughout the questionnaire, interview, and group sessions. Planful behaviour appears almost as uniform, with a mean range extending from 28% to 38%. Both subjects, then, appeared to be strongly  40  Midori ---Ryuzo  35 30 25 Percent of 20 Occurrence 15 10  5 0  Quest. Frequency of Midori 6 Occurrence Ryuzo 33  Il  13  14  Total  6 11  28 13  15 32  37 103  Figure 8. Comparison of Case B corrective performance features by questionnaire/interview.  85  oriented towards planful behaviour, with filled pauses as the dominant performance feature (Appendix D). As was true with Case A, data from the group sessions are less conclusive. Although planful behaviour appears to be the dominant orientation for both subjects in these sessions, the frequency of performance feature use is very  40  ----Midori ---Ryuzo  35 30 25 Percent of Occurrence 20 15 10  5 0  Frequency of Occurrence  G1  G3  G4  3 2  2 5  0 2  Midori Ryuzo  Total  Figure 9. Comparison of Case B corrective performance features by group session.  86  6 10  low, resulting in quite dramatic fluctuations in both orientations to learning. Ryuzo used performance features to a much greater degree than Midori, as is evident in the frequencies of occurrence given in Figures 8-il. This was especially true in the questionnaire/interview context, and might be indicative of an intensive process of hypothesis 40 35 30 25 Percent of Occurrence 20 15 10  5 0  Midori -- —Ryuzo Quest.  Frequency of Midori 28 Occurrence Ryuzo 110  Il  13  14  Total  26 37  27 62  40 95  121 303  Figure 10. Comparison of Case B planful performance features by questionnaire/interview.  87  formulation and automatization of linguistic forms within the interlanguage of this subject. This will be discussed at greater length below. The ratio of performance feature use to total turns taken is also higher in the questionnaire/interviews than in the group sessions, especially for Midori (Table 5).  40  ----Midori ----Ryuzo  35 30 25 Percent of Occurrence 20  \  15 10  5 0  Frequency of Occurrence  G1  G3  G4  5 4  5 20  0 3  Midori Ryuzo  Figure 11. Comparison of Case B planful performance features by group session.  88  Total 10 27  As was true with Case A, this would appear to indicate that the interview sessions provided greater opportunities for practice at higher skill levels. In Ryuzo's case, however, we might speculate that the relatively high ratios of performance feature use to turns taken in the questionnaire/interviews as well as in the group sessions indicate that the level of interaction was sufficiently challenging for him in both contexts. This would appear to be less true for Midori in the group context at least, a  finding which coincides with the subjective impressions yielded through observation, where Ryuzo appeared to struggle with the content of group discussions to a greater degree than Midori.  Case B: Turns embedded with Performance Features* (Expressed as percentages of the total number of turns) Ryuzo  Midori  Session  1  3  Group  26  18  Interview  44  44  *excluding comprehension checks  89  1  3  4  -  50  58  42  47  60  68  82  4  Comprehension Checks The data on comprehension checks (Appendix D) are inconclusive in terms of longitudinal change in the development of what is considered largely to be a feature of Canadian English. In Midori's case there did appear to be an observable acquisition of this performance feature, as indicated by the comparatively high totals found in Interview 4 and Group Session 3. Ryuzo, however, was already using comprehension checks quite extensively during the Table 5 initial questionnaire; its use then decreased in Interviews 1 and 3, only to rise sharply in Interview 4. 2) Introspective Observations and the Use of Performance Features Introspective observations on the nature of planning, which was the basic orientation towards verbal output of both subjects, dealt mainly with perceived changes over time in the process of internally translating output from Japanese to English before verbal production. In elaborating upon this phenomenon, Midori acknowledged that some change over time had occurred: (13)...DO YOU TRY TO THINK OF WHAT YOU WANT TO SAY IN JAPANESE FIRST AND THEN TRANSLATE IT INTO ENGLISH BEFORE YOU SPEAK? Um, before, so last term, maybe I did so, but recently I tried to didn't so. Because Japanese order  90  is different than English order. So, English is subject, verb and adjective - something that. Japanese is no subject and long adjective, or something that. So, unless I change my thinking, maybe my English doesn't improve. So I try to think English way, so recently I didn't do so (Jan. 31, 1992). The process appeared to be similar, but perhaps less complete for Ryuzo: (14) Five months ago at first I make full sentence in Japanese, then I speak out. Uh, speak out in English. But now maybe I think about a part of, so, a part of sentence is thinked by Japanese> but a part of sentence is thinked by English (Jan. 28, 1992). That the two subjects were attempting to move towards greater congruence with target language norms of production might lead to speculation that their output, especially as indicated through observed performance features, would show a greater number of indications of corrective, as opposed to planful behaviour, as output was influenced by greater degrees of denativization. The coded data do not support this supposition, however. This might suggest that basic characteristics of linguistic behaviour do not easily change, and that a learner remains within a certain orientation (e.g., planning or correcting) despite changes in individual perception or in the learning environment. 3) Dynamics of Communication in the Group Sessions Interviews with Midori revealed a fairly regimented  91  conception on her part regarding the hierarchy of group structure. She commented, for example, on the importance of leaders in the group:  (15) If someone doesn't lead us, it is harder to progress ... I know, I am more speak than other members, but I don't like to be leader, uh so, second or third (Oct. 31, 1991). Like Midori, Ryuzo recognized a hierarchy in communicative relations within the group, and felt that he occupied a certain position within this hierarchy: (16)...he likes to express his opinion, but a kind of a step down, not leader, but just one of the group members. ... not a first kind of top leader, but maybe second or third leader [reported by interpreter] (Oct. 31, 1991). An important function of the group leader became apparent quite accidentally during the course of an interview with Midori one afternoon. The interviewer, remembering Midori's charitable attitude in inviting into her group a student who had seemingly missed either the main lecture or the preliminary work to the group sessions, asked her if the exercise under discussion had been made more difficult by the absence of one of the members prior to the group session. The subsequent reply and ensuing discussion revealed that the "chairperson" took on a role not unlike that of the teacher in the more traditional lockstep classroom:  92  (17) WAS THIS EXERCISE MORE DIFFICULT FOR YOU BECAUSE ONE OF THE STUDENTS WAS NOT THERE FOR THE LECTURE? No. Everyone, uh everyone. Uh, two boys and I attended. OK. I THOUGHT ONE OF THEM WAS NOT THERE, BECAUSE IT SEEMED THAT YOU WERE EXPLAINING YOUR OPINIONS OR YOUR ANSWERS MUCH MORE THAN THE OTHER GUY WAS. IT SEEMED LIKE YOU WERE EXPLAINING TO HIM MATERIAL FROM THE LECTURE AND THEN HE WOULD QUESTION YOU. Um hum. And so that, that, his role is chairperson. Like chairperson. So, I and other guy [the third group member) answer, and give suggestion and opinion. WERE YOU HAPPY WITH THAT SITUATION, WHERE YOU HAD ONE PERSON SORT OF CHAIRPERSON ASKING QUESTIONS AND YOU WERE GIVING INFORMATION? Yes, yes. DID YOU FEEL COMFORTABLE WITH THAT? Yes. I don't like play the role of chairperson so it is easier to answer or give questions. UM HUM. DOES SOMEONE HAVE TO PLAY THE ROLE OF THE CHAIRPERSON? Maybe. I think so. YEAH? FOR WHAT REASON? Um, it is difficult for us, our discussion (Nov. 14, 1991). A tempting, but unverifiable hypothesis regarding this phenomenon would be that these students, all novices in the task-based, small-group format of the ENED 379 class, adopted a more familiar lockstep format within the small group. If this were indeed the case, the student whose  93  ability in English was rated the highest might quite naturally assume the role of 'teacher', and commence questioning the other students about the topic. Based on observations of Case B group sessions, this hierarchical structure did not appear to inhibit interaction. It may have been a culturally-acceptable means of imposing order upon a new form of classroom behaviour. 4) Changes in Learning Strategies Over time Table 6 outlines introspectively-reported changes in learning strategies for the two subjects during the datagathering period. Table 6 Case B: Reported Change in the Use of Learning Strategies Midori  Questionnaire  Interview 4  (October 17, 1991)  (January 31, 1992)  1. Pronunciation: None  1. Pronunciation: Enrollment  given.  in ISP pronunciation class. Requesting instructors' help with table continues  94  Table 6 (cont'd) Case B: Reported Change in the Use of Learning Strategies pron. difficulties. 2. Vocabulary: Bought special 2. Vocabulary: Reading, then vocabulary textbooks to  writing down certain  pass high school  difficult words.  examinations in Japan. 3. Listening Comprehension:  3. Listening Comprehension:  Listening to the radio  Conversation with NS.  and music.  Watching movies. Making dictations based on video-taped lectures.  4. Conversation: None  4. Conversation: Speaking  reported.  with Japanese friends in English.  5. Reading Comprehension:  5. Reading comprehension:  Studying school texts.  Skimming reading material first, then checking the dictionary meaning of words deemed to be important. (Prior to this, Midori reported checking the meanings of all vocabulary she was unfamiliar with in her table continues  95  Table 6 (cont'd) Case B: Reported Change in the Use of Learning Strategies reading material). 6.  Grammar: None  6. Grammar: Attempting to  reported.  "change thinking" (i.e., instead of transferring Li forms).  7. Writing: None  7. writing: Doing homework.  reported.  Ryuzo  Questionnaire  Interview 4  (October 11, 1991)  (January 28, 1992)  1. Pronunciation: None  1. Pronunciation: Attended  given (brief, inaudible  ISP pronunciation class.  reference made to  Language lab work on a  pronunciation strategies).  weekly basis in regular course work.  2. Vocabulary: Ryuzo de-  2. Vocabulary: Conversation  scribed a vocabulary  with Japanese speakers of  game he thought would  English. table continues  96  Table 6 (cont'd) Case B: Reported Change in the Use of Learning Strategies help to learn vocabulary. He had never actually used this game, however. 3. Listening Comprehension:  3. Listening Comprehension:  Use of cassette tapes.  Guessing meaning from over-all content of the message. If this fails, proceeding to ask for an explanation.  4. Conversation: In Japan,  4. Conversation:  use of a specific text-  Conversation with  book. In Canada,  Japanese speakers of  practice with native  English.  speakers. 5. Reading Comprehension:  5. Reading Comprehension:  Reading textbooks and  Skim-reading Anthropology  novels.  and Political Science texts for meaning (without relying heavily on a dictionary).  6. Grammar: Use of a  6. Grammar: None given.  dictionary. 7. Writing: None given.  7. Writing: Writing stories, keeping a diary.  97  By Interview 4, both subjects had reported using reading strategies more appropriate to their heavy workloads. These strategies included skimming for main ideas, using context to derive meaning, and relying less on the dictionary as a support. An interesting issue arose in the area of conversation, where we might expect native speakers to provide a key resource. Both subjects reported relying more on advanced-level Japanese speakers of English to develop their conversational skills. This was so, according to Ryuzo, for the following reason: (18) Japanese people's group...other Japanese people...think about my thoughts and I know they thinking about my thought, so I don't feel bad. But native speaker...don't think about my thought like Japanese people, so I thinking about something or I'm looking for words...they speak many things, so I can't look for words, so I feel bad (Nov. 14, 1991). Midori's reasons were slightly different than Ryuzo's. In her case, the speed of NS conversation is disconcerting: (19) Also I try to speak with my Canadian friends, but her speaking is very fast and it is harder for me> and so maybe I stayed Japanese friends who speak very frequently> rather than Canadian friends (Jan. 31, 1992). Conversation with Japanese speakers of English appears to be more appealing to these subjects for both cultural (the  98  nature of the pause) and linguistic (the speed of NS conversation) reasons. This raises questions about the degree to which linguistic restructuring can occur without a corresponding restructuring related to procedural norms of communication within a culture (Gumperz, 1990). Also related to restructuring is Midori's introspective comment about the need to "change [her] thinking" regarding target language norms of grammatical production. This comment quite obviously does not offer conclusive evidence that a restructuring of knowledge had indeed taken place. It does, however, raise questions about a possible link between the restructuring process and conscious awareness that the process is occurring. In other words, could this type of introspective comment have been made without having been grounded first on a deeper awareness that a restructuring of linguistic knowledge was occurring? It would appear that this complex question of the interface between conscious and subconscious processes of second language acquisition will not be explained fully without further research and analysis. 5) The Restructuring of Linguistic Behaviour a) Psycholinguistic Knowledge With the exception of Midori's use of comprehension checks, patterns of performance feature use appeared to remain similar over time for both subjects. It is perhaps to be expected that little change would occur in  99  measurements taken over a four-month period with novice speakers of English. As was true with Case A, though, the discourse of one of the Case B subjects, Ryuzo, does provide a window into the nature of automaticity. For Ryuzo, planning seemed largely confined to scaffolding upon automatized chunks of speech. The following turn from the questionnaire provides examples of common speech patterns in this subject's verbal output:  (20) Reading, about reading, so [3] I um use, I use, I use textbook use textbook about, I think I use I think, I think I use textbook about anthropology and I have used novel (Oct. 11, 1991). The "anchor points" (McLaughlin, 1987, p. 75) commonly used by Ryuzo upon which to build phrases appear to be automatized verb conjugations (e.g. "I use" and "I think"), forms which he quite conceivably studied and drilled in junior and senior high schools. Lexical items (e.g., "textbook" and "anthropology") appeared to be added to the automatized structures. Several combinations of these scaffolded forms might be used in the construction of a sentence. If indeed this is an accurate description of one of the production processes inherent in Ryuzo's interlanguage, it is similar to Ellis's (1985, pp. 167170) explanation of the role of formulaic speech in beginning learners' acquisition of a second language. Ryuzo's behaviour can also be related to that of Wes  100  (Schmidt, 1983), whose verbal output was composed of a high degree of memorized formulaic speech. While Wes appeared to choose formulaic speech as a strategy of communication and thus consciously memorized useful expressions, for Ryuzo it would appear that the memorization of grammatical forms provided a useful base upon which further planning took place. This would seem to be a process indicative of the automatization of linguistic forms, which is thought to be a precursor to restructuring (McLaughlin, 1990). b) Canadian Sociolinguistic Knowledge There did not appear to be a restructuring of procedural knowledge related to the hierarchical nature of the group. In fact, the two subjects appeared to be satisfied with their place in the group's structure. If, as was noted above, the group became a replacement for the traditional lockstep format of the regular language classroom, it did not appear to deprive the subjects of chances for interaction. It would, of course, be unrealistic to assume that the Case B subjects gained no knowledge of Canadian sociolinguistic patterns through exposure to their instructors and other UBC students. However, the introspective reports of Midori and Ryuzo do not indicate that an increased sensitivity towards sociolinguistic knowledge had consciously occurred, unless the apparent  101  preference of both subjects (but particularly Ryuzo) to practice conversation with Japanese speakers of English be viewed as a negative reaction to the difficulties, sociolinguistic or otherwise, of interacting with native speakers. c) Strategic Knowledge In the area of learning strategies, a positive restructuring of reading strategies did appear to develop, based on the instrumental needs of the subjects. In addition, a widening of strategic behaviour occurred in other areas. For example, in attempting to improve their listening skills, both subjects had moved from a reliance upon the radio or cassette tapes to more interactive approaches which involved inferring meaning from conversational content. Conversational competence appeared to develop largely in conjunction with Japanese speakers of English. While this strategy may be seen to fall short of the ideal immersion behaviour of widespread practice with native speakers, it is still a much more interactive approach to conversation than those reported by both subjects in the questionnaire. In general, it would seem that the overall strategic behaviour of both of subjects moved towards a much greater degree of interaction with the various opportunities presented by the foreign learning environment.  102  Summary for Case B The analysis of performance features of the Case B subjects indicated that planning of oral output occurred extensively over the period of study. In addition, Ryuzo appeared to scaffold output horizontally, i.e., on the basis of the repetition of automatized phrases around which creative communication occurred. This did not occur in Midori's verbal output to any large extent. In their relationships with the group, both subjects seemed satisfied to maintain a hierarchical position below that of group leader. It was observed that group leaders appeared to direct question and answer sessions, taking on a function similar to that of the teacher in the traditional lockstep classroom. Both subjects appeared to have sufficient opportunity for interaction within this hierarchical structure, although it must be noted that the ratio of performance features to turns was lower in the group sessions than it was in the interviews. This suggests that opportunities for planning and correcting were greater in NS-NNS interactions. For both subjects, however, culturally-or linguistically-related factors appeared to mitigate against the benefits of interaction with native speakers. Thus, advanced-level Japanese English-speakers were seen as the ideal conversational partners. In the classroom, time-saving strategies in reading  103  comprehension were adopted by both students. These strategies were aimed at gleaning important information from within the wide array of reading material distributed to the subjects in their various classes. Comparison/Contrast of the Two Cases a) Psycholinguistic behaviour Three of the four subjects were classified as being predominantly "planners", while Atsuko was characterized as functioning within both planful and corrective orientations. There was no evidence of change in these orientations towards verbal output, suggesting that they are perhaps fundamental characteristics of language learners' personalities. The use of comprehension checks expressed through rising intonation had increased for all four subjects by the final interviews and group sessions, suggesting that this sociolinguistic feature of Canadian English had to some extent been automatized. This finding must be interpreted with caution, however, especially as two of the subjects, Atsuko and Ryuzo, were already using comprehension checks quite extensively during the initial questionnaire. While it would seem highly unlikely that the intonation pattern that accompanies this feature was transferred from Japanese (R. F. Berwick, personal communication, March 7, 1992), it is possible that these subjects had assimilated the comprehension check from a  104  native speaking instructor while still in Japan. b) Sociolinguistic Behaviour While both cases undoubtedly assimilated a great deal of sociolinguistic behaviour from native speakers of English, it would appear that the advanced speakers went further towards a restructuring of this knowledge, at least as it applies to group dynamics in the classroom. Both Case A subjects articulated the need for a more competitive attitude in group work, although neither were observed demonstrating such behaviour. The Case B subjects, on the other hand, seemed content with their roles in the group sessions; because they occupied secondary positions in group hierarchical structures, they were able to interact and give opinions freely and without any observable anxiety. c) Strategic Behaviour Both cases appeared to widen their repertoire of strategic behaviours in conjunction with the increased opportunity for interaction with the media resources, native speakers and committed Japanese learners of English that characterized the learning environment. In the classroom, reading strategies appeared to be extensively refined by the four subjects, a reflection perhaps of their heavy workloads. By the time of the final interview, only Kenji reported interaction with native speakers as a strategy for the improvement of  105  conversational skills. Atsuko and Ryuzo had, in the initial questionnaire, reported on the use of native speakers as a means of improving conversational skills. By the end of the data collection period, however, neither subject appeared to be practicing this particular strategy. This would appear to be in keeping with Bishop's similarity-attraction theory (p. 20 above). Strategic behaviour, then, appeared to follow both general trends and individual priorities, and therefore cannot be characterized in a case-specific manner. Each subject appeared to expand strategic behaviour, however, by making use of the varying resources found within the learning environment. Summary The study reported on the nature of psycho- and sociolinguistic behaviour between and within the two cases in the areas of group dynamics and performance feature and learning strategy use. Findings revealed that performance feature use did appear to correspond to some degree with classifications of the subjects as "planners" or "correctors". A more important finding, perhaps, was that the use of performance features by two of the subjects (one from each case) provided a basis for the analysis of the scaffolding process, itself a window into the means by which a learner tests hypotheses about linguistic knowledge and gradually  106  comes to automatize this knowledge. Data for comprehension checks--the performance feature initially thought to be outside the linguistic experience of the subjects--were inconclusive in demonstrating that a sociolinguistic feature of Canadian English had been automatized. It was found, however, that for each subject, percentages of comprehension check usage were the highest in interview and group sessions 3 and 4, occurring near the end of the period of data collection. Strategic behaviour related to the basic skill areas of reading, writing, listening, conversation and pronunciation did appear to change longitudinally, especially in reading. Native speakers of English other than instructors, however, did not appear to be major learning resources, except in the passive sense of being models for the improvement of listening and pronunciation skills. This may indicate that patterns of socialization were not restructured by the subjects to any large degree. Another such indication lies in the observation that a hierarchical structure common to the Japanese group appeared to be prevalent within in-class group discussion sessions. Among the advanced speakers, an awareness of the limitations upon linguistic growth imposed by this hierarchical structure appeared to develop over time. The degree to which this awareness served as a basis for the development of new strategies of communication within the  107  group context could not be determined. The novice learners, however, appeared to be more comfortable with the hierarchical system of the group; there is no evidence to indicate that they had considered strategies for change within the group context. For the Case A subjects, the focus of development appeared to lie predominantly in an awareness of the necessity to move away from group structures to some extent, and to pursue goals related to linguistic growth in a more independent and aggressive manner. The Case B subjects, on the other hand, appeared to focus linguistic growth on resources primarily found within the group structure itself, presumably in order to build upon linguistic knowledge within a secure environment. While it is difficult to compare the speed with which these developmental goals unfolded, due to the differing nature of the goals themselves, it should be noted that each of the four subjects did not articulate these goals to any significant degree until the final round of interviews in January. Following from these findings, Chapter 5 will summarize the study, present its limitations, and discuss implications for pedagogy and future research.  108  CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY, LIMITATIONS, IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION Summary This study was carried out in order to explore the nature of restructuring among a homogeneous group of second language learners. From a psycholinguistic perspective, it analyzed the use of performance features in the verbal output of advanced and novice speakers of English in an attempt to expand upon the notion that these features of linguistic output provide a window into the procedures of the restructuring of linguistic knowledge. From a sociolinguistic perspective, it undertook to document the use of classroom learning strategies over a four-month period; in addition, it attempted to observe dynamics of communication within the context of small, culturally homogeneous groups of language learners. Here, the hope was that the subjects' procedural knowledge of strategic and social behaviour would be at least partially available through observation and the introspective reports of the subjects themselves. It was argued that information gained through these methodological approaches would, when examined longitudinally, yield insight into the subjects' abilities to automatize and restructure strategic and social behaviour in such a manner as to aid in the acquisition of second language skills in a foreign learning environment.  109  What emerged from the interviews and observations of group work were case studies of two groups of learners with individual styles of acquisition and learning strategies, but whose educational and cultural backgrounds imposed similar constraints on the learning process as it related to interaction with native speakers and in-class group work. Limitations of the Study This research was carried out specifically to study second language learning within a population of Japanese university students studying in a foreign environment. The results of the study cannot, therefore, be generalized to populations of second language learners having characteristics other than those outlined above. A similar research approach, however, could be taken with other culturally homogeneous groups of second language learners, provided that variability in age and educational background was controlled. Implications for Educational Practice This study was conducted to inquire into the nature of the restructuring process; however, the implications of this process for pedagogical practice should not be disregarded. Several implications for the teaching of English as a second language among Japanese learners can be cautiously put forward here. First, the study found that Japanese students appear  110  to impose a hierarchical structure on group work. While technically not limiting the input into the group of any of its members, this structure appears to define roles that can become entrenched within groups that remain together over several sessions. Instructors might therefore want to change the membership of groups periodically to stimulate the formation of new relationships and foster different patterns of communication and thought. Second, it was found that for the Case B subjects particularly, learning English from peers seemed to become, over time at least, preferred even over the possibility of having native speakers as interlocutors. Another finding, however, was that qualitative and quantitative differences appear to exist between learners' oral output in group sessions with their peers and in interactions with native speakers. While this finding must be interpreted with caution, it does appear that the type of language used by the four subjects while in group sessions was often less syntactically and lexically complex than their output in the retrospective interviews. An implication for the design of task-based syllabi in the second language classroom is that learning tasks need to be prepared and implemented in such a way as to promote a relatively equal distribution of participants' rights to speak, whether this entails NS-NNS or NNS-NNS interaction.  111  This would help to enable learners of all proficiency levels to maximize language acquisition in the classroom. Third, the study found change in the use of some learning strategies over time. The question of whether students should be taught learning strategies is a contentious one. Studies such as that conducted by O'Malley et al. (1985b) have found the formal teaching of learning strategies to be beneficial. One wonders, however, what student impressions of the goals of such teaching actually are, especially if the connection between what is being taught and how it will simplify the tasks confronting the learner may be tenuous at best. For the subjects of this study, however, strategies for effective reading for academic purposes seem to have become of importance over the observation period. While the study did not document the actual teaching of reading strategies to the students of Alpha and Beta classes, it would appear that the four subjects developed and made use of such strategies, in large measure to meet the demands of a rigourous schedule of written assignments. It would seem quite likely, then, that when introduced by instruction into this type of academic environment, reading strategies would be adopted, developed and practiced by many learners. Implications for SLA Research This study has attempted to contribute to existing  112  knowledge in SLA research by examining learner orientations to verbal output, and by exploring the nature of the restructuring of psycholinguistic, sociolinguistic, and strategic knowledge. While some tentative conclusions have been put forward regarding these areas, the study itself has been largely exploratory in nature. Potential directions for future research are outlined below. In the area of psycholinguistics as related to performance features, the present study has raised questions which could be further explored by future research. For example, a more detailed analysis of how specific performance features contribute to verbal output might yield interesting results. Graham (cited in Scarcella, 1990) found that the unfilled pause has different meanings and value in American and Japanese culture. Future research might relate Graham's findings to a comparison of the unfilled pause in the two cultures in much the same way as Barnlund and his colleagues compared Japanese and American behaviours as they related to criticism and the giving of apologies and compliments (Barnlund & Araki, 1985; Barnlund & Yoshioka, 1990; Nomura & Barnlund, 1983). The unfilled pause might also be analyzed by SLA researchers in order to attempt to describe the linguistic processes hidden by the silence of the pause itself. "Think aloud" protocols, where subjects metalinguistically  113  explain linguistic processes, would not easily be carried out in studies dealing with oral or conversational output. Nonetheless, if suitable methodologies of data extraction could be designed, studies of this sort might attempt to have "planners" think aloud about the planning process embedded in their speech. The results of the think aloud process might then be compared with the verbal output of "correctors", in an attempt to find whether these two types of learners form discrete groups, or whether planners, though more silent, in effect share the same scaffolding and monitoring processes as correctors. Another implication of this project is that the restructuring of procedural knowledge related to second language acquisition is tied to a certain degree to culturally-derived dynamics of communication. As Gumperz (1990) has shown, even technically fluent speakers of English as a second language can encounter severe communication problems with native speakers as a result of these cultural differences in patterns of communication. Future studies, therefore, might attempt to analyze the specific nature of problems in communication between native and non-native speakers of English. Such studies might analyze specific lexical, syntactic, or kinesic differences between these groups of speakers, making use of frameworks for the analysis of speech events such as that proposed by Hymes (1967). Longitudinal case studies  114  of individual learners might attempt to trace the restructuring of sociolinguistic knowledge over a longer period of time than was available in the present study. Finally, this study has raised the issue of group dynamics in culturally homogeneous populations of learners. Especially in its relation to Japanese students, further study of this area would seem important. Initial observation of learners in group sessions might, first of all, attempt to establish the reality of a group hierarchy; that is, it might seek answers to the fundamental questions: 1) Do leaders exist in group sessions and, if so, 2) what are their defining functions? Such research might then observe leaders and nonleaders for behavioural differences in turn taking and competing for the floor, and an analysis of the content of their respective utterances might be carried out. Long (1981) found that native speakers address large numbers of questions to non-native speakers; what discourse patterns might be observed between group leaders and "ordinary" group members? Such research could conceivably have important implications for the nature of group work within the second language classroom. Conclusion The process-oriented task syllabus, with its emphasis upon group work, is undoubtedly an extremely valuable component of pedagogy in ESL. What is often not considered  115  to any great extent by curriculum planners and instructors, however, is the nature of the learner as he or she has been shaped by cultural and educational experience. Considerations of this sort would appear to be an important feature in understanding the problems that our students have with the assignments that we have them perform. This is not to say that we necessarily need to change the nature of classroom work. It is important to realize, however, that differences in perception may well exist between instructors and students over the nature and goals of classroom work, and how these goals may best be realized. In the final analysis, we will want to examine the degree to which second language educators can expect fundamental changes to occur in their students' outlooks and orientations to education in what is, for the learners, a novel environment with new rules.  116  REFERENCES Abraham, R. G. & Vann, R. J. (1987). Strategies of two language learners: A case study. In A. Wenden & J. Rubin (Eds.), Learner strategies in language learning (pp. 85-102). Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice/Hall International. Andersen, R. (1989). 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After a more thorough interaction with the data, however, it became apparent that the restructuring of linguistic knowledge would be the paramount theme dealt with. The title was therefore changed to reflect this theme more closely.  125  Appendix A The Oral Proficiency Interview (OPI) This testing procedure is a structured, one-on-one conversation between the examinee and a trained native speaker of the test language. The interview, while quite informal in tone, is designed to measure the examinee's range of abilities in the test language. Interviews begin with a test of general conversational abilities. The interviewer then initiates a "probe", a question designed to test the upper limit of the examinee's abilities. An accompanying grading scale places examinee's oral proficiency at one of the following levels: 0  0+ 1 1+ 2 2+ 3 and higher  -  Novice: High Intermediate: Low Intermediate: High Advanced Advanced: Plus Superior  The subjects in this study were classified at the 0+, 2 and 2+ levels. These levels have been described as follows: Level 0+ : Able to satisfy immediate needs using learned utterances. There is no real autonomy of expression, although there may be some emerging signs of spontaneity and flexibility. There is a slight increase in utterance length but frequent long pauses and repetition of interlocutor's words  126  still occur. Can ask questions or make statements with reasonable accuracy only where this involves short memorized utterances or formulae. Most utterances are telegraphic and word endings (both inflectional and noninflectional) are often omitted, confused or distorted. Vocabulary is limited to areas of immediate survival needs. Can differentiate most phonemes when produced in isolation but when they are combined in words or groups of words, errors are frequent and, even with repetition, may severely inhibit communication even with persons used to dealing with such learners. Little development in stress and intonation is evident. Level 2 : Able to satisfy routine social demands and limited work requirements. Can handle with confidence but not with facility most social situations including introductions and casual conversations about current events, as well as work, family, and autobiographical information; can handle limited work requirements, needing help in handling any complications or difficulties. (Can get the gist of most conversations on non-technical subjects [i.e., topics which require no specialized knowledge.]) Can give directions from one place to another. Has a speaking vocabulary sufficient to respond simply with some circumlocutions; accent, though often quite faulty, is intelligible; can usually handle elementary constructions quite accurately but does not have thorough or confident control of the grammar. Level 2+ : Able to satisfy most work requirements and show some ability to communicate on concrete topics relating to particular interests and special fields of competence. Often shows remarkable fluency and ease of speech but under tension or pressure language may break down. Generally strong in either grammar or vocabulary but not in both. Weaknesses or unevenness in one of the foregoing or in pronunciation result in occasional miscommunication. Areas of weakness range from simple constructions such as plurals, articles, prepositions, and negatives to more complex structures such as tense usage, passive constructions, word order, and relative clauses. Normally controls general vocabulary  127  with some groping for everyday vocabulary still evident. Source: Educational Testing Service, 1982  128  Appendix B Interview Protocol used to Assess Participants' Background I. Language Background. 1. Where were you born? 2. Where did you spend your childhood? 3. What languages were spoken in your home? 4. What do you regard as your native language? 5. Were other languages spoken in your neighbourhood? 6. Which was the first foreign language you learned? 7. When did you start this language and how long did you study it? 8. How long have you studied English? 9. Which other languages have you studied or tried to study? 10. Are you satisfied with your achievement in [the different languages] or would you like to learn more? 11. Regarding English: a. What did you mainly study (e.g. conversation)? b. Can you describe the textbooks you used? c. How often did your teacher speak English? d. Did you have to speak a lot yourself or did you mainly read and translate? e. Try to explain the kind of homework you had to do. f. Do you remember what was the most difficult for you when you studied English? g. Did you often have small group activities in the classroom? h. Did you have any contact outside the classroom with speakers of English?  129  i. How often did you have the chance to listen to the radio or see films in English in class or outside? 12. Some people say they have a talent for studying languages, others say they haven't. Would you regard yourself as strong, weak, or medium in learning languages? 13. Do you like to take the language apart and analyze it? (Do you like to figure out the language by yourself or would you rather have the teacher tell you the rules?) II. Present Living Conditions 1. How do you feel about living in the Totem Park Residence? 2. Do you speak much English at home in Totem Park? 3. For what other activities do you use English outside of your studies? E.g., movies, shopping, reading for pleasure, talking with friends, etc. III. Student Goals/perceptions of study in Canada 1. Why did you decide to study in Canada? 2. What are your plans after you complete this program? 3. Compared to language classes in Japan, do you regard classes at UBC as formal or informal? Explain what you mean. Do you feel comfortable in this environment? 4. What language skill do you think your teachers emphasize the most? E.g., Is listening comprehension emphasized more than conversation? 5. What would you like to accomplish during your studies in Canada? 6. What classroom activities do you like best at UBC? Give examples. Which do you like least? 7. If you could change one classroom activity in order to make learning English easier or more interesting for you, what would it be? 8. What aspects of English are easy or difficult for you? Why?  130  IV. Students' Insights into the Language Learning Process 1. Do you think you have any special abilities which help you in learning English? If so, what are they? do you think you lack certain abilities which would help you be a better learner of English? In other words, what abilities do you wish you had? 2. Have you developed any special techniques or study habits which help you learn English? 3. What grammatical parts of English are most difficult for you? Which parts are easiest? 4. Do you have any idea why this/these parts of English are easy or difficult for you? 5. When you learn new grammar points would you like to be given a rule in English, in Japanese, or no rule at all (just examples)? 6. When the teacher introduces a new word, do you learn better when you see it written down or when you hear it? 7. When the teacher introduces a new word, would you prefer a translation of the word into Japanese or an explanation of the meaning in English? 8. In speaking, if you don't know a word or expression in English, do you find other words in English to express your idea, say the word or idea in Japanese, look up the word in a bilingual dictionary, or just forget about trying to express your idea? In writing...? 9. Do you participate often in class? Why or why not? Do you mind if the teacher asks you questions when you don't have your hand up? Do you like participating in small group discussions and activities? Why or why not? 10. When you don't understand something in class, what are you more likely to do? (a) Ask the teacher for help or clarification; (b) Ask another student for help; (c) Try to find help from a textbook or dictionary; or (d) Not worry about the problem at all. 11. Do you mind being corrected? Are there certain circumstances when you prefer not to have your English corrected? 12. What do you do when you are corrected? (Do you repeat  131  the correction?) 13. Do you correct other students when they make an error? Do you do it silently or aloud? 14. Many language learners feel negative about their learning experiences. They say they feel (a) discouraged, (b) frustrated, (c) impatient, or (d) confused by the difficulties of the learning task. Have you experienced any of these feelings? 15. Other language learners say that the new language feels (e) funny or crazy to them and that they feel (f) ridiculous expressing themselves in the language. Do you ever feel this way about English? 16. Some people feel very (g) shy and (h) helpless when they actually use the language. Is this experience familiar to you when you use English? 17. If you had some of these feelings in the past, but no longer have them, what did you do to overcome these feelings? V. So far we have talked about what you'd like to learn and how you would go about doing it. Considering all this, would you say that you have developed any language study habits, techniques, or strategies that you would find useful in learning the new language? 1. In learning the sound system, e.g., reading aloud to yourself, repeating words silently to yourself after the teacher, etc. 2. In learning the grammar, e.g., making guesses about regularities and rules and then applying them, etc. 3. In learning vocabulary, e.g., by constant repetition, by finding relations between words, writing words down, etc. 4. In developing listening comprehension, e.g., by listening to records, to the radio, etc. 5. In conversation, e.g., through contact with native speakers, by insisting on constant correction of your errors, etc. 6. In developing reading comprehension, e.g., by reading popular magazines or books.  132  7. In learning how to express yourself in written form, e.g., by writing to penpals. (adapted from ABRAHAM and Vann [1987]).  133  Appendix C Course Outline: ENED 379 - Intercultural Communication in Second Language Education Description This course will introduce second language learners to essential concepts of inter-cultural communication and approaches to learning language in a multi-cultural society. The course consists of one lecture and three 90minute seminars per week, focussing on individual improvement in self-instruction, self-sufficiency in learning and effective participation in academic activities. One 45-minute period per week is available for study in the media resource laboratory. Section size is 20 students. All students in the programme participate in the weekly lectures, presented on Monday mornings by faculty members and invited guest speakers. Follow-up seminars incorporate the lecture content with other content of interest to the section members. Experiential components of the course may include simulations, contact assignments in university and metropolitan settings, and workshops organized at centres in Vancouver's ethnic communities. GENERAL OBJECTIVES Upon successful completion of this course, students will be able to:  134  1. Systematically improve listening comprehension and note-taking skills in the context of academic lectures and seminars, 2. Identify and correct errors that appear consistently in their spoken English; 3. Describe the content of an academic lecture, research findings, principles, etc. using key visuals and knowledge representation principles (Mohan, 1986); 4. Prepare and deliver a variety of short (approximately 10 minutes) oral presentations; and, 5. Participate effectively in a variety of academic group activities. (SOURCE: Course Outline, ENED 379. Used with the consent of the UBC-Ritsumeikan Academic Exchange Programme.)  135    Appendix D  Distribution of Performance Features (PF) by Interview and Group Session (Number/percent) Table D-1  Atsuko: PF Distribution by Ouestionnaire and Interview Questionnaire/Interview  PF Questionnaire Int. 1 (Oct. 6) (Nov. 5)  Int. 3 (Nov. 19)   Int. 4 (Jan. 16)  TOT  1  26 / 15  33 / 20  39 / 23  53 / 21  151/ 20  2  14 / 7  7 / 4  14 / 8  18 / 7  53/ 7  3  48 / 27  42 / 26  30 / 17  43 / 17  163/ 21  4  41 / 23  33 / 20  51 / 30  54 / 21  179/ 23  5  15 / 8  14 / 9  5 / 3  21 / 8  55/ 7  6  36 / 20  33 / 20  33 / 19  66 / 26  168/ 22  180 /100  162 /100  172 /100  255 /100  769/100  TOT  table continues  136  Table D-1 (cont'd)  Atsuko: PF Distribution by Group Session Group Session   Group 1 (Nov. 5)   Group 3 (Nov. 19)   Group 4 (Jan. 16)  1  14 / 47  5 / 15  4 / 14  2  1/ 3  1/ 3  -  3  4 / 13  3 / 9  7 / 24  14/ 15  4  6 / 20  10 / 30  3 / 10  19/ 20  5  1/ 3  3/ 9  6 / 21  10/ 11  6  4 / 13  11 / 33  9 / 31  24/ 26  30 /100  33 /100  29 /100  94/100  PF    TOT  137  TOT  23/ 24 4/ 4  Table D-2  Kenji: PF Distribution by Questionnaire and Interview Questionnaire/Interview  PF Questionnaire Int. 1 (Oct. 7) (Nov. 5)  Int. 3 (Nov. 19)   Int. 4 (Jan. 28)  TOT  1  12 / 5  5 / 4  4 / 3  6 / 6  27/ 5  2  10 / 5  3 / 3  -  4 / 4  17/ 3  3  36 / 17  21 / 19  9 / 7  10 / 10  76/14  4  56 / 26  18 / 16  29 / 24  20 / 20  123/22  5  87 / 41  43 / 38  50 / 41  37 / 36  217/39  6  13 / 6  22 / 20  31 / 25  25 / 24  91/17  214 /100  112 /100  123 /100  102 /100  TOT  551/100  table continues  138  Table D-2 (cont'd)  Kenji: PF Distribution by Group Session Group Session  PF  Group 1 (Nov.	 5)  Group 3 (Nov.	 19)  Group 4 (Jan.	 16)  1 / 25  TOT  1/11  1  -  -  2  -  -  -  -  3  -  -  -  -  4  -  -  -  -  5  -  -  2 / 50  2/22  6  4 /100  1 /100  1 / 25  6/66  TOT  4 /100  1 /100  4 /100  9/100  139  Table D-3  Midori: PF Distribution by Questionnaire and Interview Questionnaire/Interview  PF Questionnaire Int. 1 Int. 3 (Oct. 17) (Oct. 31) (Nov. 14)   Int. 4 (Jan. 31)  TOT  1  4 / 5  7 / 10  9 / 10  15 / 11  35/10  2  6/ 8  4 / 6  6/ 7  13 / 9  29/ 8  3  7 / 9  6 / 9  16 / 19  18 / 13  47/13  4  42 / 56  38 / 56  45 / 52  60 / 43  185/50  5  14 / 19  13 / 19  9 / 10  20 / 14  56/15  6  2 / 3  -  1 / 1  12 / 9  15/ 4  86 /100  138 /100  TOT  75 /100  68 /100  367/100  table continues  140  Table D-3 (cont'd)  Midori: PF Distribution by Group Session Group Session  PF  Group 1 (Oct. 31)  Group 3 (Nov. 7)  Group 4 (Jan. 23)  TOT  1  -  -  -  -  2  6 / 26  4 / 17  -  10/22  3  4 / 17  3 / 13  -  7/15  4  8 / 35  6 / 26  -  14/30  5  2 /  9  3 / 13  -  5/11  6  3 / 13  7 / 30  -  10/22  23 /100  23 /100  -  46/100  TOT  141  Table D-4  Ryuzo: PF Distribution by Questionnaire and Interview Questionnaire/Interview  PF Questionnaire Int. 1 Int. 3 (Oct. 17) (Oct. 31) (Nov. 14)   Int. 4 (Jan. 28)  TOT  1  8 / 2  4 / 4  14 / 6  27 /  8  53/ 5  2  10 / 3  3 / 3  15 / 7  16 /  5  44/ 4  3  81 / 23  26 / 24  54 / 25  52 / 16  213/ 21  4  190 / 55  57 / 53  114 / 52  162 / 49  523/ 52  5  29 / 9  16 / 15  10 / 5  28 /  8  83/ 8  6  27 / 8  1 / 1  11 / 5  46 / 14  85/ 9  345 /100  107 /100  218 /100  TOT  331 /100  1001/100  table continues  142  Table D-4 (cont'd)  Ryuzo: PF Distribution by Group Session Group Session  Group 1 (Oct.	 31)  PF  Group 3 (Nov.	 14)  1  1/  7  3/  2  1/  7  3  Group 4 (Jan.	 23)  6  5/ 5  -  3 / 19  4/ 4  4 / 26  13 / 19  3 / 19  20/20  4  7 / 46  28 / 42  5 / 31  40/41  5  1/  7  11 / 16  1/  6  13/13  6  1 /  7  12 / 18  3 / 19  16/16  15 /100  67 /100  16 /100  TOT  4  1/  TOT  Note. Performance Features are coded as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.  False start New start Repeat Filled Pause Unfilled pause Comprehension check  143  98/100  Appendix E Sample of Coded Transcripts The samples given below are excerpts from the coded transcripts of the four subjects. Coding follows the format given Table E. Table E Coding Format Performance Feature  Code  False start  1  New start  2  Repeat  3  Filled Pause  4  Unfilled Pause  5  Comprehension Check  6  In these samples, uppercase print is used to designate the interviewer's statements and questions. The symbol > indicates comprehension checks, while [n] indicates the length, in seconds, of unfilled pauses. Indentations indicate turns taken within a longer exchange. These turns are generally confirmations or agreements, but may also take the form of interruptions. A  144  series of filled pauses (e.g., "um, uh, uh") is coded once only. The symbol Q indicates the interviewer's questions and comments.  1) Atsuko: November 19, 1991. 6 1  4 1    	But as for today, the group activity> - I, uhh, 	I have, I don't have interest in this sentence and this group activity, soYEAH, OK. QUITE A LONG SILENCE THERE WHILE EVERYONE IS THINKING MAYBE HOW TO, TO START SAYING SOMETHING. Yeah.    UM, DO YOU THINK THAT THE OTHER GROUP MEMBERS ALSO WERE NOT PARTICULARLY INTERESTED IN THIS TOPIC? 4 4 6  No, I don't think so because, ahh, for example the group behind us is talking about the second uh, question> -YEAH.  1 1 4 2 6 1 6 3  -I think , I, they, uh, one of the members represented the answer in front of us> and when I hear, heard that answer> I thought that that group enjoyed talking about it, because, because their answers are very interesting for me. -UM HUM.  4 4 1 1  -So, and, uh, and the answer, uh uh, the that answer th-interested me very much. -UH HUH.  4 1 4 6 6  -But, uh, as, on the contrary, uh the answer of this question> - question 1 is general not so interesting, general answers> -UM HUM.  3 4 1  -Because we ha-uh we have, we cannot generate a lot of ideas about this  145  question> -  6  -YEAH. 4 1 1 1 4 2 4 1 4  -So, uh, uh, so, so, uh we, I think we, I think we don't , we, uh, I think the member of our group is uh, did not satisfy this answer, so - yeah. -OK.  2) Kenji: November 5, 1991. Maybe my explanation to this question to other people is not, not good enough. Not enough to convey other students.  3  YEAH. WHAT EXACTLY DID YOU SAY TO OTHER PEOPLE? 4 5 6 3 6 4 6 6  Um [3]	 [laughs] the last part> last part she [the teacher]> um, ask the other people> the question> -YEAH.  6  -and M, one of the students> she asked her this question, she answered the question, uh,	 just	 'yes'	 [laughter].  4  SO SHE WAS TALKING WITH YOU, HUH? -Yeah. [laughter] OK, BUT YOU DIDN'T, DID YOU GIVE A FURTHER EXPLANATION AT ALL, WHEN YOU WERE TALKING WITH THE OTHER PEOPLE, OR DID YOU SIMPLY SAY 'YES, I CAN UNDERSTAND THE TWO SENTENCES'? 4  6  	Uh, Yeah. I tried to explain> this question, but it is not simple for me to explain to other people. Of 1 	Of cour-because I cannot understand, I cannot find 6 5 5 	the answer> so that's why [3] just [3] I said my 5 3 	opinion to other people. [3] I, I cannot find the 3 	answer, then, I asked the other people. 'How how about your opinion about this question?'    RIGHT. OK. AND OF COURSE TIME WAS VERY IMPORTANT, TOO. YOU DIDN'T HAVE VERY MUCH TIME TO WORK WITH. OK. UH, A COUPLE OF GENERAL QUESTIONS NOW. NOT NECESSARILY ABOUT THIS PARTICULAR LESSON. ALTHOUGH I SHOULD ASK YOU ONE MORE QUESTION ABOUT THIS LESSON. DID YOU FIND THIS TO BE A HELPFUL LESSON?  146  WAS IT GOOD PRACTICE FOR YOU? 5 4 5 1 3 [3] Um [5] I think, I thought, I thought, I  thought this was one of the curriculum, so as for me this is not so special topic or special assignment to me.      -YEAH. Ok. WAS IT HELPFUL FOR YOU TO WORK ON CONVERSATIONAL SKILLS, OR LISTENING SKILLS, OR READING SKILLS? 5 1 [ 	 5] I, attending this class it's helped me to 4 5 4 i 	 mprove my listening ability or, um, [4] um, I 6 	 hink that discussion to other people> is very t   5  4  useful to improve my speaking ability, and 	[3], um[INTERVIEWER INTERVENTION]  Midori: November 14, 1991. 4  4     	Uh, for me and other members, uh, what this means 'in terms of ownership of the land', it is hard to understand. -UH HUH. -So we, are discussing if it's difficult or not.    YEAH. OK. DO YOU REMEMBER, YOU EACH LOOKED AT THIS PART OF THE QUESTION, AND YOU DECIDED IT WAS DIFFICULT, SO WHAT DID YOU DISCUSS TO TRY TO UNDERSTAND? 4 5 4 4 2  Um [3] I tried to explain, um, my thinking, but it is, um, I can't myself understood other members. DID YOU ALL AGREE ON THE DEFINITION OF THE WORD 'TREATY'?	 WAS THAT DIFFICULT FOR YOU ALL TO AGREE ON?  4 4 4 1  Uh, maybe in lecture, 	 'treaty' is uh, different, uh,	 'treaty' is difficult to, difficult meanings. -Um hum.  4 1 4 2  -Um, we know, usual- we know usual usage of 'treaty', um, but, his lecture is 'treaty' has difficult meanings, I think.  147  OK. SO IN THAT CASE, WHERE THE MEANING OF THE WORD 'TREATY' SEEMS TO BE DIFFERENT FROM THE NORMAL MEANING OR THE MEANING IN THE DICTIONARY -Um hum. -what did you try to do to understand the meaning of 'treaty'? 4 4 3 	Uh, at first, uh, we we looked into dictionary,  and looked into our notebook about his lecture, and    4 5 4 3 4 uh, [3] Z [the teacher] um, Z um, Z around other 1 	mem-other students, so I heard her words, or-  YEAH. SO YOU WERE LISTENING ALSO FOR WHAT THE TEACHER WAS SAYING AS WELL. -Yes. Yes. OK. UH, WHEN YOU JUST SAID THAT TO HIM, YOU SAID, "WHY IN BRITISH COLUMBIA AREN'T THERE ANY TREATIES?".	 YEAH?	 UH, WERE YOU TRYING TO PARAPHRASE THIS QUESTION FOR HIM--TRYING TO GIVE THE MEANING OF THIS QUESTION FOR HIM? "CAN YOU EXPLAIN WHAT THIS MEANS IN TERMS OF OWNERSHIP OF THE LAND?" Sorry, I can't understand. 4) Ryuzo: January 28, 1991. 4 3 3 3 3  5 4 4 5 Um [3] so, um, that discussion is, um [3] so 5 3 4 so great for for us, because [3] that discussion uh 4 5 3 4 so, that discussion, uh [3] make , make clear uh, um, our our information about Canada and Japan, no, no, US> 2 6 -YEAH.  3 4 5 4 1 6  -so, we can , that discussion, make, make easily, to, uh [3] uh, make easy to make questions> -YEAH. -I think. SO THE DISCUSSION WAS AN IMPORTANT INTRODUCTION TO THE QUESTIONS?  148    -Yeah. -OK. DID YOU FINALLY WRITE THREE QUESTIONS IN YOUR GROUP? -That time? -UM HUM. 5 3	-[3] Yeah, I, I, I remember I made three  questions-    -UM HUM. 6	-But  I didn't ask that questions> -UH HUH.  4 4 1	-so  that person, uh, he say, uh, He ask other questions. -DIFFERENT QUESTIONS? [laughter].  -Yeah, different questions  -OH OK. WHAT POINT WERE YOU MAKING ABOUT THE HOMESTAY? 4 1 1 4 1 At that time, I said uh, uh, I, when, uh, I, uh, in December, uh, middle of December> 4 2 4 6 -  4 2 6 6  UM HUM.  -I went San Franc- uh Berkeley> near San Francisco>-YEAH. -to, to this homestay> -  3 6 -YEAH. 4 6 4 6  4 3 3 4 1 6 4 6  -So, uh, when, uh, when I did I did homestay> my host, uh, my host family> said about Can-uh I talked about Canada and a bit, um difference> about Canada and US> -  149  -UM HUM. 4 4	-uh, with host family, uh, so at 4 3 4 	that time, uh, host family said, Canada, Canada, uh 3 4 	Canada, is too cold, and only Quebec area, um, 1 3 1 4 3 Quebec, only Quebec area, in , uh only Quebec area, 4 3 6 	uh French, French is spoken> -  150  Appendix F Letter of Initial Contact and Subject Consent Form September, 1991. Dear Student: I am a teaching assistant with the UBC/Ritsumeikan Academic Exchange Program and a graduate student in the Department of Language Education at the University of British Columbia. I am writing to ask you if you would be interested in participating in a research project called "A Case Study in the Phenomenology of Learning among Adult ESL Students." If you agree to participate, you will be asked some questions about your previous experiences in learning foreign languages, your reasons for studying English, and the types of strategies you use in learning English. It will take about one hour to complete these questions. As well, two or three video tapes will be made of your participation in a small group activity in your class. You will be asked to observe the video tape, at which time I will ask you questions about your participation in the small group activity. Please do not be concerned if you feel you cannot answer the interview questions in English, because a Japanese translator will be available. In all, you will spend about 4-5 hours on all of the above activities. In return for your time, I will offer tutorial time or conversation practice on an ongoing basis during the three-month research period. The purpose of this study is to learn more about how you study English--your likes and dislikes, and the strategies you use in learning. The research is not connected to your courses or grades with the Ritsumeikan Project. The names of participants in this research project will be strictly confidential. Pseudonyms will be used for all participants. If you decide to participate in the project, you will be free to drop out of it at any time.  151  If you require further information about this project, please telephone me at 322-6171 (home), or 8228190 (office). If you decide to participate in the project, please complete the attached consent form and return it to me. I will contact you to arrange a time during which we can meet to discuss the research further. Thank you for your interest. Yours sincerely, Ron Fazio  152  Consent Form: Dear Ron: I have received your letter of September, 1991, in which you explain the research project you are undertaking. I understand that I can refuse to participate if I so desire. If I agree to participate, you will be available for tutorials or conversation practice during the time that I participate in the research project. I will be able to withdraw without penalty from this project at any time, should I choose to do so. I also understand that my participation in this project will remain completely confidential. Finally, I acknowledge that I have seen a copy of this consent form with all attachments, and that I have kept your letter for future reference. I AGREE / DO NOT AGREE to participate in your project. Name: Signature: Date:  153  APPENDIX G LETTER OF CONSENT UBC Behavioural Sciences Screening Committee Office of Research Services Room 323, IRC Building University of British Columbia August 27, 1991.  Dear Committee Members, Ronald Fazio, a graduate student in the Department of Language Education, UBC, has informed me of his intention to carry out a research project entitled "A Case Study in the Phenomenology of Learning among Adult ESL Students". In this project, Mr. Fazio wishes to document the responses of four students towards the learning syllabus that they receive. He also intends to analyze the types of learning strategies that these students utilize in the language classroom. Mr. Fazio has also informed me that, for the purpose of conducting his research, he wishes to select four students enrolled in the "UBC-Ritsumeikan Academic Exchange Program". He has assured me that the participants in his research project will be selected on a purely voluntary basis, and that they may withdraw without penalty from the project at any time. I also understand that the anonymity of these participants will be strictly maintained. Given the above conditions, I wish to inform you that I fully endorse Mr. Fazio's research project, and find no objections to his use of students from the "UBC-Ritsumeikan Academic Exchange Program" as project participants.  Yours sincerely,  Oto Okugawa Visiting Professor Ritsumeikan University 154  APPENDIX G LETTER OF CONSENT UBC Behavioural Sciences Screening Committee Office of Research Services Room 323, IRC Building University of British Columbia August 27, 1991.  Dear Committee Members, Ronald Fazio, a graduate student in the Department of Language Education, UBC, has informed me of his intention to carry out a research project entitled "A Case Study in the Phenomenology of Learning among Adult ESL Students". In this project, Mr. Fazio wishes to document the responses of four students towards the learning syllabus that they receive. He also intends to analyze the types of learning strategies that these students utilize in the language classroom. Mr. Fazio has also informed me that, for the purpose of conducting his research, he wishes to select four students enrolled in the "UBC-Ritsumeikan Academic Exchange Program". He has assured me that the participants in his research project will be selected on a purely voluntary basis, and that they may withdraw without penalty from the project at any time. I also understand that the anonymity of these participants will be strictly maintained. Given the above conditions, I wish to inform you that I fully endorse Mr. Fazio's research project, and find no objections to his use of students from the "UBC-Ritsumeikan Academic Exchange Program" as project participants.  Yours sincerely,  154  


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