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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The origins and development of the International Hockey League and its effects on the sport of professional.. 1994

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THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUE AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE SPORT OF PROFESSIONAL ICE HOCKEY IN NORTH AMERICA by DANIEL SCOTT MASON B.P.E., The University of British Columbia, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Human Kinetics We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1994 © Daniel Scott Mason, 1994 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) Department of or’ i4tJM4J kifl cç The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date 9/,79y DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT This study examined the development of the first professional ice hockey league, the International Hockey League, and its relationships with amateur and professional leagues and ideals, in both Canada and the United States, during the first decade of the twentieth century. Following the historical method, relying primarily on newspapers reports from the towns involved with the League during that period, a chronological-thematic narrative was written to analyze the following hypotheses: a) the League played an important role in the development of professional hockey in Canada, b) the League and its members reflected and affected attitudes toward professional hockey in Canada and the U.S., c) the operations and play levels of the League were the direct result of several influential individuals and events. The study was arranged into three distinct parts: an examination of background conditions existing in eastern Canada and ice hockey prior to the formation of the l.H.L.; a descriptive narrative of the l.H.L.s towns, operations and influential individuals; and an interpretation of selected issues. The study revealed that the formation and operations of the l.H.L. provided a significant influence on the trend toward the acceptance of professionalism in the Canadian senior hockey leagues. It was also determined that the factors associated with that acceptance led to the demise of the l.H.L. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT.ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii LIST OF PLATES ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS x GLOSSARY xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xiv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 Review of Relevant Literature 4 Statement of the Problem 6 Justification for the Study 7 Delimitations 8 Limitations 8 Hypotheses 9 Sources of Information 9 Definition of Terms 10 Methodology 10 II. BACKGROUND CONDITIONS RELATED TO THE STUDY Eastern Canada and Sport During the Late Nineteenth Century 1 2 The Emergence of Amateurism and Professionalism in Canadian Sport... 16 The Origins and Development of Ice Hockey 22 Rules 25 Equipment 28 Facilities 33 The Regulation and Formation of Associations 34 Amateurism and Professionalism in Ice Hockey 38 III Chapter Ill. THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUE A. Early Ice Hockey in the United States 41 Michigan 43 Houghton, Houghton County, Michigan 44 B. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club Early Team Success 48 The Amphidrome 50 The Organization and Success of the First Professional Hockey Team: The Portage Lakes Hockey club of 1 903-04 54 C. The Formation of the International Hockey League 62 D. International Hockey League Innovations and Rule Changes: 1904-1907 65 E. The Organization and Success of the International Hockey League Teams: 1904-1907 70 Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan (Michigan Soo) 71 Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario (Canadian Soo) 76 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 86 Calumet, Michigan 91 Houghton, Michigan (The Portage Lakes Hockey Club) 98 F. Potential League Expansions: 1904-1 907 106 G. The Conclusion of I.H.L. Operations 111 H. The Influence of Selected Individuals 118 Administrators 119 James R. Dee 1 20 Edwin S. “Chaucer” Elliott 121 Dr. John L. “Doc” Gibson 124 John T. McNamara 1 27 Important Players 128 iv Chapter Roy Brown.129 Lorne Campbell 130 James Henry “Jimmy” Gardner 132 Joe Hall 132 “Riley” Hem 135 “Chief” Jones 136 Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde 137 Jean Baptiste uJack Laviolette 140 Ken Mallen 141 Didier Pitre 142 Bruce Stuart 146 William Hodgson “Hod” Stuart 147 Fred Taylor 1 51 William “Lady Bill” Taylor 1 54 Jack Ward 155 Jack Winchester 156 IV. AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUE A. Impact on Host Towns 157 Spectators 1 58 Business and Commerce 1 61 Participation in Ice Hockey 1 63 B. League Competition 1 64 The Advantages of Pittsburgh 165 Managerial Rivalries 1 66 Team Rivalries and Competition 1 69 C. Exhibition Games 171 V Chapter Canadian Exhibition Games 1 72 Stanley Cup Challenges 175 0. Referees 1 76 Administrative Problems 177 Referee Incompetence 1 84 E. Inappropriate Behavior 187 Administrative Behavior 1 87 Player Behavior 190 Newspaper Reporting 193 F. Violence in the International Hockey League 1 95 Hockey and Manly” Sports 196 Acts of Brutality During l.H.L. Games 1 98 Bad” Joe Hall 204 Spectator Violence 207 A Comparison of l.H.L. and Canadian Hockey League Violence 208 G. Finances 211 Attendance 211 Profits 21 4 Competition for Spectators 217 Socio-economic Trends 218 Player Salaries 220 V. INTER-LEAGUE RIVALRY AND TRENDS IN PROFESSIONALISM IN ICE HOCKEY A. Inter-league Rivalries and Influences 224 The Western Pennsylvania Hockey League 224 The Ontario Hockey Association 227 The Attempts of the O.H.A. to Discipline Professionals 229 vi Chapter Attempts to Thwart Professional Clubs 234 The War Against the l.H.L. and Professionalism 240 Maintaining the Power of the Association 245 The Eastern Canada Amateur Hockey Association 246 B. Changes in Professionalism in Hockey in Canada 250 Commercialism in Spectator Sport and Perceived American Influences 250 Amateur Hockey Organizations and Hidden Professionalism 254 Amateurism in Senior Canadian Hockey 256 C. Professionalism During the I.H.L.s Operating Years 257 Hypocrisy in Canadian Amateur Hockey 258 Resistance to Professionalism 260 Anticipation of Professional Hockey 262 D. Professional Ice Hockey in Canada 264 E. The International Hockey League and Canadian Professional Hockey.267 The Influence of American Ideals on Ice Hockey 267 Reactions of Canadian Teams and Associations to I.H.L. Success.. .272 Anti-professional Policy in Canadian Associations 274 Professional Hockey in Canada and the Disbanding of the l.H.L 275 VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS Summary 278 Conclusions 281 Recommendations 284 Recommendations for Further Study 284 Final Recommendations 285 BIBLIOGRAPHY 286 APPENDICES 291 vi’ A. The Rules of Hockey - As Written by Arthur Farrell, Shamrock Hockey Club, 1899 292 B. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club - Player, Team, and Referee Records, 1903-04 294 C. International Hockey League Rules - 1904-05 298 D. Rules Governing Play in the International Hockey League - 1 904-05 299 E. International Hockey League Officers, 1 904-1 907 301 F. International Hockey league Team Uniforms 303 G. International Hockey League All-Star Teams, 1904-1 907 304 H. International Hockey League Team Records, 1 904-1 907 307 I. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1904-05 308 J. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1905-06 313 K. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1906-07 31 8 L. International Hockey League Scoring Leaders By Year 323 M. International Hockey League Referees 324 N. Complete International Hockey League Player Records 1904-1 907 325 0. International Hockey League Career Leaders 331 P. “Hockey By Si Plunkins” 332 Q. Recorded Attendance at I.H.L. Games 335 VIII LIST OF PLATES Plate I. Skate Advertisement -1900 29 II. Hockey Equipment Advertisement, 1900 31 Ill. Dr. John L. “Doc” Gibson 47 IV. The Amphidrome Rink, Houghton, Michigan 51 V. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Team Photo - 1903-04 57 VI. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club and Montreal Wanderers - Series Advertisement, 1904 60 VII. Fire Insurance Map of the Ridge Street Arena, Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan 73 VIII. Duquesne Gardens, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 87 IX. Fire Insurance Map of The Palestra, Calumet, Michigan 93 X. The Calumet Hockey Club - I.H.L. Champions, 1904-05 96 XI. a) Edwin “Chaucer Elliott b) James R. Dee 122 XII. Joe Hall 134 XII. a) Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde b) “Jack” Laviolette 139 XIII. a) Didier Pitre b) Bruce Stuart 145 XIV. a) “Hod” Stuart b) Fred Taylor 152 XV. John Ross Robertson, O.H.A. President, 1899-1905 230 ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS A.A.A.C. Amateur Athletic Association of Canada A.A.I-l.L. American Amateur Hockey League A.H.A.C. Amateur Hockey Association of Canada C.A.A.U. Canadian Amateur Athletic Union C.A.H.L. Canadian Amateur Hockey League E.C.A.H.A. Eastern Canada Amateur Hockey Association E.C.H.A. Eastern Canada Hockey Association F.A.H.L. Federal Amateur Hockey League l.H.L. International Hockey League M.H.L. Manitoba Hockey League N.H.A. National Hockey Association N.H.L. National Hockey League O.H.A. Ontario Hockey Association O.P.H.L. Ontario Professional Hockey League P.C.H.A. Pacific Coast Hockey Association W.C.H.L. Western Canada Hockey League WP.H.L. Western Pennsylvania Hockey League x GLOSSARY HOCKEY AND SPORT-RELATED TERMS All-star. All-stars were those players who were determined to be exceptionally talented. All- star teams were usually determined following the conclusion of a specific hockey season, where athletes at each playing position were recognized from a specific league. Appendix G contains all-star teams that were selected during the I.H.L.’s operative years. In addition, Charles L. Coleman, following the compilation of data for his work The Trail of the Stanley chose an all-star team based on all those players who had competed for the Stanley Cup, between 1893 and 1926.1 Body-checking. This act consisted of stopping an opposing player who had the puck by using the body. A player could not, in any way, hinder a player who did not have the puck.2 Combination Plays. Combination plays were the quick, successive passing plays that were required during games, due to the on-side nature of hockey at the beginning of the twentieth century. Coverioint. This player was situated directly in front of the point position, and, although a defence player, occasionally joined in rushes toward the opposing zone. The coverpoint position was usually held by a strong, fast skater who also could body-check, and, when in control of the puck, stickhandle with it long enough for the forwards to form a line of attack.3 Defenceman. The two defence players were called point and coverpoint, and were positioned one in front of the other, unlike the side-by-side method used in later years. Those playing defence were expected to stop attacks, pass the puck to a teammate, or lift the puck to the other end of the rink. These players rarely left the immediate vicinity of their own goals.4 Face (or Face-off).A face would be used to commence play. The puck would be placed between the sticks of two opposing players, who would try to gain control of the puck, upon the hearing the referee blow a whistle or shout “play”. Fence (or boards). The boundary around the ice surface was called the fence, or boards. The size of the fence would vary, according to the arena hosting games. In addition, players, all-star team is referred to in Chapter 3, where the careers of specific l.H.L. players are analyzed. 2Houghton Daily MininQ Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag. 3SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag. 4Foster Hewitt, Hockey Niciht in Canada (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1 953), 38. xi upon receiving a penalty, did not have a penalty box to report to, and instead would be “sent to the fence’, to sit on the boards for the duration of the penalty. Forward. There were four forwards during this period, a centre, two wings, and the now- defunct rover. Usually, the rover would initiate a rush up ice with the puck, and would joined by the rest of the forwards, who formed a line across the width of the ice surface. A forward was usually a fast skater and good stickhandler, who could use a teammate well, and shoot the puck accurately, although many goals during this period occurred when a forward followed a puck shot on an opposing goal, and put the puck into the net if the goalkeeper was unable to control the initial shot.5 Goalkeeoer (or goaltender). This was considered to be one of the most important positions on a team. A player at this position needed to be agile and quick on skates, and be able to block the shots directed at the goal. The goaltender could not fall to the ice, and so needed to be adept at “clearing”, or removing the puck from the immediate vicinity of the goal area Lifting. Lifting occurred when a player, usually at the defence position, raised the puck high into the air, and down the ice toward the opposing goal. This practice was used to relieve pressure around the goal net, and to also attempt scoring opportunities; the off-side rule forbade forward passing, but a lifted puck could be easily taken by a forward, should an opposing defence player be unable to control the lifted puck. “Loafing” off-side. Because players were required to be on-side, that is, always behind the teammate with the puck, a player would be considered loafing if nearer the opposing goal. That player would be essentially taken out of the play, the referee calling an infraction should the loafing player touch the puck. Players who engaged in this practice would be scorned, and considered indolent, and in some cases, referees would call penalties on such players, in order to discourage this practice. Off-side. This was a very important rule; should the puck be shot or passed in the direction of the opposing goal, a player could not touch the puck immediately after a teammate. That player would be considered off-side, and could only be placed on-side when an opposing player touched the puck. In some circumstances, a player could be placed on-side if the teammate who touched the puck immediately prior skated up ice to a point where the off side athlete was located.7 Point. The point position was located immediately in front of the goalkeeper, and to prevent opposing forwards from shooting, and to remove the puck from the area near the goal. Traditionally, the point player was a big, strong athlete, capable of body-checking the opposing forwards.8 Rover. The rover was the most versatile of all the players on the ice, aiding the defence when opponents were attacking the goal, and skating up ice with the forwards for their own rushes on the opposite goal. The rover would usually be the fastest skater on the club, and 5Sault Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag. 6lbid 7Mininp Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag. 8SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag. xl’ would also be required to assume the playing positions of any teammates who left the ice to serve penalties.9 Rush. This was the skill of skating toward the opposing goal with the puck. A rush could be done individually, or with teammates, who would stickhandle with the puck, or pass it back and forth. Stickhandle. This was the act of controlling the puck with the stick. Shutout. A shutout occurred when a team played an entire game without allowing the opponent to score a goal. Shutouts would be credited to the goalkeeper, and could be used as a means of determining the abilities of the goaltender. 9lbid. XIII ACKNOWLEDG EM ENTS The author would like to thank the thesis supervisor, Dr. Barbara Schrodt, for her guidance, contributions, and feedback during the writing of this thesis. The author would also like to recognize the efforts of Dr. Robert Morford and Dr. Wendy Frisby, whose input and assistance as examiners have been greatly appreciated. Phillip Pritchard of the Hockey Hall of Fame is commended for his invaluable assistance in allowing the author access to important information at the Hall in Toronto, Ontario. In addition, the moral and critical support of the author’s parents, David and Marjorie Mason, the technical guidance of his sister, Denise Mason, and the emotional support of his partner, Anita Kagna, during the completion of this study, were greatly appreciated. xiv CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The first openly-acknowledged professional ice hockey team played its inaugural game in the town of Houghton, Michigan, in 1 903. The competitiveness of the team that year led to the organization of the first professional hockey league, the International Hockey League (l.H.L.), in the fall of 1904. The purpose of this study is to present a comprehensive written history of the International Hockey League. The study will provide a background on the research problem, information regarding the league, and the need for further research. The procedure for investigation will also be presented. In the decades following Confederation, Canada enjoyed a rapid growth in sport, including ice hockey. The interest that the Canadian public held for hockey increased with the industrialization and urbanization of the late 1 800’s. These advances created more leisure time for workers and therefore the need for more leisure activities.1 During this time, many amateur sport governing bodies were formed, adopting the stringent rules regarding the amateur status of athletes that were common in Britain.2 One such association was the Ontario Hockey Association (O.H.A.), formed in the fall of 1 89O. However, despite pressures from the O.H.A. to retain amateurism in hockey, and the ‘Allan Cox, et al, “Sport in Canada, 1868-1900”, in History of Sport in Canada 2nd edition. ed. Maxwell Howell and Reet Howell (Toronto: Stipes Pubi. Co., 1985), 107. 2Alan Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play: The Emergence of Organized Sport. 1807-1914 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1987), 100. 3Scott Young, 100 Years of Dropping the Puck- A History of the O.H.A. (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, Inc., 1989), 7. apparent negative views about professionalism in sport, there were numerous instances in ice hockey where athletes were paid to participate. Commonly referred to as “ringers”, these paid players began appearing in hockey in the early 1 890’s,4 but hockey associations, particularly the O.H.A., continued to resist and deny any activities involving professional players. “Professionalism was seen to be the root of all the other problems. Rough play, the use of ringers, fan conduct, and any other evils all coalesced into one ailment - professionalism.”5 The identification and subsequent reprimanding of professional hockey players involved the suspension of those athletes considered to be “non-resident” players by the associations governing a specific league,6 but professional practices continued despite the risks of being caught. An indicator that professionalism had truly arrived in ice hockey was the fact that games were now scheduled on weekdays; amateurs normally held positions of employment in other endeavors, and often required financial subsidization to compensate for work-time missed by playing or travelling to games during the week.7 The pressures from sport governing bodies continued to thwart the paying of players, but views on professionalism in society were beginning to change. By 1 900, hockey was played and viewed by all classes of society in Canada,8 and was no longer considered to be a sport enjoyed only by affluent members of society.9Also, as fan interest increased, it was now a possible business venture, and paying players was one way to ensure team competitiveness. 4Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 70. 5lbid., 71. 6Kevin Jones,”Sport and Games in Canadian Life, 1900-1920,” in History of Snort in Canada, 195. 7Henry Roxborough, One Hundred-Not Out (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1 966), 204. 8Cox, 145. 9lbid., 117. 2 However, until 1 903, professionalism was not visible to the public; players, who in the past had played for local teams, had now gone to other towns, and were secretly paid by their new clubs, or guaranteed high-paying positions within the community.10 Despite such occurrences, ice hockey was considered to be an “amateur” sport until 1 903, when the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was formed. The sport was gaining in popularity, during the first decade of the twentieth century, particularly in Eastern Canada. J.L. Gibson, a Canadian who had relocated in Houghton to practice dentistry, had played for the Berlin11 team in the O.H.A. and was instrumental in introducing the sport to the Michigan mining town. However, Houghton did not have enough skilled players available locally to maintain the competitiveness of the club; as a result, the team management was forced to build the club from players in Canada. The team eventually paid players to come to Houghton, but had no interest in concealing this fact. Thus, from these transactions, the “Portage Lakes” Hockey Club was formed, the first professional ice hockey team in North America.12 The newly-formed professional club began playing exhibition games against Canadian and American clubs. The Houghton team, laden with talented players, soundly defeated their opponents in many of the games. Consequently, Canadian teams, often humiliated by the American team, began to seek out players of better calibre, or to retain players by paying them, regardless of the risks of being considered professional.13Shortly thereafter, leagues in Eastern Canada began operating on a fully-acknowledged professional basis. 10Morris Mott, “Inferior Exhibitions, Superior Ceremonies: The Nature and Meaning of the Hockey Games of the Winnipeg Vics, 1890-1903”, in 5th Canadian Symposium on the History of Soort and Physical Education (Toronto: University Press, 1982), 11. Berlin was renamed Kitchener in 1916. 12JW (Bill) Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr. J.L. (Jack) Gibson,” speech given at the Hockey Hall of Fame Induction Dinner, Toronto, 26 Aug. 1 976, n. pag. 13Nancy Howell, and Maxwell L. Howell, Sports and Games in Canadian Life (Toronto: MacMillan of Canada, 1 969), 206. 3 The success of the Houghton club led several entrepreneurs to believe that a league in the eastern United States might prove to be a profitable venture. As a result, for the following season, the International Hockey League was formed,14 with teams playing Out of Sault Ste. Marie, Houghton and Calumet, Michigan, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (the arena there had artificial ice), and Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario. Players were paid salaries of twenty- five to seventy-five dollars per week, with the league operating from December 14 to March 1 5•15 Referees were also paid to work in the new league; they were given a monthly salary and travelling expenses.16 The l.H.L. continued operating until it was disbanded in 1907. The reasons for the League’s closure are not completely certain, although many have postulated that this was due to a lack of fan interest, or arena facilities not capable of hosting adequate crowds to make League operations profitable.17Sport historian Alan Metcalfe suggested that the l.H.L. lacked the necessary conditions for a successful league, namely a large population and comparatively short distances between competing towns.18 Review of Relevant Literature Most of the literature reviewed for this study has addressed the International Hockey League and its importance, but in little detail. Often, information on the League is limited to a simple paragraph within a larger work. Frank Cosentino, in his thesis, “A History of the Concept of Professionalism in Canadian Sport”, outlines some of the League’s operations, but this constitutes only parts many works the l.H.L. is referred to as the International Professional Hockey League, or the International Pro League. 15Frank Cosentino, “A History of the Concept of Professionalism in Canadian Sport” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1973), 226. 16Toronto Globe and Mail, Nov 2/1905, n. pag. 17HowelI and Howell, 206. 18Metcalfe, 170. 4 of several pages in a thesis that exceeds five hundred pages. The reason for this apparent lack of emphasis might be that the l.H.L. was considered to be an American league, as Cosentino examined other professional leagues that emerged in eastern Canada shortly after the creation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club and the l.H.L. It is unfortunate that the magnitude of historical sport research often forces the historian to contain research within specific geographical confines. In the case of the l.H.L., it may be that its operations in both the United States and Canada could make extensive research difficult, as the two countries are usually examined either separately, or in comparison with one another. Kevin Jones also conducted extensive historical research on sport of this time period, but again, although the importance of the league is not overlooked, reference to the l.H.L. is limited.19 The extent to which the l.H.L. is examined by Jones and other sport historians is limited to a statement of the creation of the league by Gibson, its significance as the first professional hockey league, and its demise in 1 907. Perhaps the l.H.L.’s American origins are the reasons for the apparent lack of depth to which the league’s operations are analyzed. Even Metcalfe barely details the l.H.L. in his work, Canada Learns to Play20. Also, although Howell and Howell mention the genesis and existence of the l.H.L., in Sport and Games in Canadian Life, it is again, only briefly.21 The Trail of the Stanley Cup, Volume One, by Charles Coleman, provides an invaluable source of information for hockey historians. Coleman has meticulously compiled statistical and biographical information on the players of most of the teams and leagues that have competed for the Stanley Cup since 1893.22 Unfortunately, the Stanley Cup was not competed for by professional leagues, during the lifespan of the I.H.L., and therefore, 19Jones. 20Metcalfe. 21 Howell and Howell. 22Charles L. Coleman, The Trail of the Stanley CUD Vol. 1 1 893-1926 inc. (Dubuque: Kendall Hunt Publishing Company, 1966). 5 Coleman did not compile statistical information on this league. A majority of the authors who have written on specific events and players of this era use Coleman’s book for statistical reference, and do not choose to research the data themselves. This practice has created a gap in the information that is available on the teams and players of this time period that are not included in Coleman’s study. Finally, the Hockey Hall of Fame, which carries an extensive collection of works pertaining to hockey, was contacted for information or artifacts relating to the I.H.L. Following discussion with Phillip Pritchard,23 and a subsequent search for information at the Hall in Toronto, it was determined that little or no information was available on the l.H.L. However, the Hall does hold a scrapbook, containing newspaper clippings about the l.H.L., and several other miscellaneous artifacts. This review of literature has determined that readily available information on the formation, operation and subsequent demise of the International Hockey League, although not insignificant, is limited. Statement of the Problem The purpose of this study is to compile a comprehensive written history of the International Hockey League from 1 903 until its demise in 1907. The study will include the evaluation and examination of the following sub-problems, the extent to which will be determined by the availability of resources and the abilities of the researcher: a) the organization, administration, and operation of the l.H.L. b) the influences of other leagues, particularly the 0.H.A., on the I.H.L., and the ways in which the l.H.L. may have influenced other leagues. c) the impact of public views about professionalism on the International Hockey League and its members. 23Pritchard is the Manager of the Resource Centre and Acquisitions at the Hockey Hall of Fame and Museum, in Toronto, Ontario. 6 d) the relationships between financial and competitive success or failure, the League’s operations, and the influences of rival leagues. e) the impact of innovations, and rules changes on the l.H.L., and in particular, the sport of ice hockey in general. f) the influence of specific individuals on the League and its operations. Justification for the Study The review of literature has demonstrated that, to the best of this investigator’s knowledge, no comprehensive written history of the International Hockey League has been undertaken, although brief references to the League are frequent in the relevant literature on the history of sport in Canada, and the history of ice hockey. Despite the lack of emphasis placed on the League in the literature, the significance of the l.H.L. is duly noted as the first professional hockey league in North America. No works are concerned specifically with the l.H.L., although there have been some biographical analyses of players whose playing careers were at one time centered in the league. In such cases, references to the League are confined to specific occurrences and events during games of note, or related to the lives of the players in question, and, in some instances, proven to have been based on incorrect information. As previously discussed, the work of Coleman, with its detail of the history of hockey in North America, has left a noticeable gap in useful information, particularly concerning the statistical compilation of leagues and players. Therefore, those hockey researchers relying on Coleman have, of necessity, been more general in their treatment of the I.H.L. than other leagues. The fact that information is not as readily available for I.H.L. reference as for other leagues of the time period is, in itself, not reason enough to undergo a comprehensive written examination. Cosentino, among others, has hinted that the creation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and the International Hockey League had a profound effect on the sport 7 of ice hockey in eastern Canada. This can be evidenced by the sudden creation of other professional leagues following the competitive success of the Portage Lakes team, and the I.H.L.. The importance of the l.H.L. in establishing and leading to the acceptance of professionalism in ice hockey must not be overlooked. A comprehensive written history, and an understanding of the relationships between the l.H.L., competing leagues, and society can only be obtained through a detailed analysis of newspapers, artifacts, records, and reports available. Delimitations a) The time limits for the study are from 1 902 to 1 907, that is, from the year before the creation of professional hockey in Houghton, to the demise of the International Hockey League. In order to establish a setting for the work, information regarding the formation and development of ice hockey, both amateur and professional, and the views on sport in society of the time period are examined. Much of this information was acquired from sources that are concerned with issues prior to or after the selected years. b) The geographic area for the study is the Province of Ontario, and the states of Michigan and Pennsylvania. Limitations a) The availability and accessibility of resources will prove to be a limitation of this study. b) Most of the individuals involved with the operation of the International Hockey League are deceased. The whereabouts of those who remain are unknown, and may prove difficult to locate. Should it be possible to contact those who where involved with the l.H.L., it is not known if such persons would be willing or able to supply relevant information. 8 c) The Hockey Hall of Fame, under most circumstances, would provide an invaluable source of information for a work of this nature. However, upon discussion with Craig Campbell, Phillip Pritchard and Jeff Davis, of the Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, it has been determined that the Hall’s only source of information on the l.H.L. is one scrapbook. d) The information collected will rely heavily upon data reported in newspapers. The quality, and impartialness of the reporters of each paper will provide another limiting factor for this study. To obtain a more impartial and objective view of the events of each game, more than one account of the game will be analyzed, where possible. Hyøotheses The nature of this study requires the development of several hypotheses, which will be examined in light of information gathered during the investigative phase of the study. Conclusions and interpretations will be made on the basis of all or some of the following hypotheses: a) The International Hockey League played an important role in the development of professional hockey in Canada. b) The activities and operations of the l.H.L. and its members reflected and affected attitudes toward professionalism in both Canada and the United States. c) The operations and levels of play of the l.H.L. were the direct result of the influence of several important individuals and events. Sources of Information The sources of information used in this study were as follows: a) All relevant secondary sources, such as studies and works on professionalism in sports, Canadian and American sport history, hockey history, and the interaction of sport and hockey with society, as found in theses, articles in periodicals, and books. 9 b) Information regarding the methodology of sport history research, as well as works on the relationship between sport and society, specifically the time period 1895-1915. C) Newspapers, particularly those of the towns of Calumet, Houghton, Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan, Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, and Pittsburgh. d) The Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, and the Michigan State Library and Archives in Lansing, Michigan, which provided specific information on the towns, the I.H.L., and its members. Definition of terms In order to completely understand the study, the defining of certain terms is necessary. A number of terms relating to the rules and events that occur during the course of an ice hockey game will need clarification. For the purpose of this study “hockey” will be defined as the sport of ice hockey which was created in eastern Canada shortly after Confederation. A glossary of hockey and sport-related terms used during the period of l.H.L. operations has been compiled for this study, and can be found in the front matter of this thesis. The term “professional” will be defined as the act of accepting money for playing a sport, or of using a sport as a means of livelihood. The terms surrounding the concept of professionalism and amateurism will be elaborated upon following the completion of data collection. Methodoloav The research conducted follows the historical method. To determine the validity and reliability of the information studied, the data was subjected to a rigorous critical examination. Corroborative evidence was sought in all instances to determine the trustworthiness of collected material. (Using such methods, the external and internal validity of all data collected will be investigated, where possible). 10 The format of the study is: a) a chronological-thematic narrative of the events and occurrences of the International Hockey League from its inception to its demise b) an analysis and interpretation of the data collected, based on the criteria described earlier c) an evaluation of the l.H.L., focussing on the apparent success or impact of the League. 11 CHAPTER II BACKGROUND CONDITIONS RELATED TO THE STUDY Eastern Canada and Srort during the Late Nineteenth Century Both Canada and its sports were undergoing rapid changes during the latter half of the nineteenth century. While organized sport has been considered a consequence of the changes in Canadian society during this time, a more appropriate view would be to see sport as an integral part of society, reflecting the dominant social and political concerns of the period.1 In order to limit this study, changes in Canadian society that occurred following Confederation will be noted only when the effects of such changes served to dramatically shape organized sport in Canada. The period discussed witnessed the increased industrial development of Eastern Canada, which directly led to the development of organized sport.2 The emergence of organized sport in Canada can be attributed to a number of factors. Metcalfe reasoned that the network of railways, combined with urbanization and industrialization,3provided an environment suitable for the evolution of sport in Canada. Jobling further supports Metcalfe, by stating that “the technological changes which occurred throughout the nineteenth century, and the ramifications which they engendered, had the most profound effect on the development of sport in Canada.”4 1Metcalfe, 1 3. 2For a comprehensive view of the development of sport during this period, see Allan Cox, “A History of Sports in Canada, 1868-1900” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1 969). 3Metcalfe, 21. 4Ian Jobling, “Sport in Nineteenth Century Canada: The Effects of Technological Changes on its Development” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1970), 3. 12 Many of the most critical technological advancements were made in the area of transportation and communication. The steam-powered engine linked towns, permitting easier intra- and inter-city competition, while the telegraph enabled accurate information on sporting events to become available, and aided in the advancement of the mass press in the form of newspapers.5At approximately the same time as the appearance of the telegraph, railway construction had began in earnest in eastern Canada.6Cosentino identified the subsequent increase in inter-city sporting competition7that became a possibility for early Canadian athletes following the construction of additional railway lines. An excellent account of the effects of the industrial revolution, leading to the development of industrialization and urbanization, and to improvements in transportation and communication, can be found in Jobling’s doctoral dissertation “Sport in the Nineteenth Century Canada: The Effects of Technological Change on its Development”.8 The absence of adequate railway lines prior to Confederation confined sport to local areas; athletes were unable to travel great distances, and therefore could not compete against a wide range of opponents, or become exposed to the different sports being developed in different parts of eastern Canada. This greatly contributed to the slow advancement of organized sports in Canada.9 However, the growth of Canadian industry led to increased urbanization in eastern Canada, and more leisure time for the working class. The effects of these societal changes coincided with an increase in the number of sporting clubs in eastern Canada. From the formation of the first sporting club, changes in the social, cultural, economic, and technological patterns of society would greatly affect the 5Metcalfe, 5 1-52. 6Jobling, 32. 7Cosentino, 1 28. 8JobIing 9Cox, “History of Sport”, 20. 13 development of sport.’° According to Cox, railway travel and increased leisure time were not the only factors giving sport a more important role in Canadian society: By 1900 sport had attained an unprecedented position in the Canadian social scene, and this remarkable development had been achieved in a relatively short period of time through the railroad, the telegraph, the penny press, the electric light, the bicycle, the camera, and the mass production of sporting goods.11 Though such advancements led to an increase in the number of sporting clubs formed in the latter half of the nineteenth century, there were other conditions that would determine the types of sports to be pursued; the cold Canadian climate meant that between November and April, the winter shut down farms, froze the lakes of eastern Canada, and even slowed business.12 Cox also recognized the unique features of Canada that pioneers had to contend with, when considering the development of sport: Two of the major factors which influenced the development of sports were climate and terrain. The harsh winters, with snow on the ground for up to six months of every year, made it necessary for many settlers to become conversant with the use of snowshoes. Similarly, the use of ice-skates was often an economic, as well as social, necessity.13 The winters afforded more time for leisure activities for the rural families of Canada, whose farm duties were lessened, and “the Canadian winter sports scene [reflected] the ingenuity of the vigorous nineteenth century inhabitants of this northern land.”14 The commercialization of Canadian sport began in the 1 870’s in the urban centres of Eastern Canada. The earliest evidence of this phenomenon occurred in Montreal, where an emphasis was placed on the provision of facilities for both spectator and participatory 10Cox, “History of Sport”, 1. 1 lbid., 461. 12Peter Waite, “Between Three Oceans: Challenges of a Continental Destiny (1840-1900),” in The Illustrated History of Canada, ed. Craig Brown (Toronto: Lester & Orpen Dennys Limited, 1 987), 283. 13Cox, “History of Sport”,19. 14lbid., 198. 14 sport.15 Montreal has been called the “birthplace of organized sport” in Canada,16 due in part to the spectator potential it held for sporting events.17 Examples of early facilities developed for social and sporting events during the cold Montreal winters were the Victoria Skating Rink, built in 1862, followed by Guilbault’s Rink, in 1864.18 However, until the effects of industrialization and urbanization had become apparent, these facilities, along with most others, were not available for use by all members of Canadian society; “organized sport prior to Confederation was limited to the elite of a small but growing number of towns and was foreign to the lives of farmers, habitants, lumbermen, and fur traders, who typified the inhabitants of the country.”19 While sport should be considered “one of the sub-systems of culture that transcends socio-economic, educational, ethnic, and religious barriers,”20 it should be noted that before the onset of industrialization, sport was an exclusive domain of the social elite in society.21 The development of popular indigenous sporting activities was yet to occur, although immigrants had brought many leisure pursuits from Europe. It was these same immigrants who provided the funds to build facilities that could host athletic events, and many of the games and sports played were simply versions of the games played in Europe. However, the unique conditions of Canada resulted in variations of those same sports: 15Metcalfe, 1 34. 16lbid., 22. 17Cox, “History of Sport”, 275. 18Ibid., 6. 19Metcalfe, 29. 20Ibid., 13-14. 21Ibid., 29. 15 Even though the trends were the same and Montreal’s experience was repeated many times in the 1 870’s, local variations in the games played and the groups involved added to the richness and complexity of Canadian sport. What gave some coherence to sporting activity was the British influence; thus, cricket and curling were the most popular sports across English- speaking British North America • •22 The influence of British ideals upon Canadian sporting pursuits was now evident. Sport in Canada was moulded in the image of the British aristocracy, and upheld in children through the private school system; “these young native-born ‘Canadians’ were to play an important role in the organization of sport.”23 As the British heritage of many Canadians continued to influence the development of sport, the urbanization and industrialization of Canadian society made the games of the Old Country more unique. “Increased pressure from land use resulted in skyrocketing land prices that in turn affected sport by leading to restricted spatial boundaries and the development of specialized athletic facilities.”24 Pre-industrial sports such as cricket, curling, and baseball had included the potential for endless contest; now, newer sports were forced into specific time constraints25necessitated by the scarcity of facilities, or by times available for competition in an urbanized environment. The Emercience of Amateurism and Professionalism in Canadian SDort As sport necessarily became more structured, “the dominant social groups moved to create a network of social sporting clubs that were available only to the elite of society.”26 In an attempt to preserve sport as an upper middle class activity, certain means to deny specific groups in Canadian society the right to participate in organized sport were devised by the leaders and operators of the early sporting clubs and associations of eastern Canada. The emerging middle class in Canadian society had tried to pattern itself after the social 22Metcalfe, 26. 23lbjd., 30. 24lbid., 48. 25Ibjd., 50. 26Ibid., 32. 16 elite,27 and in most instances, the British aristocracy provided the most plausible model for the new social class to follow. Thus, in sport, the concept of amateurism was adopted, though its value and effects were unique in the Canadian context. Metcalfe explains that because the concept of amateurism existed as a way of life in Britain, within a closed social system, no definition of an amateur was necessary until the middle class, and then the workers, emerged as members of society that were able to partake in leisure activities. Then, “it became necessary to institutionalize, in written form, the value system - thus the attempts to define the amateur code.”28 In Canada, there can be no doubt that the concept of amateurism was taken from Britain, and assimilated into Canadian society through the military, private schools, and universities.29Metcalfe points out that the process of transmitting the concept of amateurism into Canadian culture was difficult, as the sports organizations were attempting to implement ideals that had evolved in a different social system.30 With the social gatherings afforded by their wealth, the upper classes enjoyed sporting activities such as hunting, horse-racing, and cricket. Sport then became a means through which this class could demonstrate gentlemanly conduct.31 By creating an amateur code that effectively separated the “gentleman from the other classes in society, the middle and upper classes in Canada could continue to maintain sport as an activity exclusive to their own social group, “while systematically excluding non-Europeans, women, and the working class from sport”.32 An example of this occurred in lacrosse, where all native Indians were declared professionals.33 In doing this, the sports 27Cosentino, 23. 28Metcalfe, 121. 29lbjd 30Ibid. 3’Ibid., 120. 32Richard Gruneau and David Whitson, Hockey Niciht in Canada: Sport. Identities, and Cultural Politics (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1993), 17. 33Cosentino, 36. 17 organizations had essentially barred the natives from participating in gentlemanly competition. While social standing remained a factor when determining amateur status, the question of pecuniary gain from participation finally became an issue in the 1870’s. Although accepting money for competing was already common, it only became significantly linked to professionalism in the early 1 880’s, when social distinction had waned as a criterion for the definition of an amateur.34 Metcalfe would call the amateur definition the greatest and most destructive contribution that sport organizations made during this period: By 1 884, an embryonic exclusionary system provided the foundation stone of all future definitions. Unfortunately, in doing so, the organizers of amateur sport, either consciously or unconsciously, failed to solve the real problem of defining the ideology itself and of developing a meaningful system to implement it. Instead, a system was created that effectively excluded professionals . . . . in doing this it excluded large segments of the population and thus sowed the seeds of a class-based amateur code.36 In 1884 the Amateur Athletic Association of Canada (A.A.A.C.) was formed, in response to concerns of professionalism in sports such as lacrosse.37 An amateur definition was quickly forged, and subsequently revised over the years. The following is a partial list, compiled by Metcalfe, that shows the evolution of the A.A.A.C.’s amateur definition: 34Cosentino, 76. 35rvietcalfe, 100. 122-1 23. 37Ibid., 105. 18 1884: An amateur is one who has never[:1 competed for a money prize staked a bet. . . [competed] with or against any professional for any prize, assisted in the practice of athletic exercises as a means of obtaining a livelihood. 1886 (Add) . . . entered any competition under a name other than his own. 1 902(Add): (received] private or public gate receipts; . . . directly or indirectly, received any bonus or a payment in lieu of loss of time while playing as a member of any club, or any money considerations whatever for any services as an athlete except his actual travelling and of selling or pledging his prizes.38 While sports organizations such as the A.A.A.C. attempted to regulate sports in Canada on the British model, Canada was developing a sporting identity of its own; although “organized sport was created by men and thus was rooted in their own life experiences and cultural traditions, its particular form and characteristics were related to changes in the nature of Canadian society.”39 For this reason, some of the traditional British games, such as cricket and curling, began to lose popularity, as they were identified with Britain, and not with the emerging Canadian ideals.’ Cox stated that “the social life of Canada underwent several upheavals during this period, for the British traditions began to weaken. British North America was becoming a nation with a distinctive character.”41 The emergence of North American pastimes was evidenced by the popularity of baseball, which, other than rowing, was the first sport to be characterized as professional in Canada. •42 “Baseball had taken root among the working class and was to remain, for the most part, outside the jurisdiction of amateur sport organizations dominated by the middle class that were to emerge later.”43 Baseball’s affinity for professionalism was tied to its class origins, but was also due to its popularity in rural areas. “Rural baseball teams sometimes found it difficult to compete on an equal footing with urban teams without some kind of commercial sponsorship or financial 38Metcalfe, 123, citing Lansley, (University of Alberta, 1971), 290, 295, and 300. 39lbid., 47-48. 40lbicj., 21. 4Cox, 39. 42Cosentino, 135. 43Metcalfe, 26. 19 inducements to skilled players.”44The resistance that the sports organizations were receiving was no doubt the result of attempts by the lower classes, whose best interests were not recognized by the amateur code, to participate in athletics under the conditions that were forced upon them. Cox has noted that, with some sports existing outside the control of the sports organizations, and with some resistance to the implementation of the amateur code, there was a stronger movement towards a return to amateurism during the final decades of the nineteenth century. £ Gruneau and Whitson postulated that the: spirit of regulation was also being driven by a more widespread public anxiety about the perceived threats, uncertainties, and dislocations of a society developing a modern urban and industrial culture: social unrest, psychic disorders, disease, vice, and cultural decline. In this context the regulation of leisure and popular culture became heavily influenced by an evangelistic spirit of moral entrepreneurship.46 While it could be presumed that the “gentlemen” feared that their lower-class professional counterparts could equal them in competition, there was another reason for the upholders of amateurism to try to stop professionalism: Nineteenth-century custodians of amateurism feared that commercialism in sport would put an overly great premium on spectacle rather than play, that it would lead to inflamed passion and violence rather than moral discipline and self-improvement, and that it would deflect people for participating in sport fairly and ‘for its own sake.’47 One factor that was constant through sport, amateur or commercial, was the presence of money.48 As the popularity of sport increased during the 1870’s and 1880’s, the larger number of teams and spectators, combined with the rising price of land, made sport facilities more expensive to maintain. The answer to this problem was to recognize 44Gruneau and Whitson 66. 45Cox, “History of Sports”, 469. 46Gruneau and Whitson, 42. 47lbid., 69. 48Metcalfe, 141. 20 sport as a means of income, and to market teams in order to sustain their operation.49 The presence of the potential for sport as a means of monetary gain became apparent, and essential, for even the staunchest supporters of the amateur code: Even the most self-righteous proponents of the amateur game were not above charging spectators a fee in order to make money for their teams and associations. However, for many people, both within and outside the amateur associations, this simply dramatized the arbitrary and hypocritical character of existing regulations defining the limits of amateurism and professionalism 50 Jones explained that the increase in loyal spectators, which resulted in increased club revenue, ultimately lead to the rise of professionalism in several sports.51 Cox noted that by the end of the nineteenth century, the A.A.A.C. “seemed to be fighting a losing battle against professionalism in those team sports which drew large, paying crowds.”52 The battle against professionalism was made even more complicated when it became apparent that each sport had developed its own concept of amateurism.53 By 1 900, most team sports had begun accepting “professionalism as a means of maintaining or enhancing their popularity.”54The influence of spectators upon professional and amateur team sport was far greater than simply providing clubs and organizations with a means of revenue. The spectators demanded better quality teams and players, and competition increased for talented players.55 The emergence of professional team spectator sports seemed to be inevitable, the result of a changing Canadian society, from pre-industrial to industrial.56 49Metcalfe, 133-134. 50Gruneau and Whitson, 71. 51Jones, 1. 52Cox, “History of Sport”,420. 53Keith Lansley, “The Amateur Athletic Union of Canad and Changing Concepts of Amateurism” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1971), 22. 54jones, 7. 55lbid., 27-28. 56Metcalfe, 1 30. 21 With the increase in professional spectator sport, the control that amateur organizations had exhibited over the various sports would be weakened, unless appropriate changes to the amateur code were made. By 1900, sport was no longer a privilege of affluent members of society, but a social expectation of almost all Canadians,57 and this made regulation by the affluent operators of the sporting clubs and amateur bodies increasingly difficult. As the century ended, amateur status was no longer determined by social position; a player was declared professional based on the monetary rewards received for his athletic performance.58Team spectator sport had become the most troublesome sport to control, because of the potential profitability of teams or leagues. Consequently, the A.A.A.C. revised its constitution in 1 896. to reflect the changing attitudes towards professionalism, created by the presence of athletes receiving money for their participation in sports. However, “the problem of professionalism in amateur sport was escalating at such a pace that within six years it would become the only meaningful issue facing the C.A.A.U. The denouement came in lacrosse and hockey.”59 The Oriciins and Development of Ice Hockey The cold winter climate found in Canada led to the development of a number of popular winter sports, both indigenous and adopted from European pastimes. In the years following Confederation, ice hockey quickly became one of the most popular sports, played in a number of different settings and under the influence of the rules of several other sports. To gain a greater understanding of the important events considered for this study, an analysis of the developments in ice hockey, its rules, equipment, and facilities is required. Skating had been introduced in North America as early as the seventeenth century, “but this activity did not become popular until prepared ice surfaces were provided and 57Cox, “Sport in Canada”, 117. Sport was pursued as both an physical and viewing activity. 58Jones, 434. 59Metcalfe, 111. 22 spring skates were invented during the [1 860’s].” 60 Early forms of ice hockey were played in the 1 850’s by members of the military garrisons, in both Kingston and Halifax.61 Because of the variations in rules, and the lack of evidence to distinctly determine the actual origins of the sport, “there is little point in engaging in debate about which folk game, played where, or when, is the true precursor to the modern game of hockey.”62 The development of ice rinks in eastern Canada is somewhat more easily documented. Rinks were a British North American innovation, with the first covered rink built in the early 1 850’s, in Quebec City.63 “The origins of the first ice rinks lay within the upper middle class who formed semi-commercial rinks in order to enjoy skating, masquerades, and balls. Thus the creation of ice rinks preceded hockey.64 With Montreal acting as an early pioneer, by the 1 870’s, Canada featured a dozen covered rinks.65 In Montreal, the Victoria Skating Rink was built in 1862, and served as a playground for the social and business elite of that city.66 While other cities may lay claim to the first matches, Montreal must be considered the city most critical in the development of the sport. The importance of Montreal in the development of ice hockey has been widely acknowledged; “sport historians are virtually unanimous in their recognition that hockey’s organizational roots, early written rules, and formally regulated codes of conduct first took hold in Montreal during the 1870’s.”67 The earliest mention of an organized game of hockey 60Cox, “History of Sport”, 5-6. 61Cox, “History of Sport”, 226. 62Gruneau and Whitson, 37. 63Cox,”History of Sport”, 6. 64Metcalfe, 145. 655.F. Wise and Douglas Fisher, Canada’s Soortinn Heroes (Don Mills: General Publishing Company Limited, 1974), 1 974. 66Metcalfe, 135. 67Gruneau and Whitson, 37. 23 occurred at the Victoria Skating Rink, on March 3, 1875.68 Towards the end of the 1 870’s, interest in the sport had increased, and “by 1 877 there were at least three formally organized hockey clubs in Montreal, and a set of rules borrowed from English field hockey had been published in the Montreal Gazette.”69 Rules were compiled by several McGill University students, who used the new regulations during a tournament at the Montreal “Winter Carnival”, held in 1883.70 As hockey became firmly entrenched in the Montreal sports setting, other towns began organizing teams.71 “Hockey had no visible competitors and was well placed to become the winter game of choice for young anglophone professionals and businessmen with an emergent sense of national belonging.”72 In 1890, hockey teams were organized in Ottawa and Winnipeg, and “by 1895, Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, Halifax, St. John, Quebec City, Peterborough and Ottawa all boasted intra-city leagues.”74 Despite the expansion of the sport in the mid 1890’s, hockey was still available to only select social groups and locations, but “by 1905 it had invaded all corners of Canada.”75 The rapid growth of the sport in the 1 890’s had stimulated the building of covered rinks in the smaller towns across Canada.76 This was crucial to the survival of hockey, as most winter sports that did not go indoors did not survive by the turn of the 68Metcalfe, 61. Players played nine to a team. 69Gruneau and Whitson, 38. 70Cox, “History of Sport”, 230-231. 71Cox, 236. Toronto had adopted the sport by 1888. 72Gruneau and Whitson, 41. 73Cox, “History of Sport”, 233. 74Metcalfe, 63. 75lbid., 64. 145. 24 century.77 “Hockey had, by 1900, progressed rapidly from the game of shinny-on-your- own-side to a popular sport played and watched by all classes of society in Canada.”78 The effects of urbanization were already effecting a sport which was only in its developmental stages. “Originally played on open bays, rivers, or any open space, ice hockey was a free-wheeling, far-ranging game whose boundaries were determined by the availability of clear ice.”79 Movement into the defined spatial boundaries of the city rinks coincided with the increase in players and leagues. The standardization of rules was necessary to facilitate inter-city and inter-provincial competition.80 Rules The first game organized in Montreal, in 1 875, featured two nine-player teams composed of members of the Montreal Football Club, and “by 1879 the number of players per side had been reduced from nine to seven and a standardized set of rules had been adopted. These rules were the foundation of all future rules.”81 Montreal cannot be given exclusive credit for the development of the rules of ice hockey, however, for some other innovations had been tried earlier in Halifax. 82 Many variations of playing rules were created in the 1890’s, coinciding with the formation of various associations. The Ontario Hockey Association published its first set of rules in 1890, including several codes of conduct that would remain in the sport for many years.83 Later in that decade, Arthur Farrell of the Shamrock Hockey Club wrote a hockey manual, and included a brief set of 77jones, 214. 78Cox, “History of Sport”, 244. 79Metcalfe, 48. 811b1d., 63. 82Hugl, Hoyles, “The History and Development of Hockey”, (Unpublished paper, University of Alberta, 1968), 19. 83lbid 19-20. 25 regulations, 84 but because the game was constantly developing, rule changes were made almost every year. Play was governed by a single referee, who was assisted by a number of other officials. Two timekeepers monitored the length of each of the thirty-minute halves, stopping the time clock for various reasons: injuries to players, equipment problems, a lost puck or any other delays; the timekeepers would also notify players when they could return to the ice after they had been penalized by the referee.85 Certain activities resulted in the stoppage of time; a game would stop for a player who had broken a skate, but not for a broken stick.86 Goal judges stood directly behind each goal,87 always exposed to possible injury, or to potential interference with the play. The decisions of the goal judge (also called the umpire) would be final, “though in case of manifest unfairness he [could] be removed by the referee and a successor chosen.”88 An intermission of ten minutes separated the two thirty- minute halves; a tie at the end of play would result in two more five-minute halves to decide a victor in the contest.89 The puck would be “faced” to commence play - placed between the sticks of two opposing players, who would “draw” at the sound of the referee’s whistle or bell.90 The puck would also be “faced” to commence halves, or following the scoring of a goal, at the center of the rink. Should a foul occur, or the puck leave the ice area, a “face” would occur at the point which the last shot was made.91 84Coleman, 1. See Appendix A for a complete list of Farrell’s rules. 85Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag. 86Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag. 87Eric Whitehead, Cyclone Taylor: A Hockey Legend (Toronto: Doubleday Canada Limited, 1977), 29. 88Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02. n. pag. 90lbid. 91Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.. 26 Of the few rules that regulated the sport at the start of the twentieth century, the most obvious was the “off-side” rule.92 A player could not, under any circumstances, precede the puck when travelling towards the opposing goal. A newspaper from that period reported that “the most difficult thing in connection with a hockey game from the spectator’s point of view is the off-side play, that is, it is difficult for the spectator to detect during the swiftly moving incidents during the game.”93 While the off-side rule would later become more refined in the game of hockey, it was considered integral to the game at the turn of the century: This [off-side rule] develops team play, which makes the game so spectacular and prevents fluke scoring of goals, which might result if there were no rule to prevent a man from loafing in front of his opponents’ goal, waiting for a chance to bat the puck in should it be ‘lifted’ to that vicinity by another member of his own team.94 The act of “loafing off-side” was treated with severe condemnation by many involved with the sport. A Winnipeg man, Mitchell Hartstone, explained the nuances of such an act: If an official is not strict and a player who is poor in training allows the puck to get away from him and [the puck] is carried back up the ice he is liable to lie down and rest until his men get it back even with him and put him on side. The officials do not permit this at all and after warning a man once they put him off the ice for three or four minutes.95 There were a number of other rules that were subsequently altered; touching the puck with the hand would only be introduced at the turn of the century, and the goalkeeper could not, under any circumstances, fall to the ice to stop the puck.96 In addition, 92SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag. 93Minina Gazette, Dec 18/03, n. pag. 94Sault Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag. 95Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag. An example occurred in Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan, where a player, Westcott, was penalized for loafing; Mining Gazette, Jan 26/04, n. pag. 96The Ontario Hockey Association: Constitution, Rules of Competition and Laws of the Game (Ottawa: Department of Agriculture, as amended, 1 900). 27 substitutions were generally forbidden; if a player was forced to leave the ice because of injury, his team was forced to play with one less player; more generally, however, good sportsmanship prevailed, and the opposing team would remove a player from the ice to even the teams.97 Teams consisted of seven players, each having a particular duty on the ice, determined by the position which was taken. Positions could be divided into three areas: the goalkeeper, who played directly in front of the goal and was responsible for stopping the puck from passing between the poles; the defence men, consisting of the point, who played directly in front of the goalkeeper, and the cover point, who assumed a position in front of the point; and the forwards; two wings, a center, and a rover.98 By the turn of the century, the standardization of rules was almost complete. The sport had evolved to the point where only minor changes were made in rules through the first decade of the twentieth century. However, “there were minor differences in the rules governing the play of teams in Ontario and Quebec but major differences did not arise until the formation of the Pacific Coast Hockey Association [in 1911-12].” Equipment Because hockey was a newly-developing sport, equipment innovations were occurring constantly. The mass production of sporting goods was beginning to have an impact in the other more established sports. Consequently, many early efforts to make the sport of hockey easier on its players were the result of using or modifying existing equipment used in other sports. During the early part of the nineteenth century, skates consisted of a piece of wood with a broad iron blade set into them, 100 but by 1900, the 97Mininc Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag. 98lbid 99Coleman, 1. 100JobIing, 234. 28 PLATE I The Harold A. Wilson Outfitters of Every Known Pastime, 35 KING ST. WEST, TORONTO. co.t Wil,ion Hockey Hoots ss.oo pair. Lmin’ Skate and Wilson Boot, complete. *8.00. Wilson Hockey Boots .300 pair. 3He Mho Skate and VIl.on Boot, complete. $6.00. _•%•‘__‘__‘,..__._s_• The Harold A. Wilson Co., 35 King st. W., Toronto Skate Advertisement - 1900 (The O.H.A: Constitution and Rules, 1900) 29 evolution of the skate had reached the point where tubular skates101 were being introduced into league play in all parts of Canada. Poor skate construction led to the frequent breaking of the skate blades during games, resulting in extended stoppages of play.102 Jobling provides a more detailed view of the development of the ice skate in his work “Sport in the Nineteenth Century Canada: The Effects of Technological Changes on its Development.”103 Some equipment innovations were implemented during the games played throughout Canada, and effective ones were quickly adopted by players in most leagues. Early goalkeepers wore shin pads, but the padding was similar to those worn by other skaters until 1896, when Winnipeg player G.H. Merritt wore cricket pads for the first time.104 Soon, cricket pads would become standard equipment for all goaltenders in hockey, until the 1920’s.05 By 1900, goalkeepers would also wear “an unpadded buckskin gauntlet with a long cuff.”106 This, along with a padded leather glove, would protect the arms and hands of the players in goal. The pants worn by goalkeepers were similar in style to those worn by the other players on the ice. This was probably because the goalkeepers did not drop to the ice to stop the puck, and therefore did not require any additional protection. A unique goaltender’s stick did not appear until 1 907, when Riley Hem began using one while playing for the Montreal Wanderers.107 101 Jones, 258. 102An example occurred when Taylor of the Sault Ste Marie, Ontario team broke his skate in a match against Houghton. Mining Gazette, Jan 14/05, n. pag. 103Jobling. ‘04Coleman, 5. This fact has been disputed; in many instances different leagues or players have been credited with similar innovations. 105Jeff Davis, et. al., “Evolution of Equipment”, (Unpublished paper, Toronto: Hockey Hall of Fame, 1991), n. pag. 106lbid 107Hoyles, 1 3. The stick had a noticeably wider blade, unlike those used by earlier goalkeepers. 30 PLATE II The Harold A. Wilson Co Hockey Knickers. No. 1, extra quality, whi(e, $1.50 pair. No. 2, good quali ty. white, $1 pair. Made in following colours at 25c pair extra: black, navy, royal, maroon, grey. Athletic Emblems made to order in any design. Prices on application. made in any style or colour to order. Prices on ap1ication. Any colour or combination of colours to order. Prices on application. The Harold A. Wilson Co., 35 KIng St. W., Toronto Hockey Equipment Advertisement - 1900 (The O.H.A. Constitution and Rules, 1900) 35 King St. West, Toronto. Hockey Jerseys and Sweaters Hookey Stockings. 31 The other skaters on a hockey team wore very little equipment in hockey’s formative years. Shin guards were developed separately from knee pads, and eventually the two were merged into one guard, made of aluminum, or of fibrous material. The pads were lined with felt and leather for comfort, and eventually worn inside the stockings rather than on the outside of the uniform.108 The earliest pants were cotton britches or football pants with little or no padding, but by the early 1900’s, quilted padding of cotton batting or felt was sewn into the pants. Most models of “hockey knickers” contained padding on the hips, and were later made with canvas for greater durability.109 Helmets, shoulder and elbow pads were not used regularly until a few decades into the twentieth century. 1 10 Players such as Fred Taylor introduced many equipment refinements through experiments with their own uniforms. While in Listowel, Ontario, Taylor began sewing felt around the shoulders and back of his jersey, and also had bone stays, similar to those used in ladies’ corsets, sewn into his pants to protect his thighs. rn Sticks were made from a single piece of wood, and were shaped more like those used in field hockey. They were traditionally hand-made, but eventually wood specialists in Quebec and Ontario could produce sturdy sticks in greater quantities for public consumption.2Jobling noted that “by 1900, the sticks in use were not unlike the basic hockey stick of today as, over several decades, the handles became longer and the blades 108Davis. “°9lbid. 1 10lbid. Sticks made during this period were heavier and thicker than those used today, and, although breakage occurred with far less frequency, players may have found it more awkward to stickhandle with such a bulky piece of wood. 1Whitehead, 27. 112Davis 32 flatter.”113 The stick blade would remain flat, however, as it would be at least another fifty years before players began curving their blades to increase the velocity of their shots.114 Facilities As discussed earlier, the rinks built in eastern Canada shortly following Confederation were not initially developed for hockey use. As a result, there was little incentive to construct rinks of universal dimensions. This would create potential problems as teams began to travel to other arenas to play, only to discover vastly different playing conditions. It would not be until at 1 895 that rinks were built specifically for the purpose of hosting hockey games,115 but even then, the structures were not always conducive for play: The ‘boards’ or hockey cushions of the early days were only about twelve inches high so that the spectators had a few extra hazards from flying pucks and bodies. They did facilitate the passage of players who occasionally found it necessary to wade into the crowd after some fan who had been too liberal with his abuse.116 The low boards did affect the games in other ways. Many times, players would lift the puck into the seats in order to delay the progress of the match,117 and these “lifts” were a useful strategy to many players during this period. There was as yet, no “icing” rule, so a player could send the puck from one end of the ice to the other to relieve pressure, should the puck be contained in the defensive zone for a prolonged period of time. Because a player could not pass the puck forward to a team mate, lifting also provided a means by which the puck could be advanced, as players would skate down the ice and hope to take the puck from the opponent who was having trouble controlling the lifted puck. The arenas 13jobling, 245. 4Hoyles, 12. 15Cox, “History of Sport”, 238. 16Coleman, 6-7. 117Roy Brown reportedly did this twice in a match in Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, in 1907. Soo Evening News, Feb 9/07, n. pag. 33 of the period also became a factor, as the goaltender would lose sight of the puck when it was carried high into the air: In the meanwhile the forwards would skate themselves dizzy trying to be in position for the puck descending from the gloom overhead. In rinks that were festooned with flags and bunting, the high lifts could be trapped and the puck might drop anywhere.118 The goalkeepers would often lose sight of the puck, only to find it behind them, in the goal.1 19 Ice surfaces were maintained only as long as freezing temperatures were present- artificial ice rinks would not appear in Canada until the Patrick family built the Denman Arena in Vancouver in December of 1911 120 Late in the season, the ice would often become soft and slow during the progress of the game, since the ice was not resurfaced or flooded between the halves of games. Rink sizes also fluctuated widely, although Arthur Farrell stated, in his 1899 rule book, that a rink size must be at least 112 by 58 feet.121 By 1905, the minimum length of a rink had grown to one hundred and fifty feet.122 The Regulation and Formation of Associations By the beginning of the twentieth century, hockey had evolved into a sport with standardized rules, equipment, and specialized facilities. It was continually growing in terms of participants and spectators, necessitating the creation of more leagues and organizations to oversee hockey operations. Organized sport, in general, equalled its own country in levels of expansion, for Thne of the defining characteristics of the emergence of organized sport was the development of local, provincial, national and international organizations to 8CoIeman, 5-6. 9Billy Baird of Pittsburgh made a habit of scoring in this manner by lifting the puck from the center of the ice toward the opponents goal; Soo Evening News, Feb 3/06, n. pag. 120Metcalfe, 67. 121Coleman, 1. See also Appendix A. 1 22I.H.L Game Program and Score Card, Michigan Soo vs. Calumet, Feb 23-24, 1905. (Privately published.) 34 administer and control sport .”123 The méral entrepren eurs recognized by Gruneau and Whitson had seen the need for hegemony in sport. “A civilizing national culture might then require that educated elites use their resources to create instit utions and cultural programs that were socially beneficial a nd morally uplifting.”124 Until the early 1880’s, hockey was played almost exclusively in Montreal. By 1886, Montreal was organizing a tou rnament to determine the cham pionship of the city, 125 and in December of that year, repres entatives from Montreal, Ottaw a, and Quebec City met to form the Amateur Hockey As sociation of Canada, facilitating more inter-city competition.1 26 “Hockey was effectively admi nistered by the Amateur Hockey Association of Canada, formed in 1886, the Ontario H ockey Association, [formed] in 1 890, and the Manitoba and Northwestern Amateur Hocke y Association [were] formed in 1892.”127 Gruneau and Whitson noted that “hockey w as the only other sport [along with ba seball] that had comparably broad patterns o f recruitment or was being prom oted by such diverse organizations.”128This was e videnced by the variety of diffe rent associations developed to oversee the teams organized in Eastern Canada. Hockey was in a constant state of growth, but the success of teams was not always guaranteed. “Leagues were f ormed, shrank, were enlarged, revamped, folded and reforme d. Teams moved, changed nam es, and players drifted about the landscape like snowflakes i n a lazy prairie breeze.”129 Despit e the presence of the A.H.A.C., “there was no dominant 123Alan Metcalfe, “Power: A Case Study of the Ontario Hockey Asso ciation, 1890-1936’, in Journal of Soort History Vol. 19, no.1 (Spring 1992), 5. 124Gruneau and Whitson, 42. 125bid., 38. 126Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Pl ay, 63. 127Jones, 259. 128Gruneau and Whitson, 66. 29Whitehead, 35. 35 league or association . . . or any tru ly national governing body. “130 Another need for associations was evidenced by the d esire to have a universal champion in t he sport: the emergence of teams in various ci ties and provinces ted to a proliferation of so-called ‘champions .’ These ‘championships’ were prima rily regional, but sometimes organization s attempted to establish more broadly based championships and laid claim to the title ‘Champion of Canada.’ Th e activities of these organizations broug ht some degree of cohesion to the growing chaos in sport. . . . Within this small group of organizations Canadian amateur sport was forme d.131 By the late 1880’s, interest in hock ey had spread to Toronto, Winnipeg, and Halifax. In 1 892, and in response to the gro wing number of teams, the A.H.A.C. then adopted a league, rather than the challenge fo rmat for competition.132 In Toronto , hockey did not appear until around 1887, but the sp ort grew in popularity “so quickly th at within two years five sporting clubs were conducting regular matches.”133 In response to t he interest in the sport, a meeting was arranged in N ovember of 1890, “with the aim of b ringing some order to the game that at the time was blooming in parts of eastern Canad a but had no overall organization.”134Thus, the Ontario H ockey Association was formed, whi ch quickly became one of the most powerful sporting organizations in Canada.135 The threat of professionalism beca me the main concern of the O.H.A., and “the protection of amateurism that lay a t the heart of the O.H.A. . . . was the foundation of its power.”136 John Ross Robertson a ssumed the presidency of the Associ ation, and adopted a strict anti-professional Constitution . Robertson was quick to profession alize any teams or players who, knowingly or unknow ingly, had played with or against an y alleged 130Whitehead, 35.. 3Metcalfe, 99. 132b1d., 63. 133Bruce Kidd and John Macfarlane, Th e Death of Hockey (Toronto: News Press, 1972), 101. ‘34Young, 100 Years, 7. 135Metcatfe, “Power”. 136lbid., 7. 36 professionals.137 Through its stance on professionalism; “the O.H.A. influenced who played, where hockey was played, and how it was played. . . . through their control of amateur status, residence requirements, etc., they waged an ongoing battle to control who played hockey.”138 A consequence of the control that the O.H.A. had on hockey in eastern Canada was the fact that, in the first decade of the twentieth century, many of the amateur teams affiliated with that association were the equal of, if not better than, the professional teams that had become organized.139 Because of this, and because of the power that the O.H.A. held over all levels of hockey, the growth of the professional game was directly related to the actions of the amateur associations, particularly the O.H.A.’4° Later in this study, the extent to which the O.H.A. affected the development of both professional and amateur ice hockey will be examined in greater detail. An example of the impact of the O.H.A.’s amateur stance on hockey was seen in the expulsion of the Cornwall team in 1903. Subsequently, Cornwall, along with three other disgruntled clubs, formed the Federal Amateur Hockey League. Cosentino states that this “Amateur” title was in name only; the league allowed payments to players.141 The formation of the Federal League also led to increased competition for players, particularly with the dominant Eastern Canada Amateur Hockey Association (E.C.A.H.A,), formed in 1905. By 1907, the E.C.A.H.A. recognized and allowed payments to players.142 137Metcalfe, “Power”, 7. 1 381b1d., 23. Other leagues included: the A.H.A.C., operating from 1893-1898; the C.A.H.L., from 1899-1 905; and the F.A.H.L., from 1904-1 907. 139Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 168. 40lbid. 141Cosentino, 224. 142Metcalfe, 170. 37 Amateurism and Professionalism in Ice Hockey A more detailed examination of the developments of professionalism in ice hockey in Canada is required, to understand the conditions that led to the development of hockey into a professional team spectator sport. Through the early 1880’s, hockey remained a sport exclusive to the upper classes.143 At this time, “hockey was one of the few sports which was not beset with the problems of amateurism versus professionalism. Profits to teams were meagre, as crowds were generally small, and prices for admission low.”1 However, developments in other sports would have an influence on hockey: Baseball thus provided an early model for the possibility and legitimacy of professional team sport in Canada. Given the immense popularity of professional and semi-professional baseball in Canadian communities in the summers of the late nineteenth century, the odds were not good that the proponents of amateurism would gain full control over hockey.145 Lacrosse, which was also becoming professionalized, had an effect on hockey as well; “since their seasons were not in conflict, in fact they complimented each other, it was a natural arrangement for many athletes to play both sports.”146 Significant problems with professional players arose in the mid 1 890’s, with claims of amateur clubs using “ringers”.147 Metcalfe indicated that the intrusion of professionals emerged in response to the expansion of different teams and groups playing hockey, which in turn led to the emergence of hockey as a commercial and spectator sport.148 Cosentino postulated that the introduction of the Stanley Cup led indirectly to professionalism in hockey; “the opportunity to gain the prized trophy was reason enough for many teams to offer jobs, or situations, and/or financial awards to players who it was felt could win the 143Metcalfe, 65. 144Cox, “History of Sport”,243. 45Gruneau and Whitson, 67. 146Cosentino, 204. 147Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 70. 148Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 169. 38 Cup.”149 Gruneau and Whitson also sensed the change in attitude toward the pursuit of victory; “it began not to matter if the home team was made up of players from outside the community or city. What mattered was that the team be successful, and that the community was able to identify with that success.”150 Hockey had also become a means through which Canadian men of more humble origins could achieve both fame and wealth, through achievement in sport.15’Thus the alleged ideals proclaimed by the upper class leaders of the hockey associations began to be ignored by many of the participants, as well as the organizational leaders themselves: Pseudo-amateurism and shamateurism were the order of the day, but because of hockey’s roots in amateurism and vested interests of clubs seeking the Stanley Cup, the premier amateur clubs were able to avoid the consequences of their actions.152 The means through which clubs could avoid detection were varied; “some of the stronger clubs did attract players by securing them attractive employment in their town or city.”53 Ultimately, professionalism took on new definitions and meanings, as the means through which players received rewards for playing became more complex; being paid under-the- table would remain one of the simplest ways of being considered a professional. An example of the methods used to entice players was the transfer of employees to different locations by larger businesses or corporations. When Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, player “Bucky” Freeman was transferred to Winnipeg by the Bank of Commerce, the Toronto Globe and Mail reported that “it is now generally understood that when a bank hockey player is transferred in the early winter season his ability to handle the hockey stick is one of the reasons for his being moved.”154 To aid in detecting such practices, residency 149Cosentino, 1 61-162. 150Gruneau and Whitson, 72. 151lbid., 85. 152Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 169. 153Cox, “History of Sport”, 243. 1 54Globe and Mail, Jan 8/04, n. pag. 39 rules were developed, to identify players who were in towns solely for the purpose of playing hockey. However, it was not long before teams and players devised ways to avoid being discovered by the associations: Other illegal ways were much more complicated, being based simply on fraud. Let’s say a man with impeccable residence credentials couldn’t play the game for sour apples, but now could be induced to lend his name, birth certificate, and other records temporarily (long enough for O.H.A. inspection) to another man who could skate like the wind, had a deadly shot, and was unlikely to be spotted as a fake by a strange crowd in an away game.155 In addition to the O.H.A., other respected leagues such as the E.C.A.H.A. and the F.A.H.L. were constantly facing accusations of professionalism with their league clubs, “but the authorities were able to avoid the consequences by collusion and evasion.”156 Too often, evidence appeared suggesting that these apparently amateur leagues were, hypocritically, knowingly supporting their players in a financial manner. In 1898, Ottawa goalkeeper Frank Chittick refused to dress for a playoff game because he had not been given his share of complimentary tickets to the game. Presumably, he would have been able to sell these tickets to earn money.157 For many, the professionalization of ice hockey seemed to be inevitable: It was a very short step from the idea of marketing teams for the purpose of expanding gate receipts in amateur hockey to the formation of teams that included professionals - specialists whose livelihoods depended upon fulfilling customers’ expectations for skilled play and winning performances.158 By 1 904, open professionalism had arrived in Canada with the Sault Ste Marie, Ontario, team joining the openly-professional International Hockey League. 155Young, 100 Years, 36-37. 156Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 1 69. 157Kidd, 103. 58Gruneau and Whitson, 71. 40 CHAPTER III THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUE This chapter is concerned with the International Hockey League, formed in the fall of 1 904. However, for the purpose of this study, an examination of the conditions that led to the development of the l.H.L. is necessary, before an analysis of the events of the International Hockey League can be made. Therefore, an investigation into the developments in ice hockey prior to the formation of the l.H.L., as well as overviews of the various towns that hosted l.H.L. games is required. In addition, those individuals whose achievements directly affected the operation and success of the l.H.L. should be recognized, and their contributions noted. Early Ice Hockey in the United States Just as Canada had undergone drastic changes during the latter half of the nineteenth century, so had the United States. The industrialization of North America influenced sports in both countries, but “sport in Nineteenth-century America was as much a product of industrialization as it was an antidote to it.”1 Like Canada, the United States had borrowed many of the sporting ideals that were prevalent in Britain. However, the adoption of this class-oriented system of sport was less pronounced in America: The United States was different. This is not to accept that there were no divisions based on social class in America, but it is to accept that such divisions were less profound and that there were cultural tendencies that worked against such divisions.2 iJohn Rickards Betts, “The Technological Revolution and Rise of Sport, 1850-1900”, in fl American Soorting Exoerience: A Historical Antholociy of Soort in America ed. Steven A. Riess (New York: Leisure Press, 1984), 1 56. 2S. J. S. lckringill, “Amateur and Professional Sport in Britain and America at the Turn of the Twentieth Century”, in Sport, Culture and Politics. ed.s J.C. Binfield and John Stevenson (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993), 42. 41 For this reason, amateur sport did not gain as strong a foothold in sport as it had in Canada; this became obvious in spectator sport, where class segregation was difficult to regulate by sport organizations or governing bodies, and “the bleachers [were] equally cordial to coal- miners, politicians, and bank presidents.”3Entire communities, of all socio-economic backgrounds, were then able to identify with the sporting teams representing their towns. Thus, sport functioned as a means of integration for both the participants and those they represented in the community.4 Although the development of amateur and spectator sport differed between Canada and the United States, industrialization had made the cultural distance between the two countries much closer: The strengthening of communication links between Canada and the United States as a result of telegraphy and new train lines after mid-century, and growing levels of literacy among the working classes in the followin decades, further increased Canada’s cultural ties with the United States. While many team sports enjoyed success as spectator sports in the last years of the nineteenth century in the United States, hockey had remained a sport confined mainly to the eastern provinces of Canada. A roller skating fad had emerged in the U.S. that created a number of popular sports during that period, including roller polo, a sort of ice hockey on wheels. Roller polo sport was played professionally in the U.S. for approximately twenty years, but the sport disappeared as interest in roller skating waned in the late 1 890’s.6 Towards the end of that decade, hockey started to be played, as a hybrid of the same roller polo game.7 In Pittsburgh, ice polo emerged, but after arranging a number of 3Frederick Cozens and Florence Scovil Stumpf, “Spectator Sports - The Cement of Democracy”, in Soorts in American Life edited by Frederick Cozens and Florence Scovil Stumpf (New York: Arno Press, 1976), 299. 4Gunther Luschen, “The Interdependence of Sport and Culture”, in Snort. Culture and Society. ed.s John W. Loy, jr., and Gerald S. Kenyon, (Philadelphia: Lea and Febinger, 1981), 292. 5Gruneau and Whitson, 65. 6John Durant and Otto Bettman, Pictorial History of American Snort - From Colonial Times to the Present. (new York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1 965), 100. 7Herbert Manchester, Four Centuries of Snort in America. 1490-1 890. (New York: Benjamin Blom, 1931), 214. 42 different matches against the Queen’s University hockey club of Kingston, Ontario, local teams began playing the Canadian game.8 Meanwhile, in New York City, a four-team hockey league also began operations in the mid 1890’s, playing out of St. Nicholas’ Rink.9 Although play was infrequent, and the sport was not widely participated, the American Amateur Hockey League (A.A.H.L.) was formed in 1896.10 Michiian While hockey was being introduced in other parts of America, the harsh winter conditions found in the Upper Peninsula of the state of Michigan provided an opportunity for a number of winter sports. Like most of the Canadian provinces, the winters in the Upper Peninsula were long and very cold, and provided little diversions for the miners working in the northern Michigan towns. Such conditions allowed Houghton, located in Michigan’s famous Copper Country, to become regarded as the birthplace of organized hockey in the United States.11 However, there were several conditions that saw hockey develop in the Upper Peninsula in a manner far different from eastern Canada. Because hockey was played in a more advanced form, and not played by the locals, players would need to be imported in order to have competitive teams. This practice would be in direct conflict with the regulations of the amateur hockey leagues in Canada, who had no jurisdiction over games organized in the United States. As a result, the stringent amateur regulations of leagues such as the O.H.A. were of no consequence to those in Michigan interested in watching the new Canadian winter sport. Any player, regardless of professional or amateur status in Canada, could play in Michigan, and in order to view a competitive level of hockey, it was 8j w. Fitsell, Captains Colonels & Kinis (Erin: Boston Mills Press, 1 987), 108. Queens travelled to Pittsburgh as early as the 1 895-96 and returned many times before the turn of the century. 9Foster Hewitt, Hockey Night in Canada (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1953), 33. lODurant and Bettman, 100. 11 Rene E. Adams, “Historic Houghton,” in Hockey Pictorial Vol. 6, No.7, March, 1961 .Ed Fitkin, ed.(New York: Hockey Illustrated Ltd.), 32. 43 necessary for the Houghton spectators to have experienced Canadian players come to Michigan to play. Houghton, Houahton County, MichiQan Located in the Upper Peninsula and acclaimed Copper Country12 of Michigan, the town and county were named after Douglass Houghton, a medical doctor and State Geologist.13The County was established in 1845,14 and the town, “like its neighboring towns, [owed] its birth and subsequent growth to the discovery and mining ventures in copper.”’5Although the Upper Peninsula had a small population base, the area enjoyed considerable wealth and prosperity, due to mining ventures. Several mining companies emerged as giants of the copper industry, as the discovery of amygdaloid and conglomerate deposits started a copper boom, similar in scope to the California gold rush.16 The twin cities of Houghton and Hancock were settled in the early 1 850s, and the town of Houghton was incorporated on November 4, 1861, with a population of 854.17 The settlement of the Upper Peninsula also coincided with the completion of the Sault Canal in 1 855, which opened up Lake Superior.18 Like the rest of North America, technological changes also affected the Upper Peninsula. In 1 899, the Copper Range Railroad was completed in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan: 12Copper Country was the term used to describe the Houghton County area, due to the mining success the region enjoyed during this period. l3Fuller, George N., ed. Historic Michirian (N.p.: National Historical Association, lnc.,1924), 255-258. l4bid., 480. 15Wilbert B.Maki, Visions of Houohton. Yesterday and Today (N.p.: n.p., n.d.), 5. 16The Quincy, and Calumet and Hecla mines were two of the major mining operations in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan at the beginning of the twentieth century; ibid. 17lbid. 1 BFuIIer, 407. 44 The line opened a vast territory, rich in minerals, timber and arable soil, which had lain in idleness because of inaccessibility. The completion of this line was an event of equal importance with the building of the first railroad between Houghton and Calumet, and with the advent qf the first railroad connecting the copper district with the outside world.1 Similarly, advancements in transportation also made inter- and intra-town travel more convenient in the Copper Country. In 1900, the Houghton County Street Railway was incorporated, with cars running from Houghton to the nearby town of Calumet, and from Calumet to the town of Lake Linden.20 Now, travel between the neighboring towns in Houghton County was far more accessible to those living there, and by 1900, the population of Houghton County had grown to the considerable number of 66,063, with over three thousand living in the town of Houghton.21 Sports were a welcome diversion for the hard-working miners of the Copper Country. Houghton had undergone a baseball craze at the turn of the century, and the town was determined to win the Upper Peninsula championships at any cost. To do so, salaries of up to $225 a month were paid for baseball players to come to the isolated town. The local supporters were rewarded for this, as the team won the Upper Peninsula pennant in 1 899.22 Baseball was also played indoors during the winter months, as were boxing and bowling.23 Hockey was also played, though not regularly, and ice polo was popular in the Houghton area.24 In the meantime, Dr. John L. Gibson, who had played hockey in Canada, had settled in Houghton to pursue a profession in dentistry. Gibson would become one of a small circle of pioneers who helped develop hockey into an outright professional sport.25 With Gibson’s l9Maki. 27. 2OMaki, 27. 2llbid., 7. 22Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, January 19, 1904, n. pag. 23lbid., Oct. 4/03, n.pag. 24Fitsell, Caotains. Colonels & Kings, 116. 25J. W. (Bill) Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr. J. L. (Jack) Gibson,”Annual Induction Dinner, Hockey Hall of Fame. August 26, 1976. photocopied, n. pag.. 45 assistance, Houghton would organize the first openly-admitted professional team in ice hockey, the success of which would serve to greatly influence the development of hockey in Canada and the United States. However, a closer analysis of the events that formed this team is required, as “few people are aware of Gibson’s exploits or his contribution to the game and yet every person . . . owes him a small debt of gratitude.”26 A native of Berlin, Ontario, Gibson played for that town’s team in the O.H.A.’s new intermediate series. Inevitably, Gibson encountered the O.H.A.’s militant anti- professionalism practices. After defeating Waterloo 6-4, the Mayor of Berlin, D. Rumpel, who also served as the team’s manager, rushed onto the ice and awarded Gibson and his teammates each a ten-dollar gold piece.27 Rumpel had apparently won a substantial amount betting on the outcome of the game, but due to his spontaneous generosity, Berlin was declared professional and banned by the O.H.A. Some of the players claimed that they were to have the gold pieces mounted as watch fobs - therefore the gold pieces were souvenirs, not payments. However, the excuse did not appease the O.H.A., who banned the team and management indefinitely.28 Following a successful athletic and academic career in the Berlin-Waterloo area, Gibson then left for the United States, to attend the Detroit College of Medicine.29 While there, he starred for the College’s soccer team, and captained the hockey team for two years, where one of the team’s exhibition games was held in a small town in Michigan named Houghton.3°Graduating from the Detroit College of Medicine in 1900, Gibson 26lbid. 27Young, 40. 2BThe ban turned out to be for the remainder of the season; ibid., 40-41. 29Bioraphical Record - Houhton, Baraa, and Marquette Counties, Michigan (Chicago: Biographical Publishing Co., 1903), 343. 3OFitsell, Captains. Colonels & Kings, 114. 46 PLATE III Dr. John L. “Doc’ Gibson (BioprahicaI Record obtained from Michigan State Library and Archives) 47 I “immediately thereafter located in Houghton, Houghton County, where he [becamel firmly established in the confidence and esteem of the people,”31 practicing dentistry. Upon the arrival of Gibson, local interest in hockey began to grow. Merv Youngs, a cub reporter for the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, inadvertently discovered that Gibson was a former hockey player from Canada,32 when he unearthed a scrapbook of newspaper clippings, recounting the athletic exploits of Gibson, in the dentist’s office. “Being a good reporter the young man borrowed the book and wrote a series of stories telling the public about the great sports figure in their midst.”33 The Portaae Lakes Hockey Club Early Team Success The discovery of Gibson by Youngs led to the organization of the first-ever Portage Lakes Hockey Club.34 As there were not many living in the Houghton area who knew how to play the game of hockey, the need to obtain players from Canada became apparent. Thus, the newly organized team’s management began acquiring better players from the Dominion, becoming a fully-fledged professional hockey team that would beat any team, amateur or professional, that dared play against the mighty Portage Lakes Hockey Club. The nickname “Portage Lakers” originated from the nearby body of water in the Keeweenaw Peninsula, which juts into Lake Superior.35 Other references to the team in its early years called it the “Portage Lakes YMCA” team, and credited the club with the Upper Peninsula league championship in its inaugural season.36 Initially, the team’s players were all 3lBiograohical Record, 343. 32Youngs would later become editor of the Mining Gazette; Hockey Hall of Fame Biography “J.L. Gibson”. 33”Hero of Early Sports Era Will Be Long Remembered”, photocopy, (Hockey Hall of Fame, Toronto). 34John W.Rice, “A Record Hard to Beat”, in National Hockey Guide 1933-34 (New York: National Hockey Guide, Co., 1933), 93. 35Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 11 7. The team was also call the Portage Lakes 36Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr.J.L. (Jack) Gibson,” n. pag. 48 locals,37 and, by 1 902, there were three doctors playing for the club. Two of them, Gibson and Earl Hay, were dentists, while P. H. Willson was a doctor of medicine. All three were natives of Canada who had been educated in the United States.38 Games were played at the Palace Ice Rink in nearby Hancock, Michigan. The increase in ice hockey interest led to the enlargement of the ice surface to two hundred feet in length for the opening of the 1 901-02 season.39 John L. Gibson, by this time nicknamed Doci by Houghton residents, had captained the team since its inception, and organized tryouts for the upcoming season.40 At this time, games were played with other teams from the Upper Peninsula area, and some exhibition games were arranged against a team from Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario.41 Games against the Canadian team were well received in Houghton County, and attendance at the Palace Ice Rink usually exceeded the arena’s seating capacity. Crowds continued to grow, as interest in the sport increased; therfore, when Portage Lakes Manager C. E. Webb announced that a Pittsburgh club would be arriving late in the 1901-02 season to play, plans were made to alter the interior of the Palace Rink, to accommodate more spectators.42 Games were still considered amateur; the Canadian Soo team would be risking expulsion from the O.H.A. if it played any professional teams. In fact, in a game at Hancock in early 1 902, referee Hay expelled Howell, of Guelph, Ontario, for allegedly being a professional.43At the end of the 1 901-02 season, a semi-professional team from Pittsburgh 37Players for the 1900-01 season included: Waily Washburn, Andy Hailer, and Dr. Earl Hay of Hancock; E. Delaney of Ripley; Gibson and Burt Potter of Houghton; Dr. Wilson of Quincy; Mining Gazette, Nov 30/01, n. pag. 38Rene E. Adams, “the Oldest Living Pro,” in Hockey Pictorial (March, 1961). Ed. Ed Fitkin. (New York: Hockey Illustrated Ltd., 1961), 34. 39Mininci Gazette, Nov 30/01, n. pag. 4Olbid., Dec 4/01, n. pag. 41The town, and its teams were often referred to as the Canadian Soo (Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan was also referred to as the Michigan or American Soo). 42Minin Gazette, Feb 28/02, n. pag. 43Sauft Star, Feb 6/02, n. pag. 49 arrived in Houghton to play the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, for what was described as the “Championship of the United States.”44 On March 10, 1902, at the Palace Ice Rink, the Portage Lakes, wearing their brown team sweaters, won the game, 5-4, in front of a sell-out crowd of one thousand spectators.45The second game of the two-game, total-goal series, played in Hancock, resulted in a 3-2 win by Pittsburgh, which left the championship undecided. The loss was the first suffered by the local team in twelve games during the 1901-02 season.46 No extra game was played to decide a winner in the series, and therefore one victor was not determined. The Amøhidrome The competitiveness of the Portage Lakes Club, and the increase in interest in the sport, had led to the inability of many fans to witness the games in the Houghton-Hancock area, due to the inadequate size of the Palace Ice Rink. If hockey interest was to grow, a new facility would be needed to accommodate the large numbers of spectators who wished to see the Portage Lakers play. Therefore, in the fall of 1 902, local businessmen in the Houghton area began plans to build a new skating rink. A stock company, led by local business magnate James R. Dee, was created to build a facility that could house approximately twenty-five hundred spectators, and also be used for a variety of other events. The rink was built two blocks from the Copper Range railroad depot, one block from the South Shore depot, and one block from the Street Railway, to ensure easy spectator access.47 44The Pittsburgh team had defeated Yale University, Keystone Athletic Club, Frontenac, Royal Military College, and Queens, to earn the honor of “Western” champions, and were to play the Portage lakes, which was considered the “Eastern” champions; Mining Gazette, Mar 11/02, n. pag. 45lbid. 46Mininp Gazette, Mar. 12/02, n. pag. 47The plans also included a second storey, that would contain an area thirty feet by eighty feet for ice dancing; ibid., Oct. 19/02, n. pag. 50 - U > ()1 - m Th e A m ph id ro m e Ri nk , H ou gh to n, M ic hi ga n (M ich iga n T ec h A rc hi ve s a n d C op pe r C ou nt ry H is to ric al C ol le ct io ns . O bt ai ne d fr om th e M ic hi ga n St at e Li br ar y a n d A rc hi ve s) This site of the new facility was ideal for spectators to travel to games by the means available at that time, as it was built in an area that allowed the access of a number of the different railway companies servicing the Copper Country. The management could then prepare special travel arrangements with the railway companies to ensure that spectators would reach the rink.48 To finish construction in time, the largest number of carpenters ever to work on a building in the Houghtori area was employed.49 With the completion of the arena, which was subsequently named the Amphidrome, the need for two rinks in the Houghton-Hancock area was not necessary. Thus, the Palace Ice Rink in Hancock was closed permanently on December 26, 1 902, and the manager of the Palace accepted a new position at the 2,500- seat Amphidrome.50Although there were still many details of the arena to be completed, the Portage Lakers began practicing on the Amphidrome ice on December 26, in preparation for the upcoming games against the Toronto Varsity. A special train was announced by the Duluth, South Shore and Atlantic railroad, providing round trip fares for fifty cents, and serving many of the surrounding towns, including Calumet, Osceola, and Lake Linden.51 This allowed spectators from the entire Houghton region to travel to the Amphidrome to watch the Portage Lakes play. The Amphidrome itself could almost contain the entire population of the town of Houghton; a full rink would indicate that the majority of the town would be watching the local team. Such support made the Amphidrome “the social and recreational center of the Portage Lake district for more than a quarter of a century.”52 With the new rink able to 48Peter R. Shergold, “The Growth of American Spectator Sport: A Technological Perspective” Sport in History, Ed.s Richard Cashman, Michael McKernan (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1979), 25. 49Mininq Gazette, Nov 23 and Dec 11/02, n. pag. 5OMininq Gazette, Dec 27/02, n. pag. 51 Ibid. S2Maki, 17. 52 house a larger number of spectators to watch the dominating Portage Lakes play visiting clubs, it was now up to the team to maintain a level of excellence that would keep the local interest in hockey growing. In 1 902-03, the Portage Lakes team won fourteen straight games, in exhibition play against American and Canadian clubs.53 Crowd support for the team continued through the season, with up to three thousand spectators filling the Amphidrome for each game.54 The Mining Gazette acknowledged the popularity of hockey and noted that “it seems destined to be the great winter sport of the northern tier states as it is already of the provinces of Canada.”55 The Pittsburgh Bankers arrived at the end of the season to determine the championships of the United States. The Portage Lakes remained undefeated, with a 1-0 victory at the Amphidrome.56The game was hotly contested, as Pittsburgh was led by the talented “Hod” Stuart.57 Following the victory, James R. Dee presented the team with one hundred dollars, to be used for a team victory party.58 There were obviously no concerns on the part of any of the players on the team over being banished for “professionalism.” The Portage Lakes Hockey Club had finished the season undefeated. However, the close match against the Pittsburgh Bankers indicated that the semi-professional players of Pittsburgh were of high-calibre. Even more talented players would need to be secured for the next season if the Portage Lakes hoped to dominate its opposition as it had during 1902-03. 53Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr.J.L.(Jack) Gibson”, n. pag. 54Minina Gazette, Jan 3 1/03, n. pag. 55Minin Gazette, Dec 17/02, n. pag. 56lbid., Mar 4/03, n. pag. 57Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kinris, 116. 58MininQ Gazette, Mar 4/03, n. pag. 53 The Organization and Success of the First Professional Ice Hockey Team: The Portage Lakes Hockey Club of 1 903-04 In order to improve the team, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club would be forced to acquire more players from Canada, and pay these men to come to the Copper Country. Gruneau and Whitson suggested that, while many Canadians wrestled with the morality of being paid to play hockey, the citizens of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan were more receptive to professional sports, at this time: There was considerably less antiprofessional rhetoric in the United States, and a significant number of Canadian players migrated to Michigan and Pennsylvania hoping to make a living from the hockey skills they had developed playing for “amateur” teams in Ontario and Quebec.59 While leagues in Canada were attempting to either thwart or overlook professional practices, the American cities interested in promoting the sport were more than willing to pay for Canadian talent. Thus, in the fall of 1903, the managers of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club began eagerly pursuing talented players from other cities. Gibson and Charles E. Webb embarked on a ten-day excursion to Canada “for the purpose of arranging games with Canadian teams and also to pick up a player or two to fill out the Portage Lakes line.”60 With players wanting to play for the team, and a concerted effort by management to sign good players, the Mining Gazette was confident of the prospects for the coming season: The Portage Lake Hockey Club will be the strongest team in the United States this year and there is little question that it will not have a superior in the world, a fact which will e very prominent when the full personnel of the team is made known.6 However, not all players were eager to play for the powerful Michigan squad. The Globe and Mail reported that three of Queen’s senior hockey players had received tempting offers to play in both Houghton and Pittsburgh, but all offers were refused.62 59Gruneau and Whitson, 74. 6OMining Gazette, Oct 2/03, n. pag. 6llbld., Oct 4/03, n. pag. 62Globe and Mail, Nov 30/03, n. pag. The players probably wanted to maintain their amateur status. 54 Four former Berlin players - Gibson, Meinke, Stephens, and Siebert - had played for Houghton the previous season, but only Gibson was expected to return. “Hod” Stuart, who had played in Pittsburgh, for the Bankers team, had written to the Portage Lakes and expressed his desire to play in Houghton. The talented Stuart could easily replace any of the players not returning,63 and Stuart’s brother, Bruce, most recently of the Pittsburgh Victorias, had already signed with the Portage Lakes.64 Thus, on November 1, 1 903, the Mining Gazette announced that “Hod” had signed with the club, and along with brother Bruce and “Cooney” Shields, represented the new talent secured by the club thus far.65 Goaltender Riley Hem of Stratford, Ontario, also signed with the Portage Lakes, claiming that Houghton paid better than Pittsburgh.66 Hem had played the past four seasons for the Pittsburgh Keystones, including 1 901, when the team won the U.S. Championship,67and had also played forward for London, Ontario, when that team won the Intermediate championship of the O.H.A.68 With the completion of the team’s roster, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was ready to compete in one of the greatest seasons in the history of ice hockey. However, the club management was also interested in making a number of changes prior to the start of the 1 903-04 season that did not involve the player roster. The heavy team sweater of the previous season was discarded and replaced by a similar green jersey, retaining the familiar winged Portage Lakes emblem. The new jerseys lacked the white neck and arm bands of the earlier sweaters.69 Also, to improve the playing and viewing conditions at the Amphidrome, six new arc lights were installed to increase the amount of light at the rink.70 63Minin Gazette, Oct 8/03, n. pag. 64Ibid., Oct 3/03, n. pag. 65 Shields, formerly of the Pittsburgh Athletic Club, was originally from Orangeville, Ontario; ibid., Nov 10/03, n.pag. and Nov 1/03, n. pag. 66Globe and Mail, Nov 16/03, n. pag. 67Mininp Gazette, Nov 10/03, n. pag. 6Blbid., Nov 22/03, n. pag. 69lbid., Dec 16/03, n. pag. 55 Expectations for a successful season in 1903-04 were very high among followers of hockey in Houghton. Management had assembled the best possible team, and had spared little cost in an effort to bring a high-calibre of hockey to the Copper Country. Because the team did not compete in a specific league, exhibition matches were arranged with various clubs. However, one-sided victories over teams from St. Paul and St. Louis, in December of 1903,71 led the Houghton team management to seek more competitive clubs for the Portage Lakes to play; consequently, games were arranged with the Algonquin Hockey Club of Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, to be played on Houghton ice. Travelling with the Algonquin team would be Roy D. Schooley, an O.H.A. referee from Massey, Ontario.72 The Portage Lakes again proved poor hosts, and defeated the Algonquins by a score of 1 6-1 on January 1, 1 904. The defeat did not weaken the spirited Canadian team, as plans were made for another game at the Amphidrome. However, the second game ended with as similar result - a 7-0 victory for the Houghton team.74 The Portage Lake fans had seen their team win handily thus far, but the large score differential between the teams had become monotonous; better competition would be needed to maintain local interest in the club. Following two more decisive victories, over the visiting Michigan Soo team,75 the Portage Lakes prepared to host a series against the Pittsburgh Keystones. The semi professional players from Pittsburgh would surely provide better competition for the Houghton team, and the visiting team’s chances of victory were further enhanced when it 7Olbid., Dec 18/03, n. pag. 71For a complete list of the results of the games played by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, during the 1903-04 season, see Appendix B. 72Minini Gazette, Dec 31/03, n. pag. 73Mininn Gazette, Jan 1/04, n. pag. 741b1d., Jan 3/04, n. pag. 75The Soo was a name given to both the Sault Ste. Marie towns, in Michigan, and in Ontario. 6-1 and 12-1 wins on January 13 and 14; ibid., Jan 15/04, n. pag. 56 I- (51 - 1 m Th e Po rt ag e La ke s H oc ke y C lu b - 19 03 -0 4. Fr on t ro w : E. W es tc ot t a n d R. H em ; m id dl e ro w , B. M or ris on , C. Sh ie ld s, J. L . G ib so n, H. St ua rt , B. St ua rt . B ac k ro w , N .F . W es tc ot t, J. D ug ga n (T rai ne r), C. E. W eb b (m an ag er ), J. R. D ee (P re sid en t), J. Li nd er was announced that Gibson would not be able to play due to an injured ankle.76 The first game against the Pittsburgh team was closer than the Portage Lakes’ previous games, ending 9-4 for the locals. However, the next game was a rout, with Houghton winning the match i1-i. The next games for the Portage Lakes were played in the Michigan Soo, where the team lost for the first time during the 1 903-04 season, 76.78 However, the Portage Lakes were more concerned with the coming series in Pittsburgh, to be played against the Pittsburgh Victorias. For the first few years of the twentieth century, the winner of the four- team Western Pennsylvania Hockey League was crowned the champions of the eastern United States, and would be challenged by a team from the west, usually the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. The winner would be awarded the U.S. Championship. The Victorias had beaten the other three Pennsylvania teams, the Bankers, Keytones, and Pittsburgh Athletic Club, who all played their games in the Duquesne Gardens, Pittsburgh’s artificial ice rink. The first game, between the W.P.H.L. champions and the Portage Lakes, resulted in a 5-2 victory for the Victorias. Eddie Roberts of Pittsburgh managed to score three times before losing five teeth and a portion of his upper lip when body checked “up against the seat along the side of the rink.”79 Facing a hostile crowd of four thousand, the Portage Lakes won the second game by a score of 51,80 leaving one game to decide the U.S. championship. The Portage Lakes continued their superb play in the third and final game, defeating the Pittsburgh team 7-0, to become the undisputed champions of the United States, for the 1 903-04 season.81 76lbid., Jan 16/04, n. pag. 77lbid., Jan 19 and 20, n. pag. 78lbid., Jan 24/04, n. pag. 79Mininq Gazette, Mar 12/04, n. pag. 8Olbd., Mar. 13/04, n. pag. 8llbid., Mar 16/04, n. pag. 58 As the victorious Houghton club returned to the Copper Country, a large crowd waited for their train to arrive at the Mineral Range depot, and shop owners decorated their store fronts in the team’s green and white colors. After the team arrived, a banquet was held at the Douglass House in Houghton, followed by a reception held at the Amphidrome.82 However, the season would not be over as expected, the Mmmci Gazette reporting that “C.E. Webb, manager of the Portage Lake hockey team, received a communication last night from the manager of the Wanderers of Montreal in which he challenged the Portage Lakes for the championship of the world”, to be played at the Amphidrome.83Portage Lakes supporters paid admission prices of up to two dollars84 to see the Wanderers defeated by a score of eight goals to four, on March 21, 1 904.85 “The game was unquestionably the fastest article of hockey ever exhibited in the Copper Country and naturally then the greatest game ever played in the United States”.86 The following evening, Houghton repeated the feat, besting the Wanderers 9-2. “The game had all the features which go to make hockey the most exciting sport in the world. There was slashing, body checking, terrific shooting, marvelous speed, injuries to players, combination plays . “87 The Portage Lakes had won twenty-three of twenty-five games during the 1903-04 season, outscoring their opponents 257 to 49. Individual goal-scoring totals for that year have been listed in Appendix B. The team played a total of eighteen games in Houghton, remaining undefeated there, as both losses occurred away from the Amphidrome. While the record of the team would seem irrefutable, the fact that the team had not played the very best teams in Canada meant that any claims that the Portage Lakes Hockey 82Ibid., Mar 19/04, n. pag. 83Ibid., Mar 18/04, n. pag. 841b1d., Mar 20/04, n .pag. 8Slbid., Mar 22/04, n. pag. 86lbjd. 87Mmninp Gazette, Mar 23/04, n. pag. 59 PLATE VI HOCKEY! 4) HOCKEY! WANDERERS OF MONTREAL, CHAMPIONS OF CANADA, vs. PORTAGE LAKES UNITED STkTES CHAMPIONS, FOR WORLD’S CHAMPIONSHIP. MONDAY AND TUESDAY, MARCH 21 AND 22 at AMPHIDROME. These will be the Greatest Hockey Games that were ever seen in America Just think of it! A chance to see Canada’s Champion Hockey Team go against Portage Lakes, United States Champions. You are not likely to have another chance to see such a game. SPECIAL RA TES AND TRAINS FROM ALL PARTS OF THE STATE, See Railroad Adh’ertisements for Rates and Leaving Time. SEA-rS ON SALE At Barry’s Drug Store, lioughton; Nichols’ Drug Store, Hancock; Sodergren & Sodergren’s Drug Store, Calumet. Prices—First three rows on side $2,OO Balance of sides Si .5O General Adniission Si QO Wire all Orders to Manayer Amphidrome. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club and Montreal Wanderers - Series Advertisement, 1904 (Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, Mar 20/04) 60 Club was the best team in the world could not be validated. However, the Houghton club had made every effort to challenge the top amateur teams in Ontario and Quebec, but were refused. “Hod” Stuart expressed the sentiments of the players themselves: We do not want to make any strong assertions about being the champions of the world. We have won the championship [of the United States] all right but we want to demonstrate that we can play the big Canadian teams on their own ice and beat them. It is the ambition of every member f the Portage Lake team to play the Ottawas on their own ice next season Unfortunately, it seemed unlikely that the Portage Lakes would be able to play the best teams in Canada, due to the risks the Canadian teams would face, should they be banned from playing in the Canadian leagues for competing against a professional club. John R. Robinson, a sports writer for the Detroit Journal, concluded that the Canadian teams were aware that the Portage Lakes was the best team, but, by not playing the Houghton club, could cast doubt on any claims of the American team’s invincibility.89Thus, the Canadian teams could refute the claims of the U.S. club, and also avoid any potential humiliation incurred by a loss to the professional team. However, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club had easily defeated all their opponents during the 1 903-04 season. The fans of the Portage Lakes were demanding better competition, and according to the Globe and Mail, “the people of the Copper Country will not be contented until they see their seven in action with the best Canada can produce. Almost any price would be given to any Canadian champion team to come here”.90 When the fans did not get the opportunity to watch the Portage Lakes play the best possible competition, interest in the team waned. It was no longer entertaining to watch opposing teams lose by scores of 24-0 at the Amphidrome. Despite the record of the team in 1 903- 04, the Minino Gazette reported that the “season, by the way, was not the greatest season 88lbd., Mar 26/04, n. pag. 89lbid., Mar 23/04, n. pag. 9OGlobe and Mail, Jan 7/04, n. pag. 61 in the history of the game in Houghton, in the opinion of many enthusiasts. The majority of the games were tame, the attendance and the enthusiasm were not so great”.91 Up until this time, the games that the Portage Lakes played in were considered to be exhibitions, and not part of a recognized league.92 If teams would not come to Houghton to play, then perhaps Houghton would need to join a league that would be able to provide consistent, high calibre play for the fans at the Amphidrome. As interest in hockey was spreading to other areas of the United States, James R. Dee, president of the Houghton Amphidrome Company, had written to Pittsburgh suggesting that a national hockey association be formed in the United States, with up to a dozen cities involved. Dee also suggested “invading Canada and making the organization international.”93 Dee’s scheme spread among other potential hockey magnates, and by March, 1904, the Pittsburcih Times announced that there was now talk of forming a national hockey league for the next season, with teams from Houghton and Calumet definitely committed, and possible entries from Chicago, Pittsburgh, and Milwaukee.94 The Formation of the International Hockey Leaoue The success of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club indicated to entrepreneurs in other U.S. cities that hockey could be a viable business venture. The attendance at the games at the Amphidrome remained high, despite the low population base in the Copper Country. Therefore, the example of professional hockey organized in Houghton may have fueled the desires of business magnates in other similar towns to assemble teams of their own to play. In the fall of 1904, the talk of creating a newly-organized professional league became a reality. A meeting was arranged for October 15, in St. Louis, where discussions 91Miflin Gazette, Mar 24/04, n. pag. 92Earl J. Gagnon, (Houghton Daily Minin Gazette Association editor), Letter to the Hockey Hall of Fame, Sept. 26, 1976. 93Minin Gazette, Dec 20/03, n. pag. 94lbid., Mar 1 7/04, n. pag. 62 were to be held between interested parties to determine the prospects of organizing an “American hockey league.” Despite the postponement of the St. Louis meeting until November, due to the possible inclusion of a club from the Canadian Soo,95 James R. Dee, of Houghton, had already assumed the role of secretary and treasurer of the American Hockey League. The Canadian Soo was still interested in becoming a part of the new league, and hoped for acceptance at the Chicago meeting. It was anticipated that the “Sault will ask that visiting clubs get 40 per cent of the gate and guarantee expenses”.96 Although the number of teams to be entered into the proposed league had not yet been determined, Dee felt that the League would “not want more than six teams because of the fact that the season is necessarily a short one and it would be impossible to arrange a schedule for more than that number.”97 This would not become a problem, as only five towns expressed genuine interest in hosting professional hockey games. The following is a list of those attending the Chicago meeting, their positions outside of hockey interests, and their respective towns: A.L. MacSwiggan - Manager, Duquesne Gardens, Pittsburgh A.D. Ferguson - Manager, Soo Curling Club, Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan J.C. Boyd - Superintendent, Canadian Ship Canal, Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario Charles Thompson - Agent, Copper Railroad, Laurium [Calumeti James R. Dee - President, Amphidrome Co., Houghton98 At the two-day meeting, McSwiggan was named League President, and Ferguson Vice President, to work along with Dee’s already determined duties. The “Quebec rules” were officially adopted, and games would operate under a two referee system.99 The decision to not use the rules of the Ontario Hockey Association, and to follow those of the Quebec Hockey Union, was taken because, according to the l.H.L. officers, the Quebec 95Mininp Gazette, Oct. 4/04, n. pag. 96Sauft Star, Nov 3/04, n. pag. 97Mininp Gazette, Oct 8/04, n. pag. 98Mininp Gazette, Oct. 30/04, n. pag. 99CoIoer Country, Nov 8/04, n. pag. 63 rules1were “more conducive to team play, which makes the game of hockey more spectacular”.101 In addition, with the inclusion of the Canadian Soo, the League’s American name became improper, and so the word “International” was substituted. Thus, the International Hockey League was formed, with four U.S. teams: Houghton, Sault Ste. Marie, Pittsburgh, and Calumet, and the lone Canadian entry from Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario. Several other matters were considered at the Chicago meeting, including concerns over the level of rough play. James R. Dee quickly explained the means through which the League would attempt to control this potential problem: Special provisions will also be made for keeping the games free from roughness. For this purpose referees will be given power similar to that held by umpires in the bi Iaseball leagues, where he rules supreme during the progress of a game. 0 The acquisition of players for the new professional League would be the sole responsibility of the individual teams, which, with the League’s formation now definite, began contacting players from the Dominion. Team managers began assembling their squads and making the necessary arrangements to bring professional hockey to their prospective towns, all of which had experienced games of hockey, but never at the level that the l.H.L. promised. Anticipation of the high-calibre of competition to be exhibited in the l.H.L. filled the sporting sections of the local newspapers: The towns in the International Hockey League will see the best hockey in the world this winter. There is no doubt about the quality being better than will be seen anywhere else, and it would be a question whether five teams as good as those that will take part in the series could be picked from among the players not now on those teams.103 100The major difference between the “Quebec” rules and the rules of the O.H.A. lay in the interpretation of the off-side rule. Under O.H.A. rules, a player could pass the puck forward to a teammate, as long as he skated quickly ahead so that he was ahead of the pass receiver by the time the puck reached his teammate. Under “Quebec” rules, passes could not, under any circumstances, be made toward the opposing goal. lOlMining Gazette, Nov 5/04, n. pag. lO2Soo Evening News, Nov 3/04, n. pag. 1O3So Evening News, Dec 2/04, n. pag. 64 International Hockey League Innovations and Rule Changes: 1904-1 907 Shortly after the initial meetings to form the I.H.L., a set of rules was released to govern League play, unique to the League. The rules were similar to those written by Arthur Farrell in 1899, and can be found in Appendix D. The League also released rules governing League operations, which can be seen in Appendix C. However, a number of amendments were made to both the playing and administrative regulations of the International Hockey League, over the course of the League’s three-year existence. In this section, such changes will be noted, in addition to several instances where the hockey played in the I.H.L. can be seen to be different from the other leagues in operation during the same time period. Despite the fact that the playing rules of hockey remained consistent through the first few years of the twentieth century, several minor changes to various rules that occurred before or during the l.H.L.’s operating years were universally adopted by most leagues in Canada and the United States. Morris Mott noticed that, at the turn of the century, hockey was very similar in nature throughout the Canadian leagues, and concluded that “it seems that across the country hockey was played in essentially the same fashion with virtually the same kinds of equipment and the same rules and strategies despite some minor differences in rules between leagues or associations. For this reason, several rule changes, usually implemented by the Ontario Hockey Association, were quickly adopted by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and later by the International Hockey League. In 1 903-04, a line was drawn across the goal posts for the first time, making the umpire’s duties of determining goals far easier.105 A few seasons later, the 0.H.A. amended its off-side rule, permitting a player to receive a forward pass from his goalkeeper within three feet of the goal.106 The change was quickly adopted for International Hockey league play, as the new rule would greatly hasten the play of the 104Mott, 2. °5Coleman, 94. 106Hewiff, Down the Stretch (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1958), 1 92. 65 game. Before this rule was instituted, the referee would be forced to stop play when the puck rebounded off the goalkeeper to a teammate. However, there were a number of different interpretations of the playing rules displayed by the referees of the contests played in Michigan, prior to the formation of the l.H.L, as well as by the means through which games were refereed. The cold winter conditions at the natural-ice arenas meant that using a bell would be easier for referees; when conditions grew too cold, the referees’ lips would freeze to their whistles,107 and the bell was substituted. In addition, referees would not always make consistent rulings during games; for example, during a game in December of 1 903, Portage Lakes player Bruce Stuart was penalized for kicking the puck.108 Such behavior was not universally endorsed or condemned; the play was either called a penalty or allowed at the discretion of a particular games’s referee. Similarly, there was also confusion over players touching the puck with their hands, illustrated by comments found in the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, in December of 1903: It is a great temptation when the rubber is flying over player’s head for him to grab it, throw it on the ice and start off with it at the end of his stick. In some games this has been allowed, but never is the player allowed to carry the puck past the place where he stops.09 Once International Hockey League operations had commenced, adherence to the League’s established rules was more pronounced. However, this led to several distinct situations and penalty calls. An example occurred on December 14, 1 904, when Canadian Soo player Milne was penalized for one minute for stopping the puck in the air with his stick.110 In another instance, in accordance with Section 10 of the League rules, goalkeeper 107bid., 190-191. 108Minin Gazette, Dec 27/03. n. pag. 109bid., Dec 5/03, n. pag. 110Minjnp Gazette, Dec 1 5/04, n. pag. See Appendix 0, Section 8. The nespaper report did not indicate how high the puck was in the air when Milne stopped it. 66 McKay of Pittsburgh was penalized two minutes for dropping to his knees to stop a shot.111 Substitutes could not be given for goalkeepers who were penalized; they had to serve their own penalties. When Michigan Soo goalkeeper “Chief” Jones was penalized during a game against Pittsburgh, his opponents were able to score twice into the empty net created by his absence.112 Unfortunately, the brevity of l.H.L. rules led to situations where the legality of certain actions not covered by League regulations was questioned, prompting arguments amongst players, referees, and management alike. In a game in February, 1905, Pittsburgh captain “Baldy” Spittal took his team off the ice, in response to the referee’s failure to penalize a Houghton player, Bruce Stuart. Stuart had apparently, during the course of the game, sat on the puck so that the Pittsburgh players could not retrieve it from him. Spittal demanded that a penalty be awarded to Stuart, but none was given. However, there were times when referees would make adjustments to the rules in order to stop unwanted behavior. For example, while it was often customary for players to shoot the puck into the seats to delay the game, l.H.L. referees occasionally found it necessary to give players penalties to stop this practice.113 Referees also made other changes to the ways by which games were officiated. In December of 1906, referee “Cooney” Shields reportedly dropped the puck to commence a face, rather than the traditional method of placing the puck between the players and shouting “play” to start game action. Some activities ultimately resulted in the amendment of l.H.L. rules. The frequent delays during matches led to the creation of a new rule, prior to the start of the 1906-07 season. It was decided by League officers that play during the course of a match could not be delayed, for any reason, longer than three minutes. Should a player break a skate or 111Cooper Country, Dec 16/04, n. pag. 1 2soo Evening News, Mar 8/05, n. pag. 3Soo Evening News, Jan 31/07, n. pag; in a game on January 30, referee Shields gave Joe Stephens a penalty for lifting the puck into the crowd. 67 stick, or be injured, his team would be forced to continue to play short until such time that he could recover.114 Also, in order to curtail overly rough conduct by the players, referees were given the right to fine players for their actions, which referee “Chaucer” Elliott considered an effective means of keeping l.H.L. games under control.115 Elliott fined Billy Taylor of the Canadian Soo two dollars after he deliberately hit Fred Lake of the Portage Lakes across the head with his stick, in a game on January 22, 1906.116 Elliott, along with any other referee, had been given the authority to fine a player between two and ten dollars, depending on the perceived severity of the infraction.117 Unfortunately for l.H.L. officials, referees would remain a problem throughout all three years of League operations. To aid in combatting disputes arising over the choice of referees, the League began appointing referees, rather than allowing captains or clubs to determine the choice of a referee prior to a game. In addition, in the fall of 1 905, the practice of penalizing a repeat offender (see Appendix D, Section 8) at least twice the time of the previous offense was dropped. Therefore, the decision to penalize a player was placed more strongly in the control of the referee.118 Control was not the only aspect of l.H.L. operations that League officials were afraid of losing. The salaries of the players were high, and team owners were likely to lose money on their hockey investments, should the salaries continue to climb. As a result, a salary limit was implemented in the fall of 1905, and set at three thousand dollars.119 While the limit 1 14lbid., Nov 14/06, n. pag. 15Sault Star, Jan 11/06. n. pag. 16Pittsburcih Gazette, Jan 23/06, n. pag. 117Sault Star, Feb 8/06, n. pag. 8Coer Country, Oct 25/05, n. pag. 119SauIt Star, Oct 1 2/05, n. pag. 68 may not have helped keep salaries low, as accusations were rampant of I.H.L. teams exceeding the maximum, the restriction showed the l.H.L.’s concern over its own financial viability. The l.H.L. ceased operations in the fall of 1907, following three seasons of professional ice hockey. While the discussed changes and innovations displayed by League management, players and referees are easily identified, the impact that changes or styles of play had on the sport itself are difficult to discern, and even more so to illustrate. One example of such a change would be the practice of lifting the puck, as discussed in Chapter Two of this study. While lifts were a common occurrence in hockey at this time, as described by Coleman, Mott, and others, it occurred to several of those involved in l.H.L. affairs that lifting was not a popular activity for most l.H.L. players. The Copper Country Eveninp News of Calumet reported comments made by Manager MacSwiggan of the Duquesne Gardens, on the subject of lifting: I have watched hockey from its inception and have witnessed several of the fastest games in Canada, in the first place I saw the lifting cut out was right here in this building. It seemed natural to the players in this city to do without this play, I attribute this chiefly to the size of the Duquesne ririk.20 Frank Danahey, assistant manager of the Pittsburgh team, concurred with MacSwigga&s remarks, adding that he considered lifting to be an outdated activity, and could not foresee the act remaining a part of the sport in the future.121 While l.H.L. players may have partially determined the popularity of certain playing techniques, the style of play found in l.H.L. games had also become distinct. The League displayed a highly-skilled, fast-paced style of game, that may have exceeded that found in eastern Canada at that time.122 One way which the International Hockey League teams may have achieved this was through the modification of the point player’s position: 120Copper Country, Feb 26/07, n. pag. 122bid., Feb 17/07, n. pag. 69 The tendency in the International League is to put the speedy man at point. It is no longer the thing to have the big, heavy men in front of the goaltender. What they want is a man who can get away with the puck. The goaltender can do all the stopping necessary and the body-checking is left for the coverpoint.’23 In recalling his arrival in the l.H.L., Fred “Cyclone” Taylor rioted that “‘it was obvious right away that there was more accent here on skating and stickhandling than in the Canadian Leagues.’”124 Although the impact that innovations and changes in rules and playing styles in the l.H.L. had on ice hockey as a sport in North America cannot be determined with certainty, the changes that did occur had an influence on the continued operation and development of the International Hockey League. The Organization and Success of the International Hockey League Teams: 1904-1907 While professional hockey was a new concept to players and spectators alike in most areas of North America, hockey had been played at various levels and times in all five l.H.L. locations. However, prior to the l.H.L.’s inaugural season in 1904-05, not all of the towns were ready to host hockey at the level of play that the I.H.L. entrepreneurs had promised, and therefore many changes and preparations were necessary. Once League operations had commenced, the fortunes of the different clubs proved to be varied and, in some instances, highly irregular. The fortunes of the five different l.H.L. teams will be examined separately, as each enjoyed varying degrees of success during the three years that the League operated, both in comparison with the other League teams, and from season to season. A brief history of hockey in the five towns is also required, in order to consider the impact that I.H.L. operations had on the different teams, towns, and their spectators. ‘23Mining Gazette, Feb 20/07, n. pag. 124Whitehead, 42. 70 Sault Ste. Marie, Michician (Michigan Soo) At the beginning of the twentieth century, hockey had already been firmly established in the Michigan Soo. Before the formation of the l.H.L., local teams had competed with Canadian teams, including the Canadian Soo, at an amateur level.125 By 1 903, the Michigan Soo had organized what was considered by many of the Canadian newspapers to be a professional club, as the team was comprised mainly of former Pittsburgh and Houghton players. The Toronto Globe and Mail anticipated that the O.H.A. would not allow the Michigan Soo team to play against Canadian clubs, as the players from Houghton and Pittsburgh had already been declared professionals.126 However, the threats of the 0.H.A. did not deter all Canadian teams from engaging in exhibitions with the Michigan Soo. Manager Harry Chown of the Toronto Varsity agreed to travel to the Soo, if the Soo team would put up four hundred dollars to cover the Varsity team’s expenses, and guarantee that the American club would ice a strictly amateur Michigan Soo team.127 The Globe and Mail ridiculed the Michigan Soo’s amateur claims, stating that “all are under salary, and everybody in both Soos knows it. “128 Of the team’s salary structure, the newspaper continued: It is not a uniform one, however, as that in Pittsburgh. Each man has his own price. . . . Fabulous figures are named as salaries. The outside populace will tell you that they range from $150 a month down. With the Pittsburgh men commanding $1 5 a week it is safe to say that it is the outide figure here, and that $10 is received by more than the larger amount. 29 Although the anti-professional policies of associations like the O.H.A. did not completely deny the Michigan Soo any competition, the exhibitions that the team did manage to arrange were sporadic. The organization of the International Hockey League in 1 250ne instance had an All-Soo team, comprised of players from both the Canadian and American Soo, playing the Toronto Varsity, in February of 1902; Sault Star, Feb 20/02, n. pag. 1 26Globe and Mail, Dec 2/03, n. pag. l27bicJ., Jan 1/04, n. pag. 1 28lbid., Jan 6/04, n. pag. 71 the fall of 1 904 allowed the Michigan town the opportunity to compete with high-calibre teams, without the need to deny or cloak the practice of paying players. In addition to the acquisition of players for the team, the Michigan Soo team management needed to prepare its rink, a curling rink located on Ridge Street, for the l.H.L.’s inaugural season in 190405.130 Team Manager Ferguson announced that a re arrangement of the seats at the rink would, unlike in the past, allow fans to view the entire ice surface without visual obstruction.131 On December 10, 1904, the curling rink opened for public skating, and in order to help finance players’ salaries and other expenses, management decided to charge a ten-cent admission price for those wanting to watch the team practice.132 In subsequent seasons, additional adjustments were made to the rink on Ridge Street, including the lowering of seats in the arena to further improve spectator viewing.133 In addition, the Sault Ste. Marie Evenini News reported that a plank flooring would be placed on the floor of the rink: This will enable the players to have much more pleasure, as the rink will always be level. When ice is built on the ground the frost always raises some spots, which makes a very uneven rink. By putting in a floor this will be eliminated.134 However, after some debate, it was decided that the rink would be left in its original state for the coming 1906-07 season.135 Unfortunately, during the three years of l.H.L. operations, the arena manager, George Coomb, was constantly attempting to remedy problems caused by spectators at the Michigan Soo rink. The rink itself was covered in sheet iron and men and boys would often 1 30In many instances, this rink would be referred to as the Ridge Street Ice-A-Torium. i3Coper Country, Nov 29/04, n. pag. 1 325oo Evening News, Dec 8/04, n. pag. 1 33Minin Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag. i34Soo Eveninci News, Nov 10/06, n. pag. i35lbid., Nov 14/06, n. pag. 72 - u I C. ) m Fi re In su ra nc e M ap o f T he R id ge St re et A re na , Sa ul t St e. M ar ie , M ic hi ga n (S an bo rn Fi re In su ra nc e M ap s, C ha dw yc k- H ea le y, In c. ) remove pieces from the outside wall in order to gain free admission to the hockey games. To stop this practice, Coomb boarded up the inside of the rink.136 Coomb also reported that boys smashed nearly two hundred panes of glass at the rink each year, in addition to pulling down the electric wiring, and smashing light sockets. The rink manager explained that if these practices alone could be stopped, expenses would be decreased between two and three hundred dollars annually.137 However, the vandalism at the Michigan Soo rink did not cease, as Coomb reported later in the 1 905-06 season that his efforts to board up the rink were done in vain; people were still entering the arena through holes that were made in the sides of the building. On January 4, 1 906, a boy was jailed for trying to get into the arena illegally.138 Coomb stated to the Soo Eveninci News that: “a public place of amusement such as the ice rink seems to be thought legitimate prey for these people, and I shall stop it if possible. A close watch will be kept and anyone caught will be prosecuted”.139 Despite the actions of a few unruly spectators, interest and support for the hockey team remained high in the Michigan Soo throughout its affiliation with the International Hockey League. Before the first game was played in 1904, hockey fans in the Michigan town organized themselves into a group, called the Rooters, which met at city hall and tried to devise cheers that would drown out the shouting of Canadian Soo fans, who would often cross the border to support any clubs opposing the Michigan team.140 The zealousness of the Rooters reflected the anticipation the town shared for the local team’s chances of winning in the l.H.L. Jimmy Ryan, former manager of the Soo baseball team, became an l36lbid., Nov 14/05, n. pag. i37soo Eveninci News, Nov 14/05, n. pag. 1 38Ibid., Jan 5/05, n. pag. i3Slbid. i4Olbid., Dec 13/04, n. pag. 74 ardent supporter of the hockey team, and observed the excitement of the Michigan Soo fans, before the first l.H.L. game was even played: To hear them tell it the Soo team is going to beat every other team in the league and never lose a game. In the Hotels, clubs, stores, on the street, in the street cars, coming hme from church, in the saloons . . . there is nothing talked but hockey.1 1 One reason for the continuing support by Michigan Soo residents was the fact that the local l.H.L. team remained a consistent championship contender throughout the three l.H.L. seasons. Unfortunately for the fans of the team, an l.H.L. championship was not won by the Michigan Soo. The closest opportunity the team had was a second-place finish behind the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, in 1 905-06. The Michigan Soo club finished the season with sixteen wins in twenty two games, losing the l.H.L. pennant by one game.142 The team was favored to win the League championship that year, according to reports before the opening of the 1905-06 season,143 and was involved in a heated battle with both the Pittsburgh and Houghton teams. The rivalry between the Portage Lakes, and the “Wolverines” of the Michigan Soo, as the Sault Eveninci News had nicknamed the team,144 continued throughout the entire season. Following the Michigan Soo’s victory at Houghton on January 14, one third of the way into the season, League President A.L. Ferguson of the Soo, showing an obvious bias toward his own team, offered to bet one thousand dollars that on neutral ice, his Michigan Soo team could defeat the Portage Lakes in five out of six games.145 As the season progressed, the “Wolverines” won seven of eight contests, and occupied first place in the l.H.L. standings through January 24. The race for the pennant i4Minin Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag. 142See Appendix H for win-loss records for all five l.H.L. teams, in all three seasons. 143MininQ Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag. l44Soo Eveninci News, Dec 27/05, n. pag. l45lbid., Jan 15/06, n. pag. 75 remained very close. However, a loss to the Portage Lakes on January 25 dropped the Michigan Soo from first to third, trailing both Houghton and Pittsburgh.146 In the three years of l.H.L. operations, the team from Sault Ste. Marie had provided consistent, talented competition for the other four teams. However, the instability of team ownership following the conclusion of the 1906-07 season may have contributed to the demise of the League in the fall of 1 907. In the spring of 1 907, the Michigan Soo franchise was acquired by two Soo businessmen, Max Schoenman, and Dave Lee. Ferguson and Murdock, who had operated the team since its inception, allowed the transaction, on the condition that the new owners enter a team into the l.H.L. for 1 907-08, thus perpetuating the civic pride and interest that Ferguson and Murdock deemed was created by the team.147 Sault Ste. Marie. Ontario (Canadian Soo) Meanwhile, across the border in Canada, the town of Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, also prepared to enter a professional team into the I.H.L. Like most other Ontario towns at the beginning of the twentieth century, hockey had already become a well-established sporting activity for local residents. By 1902, the Canadian Soo had an entry in the Ontario Hockey Association, the Soo Hockey Club, operating out of the Soo Curling Club rink.148 The senior team was not the only organized hockey in the town; Sault Ste. Marie also had its own three-team intermediate league, and a junior league made up of Y.M.C.A. and high school teams.149 Competition for the local senior team would be provided by the Michigan Soo, but games were often one-sided. In an exhibition game on January 22, 1 903, the Canadians beat the Michigan Soo 18-1 15O Other teams that would play the Canadian Soo were the l46bid., Jan 26/06, n. pag. l47Sauft Star, May 2/07, n. pag. l48Mininp Gazette, Nov 22/02, n. pag. l49Sault Star, Dec 4/02, n. pag. i5Olbid., Jan 29/03, n. pag. 76 Toronto Varsity, Smith’s Falls, and the Toronto Wellingtons.151 The Wellingtons were more than a match for the locals; the Canadian Soo found it difficult to compete against the other established Canadian teams. The Canadian Soo had also played against the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, when the Americans were still considered to be amateur, before the Amphidrome was built in Houghton. The Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, team was also considered amateur, although each season made it more difficult for the operators of the local club to finance the team. In the fall of 1 903, at the third annual meeting of shareholders of the Sault Ste Marie Skating Rink and Athletic Co., Limited, President T. S. Durham revealed that although the company had paid off over $725 of its debt, it still owed $3,400. Durham further explained that hockey was just not as prosperous as it had been in previous years.152 Many of the teams that had provided competition for the Sault club had started paying for hockey talent, but for the 1903-04 season, despite the impending financial woes that the club faced, the Canadian Soo team chose to organize a team, and remain amateur.153 Shortly after that decision, the Canadian Soo Hockey Club realized that it would prove too costly to travel the extra distance to meet amateur clubs. The team withdrew from the O.H.A.’s intermediate series and was renamed the Algonquins. The team would now try to arrange exhibitions with the alleged professional teams, which were much closer, as well as any amateur teams that might risk O.H.A. expulsion to play the Soo team.154 The team’s withdrawal from the O.H.A. had caused a sensation in the Canadian newspapers, but the management had determined that the Canadian players wanted to get paid like their 151 The Varsity made their third annual visit to the Soo in January of 1903; ibid., Jan 1, Feb 12, Mar 5/03, n. pag. 1 52Saij[t Star, Oct 8/03, n. pag. 1 53GIobe and Mail, Dec 22/03, n. pag. 154b1d., Dec 25/03, n. pag. 77 Michigan Soo counterparts, and was growing tired of seeing the healthy gates that the Michigan Soo was receiving for its high-calibre games.155 In 1903-04, despite the fact that games were arranged with the Portage Lakes and Michigan Soo teams, the Algonquins vehemently denied that it was a professional team.156 This may have been due to an interest in being re-entered into the O.H.A. in the future. As the 1 903-04 season ended, there was already speculation of the forming of a professional league for the fall of 1904. Though the Algonquins were still considered by the O.H.A. to be amateur, no doubt the prospects of appeasing the local players through remuneration, as well as the potential for larger crowds and higher ticket prices, would tempt the local management to join the professional hockey ranks. The success of the Portage Lakes had shown that there was a possible future in the professional game. Thus, in the fall of 1 904, a decision needed to be made by the Canadian Soo team management: There are of course a good many people in the Soo who are averse to severing connections with the Ontario Hockey Association, but on account of the fact that the town is so far away from other hockey centers [in Canada] it is gifficult] to maintain a team entered into that association. . . . John P. Mooney of the Canadian Soo club stated that fans would not be content to see a team compete against clubs from Thessalon, Blind River, “and such small places, especially when citizens could cross the river and see fast games,” between the Michigan Soo and other quality professional teams.158 Mooneys statement revealed another dilemma that influenced the Canadian Soo’s foray into professionalism; the rivalry that existed between the two Soo towns. The Canadian Soo would be far behind its American counterpart should 1 55With the addition of former Pittsburgh and Houghton players, the Michigan Soo provided a higher calibre of hockey, and drew larger crowds; Globe and Mail, Dec 26/03, n. pag. l56lbid., Dec 30/03, n. pag. 1 57Coooer Country, Sep 30/04, n. pag. 1 58Sault Star, Oct 1 3/04, n. pag. 78 the Michigan Soo join the new professional league. J. C. Boyd, president of the Rink Company admitted that “the town wanted a team that could lick the American Soo.”159 Despite indications that it would be in the best interests of the team and the town to join the l.H.L., uncertainty led to the organization of a meeting at the Soo town hall on October 10. “Those who advocate the idea are requested to be on hand, as well as those who oppose it.”16°The meeting proved that there was overwhelming support for professional hockey. Also witnessed at the meeting was the emergence of local curlers interested in financing the team. Therefore, a committee, composed of prominent Soo businessmen, was formed to oversee team operations,161 and would also call upon local citizens for additional financial assistance.162 The new team would cost an estimated $125 a week, and the Sault Star predicted that an average gate of $275 would pay the team’s expenses, with an additional $75 going to the visiting team’s expenses. The rink would take over club operations with a $500 guarantee raised by the citizens.163 The remainder of the money needed to commence club operations was provided by the committee, who raised a total of one thousand dollars for the club. J. C. Boyd, T. S. Durham, and W. O’Brien subscribed $250 each for club stock, with the remaining $250 taken by G. S. Cowie, J. P. Mooney, George Reid, and John G. Sutherland.164 Other costs would be incurred before team play could commence. Similar to operations at the Michigan Soo, the rink at the Canadian Soo was used primarily for, and owned and operated by, local curlers. Changes to the rink would be necessary to accommodate the larger crowds that were anticipated for hockey games. To accomplish i59lbld. l6OIbid., Oct 6/04, n. pag. 1 61 Soo Eveninri News, Oct 11/04, n. pag. 1 62lbid. 1 63Sauft Star, Oct 1 3/04, n. pag. 1S4lbid, Oct 20/04, n. pag. 79 this, a new waiting room with a glass front was constructed at the east end of the rink, while a gallery installed at the south end increased seating capacity by two hundred.165 To recover the costs of operating the team and building, ticket prices were determined as follows; seventy-five cents for the best seats, fifty cents for general admission, and twenty-five cents for children.166 Not everyone was happy with the proposed ticket prices, evidenced by the complaints of one Canadian Soo woman to the Sault Star: As ladies going without escorts have to go to the higher priced place, they will have to pay 75 cents, while a gentleman without a lady, can see a match for 50 cents. This is hardly fair . . . . A lady shpMld not be charged more than 25 cents admission to any part of the rink. ‘° Despite the preparations of the club management, from the onset of the 1 904-05 season, the Canadian Soo team showed signs that the players they had organized were unable to compete with the other strong l.H.L. teams. Some of the Pittsburgh players stated that the Canadian Soo team was the fastest team in the League, but that the team’s players were too light, and not able to contend with the strong checking and rough play that was already evident early in the season.168 The team was led by William “Lady Bill” Taylor, who was considered to be the fastest player in the League. The Houghton Daily Mmmci Gazette agreed that “he undoubtedly is, but it remains to be seen if he is a star of the big league.”169 Management’s response to this dilemma was to try to acquire additional players who could help the team win. Despite the fact that the Canadian Soo team had won only one game through early January of 1905, team manager J. P. Mooney claimed to be happy with 1 65CooDer Country, Nov 30/04, n. pag. 1 66Sauft Star, Dec 1/04, n. pag. 1 685oo Eveninci News, Dec 28/04, n. pag. 169Mining Gazette, Jan 3/05, n. pag. 80 the progress he had seen in his club so far.170 “Texas” Gillard had arrived on January 6, and, if little else, would add size and strength to the smaller Canadian Soo team.171 A large salary was also offered to another player, George 0. Gittus, but he refused Mooney’s offer.172 Mooney continued to attempt to sign players, as, with only three victories in ten games to date, the Canadians were preparing for a two-game series against Calumet. On February 1, Oliver Seibert, of Berlin, and Frank Clifton, of Brantford, had arrived, but neither new team member played in the Soo’s 6-4 loss to Calumet that evening.173 Seibert had played with “Doc” Gibson in Berlin,174 and would later be enshrined as a member of the Hockey Hall of Fame. Both Seibert and Clifton were inserted into the Canadian Soo lineup the following evening, but the visiting Calumet team won again, 6-1 P175 Seibert’s tenure with the Canadian professional club would be a short one; his wrist was broken during the game by Calumet’s “Hod” Stuart,176 and Seibert would never play in another l.H.L. contest. These management efforts proved futile, as the team ended a dismal 1 904-05 season with only six wins in twenty four games. The following season, the management continued to pay high prices for talented players, despite the imposition of a salary limit on teams by the League officers. The acquisition of better players for the Canadian Soo team led to speculation in the newspapers that the Soo had exceeded the salary limit.177 The Houghton Daily Mmmci Gazette reported that Roy Brown had signed for fifty dollars per i7OS Eveninci News, Jan 7/05, n. pag. i7libid. 172MIjci Gazette, Jan 11/05, n. pag. i73lbid., Feb 2/05, n. pag. l74bid., Feb 3/05, n. pag. l75Mininp Gazette, Feb 3/05, n. pag. l76bid. l77bid., Nov 26/05, n. pag. 81 week, and that Baldy” Spittal, formerly of Pittsburgh, was receiving the same amount. The newspaper noted, however, that there were a number of Canadian Soo players who were paid only fifteen or twenty dollars for each week.178 Salary speculations were even higher in the Soo; the Sault Star claimed that Brown was paid one hundred dollars for each game he played.179 Keeping under the salary limit would seem to be of little concern to the Canadian Soo club, considering the other problems that arose for the team during the 1 905-06 season. Unfortunately, one of these problems was beyond the control of the team, its fans, or its management. In the Canadian Soo, warm weather conditions were beginning to affect the rink and threaten the l.H.L.’s scheduled games there. A series between Pittsburgh and the Soo was to be postponed, should the warm conditions continue, at the end of December, 1905. Two games, scheduled for December 27 and 29, were cancelled, because the ice was in a state that was deemed unsuitable for play.180 One of the games was replayed on February 3, at a time when Pittsburgh was playing in the Michigan Soo.181 In addition, while the League was enjoying adequate attendance at its rinks, the Canadian Soo was encountering the same difficulties that plagued the team the previous season; it could not compete with the other l.H.L. clubs. On December 26, the Ontario team lost to the Michigan Soo, in Michigan. The Michigan team, led by Didier Pitre’s eight-goal performance, scored sixteen times against the Canadian Soo’s goaltender, Darcy Regan.182 Perhaps the lack of competitiveness displayed by the Canadian Soo team resulted in dissension amongst its team members, as the season progressed. The Pittsburgh Gazette l78bid, Dec 27/05, n. pag. 1 79Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag. 18OSault Star, Dec 28/05, n.p ag., and Pittsburgh Gazette, Dec 30/05, n. pag. i8lPittsburh Gazette, Feb 4/06, n. pag. 1 B2Soo Evening News, Dec 27/05, n. pag. 82 announced, following a 9-3 loss by the Soo at Pittsburgh, that Soo player-manager “Baldy” Spittal was leaving the team, and considering pursuing refereeing duties. Spittal then claimed that the Canadian Soo was “an aggregation that would make a manager seek nerve tonics hourly.”183 The Daily Mmmci Gazette later concurred with the Pittsburgh newspaper, adding that Spittal, who was serving as Canadian Soo team captain, was to be replaced as captain by Darcy Regan.84 Spittal then returned to his home in Ottawa. He was apparently offered terms to play for the Portage Lakes, but his desires to become a referee outweighed Houghton’s offer. The dissension that resulted in the departure of team captain Spittal also led to specualtion of the immenent loss of other talented Canadian Soo players. Roy Brown was rumored to be signing with Calumet, but the Soo steadfastly refused to give him his release.185 With all of the problems team management was encountering, and with performance on the ice not improving, public interest in the Soo had begun to wane. The Sault Ste Marie Eveninci News could not find fault with the local fans’ lack of enthusiasm for the team: The attendance at the games is much better than could be expected under the circumstances and the way people have stood by the team through thick Rnd thin shows that a winning team would be a big money maker here.18 In early February, attendance was continuing to decrease. On February 6, the Canadian Soo hosted the Michigan Soo, and “the game started with not more than one-quarter of the seats filled.”187 Attendance for a game between the two rival towns would normally generate above average-attendance for games, but the future of professional hockey in the Canadian Soo now seemed unstable. 183Pittsburqh Gazette, Jan 1 7/06, n. pag. 1 84Mininp Gazette, Jan 26/06, n. pag. 1 85CoDper Country, Jan 20/06, n. pag. 1 86Soo Evening News, Jan 24/06, n. pag. 187lbd., Feb 7/06, n. pag. 83 Throughout the month of February, 1906, the Canadian Soo continued its poor play, and, on February 8, the team lost in the Michigan Soo by a score of 1 6-4. Each member of the American team scored at least once on the hapless Canadians, with the exception of goaltender “Chief” Jones. The Canadian Soo correspondent at the game, frustrated with the team’s performance, was quoted in the Sault Ste. Marie EveninQ News as saying: “you won’t catch me writing anything about this game, we’ve got one funny column and that’s enough. I’ll resign before I sling ink over that game. All I want is for you fellows to leave me alone, so I can forget it.”188 With only one victory in fifteen games, and having been outscored by 138 goals to 57, the management of the Canadian Soo decided to withdraw from the l.H.L., following the humiliating loss to the Michigan Soo. When the League compiled its figures to determine the League championships, the nine remaining games against the other l.H.L. clubs were awarded to the other teams as 1-0 victories. The presence of International League hockey in the Canadian Soo would be over for the season, and, in the minds of many, forever. The absence of the Canadian Soo meant that the l.H.L., except for its pool of talent, no longer had a Canadian affiliation. A newspaper in Duluth speculated that the l.H.L. would be dismantled, and that the Canadian Soo would never again be the site of professional hockey games. The newspaper further reported: “that the Canadian team will not be in the International League next season is practically a foregone conclusion.”189 In the fall of 1906, and in anticipation of the 1906-07 season, l.H.L. owners were questioning the abilities of the League to operate without the inclusion of a Canadian Soo team, as the Canadian Soo’s absence might lead League management to renaming, or reorganizing the League. In September of 1906, the Sault Star predicted that the formation of an l.H.L. team in the Canadian Soo would not occur in 1 906-07. The newspaper did l88lbid., Feb 9/06, n. pag. l895aijlt Star, Mar 1/06, n. pag. 84 report that there was enough capital available to finance a team, but new players would need to be acquired now to ensure the team’s success.190 The newspaper further stated that the team management might wait for the conclusion of the professional lacrosse season; many hockey players were also competing in lacrosse, and would become available after they were released from their lacrosse contracts.191 A meeting was organized later in September, to determine the viability of entering into the l.H.L. again. Everyone who wanted a team in the Soo was invited to bring a cheque,192 as an estimated twenty-five hundred dollars would be needed to begin operations.193 The Canadian Soo had already been re-accepted into the League, according to a vote taken in a Detroit meeting by l.H.L. officers, should enough interest arise in the Ontario town. All other teams were to resume operations. A week after the Detroit meeting, the Canadian Soo’s entry was still in doubt. Should the Canadians not enter, the League was prepared to change its name to the American Hockey League. A schedule meeting was arranged for November 11, by which time the League had hoped that the teams to be involved would be known.194 Meanwhile, in the Canadian Soo, a team was finally organized. In response to repeated questions as to the team’s organization, the Sault Star was finally able to respond “you bet your boots.”195 The elected officers were announced in the local newspaper,196 and Roy Brown was then l9Olbid., Sep 13/06, n. pag. l9ilbid. 192(bjd., Sep 20/06, n. pag. 1 93Among the supporters were D. D. Lewis, W. O’Brien, M. F. Goodwin, J. G. Sutherland, and A. H. Chitty; Sault Star, Oct 4/06, n. pag.. l94Sault Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag. l95lbid., Oct 4/06, n. pag. 196The officers were elected as follows: President, J. H. D. Browne; Vice President, Thomas E. Simpson; Secretary, Malcolm Laughton; Treasurer, William O’Brien; Executive Committee, J. Culbert, R. H. Sweetser, M. F. Goodwin, J. Hockshaw, Geo. Millington, and Geo. Fisher; ibid. 85 called upon to manage the team. Brown had apparently contacted at least eighteen men, and was taking a very serious approach to hockey operations. The Sault Star would settle for no less an effort from Brown, or from the rest of the Canadian Soo management: the organization is formed on a strictly business basis. They will pay the price for fast men who will have to get up and dust, or else unhang their coats from the hockey management’s peg here . . . .The Canadian Soo is a hockey town, and wjl.?ive liberal support to a good hockey organization- only give us a team. The management did give the Canadian Soo a team for the 1906-07 season, which finished second in the League standings behind the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Expectations and support for the club peaked during the 1 906-07 season in the Canadian Soo and the postponement of League operations in the fall of 1 907 would be sadly accepted by hockey fans in the l.H.L.’s only Canadian town. Pittsburcih, Pennsylvania Of all the l.H.L. team sites, Pittsburgh seemed the most capable of supporting professional hockey during the first decade of the twentieth century. With a large population base, the city did not need to depend on a large percentage of its inhabitants to fill its rink. In addition, the artificial ice arena, the Duquesne Gardens, provided an opportunity for hockey to develop in Pittsburgh during the early 1900’s. For several years before the commencement of l.H.L. operations, hockey had become popular in Pittsburgh, with the Gardens frequently filled to capacity. A four-team circuit called the Western Pennsylvania Hockey League (W.P.H.L.) had been developed, featuring the Bankers, Keystones, Victorias, and Pittsburgh Athletic Club, with all teams playing at the Duquesne Gardens. The players who participated in the W.P.H.L. were of Canadian origins, and the Pittsburgh teams needed to provide some inducement to lure the players to Pennsylvania. The Canadian players were provided jobs, which were supplemented by salaries of fifteen to twenty dollars per week.198 Because of 197 Ibid. i9BFitselI, Captains, Colonels & KinQs, 117. 86 - o > -1 m OD -1 D uq ue sn e G ar de ns , Pi tts bu rg h, Pe nn sy lv an ia (C aD tai ns ,C ol on el s & K in Qs ) these practices, the W.P.H.L. was considered to be a semi-professional league during the early 1900’s. The 1 903-04 season proved to be pivotal for hockey in Pittsburgh. The Portage Lakes, utilizing the same techniques that Pittsburgh clubs used to acquire players, offered more money and signed some of the best players from the W.P.H.L.. Goaltender Riley Hem, Ernie Westcott, and Bert Morrison were all former Pittsburgh Keystone players, who moved to Houghton at the beginning of the season.199 “Hod” Stuart was also lured away from the Pittsburgh Bankers by the Portage Lakes management. Thus, the W.P.H.L. was decimated for the 1903-04 season, and the success of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club that year only proved that professional hockey would be necessary in Pittsburgh, in order to get the “crack” Canadian players back to Pennsylvania. In the fall of 1 904, the prospects of a new professional league became a reality. Pittsburgh, which had maintained four teams in the W.P.H.L., had lost a number of its better players with the professionalization of the Portage Lakers. Due to the lack of available talent, joining the l.H.L. would allow Pittsburgh fans to continue to witness high-calibre hockey games, with Pittsburgh represented by one strong club, instead of four weaker semi professional teams. The Pittsburgh team management could concentrate solely on the acquisition of players, as the Duquesne Gardens, with its large ice surface, was already suited to host professional games. Also, because the ice was artificial, it allowed players to practice long before the opening of the l.H.L. season. Many considered this to be an unfair advantage for the Pennsylvania team; other teams were forced to wait until winter conditions made practice possible, and often teams were forced to prepare for the season at local gymnasiums.200 1 99Minin Gazette, Jan 9/04, n. pag. 200s00 Everiinci News, Nov 14/06, n. pag. 88 Supporters of the Michigan Soo team felt that the Soo team lost its opportunity to win the League championship in 1 905-06 because of the ability of the Pittsburgh club to practice early. In December of 1905, the Michigan team was able to practice only three times before leaving for the season-opening three-game series in Pittsburgh.201 Jack Laviolette of the Michigan Soo team later explained that, “when we went to Pittsburgh for the opening games we were practically without any preliminary work, the ice at the Soo not being in condition for practice before we left.”202 The Pittsburgh team, having the opportunity to prepare for the series by practicing at the Duguesne Gardens’ artificial ice, won the first two games before the visitors could find their playing form and win the final match.203 The Michigan Soo team eventually lost the League championship to Houghton, by one game. Competitively, Pittsburgh remained a strong team through the final two years of I.H.L. operations. This was achieved despite several problems between players and the team management. According to the Pittsburgh Gazette, one of the Pittsburgh players, Allan Kent, was released by acting player-manager Arthur Sixsmith, for unspecified reasons. Another of the Pittsburgh players, Billy Baird, who was a friend of Kent’s, quit the team as a result of Kent’s release. The newspaper reported that “the opinion is prevalent that Kent, who is older, exerted influence over Baird, who is but a youth.”204 The disagreement was soon resolved, however, as Baird returned to the team,205 and played for Pittsburgh for the remainder of the 1905-06 season. 2OiMinin Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag. 2025oo Evening News, Mar 1 3/06, n. pag. 2O3Mininp Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag. 2O4Pittsburgh Gazette, Feb 24/06, n. pag. 2O5Mining Gazette, Feb 28/06, n. pag. 89 The following season, expressed displeasure by Pittsburgh players regarding the refereeing of l.H.L. games eventually led to the release of one of the best players in the l.H.L., “Hod” Stuart.206 Stuart refused to send the team onto the ice during a game against the Michigan Soo, in order to demonstarte the team’s displeasure over the choice of referee for that game. Pittsburgh management, facing a potential fine for forfeiting the game, released Stuart for his act of insubordination. The loss of Stuart to Montreal greatly affected the Pittsburgh team, as the departure of players to Canadian teams had not often occurred in the previous seasons. Pittsburgh lost another important player, Billy Baird, on January 22; he signed with the Ottawa team for a reported sixty-five dollar-per-week salary.207 To bolster the Pittsburgh roster for the remainder of 1 906-07, the team management pursued more Canadian players for the remainder of the season. RowJey Young was recruited, and paid two hundred dollars for a three game series, at the Duquesne Gardens, against Calumet.208 Young was also retained for the series against Houghton, along with goaltender Mark Tooze. Regular goaltender Jack Winchester was apparently feuding with team management, and Tooze might be needed to play. Both Tooze and Young were from a newly-formed Toronto professional team P209 It was unfortunate that problems between players and management arose in a city that supported professional hockey in large numbers. The Duquesne Gardens was almost always filled to capacity for l.H.L. games, but the distance between Pittsburgh and the other l.H.L. teams aided in the demise of League operations in the fall of 1 907. 206This specific incident will be discussed in a Chapter 4. 2O7Minjnp Gazette, Jan 23/07, n. pag. 2O8lbid., Feb 20/07, n. pag. 2O9Minin Gazette, Mar 5/07, n. pag. 90 Calumet, Michigan Also located in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, Calumet was similar in size to Houghton. Living approximately thirty miles from the Houghton-Hancock township, Calumet’s residents relied heavily on the copper mining operations of the Calumet and Hecla Company. Perhaps civic rivalry in the Copper Country led to Calumet’s interest in joining the International Hockey League, as the town’s neighbors in Houghton gained attention through the efforts of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Prior to the turn of the century, hockey was not an overly popular sport in Calumet, although the first ice rink opened in the Calumet region in nearby Laurium, in approximately 1 890.210 After a few years of operations, it was dismantled and replaced by the Park rink, which was in current use at the time the I.H.L. formed.211 Unfortunately, the conditions in the available rinks were not conducive to the playing of hockey: The games played in the Park and Laurium rinks were not devoid of interest, although the players were placed somewhat at a disadvantage by the presence of the poles in the center. These interfered considerably with combination plays.2’ Obviously, such conditions would not be adequate for play in the new professional hockey league. A new arena would need to be constructed, with a large and unobstructed ice surface. Seating capacity would have to be large enough to ensure gates that would support the players’ salaries, and, of course, the rink would have to be the better of nearby 1-loughton’s rink, the Amphidrome. In November of 1904, local businessmen organized the Laurium Storage and Warehouse Company,213 to prepare for the construction of such a large arena, one that would have a seating capacity in excess of thirty-five hundred.214 The new arena contract 2lOlbid., Dec 9/06, n. pag. 2lilbjd. 212lb d., Nov 8/04, n. pag. 2l3Coer Country, Nov 28/04, n. pag. 2l4Ibid., Nov 8/04, n. pag. 91 was awarded to Charles A. Anderson, a carpenter contractor, who built the rink with the aid of almost thirty carpenters. The rink would need over thirty train cars of lumber for its construction,215 and upon completion was named the Palestra, defined as a place where boys are trained, under official direction, in athletics. The Palestra was built directly in front of the Copper Range depot, one-half block from that railway’s station.216 The locale would allow spectators access to the arena from various townships in the Copper Country. The rink itself was much larger than the Park or Laurium rinks; in addition to its large seating capacity, the Palestra’s ice surface was 180 by 78 feet.217 The seating capacity was arranged into the following areas: Section Seating Capacity Total capacity Reserved seats 1632 4332 Gallery 900 Back of goals 1000 Back of reserved seat section and other vacant portions of the rink 800 While the arena was nearing completion, the Calumet team was busily acquiring players. “Hod” Stuart had been already been named Captain and Manager,218 and was also hired to manage the Palestra.219 Stuart was apparently paid the sum of eighteen hundred dollars for his many duties.220 As team manager, it was his responsibility to seek out the remaining players. One of the first players Stuart pursued was “Paddy” Moran, who was offered one hundred dollars a month, in addition to a position as an electrician, but Moran declined Stuart’s offer.221 Stuart was successful in acquiring the remainder of the club’s 2i5Ibjd. 2l6Ibid., Dec 14/04, n. pag. 2l7bid., Dec 16/04, n. pag. 2iBSoo Eveninci News, Oct 10/04, n. pag. 219Mininci Gazette, Oct 13/04, n. pag. 22Olbid., Jan 10/05, n. pag. 22isoo Evening News, Oct 10/04, n. pag. 92 FOUNDRY PLATE IX ‘L - 0 •0 Co Ci 0 Co a) U C 0 C Cu Cl) 0) C > Cu Cu I. 0 00) 0 z C Cu C-) a) E Co C-) Cu 0 0) Cu 0- a) -C ‘4- 0 0. Cu a) C) C CO 0 C a) 93 players, and was well respected for his abilities as a player, as well as a manager. Author J. W. Fitsell had this opinion of “Hod” Stuart: If Dr. Gibson made professional hockey possible, Hod Stuart assured respectable salaries and playing conditions. ‘He has great influence with [the players],’ said a Pittsburgh reporter. He never fails to go before the league and fight their bats. He sticks out for a good salary for himself and also for other players.’ As the first game of the l.H.L. season approached, the Palestra was not yet completed, and arrangements were made for the Calumet team to practice at nearby Houghton.223 By mid-December, the team was able to practice at the new rink. The Palestra would not be completely finished until January 1, 1905, two weeks into the l.H.L.’s first season. A dancing pavilion was to be finished, as well as a steam heating plant to make it easier for the spectators to endure the cold winter conditions in the seating areas.224 Despite the arena’s incomplete state, the grand opening of the rink would be held in connection with the team’s first League game, on December 16.225 In preparation for the season, Calumet played an exhibition game against the local Crescent Hockey Club.226 Interest in hockey was beginning to grow in the Calumet township, and the Cooer Country Evening News considered what would occur if the popularity of the sport continued: “it is expected that it will not be necessary to go to Canada for players after a while if Calumet boys take an interest in the sport and perfect themselves in the intricacies of the great game”.227 222Fitsell, Caøtains. Colonels & Kinis, 120. 223Coøer Country, Dec 1/04, n. pag. 224Mining Gazette, Dec 22/04, n. pag. 225Coooer Country, Dec 1 3/04, n. pag. 226Coer Country, Dec 14/04, n. pag. 227lbid., Nov 12/04, n. pag. 94 With the guidance of the talented “Hod” Stuart, Calumet emerged as the top team in the l.H.L. in its inaugural season. One method, used by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, to try to defeat the powerful Calumet club, was to acquire top players from other clubs. The l.H.L. schedule resulted in the completion of Pittsburgh’s twenty-four games earlier than the other teams. A rumor then arose that two of Pittsburgh’s players, who had been released at the conclusion of that club’s season, would be signing with the Canadian Soo for the remainder of the Canadian team’s schedule. An official representing the Canadian Soo denied the rumor, claiming that “we believe we can win the four remaining games with the men we have and so it will be all the more credit to the team.”228 However, the gallant gesture by the Canadian Soo team only provided an opportunity for the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, currently in second place in the League standings, to pursue talented Pittsburgh players. Houghton then signed Lorne Campbell, who had led Pittsburgh in scoring with twenty-nine goals. Despite scoring five goals in four games played, Campbell could not help the Portage Lakes overtake Calumet, which won the l.H.L. championship and pennant for the 1904-05 season. The final games between the two teams were hard-fought by both clubs. The misgivings towards the other l.H.L. teams were overlooked by the Calumet townspeople, who held a banquet to honor the local pennant winners. Players were awarded gold medals for their efforts, and given the adulation of the town’s hockey fans.229 The team had won eighteen of its twenty-four games, and outscored its l.H.L. opponents 131-75. Calumet teammates Fred Strike and Ken Mallen led the League in goal scoring, with Strike tallying forty-four, and Mallen finishing second with thirty-seven.230 228Soo Eveninci News, Mar 6/05, n. pag. 229Coper Country, Mar 2 1/05, n. pag. 23OPittsburgh’s Lorne Campbell, playing four extra games with Houghton, had finished with 34. 95 The Calumet Hockey Club - l.H.L. Champions, 1904-05, Front row: Fred Strike and Ken Mallen; middle row: Robert Scott, Billy Nicholson, and Jimmy Gardner; back row: Joseph Ziehr (trainer), Charles Thompson (Manager), Reddy McMillan, ‘Hod” Stuart, Lal Earls, Johnson Vivian, Jr.(President) (Coer Country Eveninci News, Feb 13/05) PLATE X 96 Before the opening of the 1 905-06 season, the pennant that signified the League championship of 1 904-05 finally arrived in Calumet. Eighteen feet long, and made of silk, the pennant showed the word “champions”, along with the intertwined flags of the United States and the Union Jack.231 The pennant would be proudly displayed at the Palestra, to signify Calumet’s claim to the championship of professional ice hockey. The Calumet team would be hard pressed to repeat as League champions in 1 905- 06, due to the increased preparations of the other four teams. In addition, financial considerations were also weighing on the decisions of management in Calumet, where a salary dispute had led to “Hod” Stuart’s departure. The Calumet team would also feature several new players, as “dissension in the team last season [seemed] to make for the result that Gardner, Nicholson, Mallen, and Strike [would] not be back.”232 The team would be operated by a group of twenty men this year, with hockey matters to be kept separate from the Palestra rink’s busines operations.233 However, the efforts of both management and the players were in vain, as the team won only four times during the 1 905-06 season. The 1906-07 season opened on December 11, with games played in both Calumet and Pittsburgh. Calumet emerged as an early contender for the League championship, posting three consecutive victories in December. Goaltender Billy Nicholson did not allow a goal in all three games.234 However, despite such a promising start, the over-achieving team began losing to the other, more talented l.H.L. clubs; the team managed to win only three times in the last twenty-one games of the season, finishing in last place, and, according to Michigan Soo sports writer Frank Cleveland, did not possess an all-star-calibre player on its 23iCoer Country, Oct 26/05, n. pag. 2321bid., Oct 31/06, n. pag. Nicholson and Mallen would play for the team. 233Sult Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag. 234Mining Gazette, Dec 29/06, n. pag. 97 roster. Soon after the season had ended, the Daily Mining Gazette reported that Calumet was unlikely to enter a team into the League next year: The support given by the public has been wretched. The game has been a losing venture almost from the start [of the season] . . . .The Calumet hockey fans refused to see a losing team ly and at some of the games there were less than 500 people present.” However, the play of the team was not the only cause attributed to the decline in attendance at the Palestra. During the course of the season, there were a number of other activities in the town during the evening that would attract viewers. An example would be a show at the local theatre.236 The Conner Country Evening News had also reported that interest in the sport of hockey in general, had waned: Good amateur hockey has been noticeably lacking in the copper country this winter. With the exception of an occasional game between local teams in the smaller rinks nothing has been done to further the interest of amateur junior hockey in the county. A Houghton business man announced early in the winter that if there was sufficient interest shown he would bring up a cup to represent the upper peninsula high school championship. So far, the trophy has not materialized, because of the lack of interest in high school hockey.237 The strong start the team enjoyed in its first season, under the direction of “HodTM Stuart, may have led to unfair expectations of the Calumet club, which resulted in a significant decrease in support for the team in its final two years in the l.H.L. The importance of Calumet in determining the success of the League, as a whole, will be analyzed in a later chapter. Houghton, Michigan (The Portaae Lakes Hockey Club) Unlike the other four cities preparing for the opening of the 1904-05 l.H.L. season, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club had far fewer problems to consider. The team had already built an arena that was suited for the new professional game, and was already well-versed in the methods of acquiring high-calibre Canadian players. 235lbid., Mar 14/07, n. pag. 2361bid., Jan 23/07, n. pag. 237Coøner Country, Jan 11/07, n. pag. 98 However, the loss of “Hod” Stuart to Calumet would prove to be a problem, for he was considered to be one of the best players at his position in the world at that time. Fortunately for the club, “Hod”s brother, Bruce, who had scored a large number of the team’s goals during the 1903-04 season, returned to Houghton to play center.238 “Hod” Stuart, in an effort to obtain the rights to his brother for the Calumet club, had threatened to fold the Calumet team if Bruce was not released by Houghton, so he could play with his brother. Fortunately for Houghton, and the League, “Hod” did not carry out his threat; Bruce Stuart would play for the Portage Lakes in 1 904O5.239 With the winter conditions suitable for ice making not yet present, the Portage Lakes players commenced preliminary training for the 1904-05 season in November at the Y.M.C.A.24°The players were all working in the Houghton area, to supplement their hockey income, which sometimes made it difficult to prepare for the upcoming season. However, this was not seen as a problem by the local newspapers: The fact that with one exception they are all holding positions, has made it impossible for them to do any very great amount of preliminary training, but as they will have about two weeks before the season opens they will have plenty of time to get in condition as despite the fact that hockey is a strenuous game i loes not require the rigorous training that other athletic games compel. The Amphidrome, despite its recent construction, would undergo renovations throughout the l.H.L.’s years of operation. In the fall of 1904, a new vestibule was installed, following the removal of the old visitors’ dressing room. A new dressing room would now be available for the Houghton players, with the old one used by visiting teams.242 Two seasons later, a large boiler was installed to heat the new rooms that had been constructed inside the building. As well, alterations were made to the exterior of the rink, in the form of 23BMjnirin Gazette, Nov 10/04, n. pag. 24Olbpd. 24iCoer Country, Nov 30/04, n. pag. 242Mining Gazette, Dec 3/04, n. pag. 99 an electric sign, mounted on the side of the structure, with three-and-one-half foot letters spelling out the word “Amphidrome”.243 Prior to the start of the 1 904-05 season, “Doc” Gibson was named team captain of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, with John T. McNamara as team manager. Gibson was then given the title of player-manager, and to lessen his duties with the team, Gibson awarded the team captaincy to Bruce Stuart.244 As the team readied for the season opener in Pittsburgh, Gibson worried about the work habits of his fellow players. Shortly after the season began, on December 26, he imposed a mandatory fine against those players who did not attend practices, stating that “any member of the team not appearing at the Amphidrome daily for practice at 4:30 p.m. would be fined $5. One player came under the penalty for non-appearance yesterday.”245 Once the season began, it became obvious to followers of the Houghton team that the Portage Lakes Hockey Club would not dominate its opposition as it had in previous years. A home-and-home series between the Portage Lakes and Calumet resulted in two victories for the Calumet team, marking the first Portage Lakes loss ever at the Amphidrome.246 The loss also showed Houghton fans the higher level of competition that the other l.H.L. teams could provide. In early January, 1 905, a milestone occurred when Houghton travelled across the Upper Peninsula to meet the Canadian Soo. This game would mark first time in three years that the Portage Lakes had been in Canada to play, due in part to the ban placed on Houghton by the O.H.A. Only “Doc” Gibson of Houghton, and Jack Ward of the Canadian team remained from past seasons when the two clubs had met.247 The small, quick team 2431b1d., Nov 8/06, n. pag. 2441bid., Nov 30/04, n. pag. 245Minin Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag. 246Mininp Gazette, Dec 1 8/05, n. pag. 2471bjd., Jan 5/05, n. pag. 100 that the Canadian Soo supported would be a good match with the Portage Lakes team; “the Lakes play a game in which they rely upon their speed and stick handling ability, taking the puck rather than the man as some of the heavy teams do. . . “248 However, despite the moderate success of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, its management decided to seek more players that would help its chances of winning the I.H.L. championship. Because the team remained in the Sault Ste. Marie area following the games against the Canadian Soo, the management attempted to lure talented players from Canada to come in time for games against the Michigan Soo team. On Thursday, January 9, Charles Liffiton arrived to play for the Portage Lakes, having played the previous Saturday night with the Montreal Wanderers of the F.A.H.L., in a game at Ottawa. The Daily Mining Gazette, in an effort to illustrate the calibre of player that Liffiton apparently was, explained the circumstances through which he arrived in Ottawa to play. According to the Mining Gazette, Liffiton had missed the regular train from Montreal to Ottawa, which the rest of his team had taken. A special train was chartered by the Montreal club to ensure that he would arrive in Ottawa, in time for the game, at a cost of one hundred and fourteen dollars. The Mining Gazette’s sports writer reasoned that surely this player was of unparalleled abilities if a team would pay such a large sum to guarantee his arrival for a single game.249 According to the Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Liffiton was the highest paid player in the l.H.L., during the 1904-05 season.250 He was reportedly paid $1350 for the remainder of the season, to coincide with a high wage-paying position in the Houghton community.251 The Portage Lakes, in acquiring Liffiton during the season, may have realized 248lbid. 249Mjning Gazette, Jan 10/05, n. pag. 25OSo Evening News, Mar 1 8/05, n. pag. 251Mining Gazette, Jan 17/05, n. pag. 101 that the other strong teams in the League would not allow Houghton to dominate its opposition as it had in the past. The team therefore needed to acquire players who were even better than the ones already under contract, and had to pay far more for this increase in talent. In Calumet, the Coooer Country Evening News noticed the lack of domination displayed by the Houghton team: The Portage Lakes are experiencing some very hard lines in some of their games, and the glamour that once surrounded them as masters of the Canadian game is fast leaving them. . . . the team is not the team of a year ago, or else the sensible conclusion must be drawn that they have [encountered] faster and better [competition] this season.2 The acquisition of Liffiton did provide immediate assistance to the Portage Lakes; he scored twice to lead the team to a 8-3 victory over the Michigan Soo on January 10. His presence would be sorely needed in Houghton’s efforts to outplay the Calumet club, which was leading the I.H.L.’s pennant race. Unfortunately for Houghton fans, the team could not catch the powerful Calumet team, and finished second in the 1904-05 l.H.L. standings. In the fall of 1905, expectations were increased, when it was reported that Fred Whitcroft was to arrive to strengthen the Portage Lakes Club,253 but Whitcroft decided not to play for the team. Goalkeeper Riley Hem was named captain of the club, but declined, explaining that the captaincy should belong to a player on the forward line, and Bruce Stuart was then named in Hem’s place for the 1 905-06 season.254 Thus, under the guidance of the experienced and talented Stuart, Houghton fans were reassured that the club would be a contender for the 1905-06 l.H.L. championship. As the season began, Houghton emerged as a favorite to win the League championship. Not content with the current roster, the Portage Lakes again tried to improve their team by signing a new player, at the rover position. The Daily Mining Gazette reported 252Copøer Country, Jan 11/05, n. pag. 253Minin Gazette, Nov 2/05, n. pag. 254Minin Gazette, Nov 4/05, n. pag. 102 that the team would add a player who was rumored to be “one of the fastest and highest priced men in the Dominion.”255 This player was apparently a good friend of Portage Lakes player “Grindy” Forrester, and would only play for the organization with which Forrester was affiliated.256 On January 31, 1905, the name of the new player was finally revealed; Fred Taylor, of Listowel, Ontario, would be arriving in Houghton via Portage La Prairie. According to the Daily Mining Gazette, Taylor “was raised with the hockey stick in his hands and skates on his feet.”257 He had reportedly signed with both the Calumet and Sault Ste Marie, Ontario, clubs earlier in the season, but had failed to report to either club.258 On the first of February, Taylor finally became a member of an l.H.L. team, when he practiced with the Portage Lakes for the first time. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that Taylor had shown signs of his talent, and “was proving much better than when he came to the Copper Country three years ago with the Pirates of Detroit”. To make room for Taylor on the Houghton roster, Walter Forrest was given his release from the club.259 On February 6, 1 906, Taylor played in his first l.H.L. game, scoring twice in an 8-2 victory over Calumet. Taylor’s efforts were partially overshadowed by teammate Joe Hall, who scored five times.260 The addition of Taylor and other experienced hockey talent ensured that Houghton would be a contender for the l.H.L. championship in 1 905-06. The closeness of the championship race increased interest in the three towns whose clubs had an opportunity to win the pennant. Several proprietors of the Houghton township’s hotels and saloons installed private telephones that could receive direct reports 255lbicJ., Jan 30/06, n. pag. 2561bid. 2571bid., Jan 3 1/06, n. pag. 25Blbid., Feb 2/05, n. pag. 259lbd. 26OMjning Gazette, Feb 7/06, n. pag. 103 from the Amphidrome. Dunn Brothers, of Fifth Street, announced that returns of all future hockey games, wherever they were played, would be received at that establishment, so that Portage Lakes Hockey Club followers could be updated on the progress of their team as it played in other l.H.L. towns.261 On February 21, 1906, the Michigan Soo visited the Portage Lakes, in a game that would likely determine the League championship.262 Should there be a tie at the end of the season, a three-game series would be played between the two tied teams to determine a winner.263 Despite two goals from former Canadian Soo player “Lady Bill” Taylor, the visitors could not defeat the Portage Lakes at the Amphidrome, losing by a score of 72.264 With a win over their closest rival in the pennant race, and only a few games remaining in the League schedule, the Portage Lakes seemed likely to win Houghton its first l.H.L. championship. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that the other clubs were willing to lend players to Calumet, who played the Portage Lakes in the two final League games. Similar to what had occurred in the spring of 1905, when Lorne Campbell of Pittsburgh played for the Portage Lakes in an effort to defeat Calumet, Campbell joined Calumet late in the 1905-06 season to try to beat the Houghton team. This would be done in an effort to allow either Pittsburgh or the Michigan Soo to overtake Houghton.265 The Coøoer Country Evening News also acknowledged the plans of the other clubs, and stated that “it would appear from this that all of the teams are against Portage Lake as they seem to be doing all they can to help the Soos win out.”266 Despite the efforts of the other clubs, Houghton 26iCopper Country, Jan 5/06, n. pag. 262lbjd., Feb 21/06, n. pag. Both teams were ahead of the other clubs, and, should the two clubs continue to win their remaining games, the result of the series between the two clubs would determine the l.H.L. champions. 263Mining Gazette, Feb 18/06, n. pag. 2641bid., Feb 22/06, n. pag. 265Mining Gazette, Feb 1 5/06, n. pag. This example of the inappropriate behavior of League managers will analysed in greater detail in Chapter 4. 266Copoer Country, Feb 1 5/06, n. pag. 104 won the I.H.L. championship in 1 905-06, finishing one game ahead of the second-place Michigan Soo club. The following season, the team was again considered a favorite, and, as the 1 906- 07 League schedule progressed, Houghton was almost certain to win its second consecutive League championship, with only the Canadian Soo posing a possible threat. The Portage Lakes made a number of roster movements in order to ensure another pennant win. The team had acquired “Tuff” Bellefeuille from the Kenora Thistles in January, who had left that team after a disagreement with management.267 In the same month, the Houghton management signed “Goldie Cochrane, who was paid six hundred dollars to play the remainder of the season.268 Houghton also obtained the services of Edmund Decarie, who had been released from Calumet. Houghton, the League-leading team, obviously believed that Decarie could help the Portage Lakes, despite the fact that Calumet, the worst team in the League, did not deem him capable of playing.269 In Pittsburgh’s final series of the season, Houghton arrived to play at the Duquesne Gardens. The Portage Lakes would win all three contests, to become the first team to beat Pittsburgh, at home, three times in a series.270 The victories had guaranteed Houghton the League championship, and as the Portage Lakes players journeyed back to Houghton from Pittsburgh, fans in the mining town prepared to celebrate the arrival of the team: Following the time honored and laudable custom of last year, all the various factories, foundries and establishments which are provided with large and small whistles are requested to pull the string when the train arrives and to let them blow, long and loud, thus to proclaim to the world at large that the Portage Lake hockey team has once more upheld its reputation and has come victorious out of three hard fought battles.2’1 267Minin Gazette, Jan 24/07, n. pag. 268Copper Country, Jan 5/07, n. pag. 269lbid., Feb 27/07, n. pag. 27OMininp Gazette, Mar 10/07, n. pag. 271Mininp Gazette, Mar 12/07, n. pag. 105 The local band, and artillery, who fired off a cannon in celebration, were present for the team’s return, along with half of the population of the town. The team was later honored at dinner at the Douglass House.272 Shortly after the celebrations in Houghton had concluded, many of the Portage Lakes players left for Canada. Goaltender Darcy Regan worked as a bartender, while Fred Taylor was employed in a musical instrument factory.273 Most of the players were confident that they would return to the Copper Country to play during the 1907-08 season, but l.H.L. operations would not continue beyond 1907. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club, in winning the last two International Hockey League championships, had regained its position as the dominant team in professional ice hockey. While interest in the sport remained high in Houghton, the town was not given another opportunity to show support for a professional hockey club, for, with the folding of the l.H.L., hockey fans in that area would only be able to see amateur games in the future. Potential League Exoansion - 1904-1 907 Even prior to the first l.H.L. game, in the fall of 1904, talk of possible League expansion had been reported in the l.H.L. town newspapers. Although the League did not add or drop any franchises during its three-year existence - except for the temporary withdrawal of the Canadian Soo in 1905-06 - the l.H.L. often entertained ideas of expansion to some of the larger U.S. and Canadian cities. Rumors of this were regularly reported by the local newspapers, who grew weary of grandiose announcements of team additions, and reported that; “this story grows monotonous, however, as it is told every fall, through the winter, and till late into the summer. It serves to the purpose, however, of killing much space in the newspapers of the hockey world.”274 272Ibicj., Mar 13/07, n. pag. 273lbid., Mar 16/07, n. pag. 274Minjrip Gazette, Oct 28/06, n. pag. 106 One means through which other interested parties entertained ideas of joining the l.H.L. was to watch games played in the Copper Country. Prior to the formation of the l.H.L., groups interested in forming hockey clubs in other U.S. cities had visited Houghton to view hockey, as played by the mighty Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Chicago, which was connected to the Upper Peninsula by railway, was a potential professional hockey site from as early as 1 904. E. S. Averill, general superintendent of the United States Express Co., visited Houghton in January of that year, to watch the series between the Portage Lakes and the Pittsburgh Athletic Club. Averill had hoped to organize an exhibition game between the Portage lakes, and a Canadian team in Chicago, to determine the amount of spectator interest in the sport. 275 Chicago persisted as a possible site of the professional game, and, in the fall of 1 904, plans were made to introduce the sport there again. Charles Donnelly, secretary of the Calumet Athletic Club, of Chicago, was considering bringing Manager Commiskey, of Chicago’s American League Baseball team, and American League President Ban Johnson, to view some of the l.H.L. games that winter. The purpose of the visit would be to determine if the two guests were interested in organizing an l.H.L. team in Chicago.276 The completion of railway lines throughout the United States had made cities such as Chicago ideal for the l.H.L.’s executive, when contemplating expansion: The railroads are offering advantageous rates and they extend to Milwaukee and Chicago. Chicago sportsmen interested in the game have promised to bring up a party of wealthy men who are interested in sport to witness the game with a view of bringing hockey to hicago. The same holds good of the Milwaukee athletic associations.27 In the fall of 1 905, rumors continued regarding l.H.L. expansion to Chicago. Now, rather than having wealthy business magnates organize the team, the l.H.L.’s own “Hod” Stuart was apparently prepared to travel to Illinois to form a team for the 1 906-07 2751bid., Jan 31104, n. pag. 276lbid., Nov 9/04, n. pag. 2771bid., Jan 17/05, n. pag. 107 season.278 The Chicago-Stuart rumor continued into early 1 906, according to the Pittsburgh Gazette. The newspaper also predicted that Buffalo would be a candidate for expansion, and that the Pittsburgh team would arrange to play exhibition games there to determine fan interest.279 By the conclusion of the 1 905-06 l.H.L. season, however, Stuart was no longer involved, and “Pop” Anson, of baseball fame, was rumored to have taken to the sport, and to be organizing an l.H.L. team, in Chicago, for the fall of 1906.280 While many of the reports of expansion included U.S. sites, the International Hockey League also considered several Canadian cities as possible I.H.L. sites. Montreal, despite its distance from the other towns, emerged as a potential League city in 1 905-06. In the spring of 1905, several Calumet players who were natives of Montreal were apparently planning to organize an l.H.L. entry there during the summer.281 Montreal would seem to be an unlikely site for I.H.L. expansion, despite the more liberal regulations of professionalism there than in other Canadian towns under the jurisdiction of the O.H.A. A.L. Ferguson did not view Montreal as a feasible site for l.H.L. operations, and was quoted in the Mining Gazette as saying: “Montreal is too far away to become a member of the league. . . It would prove an expensive proposition to take a team from that part of the country, and I don’t think there is any truth to the story.”282 An examination of the newspapers from the five I.H.L. towns indicates that there were a number of potential I.H.L. cities; the names of Detroit, Toronto, Chicago, St. Paul, Milwaukee, Cleveland, and Duluth would occasionally appear in the sports sections, over the years of l.H.L. operations, as possible expansion sites. Duluth seemed to be a likely town, 2781bid., Dec 2 1/05, n. pag. 279PfttsburQh Gazette, Feb 4/06, n. pag. 28OSoo Evening News, Mar 1 5/06, n. pag. 28iSauft Star, Mar 9/05, n. pag. 282Mjning Gazette, Nov 15/04, n. pag. 108 due to that city’s cold climate and interests in winter sports, but problems arose that would not allow a team to be formed there. In the spring of 1905, five prominent businessmen from Duluth had travelled to Calumet, to: “inspect the Palestra for the purpose of gathering information relative to the cost and construction of a skating palace, also to gather any and all information applying to the game of hockey and its players.”283 One year later, an exhibition game between the Portage Lakes and Calumet was organized in Duluth, at the curling rink located there: Through the courtesy of the Duluth curling rink directors permission for the use of the building has been obtained and the only drawback is that according to the constitution of the club all the members and their families are entitled to free admission on all occasions, so that the earning capacity of the building for the night may not be sufficient to cover the expense of the men while at the city.24 Thus, a new rink would be needed before a team could be organized in Duluth, and arrangements were finally made for the erection of such a facility in that city in the fall of 1 907. The agreement to construct the rink could not be made, as the lack of finances to organize a team there became apparent.285 However, the problems would become irrelevant, when considering expansion, as the I.H.L. ceased operations later that fall. Despite all the reports of visiting business magnates, managers and owners from other sports in other cities, attendance by representatives at l.H.L. meetings, and the construction of new facilities in other cities, no expansion was ever undertaken in the l.H.L.’s brief existence. Typically, each fall, other cities would express interest in the League, before seasonal operations had commenced. Reports would usually culminate with a statement by one of the local papers, as evidenced by an example found in the Sault j(Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario): 283Coooer Country, Mar 15/05, n. pag. 284Mininp Gazette, Mar 19106, n. pag. 2B5Cooper Country, Oct 30/07, n. pag. 109 Until a few weeks ago the indications were bright that Chicago, Duluth, and possibly Minneapolis or St. Paul would affiliate with the league, but as no steps towrds entering have been taken, the prospects are not very encouraging.28 In addition to expansion, each year of l.H.L. operations saw reports of the dismantling of the League, with certain teams to be eliminated, and others to be added. One such report out of Calumet stated that the Canadian Soo, and Pittsburgh, would withdraw, and a new six-team league would be formed, with teams from Duluth, Chicago, St. Paul, Calumet, Houghton, and the Michigan Soo. The League would then be renamed the Northwestern Hockey League.287 Of all the rumored sites of expansion, perhaps the one city that seemed the most likely to host l.H.L. play was Toronto. Interest in professional hockey had grown there during the three years of l.H.L. operations. Former l.H.L. referee, “Chaucer” Elliott, was planning to organize a professional team in Toronto following the 1 905-06 season. Portage Lakes player, Walter Forrest, had already signed a contract with Elliott to play there, starting the following season. A number of Canadian players, not affiliated with the l.H.L., had also organized a professional team for 1905-06, but seemed likely to sign with Elliot&s squad instead. The former team had ceased operations, because the club could not find many Canadian teams that were willing to schedule games against them,288 whereas, this would not pose a problem for a professional team that joined the l.H.L. The new Toronto professionals were granted a franchise in the l.H.L. during the fall of 1 906, but would not have a rink prepared in time for the opening of the season; accordingly, the team then vowed to enter a club for the 1907-08 season.289 Certain that Toronto would be entering the League in 1907, “Doc” Gibson wrote to Berlin in the spring of that year, offering that town a team. Gibson attempted to generate interest, by explaining 2B6Sauft Star, Oct 12/05, n. pag. 287Coøei- Country, Feb 6/06, n. pag. 28BMininn Gazette, Mar 15106, n. pag. 289Coper Country, Nov 1 3/06, n. pag. 110 that “Toronto is almost sure to come in next year, and Columbus, Ohio, and New York have their franchises already, so you can see we are spreading. “290 Columbus, another unlikely site, had long since decided to not pursue professional ice hockey. This decision was made in spite of attempts to build an arena and form a team; other sports were too popular, “their experiment with the introduction of roller skating having proved too profitable to drop it even for the winter season, although the ice plant is completed.”291 When the League ceased operations in December of 1907, the teams and interested parties who had hoped to enter the l.H.L. no longer had a league to enter. The former l.H.L. players returned to Canada, many to play in the newly-formed Ontario Professional Hockey League. Interested groups in Cleveland, Toronto, Boston, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, and Columbus were already planning to form a professional league, for 1 908. Rosters for these teams would be filled, as they had in the l.H.L., by Canadian players.292 Perhaps the failures of the l.H.L. and business men from other cities to bring professional hockey to other U.S. sites had shown that the United States was not yet ready for the professional game, at such an elite level. The Conclusion of l.H.L. Oøerations As in other years, with the conclusion of the 1906-07 l.H.L. season, the usual discussion of the future of the League occurred. However, no indication that the League would halt operations was given, and, in the fall of 1907, plans began for another year of professional hockey in the l.H.L towns. Thus, the annual I.H.L. meeting for the 1907-08 season was planned for late September, 1907. “Holding the meeting earlier than usual [was] 29OSault Star, Mar 14/07, n. pag. 291So Eveninci News, Nov 14/06, n. pag. 292Calumet News, Oct 30/07, n. pag. 111 to give opportunity for the settling of league membership questions and thus give managers an opportunity to be getting players for their teams early.”293 As in past seasons, the potential for expansion meant that the teams to be entered had not yet been determined. Toronto was now being considered a legitimate and practical entry into the League, with professional players being organized there.294 Therefore, a League schedule could not be arranged at the meeting. The Michigan Soo’s entry was to contain a number of new players, as Laviolette and Pitre, as they had threatened the previous fall, were apparently not willing to return to the l.H.L. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that the two players were making exorbitant salary demands. Laviolette’s summer business interests had reportedly become so profitable that only an outrageously high salary to play hockey would lure him away from his work.295 The rumours that Calumet would no longer support professional hockey that had arisen at the conclusion of the 1906-07 season, were quickly extinguished by the team management, who claimed that interest in the professional game would be revived in that town for the 1 907-08 season. Only the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was reportedly disinterested in l.H.L. play.296 Bruce Stuart, who had been one of the team’s best players, and had competed in Houghton for all three years that it had entered an l.H.L. team, was not going to report to Houghton. Stuart explained that he was far too busy with business interests that he shared with his father, and was unlikely to play for any l.H.L. team during the coming season. The Daily Mining Gazette, however, suggested that if Stuart “was offered a sum large enough to make it worth while he would get into the game once more.”297 293Mininn Gazette, Sep 26/07, n. pag. 2945au1t Star, Sep 26/07, n. pag 295Mininp Gazette, Oct 12/07, n. pag. 296lbid., Sep 26/07, n. pag. 297lbid., Oct 6/07, n. pag. 112 Problems with the formation of the Houghton team were further complicated by team manager John T. McNamara’s claim that he was not informed of the approaching League meeting in Chicago. McNamara stated that the meeting could not be the l.H.L.’s annual affair, in which case he would surely have been informed.298 The l.I-1.L. executive did, in fact, consider the Chicago meeting to be the annual one, which was arranged to coincide with the Shriner’s meeting to be held in the same city, at the same time.299 Obviously, Houghton’s potential absence from l.H.L. play was not due to any disinterest in the sport in that town, but to the desires of the other teams not to have the club represented at the League meeting. The managers of the other clubs determined that a Cleveland team would be likely to join the League, as a team from that city would be a valuable addition. According to the Daily Mining Gazette, the withdrawal of Houghton could then be easily offset by the inclusion of a Cleveland club: Cleveland if she gets in, will be another Pittsburgh for the league, as far as attendance goes. The big towns turns [sic] out big crowds and the more biggwns in the circuit the better for the league from a financial point of view.’ For the same reasons that a Cleveland team was actively pursued by the l.H.L. executive, the League wanted to keep a Pittsburgh team; “the [trips via railways] are long but certainly pay with the crowds that Pittsburgh turns out to the games.”301 However, the Chicago meeting included managers from only three cities; Calumet, and the two Soos. Despite the lack of representation, League officers were elected and plans were made to commence operations. Contrary to the opinions of those at the meeting, many felt that the League could not operate without Houghton, or Pittsburgh. Unlike the 29Blbid., Sep 27/07, n. pag. 299Acting l.H.L. President, James T. Fisher, was a member of the Shriners and hoped to attend both meetings; ibid., Sep 26/07, n. pag. 300lbid, Sep 27/07, n. pag. 301 Ibid. 113 Daily Mining Gazette, who felt the future of the l.H.L. lay in big cities that could draw the larger crowds, the Sault Star (Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario) reported that the future of the League was dependent upon Houghton, because without the Portage Lakes, “it would be impossible to make the league go.”302 Unlike past seasons, the success of the Canadian Soo team in 1 906-07 had buoyed interest in that town. Usually, the Canadian Soo was the last to be admitted to the l.H.L. at the annual meetings, or became organized only in time for the season’s opening. However, in the fall of 1 907, the team eagerly prepared for the coming year. Roy Brown had returned, and had helped sign quality players Tom Phillips, Si Griffis, and AIf Smith. Some of these players had been acquired as early as September.303 By early November, the Canadian Soo roster was almost complete, with the signing of Hugh Lehman, E. J. Schafer, John Marks, Degray, and Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde. A rumour arose that the former Pittsburgh player, Lorne Campbell, was also to play for the Canadian Soo.304 The acquisition of good players, such as those listed, raised expectations of the team in the Canadian Soo: At the end of the season the Canadians expect to hold both the Corby and Stanley Cups, and this task is practically completed if the team chosen from the men who have already applied for positions on the team.3 With preparations well under way at the two Soos, the League itself had to contend with the potential teams who, as in past seasons, expressed an interest to become affiliated with the professional League. Eddie Roberts, a former Pittsburgh player, reported that the l.H.L. was to expand drastically, and would be divided into two divisions. A northern division was to contain teams from Toronto, Houghton, Calumet, Pittsburgh, and the two Soos, while the other division would include Chicago, Columbus, and another Toronto club. However, Roberts’ report was not feasible, according to the current state of League 3O2SauIt Star, Oct 3/07, n. pag. 3OMining Gazette, Sep 27/07, n. pag. 3O4lbid., Nov 3/07, n. pag. 3O5lbid., Oct 6/07, n. pag. 114 operations. Another League meeting was scheduled for October 1 9, in Marquette, Michigan. Manager McNamara of Houghton would need to be appeased before he would enter his team into the League again. In addition, Pittsburgh had now officially declined to compete, which left only four towns still interested in entering teams.306 The meeting at Marquette was a triumph for the League, in terms of reuniting the managers of the different teams. McNamara had apparently forgiven the other managers, and League President Michael Kemp predicted that “the managers of each of the four teams can be expected to all pull together instead of apart as looked quite possible for a time.”307 Meanwhile, Pittsburgh was intent on forming another league, and began discussions with other interested parties in New York, Toronto, Columbus, and Cleveland. To compensate for the loss of Pittsburgh, and to return the League to five teams, the l.H.L. executive then looked to Duluth as a possible l.H.L. franchise site. McNamara had received a letter from the Minnesota city, explaining that a new large outdoor rink was under construction, and an l.H.L. team was demanded for the coming season.308 The League officers that were elected in Chicago were upheld in Marquette, despite the fact that Houghton representatives had not been present.309 The schedule for the coming season had yet to be determined, due to the possible addition of Duluth. That city was now trying to convert an old warehouse into a rink, for there had been no rink since its Central rink had been dismantled.310 However, in addition to expansion concerns, the executive did decide that more exhibition games would be scheduled with Canadian professional clubs.31 3O6Ibid., Oct 12/07, n. pag. 3O7Ibid., Oct 23/07, n. pag. 3OBlbid., Oct 23, 24/07, n. pag. 3O9Sauft Star, Oct 24/07, n. pag. 3iOCalijmet News, Nov 9/07, n. pag. 31 Minjnp Gazette, Nov 3/07, n. pag. 115 Another important decision made at the Marquette meeting was the imposition of a salary limit on teams. The management of the Canadian Soo was upset by this ruling, and demanded to be exempt from the limit. The team had already signed the majority of its players, before the salary cap was even proposed. The Michigan Soo would also have to make adjustments; some salaries and contracts would have to be cancelled, and less expensive players would need to be sought.312 In a surprise move, the ownership of the Michigan Soo team, W. Murdock and A. Ferguson, announced that, due to outside pressures, they would not be involved with professional hockey for the coming season. The pair claimed to retain the franchise, and the options which they held on the players that had been signed, but did state that they would allow any other interested parties to take over the team’s operations, and enter the club into the l.H.L. •313 The reasons for the sudden announcement were given by each of the men in the Daily Mmmci Gazette. Ferguson stated that: Our business interests furnish the principal reason for our abandoning the proposition. Neither of us can afford to spend the time away from our business necessary for looking after a hockey team. Murdock will be away a great deal this winter, which will have it so that he could not give the matter as much attention as heretofore and I, myself, cannot give it the personal attention that I have given it other seasons, because of the demands of my business.314 Murdock explained that professional hockey would not necessarily be absent from the Michigan Soo. The team could continue, if others were willing to be responsible for operations: 3i2SauIt Star, Nov 7/07, n. pag. 3iMining Gazette, Nov 6/07, n. pag. 116 There are a number of others who in times past have expressed a desire to take hold of the matter by securing our franchise, and it is very possible that some of those people will be ready to undertake the venture now. If they are still willing we will give them every possible encouragement in so far as turning matters over to them is concerned. I will probably attend every good ockey game that is pulled off in the Soo when I am here. • 31 Regardless of the availability of other parties interested in assuming management responsibilities with the Michigan Soo team, the l.H.L. appeared unlikely to operate for the 1 907-08 season. The l.H.L. executive determined that League operations would only cease for the current season; the l.H.L. would not disband, only postpone operations for the year. The Calumet News reported that: The magnates of the several teams are of the opinion that none of the towns in the league would furnish the attendance that would warrant such an expenditure and it may be decided within a few days to drop professional hockey for this season.316 However, the League had not informed all its members of this decision; John McNamara had been in Duluth, and upon return to Houghton, was informed by League Secretary Laughton that professional hockey would no longer operate in the Copper Country.317 Following the announcement, McNamara notified the Portage Lakes players, Regan, Taylor, Forrester, Cochrane, and Decorie, that they had been released. At the Marquette meeting, the League executive, in anticipation of a possible cessation of operations, agreed that players who had already signed with teams would remain the property of those clubs when the League later resumed play.318 The announcement was not well received by many in Houghton County; “the hockey games throughout the winter seasons have been one of the principal sources of recreation and relief from the monotony of the long winters up here and the public will miss the games sorely.”319 Meanwhile, the Calumet News had anticipated the demise of the I.H.L., and had 31 5IbId. 3i6Calumet News, Nov 5/07, n. pag. 317Mininn Gazette, Nov 8/07, n. pag. 3lBIbicJ., Nov 10/07, n. pag. 3i9Caljjmet News, Nov 9/07, n. pag. 117 earlier reported that an amateur league would be organized to replace the professional one.320 The loss of the l.H.L. was not unanimously mourned by inhabitants of all League towns; other sports and events could now enjoy greater exposure. In the Michigan Soo, “many persons interested in curling believe that without professional hockey this game will assume an unusual importance here and already many ideas are being advanced relative to plans for the winter.”321 In addition, local theatres would enjoy greater attendance levels now that professional hockey had ceased. The Calumet News predicted that many new local talent attractions would be offered in the Michigan Soo.322 The I.H.L. executive’s claim that professional hockey operations had only been postponed in the five League towns would not prove correct. The International Hockey League, as named, would not resume operations. A number of different reasons can be attributed to this, which will be addressed in detail in Chapter 4. The Influence of Selected Individuals Throughout the three seasons of International Hockey League operation, several individuals contributed to the formation and success of the League and its teams. Unfortunately, information is not readily available for some of these, as many who were involved with the operations of the l.H.L. did not necessarily continue their involvement with the sport. However, through an analysis of the information collected for this study, it has become apparent that a number of those involved with the League, in both playing and administrative capacities, have emerged clearly as individuals who had a profound effect on the success of the League. Therefore, it is important to identify the following players and administrators, and their contributions to the l.H.L., and, where possible, to the sport of ice 32Olbid., Nov 5/07, n. pag. 32llbid., Nov 8/07, n. pag. 322lbid., Nov 6/07, n. pag. 118 hockey. In addition, biographical information and other significant data will be provided, where the author has been able to obtain additional material regarding these important contributors. Administrators The fact that professional ice hockey arrived in the International Hockey League towns was a tribute to the efforts of a few entrepreneurs who wanted to offer an alternative form of amusement for the inhabitants of those small, industry-oriented communities. Not all of the organizers of the International Hockey League teams had been hockey enthusiasts prior to their affiliation with the l.H.L.; many were simply prominent citizens in their towns who had both the means and the desire to introduce the sport at a professional level. Regardless of past experiences with the sport, the administrators, owners, and managers were forced to become astute business operators, in addition to being knowledgeable hockey directors. For many, the commitment to organizing the League became a full-time occupation, and their duties would exceed that of financiers or entrepreneurs, even to the point of acting as “missionaries [sent] through the country looking for hockey timber.”323 Unfortunately for some, including A. Ferguson and W. Murdock of the Michigan Soo, the duties became too great a burden for their connection with the League to continue. Thus, the entrepreneurs who originally had the funds and time to bring the l.H.L. to their towns were forced to sever ties with the League for the same reasons they were able to affiliate with it: success and commitment in other local business ventures. Perhaps the most prominent reason why hockey was able to develop so quickly in northern Michigan was the boom in the copper industry that coincided with League operations. The Marquette Mining Journal once described Houghton County as “the richest copper region in the world. . . . [a] haven for the miner and a land of promise for the 323Soo Evening News, Oct 14104, n. pag. 119 capitalist.”324 Another factor that led to the appearance of entrepreneurs and business investors was the attitude of the monopolistic mining companies toward business. Despite the fact that companies such as the Calumet and Hecla employed most of the County’s workers, the mining companies disapproved of company owned and operated stores, thus allowing other private business interests to prosper.325 James R. Dee. One prominent Houghton citizen, James R. Dee, made a significant contribution to the formation of the first professional hockey team, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and ultimately to the International Hockey League. Dee was not familiar with the sport until the turn of the century, but was instrumental in organizing the Houghton team, and in ensuring the club’s competitive and financial success. One of Dee’s most crucial contributions to professional hockey was the formation of the Houghton Amphidrome Co., which built and operated the rink that hosted Portage Lakes Hockey Club matches. The reputation that the Amphidrome held at that time was a tribute to Dee’s efforts, as the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette reported that “outside of Pittsburgh, New York and Brooklyn, there is not a rink or hockey business in the United States run on as high a scale as the Amphidrome.”326 In addition to his duties as president of that stock company, Dee also acted as President of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and aided in the signing of Canadian players who came to the Copper Country to try the professional game. 324Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet ConDer and People: History of a Michirian Mining Community 1864-1970 (Chicago: n.p., 1974), 66. 326Minin Gazette, Jan 10/04, n. pag. 120 It was also “Jimmy” Dee who first wrote to Pittsburgh in December of 1 903, suggesting the formation of a professional league. His affiliation with the l.H.L. only began there, as he became the first Secretary and Treasurer of the League, and was responsible for the League’s scheduling. Despite his duties with the League as a whole, Dee remained an ardent supporter of the Houghton team. At the conclusion of the 1 904-05 season, Calumet had been crowned champions of the l.H.L.’s inaugural season. However, Dee felt that the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was in fact the superior team. To show his appreciation, Dee sent the following message to team captain Bruce Stuart: “Dear Sir: Enclosed herewith please find my check for $100, which I take pleasure in handing you with the request that you divide it up equally among the members of your Portage Lake team, the best team in the league. Yours very truly, James R. Dee.”327 Along with the award to the team, Dee also presented the retiring “Doc” Gibson with a diamond ring for his services with the Portage Lakes.328 Unfortunately, at the beginning of the 1905-06 season Dee’s other business interests forced him to resign from the positions of Secretary and Treasurer of the l.H.L.: It takes more time and trouble than may be imagined, and it will not be convenient for me to give it the attention that it deserves during the coming winter. I was anxious to get the league organized and started on a successful and permanent basis, so we could look forward to one of the best winter sports ever introduced in this section of the country. Now that it is a go I wish to have some one in our company who can levote the time to it and who can keep in closer touch with the business.3 However, Dee did not relinquish his duties as President of the Amphidrome Co., and remained active in l.H.L. affairs throughout the three years of League operations, albeit in a reduced administrative capacity. Edwin S. “Chaucer” Elliott. Although “Chaucer” Elliott’s involvement with the International Hockey League was arguably not in an administrative capacity, his efforts and influence must be recognized. Appointed as an official referee of the League for the 1 905-06 season, Elliott’s work in the League, and his views of its operations, were widely respected by followers of hockey in both Canada and the United States. 327Coooer Country, Mar 16/05, n. pag. 329Minin Gazette, Oct 22/05, n. pag. 121 a) Ed w in S. “ C ha uc er ” El lio tt (H oc ke y H all o f Fa m e) b) Ja m es R. D ee (C ap tai ns ,C ol on el s & K in gs ) > H m >< Born in Kingston in 1 879, Elliott gained his nickname because of a school project where he was required to recite the life and works of Geoffrey Chaucer.330 Excelling in many sports as a youth, he attended Queen’s University, where he captained both the hockey and the rugby football teams.331 Eventually, Elliott began refereeing hockey, where he became so proficient that he little time to play the sport itself.332 A talented baseball player, Elliott was banned by the Ontario Rugby Football Union in 1902 for playing baseball professionally,333 affording him more opportunity to referee and coach. His reputation as a capable hockey referee in Canada led International Hockey League executives to seek out his services following the 1 904-05 season. “Elliott made friends and held them with a magnetic personality. As a referee, he enjoyed the complete confidence of the players, and as a result was always in great demand.”334 Elliott’s arrival in the International Hockey League signalled that the League interested in signing not only the best players available, but also the most qualified and proficient referees. However, Elliott, along with most followers of hockey in Eastern Canada, was under the impression that the l.H.L. was a violent League known for its rough play. Elliott was dispelled of this notion, during his time as an official I.H.L. referee: I have had no more trouble in this league than I used to have in the O.H.A. The executive of the International Hockey league comprise a bunch of good, shrewd business men - the best people in the towns they represent. They are fair-minded men, who are looking for nothing but fair play and protection for the players . . . . All the instructions I have ever received from the Executive is to make the players produce clean hockey.335 330Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag. 33Pittsburcih Gazette, Mar 1/06, n. pag. 332SauIt Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag. 333Pittsburgh Gazette, Mar 1/06, n. pag. 334Diamond, 23. 3355au1t Star, Feb 8/06, n. pag. 123 Elliott refereed twenty-seven I.H.L. games in 1905-06, and, following the conclusion of the hockey season, reported to New York to play catcher for a baseball team there.336 The 1905-06 season would be the only year Elliott would referee in the l.H.L., as he chose to remain in Canada the following winter. A list of the l.H.L. referees, the number of games they officiated, and the seasons in which they worked can be found in Appendix M. Elliott had commenced his career as a referee in 1 903, but tragically, he died of cancer on March 13, 1913. Despite only being involved with the l.H.L. for one season, Elliott provided consistent refereeing for the League, a problem which will be discussed in Chapter 4. Although brief, his ten-year career as a referee was so brilliant that his efforts earned him a position in the Hockey Hall of Fame. Dr. John L.”Doc” Gibson. The most influential of all those involved with the creation of professional ice hockey in northern Michigan, Gibson excelled as an organizer, team manager, referee, and player throughout the years of l.H.L. operations. It was Gibson’s actions both on the ice and in organizing the Portage Lakes Hockey Club that earned him the title of “Father of Hockey” in Michigan,338 and a berth in the Hockey Hall of Fame, in the Builder’s category. Born on September 10, 1 879, Gibson developed his athletic skills in the Berlin- Waterloo area. He played or competed in most sports, and by the time he had matured, he weighed 217 pounds and could run one hundred yards in eleven seconds.339 A biographical record of prominent citizens in Houghton County claimed that “he [excelled] in every line of athletics, and [had] a drawer full of medals won in rowing, swimming, skating and 3365oo Evening News, Mar 22/06, n. pag. 337Diamonci, 23. 338Rice, “A Record Hard to Beat”, 93. Hero of Sports Era. . 124 running.”340 Eventually, Gibson settled in northern Michigan to practice dentistry. The circumstances through which Gibson arrived were explained by the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette: After his graduation from the dental college four years ago he set out to find a live town that had never heard of hockey so that he could practice his profession and get out of the game for good. But as soon as he struck Houghton he started the game, with the result that Houghton is the hockey center of the United States . • Gibson quickly immersed himself in all aspects of Houghton community life, becoming a member of the Knights of Pythias, Fraternal Order of Eagles, and Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks. He also belonged to Company G, Third Regiment, Houghton Light Infantry, of the Michigan National Guards.342 In addition to his social affiliations, Gibson actively pursued many other sports and pastimes. He played football, as both kicker and back, for the Houghton football team in games held at the Hancock driving park,343 as well as serving as captain of the Houghton team in the Houghton County Bowling League,3and acting as that league’s official scorer.345 Because of his active participation in many of the town’s organizations and affairs, as well as his position as a dentist, Gibson was already prominent socially prior to the formation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. His influence upon the team only heightened his position in the Houghton community. Following the organization of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Gibson became one of the most talented players on the team, even after Canadian players began to arrive to play 340Biopraphical Record, 344. 341Mining Gazette, Mar 26/04, n. pag. 342Biociraohical Record, 345. 343Mininp Gazette, Nov 3/01, n. pag. 344lbid., Nov 22/03, n. pag. 345lbid., Dec 14/02, n. pag. 125 professionally. Despite his imposing physical size, Gibson had a reputation as a gentlemanly player, and played three seasons before he was awarded a penalty during a match.346 By the time the first professional team had been organized in 1 903-04, Gibson had attained an international reputation as an athlete and administrator. In 1 904, Gibson received a written offer from an old acquaintance to relocate in Johannesburg, South Africa, to operate a hockey team to be organized there.347 Following a successful season in the l.H.L. in 1904-05, as both player and manager of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Gibson was recognized as an all-star at the point position.348 Despite his obvious success as a player in the League, Gibson decided to retire from active play. James R. Dee then presented Gibson with a diamond ring, and made the following announcement: A number of your friends who are admirers of the game take pleasure in presenting to you the package which accompanies this in token of their appreciation of your efforts in introducing the game in this community and in bringing it to its present high standing and repute, both here and in elsewhere in the United States. We regret your contemplated retirement from active participation in the sport and wish you all success in your future life. On behalf of the subscribers, yours very truly, James R. Dee.349 Although Dee’s announcement seemed to predict that Gibson would no longer be affiliated with the l.H.L., Gibson would continue to be involved in capacities other than playing. The following season, Gibson, along with “Chaucer” Elliott, was appointed as an official l.H.L. referee. While maintaining his dental practice, Gibson managed to officiate in twenty-one League games. In 1906-07, Gibson relinquished his refereeing duties to return 346Minin Gazette, Jan 26/04, n. pag. 347lbid., Mar 3/04, n. pag. 348Appendix G contains all-star teams as selected by various sources throughout the three years of I.H.L. operations. 349Coooer Country, Mar 16/05, n. pag. 126 briefly as a player. The Portage Lakes were having difficulty in signing players, and Gibson played in two games to start the season before the team’s roster could be completed.350 Following the demise of the l.H.L., Gibson relocated to Republic, Michigan, and then later moved to Calgary, Alberta.351 He would be elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame in 1 976, in addition to election in the Halls of Fame in Houghton, Michigan, and Waterloo County, as well as the United States Hockey Hall of Fame.352 Despite his return to Canada, Gibson’s influence remained in Houghton, as seen in 1939, when a trophy given to the champion of the Northern Michigan and Wisconsin Hockey league was awarded in his name.353 Dr. John L. Gibson continued his dental practice in Calgary until his retirement in 1 950. He passed away on October 7, 1 955. His exploits in the community of Houghton at the turn of the century had a profound effect on the development of professional ice hockey in North America, and his achievements have been recognized by his election to the Hockey Hall of Fame. John T. McNamara. Another prominent figure in the development of professional ice hockey was John T. McNamara. McNamara, like Gibson, was a Canadian who had subsequently moved to the Houghton area. McNamara’s efforts helped the Portage Lakes Hockey Club remain one of the more competitive teams in the l.H.L through all three years of League operations. Born in Seaforth, Ontario, McNamara arrived from Brandon, Manitoba, to assume the position of Sheriff of Houghton County.354 “A fine tall figure of a man with a big, 350See Appendix N for a complete list of all players, their games played, and goal totals. 35Fitsell, “Tribute”, n. pag. 352Roger J. Proule, personal letter. 353Fitsell, “Tribute”, n. pag. 354Coooer Country, Mar 9/07, n. pag. 127 drooping moustache,”355 he also assumed a prominent role in the Houghton community. Along with his position as manager of the Amphidrome, and later Secretary-treasurer of the l.H.L., he acted as secretary for both the Houghton County Agricultural Society, and the Copper Country Poultry and Pet Stock Association.356 John T. McNamara was one of several men who helped operate the International Hockey League. Each town was dependent upon similar people who were willing to devote theirs efforts to ensuring that the League could function. While the other managers, administrators, and trainers have not been mentioned, their labours had a direct effect on the success of the League as a whole. Imoortant Players Despite the fact that the League operated for three full seasons, and included five teams, only ninety-seven men played hockey in International Hockey League games.357 Of those players, several had a major impact upon the League, and the sport of ice hockey. In fact, thirteen skaters who played in the League have been elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame, along with two l.H.L. goaltenders and referee “Chaucer” Elliott. Nine of the players elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame, along with seven others, made contributions to the sport and the League significant enough to merit inclusion in this section. Unfortunately, little information is known about some of these players, but their efforts will be noted with as much detail as the limited data permits. Of the eighty-nine men who did not play the goalkeeper position, thirty-six remained with the League for two or more seasons. However, thirty-five other players played ten games or less in the l.H.L. This would indicate that there was a high turnover for several 355Whitehead, 42. 356Soo EveninQ News, Jan 24/07, n. pag. 357Eighty-nine were skaters, and eight were goal keepers. 128 positions on the rosters, usually due to clubs trying to improve their line-ups, and keep salaries low. As shown by the large percentage of returning players, once a position had been won by a player, he tended to return to the League to pursue his professional hockey career. Another reason for the high number of returning players would be that these players would be unable to resume amateur careers in Canada, and therefore had little option but to continue playing in the l.H.L. The author has determined that sixteen l.H.L. players had an impact significant enough upon the League and the sport to warrant individual attention. Although most of these players distinguished themselves through lasting and outstanding service to the League, a few had short and, in some cases, unwanted effects upon l.H.L. affairs. Each player will be recognized individually, and, where information limitations permit, a background of the athlete’s life outside of the l.H.L. will be given. Roy Brown. Roy Brown played the point position for the Canadian Soo hockey team in 1 904-05, and 1906-07. A standout lacrosse player from Brantford, he had experienced the wrath of the amateur-governing associations in both sports. In the fall of 1 905, Brown was suspended by the Canadian Lacrosse Association, for playing Sunday lacrosse in Chicago.358 Brown’s ability to play defense earned him recognition as an all-star in both seasons he played in the l.H.L, and, in 1908, following the demise of the League, he was quickly signed by Brantford of the newly-formed Ontario Professional Hockey Association.359 Perhaps the greatest praise that Brown received during his tenure with the International League was given by A. W. Dunn, a Montreal commercial traveller, who visited the Soo in March of 1 905. After watching the Canadian Soo team play twice, he gave the following comment to a Sault Ste. Marie Eveninci News correspondent: “I have seen all the big games 358Sault Star, Oct 19/05, n. pag. 359CoIeman. 776. 129 in Canada play this season excepting Ottawa, but including the Montreal teams, Rat Portage, Brandon, Winnipeg and others, and the best point player I have ever seen is Roy Brown.”360 Lorne Cami,bell. Lorne Campbell merits significant consideration as the most dominant player in the l.H.L.’s brief existence. Unfortunately, little is known about this talented athlete, other than what can be drawn from the accounts of the International Hockey League matches found in the l.H.L. town newspapers. He finished among the top three goal scorers in the League in all three seasons, and completed his three seasons in the l.H.L. as the League leader in both career-games played and career-goals scored. Campbell was also named to all-star teams in both 1 905-06 and 1 906-07. As discussed earlier in this chapter, Campbell’s talent was so sought after that in two years he signed with another I.H.L. team, following the conclusion of his season with Pittsburgh. After playing all twenty-four of Pittsburgh’s games in 1904-05, Campbell signed with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, a team that was trailing the then-League-leading Calumet club, led by “Hod” Stuart. The following season, he was joined by Stuart, by that time a teammate in Pittsburgh, in an effort to help the Calumet team defeat the Portage Lakes. As in to the previous season, the 1905-06 Pittsburgh team had finished its season earlier than the remaining three clubs. The team had played the Canadian Soo six times before the Canadians had disbanded, and therefore had been able to play all twenty-four of their scheduled games. Lorne Campbell again led the team in goals, scoring thirty-two times. It was reported in the Daily Mining Gazette that he, along with the famed “Hod” Stuart, would play for the Calumets in the final series against Houghton.361 3605oo Evenina News, Mar 8/05, n. pag. 36lMininp Gazette, Mar 4/06, n. pag. 130 The two players were unable to reach the Copper Country in time for the first match, which resulted in a 7-1 victory for the Portage Lakes.362 Stuart and Campbell did arrive for the next game, on March 10, to be held at the Palestra. Stuart was quoted in the Daily Mining Gazette as saying “we will surely be at the Palestra tonight, unless the train is blockaded. We are going to get even for all the season too.”363 Because Stuart was suffering from the effects of an earlier injury, he was unable to make a significant contribution during the game. Campbell, however, scored three times against the Portage Lakes, but could not help the Calumet team win. Houghtori won the game, 10-5, and the League championship, by one game, over the Michigan Soo.364 Campbell, along with “Hod” Stuart, was considered to be one of the two best players in the l.H.L., and perhaps of all the hockey players of that time period. The PJi Mining Gazette reported that both Stuart and Campbell were “two of the greatest hockey generals in the game [at that time].”365 Unfortunately, because Campbell was never elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame, little has been written about him. Before the 1906-07 l.H.L. season had commenced, Manager Boon of the Montreal club was rumored to be interested in signing Campbell. However, Campbell was reportedly content in Pittsburgh, and enjoyed the occupation he had secured outside of his hockey duties in that city.366 Therefore, he was not interested in leaving Pennsylvania, and finished his International Hockey League career in Pittsburgh. When it became apparent that l.H.L. operations would not continue the following winter, Campbell signed with Winnipeg of the Manitoba Hockey League, to play the 1907-08 season, where he led that league in scoring 36lbd., March 10/06, n. pag. 364lb1d., Mar 11/06, n. pag. 365Minina Gazette, Mar 4/06, n. pag. 366Mining Gazette, Nov 30/06, n. pag. 131 with thirty goals in only fifteen matches.367 The author contends that more information on this talented hockey player needs to be collected, and, upon subsequent evaluation, Campbell deserves consideration as a member of the Hockey Hall of Fame. James Henry “Jimmy” Gardner. James Gardner played three seasons in the International Hockey League: two seasons for Calumet, and one with Pittsburgh in 1 906-07. While not scoring as prolifically as some of the other recognized players, Gardner provided a consistent, determined effort at the forward position for any of the teams that he played for, and was selected as an l.H.L. all-star following the 1 904-05 season. Gardner was born on May 21, 1881, in Montreal, where he learned the sport of hockey alongside another legend of that period, “Dickie” Boon. Success in hockey arrived quickly for Gardner as he played for the 1902 Stanley Cup winners, the Montreal A.A.A.’s “Little Men of Iron”.368 Following the demise of the l.H.L., he was again on a Stanley Cup- winning team, with the 1910 Montreal Wanderers club.369 After finishing his career as a player, Gardner became a referee, where he eventually became an official for Western Canada Hockey League games. He died in Montreal, on November 7, 1940. Twenty-two years after his death, Gardner was elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame. Joe Hall. Joe Hall played only one season in the I.H.L., but the impact he made upon the League during his year with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club in 1905-06 warrants acknowledgment. Although his abilities as a hockey player have gained him fame, and a place Hockey’s Hall of Fame, it was his aptitude for drawing the ire of both the League executive and his opponents on the ice that gave Hall notoriety in the I.H.L. 367CoIeman, 688. 368”Player Biographies” (Toronto: Hockey Hall of Fame, unpublished, n.d.), n. pag. 132 Regardless of the questionable means through which Hall played the sport, he was highly successful during his year as a member of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Playing twenty games, he scored thirty-three times, leading the Houghton team, and finishing third in League goal scoring. His efforts also earned him an all-star selection at the right wing position. Despite an outstanding playing record, Hall drew attention for other activities that occurred during the course of the season. One incident involved suspension from the League due to his behavior during one game. This will be discussed in Chapter 4, as the circumstances that resulted in the suspension, and the means through which the t.H.L. officers attempted to confront Hall’s alleged behavior, reflected on the Executive’s capacity to operate the League. Hall’s exploits outside of his brief experience in the l.H.L. are worthy of note. He was born in Staffordshire, England, on May 3, 1 882. After moving to Canada at the age of two, Hall began playing ice hockey in 1 897.° He signed with Winnipeg of the M.H.L. in 1904, and was chosen to the All-Canadian team by the O.H.A. for his efforts in Winnipeg during the 1 904-05 season.371 Following his year in Houghton, Hall travelled to Quebec to play for that city’s E.C.A.H.A. team, and he later returned to Manitoba, to play for Brandon.372 During his seasons in Quebec, Hall was fined and suspended for attacking referee Tom Melville, and he later developed several feuds, with such talented players as “Newsy” Lalonde.373 Eventually becoming the property of the Montreal Canadiens, Hall continued his Hall of Fame career through 1919, when his team made the Stanley Cup finals. That series was 370w Player Biographies” 371 Mining Gazette, Nov 2/05, n. pag. 372Coleman, 600. 373Coleman, 599. 133 PLATE XII Joe Hall (Hockey Hall of Fame) 134 to be played in Seattle, against that city’s P.C.H.A. team. During the fifth game of the series, played on March 30, Hall became ill and had to retire from the match. The championship was abandoned when it was learned that Hall, along with several teammates, had contracted influenza, a world-wide epidemic of that period. Hall died a few days later, while receiving treatment at a local hospital.374 “Riley” Hem. William Milton “Riley” Hem was born in St. Mary’s, Ontario, on December 5, 1 He played forward for London’s intermediate team during his early playing career, and later became affiliated with the movement toward professionalism, when he switched to the goalkeeper position, and played for the Pittsburgh Keystones of the semi-professional Western Pennsylvania Hockey League.376 However, when the Portage Lakes Hockey Club began organizing a professional team in 1903, Hem was among the first to sign with the club, for no other reason than the higher salary he was to receive for playing there.377 That season his team won twenty-three of twenty-five games, and he allowed an average of only 1 .96 goals per game, shutting out his team’s opponents five times. When the l.H.L. was formed the next season, he remained in Houghton, to help the Portage Lakes Hockey Club try to win the new League’s inaugural championship. Despite leading the l.H.L. in shutouts, and being selected as a League all-star, Hem could not help the team win the championship. However, he led the Portage Lakes Hockey Club to the League title the following season, before deciding to return to Canada to resume his career. In the fall of 1 906, he signed with the Montreal Wanderers, leaving Houghton, his team of the last three seasons, to play in the E.C.A.H.A. The Wanderers eventually signed Hem as a 374CoIeman, 600. 375”Player Biographies” 376Mining Gazette, Nov 10/03, n. pag. 377GIobe and Mail, Nov 16/03, n. pag. 135 professional,378 where he helped them win three Stanley Cup championships. Hem retired in 1911, and was later inducted into the Hockey Hall of Fame.379 J. “Chief” Jones. As in the case of Lorne Campbell, it is unfortunate that there is so little information available regarding “Chief” Jones, a player who had such a significant effect on the I.l-l.L.; even the first name of this great goalkeeper was not revealed. Jones played his entire l.H.L. career with the Michigan Soo team, and had played in that city prior to the formation of the League. Jones had signed with the Michigan Soo team as an alleged professional, for the 1903-04 season. His ability and playing stlye immediately gained him the attention of many Michigan hockey supporters. For instance, in a game played in February of 1 904, Jones decided to take the puck himself, and attempt to score against the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. His efforts did not amuse the opposition, as “Doc” Gibson of Houghton knocked Jones forcibly to the ice before the Michigan Soo goaltender could get close enough to the Portage Lakes’ goal.38° Despite such unorthodox playing practices, Jones was selected as an l.H.L all-star in both the 1904-05 and 1 905-06 seasons. His play during 1905-06 was particularly noteworthy, as he allowed only 2.6 goals per game, almost one full goal less per game than any other l.H.L goalkeeper. Jones also had two shutouts during that season, tieing Pittsburgh’s Jack Winchester for the League lead in that statistical area. Following his three seasons for the Michigan Soo club, Jones signed with Cobalt of the National Hockey Association, where he played goal for the 1910-11 season. After only one year with that club, his playing rights were acquired by Waterloo of the O.P.H.L, where he finished his professional career.381 378Coleman, 132. 379lbid., 766. 380Mininp Gazette, Feb 18/04, n. pag. 38Coleman, 767. 136 Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde. The International Hockey League provided “Newsy” Lalonde with an opportunity to commence one of the most celebrated and successful careers of any Canadian athlete, in any time period. Throughout the first two decades of the twentieth century, Lalonde dominated both ice hockey and lacrosse, and although only nineteen years of age when signing with the Canadian Soo hockey team in 1 907, Lalonde immediately became one of the League’s most talented and boisterous players. Lalonde was born in Cornwall, Ontario, on October 31, 1887. An outstanding athlete as a youth, he became a goalkeeper in lacrosse, for the local Cornwall Colts club,382 before his abilities as a goal scorer emerged and he was switched to the inside home position. His talents were already evident in hockey, where he began his career with the Cornwall team of the F.A.H.L.,383 and before he had reached the age of twenty, his reputation had reached managers of the l.H.L. teams. In 1 906-07, the Canadian Soo’s l.H.L. club was experiencing greater competitive success than it had during the l.H.L.’s first two seasons. The acquisition of new talent would only help the team’s chances of winning its first League championship. A newspaper report then noted that “Newsy” Lalonde was to arrive in the Soo on January 3, 1907, by train, from Cornwall. Lalonde was “said to be very fast and possessed of an abundance of nerve.”384 When Lalonde arrived, he was not expected to play, until an injury to Canadian Soo rover Marty Walsh forced Lalonde into the lineup. The long trip did not affect Lalonde’s play significantly; he scored twice to lead the Soo to a 3-1 victory over the visiting Calumet team.385 382The Ottawa Citizen, July 31/05, n. pag. 383Coleman, 604. 384Soo Evening News, Jan 3/07, n. pag. 3851bid., Jan 4/07, n. pag. 137 Though not yet twenty years of age, Lalonde had already established himself in both ice hockey and lacrosse. His reputation for “nerve” was tested in the violent professional leagues; while in the l.H.L., he would also continue rivalries that had started in his lacrosse games. In a series against Pittsburgh, Lalonde renewed a feud that he had started in lacrosse with a Pittsburgh player, Horace Gaul. Gaul had played the inside home position for the Ottawa lacrosse team, and he and Lalonde had met when Lalonde had been the Cornwall goalkeeper. During an I.H.L. hockey series, the two had engaged in fisticuffs, in addition to receiving frequent penalties for altercations with one another.386 Despite his young age, and penchant for incurring the wrath of opponents and the referee, Lalonde managed to score twenty-six goals in eighteen games for the Canadian Soo, during the 1906-07 season. The following season, Lalonde signed with Toronto of the O.P.H.L.387 He would lead that league in goal scoring, and throughout the remainder of his hockey career, would lead the N.H.A., P.C.H.A., and W.C.H.L. in goal scoring in various seasons .388 In addition to his scoring exploits, Lalonde was “frequently referred to in the east and west as the greatest player in the game. He had a fiery temper and was an outstanding leader.”389 He would score in excess of 450 goals during his hockey career, and, as Charles Coleman explained following an extensive review of newspapers from the early decades of the twentieth century, “more has been written about this athlete, both in praise and abuse, than possibly any other.”390 3B6SauIt Star, Feb 7/07, n. pag. 387Coleman, 611. 388ibid., 611-612. 3891bid., 795. 390lbid., 609. 138 C ) CD a) E do ua rd “ N ew sy ” La lo nd e (H oc ke y H all o f Fa m e) b) “ Ja ck ” La vi ol et te (H oc ke y H all o f Fa m e) I > —1 m x Lalonde was inducted into the Hockey Hall of Fame, and was also voted the best lacrosse player of the first half of the twentieth century.391 Perhaps his greatest praise came from Charles Coleman, who chose Lalonde for an all-star team selected from all the hockey players who had competed through 1 926. Lalonde was selected as the best rover of that era, over other notable players such as Fred “Cyclone” Taylor and Mickey Mackay.392 Jean Bantiste “Jack” Laviolette. Laviolette was one of several prominent athletes who played three full seasons in the International Hockey League. Born in Belleville, Ontario, on July 27, 1 879, Laviolette later moved to Valleyfield, Quebec. He played his amateur hockey with Overlands, and the Canadian Pacific Telegraphs hockey teams.393 In 1 903-04, Laviolette played his first senior-level hockey with the Nationals of the C.A.H.L.,394 before signing with the Michigan Soo for the 1 904-05 season. While in Valleyfield, Laviolette also began what would become a successful lacrosse career, and befriended Didier Pitre, who joined Laviolette in the Michigan Soo for the l.H.L.’s inaugural season. Although Laviolette did not score as many goals as many of the other renowned l.H.L. players, he was considered to be one of the best players in the League in all three seasons he played in the l.H.L. He was selected as an all-star player during each season; also, in naming an all-star team for the 1 906-07 season, Frank Cleveland, sports editor for the Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, proclaimed Laviolette as the League’s best player at any position Laviolette’s importance to the Michigan Soo team was demonstrated prior to the opening of the 1906-07 season, when the team, having finished the previous season 391 Vancouver News-Herald, Sep 23/50, n. pag. 392CoIeman, 795. 393”Player Biographies” 394Coleman, 612. 3955oo Eveninn News, Mar 1 8/07, n. pag. 140 strongly and almost winning the League championship, began operations in the fall of 1906 with a significant roster problem. Two of the team’s best players, Laviolette, and Pitre, both of whom would be later named to the Hockey Hall of Fame, were doubtful to report to the team. The Sault Star reported that the close friendship between the two men meant that if one were to be lost to another team, then the other would leave as well; “they have received very flattering offers from a new professional club, which is being organized in Montreal. Wherever one plays, the other will go, too, as they have played hockey together for years, and will not separate”.396 Fortunately for the Michigan Soo club, Laviolette and Pitre did return for the 1 906-07 season, although the team could not win the League championship. Following his years in the l.H.L., Laviolette assisted in the formation of the Montreal Canadiens team, aided by the financial support of T.C. Hare, and J. Ambrose O’Brien.397 Laviolette would be reunited with Pitre with the Canadiens, who also gained the services of “Newsy” Lalonde. Laviolette eventually retired from play at the conclusion of the 1 917-18 season, and, despite losing a foot in an accident in the summer of 1918, managed to referee hockey games afterwards. He was elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame in 1 962. Ken Mallen. Kenny Mallen began his hockey career in 1 903-04, with both Cornwall and the Wanderers teams of the F.A.H.L. A great stickhandler and a fast skater,398 Mallen was one of the best players in the International Hockey League during the 1 904-05 season. Playing rover for the championship-winning Calumet team, Mallen scored thirty-seven goals in twenty-four games, finishing second in League goal scoring behind teammate Fred Strike. For his outstanding play in 1904-05, Mallen was selected as the all-star at the rover position on all three all-star teams that were selected. 396Sauft Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag. 397 ‘Player Biographies” 398Coleman, 615. 141 The International Hockey League was known for the violence that occurred during League games, and it is unfortunate that such rough tactics led to Ken Mallen leaving the Calumet team shortly after the start of the 1905-06 season. Because of his small stature, and his exceptional playing skills, Mallen was a target of physical abuse by the players of opposing teams. After enduring several injuries due to such practices, Mallen decided to leave the League. The Conoer Country Evening News explained the reason for Mallen’s departure: If hockey was played as it should be Mallen would still be in the game, but when deliberate attempts are made to him irrespective of whether the injuries would be permanent or not, he [Mallen] states it is high time to quit.399 Mallen did return to play for Calumet one month later, but only due to an injury incurred by a teammate. However, he agreed to remain with the club, and served as a spare for the remainder of the season.400 Mallen returned to Calumet for the 1 906-07 season, but only managed to play eleven times during the twenty-four game season. He then signed with Morrisburg of the E.C.A.H.A., and would continue to change teams throughout the remainder of his playing career. He would eventually play for eleven different teams in five leagues over thirteen seasons. Despite the fact that l.H.L. teams could not compete for the Stanley Cup, Mallen would help win the trophy in 1915, while playing for the Vancouver club in the P.C.H.A.1 Didier Pitre. Didier Pitre was born in Valleyfield, Quebec, on September 1, 1 883. A large man, weighing in excess of two hundred pounds, Pitre was a fast skater who began his hockey career in 1 903-04 with the Nationals of the F.A.H.L.402 After starting the 1 904-05 399Coooer Country, Dec 27/05, n. pag. 400Minin Gazette, Jan 28/06, n. pag. 401Coleman, 615. 402”Player Biographies” 142 season with the Nationals of the C.A.H.L., Pitre was approached by his close friend, Jack Laviolette, who had recently signed with the Michigan Soo of the newly-formed l.H.L. The circumstances through which Pitre left the Nationals to report to the Michigan Soo were the subject of excited reports in the l.H.L. town newspapers. According to the Mining Gazette, the Nationals, fearing that Pitre would leave the club, tried to keep Pitre out of sight while Laviolette was in Montreal. Laviolette did find Pitre, and after making necessary negotiations, the two men arranged to meet at the train station, to travel to the Michigan Soo. However, upon arriving at the station, Laviolette found the manager and directors of the Nationals, who asked Jack if he was taking Pitre with him to the Soo. Laviolette responded that he was, but as the train arrived, Pitre had still not reached the station. Laviolette was given no choice but to board the train, while being loudly ridiculed by the Nationals management. As the train departed, with Laviolette on board, he quickly dropped off the train on the opposite side of the platform which the Nationals management were standing, and walked past the round house, without being seen. After searching Montreal for two more days, Laviolette finally located Pitre, whereupon the Nationals’ player was signed. In order to avoid further confrontation with the Nationals management, who desperately wanted to retain the services of Pitre, Laviolette hid Pitre in the basement of the Montreal train station until the train arrived, and then put his friend on the sleeper car, and inferred that the man on board (Pitre) was suffering from influenza. No one recognized Pitre, and the two hockey players were able to reach the Michigan Soo undetected.403 Upon arrival to the Soo, Pitre provided immediate help to the Michigan Soo club, scoring eleven times in thirteen games during the 1904-05 season. Despite playing in only eleven games, Pitre was named as an all-star in 1 904-05. The following season, playing a full season with the club, Pitre led the Michigan Soo and the l.H.L. in goals, scoring thirty 403Mininn Gazette, Jan 25/05, n. pag. 143 six times. He was named an all-star in both the 1905-06 and 1906-07 seasons, playing for the Michigan Soo in both years. Although Pitre played in only fifty-eight games over three seasons in the l.H.L., only Billy Taylor and Lorne Campbell would score more career goals in the League. Pitre’s prolific goal totals, in both the l.H.L. and other leagues, can be attributed to his abilities to skate, and to shoot the puck. Charles Coleman explained that “there were many players over the years who were rated as possessing a hard and accurate shot. It is doubtful if any player was better qualified than Didier Pitre in this regard.”404 In addition, it was the skating style of Pitre, along with teammate Laviolette - both of whom later played for the Montreal Canadiens - that led sports writers to describe that team as the “Flying Frenchmen” 405 Pitre joined “Newsy” Lalonde and Laviolette on a forward line with the Canadiens, who helped the team win the Stanley Cup in 1 916.406 Pitre continued to play for the Canadiens through 1923, but had trouble maintaining acceptable levels of fitness in his later years with the Montreal team.407 However, despite the weight problem, Coleman selected Pitre as an all-star finalist at the forward position. Coleman justified his choice by explaining that, “inclined to run overweight, he had to be occasionally disciplined to get him in shape but when in form he was a star. A great scorer he was popular with the fans and closed his career with an outstanding performance in the 1923 playoffs.”408 He was elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame in 1962. 404CoIeman, 636. 405”Player Biographies” 406Coleman, 637. 4071bid. 408Ibid., 801. 144 C C) CD (I) 0 C) CD I 0 -4, -n 3 CD - u - 1 m x C CD -I -ti -‘ CD x 0 C•) CD I 0 -.4 , 11 3 CD (5 I Bruce Stuart. Both Bruce and his older brother, “Hod”, had a profound effect upon l.H.L. operations during their affiliation with the League. While both men enjoyed success in the sport outside of the l.H.L, their efforts in the first professional League maintained or heightened their reputations as hockey legends. Bruce was born in Ottawa in 1 882, where he began his hockey career with the Senators in 1 898. Following two seasons with Ottawa, he played for Quebec in 1900-01, another C.A.H.L. team, and then returned to Ottawa for one more season.9 In the fall of 1 902, Stuart travelled to Pittsburgh to play for the Victorias of the W.P.H.L. He signed professionally with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club for the 1903-04 season, where he played alongside his older brother. After the formation of the l.H.L., Stuart remained in Houghton to play for the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and finished three strong seasons with that team, winning two league championships. Stuart’s ability to help his team win championships continued throughout his career, until his retirement in 1910-11. Over an eight-year period between the 1903-04 and the 1 910-11 season, Stuart helped his teams win a U.S. championship, two l.H.L. championships, and played for three Stanley Cup winning clubs. In terms of individual accomplishments, Stuart was a consistent scoring threat throughout his career, finishing among the top ten scorers in the International Hockey League in all three seasons, and was selected to an all-star team for the 1 905-06 season. He would play for the Montreal Wanderers and later the Ottawa Senators, until his retirement from active play. Stuart was also able to maintain a good salary for his services, due not only to his athletic attributes, but also to his success in business which gave him bargaining power when he needed to negotiate a new contract. Stuart’s father operated a large contracting business, in which Bruce would assist during the summer months. However, the business 409Colemari, 755. 146 sometimes required his services during the course of the hockey season, and on one occasion, late in the 1 904-5 season, it was rumored that Stuart asked for his release from the Portage Lakes Hockey Club in order to help his father with a large building contract in Nova Scotia.410 Stuart denied the rumor, but management was aware that Bruce could always pursue other interests should he feel that he was not earning enough money from playing professional hockey. However, Stuart did continue to play hockey, and “developed into an all-round forward, capable of playing any of the positions, although he excelled as a rover.”41 1 Stuart died on October 28, 1961, the same year he was inducted into the Hockey Hall of Fame. William Hodason “Hod” Stuart. “Hod” Stuart must be considered one of the most talented and certainly the most influential player that appeared in the International Hockey League. His play, actions and comments greatly affected the operation of the League in all three years of its existence. He has been described as one of hockey’s first great defence men, and should be considered one of the best defence players of all time.412 Stuart was born in 1 879, and began his career alongside his brother Bruce, with the Ottawa Senators during the 1898-99 season. He went with his brother to the Quebec Bulldogs two years later, where he played two seasons for that C.A.H.L. team.413 He moved to Pittsburgh late in 1 902, where he joined an old Ottawa teammate, Arthur Sixsmith, secretary to Andrew W. Mellon, a bank manager who later became U.S. Secretary of the Treasury. The hockey team was appropriately named “Bankers”.414 410Minin Gazette, Feb 8/05, n. pag. 411 “Player Biographies” 412Dan Diamond and Joseph Romain, Hockey Hall of Fame: The Official History of the Game and its Greatest Stars (Toronto: Doubleday, 1988), 55. 413Coleman, 755. 414Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 117. 147 Following a season in Pittsburgh, Stuart signed with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, rejoining brother Bruce; however after the formation of the I.H.L. the following season, Stuart left Houghton to play for nearby Calumet, and also to manage the newly built Palestra ice arena. He helped the Calumet team win the inaugural League championship, but did not return to the club the following season, because, despite his talent, his violent activities on the ice were scrutinized by both the League and local newspapers: ‘Hod’ Stuart, captain of the team last winter, and who, outside of his rough tactics, is considered one of the best players who has ever stepped on ice, has been debarred from the International league, and the indications are he will quit the game for good. Stuart last season plainly evidenced his grudge against Portage Lake, and throughout the entire season was bitterly condemned for his rough and brutal tactics.415 With his unwarranted banishment by League officials, Stuart reportedly signed on to coach the hockey team at Yale University in 19O506.416 After rumours arose that he would be signing with Pittsburgh, “Hod” acknowledged that he had in fact been banned, and would not participate in l.H.L. games for the 1905-06 season.417 Meanwhile, the sports writers in Pittsburgh, sensing that Stuart might sign with the local team, were outraged by the League’s decision to not allow him to play: Those managers of the west [the other l.H.L. teams] who have put the Indian sign on Hod Stuart must have had some old score to settle or were trying to keep back the progress of hockey in this country. Stuart is universally acknowledged one of the greatest players in the United States, if not the best, not alone on account of his playing, but his executive ability as well.418 Perhaps realizing what the loss of Stuart would mean to l.l-l.L. profitability, League officials began discussing Stuart’s reinstatement in the latter half of December, 1905,419 415Sault Star, Oct 12/05, n. pag. The grudge was likely caused by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club management’s refusal to allow Bruce Stuart to leave Houghton to play with “Hod” in Calumet, as “Hod” had asked prior to the start of the season. 416Minin Gazette, Oct 20/05, n. pag. 417Cooer Country, Dec 11/05, n. pag. 418Pittsburcih Gazette, Dec 21/05,2. 419lbici., Dec 18/05, n. pag. 148 and on December 30, it was announced that he was allowed back into the League.420 Stuart subsequently signed with the Pittsburgh team, and claimed that he did not return to Calumet because the club was attempting to cut players’ salaries.421 With the addition of Stuart in the line-up, Pittsburgh improved its record from eight wins the previous season, to fifteen in twenty-four games in 1905-06. However, the team could not overtake the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, who won their first of two consecutive League championships. In the fall of 1906, talk of Stuart’s return to Canada began to appear in the newspapers. According to reports, Stuart wanted to leave Pittsburgh and join the Montreal Wanderers. “Dickie Boon, manager of the Wanderers, had apparently given Stuart a contract that would make him the highest paid player in hockey, an offer that Pittsburgh manager MacSwiggan could not match.422 However, Stuart did arrive in Pittsburgh, and prepared to begin the 1 906-07 season. Shortly after the season began, rumours again arose of Stuart’s imminent departure from Pittsburgh. Nevertheless, the Pittsburgh Press received confirmation from Stuart that he did not intend to do so, due to contractual commitments in Pittsburgh. Said Stuart: I am not an unprincipled man. Of course, I am always out to be there financially, if I can, but I have signed a contract to captain and play for Pittsburgh this winter, and I expect to remain here for the remainder of the season. I think the Pittsburgh team has bright prospects of capturing the International pennant, and I want to be in on the glory. I have a very warm feeling in my heart for Montreal and I would rather be playing with the Wanderers than any other team. I have received an offer to play with them, but I can’t see my way clear to do so, in view of my contract with manager MacSwiggan of this city.423 420Mininq Gazette, Dec 30/05, n. pag. 42’Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 120. 422Mining Gazette, Nov 30/06, n. pag. 423Coooer Country, Dec 20/06, 10. 149 Although Stuart seemed resigned to finish the season in Pittsburgh, an incident occurred during a game on December 27, 1906, when the Pittsburgh team was to play the Michigan Soo club, that led to his abrupt departure. Pittsburgh players, in protest of the choice of referee for the match, refused to go onto the ice. The game was subsequently awarded to the Michigan Soo, but the incident led to much criticism of the League, its handling of referees, and the Pittsburgh team itself.424 Following the game, it was revealed that “Hod” Stuart had been the instigator of the game boycott, and the Pittsburgh team immediately released him. The reason given by management was Stuart’s refusal to play against the Michigan Soo, but Stuart was already prepared to join the Montreal Wanderers hockey club.425 Stuart had been paid four hundred dollars to this point of the season, but longed to return to Canada to play.426 Manager McSwiggan of Pittsburgh was furious with the behavior of Stuart: “well, we will not have any more trouble with his whims and kicks from now on. We have treated Mr. Stuart with great courtesy all through, and this is the way he repays us. He is simply a contract-breaker.”427 Stuart immediately departed for Montreal, where six thousand spectators watched his debut with the Wanderers against the Montreal Victorias.428 Finishing the season with the Wanderers, Stuart helped that team win the Stanley Cup. Despite the victory, Stuart claimed to have little enthusiasm about returning to play hockey the following season.429 Unfortunately, Stuart would not be able to decide his own future, as he died on June 23, 1907, in a swimming accident. While diving from a lighthouse into shallow water, 424These problems will be analysed in greater detail in Chapter 4. 425Minina Gazette, Dec 28/06, n. pag. 426Soo Evening News, Jan 9/07, n. pag. 427lbid., Jan 5/07, n. pag. 428Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 121. 429lbid 150 Stuart struck his head on rocks, fracturing his skull, and was killed instantly. “Hockey Fans mourned the loss of ‘the king of hockey.’ Said one Montrealer; ‘His reputation as a player throughout Canada and the northern States was greater than that of any living player.”430 In two full seasons in the I.H.L., “Hod” Stuart had been listed on every all-star team that was named: the three chosen in 1904-05, and two in 1 905-06. “Chaucer” Elliott, who saw Stuart play for Pittsburgh while he refereed l.H.L. games, considered Stuart to be the greatest hockey player in the world.431 The Mmmci Gazette reported in early 1 905 that “Stuart is in hockey what Jim Jefferies is in the prize ring, the greatest of them all.”432 Stuart was one the most dominant players through the early years of the twentieth century, and he attained this through talent, and intimidation. In 1 907, sports writer John R. Brady reported that “Stuart reigned for a couple of seasons king of the hockey world. During all this time he had most of his opponents scared to death, and he won many games by his personal prowess alone.”433 Regardless of the means through which Stuart played the game, he remained one of the best players until his untimely death in 1907. Although he only played for a few years, in 1945 Stuart was among the first players elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame. Fred Taylor. Fred Taylor is perhaps the most acclaimed player of hockey’s early decades. He was born on June 23, 1 884 in Tara, Ontario.434 Shortly before he turned seven years of age, his family relocated in nearby Listowel, where he began playing hockey, soccer, and lacrosse for local teams.435 At the age of eighteen, Taylor was invited to play in an 430lbid., 123. 43SauIt Star, Mar 29/06, n. pag. 432Mmninq Gazette, Jan 8/05, n. pag. 4338oo Eveninci News, Jan 30/07, n. pag. 434Whiteheaci, 8. 435Ibid., 14. 151 PLATE XV a) “Hod” Stuart (Hockey Hall of Fame) b) Fred Taylor (Hockey Hall of Fame) 152 exhibition series in Houghton, Michigan, along with former Listowel teammates who were attending school in the U.S.6 In the fall of 1905, Taylor reportedly signed with the Canadian Soo, and was to report to the team during the winter to try out for the professional club.437 According to other reports, Taylor had also signed with the Calumet team,438 but as the 1905-06 l.H.L. season began, Taylor was not affiliated with any I.H.L. club. At that time, he was in Portage La Prairie, and later decided to try the professional game. In January of 1 905, Taylor was signed by John T. McNamara, whose Portage Lakes Hockey Club was in need of a versatile player.439 Although playing in only six games through the remainder of the 1 905-06 season, Taylor scored eleven times to aid the Houghton team to its first l.l-l.L. championship. Despite his participation in only a few games, Taylor played so well that he was recognized as a League all-star for 1 905-06. The following year, he returned to Houghton, where he scored fourteen goals in twenty-three games, helping the team to repeat as League champions. Taylor’s seasons in the l.H.L. were only the beginning of a long and successful playing career. In 1 908 he joined Ottawa, where, in 1 909, along with Houghton teammate Bruce Stuart, he would help the team win the Stanley Cup. In 1 910, he signed with the famed Renfrew “Millionaires”, before travelling west to play in the newly-formed P.C.H.A.44°While in Vancouver, Taylor participated on his second Stanley Cup-winning team in 1915, and led the P.C.H.A. in goal scoring twice before retiring in 1923.441 436lbjd., 31. 437Sault Star. Nov 2/05, n. pag. 438Minin Gazette, Feb 2/06, n. pag. 439Whitehead, 39. 440CoIeman, 662. 441 Ibid. 153 Although he was an accomplished goal-scorer, it was Taylor’s playing style that brought him his fame. His reputation for speed and daring on the ice, while with Ottawa, gave him the nickname “Cyclone”, which stayed with him throughout an outstanding playing career.442 An entertaining account of Taylor’s life is found in Eric Whitehead’s book Cyclone Taylor - A Hockey Lecjend.443 William “Lady Bill” (Billy) Taylor. Taylor was another little-known athlete whose exploits in the International Hockey League deserve recognition. One of the fastest444 and most talented players to play in the League, he finished fourth in goal scoring in 1 904-05 and led the League in that category for the 1906-07 season, with forty-three goals in twenty-four matches. Following his three seasons in the I.H.L., Taylor was second in career scoring with ninety-two goals, behind Lorne Campbell, despite the fact that Taylor had played in fifteen fewer games. Former l.H.L. player Charles McClurg once stated that Taylor “was the greatest stickhandler in that galaxy of stars”.445 After starting his career in the l.H.L. with the Canadian Soo, Taylor played a portion of the 1 905-06 season with the Michigan Soo, following the Canadian Soo’s decision to stop hockey operations. However, when the Canadian Soo re-entered the League in 1906- 07, Taylor returned to play for the l.H.L.’s Ontario team. After the 1906-07 season, Taylor signed with Brantford of the O.P.H.L., where he scored twenty-seven goals in only twelve games. The following season he played for both the St.Kitts and Berlin clubs of the O.P.H.L.446 Despite the fact that Taylor’s career has only 442Coleman, 661. 443Whitehead. 444Minin Gazette, Jan 3/05, n. pag. 445MacDougaII, “McClurg was Versatile”, in The Hockey Book, edited by Bill Roche (Toronto: McCleIIand and Stewart, 1953), 19-20. 446CoIeman, 756. 154 been documented through the discussed seasons, his talent should earn him consideration for a position in the Hockey Hall of Fame. Jack Ward. Ward was a highly-skilled player who began his hockey career in the Canadian Soo. His early playing experiences included exhibition games against the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, several years before the formation of the l.H.L.447 When the Algonquin Hockey Club was formed during the 1 903-04 season, Ward, a left winger, was named team captain.448 Despite obvious success as an amateur in the Canadian Soo, when that town entered an l.H.L. team, it was not known whether Ward could compete against the other players. Several newspapers, including the Copper Country Evening News, reported that Ward was too small, in both height and weight, to play in the professional League.449 The Houghton Daily Mining Gazette recognized Ward’s talent, but only considered him a substitute player; “Ward’s handicap is his lack of weight. Otherwise he is as fast and clever a player as in the league, while even at that many are of the belief that he is capable of doing as good work as any.”450 Ward joined the team as a regular player shortly after the season had begun, and, despite his diminutive stature, scored eleven times in twenty-two matches. He returned to the team in 1 905-06, but following the team’s demise, decided not to play for the Canadian Soo in 1 906-07. Instead, Ward signed with the rival Michigan Soo club, where he finished third in League goal scoring with thirty-four in twenty-three games. 447Mining Gazette, Jan 5/05, n. pag. Jan 2/04. 449Coooer Country, Oct 30/05, n. pag. 450Mininçi Gazette, Nov 4/05, n. pag. 155 Ward’s small stature did not, as predicted, stop him from enjoying a successful career as a professional in the l.H.L. He scored a goal in almost every game he played, and was thought to be “perhaps the most popular player that ever wore a Soo uniform”, prior to the commencement of l.H.L. play.451 Jack Winchester. The final player to be recognized in this chapter is Jack Winchester, goalkeeper for the Pittsburgh team. He joined the club during the 1904-05 season, as a replacement for goalkeeper McKay, and played to the conclusion of 1 906-07. He tied for the League lead in shutouts in both 1 904-05 and 1905-06, and allowed the lowest average of goals-per-game during the 1906-07 season. For his efforts, Winchester was named an all star in 1 904-05 and 1 906-07, and finished his l.H.L career as the League’s leader in shutouts through three seasons. Following the demise of the League, Winchester was able to play three more seasons of hockey in Canada. In 1 908, he signed with Winnipeg, before completing his career in 1910, with both an independent Edmonton team and the Shamrocks of the N.H.A.452 451Mining Gazette, Dec 19/04, n. pag. 452Coleman, 774. 156 CHAPTER IV AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUE The International Hockey League operated for only three years, beginning with the 1 904-05 season. There is little evidence in the literature to suggest that sufficient reasons have been determined for the League’s demise in 1 907. This chapter will analyze the relationships between the I.H.L. and its communities, spectators, players, and administrators. In addition, this study has determined a number of reasons that can be attributed to the success or failure of the League, in terms of its popularity, financial stability, managerial competence, and other activities that had an impact on League operations. Impact on Host Towns With the exception of Pittsburgh, a city with a large population base, the l.H.L. towns were smaller, industry-oriented communities. Sport was a welcome diversion from the work day, whether in a spectator or participative capacity, particularly in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, where many of that region’s inhabitants worked for the large mining companies. Houghton, shortly after the beginning of the twentieth century, “was a bustling, wide-open town known as a great Saturday night fun place for miners who prefer to patronize something other than art museums or the opera house.”1 As these townspeople attempted to find alternate means of entertainment, an increased awareness of hockey had begun, with the formation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Interest in the sport quickly 1Whitehead, 40. 157 grew in the Houghton region, and, as “Doc” Gibson explained, hockey had many qualities that endeared itself to the locals: It has much to commend it to public favor, with its requirements of swiftness, grace, dash, and adroitness . . . . Every facility is kept alert and the demands on the brain as well as on the nerves and sinews, are constant. Strategy and daring, ingenuity and nimbleness are requisites for success. The zest of it, the snap of it, the rapid changes, the ever varying scenes and incidents, the clash of honorable rivalry, the breathless rushes, the sudden turns and curves, the friendly battles of young men, trained and disciplined, all in earnest, all full of the best impulses, the flashing, fascinating contests of hockey are certain to bring together large multitudes of gratified enthusiasts and zealously applauding spectators each season.2 Following the formation of the l.H.L., communities were now able to watch the sport, and perhaps indulge in the spectacle so colorfully described by Gibson. Through the three years of l.H.L. operations, the League did have an effect on those inhabitants whose towns were able to host professional hockey, and, in addition to providing entertainment to the locals, affected business and social behavior in the respective communities. Spectators As in most other areas of the United States, spectator sport had emerged as a principal source of entertainment for residents of the l.H.L towns. Thus, sport became a prominent component of community life: The American citizen with time on his hands and money to spend is also free to choose what he shall do with both. The answer as to why he has singled out sports for the attention he has may be an unconscious tribute to the part such activities play in the successful functioning of the culture.3 Therefore, in the small l.H.L. towns with little other diversions, hockey became a means through which the locals could integrate their various social and ethnic backgrounds. Gunther Luschen noticed this occurrence, and explained that: 2Mininn Gazette, Dec 17/02, n. pag. 3Cozens and Stumpf, Spectator Sports”, 284. 158 It is obvious in spectator sports where the whole community identifies with its representatives in a contest. Thus, sport functions as a means of integration, not only for the participants, but also for the represented members of such a system.4 This would be particularly important in the Copper Country towns, where many different ethnic peoples worked together in the mines. In 1903, in addition to the Cooer Country Evening News, the township of Calumet alone circulated eight different foreign-language newspapers, with five published in Finnish.5 With townspeople uniting to support local teams, the l.H.L. enjoyed significant spectator support, despite its low population bases, and the relative unfamiliarity of the sport in some of the towns. In Calumet, where organized hockey was in its infancy, the local newspaper reported that the game was popular because its rules were simple to follow, and the game was much more exciting to watch than the traditional games of football and baseball.6Therefore, many in Calumet attended games, even though their comprehension of the sport was rudimentary.7 Despite the varied knowledge of the game, crowds usually filled the different rinks to capacity for l.H.L. matches. The Pittsburgh team, and its fans, were nicknamed “Coal Heavers” by the other spectators,8and, similarly, those in the Soo were nicknamed “Lock City Men”, and in the Copper Country called “Miners”.9Hockey enthusiasts in the different communities also met to organize cheers, and devise other ways of supporting their respective teams. 4Luschen, “lnterdependence, 292. 5Thurner, 21. 6Coooer Country, Dec 2/04, n. pag. 7See Appendix P for an interesting account of a hockey game at the Palestra, written by a Calumet farmer, Si Plunkins. 8Mininp Gazette, Dec 8/05, n. pag. 9Soo Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag. 159 Inevitably, gambling became a common element in l.H.L. games, as civic pride and alleged hockey knowledge became the subject of disputes among spectators. Gruneau and Whitson considered gambling to be an important part of the spectator experience: Any sporting competition that ended with a clear-cut winner or loser. provided opportunities for spectators to participate vicariously in the drama of competitive struggle. People could invest their emotions in the contest to a point where they could worry about the threat of loss and anticipate the joys of victory. . . . A financial wager on the outcome elevated the risk and the excitement to an even higher level.10 Thus, the outcome of many l.H.L. games affected the spectators in more ways than simple civic pride. During one game between Calumet and the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, a man wagered two thousand dollars on a Houghton victory. The Copper Country Eveninci News estimated that for that game alone, total wagers exceeded ten thousand dollars.11 The gambling that occurred at l.H.L. rinks was looked upon disapprovingly by League officials. While the League would be happy to have the games providing entertainment for the spectators, the outcomes of games weighed too heavily on fans who gambled on them. James R. Dee tried to discourage the gambling, as he explained that “losers of bets are usually the ones who find the most fault with the referees and umpires and create more or less general bad feeling instead of friendly rivalry.”12 The spectators would also provide additional unwanted behavior, throughout the years of l.H.L. operations. As discussed in Chapter 3, fans in Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan, often entered the rink illegally to watch games, and some vandalized the arena facility. However, despite the presence of a few unwanted incidents, spectator support in the I.H.L. towns should not be considered unruly, or significantly different from fans who watched similar games in Canada. 10Gruneau and Whitson, 56. 1 Coooer Country, Jan 23/05, n. pag. 2MininQ Gazette, Jan 19/05, n. pag. 160 This is evidenced in Fred Taylor’s recollections of his playing days in the l.l-l.L., as he fondly remembered the spectators who filled the rinks: The wind would howl and the temperature would get way down below zero, but out they’d come in the bitter cold, packing those draughty arenas, and loving every minute of it . . . . dressed in furs and mufflers, and [sitting] huddled under blankets.13 In addition to the allegiance that the fans expressed for the l.H.L. clubs, Taylor also believed that the townspeople were supportive of the Canadian players, who often had to travel great distances to the l.H.L. towns. Taylor recalled how “the people opened up their homes to us, and a player could walk into a tavern and walk out again a couple of hours later without it having cost him a nickel.”14 Thus, the l.H.L. players were celebrated in the small l.H.L. communities, both on and off the ice. Business and Commerce While having an obvious affect on spectators of games, the l.H.L. also had an impact on business and commerce practices in the five League cities. Just as the owners of the teams had recognized the potential to earn a profit from hockey operations, so did the entrepreneurs who saw the opportunity to gain through affiliation with the League. Gruneau and Whitson explained the means through which businesses could profit from enterprises like the l.H.L.: Hotel, theatre, and newspaper owners quickly came to realize the financial and public relations value of telegraphed accounts and made facilities of varying types available for fans to gather and ‘hear’ the game. The popular press then routinely began to publish game reports, often including a transcript of the telegrapher’s complete account.15 All of the town newspapers would assign correspondents to games, and would provide play-by-play (and sometimes blow-by-blow) accounts of the l.H.L. matches. In addition, 13whitehead, 21. 14lbid., 52. 15Gruneau and Whitson, 84. 161 local establishments would also provide more immediate information on games played abroad, so locals could gather to find the results of matches, and, of course, spend their money at the particular establishment.16 Hotel businesses were also profiting from tourism generated by League operations, as spectators travelled to rival towns to watch their teams play. During a series between Houghton and Calumet, many Calumet fans attempted to make the thirty-mile journey to Houghton to watch a game. However, both the Douglass House and the Hotel Dee had no vacancies left, as they had been already booked many days in advance of the game. “Late corners had the prospect of sleeping in the street, unless [they were] strangers, they were taken in by somebody.”’7 Of all local businesses to benefit from l.H.L. games, railway companies felt the biggest impact from League operations. In addition to teams travelling to other towns, special trains were often arranged for the spectators to watch games. For example, the Copper Range Railroad provided transportation for fans in Calumet and surrounding towns to travel to Houghton to see games, and would return immediately following the match.18 The railway would charge a fee of fifty cents for this trip, and would travel the reverse route when the Portage Lakes Hockey Club visited the Calumet team, carrying up to eighteen cars of hockey enthusiasts.19 However, the enterprising rail companies would not limit special trains for towns that were as close as Houghton-Calumet, and the two Soos. When the Portage Lakes Hockey Club prepared to travel to the Michigan Soo in February of 1 904, an agent for the Duluth, South Shore and Atlantic railway arranged for a round-trip ticket, for a fee of six 16An example of this occurred when Dunn Bros. in Houghton installed telephones to receive updates from games played at the Amphidrome, and returns on games played abroad. 17Mining Gazette, Jan 22/05, n. pag. 18Coøoer Country, Dec 1 2/04 19Mining Gazette, Jan 10/05, n. pag. 162 dollars, that would allow fans to watch the games in the Michigan Soo.20 By the time the l.H.L. had formed, team owners were aware of the profits that could be made by having fans follow teams abroad, and made similar arrangements for travel to games. In December of 1904, the Michigan Soo club management negotiated a club rate of $6.50 for fans to travel to Calumet to watch a game, and arranged for fans to purchase tickets directly from the Michigan Soo team.21 Because railways serviced spectators travelling between League towns, fans from other cities were also able to watch I.H.L. games. Special trains were sent to cities as far away as Milwaukee, to allow spectators to enjoy professional hockey games.22 Meanwhile, other more proximate towns, such as Marquette, Michigan, were also serviced by the major railway lines.23 Participation in Ice Hockey In most instances, particularly the Copper Country teams, the advent of professional hockey heightened participation, at various levels, in the sport. Many teams were organized at a scholastic level in both Houghton and Calumet, and continued beyond the years of l.H.L. play. In both the Soos, and in Pittsburgh, amateur teams had already been established prior to the formation of the l.H.L., and so it is difficult to ascertain the effects of the League on local hockey interest. However, concrete evidence exists for Houghton and Calumet, since, with the construction of both the Amphidrome and the Palestra for professional play, other teams were able to use new facilities to organize teams and leagues in Houghton County. Local newspapers there noticed the increased interest in the sport, and noted that “hockey enthusiasts in northern Michigan believe that in a few years this 20Minin Gazette, Feb 12/04, n. pag 21 Soo Evening News, Dec 27/04, n. pag. 22Mining Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag. 23Minin Gazette, Jan 1 8/05, n. pag. 163 Canadian game will come to be looked upon with as great favor, this side of the border as baseball.”24 Less than two years after this claim, the Houghton Daily Mmmci Gazette reported that college teams, including the University of Michigan, had organized clubs, with most of the rosters consisting of former high school players from the Copper Country.25 When the l.H.L. ceased operations in the fall of 1907, some newspapers viewed the absence of professionals as an opportunity for amateurs to become more prominent in local hockey: The amateur players will now come to the front and some exciting games will be seen. There is an abundance of amateur players and all that is needed is an opportunity for the men to show their abilities. It is expected that many of them will be capable of entering professional hockey by next season as a result of the opportunities afforded them this season. 26 While professional hockey did not return to the Upper Peninsula of Michigan following the decision by l.H.L. managers to disband, hockey continued to be a popular winter sport in the Copper Country towns. Leaaue Comcietition The l.H.L. featured intense competition on several different levels. Just as players and teams battled on the ice to determine supremacy, so did the managers of the clubs, in order to gain financial or competitive success or advantage. The sometimes abherrant behavior of the team mangers should not be considered uncommon, according to William Sadler: Americans often are less concerned about what they actually experience than about the recognition they receive for having certain kinds of experiences. The American way of life has developed a style of competitive consumption to ‘keep up with the Joneses’ and perhaps to outshine them.27 24Cooper Country, Dec 2/04, n. pag. 25Mininp Gazette, Feb 24/06 26Mininq Gazette, Nov 8/07, n. pag. 27William A.Sadler, jr., “Competition out of Bounds: Sport and American Life”, in Sport in the Sociocultural Process. edited by Marie Hart, (Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown, Co. Pub., 1 978), 168. 164 Thus, the rivalries between clubs, the desire to beat other teams, and, therefore, their towns, led management to partake in unfair practices. Unfortunately, certain conditions existed that made operations more difficult for some teams, giving an advantage to teams even before unscrupulous managers further tried to help their teams win. The Advantaaes of Pittsburgh While most of the towns employed similar facilities, and could provide equal amenities to players, Pittsburgh was different from the other four l.H.L. towns. The city featured one of only two artificial ice arenas in North America at that time, the other located in New York City. 28 This superior facility, the Duquesne Gardens, gave the Pittsburgh club what was considered an unfair advantage over the opposing teams. Because of its artificial ice surface, Pittsburgh hockey teams could play year-round, and local teams were able to prepare for the season long before ice was available for opponents to practice. As discussed in Chapter 3, this advantage was believed to have contributed to the Michigan Soo’s failure to win the l.H.L. championship in 19O506.29 Despite complaints of the ice surface’s “stickiness”, players agreed that the extra preparation time afforded by the artificial ice aided the Pittsburgh team in their home games. Another advantage that the Pittsburgh club held was related to the established length of games. While other l.H.L. matches consisted of two thirty-minute halves, most games played at the Duquesne Gardens had halves of twenty minutes. The reasons for this practice was not explained; however, a Pittsburgh club could train to play a more fast-paced style of game, and take advantage of teams used to playing longer matches. Conversely, this difference could also be a detriment when a Pittsburgh team traveled away for games; 28Whitehead, 46. 29Jack Laviolette blamed a lack of preparation time in the Michigan Soo to two losses against a set Pittsburgh squad at the Duquesne Gardens; Soo Eveninri News, Mar 13/06, n. pag. 165 when the Pittsburgh Bankers visited Houghton in February of 1904, team manager Stoebener claimed that his club could not play intensely for a full hour of play.30 The final advantage that Pittsburgh held over the other four teams was the size of the city, when compared to the smaller communities hosting l.H.L. games. The Duquesne Gardens held over four thousand spectators, and there was more than enough hockey fans to fill the arena nightly for exciting games. In contrast, the population of Houghton itself was only three thousand. In addition to population base, Pittsburgh provided more social amenities for players signing with l.H.L. clubs; in the fall of 1 905, the Houghton Qjy Mining Gazette reported that “Pittsburgh is getting the cream or almost the cream of all the players. This might be owing to the fact of Pittsburgh offering so many attractions for players that cannot be found in the other small cities of the league.”31 Managerial Rivalries During the course of l.H.L. operations, only a handful of business magnates controlled the League teams. However, it was the inabilities of these men to function together that may have had a significant effect on the failure of the League to continue past 1 907. Management problems arose on a variety of levels, but were consistently derived from the failure of managers to view League operations as a whole, and not just the individual teams that they represented. The first and perhaps most important error that the team& management made was the failure to regulate player contracts throughout the League. When the League was initially formed, the executive “forgot to formulate any rule which would prevent players from signing contracts with more than one club.”32 Thus, players would negotiate with other teams in the League, and then abandon the initial club when a higher salary was offered. 30Minin Gazette, Feb 6/04, n. pag. 31Minina Gazette, Nov 2/05, n. pag. 32SauIt Star, Feb 14/07, 1. 166 This only served to drive player salaries higher, and to create animosity among managers who were accused of taking players from one another. In the fall of 1 905, prior to the first scheduled League game, the managers agreed not to bid against each other for the same players.33 Unfortunately, teams were still trying to assemble the best possible rosters, and often ignored the agreement. Because of these practices, fans were often not aware of who was to play for their local club until the season had almost begun. Newspapers, anxious to obtain information about player acquisitions, would receive no information from the management. According to Calumet managers, there was a good reason for this lack of cooperation with the newspapers; “the theory is taken up that if publicity is given the fact that management is after certain players other teams will offer extra inducements to secure the players should they be a good man.”34 The self- serving practices of the individual managers continued, despite the potential effects upon other teams; this prompted the Pittsburgh Sun to suggest a mutual agreement be signed among managers of professional teams in both the U.S. and Canada, to not allow players to switch teams during the season.35 As different teams scrambled to sign the same players, using the tactics described above, dislike between managers inevitably emerged. When Calumet arrived to play Houghton in January of 1905, Calumet fans, who had travelled with the team to watch the game at the Amphidrome, complained that the Portage Lakes management had been discriminatory in the allotment of seats for the game. The visiting fans claimed that they were not given the opportunity to buy good seats, and were forced to Sit in other less desirable parts of the rink.36 However, Calumet management was not devoid of 33Minin Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag. 34Coooer Country, Nov 1/05, n. pag. 35SauIt Star, Feb 4/07, n. pag. It is not known if such an agreement was made. 36MininQ Gazette, Jan 21/05, n. pag. 167 unscrupulous practices, and when manager Thompson of that team announced that Pittsburgh needed to be dropped from the League, it was revealed that one of the reasons for the statement was the apparent unpopularity of Pittsburgh’s management.37 The bickering between teams continued through the conclusion of League operations, culminating in the League annual meeting, in the fall of 1907, about which Manager McNamara of Houghton was not notified. Elected President Fisher apparently had an ulterior motive in hosting the meeting, without representation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club: It has been hinted by several of the International league members that the reason Houghton was not given a look-in of the important l.H.L. offices was because the management was a chronic trouble-maker all during the past season and tended to disrupt the affairs of the league.38 In addition to management feuds, and the selfish pursuit of players, teams also made every effort to defeat one another during games, regardless of the means. The most obvious example occurred with the movement of the Pittsburgh player, Lorne Campbell, who signed with the Portage Lakes in 1904-05, when that team was trying to win the League pennant. In 1 905-06, Campbell signed with Calumet in an effort to defeat the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, even though Calumet had no hope of winning the pennant, and many conceded that the other clubs would settle for a League championship won by any team other than the one from Houghton. The Copper Country Evening News reported that; “it would appear from this that all of the teams are against Portage Lake as they seem to be doing all they can to help the Soos win out.”39 37SauIt Star, Mar 9/05, n. pag. 38SauIt Star, Oct 17/07, n. pag. 39Copper Country, Feb 15/06, n. pag. 168 Team Rivalries and ComDetition While the managers of the teams feuded, the teams developed keen rivalries with one another. Interest in the games peaked when nearby clubs competed, and when the outcome of the game was in question. However, some incidents led to speculation that not all games were played with the same intensity, due to the motives of the managers. The close proximity of the two Soos and the short distance between Calumet and Houghton generated increased interest when these clubs played one another. From the onset of League operations, the natural rivalries between these clubs were recognized.40 When Pittsburgh played in the Michigan Soo on December 23, 1 904, the local newspaper noted that the Michigan Soo crowd was not as excited as it had been during matches against the rival Canadian Soo club.41 In the Copper Country, competition between the two l.H.L. teams there peaked early in 1905. On January 21, the Portage Lakes would be hosting Calumet, at the Amphidrome. The rivalry between the two mining towns further incited the local newspapers to write about the importance of the game. The Daily Mmmci Gazette called the game “the most important hockey match that was ever played in the United States.”42 The newspaper elaborated on the reasons for such bold claims, stating that “the game tonight is most important because on it hinges a national championship which can be conferred by a regularly organized league, the controlling body of professional ice hockey in the United States. Calumet had only lost once to that point of the season, and had beaten Houghton in both games in which the two teams had met. In recent games, Houghton had been playing 4Os Evening News, Dec 2/04, ri. pag. 41Soo Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag. 42Mining Gazette, Jan 21/05, n. pag. 43lbid. 169 well, and, with the aid of having played several more League games, had almost the same number of victories as Calumet. The game would be a guaranteed sellout; there would also be a large number of Calumet fans who would try to make the thirty-mile jaunt to Houghton to watch the match. “The reserve seats for the match were so in demand that all were taken up within half an hour after being placed on sale and the spectators are now getting as high as $5 and $6 for the good ones.”44 Portage Lakes Hockey Club manager McNamara had other problems with the Amphidrome; he decided to impose a no-smoking regulation for the match, because the danger of a fire was greatly increased by the anticipated overcrowding of the arena. McNamara also stated that the arena would “have a large force of ushers and reserved seat ticket holders [would] find at the main entrance, two head ushers and a head usher at the head of each seat avenue, with another usher to every seat section.”45 With all seats taken, and necessary precautions completed at the arena, the town of Houghton eagerly anticipated the start of the game: By supper time people were looking at their watches and figuring out how long it would be before the game commenced. There was nothing else but hockey, in stores, hotels, saloons, the air, the past, present, and future.46 The game itself was as exciting as those in the Copper Country had anticipated. Houghton won the closely-contested match by a score of 2-1, edging closer to the league-leading Calumet team. The Portage Lakes now needed to win the return match at Calumet, on January 25. The demand for seats to witness the second game of the two-game series matched the previous one; within forty-five minutes, all tickets to the Palestra were sold out at all but 44lbid. 45lbid., Jan 21/05, n. pag. 46lbjd., Jan 22/05, n. pag. 170 one outlet in the Calumet township.47The Palestra, which had a larger capacity than the Amphidrome, would be filled with supporters for both teams. An estimated four thousand spectators witnessed the Calumet team humiliate Houghton by a score of 1 2-2, and take a commanding lead in the race for the l.H.L. pennant.48 Unfortunately, games that resulted in such one-sided scores were not popular, and attendance was low for games where one team was considered a strong favorite. For this reason, rumors arose throughout the 1904-05 season that some teams purposely lost games, in order to guarantee large crowds for the following matches. Before a game in December of 1 904, the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette insinuated that the Portage Lakes would deliberately lose in Calumet in such a manner, to guarantee a large crowd at the Amphidrome the following night. In response to this report, Bruce Stuart replied that “you can say that the Portage Lakes don’t do business that way, that if the Calumets defeat us tomorrow it will be because they are a better team.”49 Similarly, Calumet was alleged to have lost the second of a three-game series in Pittsburgh, in January of 1905, in order to swell gate receipts for the final game. Calumet players denied the charge, blaming the loss on injuries to several team players.5° Exhibition Games It should be noted that, despite the apparent lack of cooperation among the League teams, the l.H.L.’s operators made many efforts to improve the League’s financial stability, image, and playing conditions. The organization of exhibition matches was one means by which the l.H.L. attempted to do so, and could be seen as the League arranged games in Canada and the United States, providing both inter- and intra-league competition. To give 47Coøoer Country, Jan 23/05, n. pag. 48Minin Gazette, Jan 26/05, n. pag 49Mining Gazette, Dec 1 6/04, n. pag. 50Minin Gazette, Jan 11/05, n. pag. 171 further exposure to the League and its players, other exhibitions were staged during the three I.H.L. seasons, in order to increase awareness of the League and its players. Other exhibitions were arranged, as well; several times during l.H.L. games, skating races were held to increase the popularity of both hockey and skating. One such race was held at the Palestra in early 1906, including several Calumet players, with the winner receiving a fifty-dollar cash prize.51 Managers had earlier considered hosting a fastest-skater competition, featuring the best l.H.L. players on all teams. It is not known whether the race was held or not; however, Portage Lakes players felt that “Hod” Stuart would win the race easily.52 Exhibitions were held that did not feature l.H.L. players; during the League’s inaugural season, skater James W. Troyer of the Michigan Soo had given an exhibition of backward skating over a half-mile distance at the Ridge Street arena, between periods of a Pittsburgh-Michigan Soo game.53 Canadian Exhibition Games Exhibition games were frequently held throughout the three years of l.H.L. operations, most of them against Canadian teams. The l.H.L. schedule was often organized, and, in some cases altered,54 to allow any of the five teams to arrange games with non l.H.L. clubs. It was often difficult for games to be arranged with Canadian clubs, since, through the first year of l.H.L. play, several associations in Canada continued to forbid teams to compete against the American professionals. However, by the faIl of 1905, the Daily Mining Gazette announced that plans were made for exhibitions that coming season, as several 51Mining Gazette, Feb 1/06, n. pag. 52lbid., Jan 19/05, n. pag. 53Soo Evening News, Mar 6/05, n. pag. 54Coooer Country, Feb 17/06, n. pag. Following the demise of the Canadian Soo team in 1 906, the schedule was changed to allow more games against Canadian professional teams. 172 teams were apparently to be allowed to play against l.H.L. clubs.55 According to the Sault a group of “O.H.A. OutIaws, who had not signed with l.H.L. teams, had formed a club of their own, and wished to arrange matches with the Canadian Soo team.56 In 1 906-07, perhaps feeling that the Canadian Soo team was the weakest of the l.H.L. teams, a team from Barrie, Ontario, arranged to host games against the Soo club in December of 1 906. The Barrie team provided little competition, as the Canadian Soo team won easily, 12-4, posting its first victory away from home in that team’s history.57 Later in the 1 906-07 season, representatives from Cobalt, Ontario, contacted both Soo teams, interested in arranging exhibitions games. The organizers, rich from silver mining ventures in the Cobalt region, would spare no expense to have quality hockey games played there. The Canadian Soo was to play three matches, and wear Cobalt uniforms. The team was guaranteed a substantial amount of money, with other bonuses should attendance exceed a certain pre-determined number.58 On February 20, the Canadian Soo defeated a team comprised of professional players from Toronto, held in New Liskeard, in the Cobalt area.59 Two weeks later, the Michigan Soo club defeated a team of Toronto and Ottawa players, a game also played in Cobalt.60 In Pittsburgh, exhibition games had been organized with Canadian teams during the 1 905-06 season. Playing a team from Toronto in February, 1906, the Pittsburgh club easily won by a score of 24-4. Garnet Sixsmith of Pittsburgh scored eleven times against the hapless Toronto team.61 Earlier in that month, Pittsburgh had stopped over in Niagara Falls, 55Mining Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag. 56Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag. Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag. 58oo Evening News, Feb 181-7, ii. pag. 59ibici., Feb 21/07, n. pag. 60lbid., Mar 5/07, n. pag. 6 Pittsburgh Gazette, Feb 11/06, n. pag. 173 New York, returning from l.H.L. games in Michigan, and had played the Ontario Power Company team, winning 7-6 in front of twelve hundred spectators.62 The Copper Country teams also engaged in various exhibition games, the most important being a trip to Manitoba, late into the 1905-06 season. Both Calumet and Houghton were to play against each other; the Daily Mmmci Gazette reported that “this trip [was] being used as a means of educating the Canadians to an appreciation of professional hockey.”63 Matches were arranged for Winnipeg’s Auditorium rink, and attempts were made to play the Rat Portage team there.64 However, the C.A.A.U. refused to allow Rat Portage or the Kenora Thistles to play the Portage Lakes;65 therefore, the two games were to involve only Calumet and Houghton, who were hoping to “introduce professional hockey in Canada.”66 Despite the efforts of the teams to make Manitoba hockey fans aware of the nuances of professional hockey, by the following season the games were thought to be a decided failure. According to one source: One thing that gave professional hockey a set back here was the visit last winter to Winnipeg of the Calumet and Houghton teams for exhibition games. The copper country players put up very punk exhibitions of the game. There was nothing in the nature of the contest to their play. They worked like a team practice. . . the people who saw the first game were disgusted and the attendance at the second was about thirty.67 62lbid., Feb 5/06, n. pag. 63Minin Gazette, Mar 14/06, n. pag. 64lbid., Mar 16/06, n. pag. 65Ibid., Mar 18/06, n. pag. 66Copper Country, Mar 14/06, n. pag. 67Mininn Gazette, Mar 12/07, n. pag. 174 Unfortunately for the League, this direct attempt to improve the reputation of professional hockey may have in fact made opinions of the l.H.L. worse, following the completion of the series. Exhibition games were also scheduled in l.H.L. towns against other local clubs. The matches served three purposes: to allow the l.H.L. teams some practice, usually shortly before the beginning of the l.H.L. season; to give other teams and leagues exposure, thereby increasing the popularity of the sport; and to possibly generate some additional revenue for the clubs, as was the case with all exhibition games. An example of a game against a local team occurred shortly before the 1904-05 season, between Calumet, and a local team, the Crescent Hockey Club.68 Stanley CuQ Challencies While no team from the l.H.L. was able to arrange matches for the Stanley Cup, efforts were made during the final years of League operations to challenge the current Cup holders in Canada. In February, 1 906, plans were made by l.H.L. members to form an l.H.L. all-star team, and challenge the winner of the Stanley Cup, at the conclusion of the season.69 This notion was not followed through by the l.H.L., but ideas of Stanley Cup play again emerged as the 1 905-06 season came to a close. The Portage Lakes and the Michigan Soo were in a close race to win the League championship, and it was anticipated that the two teams would finish the season tied. It was then suggested that a play-off be held to determine the best team in professional hockey, and that the winner of the two teams meet the Dominion’s top team, to determine the hockey championship of the world.70 However, for reasons that will be discussed in Chapter 5, no team would play the eventual l.H.L. champions, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. 68Coooer Country, Dec 14/04, n. pag. 69Mininq Gazette, Feb 20/06, n. pag. 70Ibid., Mar 8/06, n. pag. 175 As the 1906-07 season concluded, reports began to appear again in local newspapers, suggesting that the l.H.L. champion challenge for the Stanley Cup. Fortunately for the Canadian teams, they did not need to find an excuse for not competing against the Portage Lakes, as P.D. Ross, trustee for the Stanley Cup, announced in February of 1907 that the Stanley Cup could be competed for by Canadian teams only. Following the announcement, the Daily Mining Gazette reported that “there is a possibility of the Canadian Soo sending in a challenge for the famous piece of silverware.”71 It is unfortunate that teams of the l.H.L. were unable to compete for the Stanley Cup, as comparisons between the American professional teams, and the best alleged amateur teams in Canada are made more difficult when considering that the teams were never able to compete directly against one another. However, the information gathered for the purpose of this study would indicate that the l.H.L. teams would probably defeat the Canadian amateur teams, as many of the top players had come to the l.H.L. to play professionally. This was also evidenced by the impact made by former l.H.L. players, such as “Hod” Stuart and “Riley” Hem, upon their return to Canada to play. Referees The most consistent, and perhaps most damaging problem that the l.H.L. encountered was with the refereeing of League games. Almost from the commencement of operations, complaints about the level of officiating began, and for the remainder of the League’s existence, attempts were made by the Executive to remedy this problem. While many of the problems were attributed to the incompetence of the men assigned to referee, the inability of League management to produce a solution for the problem was equally important. 7 Mining Gazette, Feb 16/07, n. pag. 176 It should be noted that in hockey, during this time period, disputes regarding the refereeing of matches were frequent in most leagues, at all levels of play. Mott attributed this to the granting of an unspecified, and usually insufficient degree of authority to game officials.72 Mott further explains that excessive arguing and quarrelling during matches was commonplace in games played at the time of the l.H.L.’s operations.73 Despite the apparent lack of authority given to referees, many, including wHodn Stuart, realized the importance of having competent officials during games: No matter how fast the teams, the exhibition given depends almost entirely on the referee. If he is capable and maintains perfect control of the players so that all the men on the ice have perfect confidence in him they will play their best game and fast, clean, scientific hockey will result, but if all or any of the players feel that he does not know his business, or is likely to be unfair, it is difficult to tell what kind of exhibition the people who have paid their money will be called upon to witness.74 Unfortunately for the spectators of I.H.L. games, the latter type of game described by Stuart was common during League matches. Administrative Problems In December of 1 904, as the opening of the l.H.L.’s inaugural season approached, anticipation in the l.H.L. towns was great for the high-calibre of play that the talented players signed by team managers could offer. However, the same care and determination in obtaining the services of the best hockey players was not repeated when referees were selected to work l.H.L. games. The 1 904-05 l.H.L. season featured twenty different referees, who officiated in sixty League games that year. Because there were five teams, there was only a maximum of two games that could be possibly played at once; the League could therefore have relied on the services of only two or three referees. While many of the complaints about the level of 72Mo 6. 73lbid. 74Soo Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag. 177 officiating were justified, management did not find suitable replacements for those officials deemed incompetent; otherwise, not as many would have been used during the season. An even greater example of managerial incompetence is evidenced when it is revealed that half of those referees who worked in 1904-05 League games also played on I.H.L. teams that season. An example of the incompetent efforts of the League executive occurred with the designation of William “Cooney” Shields as an official League referee. Shields had been serving as a substitute player with Houghton, owing to his lack of physical conditioning. He was released by Houghton, and was appointed as referee shortly thereafter, and assigned to referee all l.H.L. games held outside of Pittsburgh.75However, only three days later, Shields was offered a contract to play with Calumet, which he accepted.76 It is difficult to fathom why the League would allow Shields to sign with another team, after his apparently capable refereeing skills had been acquired by the League. However, even with an affinity for good refereeing, Shields would still be capable of biased officiating, considering that he had played the two previous seasons with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Despite this, Shields was considered a qualified referee, further emphasizing the Executive’s inability to obtain adequate referees. The League’s refereeing debacle continued through the 1904-05 season, evidenced by Michigan Soo player “Bike” Young refereeing a game between his own team and Calumet, on February 23, 1 905. Such situations provided the opportunity for extensive quarrelling over the levels of officiating. In December of 1905, as preparations for the following season were occurring, the Daily Mmmci Gazette recognized the appalling work that the League had done in its selection of referees; “the games last season in the copper country were at times entirely unsatisfactory simply because men not capable of officiating 75Mining Gazette, Feb 14/05, n. pag. 76lbid., Feb 17/05, n. pag. 178 here, were chosen to referee the games.”77 The Sault Ste. Marie Eveninn News then explained what was required to stop the problem: The referee question has come to be the most serious with which the International league has to deal. If the league is to remain a solid institution it is imperative the officials will have to deal with the matter in a firm and impartial manner. It is obvious that it will never be satisfactory for an official of one club to appoint the referee for all contests.78 Perhaps in response to the reports in the town newspapers, the League acknowledged the problem following the 1904-05 season, and decide to hire two referees, for 1 905-06, appointed by the Executive committee, to be stationed in towns named by the President of the l.H.L.79 The League Executive then decided to try to obtain the services of some of the top referees from the different Canadian Leagues, and offered Fred Waghorne, one of the strictest referees of the O.H.A. a salary of $125 a month, plus expenses, to come to the U.S. league.8°Although Waghorne did not accept the offer, the League announced two weeks later that the popular “Chaucer” Elliott, and John P. Mooney of the Canadian Soo, had been named as official League referees.81 As the season’s opening neared, “Doc” Gibson, who had retired from active play, was also named as an official l.H.L. referee. Gibson was to referee the western l.H.L. team games, and to also accompany the Copper Country teams on several of their road trips.82 With the appointment of Gibson, he and Elliott would now be recognized as the official League referees, and of all the I.H.L. clubs were satisfied with the appointment of the two men.83 One day after the Daily Mining Gazette made this announcement, the newspaper 77Ibid., Dec 3/05, n. pag. 78Soo Evening News, Mar 8/05, n. pag. 79Corøer Country, Oct 25/05, n. pag. 80SauIt Star, Nov 9/05, n. pag. 81Ibjd., Nov 23/05, n. pag. 82Mininn Gazette, Dec 5/05, n. pag. B3Ibid., Dec 8/05, n. pag. 179 explained that originally, Mooney and Gibson were to be the two official referees, but when Elliott had expressed a desire to work for the League, Mooney was dropped. Now, the newspaper further reported, Elliott had refused the appointment, due to the limited funds that the League was offering, and the l.H.L. would be short one referee.84 However, three days later, Elliott had reportedly agreed to the terms offered by the League, and was leaving for Pittsburgh to commence his duties.85 The arrangement seemed to work throughout the season, as Elliott and Gibson refereed the majority of League games. A potential problem could have arisen when players questioned Gibson’s allegiance to the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, when he refereed Houghton games, but he was a well-respected individual and no serious problems developed. Only one significant blemish occurred, when Gibson was unable to reach the Duquesne Gardens in time to referee a game between Pittsburgh and the Canadian Soo. In his place, Arthur Sixsmith, who was on the Pittsburgh roster but unable to play due to injury, refereed the match.86 Prior to the commencement of 1 906-07 season, the League Executive was again concerned with the signing of regular referees. The l.H.L. had used twenty different men during its inaugural season, but had only required four during the 1 905-06 season, when “Chaucer” Elliott and “Doc” Gibson had worked the majority of the games. Neither Gibson nor Elliott would be returning; Gibson was accused of being biased towards the copper country teams, and Elliott had returned to Canada and reportedly did not like “the ‘bush’ teams of the copper country and [was] not liked by any of the teams excepting the Americans” 87 84lbid., Dec 9/05, n. pag. 85lbid., Dec 12/05, n. pag. 86Mininn Gazette, Jan 12/06, n. pag. 87Minina Gazette, Mar 11/06, n. pag. 180 The solution to the problem of incompetent referees was simple, according to the Daily Mmmci Gazette, reporting that the League would hire three official referees, who would “have nothing in common with any of the league teams so there [would] be no question of their favoring one of the contesting aggregations”.88 In contrast to the newspapers’s prediction, the League named Walter Forrest and Roy Schooley as official referees for 1 9O6O7.89 Forrest had played the previous season in Houghton, while Schooley had been an O.H.A. referee who had worked games at the Duquesne Gardens over the past few seasons. One week later, it was announced that Tom Melville had also been named an official referee, and was assigned to games played in Calumet,90 while “Cooney” Shields was named to work in the games at the two Soos, and to “promote peace and harmony.”91 Reflecting on the continued incompetence of the League Executive, when asked about the referee situation, at the time of the announcement, former League President Ferguson replied that; “I do not believe that it will prove satisfactory. I think that the only way is to have unprejudiced referee[ing] and capable ones from away who can not be accused of having any interest in either team.”92 This was in direct contrast to the recent naming of official League referees, some of whom would have a potential bias toward certain teams. As could be predicted, problems with the refereeing arose early into the season. In order to remedy the problems, the Executive took affirmative action with regards to the naming of the game officials; “President Fisher states positively that hereafter the league 88lbjd 89Coooer Country, Dec 8/06, n. pag. 90Mininci Gazette, Dec 1 6/06, n. pag. 9ilbid., Dec 20/06, n. pag. 92Soo Evening News, Dec 1 7/06, n. pag. 181 games will be refereed by Meinke, Melville, and Schooley, and that teams that do not like the officials can quit.”93 The petulant announcement by Fisher revealed the depth to which the refereeing problem had reached. The reputation of the League was in jeopardy, and “Hod” Stuart recognized the potential damage that the poor officiating could create: The present system of providing referees cannot give satisfaction to the people, to the players or to the managers . . . such a condition will put a damper on the sport that the International league is in no condition to withstand at the present time.94 On the same day Fisher’s statement was published in the Sault Star, “Hod” Stuart further challenged the League President’s refereeing system. The Michigan Soo team was hosting Pittsburgh, with Herbert Meinke to be assigned as the referee. When Pittsburgh was notified that Meinke would be officiating, the club refused to come onto the ice from the visitor’s dressing room. “The Michigan Soo team came on at the call of time, faced off, and shot a goal. The Pittsburgh bunch did not appear, thus forfeiting the game.”95 As discussed in the previous Chapter, the incident resulted in “Hod” Stuart, one of the League’s best players, leaving Pittsburgh to play for the Montreal Wanderers. Shortly after the Michigan Soo-Pittsburgh referee fiasco, the League Executive held a meeting in Houghton to discuss the referee problem,96 further complicated when Tom Melville resigned as an official League referee, citing health reasons.97 The League reacted by appointing Joe Stephens as a referee for the remainder of the season. The lack of impartiality that had apparently been solved through the naming of “Chaucer” Elliott for the 1 905-06 season had returned in 1906-07. The League used ten different referees, seven of whom were current or former l.H.L. players. The reason for the 93Sauft Star, Dec 27/06, n. pag. 945oo Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag. 95Mining Gazette, Dec 28/06, n. pag. 96Coooer Country, Dec 29/06, n. pag. 97lbici., Jan 5/07. 182 consistent unavailability of fair referees was explained by James R. Dee. Dee had negotiated to have Dr. Lionel King referee two l.H.L. games in 1 904-05. King was a respected referee from Montreal, and was hired to referee two games between Calumet and Houghton in 1 905. Dee contended that referees: do not care to give up their home jobs to come here for a temporary one for two or three months. This is the reason why we have had to rely so much upon local referees to date. We [had] to pay considerable money to get Dr. King and he will only stay for two games.98 Players were typically younger men than the referees, who were more established in their careers, and often had families to support. This would explain the lack of interest on the part of reputed referees to come to the l.H.L., whereas the players were more likely to relocate for the purpose of playing hockey. Dee also reported that “most of the referees in Canada are professional men who are engaged in business, who would not find it convenient to come here. . . .“ The exception would be “Chaucer” Elliott, who was a professional baseball player, and found it easy to travel for the short hockey season. Elliott was also relatively young for his refereeing profession; he was only twenty-six years of age while working l.H.L. games. Following the 1 904-05 season, in another effort to remedy the referee crisis, the League considered using the two-referee system that had been employed in some of the Canadian leagues. The Daily Mmmci Gazette considered this practice to be unnecessary: The double referee system of refereeing has been in vogue in Canada for several years, and has worked entirely satisfactory, but the game as played in many places in considerably rougher than here, and requires two referees to see all plays.1 98Mininçj Gazette, Jan 19/05, n. pag. 99lbid., Jan 10/05, n. pag. 100Mininci Gazette, Dec 3/05, n. pag. 183 The newspaper further reported that the League decided to use only one referee for the 1 905-06 season; they would procure a capable official, and then offer him a higher salary.101 James R. Dee revealed the actual reason why the League did not wish to use two referees; it was considered to be too expensive. The lack of desire on the part of the League Executive to pay the necessary salaries to entice competent referees from the Canadian leagues resulted in the return to haphazard officiating for the 1 906-07 season, following the adequate work accomplished by Elliott and Gibson the previous year. Prior to the commencement of the 1906-07 schedule, the League had announced that its refereeing bill “ran way up”102 and to reduce it, local referees would be used again. Perhaps the League could not afford to pay capable referees, or perhaps the Executive did not realize the extent to which poor officiating could affect League operations. Regardless of the reason, the inability of referees to control the games played may have led to the violence that occurred in the ice, or the disputes that tarnished the League’s reputation. The tactics of the players, created by poor officiating, had led to the departure of the competent “Chaucer” Elliott; also, the inability of Elliott’s successors to adequately work games contributed to “Hod” Stuart’s departure to the E.C.H.A. Both men returned to Canada with stories of the incompetence displayed by League management, which helped to damage the reputation of the l.H.L. in Canada. Referee Incomoetence Team management has been blamed for the poor regard in which the League was held in other hockey circles; however, it was the actions of the referees themselves that led to the sorry opinion of l.H.L. play. While the incidents were numerous of incompetent 101bid. 102Soo Eveninri News, Nov 14/06, n. pag. 184 officiating, a few examples will be given to illustrate the variety of ways by which refereeing infuriated spectators, players, and managers alike. As was the custom in the sport at the time, players would serve as timekeepers when they were injured or otherwise unable to play in games.103 Players, or others affiliated directly with a team, would also serve as umpires, assigned to determine if a puck had entered the goal net. This conflict of interest would result in frequent arguments; however, the rules of that period dictated that the decision of the umpire was final, and the umpire could not be overruled by the referee. If a goal was disputed, the goal was not reversed; the goal umpire was instead replaced.104 Because a poor decision could not be changed, players would become frustrated by certain calls. In a game on December 20, 1906, goalkeeper “Chief” Jones became so incensed at a call by an umpire that he engaged in a spirited argument that almost resulted in the two men exchanging blows.105 Although incompetent refereeing was common in most leagues at this that time, the behavior of I.H.L. officials provided perhaps the poorest example of how to referee hockey games. The most telling example occurred early in the League’s first season. “Baldy” Spittal of Pittsburgh explained an incident that occurred during a game against Calumet, one that was reported in the Sault Ste. Marie Evenino News: “a goal was shot, but the puck went only about eight inches inside the posts and the umpire, who had the wrong idea that it was necessary to shoot it to the back of the net in order to count, did not allow it.”106 103An example occurred when the injured “Hod” Stuart filled such a capacity in a match between Calumet and the Michigan Soo, held on January 30, 1905; Soo Evening News, Jan 3 1/05, n. pag. 104This occurred during a game between the Michigan Soo and Houghton on January 13, 1906; Mining Gazette, Jan 14/06, n. pag. In another case, a dispute over a call by umpire Winklenmeyer led to his removal, and subsequent replacement, by “Dunc” Taylor, in a game in January of 1905; Mining Gazette, Jan 8/05, n. pag. 105Sault Star, Dec 20/06, n. pag. 106Soo Evening News, Dec 23/04, n. pag. 185 Although the poor work done by most game officials can be attributed to bias or inexperience, some actions displayed the referee’s inability to control the games. In a game refereed by Houghton player Charles Liffiton, the Canadian Soo visited the Calumet club in mid-January of 1 905. Shortly after the game began, Ken Mallen shot a goal that was disallowed. “In the discussion that followed, [Canadian Soo forward Jack] Ward [skated] down the rink and shot the first goal for the Soo without interference. The local boys thought it was a practice shot.”107 Liffiton allowed the goal despite the unpreparedness of the Calumet team. The Calumet team members should have felt confident enough in Liffiton’s abilities to referee that they could dispute his officiating at a later time when the game was not still in progress. Less than two weeks after that game, Joe Booth provided another example of an l.H.L. referee not maintaining control of players, in a game between the Canadian Soo club and the visiting Michigan Soo team. At one point during the game, Booth sent four of the Canadian Soo men off at one time, leaving the local team with only three men on the ice, including the goalkeeper, while the Michigan Soo team still had all seven of its players. The conduct of the players may have necessitated their removal from the ice; however, the referee was considered accountable for the behavior of the players, and he was directly responsible for allowing conditions during the game to reach a point where so many players on one side would merit penalties. The Sault Star was highly critical of the officiating, and claimed that “the game illustrates the necessity for competent league referees, as under the present system, hockey will be eliminated altogether”.108 With such poor examples of officiating, players soon began over-reacting to certain situations in games. In February of 1905, “Baldy” Spittal took his Pittsburgh team off the ice with two-and-a-half minutes remaining in a game against the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. 107Minin Gazette, Jan 15/05, n. pag. 108Sault Star, Jan 26/05, n. pag. 186 Spittal was irate at referee Ernie Westcott for not calling a penalty on Houghton player Bruce Stuart. Westcott then awarded the game to the Portage Lakes, as Pittsburgh refused to continue playing.109 Although the management determined who was to referee the games scheduled in the l.H.L., it was the responsibility of the referees to competently officiate the matches by displaying a thorough knowledge of the rules, and an impartiality that would not give any one team an unfair advantage. This was obviously not the case in the l.H.L., where the refereeing not only affected the outcomes of games, but also the reputation of the League. While there are a number of reasons that can be attributed to the League’s demise and its poor standing in the eyes of many hockey enthusiasts - particularly in Canada - the level of officiating must be considered a significant factor. lnapøropriate Behavior While the League damaged its reputation through the quality of officiating, several other incidents occurred throughout the three l.H.L. seasons that only increased the negative views toward the l.H.L. and professional ice hockey. The behaviors of the players, management, and newspaper reporters were often of an irrational and perplexing nature, and will be examined in this section. Administrative Behavior As previously discussed, prior to the start of the 1905-06 season, “Hod” Stuart had been banned from playing in the I.H.L., because of his alleged rough tactics in games. However, it became apparent to newspaper reporters that to prevent Stuart from playing, regardless of his guilt in supposed violent activities, was a wrong decision by the League Executive: 109Minina Gazette, Feb 23105, n. pag. 187 The managers decided he played too roughly, and that he made the races certain by winning championships wherever he went. If these charges are true then the managers are guilty of stupid work and that they should be ashamed of. They are supposed to be working for the advancement of the game, but when they go as far as to place a ban on one of the greatest players in the business to keep him out of the league, they do the game irreparable harm. Stuart is a drawing card, that is certain, and despite the claim that he is unnecessarily rough, he is a favorite.110 As the season began, Stuart was still not playing for any l.H.L. team. When questioned as to why, Stuart replied that he was not playing because the ban was still in effect. He wished to sign with Pittsburgh, and, should the ban be lifted, could do so, since, according to League policy, his ties with Calumet were severed with the banishment, and he would be free to sign with any team.111 Thus, the League’s own ruling was a detriment to Calumet, because, under normal circumstances, that team would have retained Stuart’s rights following the 1 904-05 season, when he led Calumet to the League championship. When the Pittsburgh press became aware of Stuart’s intentions to play in that city, the local newspapers increased their attacks on the League management, in order to allow Stuart to play: The club owners in the west realize it will be a good business move to reinstate Stuart, as he is one of the biggest drawing cards in the business, and it is thought they will not allow their prejudices to get the better of their business acumen.2 Despite the ban, Stuart accompanied the Pittsburgh team westward, where games were to be played against the Canadian Soo. Pittsburgh’s manager, MacSwiggan, then displayed another instance of the petulant, selfish behavior of the team managers, as he threatened not to play in the game if Stuart was not reinstated by the League. He further explained that he would take his team out of the l.H.L., and would re-organize the W.P.H.L., should his 1 0Mininn Gazette, Dec 21/05, 2. 1 Coper Country, Dec 21/05, n. pag. 2Pittsburh Gazette, Dec 25/05, n. pag. 188 demands not be met.113 It is not known the extent to which the threat influenced the l.l-I.L. Executive, but shortly thereafter, the League allowed Stuart to play in l.H.L. matches. A week later, another incident of equal absurdity occurred, as the returning “Hod” Stuart, and Joe Hall of the Portage Lakes were rumoured to have been excessively aggressive in a recent match. League President A. L. Ferguson then contacted “Doc” Gibson, informing him that Stuart and Hall would not be allowed to play in the game between Pittsburgh and Houghton, to be held on January 8, 1 906. While this decision would seem to be sound, it was revealed that Ferguson had based his decision solely on published reports of the games, and had not spoken to anyone connected with the alleged activities. The Copøer Country Evening News explained that Ferguson apparently believed that “the players have exhibited homicidal tendencies”.114 Following the Pittsburgh-Houghton games, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was scheduled to play against Calumet, whereupon Calumet Manager Thompson claimed that the ban placed on Joe Hall would be upheld on Calumet home ice.5 The League was having difficulty in administering the ban, and therefore Thompson attempted to enforce it himself. A week later, Thompson further announced that the Houghton club would forfeit the game, should Hall play.1’6The ensuing debate over Hall’s eligibility would seem to have been an opportunity for the League Executive to intervene to solve the dispute, which had begun only after the League failed to enforce its own charges. Instead, “President Ferguson of the league [said] that he will not mix in the quarrel and leave it to the two teams to fight it out between themselves”.117 The League Executive had improperly imposed a sanction 113lb d., Dec 28/05, n. pag. 1 4CopDer Country, Jan 8/06, n. pag. 115bid., Jan 20/06, n. pag. 116Minin Gazette, Jan 28/06, n. pag. 117Piffsburoh Gazette, Jan 28/06, n. pag. 189 towards a player, and then, when the discipline had become the subject of a dispute, refused to mediate an argument that had been created by its own inept attempts to castigate unwanted behavior. Player Behavior The inept actions of the management were, at times, equalled by the behavior of the players during the games. Although referee selection, and the poor work done by those men selected by the Executive, led to frustration and arguments during the games, the players occasionally behaved in a manner that was unfitting for the game during that period. Selected are two incidents to typify the undesirable activities that contributed to the close of League operations. During the 1904-05 season, Pittsburgh acquired the services of William “Peg” Duval. Duval’s actions led to an incident on December 22, 1904, in a game against the Portage Lakes, held at the Amphidrome. The game commenced later than usual, at 8:34 p.m., following an argument between the two teams.118 Duval arrived at the rink in an intoxicated condition, and was forced to retire after twenty minutes of playing time. With no substitutes being allowed in hockey during this time, Pittsburgh was required to play one man short for the remainder of the game. However, Houghton’s Bruce Stuart relented to Pittsburgh’s pleas and agreed to drop one of his own players, McMaster, to even up the number of players on the ice.119 After losing to Houghton, Pittsburgh traveled to the Michigan Soo for a game on December 23. Unfortunately, the Pittsburgh team was not travelling with any substitute players, and Duval was again not in any condition to play; so as not to play with one less player, Pittsburgh substituted Canadian Soo player Dick O’Leary at the cover point position. 118Pittsburgh had wanted to start the game at 8:00 p.m., in order to make a 10:15 train out of Houghton. 119Mininci Gazette, Dec 23/04, n. pag. 190 O’Leary apparently made little effort to aid his new team, and Pittsburgh lost again, by a score of 93 120 Unfortunately for Pittsburgh, Duval’s behavior did not improve. On December 26, the team was to play at the Canadian Soo, and with “Duval not being in condition to play with Pittsburgh,”121 the Canadian Soo managers were persuaded to drop a player and the two teams played the entire game with six skaters on each team. The two clubs tied 4-4, as ten minutes of overti