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An intercultural analysis of prosocial and antisocial behaviours in selected Japanese and western children’s… Oghigian, Kathryn Hill 1997

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AN INTERCULTURAJL ANALYSIS OF PROSOCIAL AND ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOURS IN SELECTED JAPANESE AND WESTERN CHILDREN'S FAIRY TALES by KATHRYN HILL OGHIGIAN B. A., The University of South Florida, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Language Education We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1997 © Kathryn Hill Oghigian, 1997 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) 11 ABSTRACT The purpose of this study was to examine twelve Japanese and twelve Western fairy tales to determine how often prosocial and antisocial behaviours appeared, and to find out what specific behaviours were being committed, whether the actions were committed by major or minor characters, what their motives might have been, if there was a difference in the number of prosocial and antisocial behaviours occurring between the historical versions and contemporary versions of the stories, and what possible differences there might be in the perceptions of two Western raters and two Japanese raters who were asked to identify and classify the prosocial and antisocial behaviours. The stories were chosen based on the titles examined in a 1967 study by Lanham and Shimura. The specific editions were selected on the basis of publication date, authenticity of the translation, nationality of the translator, and availability to the researcher. It was found that the Japanese stories contained a slightly higher number of prosocial than antisocial behaviours. The Western stories contained nearly twice as many antisocial behaviours as prosocial behaviours. In looking at the stories, all but two Japanese stories contained either more prosocial behaviours or an approximately equal number of prosocial and antisocial behaviours. In contrast, the majority of the Western stories contained a greater number of antisocial behaviours. Japanese story characters in four stories repented their "bad ways", and the "bad" characters in three Japanese stories and seven Western stories are punished with either a beating, blindness, and torture/death. In the selected Japanese stories, major characters committed most of the prosocial (78 percent) and antisocial behaviours (84 percent). In the Western stories, major characters committed most of the antisocial behaviours (88 Ill percent), and just over half of the prosocial behaviours (59 percent). Although the researcher identified 33 percent of all the identified behaviours as having no specified or implied motive, the raters consistently assigned a motive, based on a subjective interpretation of both the action and the definition of the motives. There was a slight increase in the number of prosocial acts in the contemporary versions of Western stories, although the number of antisocial acts in the Western stories was still greater than the number of prosocial acts. There was only one significant cultural difference found between the Japanese raters and the Western raters, which had to do with the concept of admitting defeat. The researcher explores how prosocial and antisocial behaviours are learned in young children and argues that antisocial messages in children's literature do have an impact on children and their behaviour, and it is the responsibility of parents, teachers and publishers to be aware of the messages in children's literature and to provide guidance in order to help children to become prosocial adults. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iv List of Tables vi Acknowledgement vi: I. INTRODUCTION 1 Purpose of the Study 1 Introduction 1 Signifcance of the Study 5 Methodology 7 Research Questions 8 Summary 8 II. LITERATURE REVIEW 9 Prosocial and Aggressive Content in Children's Literature: Previous Studies 9 Developing Prosocial Behaviour in Children 16 The Importance of Folklore 18 Summary 21 III. RESEARCH METHOD 22 Specifc Research Issue 22 Design 22 Operational Definitons 26 Sources 32 Translations and Translators 33 Availabilty 34 Other Considerations 34 Ilustrators 34 Motif 35 Selection Procedure 35 Data Analysis / Procedure 36 The Raters 37 IV. ANALYSIS OF RESULTS 39 Analysis of Individual Stories 40 Research Question 1: How often do prosocial and antisocial behaviours occur in the selected Japanese and Western stories? 65 V Research Question 2: What are the prosocial and antisocial behaviours which occur in the selected Japanese and Western stories? 68 Research Question 3: Are the prosocial and antisocial behaviours committed by major or minor characters? 74 Research Question 4: Are there differences in the number of prosocial and antisocial acts in comparing historical and contemporary versions for both cultures? 77 Research Question 5: What are the specified motives for the behaviours? 79 Research Question 6: What differences, if any, in rating the behaviours appear between the two Japanese raters and the two Western raters? 83 V. DISCUSSION 85 Findings 85 Implications 92 Summary 95 VI. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS 97 Suggestions for Further Research 99 References 100 Children's Stories 104 Appendix A Instructions to Raters 105 Appendix B Rating Form 107 Appendix C Major and Minor Characters Identified 108 Appendix D Actions, Characters and Motives Identified and Defined 109 vi LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Selected Japanese and Western Stories 23 Table 2 Operational Definitions 24 Table 3 Prosocial Subcategories 29 Table 4 Antisocial Subcategories 30 Table 5 Motives 31 Table 6 Number of Prosocial and Antisocial Behaviours in the Selected Japanese and Western Stories 66 Table 7 A Comparison of Japanese Stories with Prosocial Subcategories and Major (Minor) Characters 70 Table 8 A Comparison of Western Stories with Prosocial Subcategories and Major (Minor) Characters 71 Table 9 A Comparison of Japanese Stories with Antisocial Subcategories and Major (Minor) Characters 72 Table 10 A Comparison of Western Stories with Antisocial Subcategories and Major (Minor) Characters 73 Table 11 Total Number of Prosocial Categories in the Japanese and Western Stories 75 Table 12 Total Number of Antisocial Categories in the Japanese and Western Stories 76 Table 13 Percentage of Acts Committed by Major and Minor Characters 77 Table 15 Specific Changes in Stories Comparing Historical and Contemporary Versions 79 Vll ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This thesis and degree are for my two much beloved children, Dan and his unnamed baby brother who sleeps inside me as I write. They are my inspiration. My thanks goes to Dan, who was very patient with his Mum ("Mummy working again? Mummy tired again?") and to my fabulous husband, Haig, who gave lots of support with absolutely no complaints. I wish to thank the four raters: Noriko, Makiko, Katherine and Haig for time, energy, support and valuable insight. I also wish to thank Gins Doolittle, who gave to Dan a copy of a collection of Japanese children's stories which started the ball rolling; Kim Schonert-Reichl, in whose course I was able to define my ideas; and Stephen Carey, whose support made this project possible. 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study is to determine the prosocial and antisocial acts committed in Japanese and Western fairy tales. Introduction In 19871 moved from warm, sunny South Florida to mountainous, rural Japan where I lived for one year. Because I was not well versed in matters of long underwear and layering, and because I spent a significant amount of time out of doors (walking to all venues such as the grocery store, place of work, etc.), I unhappily caught the flu that winter. The teachers from the junior high school where I worked came to my apartment to fix my meals, and the school nurse brought me antibiotics and other mysterious powders from the local doctor. The most surprising event that occurred (and my favourite story about that year in Shikoku) is this: after a day or two of this illness, I began to feel better. I opened the door of my apartment and there on the door handle was an anonymous bag of groceries. Someone had heard I had been ill and had brought me apples, bread, milk and a variety of items. I was and am still awed by this act of kindness. In fact, my original reason for moving to Japan, where I spent a total of three years, was a philosophical intrigue with a culture that seemed to be grounded in the idea of being kind. "Wa", the Japanese word for harmony, is an intrinsic part of relationships and interaction. Confrontation is avoided; saving face is a national goal. People line up politely for crowded subways, taxis and trains. Even the language is littered with polite phrases which often have more to do with smoothing the relationship between parties than communicating real meaning 2 ("shitsure shimasu", "otsukare soma deshita", et. al.). This is not to imply that rudeness, antisocial behaviour and crime are non-existent in Japan; however, based on my experiences in both countries, the Japanese seem much better able at incorporating prosocial behaviour in various aspects of their lives than do Americans. Five years after Japan, I am a graduate student and full time mother of a young son who loves books. My son Dan received a collection of Japanese stories (Little One Inch and Other Japanese Children's Favourite Stories. 1958) which includes the story of man who trips and falls and finds a piece of straw stuck to his hand. He carries the straw as he continues his journey. When a dragonfly pesters him, he ties it to the straw. A boy travelling with his mother asks for the dragonfly on the straw and the man gives it to him. In return, the mother gives him three oranges. As he continues on his way, he meets a man who is very thirsty so he gives the oranges to the man. The man reciprocates by giving him some beautiful cloth. Later, a woman sees him with the cloth and admires it. He gives it to her, she gives him a large sum of money. He returns to his village, buys all the land, and gives one piece of land to each villager. Everyone works hard and prospers, and the man, "Mr. Lucky Straw", is well respected. Given my own experiences in Japan, the emphasis on prosocial behaviour in this story does not surprise me. In contrast, Dan also has Mother Goose's Nursery Rhymes (1991), which includes Tom, Tom, the piper's son, Stole a pig and away did run; The pig was eat, and Tom was beat, And Tom rah crying down the street. These are obviously two extreme examples of prosocial behaviour (voluntary behaviour intended to benefit another) and antisocial behaviour (voluntary behaviour intended to harm another) in children's literature. As a parent, the question arose: how often are prosocial and 3 antisocial behaviours depicted in children's stories? Equally interesting is the idea of exposing children to stories from various cultures. Not only does this expose them to international literature and promote an interest and appreciation of other cultures, but it also exposes them to alternative ways of interpreting and handling situations. Children's literature can promote open-mindedness and an appreciation for how we are similar rather than different. It is important, however, to be aware of the content of the stories regardless of their origin. There is an Armenian folktale which my mother-in-law remembers about a young bird who disobeys its mother. The mother warns the little bird to stay in the forest and not to fly into the meadow, but the little bird happily wanders off and is shot and killed by a hunter. My mother-in-law describes in detail how the bird, covered in blood, falls from the tree and lies still on the ground. She then tells me that her preschool son cried when she told him this story. I was surprised both that she told this rather gory story to her son and that she expressed amazement at his reaction. It also causes me to wonder what stories parents read to their preschool children. While it has been shown that violence in children's cartoons is six times greater than adult programs and 98 percent of children's cartoons contain violent episodes (Gerbner, as discussed in Cheevakumjorn, 1993), children tend to choose to watch cartoons themselves, with or without parental knowledge. In contrast, there is often an implicit message from parents who read stories to their children, and that message conveys approval of the behaviours and ideas related in the story. What are the messages in children's stories? A noted scholar of children's books reports an increase in violence in realistic fiction for children (Blatt, 1973). She comments that realistic fiction1 accurately reflects real life and by 1 "Realistic fiction" is fiction that is based on real-life characters and events, rather than imaginary worlds or fantasy characters. 4 reading realistic fiction, children are able to draw parallels between violence in the stories and everyday life. It has been well documented that both prosocial and aggressive messages in children's books and television shows influence behaviour (Eron, 1982; Jarrell, 1982; Shannon, 1986). Given this influence, what is the role books play, or should play, in the lives of children? Should children's literature accurately reflect the violence in real life? Should "good" characters lose to "bad" characters, as real life crime statistics often show? Should stories always have happy endings? What is it that we want our preschool children to learn from the behaviour of story characters? It is not suggested that Japanese children's stories are more prosocial and Western stories are more antisocial; nor is it suggested that children's literature should include only positive role models and happy endings. The question which is raised is this: given the assumption that the characters in children's stories act as role models for behaviour and are in that sense an element of a culture's hegemony, to what extent do these characters engage in prosocial and antisocial behaviour? More specifically, how would Japanese fairy tales, coded for both prosocial and antisocial behaviour, compare to a sample of Western fairy tales2? Gentry (1975) found "widespread aggression" in six Japanese and six Western fairy tales. Lanham and Shimura (1967) found an equal amount of goriness and a general lack of values in a comparison of ten Japanese and ten Western fairy tales. Neither of these studies looked specifically at the frequency of prosocial and antisocial behaviours within the context of the stories. Another study (Cheevakumjorn, 1993) which examined prosocial and aggressive behaviours in Thai children's literature presents an interesting format for this project. These studies are described in detail in the next chapter. 2 For the purpose of this study, "folktales", "fairy tales" and "children's stories" are used interchangeably. 5 Significance of the Study On the subject of folklore, there seem to be two camps with regard to moral value versus entertainment value and the potential effects on children: those who believe folklore and fairy tales are important for the psychological (moral or imaginative) development of children (Bettelheim, 1976; Chukovsky, 1963; Huck, 1976) and others who question the moral content and the levels of violence and aggression (Macnab, cited in McCraken, 1972). Some researchers such as Blatt (1973) support the use of violence in realistic fiction since this is believed to be a reflection of real life. McCelland (1976), however, reports that a country's values are reflected in the children's literature and cites examples from his research (i.e., kindness and obligation are emphasized in Japanese stories, and loyalty is a common theme in German stories). Malik (1982) explored how Soviet children's literature is used as part of a "deliberate and highly centralized effort" in the socialization process (DAI-A 43/08, p. 2753), and found that "messages contained in the deep structural level of the Russian works reflected their overt concerns, whereas in the English originals deep structural messages were either different from, or contradicted, surface messages" (p. 2753). Chen concludes in his 1995 study on values in Chinese children's literature, discussed in Chapter 2, that "authors use the actions of their characters to transmit values that teach children how to behave in society" (p. 1640). Rosenblatt (1968) also reports that "children learn attitudes from the books they read" (discussed in Blatt, 1973, p. 6). Shannon's (1986) conclusion in looking at popular American literature, however, was that "[c]urrent popular books... show self reliance but also the pursuit of self interest to the virtual exclusion of a balance between self and society" (p. 656). This finding was also cited by Santola (1986), who found contemporary American literature to be focused on a preoccupation with self rather than on promoting prosocial behaviour. Bryan (1975) states that children in the United States are 6 socialized at an early age into a competitive, rather than cooperative, response style. It is widely recognized that in American society, the idea that "winning is everything" is pervasive. Observing football players doing a victory dance after a touchdown is a simple example of this message. Also generally accepted by many people is the idea that "the end justifies the means". Are these the values which are reflected in our children's literature? It is difficult to argue with the fact that many children's stories, including Grimm's fairy tales, contain violent and aggressive scenes. The question is not simply: should there or should there not be antisocial content in the stories young children read, but how are those antisocial actions presented and reinforced, and does its reinforcement perpetuate the idea that antisocial behaviour is an acceptable means for dealing with adversity? Some researchers refer to the relationship between Kohlberg's stages of morality and the child's view of "justified punishment" in the fairy tales (Cullinan, 1977; Tucker, 1976), stating that children can easily appreciate who should be rewarded and who should be punished. But to what extent are these levels of moral development created and/or reinforced by the messages in children's stories, and by values implied in other aspects of our daily lives? The point here is not to dispute Kohlberg's theory of the development of morality in children, but only to offer the idea that socialization is a very powerful force in introducing and reinforcing the ideas of a society. Piaget (1959) tells us that children see how adults respond to adversity and believe this observed action is the appropriate way to behave. Moore (1982) and Bandura (1969) emphasize that children learn both prosocial and aggressive behaviours by observing adults. Israel and Raskin (1979) recommend constant communication of accepted values as one avenue for promoting prosocial behaviour in children, and Perry and Bussey (1984) propose preventing children from being exposed to aggressive stimuli in the media, as well as encouraging the discussion and criticism of observed aggression 7 with children as a means of discouraging the development of antisocial behaviour. By examining the motives and behaviours of the characters and the consequences of behaviours in well-known children's stories, it may be possible to underscore the importance of the messages which bombard our children through literature. What are our children being exposed to in these books; and how do these messages compare to those in Japanese books? How do other cultures present and reinforce values in children's literature? As the world becomes more multicultural, it would be instructive to understand not only what the messages are, but how each culture presents them, and what impact this has on the development of children, and ultimately, on each society. Methodology This study will be quantitative in that it will tabulate the frequency of prosocial and antisocial behaviours which appear in the stories, and qualitative, in that it will explore the context of the stories, and the specified and assumed motives of the characters. Four raters, two North American and two Japanese, will identify the prosocial and antisocial behaviours, the characters who commit the behaviours and their motives. A master list of all identified behaviours will be created and presented to the raters following their individual coding, in order to obtain consensus and interrater reliability. The stories to be analyzed are historical and contemporary versions of six out of ten Japanese and Western titles examined in the 1967 Lanham and Shimura study. The specific versions will be chosen based on publication date, nationality of the author or translator, authenticity of the translation, and availability to this researcher. 8 Research Questions 1. How often do prosocial and antisocial behaviours occur in the selected Japanese and Western stories? 2. What are the prosocial and antisocial acts which occur in the selected Japanese and Western stories? 3. Are the prosocial and antisocial behaviours committed by major or minor characters? 4. Are there differences in the number of prosocial and antisocial acts in comparing historical and contemporary versions for both cultures? 5. What are the specified motives for the behaviours? 6. What differences, if any, in rating the behaviours appear between the two Japanese raters and the two Western raters? Summary The research shows that (a) children's prosocial and antisocial behaviours are learned primarily through observation (Bandura, 1969; Moore, 1982), but also by what they read (Chen, 1995; Rosenblatt, 1968; Shannon, 1986); and, (b) children's literature reflects the values of a society, and is a powerful force in socialization (McCelland, 1976). What are the values reflected in Western children's literature and how do they compare to other cultures, particularly to Japanese children's literature? 9 CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW Prosocial and Aggressive Content in Children's Literature: Previous Studies Research in children's literature covers a range of topics. With regard to content analyses, various studies have been done which look at issues such as gender roles, grief themes, didacticism, the perception of suicide, and stereotypes for groups such as Native Americans, Afro-Americans, Hispanics and the elderly. To the author's knowledge, there are no studies which specifically examine the frequency of prosocial and antisocial behaviour in Japanese and Western children's folktales; however, a review of the literature provides several related studies. Note that while most of the studies include percentages and means, there are no reported statistical analyses in any of the studies. The first study is a comparison of aggressive content in Japanese, American, and East Indian children's fairy tales (Gentry, 1975). The researcher looked at six tales from each of these three cultures and concluded aggression was widespread in all the selected tales from the three cultures with an acknowledgment that the Grimm's tales contained significantly more aggressive content, particularly human aggression, than tales from the other two cultures. In spite of his assertion that all three cultures have "widespread aggression", his data show all six Indian and six Grimm's tales contained aggressive behaviour, but only 50 percent (three) of the Japanese tales contained "at least one act of aggression" (p. 896). Similarly, the mean number of aggressive acts per tale for Japanese tales was 0.84, compared to 1.66 and 3.66 for Indian and Grimm's, respectively. The conclusion that stories from all three cultures contain widespread aggression is based on a very small sample, and there is no descriptive context. The rationale for 10 the Western European story selection is based on those Grimm's tales ("the most popular and widely used collection in our own culture") from which "tales were selected in part on a random basis and in part on the basis of being popular tales easily recognizable to most readers..." (p. 896). Lanham and Shimura (1967) published a more comprehensive study in which ten representative American folktales and ten representative Japanese folktales were analyzed in terms of age and sex of hero or villain, occurrence and type of supernatural characters, and ethical themes presented (greed, kindness to animals, vendetta, retribution {reward, punishment}, vanity, forgiveness, and change of character). The following themes were found in Japanese stories: "the request for forgiveness and granting of it, faith in other people, kindness toward animals, and admonishment against envy and vendetta" (p. 40). Only one clear moral admonishment, a criticism of vanity, was apparent in the Western tales. "Themes of retribution are slightly more prevalent in the Japanese than in the Western stories...(p. 40)[and]... [o]ne of the striking differences between Japanese and Western stories is in the form of reward" (p. 42). Western females tend to be rewarded with romance; Japanese males, regardless of age, get wealth. The researchers found villains in both Western and Japanese stories were adults, with the exception of Cinderella's sisters. Regarding male/female personalities in Western stories, "[w]omen are either beautiful paragons of virtue, or, at the opposite extreme, witches and cruel stepmothers" (p. 38). "Youth and adult males appear weak and ineffectual...the single exception is Sleeping Beauty's Prince Charming" (p. 38). There is an emphasis on forgiveness in the Japanese stories, and on change of character. For example, Lanham and Shimura cite one Japanese version of "The Three Bears" in which Goldilocks apologizes for her behaviour. Change of character is discussed with regard to a belief in Japan that people are not either 11 "good" nor "evil", but "are seen instead as possessing emotions that must be moderated, desires that must be removed in order to reach a state of tranquility" (p. 44). Although the researchers report an equal amount of goriness in stories from both cultures, there are no data to indicate who is actually performing various behaviours. Finally, the researchers found a general lack of ethical themes in both Japanese and Western stories. They conclude that folktales were told primarily for entertainment rather than as moral teachings. A list of the separate ethical themes that ordinarily appear in the cultures of the United States and Japan [not explicitly defined in the study] reveals rather dramatically their almost total absence from the folktales. This is true whether the source of ethical tenets be Buddhist, Christian, American ethos, Japanese tradition, or the Shushin teaching. One might almost suspect that for an extended period folktales remained purposely aloof from these themes in order to provide relief from pressures, restraints, and propriety of daily life—whether Western or Japanese. Or again, partial explanation may lie in the fact that initially the stories were communicated orally (p. 40). Story selection was based on surveys1 given to parents asking them to list the stories they told their children, and the specific stories are listed in the data. Ten stories from each culture were chosen so that an original story and altered versions of each story could be examined in detail. In addition, the researchers included a second list of twenty stories (ten American and ten Japanese) to correct for possible bias. The specific versions which were selected, based on the survey results, were those found in the Bloomington Public Library, the Indiana University Education and Folklore Libraries, in the University Primary School, and "on magazine stands in Japan and the United States" (p. 36). Also included were The Arbuthnot Anthology. Seki's Shusei. Sazanami's Nihon Mukashi Banashi. and collections from Grimm, Andersen, Perrault and Lang. The emphasis is not on a large number of varieties, but on those stories most commonly told. A number of sources for both Western and Japanese tales is listed, Surveys were obtained in Kainan, Japan in 1952, and in Bloomington, Indiana in 1963. 12 although it is not clear which stories from the numerous versions listed were included in the study. Several of the sources listed are recognized by scholars (Herring, 1988; Makino, 1985) as authentic translations of Japanese tales (Griffis, 1887; McAlpine & McAlpine, 1959; Mitford, 1903; O'Donnell, 1958; Ozaki, 1908; and Seki, 1953-1955). Also listed is Florence Sakade's Japanese Children's Favorite Stories (1958), and is included as a representative of an "altered" version. Yasuko Makino comments that "most of the translations are true to the original tales, but it is regrettable that some unnecessary changes were made in some of the stories" (p. 76). Yoshiko Uchida's The Dancing Kettle and other Japanese Folktales is also included as an altered version. This work is described by Makino as a distortion from the original. Lanham and Shimura (1967) also use well known sources for the Western stories: Lang, Rackham, Wanda Gag, and Lucy Crane, as well as the Arbuthnot Anthology and translations from Perrault and the Grimm's Brothers. A third study examined violence in American children's literature. Blatt (1973) conducted a content analysis on one hundred seventy realistic fiction books for children. All books were "Notable Books" selected by the American Library Association between 1960 and 1970. Blatt analyzed the stories in terms of (a) the number of violent episodes having a beginning and end; (b) the identity of the aggressor (hero, villain, minor character); (c) the relationship between the aggressor and victim; (d) the type of aggression most frequently depicted (wrestling, boxing, shooting, wounding, killing, and 'other'); (e) the types of details given about the act of violence; and (f) the opinions of aggression expressed by the characters or the author. Blatt found that the average number of pages devoted to violence increased from 12 percent to 15 percent between 1960 and 1970. She also found that "historical fiction was, on the average, twice as violent as modern realistic fiction" (p. 7) and "the great majority of scenes, 91 13 percent, handled violent content by including many details, most of which appealed to the senses of the reader" (p. 8). Interestingly, the majority of acts of aggression occurred between strangers; and in looking at opinions expressed by the authors in the stories, "all but 3 percent expressed opinions in favor of socially approved aggression" (p. 9). She concludes by saying that violence in realistic fiction generally is an accurate reflection of real life, and that because story characters are presented "three dimensionally, that is, as individuals, not as stereotypes" (p. 13), children are able to draw parallels between aggression in books and violence in real life. Chen (1995) published a dissertation researching Chinese values in traditional and contemporary Chinese folk literature written by Chinese authors, Chinese-American authors and American authors and interviewed fifth graders to ascertain if they could identify the values embedded in the stories. This study found that although there were overall more positive values than negative values, the Chinese authors included more positive than negative values than the other two groups of authors, and the American authors included positive values less frequently and negative values more frequently than the other two groups of authors. The study also found that at least 70 percent of all the children interviewed could recognize and name the values reflected in the characters' actions (DAI-A 56/05, p. 1640). The conclusion is made that "authors use the actions of their characters to transmit values that teach children how to behave in society" and that "this method of value analysis could be used to help children tell right from wrong and become more aware of moral thinking and decision-making" (p. 1640). In 1986, Shannon examined a random sample of approximately 15 percent of the titles found in the Children's Choices survey of favourite books for young readers for 1978, 1980, and 1982. He asks the question, "How do we wish to live together?" and he and two other raters scored the stories for individualistic and collectivistic themes. He found that none of the books 14 contained a collectivist perspective. Offering several hypotheses, Shannon suggests the reason for this is a combination of the ideas that (a) children are egocentric; that is, interested in themselves at this age (an hypothesis supported by the theories of Piaget, 1977, and Kohlberg, 1981), (b) regional leaders who select the titles may have an unconscious bias toward individualistic themes, (c) American editors may reject books with collectivist themes based on the notion of what is familiar and what sells, (d) American writers may have a predilection for writing individualistic themes in stories, and (e) all the above may place personal concerns as more important than social concerns, and this viewpoint is reflected in their choices for children's literature. Shannon argues that books are a very important part of childhood experiences because they provide examples that "confirm and challenge the decisions of children's daily lives" (p. 656). He emphasizes that the influence of these books is not immediate but results from repeated exposure over long periods of time, and concludes that the imbalance of self versus social needs can be addressed by parents and teachers who can provide a more balanced perspective. As part of a social psychology research project, McClelland (1976) read hundreds of children's stories for third and fourth graders from forty countries and concluded that popular stories reflect what the people of each country value most, and that children "acquire the values or ethical ideas expressed in the stories, even without conscious and deliberate attempts to abstract them" (p. 87). "Children come to take such ideas for granted because that's the way things 'are' or 'happen' in the stories they read" (p. 87). McClelland notes that nearly any theme will appear in at least one or two stories from a given country, but some themes appear more frequently in some countries than in others. For example, stories from the Middle East often emphasize cleverness or the ability to outwit someone; a frequent theme in Chilean and Japanese 15 stories is the importance of kindness and obligation; and German stories often stress the value of loyalty. A 1986 dissertation competed by Santola (DAI-A 47/08) examined prosocial patterning in notable American children's literature. This study found that in the years following the Civil War, there was a decline in the use of religious reference and an increase in the use of prosocial intent through the experiences of the characters. In the 1920s, "specific contextual incidents" supported prosocial patterning. After the Second World War, there was a "heightened interest in the sanctity of home" (p. 2930) which was reflected in an "enhanced celebration of the domestic scene with the family portrayed as the prime socializer or moral and prosocial behaviours" (p. 2930). Literature of the early sixties was more narcissistic, and reflected problems youth encountered in the process of maturity. Contemporary literature "seems to focus upon youth's preoccupation with self, rather than upon any intent to pattern for the prosocial" (p. 2930). And finally, Cheevakumjorn (1993) completed a PhD dissertation entitled "Analysis of Prosocial and Aggressive Content in Thai Children's Literature and Its Relationship to Contemporary Societal Problems in Thailand" in which she looked at 100 books for 4- to 8-year olds to analyze "(a) frequency of eight types of prosocial behaviour; (b) six types of aggressive behaviour; (c) characteristics of story actors who initiated these behaviours or were affected by them; and (d) the setting, motives, and consequences of the behaviour" (DAI-A 54/10, p. 3669). She found that prosocial behaviour (caring, cooperation) occurred in 92 of the 100 books with a mean of 4.3 incidents per book. Aggressive behaviour occurred in 55 books with a mean of 1.8 incidents per book. Male story characters tended to engage in aggressive behaviour more often than female story characters, and there were "few instances of male characters engaging in constructive solutions to problems" (p. 3669). The author also 16 interviewed parents, teachers and ministry officials to see how they perceived these books, and reports those interviewed did not express concern about aggressiveness in children's books. She concludes that "the story characters and plots lacked the depth that can nurture the development of moral judgement and self-identity" (p. 3669). This is the only study which looks specifically at prosocial and aggressive behaviours, and attempts to identify the actors who perform them. Cheevakumjora uses well defined operational definitions for each type of behaviour, cost and motive, and the behaviours are discussed in context. Developing Prosocial Behaviour in Children The developmental perspective tells us that prosocial behaviours are a result of maturation and socialization. "We consciously shape the behaviour of our children through direct instruction, reinforcement and modelling" (Moore, 1982, p. 66). The literature also shows (Bandura, 1973; Bryan, 1975) that aggressive behaviour is learned, and learning occurs through observation and experience (reinforcement). Piaget (1959) describes the preoperational stage of cognitive development in children, ages two to seven years, as a stage in which children have difficulty distinguishing between fantasy and reality. When observing how adults or other models respond to adversity or aggression, children may easily believe that this observed course of action is the appropriate way to behave. Eron (1980) states it is essential to intervene in the early socialization of children to teach them alternative ways of solving problems rather than relying on aggressive techniques. He suggests teaching to boys the same types of training traditionally given to girls; that is, to develop more nurturing, cooperative, and socially positive types of behaviour. Bryan (1975), in a review of studies on what motivates helping behaviours in children, 17 refers to many studies based on the theories and procedures of Bandura (1969) and which emphasize "the impact of what they observe other people do and what happens to these other people when they do it" (p. 130). He states children in the United States are socialized at an early age into a competitive response style, which may be contrary to developing cooperative behaviours. In fact, Bryan cites research suggesting that cooperation is developmentally linked, such that cooperation decreases as the child gets older, and competition increases. Rutherford and Mussen (1968) found that "children involved in competition are less likely to demonstrate altruism than children who obtain their resources by other means" (as discussed in Bryan, 1975, p. 162). Just as the literature shows that children who observe aggressive behaviours in others tend to act aggressively (Bandura, 1973), studies also not only show that children who observe altruistic and helpful behaviour also tend to act prosocially (Bryan, 1972; Elliot & Vasta, 1970; others as discussed in Bryan, 1975), but that these effects are relatively enduring (Midlarsky & Bryan, 1972; Rushton, 1980). To foster prosocial development in children, other researchers recommend adult modelling, caring, constant communication of accepted values, and suitable discipline techniques (Israel & Raskin, 1979; Radke-Yarrow, Zahn-Waxier, & Chapman, 1983); and positive and warm relationships between adults and children (Hoffman, 1970, as discussed in Cheevakumjorn, 19932). Eisenberg (1992) suggests the development of perspective-taking as a means of fostering prosocial behaviour and reducing aggressive behaviour. An excellent example of fostering prosocial behaviour in children can be found in a project implemented by several researchers (Solomon, Watson et al., 1988), whose project was 2 Cheevakumjorn (1993) provides an excellent overview of the literature on developing prosocial behaviour in her dissertation. ^ 18 focused on three elementary schools over five consecutive years. The program included instituting cooperative activities, developmental discipline, and activities promoting social understanding; highlighting prosocial values through the use of the teacher's direct and indirect endorsement of such behaviours as they occur in the classroom, and through the use of literature, films and television which provided clear models of prosocial behaviour; and encouraging helping activities. The researchers found significantly higher levels of prosocial behaviour in children in this program than in those in three comparison schools. Biskin and Hoskisson (1977) believe social and moral growth is possible with appropriate literature and the involvement of students in it. Shannon (1986), whose research is discussed earlier in this chapter, believes children's literature can have a positive impact on the development of prosocial skills in children, and that "...children's storybooks contain implied attitudes as to how one should behave" (p. 656). Increasing perspective taking can be accomplished by discussing characters in children's stories so that the children can understand the feelings of those characters (Trepanier & Romatowski, 1982), and sharing behaviours can be fostered through role playing of the characters following the reading of a story (Krogh & Lamme, 1983). To discourage the development of aggressive behaviours in children, researchers (Perry & Bussey, 1984) have proposed preventing children from being exposed to aggressive stimuli such as violence in the media as well as encouraging the discussion and criticism of observed aggression with children. The Importance of Folklore Folklore is a valued and popular resource for children. The importance of folklore to children is discussed by Huck (1976) who believes the repetitive themes in cumulative tales are 19 easier to understand for children, who are in the "preoperational stage" as described by Piaget. Young children have difficulty remembering many characters or a long series of events; consequently, stories such as The Three Bears or The Three Little Pigs offer both repetition and visual gradations for understanding the sequence of the story. Cullinan (1977) comments that "young children are drawn to the old tales [of folk literature] as if by magnetic force" (p. 85), and the magical world of the fairy tale is very believable to the young child. Tales have a clear-cut structure, simple characters, no confusing digressions or side issues, no unnecessary details, appealing language and clear symbols children can understand: "Children can easily recognize who should be punished and who should be rewarded" (pp. 87-88). Other researchers (Krogh & Lamme, 1983; Shannon, 1986; Tucker, 1976) refer to Kohlberg's early stages of moral development in children as it relates to literature, saying at this level, children see morality very simply: "...if you do something bad, you get punished hard" (Tucker, 1976, p. 186). At the second stage of moral development, children's views of justice are reciprocal: an eye for an eye. Tucker suggests that children enjoy stories in which the bad guys are clearly the bad guys and the good guys are clearly the good guys, since this demarcation allows the child to understand what is going on. It is interesting, though, that in the Lanham and Shimura study (1967), the researchers found that the Japanese children's literature reflected the idea that people are not simply "good" or "bad" but that they have both good and bad qualities that must be tempered. Chukovsky (1963) argues that folktales are important in feeding curiosity and creating new images for children by allowing them "to imagine what might be rather than leaving them in the realistic world of what is" (quoted in Cullinan, 1977, p. 87). He argues the goal of the storyteller is to foster in the child 20 this miraculous ability of man to be disturbed by another's misfortunes, to feel joy about another being's happiness, to experience another's fate as one's own. Storytellers take trouble to teach the child in his early years to participate with concern on the lives of imaginary people and animals, and to make sure that in this way he will escape the narrow frame of his egocentric interests and feelings... [ and]...[o]ur only goal is to awaken, nurture, and strengthen in the responsive soul of the child this invaluable ability to feel compassion for another's unhappiness and to share in another's happiness — without this man is inhuman (1963, p. 138). In response to those who object to fairy tales for children (primarily pedologists in Soviet Russia3), Chukovsky accuses these "dull" and "ignorant people" of believing "that every fairy tale told to a youngster will remain with him his entire life, with its morals and fantasy, and will condition his entire existence. This was the naiive [sic] conviction that served as the basis for the suppression of fairy tales in the time of the pedologists" (p. 137). As a therapist working with children, Bettelheim (1976) argues that the use of fairy tales is essential for the psychological development of children, since "folklore helps children overcome psychological and emotional insecurities by suggesting images for their fantasies" (as discussed in Cullinan, 1976, p. 86). This argument is based on the notion that"... tales reassure the child because good always overcomes evil, the weak and small win through perseverance, and justice prevails" (p. 86). His objection to most children's literature is that it attempts to "entertain or inform, or both" (Bettelheim, 1976, p. 4) but is shallow in substance and devoid of meaning. Children need to find meaning in their lives, and often fairy tales can provide this experience since they teach children about the "inner problems of human beings, and of the right solutions to their predicaments in any society" (p. 5). He believes fairy tales "carry important messages to the conscious, the preconscious and the unconscious mind" (p. 6). From a 3 According to Chukovsky (1963), a pedologist is an authority on children's education, psychology and culture (p. 118). After the revolution, leaders in Soviet Russia tried to prohibited fairy tales in favour of practical books (how machinery works, etc.) for children. 21 psychoanalytic point of view, Bettelheim argues that fairy tales present the existential struggles of human existence in a way children can understand them: "struggle against severe difficulties in life is unavoidable [but] is an intrinsic part of human existence... if one does not shy away, but steadfastly meets unexpected and often unjust hardships, one masters all obstacles and at the end emerges victorious" (p. 8). In amoral fairy tales, he believes the child's character is built not on promoting choices between who is good and who is bad, but "by giving the child the hope that even the meekest can succeed in life" (p. 10). Summary A review of the literature indicates that prosocial and antisocial behaviours in children are learned (Bandura, 1973; Moore, 1982); that children are forming the basis for morality in the early years (Kohlberg, 1984; Piaget, 1959); that children's literature influences the behaviour of children (Shannon, 1986; Tucker, 1976); that children's literature reflects the values of a society (McCelland, 1976); and that folklore is popular with children for a variety of reasons (Cullinan, 1977; Huck, 1976). To answer the question "What are the messages in children's folktales with regard to prosocial and antisocial behaviour?", this researcher found no studies which specifically look at the number of prosocial and antisocial behaviours in Western and Japanese children's fairy tales, although similar research is reviewed. 22 CHAPTER m RESEARCH METHOD Specific Research Issue This study has been modelled after the methodology and philosophy of the Cheevakumjorn study (1993); that is, it tabulates the frequency of specific types of prosocial and antisocial (rather than aggressive) behaviours, identifies the major and minor characters who commit them, and identifies the specified motives. Unlike the Cheevakumjorn story, this study examines the folktales of two cultures, as was done in the Lanham and Shimura (1967) and Gentry (1975) studies. The emphasis, then, is focused on the specific prosocial and antisocial behaviours found in these stories and in identifying the actors who commit them, and their motives. This study assumes the null hypothesis; that is, that there are no significant differences between the mean number of prosocial and antisocial behaviours in the selected Western and Japanese children's stories. The stories are selected on the basis on authenticity of translation, nationality of translator, date of publication, the inclusion of the stories in the Lanham and Shimura study (1967) as well as Algarin's (1982) list of "classic" Japanese folktales, and the availability of the stories to the researcher. Table 1 provides a list of the selected stories used in this study; Table 2 lists the stories examined in the Lanham and Shimura study. Design The methodology for this study is modelled after measures used in a descriptive study by Cheevakumjorn (1993), who investigated the prevalence of prosocial and aggressive behaviour in Thai children's literature. This present study includes both quantitative and 23 TABLE 1: Selected Japanese and Western Stories JAPANESE TALES Historical Period Contemporary Period 1. Adventures of Little Peachling (Mitford, 1883) 2. The Story of the Old Man Who Made Withered Trees Blossom (Mitford, 1883) 3. The Story of Urashima Taro (Ozaki, 1903) 4. The Tongue-Cut Sparrow (Mitford, 1883) 5. The Crackling Mountain (Mitford, 1883) 6. The Bamboo Cutter and the Moon-child (Ozaki, 1903) The Peach Boy (Japan Times, 1975) The Old Man Who Made Dead Trees Bloom (Japan Times, 1975) The Fisherman & the Sea Princess (Japan Times, 1975) The Tongue-Cut Sparrow (Ishii, 1987) The Rabbit & Raccoon Dog (Japan Times, 1975) Princess from the Moon (Japan Times, 1975) WESTERN TALES Historical Period Contemporary Period 1. The Three Bears (Brooke, 1905) 2. The Three Little Pigs (Brooke, 1905) 3. Little Red Cap (Crane, 1886) 4. Cinderella (Lucas, Crane, Edwardes, 1900) 5. Snow White (Crane, 1886) 6. The Sleeping Beauty (Crane, 1886) The Three Bears (Marshall, 1988) The Three Little Pigs (Gay, 1994) Little Red Riding Hood (Hyman, 1983) Cinderella (Wegman, 1993) Snow White (Jarrell, 1972) The Sleeping Beauty (Early, 1993) qualitative aspects, and is a designations content analysis and a comparative analysis. A designations analysis has been defined in Krippendorff (1980) as "...[an analysis which] provides the frequency with which certain objects (persons, things groups or concepts) are referred to, that is, roughly speaking subject-matter analysis..." (p. 33). The concepts analyzed are the explicit behaviours of the characters of children's stories, and the thematic units are categorized as prosocial, antisocial and neutral behaviours. Quantitative data analysis tabulates (a) the frequency of categories (prosocial and antisocial behaviours) in each story; (b) the frequency of TABLE 2: Titles Examined in the Lanham and Shimura (1967) Study 24 Japanese Stories 1. Momotaro (The Peach Boy) 2. Hanasaki Jijii (The Old Man Who Made Dead Trees Bloom) 3. Urashima Taro (The Fisher Lad or The Fisherman and the Sea Princess) 4. Shitakiri-Suzume (The Tongue Cut Sparrow) 5. Kachi-Kachi Yama (The Crackling Mountain) 6. Issun-Boshi (One Inch Boy) 7. Kaguya-Hime (Princess from the Moon) 8. Saru-kani Kassen (The Quarrel of the Monkey and the Crab) 9. Kobutori-Jijii (The Man Who Lost His Wren) 10. Bunbuku-Chagama (The Badger and the Tea Kettle) Western Stories 1. The Three Bears 2. The Three Little Pigs 3. Little Red riding Hood 4. Cinderella 5. Snow White 6. Jack and the Beanstalk 7. Sleeping Beauty 8. Hansel and Gretel 9. Rumpelstiltskin 10. Rapunzel subcategories (specific types of prosocial and antisocial behaviours); (c) the frequency of actions committed by major and minor characters, including the identification of the types of behaviours committed; and (d) a comparison of the frequency of prosocial and antisocial behaviours appearing in the historical and contemporary versions of each story. The data is examined within the context of the specified or implied motives in the stories, or assumed motives of four raters. The data from Japanese tales are compared to that of the Western tales. No statistical analyses will be conducted on the data other than calculating percentages and means as they relate to frequency. 25 Two assumptions are made in choosing to use frequency as the basis for measurement: (1) that the frequency of prosocial or antisocial behaviours in the stories is a valid indicator of the cultural hegemony from the literature, which is a reflection of the culture; and (2) that each behaviour is given equal weight for the purpose of direct comparison1. Frequency within subcategories is tabulated to address intensity. Another issue addressed in this study is the idea of the cultural relativity of prosocial and antisocial behaviours. It is widely accepted that North Americans generally value creativity and independence, and the Japanese generally value effort which benefits the group rather than the individual. Thus, a character who acts independently may be viewed differently by members of the two cultures. Circumstances and motive are also culture-sensitive. Iwasa (1992) found that Japanese subjects differed significantly in their response to Kohlberg's Heinz dilemma2 than did American subjects. The Americans made a distinction between the right to life and the right to property and concluded that the right to life had priority, therefore reasoning that the man should steal the drug. In contrast, the Japanese did not view this situation as an either/or choice between life and law, but focused on the necessity of finding a solution such that the wife survives, but that both live "gracefully, with human dignity" (p. 5). Not concerned with the violation of the law, they expressed value in living an honourable life "while trying to maintain social order and harmony" (p. 8). 1 SeeKrippendorfF(1980),p. 122. 2 A man's wife is dying of an illness. The drug that can save her is available but is very expensive. The man has no legal means of obtaining the drug for his wife. Should he steal it? 26 In addition to between-culture differences, there are also within-culture differences. For example, in both Western and Japanese cultures, males who commit heroic acts are more common than females, and this behaviour is generally viewed as appropriate. In order to address this issue of cultural relativity, (1) two Japanese raters have coded all the stories in the study in addition to two North American raters, and any notable differences in coding are discussed; and, (2) the context is considered when coding behaviours. If, for example, the Heinz dilemma was being coded, the operational definition for "stealing" would apply, but the operational definition for "rescuing" would also apply. The motive of "compassion" would be noted. Similarly, if a boy kills an animal, "killing" would be coded, but if the reason was to rescue or save another or self from harm, this definition would also be coded. Operational Definitions A behaviour is operationally defined as an action, including a verbal expression, by a major or minor character which is explicitly defined in a sentence with a verb or verb phrase and which has some effect on someone or something else (e.g., "The boy purposefully kicked the ball through the girls' tea party"). Described emotions will not be included as units ( e.g., "Her heart was full of hate".) unless the emotion is expressed through a behaviour ("Because her heart was full of hate, she pushed the button."). Descriptive adverbs and adjectives which add meaning to the context are noted; for example, "because of her good and simple nature, the woman freed the badger". The description "good and simple nature" is noted in the category for the actor. A prosocial behaviour is operationally defined as "any voluntary behaviour intended to benefit another, such as helping, sharing and comforting behaviours" (Eisenberg, 1992, p. 3). 27 These behaviours reflect empathy, positive perspective-taking, or other positive social interactions; e.g., "She gave her the flower", or "He cradled the bird gently.". This category includes thanking, giving, sharing, transferring, comforting, caring, defending, rescuing, helping, and cooperating. An antisocial behaviour is operationally defined as any voluntary behaviour intended to harm another, or which "violates explicit or implicit rules of property and personal rights or implicit or explicit rules meant to maintain group cohesiveness and interpersonal trust" (Wolman, 1973, p. 27); e.g., "She stole the cookies." or "He threw a rock which killed the innocent bird.". This category includes imprisoning, abandoning, threatening, ridiculing, scaring, harm-doing, killing, destroying, invading, stealing, lying/deceiving, cheating, and noncooperation. Vanity and greed, although included in the Lanham and Shimura study, are not included as antisocial behaviours. A neutral behaviour is defined as an action which cannot be described as prosocial or antisocial; that is, no positive or negative intention is expressed and no positive or negative consequences result; e.g., "After having her supper...". Animal behaviours will not be rated as prosocial or antisocial unless the animal is personified (for example, a bird eating a worm versus a wolf talking to and later stalking a girl). A major character is defined as a character appearing most often in the story; a minor character appears only once or twice, or plays a supporting role. Definitions were tested on a small sample before coding began to confirm the principles of exhaustiveness, mutual exclusiveness, independence of categories, and single classification3. Table 3 shows the Exhaustiveness = all relevant items must be capable of being placed into a category. Mutual exclusiveness = no content datum can be placed in more than one single cell. Independence of category = the assignment of any datum into a category will not affect the classification of other data (unless ranking is used), Single classification = conceptually 28 definitions for the prosocial subcategories, and Table 4 provides the definitions for the antisocial subcategories. Motives are defined in Table 5. Fourteen of the above twenty-three subcategories of prosocial and antisocial behaviours originated in the Cheevakumjorn study. This present study examines antisocial behaviour, which includes aggressive behaviour; therefore, additional antisocial subcategories were included. Because this study looks specifically at explicit behaviours, the Cheevakumjorn categories were modified somewhat. This study also includes a modified list of Cheevakumjorn's measures for motivation (moral reasoning, sympathetic feeling, duty consciousness, compassion/ friendship, gratitude, positive or negative innate characteristics, anger/ frustration, personal reward, revenge, self preservation, guilt, trickery, hatred/jealousy, other, unspecified). In addition, she looked at characteristics of the story characters who either initiated the action or were affected by them (number of actors, gender and type, age, social status, and relation), the setting (family, neighbourhood, village, town, school, court, foreign, forest, temple) and pre-defined consequences; however, these factors are beyond the scope of this project. Given the earlier discussion of the cultural relativity of prosocial and antisocial behaviour, it is interesting to note that Cheevakumjorn's definitions are based on her work with Thai children's literature, and on the work of Huang (1989), who conducted similar research on Chinese children's literature. different levels of analysis must be kept separate. See Holsti (1969, p. 100) for more information. 29 TABLE 3: Prosocial Subcategories giving Giving others personal possessions (e.g., money, food, lodging, or other materials). sharing Sharing with others personal possessions (e.g., money, food, lodging, or other materials). transferring Offering useful ideas, suggestions or information to another; or demonstrating constructive skills to another (e.g., teaching others to hunt). comforting. A gesture or verbal expression of one's concern, compassion, encouragement, or consolation toward another in distress (e.g., visiting a sick friend); includes expressing sympathy and empathy. caring Attending, serving, or looking after the personal needs of others, especially in time of trouble or in need (e.g., taking care of the sick); includes showing affection for another. defending Rejecting harmful or slanderous verbal comments or suggestions about other (e.g., refusing to accept a suggestion to harm another or refusing to accept an unkind description of another). rescuing Physically saving or delivering another from danger, misfortune, violence, or evil (e.g., rescuing a drowning person). helping Direct or indirect assistance offered to another individual or group to accomplish that individual's or group's goal (e.g., helping others to harvest a crop). thanking Expressing gratitude verbally or with gifts, favours, etc. cooperating Contributing energy or ideas from every member of a group in order to accomplish a common goal (e.g., helping one another harvest a crop). others (defined by raters) attempting to rescue welcoming reassuring "doing the right thing" resolve/planning to help advising The actor tries to physically save another (see rescue, above). Actor/s welcome or similarly greet and invite another into a home. The actor gives assurance to another; similar to comforting (above). The actor/s behave in a socially responsible and appropriate manner. The actors make a clear statement of resolution to help another. The actor/s provide helpful advice or warnings to another. 30 TABLE 4: Antisocial Subcategories imprisoning Holding another living creature captive against its will. abandoning Leaving a person in a situation in which the actor understands the person may come to harm or is not capable of caring for him- or her-self. threatening Verbal expressions of the actor intending to inflict pain, injury or evil onto the recipient (e.g., "I am going to eat you."). ridiculing Verbal expressions of the actor intending to make fun of, show contempt, or make the recipient feel uneasy (e.g., "You are as dumb as a buffalo!"). scaring Actions that scare or terrify other (e.g., keeping other's young in a cage so as to terrify the young or worry the parents). harm-doing The injury is done to the recipient's body or emotions (e.g., wounding others). killing The damage done to others' lives (e.g., killing others). destroying The damage done to others' possessions. invading Entering another's lodgings without permission or right (e.g., taking over others' castle or land by force). stealing Taking or using another's possessions without permission or right, especially by stealth. lying or deceiving Intentionally making a verbal or written statement of some issue known to the actor to be untrue, withholding truthful information intentionally or deceiving another intentionally for some gain; includes using a disguise. cheating Intentionally deceiving, defrauding, or swindling another. noncooperation Intentionally failing or refusing to cooperate. others (defined by raters) demanding Actor/s make a socially inappropriate request in a rude manner. breaking a promise Actor breaks a promise. being mean Actor's behaviour is seen as malicious and without cause. plotting to kill Actor contemplates a method for killing another, see killing (above). attempting to kill Actor attempts to kill another but does not succeed. ordering to kill Actor commands another under his/her power to kill someone. agreeing to kill Actor agrees to an order to kill (see ordering to kill). showing disrespect/contempt Actor shows extreme contempt, i.e. eats body parts of victim. 31 TABLE 5: Motives moral reasoning actors engage in analytic thinking to figure out what to do sympathetic feeling actors appear to feel sympathetic, compassionate, or pity for another's suffering duty consciousness actors are aware of doing their duties to others or taking their social responsibility compassion/friendship actors perform the act out of the love and friendship they have toward each other gratitude actors feel grateful and thus want to do something in return + innate characteristic actors perform prosocial behaviour instinctively, or because it seems to be in their nature (e.g., actors are described as kind, good-natured, etc.) selfpreservation actor performs antisocial behaviour in order to survive - innate characteristic actors perform antisocial behaviour instinctively, or because it seems to be in their nature (e.g., actors are described as cruel, mean, etc.) frustration/anger actors perform antisocially due to anger or the frustrating situation personal reward actors are motivated by the prospect of personal gain revenge actors want to exact revenge on others guilt actors want to compensate their guilty feeling for wrong doing hatred/jealousy actors perform antisocially out of hatred or jealous feelings unspecified motive is unspecified other define 32 Sources By their nature, folktales are fluid. Not only are there numerous versions of each story within Western and Japanese contexts, but there are Japanese translations of Western folktales and Western translations of Japanese folktales. There are Japanese translators of Japanese stories, and Western translators of Japanese stories. Some translations are recognized by scholars as being authentic, and some authors are known for making changes in the stories. The sheer number of versions as well as the number of various stories makes selection somewhat problematic. For this reason, the titles selected are the first six available from the Lanham and Shimura study (1967); the choice for each specific version was made based on several variables: the date of publication, the accuracy of translation, the nationality of translator, and the availability to the researcher. In order to obtain an accurate sample, this study examines a total of twenty-four folktales. Six folktales were chosen from each culture, and two versions are compared: those published between 1860 and 1920, and between 1970 and 1996. These periods have been chosen because (1) the earliest known English language translations of Japanese folktales which are recognized as authentic by scholars were published during the Meiji era (1860-1920); (2) these dates correspond roughly to the development of children's literature in Japan, which is often defined in four time periods: Meiji era, pre-WWII, post WWII, and contemporary; and (3) the inclusion of contemporary versions of the fairy tales may provide insight into how these stories may have been modified, and whether these modifications may point to a trends of evolving into a more prosocial or more antisocial theme. It has been suggested that Japanese children's stories were used by the military in the pre-WWII years to glorify expansionism and to promote nationalism (Honda, 1996). It is not known if English-language translations published 33 during the war years accurately reflect these changes, or if these translations are based on earlier, original stories. It would be interesting to include the historical periods of 1920-1945 and 1945-1970; however, such an inclusion is beyond the scope of this study. Translations and Translators Translations create special considerations for this study. It is not possible to examine the original or first known publication date of any particular Japanese story since original Japanese folktales contain dialects and language forms difficult even for most Japanese language readers. Early English and other-language translations of Japanese folktales generally fall into two categories: those stories intended for a foreign (non-Japanese) audience and those intended as English language readers for Japanese students of English. The authenticity of the stories in the former category has been verified for a few authors; the tales from the latter were often shortened for simplicity, but are accepted as authentic for selected authors by scholars such as Makino (1985) and Herring (1988). Translations into English have been done by both Japanese and non-Japanese writers. For the purpose of this study, English translations of Japanese folktales which have been identified as authentic have been selected for study for the first time period. Contemporary Japanese tales have been selected from those published between 1970 and 1996 which are English translations by Japanese translators. A Western translation of a Japanese folktale is considered a Western version and has not been included in this study. Similarly, European tales dating from 1880-1920 are available in the original languages; however, English translations of those stories have been used. Just as there are recognized English-language authors of Japanese tales, there are also recognized authors of Western tales. 34 Availability There are a limited number of publications of Japanese folktales which are translated by Japanese authors or which are authentic translations by Western translators. In order to match six historical versions with six contemporary versions, availability became a factor. Therefore, a sample of historical Japanese stories were listed from those translations deemed authentic and which were published between 1860 and 1920. Corresponding stories were listed from translations by Japanese translators published between 1970 and 1996. The actual stories chosen were those which were found on both lists. It should be noted, however, that the stories on both lists are also found on both Algarin's (1982) list of classic Japanese folktales, and the Lanham and Shimura (1967) list of stories. For the purpose of this study, therefore, the stories selected are well known stories, but may not be statistically or objectively the stories most often bought, checked out from libraries, or read. "Classic" Western stories have also been selected, within the framework of variables discussed elsewhere, as those appearing in the Lanham and Shimura study. Other considerations Illustrators It has been suggested by Professor Hide Honda of Segami Women's University in Japan (personal communication, October 1, 1996) that some illustrators erroneously change cultural symbols. Yasuko Makino (1985) agrees. In Japan Through Children's Literature. An Annotated Bibliography, she reports in Little One Inch (1977), illustrator Fred Brenner uses hair styles typical of an Edo period's prostitute, and "the boat...is a rice bowl made of earthenware, which will not float in the water, instead of a soup bowl made of curved wood" (p. 59). In Fairy Tales 35 of Japan. (Juliet Piggott, 1961) Makino comments that "the illustrations are bad; they are a stereotyped mixture of pseudo-Japanese style and they incorrectly combine clothing, accessories, and foot-gear styles" (p. 74). It is not surprising to note that these examples of poor illustrations listed in her annotated bibliography are from Western illustrators or translators. This is another reason Western translations of Japanese folktales have not been selected for the contemporary period. Motif It has also been suggested by a researcher of children's fairy tales, Paula Hart (personal communication, October 1, 1996), that the story motif may impact the outcome of a study such as this. In particular, "hero" tales tend to contain more violence than other types of stories. For this reason, hero and non-hero motifs will be taken into consideration in the discussion. The stories were not selected on the basis of hero/non-hero since it may be that many, or few, or no such tales are included in the popular fairy tales of each culture. Selection Procedure 1. Various sources were located in the University of British Columbia and Vancouver Public libraries. All sources were analyzed by date of publication, and author. Based on Makino's (1985) assessment of authenticity4, translations were chosen for the historical time period. Authors of the corresponding nationality were chosen for the contemporary time period. 2. A copy of the title page and table of contents was made for several sources for both time periods for both cultures. 4 The same translators appear repeatedly in the literature as being authentic. They also are cited in the Lanham and Shimura study as sources. 36 3. The contents were reviewed to determine which particular stories appear in each collection of stories. 4. Stories were chosen by those appearing in order in the Lanham and Shimura study; with an exception: coincidentally, the historical version of the sixth story on both the Western list and the Japanese list were not available. Therefore, this study includes stories one through five and seven from the Lanham and Shimura study. 5. Numerous versions of contemporary Western stories are available. Stories chosen were those which had the most recent publication date (listed in order on UBCLIB and excluding pop-up books, special collections books, sound and video recordings, and fractional stories), were available in the library at the time of selection, and which had a cover/illustrations which appealed to the researcher as a parent. 6. The supervising professors were consulted, and after much consideration, the final versions of the stories were selected as a representative sample. Data Analysis / Procedure 1. Once selected, five photocopies were made for each story. Preliminary rating was done by this researcher to confirm the instructions to raters and the applicability of the operational definitions. One set of stories, a sample story and corresponding rating form, instructions to raters, operational definitions and blank rating forms were given to each rater. Instructions to Raters are included as Appendix A; a sample of a blank rating form is given in Appendix B. 2. Notations in the form of numbers were made on all copies to guide the raters with respect to where prosocial and antisocial (versus neutral) behaviours existed. All raters were instructed to 37 code additional behaviours or disregard the numbers if they felt any other prosocial or antisocial behaviours appeared in the stories. 3. Based on the list of operational definitions, all prosocial and antisocial behaviours, each sub-category (specific type of prosocial or antisocial behaviour), the page number where the behaviour was noted, the character doing the action and the motive were noted by each rater. All raters worked independently. 4. Once all raters submitted their analyses, this researcher reviewed their results and created a master list of all behaviours identified by the raters. 5. Next, a meeting was held to review the master list to seek a consensus on which behaviours to include and how to identify them. All raters were told the purpose of the meeting was to try to reach a consensus on as many behaviours as possible but if a rater had a strong opinion which differed from the group, then it was appropriate to maintain that opinion. Of 331 behaviours identified, agreement was reached on 316, giving a rate of interrater agreement of 95.5 percent. 6. The results are discussed in Chapter IV, and include both a quantitative analysis of the frequency of prosocial and antisocial behaviours as well as an analysis of the types of behaviours, actors, and motives, and notable cultural issues in context. The Raters Four raters were chosen to participate in this study. Two raters are North American and two are Japanese. All raters have a university degree as a minimum level of education. Western rater #1 is a Canadian male, aged 44, who works as a lawyer and who has lived in Japan. He is identified in the study as Wl. Western rater #2 is an American female, aged 49, who is an environmentalist and long-distance solo hiker. She is identified as W2. The third rater 38 is a Japanese female, aged 24, presently a graduate student at the University of British Columbia. This rater spent one high school year (ten months) in American homestay New Jersey, one month in a homestay in California, and approximately one year in the University of British Columbia's Ritsumeikan homestay/study project as an undergraduate exchange student. Her English language skills are excellent. She is identified as Jl. The fourth rater is a Japanese female, aged 30, who works as a dental assistant in Vancouver. This rater has been in Vancouver for approximately two years, and this has been her first experience in North America. Her English language skills are not fluent in reading or speaking, but daily communication is generally not difficult for her. She is identified as J2. 39 CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF RESULTS This chapter presents the results of an analysis of twelve Japanese and twelve Western fairy tales. The data examined by this researcher includes (a) the stories in context, with data (comments regarding the stories, elements in the stories, and points of agreement or disagreement) provided by four raters, (b) the identification and classification of prosocial and antisocial behaviours completed by four raters, (c) the identification of major and minor characters, (d) the identification of specified motives from the stories and as defined by the raters, and (d) any noted differences between the perspectives of the Japanese and Western raters. While information and insight can be gained by doing a tabulation of behaviours and subcategories, it is critical to look at the characters and their actions in context. For this reason, the stories will be analyzed individually, and the specific research questions will be addressed following this analysis. Appendix D provides a detailed outline of the identified behaviours, who the characters are and how each rater and the researcher defined each motive. Operational definitions for all behaviours can be found in Tables 3 through 5. 40 Analysis of Individual Stories Japanese Stories The Adventures of Little Peachling (1883) P=6;P?=2;A=2 T^IO1 A "good woman" finds a peach and carries it home to give to her husband. A boy is born from the peach and the "honest old couple" bring up the boy as though their own. Momotaro (described as "strong and brave") wishes to go to the ogres' castle to carry off the riches stored there and asks his parents to make him some dumplings. The parents make the dumplings. Momotaro meets an ape and exchanges a dumpling for his aid on his journey. Momotaro also exchanges a dumpling for aid with a pheasant and with a dog. Momotaro and his retainers invade the castle and imprison the king. The ogres give the treasure to Momotaro, who takes the treasure and "maintains his parents in peace and plenty". The Peach Boy (1975) P=4;P?=3;A=5 T=12 An old man and woman find a boy in a peach whom they bring up with tender care. Momotaro becomes a "big boy with power unequalled in the neighbourhood". He decides he wants "to conquer the demons who frighten the people so". He kneels down politely and bows with deep respect to ask his parents for permission to go. They make dumplings for him. Momotaro meets a dog and exchanges a dumpling for his aid as a retainer. He then meets a pheasant and a monkey and exchanges a dumpling for their aid. All three invade the castle. Taro threatens "I've come to punish you". The pheasant pecks the eyes of the demons. The dog bites their legs. The monkey scratches them. The chief surrenders and begs for his life to be spared. He cries "I'll never do any harm to human beings again! And I'll give you all the treasure". In the historical version of this story, more prosocial than antisocial behaviours were identified, yet the motivation of the hero and his retainers for subduing the ogres is to take their treasure. All raters agreed that personal reward motivated three animals to cooperate with Momotaro, but the Japanese raters suggested either positive innate characteristic (Jl2) or moral P= number of prosocial behaviours; P?= number of prosocial behaviours identified but disagreed on by the raters; A?= number of antisocial behaviours disagreed upon by raters; A= number of antisocial behaviours; T= total number of behaviours identified in the story. 2J1= Japanese Rater #1 (female); 32= Japanese Rater #2 (female); Wl= Western Rater #1 (male); W2= Western Rater #2 (female). reasoning and duty consciousness (J2) motivated them to imprison the king and take his treasure, rather than personal reward as suggested by the two Western raters. This raises an interesting question: is it always "the good guy" or the "dutiful hero" who seeks out and destroys the "bad" ogres? Is it a moral obligation to conquer and defeat perceived "bad guys", as suggested by a Japanese rater, or are the heroes motivated by personal reward, and is this behaviour viewed as positive by Japanese and Western cultures? It is interesting that in this particular story, the motive is clearly stated as wanting to "carry off the riches" (p. 185). Nothing is said or implied that the hero and his followers are motivated by a desire to "defeat evil" as suggested by the Japanese raters; in fact, there is nothing in the story that specifically designates the ogres as evil other than the term "ogre". No mention is made of evil or threatening behaviour by these creatures. In addition to the differences in the perceived motivation for subduing these creatures, the Japanese raters both felt strongly that the action of the ogres giving the treasure to Momotaro and his accepting the treasure was clearly a prosocial behaviour. The Japanese raters regarded this as "admitting defeat" or "making a concession". ("It's a Japanese thing", commented Jl.) The Western raters argued that this action was a "natural course of being defeated in battle" and was neither prosocial nor antisocial. In contrast, the contemporary version of this story (The Peach Boy, 1975, summarized above), tells us that Momotaro is a big, powerful boy who decides to "conquer the demons who frighten the people so" (p. 8). The motive in this version is clearly altruistic. With regard to classifying the action of the chief demon giving the treasure to Momotaro, the Western raters did agree with the views of the Japanese raters that this could be classified as prosocial since the story explicitly states the treasure had been stolen from humans, and that the demons had been tormenting humans. The 42 raters then created a new subcategory called "doing the right thing" to explain this behaviour. In spite of this agreement, the motives remain slightly different: one Western rater felt the cooperation between the animals and Momotaro was for personal reward (W2), and the Japanese raters indicated either moral reasoning (Jl) or sympathetic feeling (J2). With regard to invading the demons' castle and fighting the demons, one Western rater suggested this was for revenge for previously harming other humans (Wl), and the other for self preservation (W2). One Japanese rater indicated it was duty consciousness (Jl) which motivated the heros to conquer the demons. Finally, it is interesting to note that in spite of the fact the major characters' actions in this version are altruistic, there are more acts of antisocial behaviour than prosocial behaviour. This is partly due to the fact that more detail is given about the battle, and may also be due to disagreement by the raters over three possible prosocial actions. The first point of disagreement in both versions of this story has to do with the parents' action of making and giving dumplings to Momotaro for his journey. One rater (W2) felt this should be classified as a prosocial (giving) behaviour, but the three others disagreed on the grounds it was incidental. In the contemporary version of this story, the three women raters (Wl, Jl, J2) felt the act of bringing the boy up with "tender care" (p. 8) and Momotaro's action of kneeling politely and "bow[ing] his head deeply" (p. 8) should be counted as prosocial behaviours (caring, and respecting, respectively), but the male Western rater disagreed, stating these were character definitions or pieces of background information for the story rather than explicit actions. Given that the raters were not chosen randomly and are only four in number, it is impossible to speculate on possible gender differences (i.e., does the male assume caring behaviour is a "normal" part of life and therefore takes it for granted?). This would be an interesting area for future exploration. 43 Paula Hart, a folktale researcher mentioned in Chapter 2, reports that hero-motif stories generally contain more aggressive behaviours than non-hero motif stories. The Adventures of Little Peachling and The Peach Boy are the only two stories in this study which are hero-central, and this may also account for a high number of aggressive actions contained in the stories. One final observation on the contemporary version of this story: when Momotaro and his retainers have captured and imprisoned the chief demon, he begs for clemency, saying he will never harm humans again. This change of character is the first instance of four found in the Japanese stories. The Story of the Old Man Who Made Withered Trees Blossom (1883) P=7; A=5 T=12 An "honest old man with his wife" has a favourite dog who one day shows them a buried treasure. The couple gives alms to the poor and then buys themselves land. The "covetous and greedy old man and woman" neighbours ask to borrow the dog whom they try to coax. The dog refuses to be coaxed so they put a rope around its neck but the dog only shows them buried filth. In a rage they kill the dog. The good old man mourns the dog and later the dog appears in a dream to thank him. The dog tells him to cut down the tree under which he is buried and turn it into a mortar. The man does so and the rice he grinds in it turns to riches. The wicked couple discovers this and asks to borrow the mortar. The rice turns to filth and so they burn the mortar. The dog comes to the good old man again in a dream and tells him to get the ashes of the mortar and sprinkle them on trees. The old man does so and the dead trees are revived. A prince hears of this and gives the old man a reward. The wicked old man pretends to be the good old man but when he scatters the ashes, they choke and blind the prince. The prince's retainers beat the greedy old man. The good old couple hears of the distress of the wicked couple and shares the treasure with them after reproving them for their "greedy and cruel behaviour". This story has slightly more prosocial than antisocial behaviours, contains a clear moral message (the author states, "It is very wrong to be cruel to cats and dogs:" p. 181), and has a change of character: "...so the wicked old couple mended their ways, and led a good and 44 virtuous life ever after" (p. 182). The honest and good couple remain honest and good in spite of the horrible way they are treated by their greedy and wicked neighbours. The raters agreed on the clearly stated motives in this story; specifically, the wicked couple kills the dog and burns the mortar in anger; the good old man mourns his dog and comforts his spirit from compassion/friendship or sympathetic feeling; and the dog thanks the man from gratitude. There is no clearly stated motive for the prince in giving a reward to the good old man, yet one rater suggested sympathetic feeling (Wl), another gratitude (Jl) and a third agreed it was unspecified (J2). Three raters felt the wicked old man's act of pretending to be the good old man was motivated by personal reward (Wl, W2, Jl), and the third indicated this was for self preservation (J2). This suggests that he could not survive (or thrive or be successful) unless he pretended to be the other man. It is implied in the story that the prince's retainers beat the wicked man out of revenge, which is the motive given by the two Western raters; one Japanese rater indicated duty consciousness (Jl), the another unspecified (J2). And finally, the reason for the good couple to share the treasure with the wicked couple was given as moral reasoning/sympathetic feeling (Wl), sympathetic feeling (W2 and Jl), and positive innate characteristic (J2). The Old Man Who Made Dead Trees Bloom (1975) P=3; A=3 T=6 The pet dog of an "honest and kind hearted" couple shows them where to find a buried treasure in their yard. The "wicked and greedy" couple next door learns of this and borrows the dog who shows them only loathsome creatures. The man kills the dog. The good old man consoles the spirit of dog and later makes a mortar of the tree over the dog's grave. When making rice in the mortar, the rice turns to gold coins. The wicked man next door asks to borrow the mortar, but his rice turns to filth. He burns the mortar. The good old man sadly retrieves part of the ashes and accidently spills some on the trees which revive and bloom. He then sprinkles ashes to revive trees all around. The wicked old man is jealous of the applause of his neighbour and tries to emulate him 45 with his part of the ashes, but the ashes blow into the eyes of the watching crowd and the enraged spectators punish the greedy man. This version is very similar, although not as detailed, as the historical version. It contains the same number of prosocial and antisocial behaviours, but lacks both the moral message and r the change of character found in the historical version. Again, the raters agreed on the motives for killing the dog and burning the mortar, which are clearly stated in the story as anger; and on compassion/friendship as the motive for the man consoling the spirit of his dead dog. The spectators punish the greedy old man out of revenge. The motivator for the good old man was implied in the story as positive innate characteristic, and one rater suggested this action was done from duty consciousness (Wl). The Story of Urashima Taro, The Fisher Lad (1903) P=15; A=7 T=22 There is a young fisherman known for his kind heart. One day he comes upon a group of children tormenting a turtle. One boy pulls the turtle, another boy pulls it, a third beats it and a fourth hammers it. Taro tries to make them stop and tries to instruct the boys, but the boys increase their torment. He then tries to coax the boys to stop, but the boys refuse. Next, Taro offers money and the boys accept. He comforts and releases the turtle. The turtle thanks Taro and gives him a ride to the Palace of the Dragon King of the Sea. At the Palace, the vassals welcome Taro and thank the turtle for bringing Taro. The princess welcomes and thanks Taro for saving the turtle. Taro in turn thanks the princess for her "sweet words". Taro and the princess share a bridal feast. After a few days of living in the palace, Taro remembers his elderly parents and expresses a wish to leave in order to help them. The princess is very sad and gives him a gift as a token of love. She tells him to promise to never open the box. Taro returns to his village to find that three hundred years have passed. In despair he breaks his promise and opens the box in an effort to find out how to return to the princess. A vapour wavers over his face and suddenly he becomes very old and falls down dead on the beach. The author states that because of his disobedience, he could not return to the princess: "Little children, never be disobedient to those who are wiser than you, for disobedience was the beginning of all the miseries and sorrows of life" (p. 42). This is a lengthy, very detailed story 46 which contains more than twice as many prosocial as antisocial behaviours. With regard to motive, the boys who harm the turtle are described as mischievous but "not bad boys at all" (p. 27). Consequently, three raters indicated an unspecified motive, and one (W2) suggested negative innate characteristic. Urashima Taro's efforts to save the turtle are viewed by the raters as being motivated by his positive innate characteristic (Wl and J2), or sympathetic feeling (W2 and Jl). The story does indicate both that Taro is a good person and that he feels pity for the turtle. All the raters agreed that the various incidents of thanking occurred from gratitude. There is no motive specified for the vassals welcoming Taro, but the two Western raters suggested this was from duty consciousness. Duty consciousness (Wl, W2, J2), moral reasoning (Wl, Jl, J2) and positive innate characteristic (Jl, J2) were also given by the raters as motives for Taro's concern for his parents. All raters agreed the gift from the princess was given out of compassion/friendship or sympathetic feeling, and was therefore not intended as a harmful act. Reasons given for Taro's act of opening the box were self preservation (W2, J2) and personal reward (Jl). One Japanese rater (J2) commented that this story is about "not breaking your promise". A Fisherman and the Sea Princess (1975) P=6; A=0 T=6 A young fisherman goes to sea to catch some food for his old mother. He catches a giant sea turtle, but thinking no one would buy it, he releases it. The next day on the beach, the turtle thanks Taro and as a token of thanks offers to take him to the Dragon Palace. He reassures Taro that it will be "only 2 or 3 days" since Taro is concerned about leaving his old mother. The turtle gives a ride to Taro, and Taro is welcomed and entertained by the court. He intends to stay only a few days but stays three years. When he tells the princess he must return to his home, she gives him a box, saying "please open this when you are at a loss". When he returns home he discovers many, many years have passed. At a loss, he remembers the box and opens it. He finds a crane's feather and then smoke from the box envelops him, turning him into an old man. The feather is swept into the air by the wind and lands on his back, turning him into a crane. He flies into the sky and 47 the turtle (who is an incarnation of the princess) appears on the sea and watches the crane fly away. This version is clearly more poignant and less didactic than the historical version. It also offers fewer details, but has a marked absence of antisocial behaviours. Taro is not presented as being quite as kind-hearted as in the historical version, and releases the turtle only because he thinks it has no value to others. In spite of this, one rater felt this action was motivated by sympathetic feeling (Wl), two others by duty consciousness (W2 and Jl) and the fourth (J2) indicated the motive was unspecified. All agreed the turtle thanks Taro out of gratitude. There was a lengthy discussion among the raters as to why the turtle reassured Taro that he would be gone for "only two or three days" (p. 28) when in fact he was gone for generations. It was decided that the turtle's action was prosocial (reassuring), since it was Taro who decides to stay for three years. The princess' motive for giving the box to Taro is not specified in the story, but is suggested as compassion/friendship (Wl, Jl), duty consciousness (W2), or unspecified (J2). The Tongue Cut Sparrow (1883) P=4; A=4 T=8 An old man with a "kind heart" tenderly nurtures a young sparrow. One day the sparrow pecks at the starch used by the "cross old wife", and in a great rage she cuts sparrow's tongue and turns it loose. The man returns home, the wife tells him what she has done and he leaves to find his pet. Eventually he finds the sparrow who entertains the old man. After a royal feast, the man prepares to return home and the sparrow offers him two gifts. The old man accepts the smaller, lighter basket and returns home to discover the basket is full of gold and silver and precious things. His greedy wife decides to call on the sparrow, so she visits him and tries to flatter and cajole him. After a short visit she asks for parting gift. The sparrow presents two baskets and the woman takes the heavier of the two. When she opens it, hobgoblins and elves spring out to torment her. The old man adopts a son and his family "grew rich and prosperous". "What a happy old man!" 48 This story contains as many prosocial as antisocial behaviours, but has a clear message that kindness is rewarded and greediness is punished. All the raters agreed that the man's caring behaviour is motivated by his positive innate characteristic, and that the woman cuts the sparrow's tongue out of anger. The sparrow's reason for stealing the paste is unspecified in the story, and one rater (Wl) suggested this was "innate", or a natural and instinctive act of the bird. The reasons for the sparrow entertaining the man were suggested as either compassion/ friendship (Wl and W2) or gratitude (Jl and J2). The woman's reason for trying to flatter the sparrow was clearly indicated in the story as personal reward (she wanted a gift), and this motive was given by three raters (Wl, W2, and Jl). The third rater indicated this was either because of the woman's negative innate characteristic, or for self preservation (J2). There is no reason given in the story as to why the sparrow gives the woman a present. One rater suggested revenge as a motive (Wl), another suggested hatred (W2). The Tongue Cut Sparrow (1987) P=6; A=7 T=13 Because an old couple had no children, the man adopts and lovingly cares for a little sparrow. One day the sparrow drinks up the starch that the old woman has boiled for her laundry. "I'll show you!" says the woman and she cuts the sparrow's tongue with her scissors. The poor sparrow flees into the mountains. When the man returns, the woman tells him what she has done and the man leaves at once to find the sparrow to make apologies. He travels along and finds a man bathing an ox. He asks for directions to the sparrow's home, and the man says he must help him wash his ox. The old man scrubs the ox with all his might. The man tells him to ask the next man. The old man finds the next man, who asks him to wash his horse. The old man scrubs the horse with all his might, and the man gives him directions to the sparrow's home. Sometime later he finds the sparrow's home and is welcomed and entertained with a feast by the sparrow. The next day the old man is preparing to leave and the sparrow asks him to choose a gift but tells him not to open the lid until he reaches his home. The old man takes the smaller of the two gifts and upon returning home, finds all sorts of treasures spilling out of the basket. The wife becomes very greedy and decides to visit the sparrow herself. She gives the ox a "duty lick" and demand directions from the man. She splashes the horse here and there and again demands directions. On finding the sparrow's house, she bawls, "It's Granny". 49 The sparrow takes her to the kitchen and rather than a grand feast, gives her millet gruel and grass soup. She "shoves everything down" and demands a gift. The sparrow offers her a choice of two baskets and she takes the larger one. The basket is very heavy so soon she sits to rest and opens the basket. A huge toad blows a great puff into her face and she runs home, barely escaping with her life. "And from that time on, the old woman was cured of greediness, so they say." The contemporary version has much more detail, more prosocial and antisocial behaviours, and more importantly, the greedy old woman has a change of character. The main difference in rating from the historical version concerns the motive for the woman when she demands a gift from the sparrow. The Western raters thought this was for personal reward, one Japanese rater indicated this was due to her negative innate characteristic (Jl), and the second Japanese rater felt it was for self preservation (J2). The old man is asked to scrub both an ox and a horse in order to gain information. He does so "with all his might" (p. 4 and p. 5). His greedy wife is asked later to do the same, but she gives only "a lick [or splash] here and a lick [or splash] there" (p 8 and p. 9). One Japanese rater (J2) described this comparison in the story as a moral about working hard and laziness. The Crackling Mountain (1883) P=3; A=13 T=16 An old man and old woman have a pet hare and one day a badger "that lived hard by" eats the food intended for the hare. In anger the old man ties up the badger and leaves to gather wood. The badger begs the woman to release him but when she does, the "ungrateful brute" cries out "I'll be revenged!" and runs away. When the hare goes to warn the old man, the badger returns and kills the woman. Then the badger pretends to be the woman, makes a broth from her body and then feeds the broth to the old man when he returns. The badger laughs contemptuously at the man for unknowingly eating his wife. The hare determines to avenge his mistress and goes out to find the badger. He walks along with the badger who is carrying sticks on his back, and the hare sets the sticks on fire. When the badger asks him about the crackling noise, the hare replies that the sound is from the Crackling Mountain. The badger asks again about the noise and again the hare tells him it is a sound from the mountain. The badger realizes he is on fire and jumps into a river. The hare pretends to console the badger and rubs a cayenne 50 pepper poultice into badger's burn. After the badger gets well again, he goes to the hare's house to reproach him for causing so much pain. He finds the hare has made a boat, and the hare invites him to go with him. The badger decides to make his own boat of clay. On the water, the clay boat begins to sink. The hare smashes the clay boat with an oar and kills the badger. "When the old man heard his wife's death had been avenged, he was glad in his heart, and more than ever petted and loved the hare, whose brave deeds had caused him to welcome the returning spring". Of all the selected Japanese tales, this is clearly the most antisocial. In fact, the antisocial behaviour of the hare is rewarded by the old man. All the raters agreed on most motives: the man ties up the badger out of anger; the woman releases him from sympathetic feeling or compassion/ friendship; the badger threatens, kills, and deceives for revenge. Three raters indicated the hare's action are for revenge (Wl, W2, J2), which is indicated in the story ("determined to avenge his mistress", p. 178) but one rater (Jl) suggested the hare's actions were motivated by moral reasoning; that is, he logically decided what to do. This is an interesting observation since it suggests that the hare's actions from revenge are emotional, but his actions from moral reasoning are more calculated and logical. And finally, the man cares for his hare at the end of the story from gratitude (Wl and W2) and/ or compassion/friendship (Jl). The Rabbit and the Racoon Dog (1975) P=3; A=6 T=9 Convinced that the racoon dog has destroyed his crops, an old man catches and ties up the animal and intends to eat him for supper. While the old man is away on the farm, the "wily" racoon dog tells the old woman he will help her, but when the "good natured old woman" frees him, he severely beats her and flees. The old man returns home and "weeping with grief, cares for his wife. A rabbit living nearby decides to punish the racoon dog and invites him to gather firewood. The rabbit sets the wood on fire which is strapped to the back of the racoon dog, and then lies about the kachi-kachi noise. Later when the racoon dog's burn is almost healed, the rabbit invites him to go boating and offers the use of a clay boat. When the boat begins to sink, the rabbit tells the racoon dog he must promise to never harass the old man and old woman. The racoon dog agrees and is saved. 51 The contemporary version is similar to the historical version, but rather than killing the raccoon dog, the rabbit makes him promise to "never harass the old man and woman again" (p. 36). There are fewer details, and a change of character. There are significantly fewer antisocial behaviours than in the historical version, but this story still contains twice as many antisocial as prosocial behaviours. Motives given by the raters for the man's act of catching and imprisoning the raccoon dog are self preservation (Wl), revenge (W2 and J2), and anger/frustration (Jl and J2). Two raters felt the raccoon dog deceives the woman into releasing him out of self preservation (Wl and J2), and two felt this was due to personal reward (W2 and Jl). Although the reason for beating the woman is not specified, one rater suggested this was self preservation and revenge (Wl) and another suggested negative innate characteristic (W2). As in the historical version, three raters attribute the rabbit's actions to revenge, and one rater (Jl) to moral reasoning. Finally, the motive for the rabbit to save the raccoon dog is described as compassion/ friendship (Wl), duty consciousness (W2) and moral reasoning (Jl). The Bamboo Cutter and the Moon Child (1903) P=8; A=4 T=12 A poor and childless (and therefore sad) man finds a tiny child in the bamboo. He takes her home to his wife who puts her into a basket to safeguard her from harm and they "expend all their love" on the tiny child. The tiny girl quickly grows into a beautiful Princess, and many suitors come to see her. She will not see them, however, and they endure many hardships to show their love. All but five knights eventually give up and at length ask the old man to intervene on their behalf. He complies. Finally the Princess agrees to see each knight only under the condition that each bring her the objects she describes. The knights journey to find these objects but the tasks are impossible. One knight presents a fake bowl but the Princess knows it is fake and sends him away. Another knight commissions a fake branch and makes up a long story about how he obtained it but the jewellers who make it come to the Princess to ask for payment. The 52 knight beats the jewellers and returns home. The third knight buys an object he believes the Princess wants and sends it to her, but it is a fake also. The fourth knight tries but fails and gives up, as does the fifth knight. In the meantime, the Emperor hears of the Princess and tries to persuade her to live at his palace, but she refuses. The Princess begins to mourn and tells the old man that soon she must return to the moon, where she belongs. The Emperor hears of this and orders his troops to protect the house and the Princess. A flying chariot arrives to take the Princess back to the moon and the Princess comforts the old man by saying it was not her will to leave him. The Princess gives her kimono to the old man and sends the Elixir of Life to the Emperor before leaving. The Emperor sends the Elixir to the top of Mt. Fuji, which is why there is smoke rising to the clouds to this day. This lengthy and detailed story has twice as many prosocial as antisocial behaviours. The raters attribute the couple's caring behaviour toward the girl to positive innate characteristics (Wl, Jl, J2), compassion/ friendship (W2), and sympathetic feeling (Wl). All raters except one felt the knights were motivated by personal reward (Wl, W2, Jl); the fourth rater (J2) suggested self preservation although it was the love of the girl which was at stake, rather than the lives of the knights. The girl's comforting behaviour toward the old man was agreed by the raters to be due to compassion/friendship, and her action of giving him the kimono was also from compassion/ friendship (W2, Jl) and gratitude (J2). Princess from the Moon (1975) P=2; A=l T=3 An old man finds a cute baby girl and since he and his wife have no children, they affectionately rear her as their daughter. The girl quickly grows into a beautiful Princess who is sought after by many suitors, but she will not see them. Five noblemen do not give up and the old man wants the Princess to choose a groom from these five. She assigns a "tough task" to the men, saying she will marry whomever can accomplish his task. The men sacrifice wealth and even lives to obtain these gifts, but they all fail. The Princess knows the gifts are not attainable. Meanwhile, the Emperor asks the Princess to marry him but she refuses. One year she becomes very sad and explains to the old man that she is from the moon and because she had committed a sin, she was sent to Earth as punishment. Soon she will have to return and she is sad to leave him. The old man tells the Emperor who orders the house be protected. A flying carriage appears and takes away the Princess, who turns into "an expressionless lady of the world of moon". 53 This version is shorter and less detailed than the historical version, and in fact, one Japanese rater (Jl) stated this story was "very Westernized" and that "all the details had been cut; there was not enough teaching; [and that]... the story was only for enjoyment". The raters indicated that positive innate characteristics (Wl and J2), gratitude (J2), sympathetic feeling (Wl and W2) and compassion/ friendship (Jl) motivate the couple to care for the girl. The Emperor's order to defend the girl was motivated by his love for her. An interesting difference in this contemporary version is that it is clear in this story that the girl knew the tasks were impossible to achieve and her action was therefore deceitful. One rater suggested this deceit was motivated by self preservation (Wl) since the old man was pressuring her to accept a husband and she knew she would have to return to the moon. It is also interesting that the historical version uses the story to explain why there are wisps of smoke on Mt. Fuji, and the contemporary version makes a reference to the expressionlessness of the moon. Western Stories The Three Bears (1905) P=0;A=11 T=ll There are three bears who live together in a house in the woods. One day the Middle Bear makes some porridge and the bears go out for a walk while the porridge cools. While they are gone, a little girl comes to the house, looks in and since the door is not locked, goes in. She sees the porridge and helps herself to the Huge Bear's bowl, then the Middle Bear's bowl, then the Wee Bear's bowl, which she likes so well she eats it up Next she tries the Huge Bear's chair, then the Middle Bear's chair, then the Wee Bear's chair which breaks. Now she decides she is tired so she tries the Huge Bear's bed, then the Middle Bear's bed, then the Wee Bear's bed which was so comfortable, she falls asleep. Soon the bears return home and realize someone has been eating their porridge, sitting in their chairs, and lying on their beds. They discover the girl in Wee Bear's bed. She wakes, jumps out the window, runs away and the bears never see her again. 54 Of all the stories in the study, this one (and the contemporary version) is the only story which contains no prosocial behaviours and a high number of antisocial behaviours. The closest Japanese counterpart with regard to the number of prosocial and antisocial acts is Crackling Mountain, but this tale is actually far more graphic and violent than the Three Bears. In this historical version, no motive is given or implied in the story for Goldilocks' behaviour. Interestingly, two raters indicated unspecified (Wl and J2), one rater assumed negative innate characteristic (W2) and the fourth rater assumed personal reward (Jl). The Three Bears (1988) P=0; P?=l; A?=l; A=12 T=14 The contemporary version is very similar to the historical version, although the language in this version is modern ("Why don't we go for a spin while the porridge is cooling?" says Papa Bear, p. 7) and the behaviour of Goldilocks clearly shows a negative intent ("She walked right in without even bothering to knock", p. 8). In fact, she is described as "one of those naughty little girls who do exactly as they please" (p. 2). All of the antisocial behaviours are the same in the two versions. This version also begins with the girl's mother giving her instructions which she agrees to but ignores. This prosocial action was ruled out by one rater (Wl) who felt it should not be included since he viewed it as incidental. The three woman raters (W2, Jl, J2) felt it should be included as transferring. At the end of the story, the three bears return home and find Goldilocks asleep. The father bear "roars TSTow see here!'" (p. 29) which wakes and frightens Goldilocks. Two Western raters (Wl, W2) and one Japanese rater (J2) felt this should be included as "scaring"; however, one Japanese rater (Jl) disagreed since she felt that Goldilocks' fright was her own reaction and that there was no intention by the bears to actually scare her. 55 The Three Little Pigs (1905) P=3;A=15 T=18 There is an old Sow with three little pigs and since she can not keep them, she sends them out to seek their fortune. The first pig meets a man with a bundle of straw and asks to have some. The man gives him straw with which to build a house. A wolf comes along and threatens to blow down the house if the pig will not open the door. The wolf blows down the house and eats the pig. The second pig meets a man with a bundle of wood and asks to have some. The man gives him wood with which he builds a house. The wolf comes along and threatens to blow down the house if the pig will not open the door. The wolf blows down the house and eats the pig. The third pig meets a man with a bundle of bricks and asks to have some. The man gives him bricks with which he builds a house. The wolf threatens to blow down the house and tries but fails, so he invites the pig to a turnip field. The pig says he will be ready but goes to the field and returns safely home before the appointed meeting time. Next the wolf invites the pig to the apple tree but the pig gets up early and goes alone. He is in the tree when the wolf arrives and throws down an apple to distract the wolf while he runs home. Next the wolf invites the pig to the fair and the pig says he will go, but again the pig goes early. As he is ready to return home, he sees the wolf and in a fright jumps into a butter churn he has just bought and rolls down the hill. This sight frightens the wolf so much that he runs home. The wolf then goes to the pig's house to tell him about the churn and the pig laughs at him. The wolf threatens the pig, saying he will climb down the chimney to eat him. The pig makes a big fire and puts out a pot of water and in falls the wolf. The pig eats the wolf and "lived happily ever after". Like The Three Bears, this story contains a high number of antisocial behaviours and the violence involved makes it more comparable to the Japanese story Crackling Mountain, although it could be argued that it is more natural for a wolf to eat a pig than for a hare to torture a badger. The three prosocial behaviours in this story are done by a minor character (the man who gives straw, wood and bricks to the pigs). There was some disagreement among the raters as to the motivation of the wolf in his actions of threatening, destroying and eating the pigs, and in his attempts to lure the third pig from his home. There is no specified motive in the story, but self preservation and personal reward (Wl), innate characteristic (W2), personal reward and negative innate characteristic (Jl) and anger or unspecifed (J2) were suggested by the raters. Three raters atribute the third pig's act of eating the wolf as self preservation (Wl, W2, Jl) and one rater indicated revenge (J2). The Three Litle Pigs (1994) P=3;A=15 T=18 The contemporary version of this story folows the exact story line (and replicates al the behaviours) of the historical version. As in the historical version, the raters suggested the motive, for the man who provides the building materials, although unspecifed in the story, was due to "cooperation" (W2) or possibly positve innate characteristic (Jl). Both Wl and J2 indicated unspecifed. Jl's assumption that the man must be a good person to donate the supplies is a good example of how some raters occasionaly asume good behaviour is due to a general or innate goodness, and bad behaviour is due to an innate or general wickedness. Litle Red Cap (1886) P=6; A=10 T=16 A "sweet little maid" is loved by everyone, especialy her grandmother, who gives her a red cap. The girl's mother prepares food for the sick grandmother and gives her instructions about geting to grandmother's house safely. A wolf meets the girl in the woods and plots to eat her and her grandmother. He suggests that she pick flowers for her grandmother in order to delay her, and so she gathers a bouquet to please her grandmother. The wolf runs to grandmother's house and tels the grandmother that he is the Litle Red Cap. When she lets him in, he eats her. Litle Red Cap arives and does not recognize the wolf, dressed in her grandmother's clothes and siting in her bed. When she asks about his big ears, eyes and hands, he lies to her, threatens to eat her and then eats her. The wolf fals asleep and his loud snoring atracts the atention of a hunter who thinks something might be wrong with the grandmother. The hunter discovers the wolf and slits open the wolfs body. He finds and saves the girl and then saves her grandmother. The girl fills the wolfs body with large stones so he can not run away when he wakes, but the stones are so heavy that he fals down dead. The hunter takes the wolfs skin, the grandmother has her meal, and Litle Red Cap vows she wil mind her mother. A few days later, another wolf meets the girl in the wood and knocks at grandmother's door to say he is Litle Red Cap. The girl and her grandmother do not 57 open the door and the wolf thinks about how he can devour girl. The grandmother discovers his plot and tells Little Red Cap to pour water used to boil sausages into the trough. The wolf, who was on the roof, stretches so far to sniff that he loses his balance, falls into the trough, and drowns. This story has more antisocial behaviours than prosocial behaviours, but is interesting in that although the wolf "eats" (and therefore kills) the girl and her grandmother, the huntsman manages to pull them alive from his belly and save them. Thus of three killings (the girl, her grandmother and the wolf), two victims are revived. It is also interesting that the wolfs death results not from the huntsman's knife, but from the girl who fills him with stones in case he tries to run away. With regard to the wolfs motivation, the raters felt his actions were due to self preservation (Wl and J2), negative innate characteristics (W2) or personal reward (Jl). Motives for the huntsman are not clearly stated in the story, and were suggested as sympathetic feeling (W2), duty consciousness (Jl) and moral reasoning or revenge (J2). The girl's act of filling the wolfs body with stones was suggested as revenge by all the raters, who also indicated there may have been other reasons such as self preservation (Wl and J2), and moral reasoning (Jl). Little Red Riding Hood (1983) P=9; A=7 T=16 The contemporary version of this story is very similar to the historical version. The differences (other than having a hood instead of a cap) are found at the end of the story. In the contemporary version, the wolf invites the girl to enjoy the sunshine in the forest rather than be "so solemn and well behaved as if you were going to school" (p. 5). It is her idea to pick flowers for her grandmother. Later, it is the hunter who kills the wolf and rescues the girl and 58 her grandmother. In the historical version, he only "slits open the wolf in order to retrieve its victims. Little Red Cap actually kills the wolf by filling its body with heavy stones. Also in the contemporary version, the girl individually, and the girl and her grandmother thank the hunter, and then they share a meal together. Little Red Riding Hood vows to herself while walking home to mind her mother. At the end of the historical version, another wolf waits and plots to devour the girl; therefore in this contemporary version there are more prosocial behaviours and fewer antisocial behaviours. All other prosocial and antisocial behaviours are the same, yet one rater (W2) attributes the wolfs behaviour in this version to personal reward rather than negative innate behaviour. Cinderella (1900) P=9; A=14 T=23 Cinderella's dying mother says she will watch over her and Cinderella visits her grave every day and continues to be "devout and good". Her father marries a new wife who has two daughters who are beautiful but "base and black at heart". They ridicule Cinderella: "Is this stupid goose to sit with us?" and take away her pretty clothes. '"How well she's dressed' they laugh", and "inflicted on her every vexation they could think of. Cinderella's father offers to bring gifts for the girls and asks each what she wants. Cinderella asks for a twig, and her father gives one to her. She thanks her father and plants the twig on her mother's grave. Her tears water it and it takes root and grows into a fine tree. She visits the grave three times a day and a little bird in the tree throws down whatever she wishes for. The king invites all the maidens to a festival and the stepsisters prepare to go. Cinderella asks her stepmother for permission. After refusing, the stepmother throws lentils into the ashes and says she can go if she can pick them all out in two hours. The birds pick out the lentils but the stepmother breaks her promise and refuses to let her go. When Cinderella begins to cry, the stepmother throws more lentils into the ashes and says, knowing it is impossible, that Cinderella can go if she can pick out all the lentils in one hour. Again, the birds help her to pick up the lentils but the stepmother breaks her promise again and refuses to let her go. Cinderella goes to the tree and asks the tree to give her gold and silver, and the bird throws down a gold and silver robe and slippers. Cinderella goes to the ball and the Prince dances with no one but her. When she tries to return home, he follows her but she slips away, returns the robe and slippers to the tree and goes back to the ashes and old clothes. On the next day of the festival, she asks the tree again for help and the bird throws down a "still more gorgeous robe and slippers". Cinderella goes to the ball and again the Prince will dance with no 59 one but her. On leaving, he tries to follow her again but she slips away. On the third day of the festival, she asks again for help from the tree and the bird throws down a robe and slippers so magnificent that all are speechless at the ball. Again the Prince dances with only Cinderella. She slips away from him again, and now he is determined to find her. He decides to marry the girl who can fit into a slipper she leaves behind and begins to search the land for her. When the Prince comes to Cinderella's house, the first stepsister tries on the shoe, but it is too small. Her stepmother advises her to cut off her toe, and she does in order to deceive the Prince. When the Prince discovers the deception (the birds tell him to look at the trail of blood), he returns the stepsister to her home and asks the second stepsister to try on the shoe. It is too small, and her stepmother advises her to cut off her heel. She does so but soon the Prince discovers the deception (again the birds tell him to look at the trail of blood) and returns to the house. He finds Cinderella, the shoe fits her, and he carries her to his palace to marry her. When the stepsisters attend the wedding, doves peck out first one eye and then the other eye of each sister. "And for their wickedness and falseness they were punished with blindness for the rest of their days." This story has a high number of antisocial behaviours and contains several acts of cruelty, such as the stepmother's and stepsisters' behaviour toward Cinderella, the stepsisters' acts of self mutilation, and the actions of the doves who punish the stepsisters. This story also contains a clear message that the stepsisters were punished for their wickedness. The raters agreed on all the identified behaviours, with little variation in perceived motivation. The raters generally agreed that the stepsisters and stepmother were motivated by a negative innate characteristic (Wl, W2, Jl), although one of these three (Wl) added hatred/jealousy and the final rater (J2) indicated the motive was unspecified. There was also a lengthy discussion on the stepmother's repeated actions of throwing the lentils into the ashes and breaking her promise. The raters ruled out noncooperating and ridiculing and finally decided on "being mean". The raters also generally agreed that the actions of the birds who help Cinderella and give her clothes for the festival are motivated by compassion/ friendship (Wl), sympathetic feeling (W2) and a positive innate characteristic (Jl). 60 Cinderella (1993) P=3;P?=1;A=3 T=7 A widowed father is devoted to his daughter. He remarries an evil-natured woman with two "spoiled" daughters and then dies. The stepsisters inflict nicknames on Cinderella. The maidens are all invited to a ball and Cinderella helps her sisters to dress. She tries to make her own dress but has no proper shoes. Her Fairy Godmother comes and grants her wish to go to the ball by transforming animals, objects, and her dress and shoes. She tells her to be home by midnight when the transformation ends. Cinderella goes to the ball and the Prince dances every dance with her. Just at midnight, she runs home, leaving a glass slipper behind. When the sisters return home, they brag that the Prince's attention was only on them. The Prince finds the slipper and vows to find Cinderella. His bearer visits each house, and finally arrives at Cinderella's house. The slipper does not fit the two sisters, but when he presents the slipper to Cinderella, it fits. The stepmother pretends to be kind to Cinderella. The bearer asks her to get her things so she can return to the castle with him. When she goes to her room, she discovers the Fairy Godmother has transformed all her tattered clothes into a complete wardrobe. She marries the Prince and invites her stepmother and stepsisters to live with them in the castle "where Cinderella and the Prince lived happily ever after". This contemporary version differs in several ways from the historical version: the stepmother and stepsisters play a minor role and commit far fewer cruelties; a Fairy Godmother rather than birds assist Cinderella with her desire to attend the ball; and Cinderella invites her stepmother and stepsisters to live with her in the castle in spite of their behaviour toward her. There is a lack of violent behaviour in the contemporary version, and this is reflected in a dramatically fewer number of antisocial behaviours. The raters opinions on motives differed slightly: ridiculing by the stepsisters was attributed to hatred/jealousy (Wl), and negative innate behaviour (Jl). Two raters indicated this motive was unspecified (W2 and J2). The Fairy Godmother offers her help out of compassion/ friendship (Wl) or a positive innate characteristic (W2 and Jl). This motive is not specified, and one rater indicated unspecified (J2). Two raters assumed (as was implied) that the stepmother's deception of kindness toward Cinderella when the slipper fits her is due to personal reward (W2 and Jl). The opening paragraph describes the father's affection for Cinderella and includes the 61 statement "All he cared about was Ella" (p. 1). One Japanese rater (J2) felt this should be included as "caring" but three others (Wl, W2, Jl) felt this was background information about the father. Snow White (1886) P=10; P?=3; A=16 T=29 The queen dies when Snow White is born and a year later the king marries a beautiful but "proud and overbearing" woman who "could not bear to be surpassed in beauty by anyone". When Snow White is seven years old, the queen asks her mirror who is the fairest of all, the mirror answers "Snow White". From that hour she hates Snow White and her envy grows until one day she sends for a huntsman and orders him to take Snow White to the woods, kill her and bring her heart as a token. The huntsman agrees and takes her to the woods, but pities her and releases her. The man kills a boar and takes the boar's heart to the queen. The "wicked" queen eats the heart. Snow White runs through the woods in terror until she comes to a house, and goes inside to rest. She is hungry and thirsty and so she eats a little from each of seven little plates and drinks a little from each of seven little cups. Being tired, she tries each bed and falls asleep. The dwarfs return home and discover Snow White but let her sleep. When she wakes, she tells the story of the queen. The dwarfs offer her sanctuary in return for cleaning and caring for them, and she accepts. Before leaving her the next day, they warn her about the queen. The queen learns from her mirror that Snow White is still alive and decides to take a disguise as a plan to "make an end of her". Dressed as a peddler, the queen finds Snow White and laces her so tightly that she falls down as though dead. When the dwarfs return to find her, they cut the laces. They warn Snow White again about the queen. Soon the queen learns Snow White is still alive and again takes a disguise and poisons Snow White with a comb. The dwarfs return and remove the comb, and again warn Snow White about the queen. When the queen learns a third time that Snow White has survived, she makes a poisoned apple, takes a disguise, and poisons Snow White with the apple. The dwarfs try to save Snow White, but cannot. They weep, and make and guard a coffin. The animals also weep for Snow White. A prince comes along and sees the beautiful girl in the glass coffin and asks the dwarfs to give her to him. They comply and while his retainers are carrying the coffin, they stumble. The piece of poisoned apple comes out of her throat and she is revived. He takes her to his castle where they are married. The queen is invited to attend, and when she arrives, "they" give her red-hot iron shoes, "in which she had to dance until she fell down dead". This story has a high number of antisocial behaviours and clearly indicates the motive for the queen's behaviour is her envy and hatred for the girl. The queen eats the boar's organs, 62 thinking they belong to Snow White; this act was perceived by the raters as going beyond the definition of ridiculing and they therefore created a new subcategory: ridiculing/ showing contempt. The raters agreed the hunter's actions were based on sympathetic feelings (that he released the girl), and agreed that Snow White invaded the dwarfs' home and stole food, drink and a place to sleep for self preservation. The actions of the dwarfs were given as compassion/ friendship (Wl, W2 and J2), and moral reasoning (Jl). The actions of "they" who force the evil queen to dance to her death are attributed to revenge. Snow White (1972) P=10; P?=3; A=17 T=30 The contemporary version of Snow White is almost exactly the same as the historical version. The huntsman obeys the queen's order, but doesn't explicitly agree to kill the girl, so this behaviour was not rated as an antisocial behaviour. The queen plots to kill Snow White twice, once when she first learns the huntsman has not killed her, and again when she creates the poisoned apple. All other prosocial and antisocial behaviours have been rated the same as in the historical version, and the storyline is the same. In both versions, the dwarfs find Snow White asleep and decide not to wake her but to let her go on sleeping. The seventh dwarf slept with the others, one hour with each to minimize the inconvenience. One rater (W2) felt this should be included as "caring"; three other raters thought this was a "neutral" behaviour. Additionally in both versions, the dwarfs weep and mourn for Snow White when she is poisoned by the Queen's apple. The three women raters felt this should be included as "mourning" (prosocial), but the male rater (Wl) felt this was incidental and should be regarded as part of a larger behaviour (making and guarding a coffin). 63 Similarly, animals come to the coffin to weep for Snow White. The three women felt this was "mourning" and the male disagreed for reasons previously stated. Sleeping Beauty (1886) P=3; A=l T=4 A king and queen have a daughter and invite twelve of thirteen wise women to celebrate. One is left out since there are only twelve golden plates. The wise women join the feast and present gifts to the baby girl: beauty, virtue, riches, etc.. The uninvited thirteenth woman comes in before the twelfth woman gives her wish, and makes a death threat, saying the girl will fall down dead in her fifteenth year from pricking her finger on a spindle. The twelfth woman is not able to undo the evil prophecy, but she softens it with her wish by saying the girl would only sleep for 100 years. Despite burning all the spindles in the kingdom, one day in her fifteenth year the girl finds one and pricks her finger, falling into a deep sleep. The sleep covers everyone in the castle. A hedge of thorns grows around the castle and many king's sons die trying to cut through it to reach the sleeping girl. Many years later, a king's son hears the story of the beautiful girl and is resolved to try to see her. As he approaches the deadly thorns, they change into beautiful flowers and part to allow him inside. He finds the girl, and because she is so lovely, he kisses her. She wakes, the castle members wake; the prince and girl are wed and "they lived happily ever after until their lives' end". In the historical version of Sleeping Beauty, the raters indicated the fairies gave gifts from duty consciousness (Wl and Jl), or "kindness" (W2). The motive is not stated, as indicated by the fourth rater (J2). The death threat given by the thirteenth fairy is given as revenge (Wl and W2), anger (Jl), or unspecified (J2). The twelfth fairy softens the threat from duty consciousness/ sympathetic feeling (Wl), sympathetic feeling (W2), or compassion/ friendship (Jl). Again, this motive is not stated in the story, as indicated by J2. Most of the discussion by the raters centred on the prince who, by kissing the sleeping girl, breaks the spell. Rather than classifying this as a rescue, the raters decided that since the prince did not in fact know the kiss would awaken her, his action of caring was motivated by her loveliness. The motive was therefore given as "love" (Wl and W2) or compassion/ friendship (Jl). 64 Sleeping Beauty (1993) P=13; P?=l; A=2 T=16 Seven fairies are invited to the castle to celebrate the birth of the king and queen's daughter. An eighth fairy is forgotten since she has been alone in a tower for more than fifty years. When she arrives at the celebration, the king orders a place set for her, but there is no golden plate since only nine were made. The old fairy mutters, "How dare they...I'll show them". A young fairy overhears and decides to save her gift for last in case she needs to remedy an evil spell. The first gives the girl a gift of beauty; the second fairy promises she will be bright and cheerful; the third ensured grace; the fourth that she would dance exquisitely; the fifth that she would sing like a nightingale; and the sixth, that she would play instruments well. The old fairy makes a death spell, saying the girl will pierce her hand with a spindle and die. The seventh fairy then says she will not die but will only sleep for 100 years when a king's son will awaken her. In spite of destroying all the spindles, the prophecy comes true when the girl is sixteen. "Everyone" tries to save her, but nothing works. The seventh fairy then puts everyone to sleep so that the girl will not wake to an empty castle. Thorns then grow around the castle to protect the girl. A hundred years later, a king's son hears about the beautiful princess and he is determined to rescue the girl. The thorns draw apart to allow him to enter. He finds the girl and kisses her, breaking the spell. He tells her how much he loves her but takes care not to tell her she dresses like his great-grandmother. They married and lived happily ever after. This contemporary version contains far more prosocial behaviours, partly because each fairy's gift is described separately and in detail. Although unspecified, three raters attribute the gift giving to duty consciousness (Wl, W2, Jl) and the fourth indicated unspecified (J2). As with the historical version, there was a lengthy discussion on how the prince's actions should be classified. In this version, he hears the legend of the sleeping girl and is determined to see her, in spite of also knowing many others have died in the attempt. He feels he is the one who must rescue her. He still does not realize his kiss will break the spell, and so this act was defined by the raters as caring and the motives range from personal reward (W2) to duty consciousness/ compassion/ moral reasoning (Jl) to unspecified (J2). When "...at dinner the Prince...took care not to tell her that she was dressed just like his great-grandmother, for she was simply beautiful" 65 (p. 13), this action was perceived by one rater (W2) as "caring", although three others (Wl, Jl, J2) disagreed on the ground this was a prosocial intention rather than an explicit behaviour. Research Question 1: How often do prosocial and antisocial behaviours occur in the selected Japanese and Western stories? The four raters were asked to identify all prosocial and antisocial behaviours in the stories. Once each rater individually completed a coding form for each story, all raters and this researcher met to discuss the stories, and to obtain a consensus on which behaviours to include and how each should be classified. Interrater agreement was calculated to be 95.5 percent (see Chapter 3, page 37). Of a total of 129 identified behaviours in the Japanese stories, 67 are prosocial (52 percent) and 57 are antisocial (44 percent). Raters disagreed on .04 percent or 5 prosocial acts. The mean number of prosocial behaviours per story is 5.6; the mean number of antisocial behaviours per story is 4.75. Table 6 gives a breakdown of prosocial and antisocial acts by story, since the mean number of acts does not necessarily reflect the stories. For example, in five of the selected Japanese stories, there are more prosocial behaviours compared to antisocial behaviours. In another five stories, the number of prosocial and antisocial acts is approximately the same (equal to, or plus/ minus one act). In two stories (both versions of Crackling Mountain), there are twice the number of antisocial behaviours as prosocial behaviours. c o <L> •c O •»-> e T 3 o. T 3 X ! 3 O "g co CQ o o CO o o CA s OH CM O k. 4> f vb c B CO ft > O VO O o-PH m tN ON TT s—• O tx Tl" tN -b o •c < m PH & O & o O © PH tN IT) m /—^  o x O s o OH tN C"l T 3 O •c PH 13 o •c o T T ' rn" vb" vo fVf tN II II II II II II &&&&&& tN II o-PH <d II *0 II. r> • — I Tf O 00 II II II II II £j, 6^ fe. 3 VO O O -PH VO m »/-) vo 00 to ¥ ON 00 O •c PH O & o O © PH VO VO r-v© —^^  s PH c-> T 3 O '8 PH •a o •c o to a '5 5 fi 6* 1 1 1 •8 § 2 -g IP 8 -a co S I. 8 " .a 3 1 I O CO vo II II II cd 8 o (X, s 3 8 £ "S3 8 n i l 67 Of a total of202 behaviours were identified in the Western stories. Of these, there are nearly twice as many antisocial behaviours as prosocial behaviours (61 percent to 34 percent, respectively, where antisocial N=123 and prosocial N=69). Eight prosocial and one antisocial behaviour were disagreed on by the raters (.05 percent). The mean number of prosocial behaviours per story is 5.75; the mean number of antisocial behaviours per story is 10.25. Table 6 shows that of these twelve selected Western stories, eight contained more antisocial than prosocial behaviours. Three stories (Little Red Riding Hood and both versions of Sleeping Beauty) had more prosocial behaviours. One story (the contemporary version Cinderella) had the same number of prosocial and antisocial behaviours. Although consequences have not been formally addressed, it is important to note that in four Japanese stories and in no Western stories, the "bad" character changes his or her behaviour: the chief demon pledges not to terrorize humans in The Peach Boy, the wicked neighbours of the Man Who Made Withered Trees Bloom change their ways after the good couple shares a treasure with them, the greedy woman in the Tongue Cut Sparrow (1987) is cured of her greediness, and the raccoon dog promises to never harass the old couple in The Rabbit and the Raccoon Dog. In two Japanese stories and five Western stories, the "good" character "lives happily ever after", suggesting that whatever the means of dealing with adversity, the good character is not only assured of no retribution, but is rewarded with a happy life (Adventures of Little Peachling; The Tongue Cut Sparrow, 1883; both versions of The Three Pigs; Cinderella, 1993; and in both versions of Sleeping Beauty). And finally, the "bad" character is punished with a beating in one Japanese story (Old Man Who Made Dead Trees Blossom), with blindness in one Western story (Cinderella, 1900), with death and/or torture and death in two Japanese stories and six Western stories (The Tongue Cut Sparrow, 1883; The 68 Crackling Mountain; both versions of the Three Little Pigs; both versions of Little Red Cap/Riding Hood; and both versions of Snow White). In Urashima Taro (1903), the main ("good") character is punished for his disobedience by suddenly growing old and dying. To summarize, in looking at the tabulations across stories, the Japanese stories contained a slightly higher number of prosocial than antisocial behaviours. The Western stories contained nearly twice as many antisocial behaviours as prosocial behaviours. In looking at the stories, all but two Japanese stories contained either more prosocial behaviours or an approximately equal number of prosocial and antisocial behaviours. In contrast, the majority of the Western stories contained a greater number of antisocial behaviours. Japanese story characters in four stories repented their bad ways, and the bad characters in three Japanese stories and seven Western stories are punished with either a beating, blindness, or torture/death. Research Question 2: What are the specific prosocial and antisocial acts which occur in the selected Japanese and Western stories? The raters were asked to classify the identified prosocial and antisocial behaviours in the stories by comparing each prosocial and antisocial behaviour to a provided list of subcategories. They were asked to either chose one based on its operational definition, or create a new subcategory. See Tables 3 and 4 for a list of the subcategories and their definitions. Table 7 shows the specific prosocial behaviours in the selected Japanese stories. The prosocial acts occurring most frequently, in order, are giving (14 acts), caring (10 acts), helping (8 acts), rescuing (7 acts), thanking and cooperating (6 acts), sharing and comforting (5 acts), transferring (3 acts), defending (2 acts) and "doing the right thing" (1 act). 69 Table 8 shows the specific prosocial behaviours in the selected Western stories. The prosocial acts occurring most frequently, in order, are giving (28 acts), helping (16 acts), rescuing (12 acts), caring (6 acts), thanking (3 acts), transferring (2 acts), and sharing and comforting (1 act). It is interesting that "cooperating" does not appear as an identified behaviour in any of the Western stories. It is also interesting to note that both versions of The Three Bears have no prosocial behaviours and in both versions of The Three Pigs, there are only three prosocial acts in each story (a minor character gives straw, wood and bricks to the pigs). Table 9 shows the specific antisocial behaviours in the selected Japanese stories. The antisocial acts occurring most frequently, in order, are harm doing (17 acts) and lying/deceiving (14 acts). The other antisocial acts occurred with far less frequency: imprisoning and killing (4 acts); threatening, destroying and stealing (3 acts); invading, cheating and demanding (2 acts), and ridiculing, noncooperating, and breaking a promise (1 act). Table 10 shows the specific antisocial acts occurring, in order, in the selected Western stories: killing (30 acts), lying/deceiving (28 acts), stealing (25 acts), and threatening (13 acts). Occurring less frequently, in order, are ridiculing and harm-doing (7 acts each), destroying (6 acts), invading (4 acts), showing contempt (2 acts), and "being mean" (1 act). It should be noted that six of the twenty-five occurrences of stealing are found in Snow White, who "invades" the home of the dwarfs, tastes their food, drinks their wine and sleeps in their beds for self preservation. The majority of the occurrences of stealing are found in two versions of The Three Bears, where Goldilocks "invades" the home of the bears, tastes their food, and uses their chairs and beds. Her motivation is "unspecified" in the historical version but is clearly "naughty" (negative innate characteristic) in the contemporary version. CS " t CO • • • • C i CS • • • • If) «o . . o o w w CO <*> 00 rs If) If) VO 13 O w- OOl O O O Cu, <U ro co vo 4 3 ed C 4 3 <a —c o. 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'ix CD CD J D VO CO 00 ON 00 ON 00 CM ON VO CO tN ts VO tN O tN 00 00 48 o o 2 « +H e H 1 o o 1 I ii CM O 1 t: m (m) 0 a (i) t j (n) a o (o) 1 r (r) 2: 2 (0) 5: 5 (0) 5: 4 (1) 3: 2 (1) 7:1 (6) 0 4: 4 (0) 7: 7 (0) 13: 13(0) 6: 5 (1) 4: 4 (0) 1:1 (0) 48(9) V) o o c +J £ ex o o Xi ii £ ii ed C o © X o. u o £ ._ • O « S B l B T3 CN r* e o c o o o. »-H U £ U (H 4J CN CN cs co CO i—( co oj e d — i »-H »—1 CO ro C > c d - O ej CN CN "O OJ co +J 1- >% CO ro ^ _ _ CN J 2 e d t - i £ CO I—1 T—C CN CN 10(7) u O — 1—1 +J JS UI OJ Cd -t-> »—1 CO ro £ OL, U l CO T-H / ~ \ CO (1883) Peachling Adventures (1975) The Peach Boy (1883) Old Man ...Trees (1975) Old Man ...Trees (1903) Fisherman & Princess (1975) Fisherman / Princess (1883) Tongue-Cut Sparrow (1987) Tongue-Cut Sparrow (1883) Crackling Mountain (1975) Rabitt & Racoon Dog (1903) Bamboo Cutter/ Child (1975) Princess from Moon Major (Minor) Acts Total # O W 8 p a 11: 11 (0) 12: 12 (0) 15: 15 (0) 15: 15 (0) 10:8 (2) 7: 7 (0) 14: 12 (2) 3: 0 (3) 16: 12 (4) 17: 14 (3) 1:1 (0) 2: 1 (1) 108 (15) m C M o o c +J £ o- 1-H i - H tN C M x> <o 6 <u «J c 1-H 1-H X OH I-, o £ .— o © •O » S « B 1 3 o o C O C O O OH o © o J : u « P o o i — i m in cs' tN tN tN N I—1 1—1 v ' C O C O 23(5) 0 0 C M I » i J V _ H O ON co co wo tN i*o C M C > ed T 3 <0 l - H i - H TJ" "O U M ( J u >> i - H r—1 tN tN VO ve 4*! _ —, co co /—"<. s~\ •^r vo" 24(6) © cn 4 3 Cd UH £ tN, 5(2) r-l_ T 3 O _ 1-H 1—1 / ~ \ 1-H VO r-H_« xi «-. to c d +J T f 1-H 1-H 1-H 12(1) S OH UH CO o O (1905) The Three Bears (1988) The Three Bears (1905) The Three Little Pigs (1994) The Three Little Pigs (1886) Little Red Cap (1983) Little Red R'Hood (1900) Cinderella (1993) Cinderella (1886) Snow White (1972) Snow White (1886) Sleeping Beauty (1993) Sleeping Beauty Major (Minor) Acts Total 74 Tables 11 and 123 provide a comparison of the prosocial and antisocial subcategories of the Japanese and Western stories. As shown in Table 11, there are more of all the prosocial subcategories appearing in the Japanese stories than in the Western stories with the exception of giving and helping. Table 12 shows there are more acts of killing, threatening, ridiculing, destroying, invading, stealing, lying/deceiving, "being mean", and showing contempt in the Western stories than in the Japanese stories. The Japanese stories contained more acts of imprisoning, harm-doing, cheating, noncooperating, demanding, and breaking a promise. Research Question 3: Are the prosocial and antisocial behaviours committed by major or minor characters? The major and minor characters were identified from the stories, and the assignments by the researcher were compared with the data recorded by the raters. In cases of conflict, the researcher made the assessment based on the operational definitions found in Table 2. Table 13 shows the actual numbers and percentages of prosocial and antisocial behaviours which are committed by major and minor characters. In the selected Japanese stories, major characters committed most of the prosocial (78 percent) and antisocial behaviours (84 percent). In the Western stories, major characters commit most of the antisocial behaviours (88 percent), and just over half of the prosocial behaviours (59 percent). Tables 7 through 10 show the specific prosocial and antisocial acts committed by major and minor characters, and Appendix C provides a list of the major and minor characters for each 3 Note that "welcoming" has been classified with "sharing"; "reassuring" with "comforting"; "attempting to rescue" with "rescue"; and "resolving or planning to help" and "advising/warning" with "helping". Similarly, "plotting, attempting, ordering or agreeing to kill" are classified with "killing". This has been done to simplify tabulation for Tables 7 through 10, but are shown as distinct acts in Tables 11 and 12. 75 TABLE 11: Number of Prosocial Subcategories in the Selec ted Japanese and Western Stories Japanese Western historical/contemp total historical/contemp total giving 10 / 4 14 14 / 14 28 sharing welcoming 3 / 1 1 / 0 4 1 0 / 1 0 / 0 1 0 transferring 3 / 0 3 1 / 1 2 comforting reassuring 3 / 1 0 / 1 4 1 1 / 0 0 / 0 1 0 caring 7 / 3 10 2 / 4 6 defending 1 / 1 2 0 / 0 0 rescuing attempting to rescue 2 / 2 3 / 0 4 3 4 / 5 1 / 2 9 3 helping resolving to help advising/warning 2 / 6 0 / 0 0 / 0 8 0 0 4 / 4 0 / 2 3 / 3 8 2 6 thanking 5 / 1 6 1 / 2 3 cooperation 3 / 3 6 0 / 0 0 "doing the right thing" 0 / 1 1 0 / 0 0 TOTAL 43 / 24 67 31 / 38 69 story. It is interesting to note that in the Western stories, of 28 acts of giving, 20 are done by minor characters. The reader may recall that giving is the most frequent prosocial subcategory for the Western stories. Major characters are responsible for the majority of all other prosocial acts with the exception of transferring and comforting. Major characters commit most of the antisocial acts, although 25 percent of the killings are done by minor characters, and 22 percent of lying/deceiving is done by minor characters. In the Japanese stories, giving, caring, helping, cooperating and comforting are done mainly by major characters. Of 17 acts of harm-doing in the selected Japanese stories, 7 are done by minor characters. All 14 acts of deception in the Japanese stories are done by major characters. TABLE 12: Number of An tisocial Subcategories in the Selected Japanese and Western Stories Japanese Western historical/contemp total historical/contemp total imprisoning 3 / 1 4 0 / 0 0 abandoning 0 / 0 0 0 / 0 0 threatening 1 / 2 3 6 / 7 13 ridiculing 1 / 0 1 4 / 3 7 scaring 0 / 0 0 0 / 0 0 harm-doing 10 / 7 17 7 / 0 7 killing plotting to kill attempting to kill ordering to kill agreeing to kill 3 / 1 0 / 0 0 / 0 0 / 0 0 / 0 4 0 0 0 0 9 / 9 2 / 3 2 / 2 1 / 1 1 / 0 18 5 4 2 1 destroying 2 / 1 3 3 / 3 6 invading 1 / 1 2 2 / 2 4 stealing 2 / 1 3 13 / 12 25 lying/deceiving 9 / 5 14 14 / 14 28 cheating 0 / 2 2 0 / 0 0 noncooperation 1 / 0 1 0 / 0 0 demanding 1 / 1 2 0 / 0 0 breaking a promise 1 / 0 1 0 / 0 0 being mean 0 / 0 0 1 / 0 1 showing contempt 0 / 0 0 1 / 1 2 TOTAL 35 / 22 57 67 / 56 123 77 TABLE 13: Percentage of Acts Committed by Major and Minor Characters Japanese Stories Western Stories prosocial antisocial prosocial antisocial major characters N = 52 (78%) N = 48 (84%) N = 41 (59%) N= 108 (88%) minor characters N=15(22%) N = 9(16%) N = 28(41%) N= 15 (12%) total behaviours N = 67(100%) N = 57(100%) N = 69(100%) N= 123 (100%) Research Question 4: Are there differences in the number of prosocial and antisocial acts in comparing historical and contemporary versions for both cultures? The number of prosocial and antisocial behaviours for historical and contemporary versions of the selected Japanese and Western stories were compared. In the historical Japanese stories, there are slightly more antisocial acts than prosocial acts (44 percent to 40 percent, respectively). In the contemporary Japanese stories, there were slightly more prosocial acts than antisocial acts (49 percent to 45 percent, respectively). These figures are shown in Table 6. In looking at the specific Japanese stories, there are fewer antisocial acts in the contemporary versions of four of the six selected stories: The Rabbit and the Raccoon Dog, The Old Man who Man Dead Trees Blossom, The Fisherman and the Sea Princess, and The Princess from the Moon. In The Peach Boy, there are fewer prosocial and more antisocial behaviours identified. It is interesting to note, however, that the motives of the hero in this contemporary version are given as altruistic; that is, he and his retainers are attacking and defeating the demons because they harm human beings. In the historical version (The Adventures of Little Peachling), the actions of the hero are not described in as much detail (and therefore not counted as often), 78 but his motive is to "carry off the riches" found in the ogres' castle. There is a change of character in the contemporary version as well: the chief demon promises to never harm humans again. The number of prosocial acts increases in the contemporary version of The Tongue Cut Sparrow, but the number of antisocial acts also increases. See Table 14. The historical Western stories have nearly twice the number of antisocial behaviours as prosocial behaviours (67, or 66 percent compared to 31, or 31 percent, respectively). In the contemporary Western stories, the number of antisocial acts drops somewhat, and the number of prosocial acts increases (38 prosocial acts, or 38 percent compared to 56 antisocial acts, or 55 percent). In the contemporary version of Sleeping Beauty, the number of prosocial acts increases dramatically, while the number of antisocial acts remains approximately the same. Prosocial acts in Little Red Riding Hood increase while the antisocial behaviours decrease. In the contemporary version of Cinderella, the number of antisocial acts decreases dramatically, but the number of prosocial acts also decreases. The number of prosocial and antisocial acts in The Three Bears, The Three Little Pigs, and Snow White stays approximately the same. See Table 14. Tables 11 and 12 compare the specific subcategories of prosocial and antisocial behaviours for both historical and contemporary version of all the stories. In the Japanese stories, all prosocial subcategories decrease with the exception of helping. There are slight increases in several Western prosocial subcategories: sharing, caring, rescuing and attempting to rescue, resolving to help, and thanking. Nine antisocial subcategories decreased in the Japanese stories; that is, there were fewer acts of imprisoning, ridiculing, harm-doing, killing, destroying, stealing, lying/deceiving, 79 noncooperating, and breaking a promise. There was a slight increase in threatening and cheating. In contrast, there was a decrease in four antisocial subcategories in the Western stories: ridiculing, harm-doing, stealing, and "being mean". Only one antisocial subcategory increased (threatening). TABLE 14: Specific Changes in Stories Comparing Historical and Contemporary Versions The Adventures of Little Peachling 1975 PT AA altruistic motive/ ch of ch The Story of the Old Man Who Made 1975 PT AT Withered Trees Blossom The Fisherman & the Princess 1975 PT AT (0) less detailed The Tongue-Cut Sparrow 1987 PA AA change of character The Crackling Mountain 1975 P= AT change of character The Bamboo Cutter and the Moon-child 1975 PT AT The Three Bears 1988 P=(0) A* The Three Little Pigs 1994 P= A= Little Red Cap (Riding Hood) 1983 PA AT Cinderella 1993 PT AT Snow White 1972 P= A* Sleeping Beauty 1993 PA! A* * signifies an increase in the number of acts; » signifies a decrease; = signifies the number remains the same; ~ signifies the number remains approximately the same (± 1); ch of ch signifies change of character. Research Question 5: What are the specified motives for the behaviours? Analyzing motive has been the least objective and the most interesting question to answer since it requires a subjective interpretation of the character's action. The researcher noted any specified or implied motive from the story, then compared the responses of the raters. (See Appendix D: Actions, Characters and Motives Identified and Defined.) Note that in the "Instructions to Raters", the raters were asked "Why do you think the actor committed this act?" and "If the motive is not mentioned or implied in the story, write 'unspecified'". In spite of having objective definitions, raters also had subjective interpretations of the meaning of the motives, as well as for the characters' actions. Accordingly, the motives recorded by the raters 80 varied, and at least one rater (W2) often noted "this is why I think the character committed the act, but it is not necessarily defined in the story". Regardless of whether or not there was a clearly stated motive in the story, the four raters agreed on motive for only 40 behaviours of a total of 331 (12 percent). Three of four raters agreed on motive for 73 acts (22 percent); and two of four raters agreed on motive for 91 acts (27 percent)4. For the total number of all behaviours identified, the researcher identified 108, or 33 percent, as unspecified; but there were very few unspecified motives noted by the raters. In fact, in no case did all four raters agree that the behaviour was unspecified. In two cases, three of four raters indicated a behaviour was unspecified: the boys who harmed the turtle in Urashima Taro, and the man who provided the straw, wood and bricks to the pigs in the historical version of The Three Little Pigs. Surprisingly, the storyline for the historical and contemporary versions of The Three Little Pigs is almost exactly the same, yet one rater (W2) changed the motive for the man to "cooperation" in the contemporary version. Two raters (Wl and J2) felt Goldilocks1 behaviour in the historical version of The Three Bears was unspecified; the others assumed negative innate characteristic (W2) or personal reward (Jl). There are more similarities between Wl, W2 and Jl than with J2; this is believed to be due to J2's difficulty with the English language. Rater J2 seemed to often misunderstand the language or miss the subtleties which were noted by the other three raters. (This was apparent during the meeting to discuss the stories.) As a result, she often noted "unspecified" or had differing motives than the others, with a few notable exceptions which will be addressed in this section. 4 See Analysis of Individual Stories or Appendix D for more information on motives for each behaviour in each story. 81 The fact that the motive in many cases is unspecified but the raters assumed a motive clearly shows how the experiences of the reader influence his or her interpretation of the actions of the characters. Often if a behaviour was unspecified, the raters would indicate a motive such as "positive innate characteristic" or "negative innate characteristic" as though the actor must have some innate reason for doing the act. There is no motive specified for the cooperation among the retainers and Momotaro in The Peach Boy, but the raters indicated personal reward (W2), moral reasoning (Jl) and sympathetic feeling (J2). There is no clear motive stated or implied for the sparrow to give the old man or the old woman a gift in the contemporary version of The Tongue Cut Sparrow, but the raters indicated compassion/friendship (Wl, W2) and gratitude (Jl) for the old man's gift and revenge (Wl) for the old woman's gift. Similarly, there is no clearly stated or implied reason for the bird to give robes and slippers to Cinderella in the historical version of that story, yet motives suggested by the raters included compassion/ friendship (Wl), sympathetic feeling (W2) and positive innate characteristic (Jl). And finally, no motive is stated for the fairies to give gifts to the girl in Sleeping Beauty (either version), but three raters indicated duty consciousness (Wl, W2, and Jl). The interpretation from the operational definitions of "positive innate characteristic" and "negative innate characteristic" also seemed to be influenced by the subjective views of the raters. In many instances, the clearly stated motive in a story was supplemented with this motive. For example, if the specified motive was "gratitude", raters often included "positive innate characteristic" as though the character must be an essentially good person in order to be motivated by gratitude. Similarly, there are cases in which the specified motive was "hatred/jealousy" and the rater indicated "negative innate characteristic". In some cases, particularly with regard to both wolves in The Three Little Pigs and in Little Red Cap/Riding 82 Hood, raters indicated the wolves' behaviour was "innate", meaning instinctive or natural and not necessarily positive or negative. The interpretations of the motives "personal reward" and "self preservation" also were subjective. It is interesting that J2 gave a motive of "personal reward" to the old man who cared for the sparrow, suggesting his affection for the sparrow was in his own interests. In another instance, J2 interpreted the wicked neighbour's deceit (pretending to be the good old man) from the Story of the Old Man Who Made Withered Trees Blossom (1883) as "self preservation", suggesting that he could not survive (or thrive or be successful) unless he pretended to be the other man. In both versions of The Tongue Cut Sparrow, J2 attributes the old woman's deceiving and demanding behaviour to "self preservation" and/or "negative innate characteristic". This suggests her reasons for her actions are literally to "preserve" or help herself, which support J2's overall view of her behaviour as generally negative. This interpretation is seen again in The Bamboo Cutter and the Moon Child when the knights try to deceive the princess with false gifts. J2 attributes these actions to "self preservation" (survival) even though what is at stake is winning the girl's love rather than forfeiting their own lives. Both Wl and J2 agreed that the wolfs behaviour in both versions of Little Red Riding Hood was motivated by self preservation rather than personal reward or negative innate characteristic, as suggested by W2 and Jl. The distinction among some of the motives overlapped for the raters in many cases. For example, compassion/friendship was often given with sympathetic feeling, and occasionally with gratitude. Revenge sometimes overlapped with either anger/frustration or hatred/jealousy. 83 Research Question 6: What differences, if any, in rating the behaviours appear between the two Japanese raters and the two Western raters? Of 331 behaviours identified, agreement was reached on 316, leaving disagreement over 15 behaviours. Interestingly, most differences occurred from a male/female perspective although there was one striking Western/Japanese difference of opinion. The arguments most often cited by the raters with regard to identifying and classifying behaviours were (1) the behaviour was part of a character description or background information rather than being an explicit behaviour, or (2) that the behaviour was inconsequential; that is, it was incidental or part of a larger action. An example is the wolf in Little Red Cap/Riding Hood who lies three times (about his eyes, ears, and hands). The raters counted these three behaviours as one instance of deception. The most obvious Japanese/Western difference of opinion related to the idea of admitting defeat in the hero tale of Little Peachling (1883). In this story, Momotaro and his animal retainers invade and battle the ogres whom they conquer. The ogre king admits defeat and orders his subordinates to give the treasure to Momotaro. The two Japanese raters insisted that this was a prosocial behaviour ("admitting defeat" or "showing concession") and remarked "it's a Japanese thing". The two Western raters did not view this as prosocial or antisocial but as a natural consequence of battle. In the contemporary version, all the raters decided to accept this as a prosocial behaviour which they defined as "doing the right thing" since the story specifically states that the treasure had been previously stolen from humans. There were two other noteworthy differences; although given the small number of raters, it is impossible to speculate on whether the differences are individualistic, gender-related or cultural. In The Story of the Old Man Who Made Withered Trees Blossom, the prince's 84 retainers beat the wicked old man when the ashes he spreads blind and choke the prince. Two Western raters suggested this was from revenge, but one Japanese rater (Jl) indicated duty consciousness. That Jl perceived the old man's beating as from a sense of social responsibility is surprising. This same Japanese rater indicated moral reasoning as a motive when other raters indicated more emotionally-charged motives; for example, when the hare tortures the badger, and the rabbit tortures the racoon dog (revenge); when Little Red Cap fills the wolfs body with stones (self preservation/ revenge); and when the dwarfs save Snow White (compassion/ friendship). It is interesting that this rater felt these acts were more logical and analytic and the other raters felt they were more emotional in nature. When asked later about this observation, Jl remarked that she was making an effort to be "objective" for the sake of the study. 85 CHAPTER V DISCUSSION This discussion will focus first on the objective and subjective measures of this study (how would Japanese fairy tales, coded for both prosocial and antisocial behaviour, compare to a sample of Western fairy tales?), and then on the broader implications (what are the messages communicated to young children through the explicit actions of the story characters?). Findings Objective Interpretation of Data One of the most noteworthy findings of this study is the fact that there are twice as many antisocial behaviours as prosocial behaviours found in the selected Western stories, while there are slightly more prosocial than antisocial acts in the Japanese stories1. If one looks beyond the simple tabulations of prosocial and antisocial acts, only two of the Japanese stories contained a higher number of antisocial acts than prosocial acts, but eight of the Western stories contained more antisocial acts than prosocial acts. In addition, the severity of the antisocial behaviours is greater in the Western stories. The two most common antisocial acts were killing and lying/deceiving, compared to harm-doing and lying/deceiving in the Japanese stories. This is true in spite of the fact that the only two hero-central stories in the study are Japanese stories (The Adventures of Little Peachling and The Peach Boy). While the sample of stories examined in this study have been carefully selected, they are nevertheless limited and it is difficult to generalize to all children's literature; however, the question arises: is this a reflection of Western values and Due to the large differences in this specific instance and the subjective nature of literature analysis in general, statistical analysis was performed. 86 society? McCelland (1976) tells us that a country's values are reflected in the children's literature and cites examples from his research (i.e., kindness and obligation are emphasized in Japanese stories, and loyalty is a common theme in German stories). Malik (1982) explored how Soviet children's literature is used as part of a "deliberate and highly centralized effort" in the socialization process (DAI-A 43/08, p. 2753). This study found that Russian translations of Western fairy tales were either completely changed or given a "perceptible Soviet slant" also seen in Russian folktales, and that "messages contained in the deep structural level of the Russian works reflected their overt concerns, whereas in the English originals deep structural messages were either different from, or contradicted, surface messages" (p. 2753). Chen concludes in his 1995 study on values in Chinese children's literature, discussed in Chapter 2, that "authors use the actions of their characters to transmit values that teach children how to behave in society" (p. 1640). Rosenblatt (1968) also reports that "children learn attitudes from the books they read" (discussed in Blatt, 1973, p. 6). Shannon's (1986) conclusion in looking at popular American literature, however, was that "[c]urrent popular books... show self reliance but also the pursuit of self interest to the virtual exclusion of a balance between self and society" (p. 656). This finding was also cited by Santola (1986), who found contemporary American literature to be focused on a preoccupation with self rather than on promoting prosocial behaviour. Bryan (1975, also discussed in Chapter 2) states that children in the United States are socialized at an early age into a competitive, rather than cooperative, response style. The reader may recall that there were no acts of cooperation in any of the Western stories, but six acts were found in the Japanese stories. It is widely recognized that in American society, the idea that "winning is everything" is pervasive. Observing football players doing a victory dance after a 87 touchdown is a simple example of this message. Also generally accepted by many people is the idea that the "end justifies the means". Creating goal-driven individualists has also produced leaders in many fields, including Nobel Prize winners. A common complaint heard about the Japanese system is that while the Japanese may be more prosocially-oriented, the emphasis on cooperation and conformity tends to undermine creative thinking. Is it possible to produce children who are both creative and prosocial? It is well known that the Japanese generally value cooperation and group-oriented effort. Extensive research done on Japanese preschools (Lewis, 1989; Lewis, 1995; Peak, 1991) shows that, in general, school philosophy, teacher interaction and daily activities are geared to fostering prosocial behaviour, particularly cooperation, among children2. The goal of the national curriculum is for gradual socialization rather than academic preparation. This is accomplished through the use of both ritual and free play. Free play is believed to be important since it helps the children develop a sense of community; and the use of ritual (such as changing shoes at the door and wearing uniforms) signals that a particular type of behaviour is required, and fosters a sense of collective identity. Overt teacher control is minimized so that the children will learn to understand and establish guidelines for their own appropriate behaviour. The children learn to conform to the wishes of the group because the group is "the unsympathetic force to which the child's ego must submit and the primary source of companionship" (Peak, 1991, p. 189). In fact, researchers have found that Japanese teachers generally prefer larger class sizes and do not form emotional one-on-one bonds with the children so that they will form relationships with each References to "the teacher" or "the children" refer to the participants in Peaks' 1991 study, or to participants as described by Lewis in her studies (1989 and 1995), or to studies by Hendry (1986) and Tobin, Wu, and Davidson (1989). These studies generally reflect the majority of mainstream preschools and the researchers found many commonalities which are addressed in this paper; however, caution should be exercised when making broader generalizations to all Japanese teachers and children. 88 other (Tobin, Wu, & Davidson, 1989). Teachers in the studies published by both Peak (1991) and Lewis (1995) were seen to directly interact with individual children rarely, usually when a child was playing alone and needed to be gently included in a group of other children. There are many prosocial aspects to Japanese society, but there are also aspects that are less so; for example, the prevalence of pornography and the violent content of movies. Perhaps the difference between the less prosocial aspects of American and Japanese cultures can be explained by the emphasis in Japan on developing prosocial behaviour very early in children. Piaget (1977, discussed in Chapter 2) reminds us that as children move from an egocentric to a less egocentric phase, they are developing their value system and the basis for the moral beliefs. Japanese preschools have a significant impact on creating a prosocial orientation. Furthermore, it is more likely that parents can control or monitor influences (such as literature) during the early years, and it is generally not until the later years that children and young adults are exposed to movies and other less prosocial aspects of the culture. It is also true that the examination system in Japan produces a high level of competition for a limited number of university applicants, but Japanese students seem to view the competition as doing one's best to master the material rather than beating competitors. This is evident by the pervasiveness of the slogan "gambatte", which means "do your best". The finding that major characters in the Western stories commit most of the antisocial behaviours but only about half of the prosocial behaviours may also be symptomatic of a more aggressive society. A Vancouver researcher of children's literature, Paula Hart (personal communication, October 1, 1996), cautions that stories with a hero motif may have a higher number of antisocial or aggressive behaviours. Of the twelve Western stories examined in this study, however, none are hero-central, and only two of the Japanese stories in the study might 89 be considered a hero-based story. It is also interesting that in four of the Japanese stories, the "bad" character repents his or her evil ways, but a change of character does not occur in any of the Western stories3. Severe punishment (blindness, or torture and death) is the fate of "bad" characters in seven Western stories, but in only three of the Japanese stories. Lanham and Shimura (1967) also reported an emphasis on forgiveness and on change of character in the Japanese stories selected for their study. And rather than a dichotomy of good versus evil, they discuss a belief in Japan that people are not either "good" or "evil" but have emotions that must be moderated. This is in direct opposition to Tucker (1976) who argues that having clear "good" and "bad" characters is easier for the children to identify and understand. Perhaps the Japanese view that we all have good and bad elements is more realistic. If a young child behaves badly, instilling a dichotomous view of "good" and "bad" characters may cause a child to believe he is "bad". In contrast to the idea that young children are "bad", it is interesting to note that in Japanese society, children under the age of seven are incapable of wrong-doing, and misbehaviour stems from either the child not understanding what the correct behaviour is, or the adult failing to make that understanding clear. This belief, together with Lanham and Shimura's finding (1967) that the Japanese do not see people (story characters) as "good" or "bad" but having a range of emotions which must be tempered, presents an insightful view of dealing with behaviour. This view is also reflected in the legal system in Japan. One of the primary differences between Japanese law and North American law is that North American law is based on the notion of "rights" and Japanese law is based on the notion of "obligation". In any conflict, both parties in Japan are One "good" character (Little Red Riding Hood/ Red Cap) resolves to mind her mother following her experiences with the wolf. 90 held somewhat to blame. All of these aspects point to a more prosocially-oriented society. One final finding to be addressed is the difference found between the historical and contemporary versions of the stories. The overall number of prosocial behaviours increased slightly in the contemporary versions of the Western stories. There were fewer antisocial acts in four of the six contemporary Japanese stories, an increase in both prosocial and antisocial acts in one story, and in the sixth, there were more antisocial acts identified, but the hero had altruistic motives (The Peach Boy). In the contemporary Western stories, the overall number of prosocial acts increases and the antisocial acts decreases. There were no significant changes in three of the Western stories, but a dramatic increase in prosocial behaviours in one story (Sleeping Beauty), and an increase in prosocial behaviour and decrease in antisocial behaviour in a second story (Little Red Riding Hood). In the sixth story (Cinderella), there were fewer prosocial and dramatically fewer antisocial acts. Is this an indication that children's authors and/or publishers are aware of the prosocial and antisocial content of the stories and are making an effort to increase prosocial messages? While valuable information can be gained by looking at the objective contents (e.g., countable behaviours), there is no question that the subjective interpretation of the story by the reader plays an important role in understanding the impact of story on the reader. Four raters were asked to identify motives in addition to specific prosocial and antisocial behaviours, but because there was a significant difference in the specified motives and the assumed motives indicated by the raters, it is more appropriate to address the issue of motive in the next section. Subjective Interpretation of the Data Understanding the motives of the characters and the consequences of their actions is 91 important in understanding the overall message of the story, and understanding the influence of our experiences and cultural background on our perceptions of the characters and their actions and motives is equally important. This became readily apparent in looking at the motives given by the raters, especially in cases when there was no stated or implied motive in the story. For 33 percent of actions in all the stories, the researcher could find no stated or implied motive, yet the raters routinely assumed a motive. This leads to the question: "Who is the reader?" and underscores the importance of parental or teacher involvement in the young reader's selection and understanding of stories. We read (and interact with the world) through a cultural and experiential veil; we are generally so used to this veil that we do not even notice that it is there or notice its impact on our perception. Young children do not have the same experiences or level of cognitive development and therefore cannot interpret or understand the actions of characters in the same way as adults. Providing guidance to children helps them to form a foundation of morality. Parents who can give their young children comments on the contrast between the "real world" and the fantasy in the stories, as well as respond to why certain incidents of antisocial behaviour occur in stories, can temper the impact that these stories may have. Shannon (1986), who found individualistic themes and an absence of collectivist themes in American children's books, also recommends parental and teacher involvement in discussing the attitudes and values found in the stories to counter the balance of self interest with cooperation. Bettelheim's (1976) enthusiastic support of the importance of fairy tales for children involves a fairly detailed analysis and discussion of the stories with children. Finally, it is interesting to note that there were no significant cultural differences noted from over three hundred identified behaviours with the exception of the reaction of the Japanese raters to Momotaro's acceptance of the treasure from the conquered ogre king in The 92 Adventures of Little Peachling (see Chapter 4), and the motives of the retainers to subdue the demons as defined by the Western raters (personal reward) and the Japanese raters (moral obligation). Is this due to the fact that these two Japanese women have become "more Western" in their views or attitudes as a result of living in North America? Or, is it due to the fact that the raters were asked to identify the behaviours, characters and motives; and not asked to interpret the stories or provide a moral or message? The reader may recall that the majority of the prosocial and antisocial subcategories originated from two Asian studies (Cheevakumjorn, 1993; and Huang, 1989), so it may be that there is some universality in defining the actions. Given the small number of raters used, it is impossible to speculate, but this may be an informative direction for future study. Implications There is no question that folklore plays an important part in the growth and imagination of children. We know that folklore is gaining in popularity (Apseloff, 1985; Tucker, 1976) and that children are drawn to folklore for a variety of reasons (Cullinan, 1977; Tucker, 1976). Chukovsky's (1963) rebuttal to those who believe fairy tales are unsuitable for children is actually an argument for the use of fairy tales to promote prosocial behaviour in children (see Chapter 2). And the question is not simply: should there or should there not be antisocial content in the stories young children read, but how are those antisocial actions presented and reinforced, and does its reinforcement perpetuate the idea that antisocial behaviour is an acceptable means for dealing with adversity? Some researchers refer to the relationship between Kohlberg's (1981) stages of morality and the child's view of "justified punishment" in the fairy tales (Cullinan, 1977; Tucker, 1976), stating that children can easily appreciate who should be rewarded and who should be punished. But to what extent are these levels of moral development 93 created and/or reinforced by the messages in children's stories, and by values implied in other aspects of our daily lives? The point here is not to dispute Kohlberg's theory of the development of morality in children, but only to offer the idea that socialization is a very powerful force in introducing and reinforcing the ideas of a society. Unfortunately, our Western society presents and reinforces violence as an appropriate means of dealing with adversity: this is true not only of the actions of the "good guys" in the stories, but of the retribution given to the "bad" characters. Moore (1982) and Bandura (1969) emphasize that children learn both prosocial and aggressive behaviours by observing adults. Chukovsky (1963) argues that a person will not grow up to be a cannibal just because he read Tom Thumb as a child; but we know from the research that the effects of what children read result from repeated exposure over long periods of time (Shannon, 1986) and are relatively enduring (Midlarsky & Bryan, 1972; Rushton, 1980). If Western children's literature is more antisocial than prosocial, as suggested by this study, it is important for parents and educators to be aware of and to understand both the message inherent in these behaviours and the impact they have on young children who are learning about their world and how to behave in it. Consider the following examples: In The Crackling Mountain, clearly the most violent of all the stories, the hare tortures and kills a badger who has killed his mistress. He does this to avenge her death, and at the end of the story, "[w]hen the old man heard his wife's death had been avenged, he was glad in his heart, and more than ever petted and loved the hare, whose brave deeds had caused him to welcome the returning spring" (p. 179). The hare who violently punishes and kills an adversary is rewarded by love. This message clearly reinforces the idea that violence against a wrong-doer is not only acceptable but rewarded and praised. 94 A harassed pig in The Three Little Pigs eats his adversary and lives happily ever after. The old man in The Tongue Cut Sparrow (1883) lives happily ever after following the torture (and presumed demise) of his greedy wife. Although he was not responsible for her death, the message here is: the man is happier now that his wayward wife is gone. The greedy man in The Old Man Who Made Dead Trees Bloom (1975) is beaten by spectators for his misguided attempt to revive the trees and gain fame. The queen in Snow White is forced to dance to her death in red hot shoes. The wicked stepsisters in the historical version of Cinderella have their eyes pecked out as punishment for their wickedness. The wolf in Little Red Cap/Riding Hood is killed for stalking and killing his two victims. Do we as parents want to introduce and reinforce the idea of retribution, particularly violent retribution, to preschool children? This is not an argument for or against capital punishment. The point here is to recognize how our culture presents and reinforces these ideas to young children. In comparing the Japanese and Western stories, the Japanese stories often offer a reasonable alternative: that is, the wicked character repents his or her evil ways. The greedy wife in the Tongue Cut Sparrow (1987) amends her ways, the demon chief in The Peach Boy promises to never to harm humans again, the pesky raccoon dog in The Rabbit and the Racoon Dog promises to never harass the old man or his wife, the greedy and wicked couple in the historical version of The Old Man Who Made Withered Trees Blossom repent their evil ways after the good couple reproaches them for their behaviour and then shares the treasure with them. The message is that modifying one's behaviour is a better resolution to adversity than violence or other antisocial responses. More instances of reconciliation or conflict resolution would be a powerful tool in promoting prosocial behaviour. Of course it would be ridiculous to suggest this in all cases: not many would believe the wolf would barter to share the bread in 95 exchange for picking flowers. Yet stories that will teach our children positive and realistic messages can offer apologies, resolution, change of character, and other less antisocial means of dealing with conflict. Summary In her dissertation, Cheevakumjorn (1993) relates the real-life story of three girls in Thailand who committed a brutal murder, and when asked why, responded that the idea had originated from a movie they had seen. The research has shown that what children read and see does influence their behaviour4. In some cases, the relationship is overt, such as the example given here. In other cases, and more importantly, the impact is very subtle and because we as adults perceive the world through our experiences, we may not be aware of the messages being given to young children who lack our experiences. It is important for parents to be aware of the values reflected in children's stories, including understanding how prosocial and antisocial actions are rewarded or punished. Again, the argument here is not that children should be protected from inequity or strife or aggression or bad characters in children's literature, but that we as authors, parents and teachers should be aware of the messages and how the behaviour of characters impact our children. If we want our children to behave prosocially, it is essential to not only actively promote such behaviour, but to be aware of and to limit the direct or indirect promotion of antisocial models or activities. On a personal note, I look at my two year old son and see his unblemished body and spirit. His lungs have yet to be polluted, his organs are free of disease and decay, his teeth are white and his eyes are clear and shining. He is also emotionally clean at this age: there have been no negative experiences in his life other than recognizing the normal limits if daily living such as 4 See Chapter 2 for an overview of the literature. 96 eating vegetables instead of cookies, and the necessity of going to bed at a reasonable hour. As his mother, I want him to be prepared for life and have a realistic outlook on good and bad behaviour and the actions of others, but I also want this process to be as gentle as possible and as easily understood as possible. If this means censoring violent cartoons and other television programs, and being involved in discussing what he reads, then that is my goal. This study has increased my awareness of the content of children's literature, and I hope to put this awareness into practice in shaping my son to be a prosocial being. This thesis underscores the complexity of examining prosocial and antisocial components of culture and literature. We are each products of our culture, and our perspectives reflect what we have learned. While this paper presents Japanese culture as being in some ways more prosocial than Western culture, it is not suggested that Westerners become "more Japanese". Both cultures are highly complex and there are too many factors involved to assume it is possible to simply adopt or superimpose aspects from one culture on to another. What is suggested, however, is that it may be useful to look at other cultures to understand how they promote prosocial behaviour in children. As the world becomes more and more intercultural, it is important to be aware of the powerful force literature plays in socialization, and to identify the influences in children's literature. Perhaps through children's literature we can teach our children better ways to deal with conflict, and encourage them to be better adults. 97 CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS 1. There are nearly twice as many antisocial as prosocial acts in the Western stories, compared to a slightly higher number of prosocial acts than antisocial acts in the Japanese stories. In looking at the stories, only two of twelve Japanese stories contained more antisocial than prosocial behaviours, but eight of the Western stories contained more antisocial than prosocial behaviours. In addition, Japanese story characters in four stories repented their bad ways, and the bad characters in three Japanese stories and seven Western stories are punished with either a beating, blindness, or torture and death. Based on a small but carefully selected sample, it is impossible to state that Japanese children's literature is more prosocial than Western children's literature; however, the issue is raised: what messages regarding conflict and aggression are we giving to our young children through the stories we read to them? 2. The most frequently appearing prosocial acts in the Japanese stories are giving and caring; in the Western stories, they are giving and helping. The most frequently appearing antisocial acts in the Japanese stories are harm-doing and lying/ deceiving. In the Western stories, they are killing and lying/ deceiving. It is interesting to note that the behaviour "cooperating" does not appear in any of the Western stories. As with the first research question, the implication is that the characters in children's stories are models for behaviour, and the use of aggressive acts in dealing with problems or conflict implies to children that this is appropriate behaviour. 3. Major characters in the Japanese stories commit most of the prosocial and antisocial acts. Major characters in the Western commit most of the antisocial acts, but only slightly more than half of the prosocial acts. In fact, in 28 acts of giving in the Western stories, 20 are done by minor characters. This implies that not only are antisocial behaviours prevalent, but that they are 98 done by the central characters, and that the prosocial behaviours committed by minor characters are less important. 4. Overall, there are slightly more prosocial acts than antisocial acts in the contemporary Western stories, compared to the historical versions. In examining the Western stories, the number of antisocial acts remains approximately the same for four stories, and decreases in two stories. The prosocial acts remain approximately the same in three stories, decrease in one story and increase in two stories. Overall, both prosocial and antisocial acts decreased in the contemporary Japanese stories. One Japanese story, The Peach Boy, contained more antisocial acts than in the historical version (The Adventures of Little Peachling); however, the personal reward motive for the hero is clearly altruistic in the contemporary version. The antisocial acts decreased in four Japanese stories, and in three cases, there was a change a character. Is this an indication that children's authors and/or publishers are aware of the prosocial and antisocial content of the stories and are making an effort to increase prosocial messages? 5. The four raters agreed on motive for only 40 behaviours of a total of 331 (12 percent). Three of four raters agreed on motive for 73 acts (22 percent); and two of four raters agreed on motive for 91 acts (27 percent). It is interesting that the raters assigned motives to behaviours regardless of whether or not there was a clearly stated or implied motive in the story. For the total number of behaviours identified, the researcher identified 33 percent as having an unspecified motive; yet there were very few instances of unspecified motives given by the raters. As the most subjective part of the study, it is clear that our experiences, including our cultural experiences, impact the way we as readers interpret the behaviours and motives of story characters. Young children who lack these experiences cannot understand or interpret the stories in the same way as adults. This underscores the importance of parental involvement in providing 99 guidance to children who are forming the basis of their moral beliefs. 6. Of 331 behaviours identified, agreement was reached by the four raters on 316, leaving disagreement over 15 behaviours. Most differences stemmed from a male/ female perspective rather than a Japanese /Western perspective. In fact, the only significant cultural difference to arise from this study centred on the action of the ogre king in The Adventures of Little Peachling, who gives his treasure to Momotaro after being defeated by him. The Japanese raters insisted that this was a prosocial behaviour, since it reflects "admitting defeat". The Western raters felt this was neither a prosocial nor antisocial act, but was a natural consequence of being defeated in battle. It is surprising that there were not more examples of cultural differences between the raters. This may be due to several factors: (a) there were too few raters to get an accurate measure; (b) the Japanese raters, who have been in North America for at least two years, have become more "westernized"; or (c) given the fact that most of the definitions for the subcategories originated from two Asian studies, there may be some universality in their application. Suggestions for Further Research Because of the limited scope of this study, it is not possible to make generalizations such as "Japanese children's literature is more prosocial than Western literature", or that based on a study of children's literature, that "the Japanese are definitively more prosocial as a society than are Westerners". A more comprehensive look at various aspects of the two cultures, including a wider selection of children's literature may provide insight into these issues. An exploration of the content of children's literature from various countries (as an extension of the work done by McCelland, 1976) and on how people from differing cultures interpret stories may also provide interesting and insightful information. 100 REFERENCES Algarin, J. (1982). Japanese folk literature: A core collection and reference guide. New York: R. R. Bowker Company. Bandura, A. (1969). Principles of behaviour modification. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Bandura, A. (1973). 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C. & Raskin, P. A. (1979): Directiveness of instructions and modelling: Effects on production and persistence on children's donations. Journal of Genetic Psychology. 135. 269-277. Iwasa, N. (1992). Postconventional reasoning and moral education in Japan. Journal of Moral Reasoning. 21 (1), 3-16. Jarrell, S. (1982). Violence in children's cartoons. (ERIC document Reproduction Service No. ED 222 239). Kohlberg, L. (1981). The philosophy of moral development: Moral stages and the idea of justice. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Krippendorff, K. (1980). Content analysis: An introduction to its methodology. London: Sage Publications. 102 Krogh, S. L., & Lamme, L. L. (1983). Learning to share: How literature can help. Childhood Education. 59 (3). 188-192. Lanham, B. & Shimura, M. (1967). Folktales commonly told American and Japanese children. Journal of American Folktales. 80 (315) Jan-Mar 67, 33-48. Lewis, C. C. (1989). Cooperation and control in Japanese nursery schools. In J. Shields, Jr. (Ed.), Japanese schooling: Patterns of socialization, equality and political control, (pp. 28-44). University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. Lewis, C. C. (1995). Education hearts and minds: Reflections on Japanese preschool and elementary education. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Makino, Y. (1985). Japan through children's literature: An annotated bibliography. London: Greenwood Press. Malik, M. (1982). The role of folktales in socialization (Russian translations of English language children's books) (Doctoral dissertation, University of Virginia, 1983). Dissertation Abstracts International-A. 43/08. AAC 8300063. McCelland, D. (1976). Values in popular literature for children. In M. L. White (Ed.) Children's literature: Criticism and response (pp. 86-89). Columbus, OH: Merrill. McCracken, G. (1972). Violence and deception in children's literature. Elementary English (49) 3, 422-4. Midlarsky, E., & Bryan, J. (1972). 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Handbook of child psychology: Socialization, personality and social development (Vol. 4. pp. 109-163). New York: Wiley. Rosenblatt, L. (1968). Literature as exploration. New York: Noble and Noble. Rutherford, E., & Mussen, P. (1968). Generosity in nursery school boys. Child Development. 39. 755-765. Rushton, J. P. (1980). Altruism, socialization and society. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Sakade, F. (ed.). (1958). Little one inch and other Japanese children's favorite stories. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company. Santola, A. S. (1986). Socialization for the prosocial response as reflected in children's literature (Doctoral dissertation, Rutgers The State University of New Jersey - New Brunswick, 1986). Dissertation Abstracts International-A. 47/08. AAC 8626966. Shannon, P. (1986). Hidden within pages: A study of social perspective in young children's favorite books. The Reading Teacher. 39 (7). 656-663. Solomon, D., Watson, M., Delucchi, K., Schapps, E., & Battistich, V. (1988). Enhancing children's prosocial behaviour in the classroom. American Educational Research Journal. 25_(4), 527-554. Tobin, J. J., Wu, D., & Davidson, D. H. (1989). Class size and student/teacher ratios in the Japanese preschool. In J. J. Shields, Jr. (Ed.), Japanese schooling: Patterns of socialization, equality and political control, (pp. 59-72). University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. Trepanier, M. & Romatowski, J. (1982). Classroom use of selected children's books: Prosocial development in young children. Journal of Humanistic and Education Development. 21 (1), 36-42. Tucker, N. (1976). How children respond to fiction. In G. Fox, G. Hammond, F. Smith, and K. Sterck (Eds.), Writers, critics and children (pp. 177-187). New York: Agathon Press. Wolman, B. B. (1973). Dictionary of behavioral science. NY: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company. 104 CHILDREN'S STORIES Brooke, L . (1905). The golden goose. London: Frederick Warne & Company. Crane, L. (1886). Household stories from the collection of the Brothers Grimm. New York: Dover. Early, M. (1993). The sleeping beauty. New York: Harry Abrams Inc. Gay, M. (1994). The three little pigs. Toronto: Douglas & Mclntrye. Hyman, T. (1983). Little Red Riding Hood. New York. Holiday House. Ishii, M. (1987). The tongue cut sparrow. New York: Lodestar. Japan Times Publication. (1975). Folk tales of old Japan. Tokyo: The Japan Times. Jarrell, R. (1972). Snow White. New York: Farra, Straus, & Giroux. Lucas, E. V., Crane, L., & Edwardes, M. (1900). Grimm's fairy tales. New York: Grosset & Dunlap. Marshall, J. (1988). The three bears. New York: Dial Books. Mitford, A. B. (1883). Tales of old Japan. London: Macmillan & Co. Ozaki, Y. (1903). The Japanese fairy book. London: Archibald Constable & Company. Wegman, W. (1993). Cinderella. New York: Hyperion. 105 APPENDIX A: Instructions to Raters Thank you very much for agreeing to assist me with this project. The purpose of the project is to count the number of times prosocial and antisocial acts are committed by story characters, and to note who the characters are and what their motives might be. Attached please find • 24 children's fairytales • list of operational definitions • blank rating forms • sample PROCEDURE A sample is attached for "Rapunzel", which will not be included in the study. Remember that this is one rater's opinion based on the operational definitions. Your ratings may differ, but be prepared to justify your selections. 1. Read the operational definitions carefully. The better you know these definitions, the quicker it will be to recognize them in the stories. 2. On a blank rating form, write the title and publication date of the story. 3. With the first story, read each sentence carefully and answer these questions: (a) Is there a prosocial or antisocial act described in the sentence? (See the operational definitions for how to decide if an action is prosocial or antisocial.) If so, on the rating form, write the page number, and in the P/A: BEHAVIOUR column, write a "P" for prosocial act or "A" for antisocial act. Look at the definitions. Which definition best describes the act? Write this category ("helping" or "killing", etc.) next to the letter "P" or "A". If there is not a definition which best describes the act, write "other" and briefly describe the act yourself. (b) Who commited the act? In the ACTOR column write "major" if the act is done by a major character or "minor" if done by a minor character. (See the operational definitions for how to decide if a character is major or minor.) If the character is described with adjectives, make a note of these in the same space or the COMMENT section (for example, "jealous wife" or "good and simple natured wife" or "brave boy"). If one sentence or paragraph describes several characters doing something, be sure to record separate actions. For example, if four boys are beating, pulling and hammering an animal for no apparent reason other than to amuse themselves, write (Pg #) A: harming doing (pulling) minor (boy 1) motive/ other: amusement (Pg #) A: harming doing (pulling) minor (boy 2) motive/ other: amusement (Pg #) A: harming doing (beating) minor (boy 3) motive/ other: amusement (Pg #) A: harming doing (hammering) minor (boy 4) motive/ other: amusement 107 o PH H O H U o = w PQ PH o PH H o u 108 co co OJ <D c a •a -a ii ii § o £ o 2 2 0) "a. 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