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The origins and development of the International Hockey League and its effects on the sport of professional… Mason, Daniel Scott 1994

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THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THEINTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUE AND ITS EFFECTS ONTHE SPORT OF PROFESSIONAL ICE HOCKEY IN NORTH AMERICAbyDANIEL SCOTT MASONB.P.E., The University of British Columbia, 1992A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESSchool of Human KineticsWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAAugust 1994© Daniel Scott Mason, 1994In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department of or’ i4tJM4J kifl cçThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate 9/,79yDE-6 (2/88)ABSTRACTThis study examined the development of the first professional ice hockey league, theInternational Hockey League, and its relationships with amateur and professional leaguesand ideals, in both Canada and the United States, during the first decade of the twentiethcentury.Following the historical method, relying primarily on newspapers reports from thetowns involved with the League during that period, a chronological-thematic narrative waswritten to analyze the following hypotheses: a) the League played an important role in thedevelopment of professional hockey in Canada, b) the League and its members reflected andaffected attitudes toward professional hockey in Canada and the U.S., c) the operations andplay levels of the League were the direct result of several influential individuals and events.The study was arranged into three distinct parts: an examination of backgroundconditions existing in eastern Canada and ice hockey prior to the formation of the l.H.L.; adescriptive narrative of the l.H.L.s towns, operations and influential individuals; and aninterpretation of selected issues.The study revealed that the formation and operations of the l.H.L. provided asignificant influence on the trend toward the acceptance of professionalism in the Canadiansenior hockey leagues. It was also determined that the factors associated with thatacceptance led to the demise of the l.H.L.TABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT.iiTABLE OF CONTENTS iiiLIST OF PLATES ixLIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xGLOSSARY xiACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xivChapterI. INTRODUCTION 1Review of Relevant Literature 4Statement of the Problem 6Justification for the Study 7Delimitations 8Limitations 8Hypotheses 9Sources of Information 9Definition of Terms 10Methodology 10II. BACKGROUND CONDITIONS RELATED TO THE STUDYEastern Canada and Sport During the Late Nineteenth Century 1 2The Emergence of Amateurism and Professionalism in Canadian Sport... 16The Origins and Development of Ice Hockey 22Rules 25Equipment 28Facilities 33The Regulation and Formation of Associations 34Amateurism and Professionalism in Ice Hockey 38IIIChapterIll. THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUEA. Early Ice Hockey in the United States 41Michigan 43Houghton, Houghton County, Michigan 44B. The Portage Lakes Hockey ClubEarly Team Success 48The Amphidrome 50The Organization and Success of the First Professional Hockey Team:The Portage Lakes Hockey club of 1 903-04 54C. The Formation of the International Hockey League 62D. International Hockey League Innovations and Rule Changes:1904-1907 65E. The Organization and Success of the International Hockey League Teams:1904-1907 70Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan (Michigan Soo) 71Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario (Canadian Soo) 76Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 86Calumet, Michigan 91Houghton, Michigan (The Portage Lakes Hockey Club) 98F. Potential League Expansions: 1904-1 907 106G. The Conclusion of I.H.L. Operations 111H. The Influence of Selected Individuals 118Administrators 119James R. Dee 1 20Edwin S. “Chaucer” Elliott 121Dr. John L. “Doc” Gibson 124John T. McNamara 1 27Important Players 128ivChapterRoy Brown.129Lorne Campbell 130James Henry “Jimmy” Gardner 132Joe Hall 132“Riley” Hem 135“Chief” Jones 136Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde 137Jean Baptiste uJack Laviolette 140Ken Mallen 141Didier Pitre 142Bruce Stuart 146William Hodgson “Hod” Stuart 147Fred Taylor 1 51William “Lady Bill” Taylor 1 54Jack Ward 155Jack Winchester 156IV. AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUEA. Impact on Host Towns 157Spectators 1 58Business and Commerce 1 61Participation in Ice Hockey 1 63B. League Competition 1 64The Advantages of Pittsburgh 165Managerial Rivalries 1 66Team Rivalries and Competition 1 69C. Exhibition Games 171VChapterCanadian Exhibition Games 1 72Stanley Cup Challenges 1750. Referees 1 76Administrative Problems 177Referee Incompetence 1 84E. Inappropriate Behavior 187Administrative Behavior 1 87Player Behavior 190Newspaper Reporting 193F. Violence in the International Hockey League 1 95Hockey and Manly” Sports 196Acts of Brutality During l.H.L. Games 1 98Bad” Joe Hall 204Spectator Violence 207A Comparison of l.H.L. and Canadian Hockey League Violence 208G. Finances 211Attendance 211Profits 21 4Competition for Spectators 217Socio-economic Trends 218Player Salaries 220V. INTER-LEAGUE RIVALRY AND TRENDS IN PROFESSIONALISM IN ICE HOCKEYA. Inter-league Rivalries and Influences 224The Western Pennsylvania Hockey League 224The Ontario Hockey Association 227The Attempts of the O.H.A. to Discipline Professionals 229viChapterAttempts to Thwart Professional Clubs 234The War Against the l.H.L. and Professionalism 240Maintaining the Power of the Association 245The Eastern Canada Amateur Hockey Association 246B. Changes in Professionalism in Hockey in Canada 250Commercialism in Spectator Sport and Perceived AmericanInfluences 250Amateur Hockey Organizations and Hidden Professionalism 254Amateurism in Senior Canadian Hockey 256C. Professionalism During the I.H.L.s Operating Years 257Hypocrisy in Canadian Amateur Hockey 258Resistance to Professionalism 260Anticipation of Professional Hockey 262D. Professional Ice Hockey in Canada 264E. The International Hockey League and Canadian Professional Hockey.267The Influence of American Ideals on Ice Hockey 267Reactions of Canadian Teams and Associations to I.H.L. Success.. .272Anti-professional Policy in Canadian Associations 274Professional Hockey in Canada and the Disbanding of the l.H.L 275VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONSSummary 278Conclusions 281Recommendations 284Recommendations for Further Study 284Final Recommendations 285BIBLIOGRAPHY 286APPENDICES 291vi’A. The Rules of Hockey - As Written by Arthur Farrell, Shamrock HockeyClub, 1899 292B. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club - Player, Team, and Referee Records,1903-04 294C. International Hockey League Rules - 1904-05 298D. Rules Governing Play in the International Hockey League - 1 904-05 299E. International Hockey League Officers, 1 904-1 907 301F. International Hockey league Team Uniforms 303G. International Hockey League All-Star Teams, 1904-1 907 304H. International Hockey League Team Records, 1 904-1 907 307I. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1904-05 308J. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1905-06 313K. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1906-07 31 8L. International Hockey League Scoring Leaders By Year 323M. International Hockey League Referees 324N. Complete International Hockey League Player Records 1904-1 907 3250. International Hockey League Career Leaders 331P. “Hockey By Si Plunkins” 332Q. Recorded Attendance at I.H.L. Games 335VIIILIST OF PLATESPlateI. Skate Advertisement-1900 29II. Hockey Equipment Advertisement, 1900 31Ill. Dr. John L. “Doc” Gibson 47IV. The Amphidrome Rink, Houghton, Michigan 51V. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Team Photo - 1903-04 57VI. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club and Montreal Wanderers - SeriesAdvertisement, 1904 60VII. Fire Insurance Map of the Ridge Street Arena, Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan 73VIII. Duquesne Gardens, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 87IX. Fire Insurance Map of The Palestra, Calumet, Michigan 93X. The Calumet Hockey Club- I.H.L. Champions, 1904-05 96XI. a) Edwin “Chaucer Elliottb) James R. Dee 122XII. Joe Hall 134XII. a) Edouard “Newsy” Lalondeb) “Jack” Laviolette 139XIII. a) Didier Pitreb) Bruce Stuart 145XIV. a) “Hod” Stuartb) Fred Taylor 152XV. John Ross Robertson, O.H.A. President, 1899-1905 230ixLIST OF ABBREVIATIONSA.A.A.C. Amateur Athletic Association of CanadaA.A.I-l.L. American Amateur Hockey LeagueA.H.A.C. Amateur Hockey Association of CanadaC.A.A.U. Canadian Amateur Athletic UnionC.A.H.L. Canadian Amateur Hockey LeagueE.C.A.H.A. Eastern Canada Amateur Hockey AssociationE.C.H.A. Eastern Canada Hockey AssociationF.A.H.L. Federal Amateur Hockey Leaguel.H.L. International Hockey LeagueM.H.L. Manitoba Hockey LeagueN.H.A. National Hockey AssociationN.H.L. National Hockey LeagueO.H.A. Ontario Hockey AssociationO.P.H.L. Ontario Professional Hockey LeagueP.C.H.A. Pacific Coast Hockey AssociationW.C.H.L. Western Canada Hockey LeagueWP.H.L. Western Pennsylvania Hockey LeaguexGLOSSARYHOCKEY AND SPORT-RELATED TERMSAll-star. All-stars were those players who were determined to be exceptionally talented. All-star teams were usually determined following the conclusion of a specific hockey season,where athletes at each playing position were recognized from a specific league. Appendix Gcontains all-star teams that were selected during the I.H.L.’s operative years. In addition,Charles L. Coleman, following the compilation of data for his work The Trail of the Stanleychose an all-star team based on all those players who had competed for the StanleyCup, between 1893 and 1926.1Body-checking. This act consisted of stopping an opposing player who had the puck byusing the body. A player could not, in any way, hinder a player who did not have the puck.2Combination Plays. Combination plays were the quick, successive passing plays that wererequired during games, due to the on-side nature of hockey at the beginning of the twentiethcentury.Coverioint. This player was situated directly in front of the point position, and, although adefence player, occasionally joined in rushes toward the opposing zone. The coverpointposition was usually held by a strong, fast skater who also could body-check, and, when incontrol of the puck, stickhandle with it long enough for the forwards to form a line ofattack.3Defenceman. The two defence players were called point and coverpoint, and werepositioned one in front of the other, unlike the side-by-side method used in later years.Those playing defence were expected to stop attacks, pass the puck to a teammate, or liftthe puck to the other end of the rink. These players rarely left the immediate vicinity of theirown goals.4Face (or Face-off).A face would be used to commence play. The puck would be placedbetween the sticks of two opposing players, who would try to gain control of the puck,upon the hearing the referee blow a whistle or shout “play”.Fence (or boards). The boundary around the ice surface was called the fence, or boards. Thesize of the fence would vary, according to the arena hosting games. In addition, players,all-star team is referred to in Chapter 3, where the careers of specific l.H.L.players are analyzed.2Houghton Daily MininQ Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.3SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.4Foster Hewitt, Hockey Niciht in Canada (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1 953), 38.xiupon receiving a penalty, did not have a penalty box to report to, and instead would be“sent to the fence’, to sit on the boards for the duration of the penalty.Forward. There were four forwards during this period, a centre, two wings, and the now-defunct rover. Usually, the rover would initiate a rush up ice with the puck, and wouldjoined by the rest of the forwards, who formed a line across the width of the ice surface. Aforward was usually a fast skater and good stickhandler, who could use a teammate well,and shoot the puck accurately, although many goals during this period occurred when aforward followed a puck shot on an opposing goal, and put the puck into the net if thegoalkeeper was unable to control the initial shot.5Goalkeeoer (or goaltender). This was considered to be one of the most important positionson a team. A player at this position needed to be agile and quick on skates, and be able toblock the shots directed at the goal. The goaltender could not fall to the ice, and so neededto be adept at “clearing”, or removing the puck from the immediate vicinity of the goalareaLifting. Lifting occurred when a player, usually at the defence position, raised the puck highinto the air, and down the ice toward the opposing goal. This practice was used to relievepressure around the goal net, and to also attempt scoring opportunities; the off-side ruleforbade forward passing, but a lifted puck could be easily taken by a forward, should anopposing defence player be unable to control the lifted puck.“Loafing” off-side. Because players were required to be on-side, that is, always behind theteammate with the puck, a player would be considered loafing if nearer the opposing goal.That player would be essentially taken out of the play, the referee calling an infractionshould the loafing player touch the puck. Players who engaged in this practice would bescorned, and considered indolent, and in some cases, referees would call penalties on suchplayers, in order to discourage this practice.Off-side. This was a very important rule; should the puck be shot or passed in the directionof the opposing goal, a player could not touch the puck immediately after a teammate. Thatplayer would be considered off-side, and could only be placed on-side when an opposingplayer touched the puck. In some circumstances, a player could be placed on-side if theteammate who touched the puck immediately prior skated up ice to a point where the offside athlete was located.7Point. The point position was located immediately in front of the goalkeeper, and to preventopposing forwards from shooting, and to remove the puck from the area near the goal.Traditionally, the point player was a big, strong athlete, capable of body-checking theopposing forwards.8Rover. The rover was the most versatile of all the players on the ice, aiding the defencewhen opponents were attacking the goal, and skating up ice with the forwards for their ownrushes on the opposite goal. The rover would usually be the fastest skater on the club, and5Sault Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.6lbid7Mininp Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.8SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.xl’would also be required to assume the playing positions of any teammates who left the ice toserve penalties.9Rush. This was the skill of skating toward the opposing goal with the puck. A rush could bedone individually, or with teammates, who would stickhandle with the puck, or pass it backand forth.Stickhandle. This was the act of controlling the puck with the stick.Shutout. A shutout occurred when a team played an entire game without allowing theopponent to score a goal. Shutouts would be credited to the goalkeeper, and could be usedas a means of determining the abilities of the goaltender.9lbid.XIIIACKNOWLEDG EM ENTSThe author would like to thank the thesis supervisor, Dr. Barbara Schrodt, for herguidance, contributions, and feedback during the writing of this thesis. The author wouldalso like to recognize the efforts of Dr. Robert Morford and Dr. Wendy Frisby, whose inputand assistance as examiners have been greatly appreciated.Phillip Pritchard of the Hockey Hall of Fame is commended for his invaluableassistance in allowing the author access to important information at the Hall in Toronto,Ontario.In addition, the moral and critical support of the author’s parents, David and MarjorieMason, the technical guidance of his sister, Denise Mason, and the emotional support of hispartner, Anita Kagna, during the completion of this study, were greatly appreciated.xivCHAPTER IINTRODUCTIONThe first openly-acknowledged professional ice hockey team played its inauguralgame in the town of Houghton, Michigan, in 1 903. The competitiveness of the team thatyear led to the organization of the first professional hockey league, the International HockeyLeague (l.H.L.), in the fall of 1904.The purpose of this study is to present a comprehensive written history of theInternational Hockey League. The study will provide a background on the research problem,information regarding the league, and the need for further research. The procedure forinvestigation will also be presented.In the decades following Confederation, Canada enjoyed a rapid growth in sport,including ice hockey. The interest that the Canadian public held for hockey increased withthe industrialization and urbanization of the late 1 800’s. These advances created moreleisure time for workers and therefore the need for more leisure activities.1During this time, many amateur sport governing bodies were formed, adopting thestringent rules regarding the amateur status of athletes that were common in Britain.2 Onesuch association was the Ontario Hockey Association (O.H.A.), formed in the fall of 1 89O.However, despite pressures from the O.H.A. to retain amateurism in hockey, and the‘Allan Cox, et al, “Sport in Canada, 1868-1900”, in History of Sport in Canada 2nd edition.ed. Maxwell Howell and Reet Howell (Toronto: Stipes Pubi. Co., 1985), 107.2Alan Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play: The Emergence of Organized Sport. 1807-1914(Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1987), 100.3Scott Young, 100 Years of Dropping the Puck- A History of the O.H.A. (Toronto: McClellandand Stewart, Inc., 1989), 7.apparent negative views about professionalism in sport, there were numerous instances inice hockey where athletes were paid to participate.Commonly referred to as “ringers”, these paid players began appearing in hockey inthe early 1 890’s,4 but hockey associations, particularly the O.H.A., continued to resist anddeny any activities involving professional players. “Professionalism was seen to be the rootof all the other problems. Rough play, the use of ringers, fan conduct, and any other evils allcoalesced into one ailment - professionalism.”5The identification and subsequent reprimanding of professional hockey playersinvolved the suspension of those athletes considered to be “non-resident” players by theassociations governing a specific league,6 but professional practices continued despite therisks of being caught. An indicator that professionalism had truly arrived in ice hockey wasthe fact that games were now scheduled on weekdays; amateurs normally held positions ofemployment in other endeavors, and often required financial subsidization to compensate forwork-time missed by playing or travelling to games during the week.7The pressures from sport governing bodies continued to thwart the paying ofplayers, but views on professionalism in society were beginning to change. By 1 900,hockey was played and viewed by all classes of society in Canada,8 and was no longerconsidered to be a sport enjoyed only by affluent members of society.9Also, as fan interestincreased, it was now a possible business venture, and paying players was one way toensure team competitiveness.4Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 70.5lbid., 71.6Kevin Jones,”Sport and Games in Canadian Life, 1900-1920,” in History of Snort in Canada,195.7Henry Roxborough, One Hundred-Not Out (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1 966), 204.8Cox, 145.9lbid., 117.2However, until 1 903, professionalism was not visible to the public; players, who inthe past had played for local teams, had now gone to other towns, and were secretly paidby their new clubs, or guaranteed high-paying positions within the community.10 Despitesuch occurrences, ice hockey was considered to be an “amateur” sport until 1 903, whenthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club was formed.The sport was gaining in popularity, during the first decade of the twentieth century,particularly in Eastern Canada. J.L. Gibson, a Canadian who had relocated in Houghton topractice dentistry, had played for the Berlin11 team in the O.H.A. and was instrumental inintroducing the sport to the Michigan mining town. However, Houghton did not haveenough skilled players available locally to maintain the competitiveness of the club; as aresult, the team management was forced to build the club from players in Canada. The teameventually paid players to come to Houghton, but had no interest in concealing this fact.Thus, from these transactions, the “Portage Lakes” Hockey Club was formed, the firstprofessional ice hockey team in North America.12The newly-formed professional club began playing exhibition games againstCanadian and American clubs. The Houghton team, laden with talented players, soundlydefeated their opponents in many of the games. Consequently, Canadian teams, oftenhumiliated by the American team, began to seek out players of better calibre, or to retainplayers by paying them, regardless of the risks of being considered professional.13Shortlythereafter, leagues in Eastern Canada began operating on a fully-acknowledged professionalbasis.10Morris Mott, “Inferior Exhibitions, Superior Ceremonies: The Nature and Meaning of theHockey Games of the Winnipeg Vics, 1890-1903”, in 5th Canadian Symposium on the History of Soortand Physical Education (Toronto: University Press, 1982), 11.Berlin was renamed Kitchener in 1916.12JW (Bill) Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr. J.L. (Jack) Gibson,” speech given at the Hockey Hall ofFame Induction Dinner, Toronto, 26 Aug. 1 976, n. pag.13Nancy Howell, and Maxwell L. Howell, Sports and Games in Canadian Life (Toronto:MacMillan of Canada, 1 969), 206.3The success of the Houghton club led several entrepreneurs to believe that a leaguein the eastern United States might prove to be a profitable venture. As a result, for thefollowing season, the International Hockey League was formed,14 with teams playing Out ofSault Ste. Marie, Houghton and Calumet, Michigan, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (the arenathere had artificial ice), and Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario. Players were paid salaries of twenty-five to seventy-five dollars per week, with the league operating from December 14 to March1 5•15 Referees were also paid to work in the new league; they were given a monthly salaryand travelling expenses.16The l.H.L. continued operating until it was disbanded in 1907. The reasons for theLeague’s closure are not completely certain, although many have postulated that this wasdue to a lack of fan interest, or arena facilities not capable of hosting adequate crowds tomake League operations profitable.17Sport historian Alan Metcalfe suggested that the l.H.L.lacked the necessary conditions for a successful league, namely a large population andcomparatively short distances between competing towns.18Review of Relevant LiteratureMost of the literature reviewed for this study has addressed the International HockeyLeague and its importance, but in little detail. Often, information on the League is limited toa simple paragraph within a larger work.Frank Cosentino, in his thesis, “A History of the Concept of Professionalism inCanadian Sport”, outlines some of the League’s operations, but this constitutes only partsmany works the l.H.L. is referred to as the International Professional Hockey League, orthe International Pro League.15Frank Cosentino, “A History of the Concept of Professionalism in Canadian Sport” (Ph.D.thesis, University of Alberta, 1973), 226.16Toronto Globe and Mail, Nov 2/1905, n. pag.17HowelI and Howell, 206.18Metcalfe, 170.4of several pages in a thesis that exceeds five hundred pages. The reason for this apparentlack of emphasis might be that the l.H.L. was considered to be an American league, asCosentino examined other professional leagues that emerged in eastern Canada shortly afterthe creation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club and the l.H.L. It is unfortunate that themagnitude of historical sport research often forces the historian to contain research withinspecific geographical confines. In the case of the l.H.L., it may be that its operations in boththe United States and Canada could make extensive research difficult, as the two countriesare usually examined either separately, or in comparison with one another.Kevin Jones also conducted extensive historical research on sport of this timeperiod, but again, although the importance of the league is not overlooked, reference to thel.H.L. is limited.19 The extent to which the l.H.L. is examined by Jones and other sporthistorians is limited to a statement of the creation of the league by Gibson, its significanceas the first professional hockey league, and its demise in 1 907.Perhaps the l.H.L.’s American origins are the reasons for the apparent lack of depthto which the league’s operations are analyzed. Even Metcalfe barely details the l.H.L. in hiswork, Canada Learns to Play20. Also, although Howell and Howell mention the genesis andexistence of the l.H.L., in Sport and Games in Canadian Life, it is again, only briefly.21The Trail of the Stanley Cup, Volume One, by Charles Coleman, provides aninvaluable source of information for hockey historians. Coleman has meticulously compiledstatistical and biographical information on the players of most of the teams and leagues thathave competed for the Stanley Cup since 1893.22 Unfortunately, the Stanley Cup was notcompeted for by professional leagues, during the lifespan of the I.H.L., and therefore,19Jones.20Metcalfe.21 Howell and Howell.22Charles L. Coleman, The Trail of the Stanley CUD Vol. 1 1 893-1926 inc. (Dubuque: KendallHunt Publishing Company, 1966).5Coleman did not compile statistical information on this league. A majority of the authorswho have written on specific events and players of this era use Coleman’s book forstatistical reference, and do not choose to research the data themselves. This practice hascreated a gap in the information that is available on the teams and players of this timeperiod that are not included in Coleman’s study.Finally, the Hockey Hall of Fame, which carries an extensive collection of workspertaining to hockey, was contacted for information or artifacts relating to the I.H.L.Following discussion with Phillip Pritchard,23 and a subsequent search for information at theHall in Toronto, it was determined that little or no information was available on the l.H.L.However, the Hall does hold a scrapbook, containing newspaper clippings about the l.H.L.,and several other miscellaneous artifacts.This review of literature has determined that readily available information on theformation, operation and subsequent demise of the International Hockey League, althoughnot insignificant, is limited.Statement of the ProblemThe purpose of this study is to compile a comprehensive written history of theInternational Hockey League from 1 903 until its demise in 1907. The study will include theevaluation and examination of the following sub-problems, the extent to which will bedetermined by the availability of resources and the abilities of the researcher:a) the organization, administration, and operation of the l.H.L.b) the influences of other leagues, particularly the 0.H.A., on the I.H.L., and the waysin which the l.H.L. may have influenced other leagues.c) the impact of public views about professionalism on the International HockeyLeague and its members.23Pritchard is the Manager of the Resource Centre and Acquisitions at the Hockey Hall ofFame and Museum, in Toronto, Ontario.6d) the relationships between financial and competitive success or failure, the League’soperations, and the influences of rival leagues.e) the impact of innovations, and rules changes on the l.H.L., and in particular, thesport of ice hockey in general.f) the influence of specific individuals on the League and its operations.Justification for the StudyThe review of literature has demonstrated that, to the best of this investigator’sknowledge, no comprehensive written history of the International Hockey League has beenundertaken, although brief references to the League are frequent in the relevant literature onthe history of sport in Canada, and the history of ice hockey. Despite the lack of emphasisplaced on the League in the literature, the significance of the l.H.L. is duly noted as the firstprofessional hockey league in North America.No works are concerned specifically with the l.H.L., although there have been somebiographical analyses of players whose playing careers were at one time centered in theleague. In such cases, references to the League are confined to specific occurrences andevents during games of note, or related to the lives of the players in question, and, in someinstances, proven to have been based on incorrect information.As previously discussed, the work of Coleman, with its detail of the history ofhockey in North America, has left a noticeable gap in useful information, particularlyconcerning the statistical compilation of leagues and players. Therefore, those hockeyresearchers relying on Coleman have, of necessity, been more general in their treatment ofthe I.H.L. than other leagues.The fact that information is not as readily available for I.H.L. reference as for otherleagues of the time period is, in itself, not reason enough to undergo a comprehensivewritten examination. Cosentino, among others, has hinted that the creation of the PortageLakes Hockey Club, and the International Hockey League had a profound effect on the sport7of ice hockey in eastern Canada. This can be evidenced by the sudden creation of otherprofessional leagues following the competitive success of the Portage Lakes team, and theI.H.L.. The importance of the l.H.L. in establishing and leading to the acceptance ofprofessionalism in ice hockey must not be overlooked.A comprehensive written history, and an understanding of the relationships betweenthe l.H.L., competing leagues, and society can only be obtained through a detailed analysisof newspapers, artifacts, records, and reports available.Delimitationsa) The time limits for the study are from 1 902 to 1 907, that is, from the yearbefore the creation of professional hockey in Houghton, to the demise of theInternational Hockey League. In order to establish a setting for the work, informationregarding the formation and development of ice hockey, both amateur andprofessional, and the views on sport in society of the time period are examined.Much of this information was acquired from sources that are concerned withissues prior to or after the selected years.b) The geographic area for the study is the Province of Ontario, and the states ofMichigan and Pennsylvania.Limitationsa) The availability and accessibility of resources will prove to be a limitation of thisstudy.b) Most of the individuals involved with the operation of the International HockeyLeague are deceased. The whereabouts of those who remain are unknown, and mayprove difficult to locate. Should it be possible to contact those who where involvedwith the l.H.L., it is not known if such persons would be willing or able tosupply relevant information.8c) The Hockey Hall of Fame, under most circumstances, would provide an invaluablesource of information for a work of this nature. However, upon discussion withCraig Campbell, Phillip Pritchard and Jeff Davis, of the Hockey Hall of Fame inToronto, it has been determined that the Hall’s only source of information on thel.H.L. is one scrapbook.d) The information collected will rely heavily upon data reported in newspapers. Thequality, and impartialness of the reporters of each paper will provide another limitingfactor for this study. To obtain a more impartial and objective view of the events ofeach game, more than one account of the game will be analyzed, where possible.HyøothesesThe nature of this study requires the development of several hypotheses, which willbe examined in light of information gathered during the investigative phase of the study.Conclusions and interpretations will be made on the basis of all or some of the followinghypotheses:a) The International Hockey League played an important role in the development ofprofessional hockey in Canada.b) The activities and operations of the l.H.L. and its members reflected and affectedattitudes toward professionalism in both Canada and the United States.c) The operations and levels of play of the l.H.L. were the direct result of the influenceof several important individuals and events.Sources of InformationThe sources of information used in this study were as follows:a) All relevant secondary sources, such as studies and works on professionalism insports, Canadian and American sport history, hockey history, and the interaction ofsport and hockey with society, as found in theses, articles in periodicals, and books.9b) Information regarding the methodology of sport history research, as well asworks on the relationship between sport and society, specifically the timeperiod 1895-1915.C) Newspapers, particularly those of the towns of Calumet, Houghton, Sault Ste.Marie, Michigan, Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, and Pittsburgh.d) The Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, and the Michigan State Library and Archives inLansing, Michigan, which provided specific information on the towns, theI.H.L., and its members.Definition of termsIn order to completely understand the study, the defining of certain terms isnecessary. A number of terms relating to the rules and events that occur during the courseof an ice hockey game will need clarification. For the purpose of this study “hockey” will bedefined as the sport of ice hockey which was created in eastern Canada shortly afterConfederation. A glossary of hockey and sport-related terms used during the period of l.H.L.operations has been compiled for this study, and can be found in the front matter of thisthesis.The term “professional” will be defined as the act of accepting money for playing asport, or of using a sport as a means of livelihood. The terms surrounding the concept ofprofessionalism and amateurism will be elaborated upon following the completion of datacollection.MethodoloavThe research conducted follows the historical method. To determine the validity andreliability of the information studied, the data was subjected to a rigorous criticalexamination. Corroborative evidence was sought in all instances to determine thetrustworthiness of collected material. (Using such methods, the external and internal validityof all data collected will be investigated, where possible).10The format of the study is:a) a chronological-thematic narrative of the events and occurrences of the InternationalHockey League from its inception to its demiseb) an analysis and interpretation of the data collected, based on the criteria describedearlierc) an evaluation of the l.H.L., focussing on the apparent success or impact of theLeague.11CHAPTER IIBACKGROUND CONDITIONS RELATED TO THE STUDYEastern Canada and Srort during the Late Nineteenth CenturyBoth Canada and its sports were undergoing rapid changes during the latter half ofthe nineteenth century. While organized sport has been considered a consequence of thechanges in Canadian society during this time, a more appropriate view would be to see sportas an integral part of society, reflecting the dominant social and political concerns of theperiod.1 In order to limit this study, changes in Canadian society that occurred followingConfederation will be noted only when the effects of such changes served to dramaticallyshape organized sport in Canada.The period discussed witnessed the increased industrial development of EasternCanada, which directly led to the development of organized sport.2 The emergence oforganized sport in Canada can be attributed to a number of factors. Metcalfe reasoned thatthe network of railways, combined with urbanization and industrialization,3provided anenvironment suitable for the evolution of sport in Canada. Jobling further supports Metcalfe,by stating that “the technological changes which occurred throughout the nineteenthcentury, and the ramifications which they engendered, had the most profound effect on thedevelopment of sport in Canada.”41Metcalfe, 1 3.2For a comprehensive view of the development of sport during this period, see Allan Cox, “AHistory of Sports in Canada, 1868-1900” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1 969).3Metcalfe, 21.4Ian Jobling, “Sport in Nineteenth Century Canada: The Effects of Technological Changes onits Development” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1970), 3.12Many of the most critical technological advancements were made in the area oftransportation and communication. The steam-powered engine linked towns, permittingeasier intra- and inter-city competition, while the telegraph enabled accurate information onsporting events to become available, and aided in the advancement of the mass press in theform of newspapers.5At approximately the same time as the appearance of the telegraph,railway construction had began in earnest in eastern Canada.6Cosentino identified thesubsequent increase in inter-city sporting competition7that became a possibility for earlyCanadian athletes following the construction of additional railway lines. An excellentaccount of the effects of the industrial revolution, leading to the development ofindustrialization and urbanization, and to improvements in transportation andcommunication, can be found in Jobling’s doctoral dissertation “Sport in the NineteenthCentury Canada: The Effects of Technological Change on its Development”.8The absence of adequate railway lines prior to Confederation confined sport to localareas; athletes were unable to travel great distances, and therefore could not competeagainst a wide range of opponents, or become exposed to the different sports beingdeveloped in different parts of eastern Canada. This greatly contributed to the slowadvancement of organized sports in Canada.9 However, the growth of Canadian industry ledto increased urbanization in eastern Canada, and more leisure time for the working class.The effects of these societal changes coincided with an increase in the number ofsporting clubs in eastern Canada. From the formation of the first sporting club, changes inthe social, cultural, economic, and technological patterns of society would greatly affect the5Metcalfe, 5 1-52.6Jobling, 32.7Cosentino, 1 28.8JobIing9Cox, “History of Sport”, 20.13development of sport.’° According to Cox, railway travel and increased leisure time werenot the only factors giving sport a more important role in Canadian society:By 1900 sport had attained an unprecedented position in the Canadian socialscene, and this remarkable development had been achieved in a relativelyshort period of time through the railroad, the telegraph, the penny press, theelectric light, the bicycle, the camera, and the mass production of sportinggoods.11Though such advancements led to an increase in the number of sporting clubs formed in thelatter half of the nineteenth century, there were other conditions that would determine thetypes of sports to be pursued; the cold Canadian climate meant that between November andApril, the winter shut down farms, froze the lakes of eastern Canada, and even slowedbusiness.12 Cox also recognized the unique features of Canada that pioneers had to contendwith, when considering the development of sport:Two of the major factors which influenced the development of sportswere climate and terrain. The harsh winters, with snow on the ground for upto six months of every year, made it necessary for many settlers to becomeconversant with the use of snowshoes. Similarly, the use of ice-skates wasoften an economic, as well as social, necessity.13The winters afforded more time for leisure activities for the rural families of Canada, whosefarm duties were lessened, and “the Canadian winter sports scene [reflected] the ingenuityof the vigorous nineteenth century inhabitants of this northern land.”14The commercialization of Canadian sport began in the 1 870’s in the urban centres ofEastern Canada. The earliest evidence of this phenomenon occurred in Montreal, where anemphasis was placed on the provision of facilities for both spectator and participatory10Cox, “History of Sport”, 1.1 lbid., 461.12Peter Waite, “Between Three Oceans: Challenges of a Continental Destiny (1840-1900),” inThe Illustrated History of Canada, ed. Craig Brown (Toronto: Lester & Orpen Dennys Limited, 1 987),283.13Cox, “History of Sport”,19.14lbid., 198.14sport.15 Montreal has been called the “birthplace of organized sport” in Canada,16 due inpart to the spectator potential it held for sporting events.17 Examples of early facilitiesdeveloped for social and sporting events during the cold Montreal winters were the VictoriaSkating Rink, built in 1862, followed by Guilbault’s Rink, in 1864.18However, until the effects of industrialization and urbanization had become apparent,these facilities, along with most others, were not available for use by all members ofCanadian society; “organized sport prior to Confederation was limited to the elite of a smallbut growing number of towns and was foreign to the lives of farmers, habitants,lumbermen, and fur traders, who typified the inhabitants of the country.”19 While sportshould be considered “one of the sub-systems of culture that transcends socio-economic,educational, ethnic, and religious barriers,”20 it should be noted that before the onset ofindustrialization, sport was an exclusive domain of the social elite in society.21The development of popular indigenous sporting activities was yet to occur,although immigrants had brought many leisure pursuits from Europe. It was these sameimmigrants who provided the funds to build facilities that could host athletic events, andmany of the games and sports played were simply versions of the games played in Europe.However, the unique conditions of Canada resulted in variations of those same sports:15Metcalfe, 1 34.16lbid., 22.17Cox, “History of Sport”, 275.18Ibid., 6.19Metcalfe, 29.20Ibid., 13-14.21Ibid., 29.15Even though the trends were the same and Montreal’s experience wasrepeated many times in the 1 870’s, local variations in the games played andthe groups involved added to the richness and complexity of Canadian sport.What gave some coherence to sporting activity was the British influence;thus, cricket and curling were the most popular sports across English-speaking British North America • •22The influence of British ideals upon Canadian sporting pursuits was now evident. Sport inCanada was moulded in the image of the British aristocracy, and upheld in children throughthe private school system; “these young native-born ‘Canadians’ were to play an importantrole in the organization of sport.”23 As the British heritage of many Canadians continued toinfluence the development of sport, the urbanization and industrialization of Canadiansociety made the games of the Old Country more unique. “Increased pressure from land useresulted in skyrocketing land prices that in turn affected sport by leading to restricted spatialboundaries and the development of specialized athletic facilities.”24 Pre-industrial sportssuch as cricket, curling, and baseball had included the potential for endless contest; now,newer sports were forced into specific time constraints25necessitated by the scarcity offacilities, or by times available for competition in an urbanized environment.The Emercience of Amateurism and Professionalism in Canadian SDortAs sport necessarily became more structured, “the dominant social groups moved tocreate a network of social sporting clubs that were available only to the elite of society.”26In an attempt to preserve sport as an upper middle class activity, certain means to denyspecific groups in Canadian society the right to participate in organized sport were devisedby the leaders and operators of the early sporting clubs and associations of eastern Canada.The emerging middle class in Canadian society had tried to pattern itself after the social22Metcalfe, 26.23lbjd., 30.24lbid., 48.25Ibjd., 50.26Ibid., 32.16elite,27 and in most instances, the British aristocracy provided the most plausible model forthe new social class to follow. Thus, in sport, the concept of amateurism was adopted,though its value and effects were unique in the Canadian context.Metcalfe explains that because the concept of amateurism existed as a way of life inBritain, within a closed social system, no definition of an amateur was necessary until themiddle class, and then the workers, emerged as members of society that were able topartake in leisure activities. Then, “it became necessary to institutionalize, in written form,the value system - thus the attempts to define the amateur code.”28 In Canada, there can beno doubt that the concept of amateurism was taken from Britain, and assimilated intoCanadian society through the military, private schools, and universities.29Metcalfe pointsout that the process of transmitting the concept of amateurism into Canadian culture wasdifficult, as the sports organizations were attempting to implement ideals that had evolved ina different social system.30 With the social gatherings afforded by their wealth, the upperclasses enjoyed sporting activities such as hunting, horse-racing, and cricket. Sport thenbecame a means through which this class could demonstrate gentlemanly conduct.31 Bycreating an amateur code that effectively separated the “gentleman from the other classesin society, the middle and upper classes in Canada could continue to maintain sport as anactivity exclusive to their own social group, “while systematically excluding non-Europeans,women, and the working class from sport”.32 An example of this occurred in lacrosse,where all native Indians were declared professionals.33 In doing this, the sports27Cosentino, 23.28Metcalfe, 121.29lbjd30Ibid.3’Ibid., 120.32Richard Gruneau and David Whitson, Hockey Niciht in Canada: Sport. Identities, and CulturalPolitics (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1993), 17.33Cosentino, 36.17organizations had essentially barred the natives from participating in gentlemanlycompetition. While social standing remained a factor when determining amateur status, thequestion of pecuniary gain from participation finally became an issue in the 1870’s.Although accepting money for competing was already common, it only became significantlylinked to professionalism in the early 1 880’s, when social distinction had waned as acriterion for the definition of an amateur.34 Metcalfe would call the amateur definition thegreatest and most destructive contribution that sport organizations made during thisperiod:By 1 884, an embryonic exclusionary system provided the foundation stoneof all future definitions. Unfortunately, in doing so, the organizers of amateursport, either consciously or unconsciously, failed to solve the real problem ofdefining the ideology itself and of developing a meaningful system toimplement it. Instead, a system was created that effectively excludedprofessionals . . . . in doing this it excluded large segments of the populationand thus sowed the seeds of a class-based amateur code.36In 1884 the Amateur Athletic Association of Canada (A.A.A.C.) was formed, inresponse to concerns of professionalism in sports such as lacrosse.37 An amateur definitionwas quickly forged, and subsequently revised over the years. The following is a partial list,compiled by Metcalfe, that shows the evolution of the A.A.A.C.’s amateur definition:34Cosentino, 76.35rvietcalfe, 100.122-1 23.37Ibid., 105.181884: An amateur is one who has never[:1 competed for a money prizestaked a bet. . . [competed] with or against any professional for any prize,assisted in the practice of athletic exercises as a means of obtaining alivelihood.1886 (Add) . . . entered any competition under a name other than his own.1 902(Add): (received] private or public gate receipts; . . . directly orindirectly, received any bonus or a payment in lieu of loss of time whileplaying as a member of any club, or any money considerations whatever forany services as an athlete except his actual travelling and of selling orpledging his prizes.38While sports organizations such as the A.A.A.C. attempted to regulate sports inCanada on the British model, Canada was developing a sporting identity of its own; although“organized sport was created by men and thus was rooted in their own life experiences andcultural traditions, its particular form and characteristics were related to changes in thenature of Canadian society.”39 For this reason, some of the traditional British games, suchas cricket and curling, began to lose popularity, as they were identified with Britain, and notwith the emerging Canadian ideals.’ Cox stated that “the social life of Canada underwentseveral upheavals during this period, for the British traditions began to weaken. British NorthAmerica was becoming a nation with a distinctive character.”41 The emergence of NorthAmerican pastimes was evidenced by the popularity of baseball, which, other than rowing,was the first sport to be characterized as professional in Canada. •42 “Baseball had takenroot among the working class and was to remain, for the most part, outside the jurisdictionof amateur sport organizations dominated by the middle class that were to emerge later.”43Baseball’s affinity for professionalism was tied to its class origins, but was also due to itspopularity in rural areas. “Rural baseball teams sometimes found it difficult to compete on anequal footing with urban teams without some kind of commercial sponsorship or financial38Metcalfe, 123, citing Lansley, (University of Alberta, 1971), 290, 295, and 300.39lbid., 47-48.40lbicj., 21.4Cox, 39.42Cosentino, 135.43Metcalfe, 26.19inducements to skilled players.”44The resistance that the sports organizations werereceiving was no doubt the result of attempts by the lower classes, whose best interestswere not recognized by the amateur code, to participate in athletics under the conditionsthat were forced upon them.Cox has noted that, with some sports existing outside the control of the sportsorganizations, and with some resistance to the implementation of the amateur code, therewas a stronger movement towards a return to amateurism during the final decades of thenineteenth century. £ Gruneau and Whitson postulated that the:spirit of regulation was also being driven by a more widespread publicanxiety about the perceived threats, uncertainties, and dislocations of asociety developing a modern urban and industrial culture: social unrest,psychic disorders, disease, vice, and cultural decline. In this context theregulation of leisure and popular culture became heavily influenced by anevangelistic spirit of moral entrepreneurship.46While it could be presumed that the “gentlemen” feared that their lower-class professionalcounterparts could equal them in competition, there was another reason for the upholders ofamateurism to try to stop professionalism:Nineteenth-century custodians of amateurism feared that commercialism insport would put an overly great premium on spectacle rather than play, thatit would lead to inflamed passion and violence rather than moral disciplineand self-improvement, and that it would deflect people for participating insport fairly and ‘for its own sake.’47One factor that was constant through sport, amateur or commercial, was thepresence of money.48 As the popularity of sport increased during the 1870’s and 1880’s,the larger number of teams and spectators, combined with the rising price of land, madesport facilities more expensive to maintain. The answer to this problem was to recognize44Gruneau and Whitson 66.45Cox, “History of Sports”, 469.46Gruneau and Whitson, 42.47lbid., 69.48Metcalfe, 141.20sport as a means of income, and to market teams in order to sustain their operation.49 Thepresence of the potential for sport as a means of monetary gain became apparent, andessential, for even the staunchest supporters of the amateur code:Even the most self-righteous proponents of the amateur game were notabove charging spectators a fee in order to make money for their teams andassociations. However, for many people, both within and outside theamateur associations, this simply dramatized the arbitrary and hypocriticalcharacter of existing regulations defining the limits of amateurism andprofessionalism 50Jones explained that the increase in loyal spectators, which resulted in increasedclub revenue, ultimately lead to the rise of professionalism in several sports.51 Cox notedthat by the end of the nineteenth century, the A.A.A.C. “seemed to be fighting a losingbattle against professionalism in those team sports which drew large, paying crowds.”52The battle against professionalism was made even more complicated when it becameapparent that each sport had developed its own concept of amateurism.53 By 1 900, mostteam sports had begun accepting “professionalism as a means of maintaining or enhancingtheir popularity.”54The influence of spectators upon professional and amateur team sportwas far greater than simply providing clubs and organizations with a means of revenue. Thespectators demanded better quality teams and players, and competition increased fortalented players.55 The emergence of professional team spectator sports seemed to beinevitable, the result of a changing Canadian society, from pre-industrial to industrial.5649Metcalfe, 133-134.50Gruneau and Whitson, 71.51Jones, 1.52Cox, “History of Sport”,420.53Keith Lansley, “The Amateur Athletic Union of Canad and Changing Concepts ofAmateurism” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1971), 22.54jones, 7.55lbid., 27-28.56Metcalfe, 1 30.21With the increase in professional spectator sport, the control that amateurorganizations had exhibited over the various sports would be weakened, unless appropriatechanges to the amateur code were made. By 1900, sport was no longer a privilege ofaffluent members of society, but a social expectation of almost all Canadians,57 and thismade regulation by the affluent operators of the sporting clubs and amateur bodiesincreasingly difficult. As the century ended, amateur status was no longer determined bysocial position; a player was declared professional based on the monetary rewards receivedfor his athletic performance.58Team spectator sport had become the most troublesomesport to control, because of the potential profitability of teams or leagues. Consequently, theA.A.A.C. revised its constitution in 1 896. to reflect the changing attitudes towardsprofessionalism, created by the presence of athletes receiving money for their participationin sports. However, “the problem of professionalism in amateur sport was escalating at sucha pace that within six years it would become the only meaningful issue facing the C.A.A.U.The denouement came in lacrosse and hockey.”59The Oriciins and Development of Ice HockeyThe cold winter climate found in Canada led to the development of a number ofpopular winter sports, both indigenous and adopted from European pastimes. In the yearsfollowing Confederation, ice hockey quickly became one of the most popular sports, playedin a number of different settings and under the influence of the rules of several other sports.To gain a greater understanding of the important events considered for this study, ananalysis of the developments in ice hockey, its rules, equipment, and facilities is required.Skating had been introduced in North America as early as the seventeenth century,“but this activity did not become popular until prepared ice surfaces were provided and57Cox, “Sport in Canada”, 117. Sport was pursued as both an physical and viewing activity.58Jones, 434.59Metcalfe, 111.22spring skates were invented during the [1 860’s].” 60 Early forms of ice hockey were playedin the 1 850’s by members of the military garrisons, in both Kingston and Halifax.61Because of the variations in rules, and the lack of evidence to distinctly determine the actualorigins of the sport, “there is little point in engaging in debate about which folk game,played where, or when, is the true precursor to the modern game of hockey.”62The development of ice rinks in eastern Canada is somewhat more easilydocumented. Rinks were a British North American innovation, with the first covered rinkbuilt in the early 1 850’s, in Quebec City.63 “The origins of the first ice rinks lay within theupper middle class who formed semi-commercial rinks in order to enjoy skating,masquerades, and balls. Thus the creation of ice rinks preceded hockey.64 With Montrealacting as an early pioneer, by the 1 870’s, Canada featured a dozen covered rinks.65In Montreal, the Victoria Skating Rink was built in 1862, and served as a playgroundfor the social and business elite of that city.66 While other cities may lay claim to the firstmatches, Montreal must be considered the city most critical in the development of the sport.The importance of Montreal in the development of ice hockey has been widelyacknowledged; “sport historians are virtually unanimous in their recognition that hockey’sorganizational roots, early written rules, and formally regulated codes of conduct first tookhold in Montreal during the 1870’s.”67 The earliest mention of an organized game of hockey60Cox, “History of Sport”, 5-6.61Cox, “History of Sport”, 226.62Gruneau and Whitson, 37.63Cox,”History of Sport”, 6.64Metcalfe, 145.655.F. Wise and Douglas Fisher, Canada’s Soortinn Heroes (Don Mills: General PublishingCompany Limited, 1974), 1 974.66Metcalfe, 135.67Gruneau and Whitson, 37.23occurred at the Victoria Skating Rink, on March 3, 1875.68 Towards the end of the 1 870’s,interest in the sport had increased, and “by 1 877 there were at least three formallyorganized hockey clubs in Montreal, and a set of rules borrowed from English field hockeyhad been published in the Montreal Gazette.”69 Rules were compiled by several McGillUniversity students, who used the new regulations during a tournament at the Montreal“Winter Carnival”, held in 1883.70 As hockey became firmly entrenched in the Montrealsports setting, other towns began organizing teams.71 “Hockey had no visible competitorsand was well placed to become the winter game of choice for young anglophoneprofessionals and businessmen with an emergent sense of national belonging.”72 In 1890,hockey teams were organized in Ottawa and Winnipeg, and “by 1895, Montreal,Toronto, Winnipeg, Halifax, St. John, Quebec City, Peterborough and Ottawa all boastedintra-city leagues.”74Despite the expansion of the sport in the mid 1890’s, hockey was still available toonly select social groups and locations, but “by 1905 it had invaded all corners ofCanada.”75 The rapid growth of the sport in the 1 890’s had stimulated the building ofcovered rinks in the smaller towns across Canada.76 This was crucial to the survival ofhockey, as most winter sports that did not go indoors did not survive by the turn of the68Metcalfe, 61. Players played nine to a team.69Gruneau and Whitson, 38.70Cox, “History of Sport”, 230-231.71Cox, 236. Toronto had adopted the sport by 1888.72Gruneau and Whitson, 41.73Cox, “History of Sport”, 233.74Metcalfe, 63.75lbid., 64.145.24century.77 “Hockey had, by 1900, progressed rapidly from the game of shinny-on-your-own-side to a popular sport played and watched by all classes of society in Canada.”78The effects of urbanization were already effecting a sport which was only in itsdevelopmental stages. “Originally played on open bays, rivers, or any open space, icehockey was a free-wheeling, far-ranging game whose boundaries were determined by theavailability of clear ice.”79 Movement into the defined spatial boundaries of the city rinkscoincided with the increase in players and leagues. The standardization of rules wasnecessary to facilitate inter-city and inter-provincial competition.80RulesThe first game organized in Montreal, in 1 875, featured two nine-player teamscomposed of members of the Montreal Football Club, and “by 1879 the number of playersper side had been reduced from nine to seven and a standardized set of rules had beenadopted. These rules were the foundation of all future rules.”81 Montreal cannot be givenexclusive credit for the development of the rules of ice hockey, however, for some otherinnovations had been tried earlier in Halifax. 82 Many variations of playing rules werecreated in the 1890’s, coinciding with the formation of various associations. The OntarioHockey Association published its first set of rules in 1890, including several codes ofconduct that would remain in the sport for many years.83 Later in that decade, Arthur Farrellof the Shamrock Hockey Club wrote a hockey manual, and included a brief set of77jones, 214.78Cox, “History of Sport”, 244.79Metcalfe, 48.811b1d., 63.82Hugl, Hoyles, “The History and Development of Hockey”, (Unpublished paper, University ofAlberta, 1968), 19.83lbid 19-20.25regulations, 84 but because the game was constantly developing, rule changes were madealmost every year.Play was governed by a single referee, who was assisted by a number of otherofficials. Two timekeepers monitored the length of each of the thirty-minute halves, stoppingthe time clock for various reasons: injuries to players, equipment problems, a lost puck orany other delays; the timekeepers would also notify players when they could return to theice after they had been penalized by the referee.85 Certain activities resulted in the stoppageof time; a game would stop for a player who had broken a skate, but not for a brokenstick.86 Goal judges stood directly behind each goal,87 always exposed to possible injury,or to potential interference with the play. The decisions of the goal judge (also called theumpire) would be final, “though in case of manifest unfairness he [could] be removed by thereferee and a successor chosen.”88 An intermission of ten minutes separated the two thirty-minute halves; a tie at the end of play would result in two more five-minute halves to decidea victor in the contest.89The puck would be “faced” to commence play - placed between the sticks of twoopposing players, who would “draw” at the sound of the referee’s whistle or bell.90 Thepuck would also be “faced” to commence halves, or following the scoring of a goal, at thecenter of the rink. Should a foul occur, or the puck leave the ice area, a “face” would occurat the point which the last shot was made.9184Coleman, 1. See Appendix A for a complete list of Farrell’s rules.85Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.86Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag.87Eric Whitehead, Cyclone Taylor: A Hockey Legend (Toronto: Doubleday Canada Limited,1977), 29.88Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02. n. pag.90lbid.91Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag..26Of the few rules that regulated the sport at the start of the twentieth century, themost obvious was the “off-side” rule.92 A player could not, under any circumstances,precede the puck when travelling towards the opposing goal. A newspaper from that periodreported that “the most difficult thing in connection with a hockey game from thespectator’s point of view is the off-side play, that is, it is difficult for the spectator to detectduring the swiftly moving incidents during the game.”93 While the off-side rule would laterbecome more refined in the game of hockey, it was considered integral to the game at theturn of the century:This [off-side rule] develops team play, which makes the game sospectacular and prevents fluke scoring of goals, which might result if therewere no rule to prevent a man from loafing in front of his opponents’ goal,waiting for a chance to bat the puck in should it be ‘lifted’ to that vicinity byanother member of his own team.94The act of “loafing off-side” was treated with severe condemnation by many involved withthe sport. A Winnipeg man, Mitchell Hartstone, explained the nuances of such an act:If an official is not strict and a player who is poor in training allowsthe puck to get away from him and [the puck] is carried back up the ice he isliable to lie down and rest until his men get it back even with him and puthim on side. The officials do not permit this at all and after warning a manonce they put him off the ice for three or four minutes.95There were a number of other rules that were subsequently altered; touching thepuck with the hand would only be introduced at the turn of the century, and the goalkeepercould not, under any circumstances, fall to the ice to stop the puck.96 In addition,92SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.93Minina Gazette, Dec 18/03, n. pag.94Sault Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.95Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag. An example occurred in Sault Ste.Marie, Michigan, where a player, Westcott, was penalized for loafing; Mining Gazette, Jan 26/04, n.pag.96The Ontario Hockey Association: Constitution, Rules of Competition and Laws of the Game(Ottawa: Department of Agriculture, as amended, 1 900).27substitutions were generally forbidden; if a player was forced to leave the ice because ofinjury, his team was forced to play with one less player; more generally, however, goodsportsmanship prevailed, and the opposing team would remove a player from the ice to eventhe teams.97Teams consisted of seven players, each having a particular duty on the ice,determined by the position which was taken. Positions could be divided into three areas: thegoalkeeper, who played directly in front of the goal and was responsible for stopping thepuck from passing between the poles; the defence men, consisting of the point, who playeddirectly in front of the goalkeeper, and the cover point, who assumed a position in front ofthe point; and the forwards; two wings, a center, and a rover.98By the turn of the century, the standardization of rules was almost complete. Thesport had evolved to the point where only minor changes were made in rules through thefirst decade of the twentieth century. However, “there were minor differences in the rulesgoverning the play of teams in Ontario and Quebec but major differences did not arise untilthe formation of the Pacific Coast Hockey Association [in 1911-12].”EquipmentBecause hockey was a newly-developing sport, equipment innovations wereoccurring constantly. The mass production of sporting goods was beginning to have animpact in the other more established sports. Consequently, many early efforts to make thesport of hockey easier on its players were the result of using or modifying existingequipment used in other sports. During the early part of the nineteenth century, skatesconsisted of a piece of wood with a broad iron blade set into them, 100 but by 1900, the97Mininc Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.98lbid99Coleman, 1.100JobIing, 234.28PLATE IThe Harold A. WilsonOutfitters of Every Known Pastime,35 KING ST. WEST,,ion Hockey Hoots ss.oo pair.Lmin’ Skate and Wilson Boot, complete. *8.00.Wilson Hockey Boots .300 pair.3He Mho Skate and VIl.on Boot, complete. $6.00._•%•‘__‘__‘,..__._s_•The Harold A. Wilson Co., 35 King st. W., TorontoSkate Advertisement - 1900 (The O.H.A: Constitution and Rules, 1900)29evolution of the skate had reached the point where tubular skates101 were being introducedinto league play in all parts of Canada. Poor skate construction led to the frequent breakingof the skate blades during games, resulting in extended stoppages of play.102 Joblingprovides a more detailed view of the development of the ice skate in his work “Sport in theNineteenth Century Canada: The Effects of Technological Changes on its Development.”103Some equipment innovations were implemented during the games played throughoutCanada, and effective ones were quickly adopted by players in most leagues. Earlygoalkeepers wore shin pads, but the padding was similar to those worn by other skatersuntil 1896, when Winnipeg player G.H. Merritt wore cricket pads for the first time.104 Soon,cricket pads would become standard equipment for all goaltenders in hockey, until the1920’s.05 By 1900, goalkeepers would also wear “an unpadded buckskin gauntlet with along cuff.”106 This, along with a padded leather glove, would protect the arms and hands ofthe players in goal. The pants worn by goalkeepers were similar in style to those worn bythe other players on the ice. This was probably because the goalkeepers did not drop to theice to stop the puck, and therefore did not require any additional protection. A uniquegoaltender’s stick did not appear until 1 907, when Riley Hem began using one while playingfor the Montreal Wanderers.107101 Jones, 258.102An example occurred when Taylor of the Sault Ste Marie, Ontario team broke his skate ina match against Houghton. Mining Gazette, Jan 14/05, n. pag.103Jobling.‘04Coleman, 5. This fact has been disputed; in many instances different leagues or playershave been credited with similar innovations.105Jeff Davis, et. al., “Evolution of Equipment”, (Unpublished paper, Toronto: Hockey Hall ofFame, 1991), n. pag.106lbid107Hoyles, 1 3. The stick had a noticeably wider blade, unlike those used by earliergoalkeepers.30PLATE IIThe Harold A. Wilson CoHockey Knickers.No. 1, extra quality, whi(e,$1.50 pair. No. 2, good quality. white, $1 pair. Made infollowing colours at 25c pairextra: black, navy, royal,maroon, grey.Athletic Emblemsmade to order in any design.Prices on application.made in any style or colour toorder. Prices on ap1ication.Any colour or combinationof colours to order. Prices onapplication.The Harold A. Wilson Co., 35 KIng St. W., TorontoHockey Equipment Advertisement - 1900 (The O.H.A. Constitution and Rules, 1900)35 King St. West, Toronto.Hockey Jerseys and SweatersHookey Stockings.31The other skaters on a hockey team wore very little equipment in hockey’s formativeyears. Shin guards were developed separately from knee pads, and eventually the two weremerged into one guard, made of aluminum, or of fibrous material. The pads were lined withfelt and leather for comfort, and eventually worn inside the stockings rather than on theoutside of the uniform.108 The earliest pants were cotton britches or football pants withlittle or no padding, but by the early 1900’s, quilted padding of cotton batting or felt wassewn into the pants. Most models of “hockey knickers” contained padding on the hips, andwere later made with canvas for greater durability.109 Helmets, shoulder and elbow padswere not used regularly until a few decades into the twentieth century. 1 10 Players such asFred Taylor introduced many equipment refinements through experiments with their ownuniforms. While in Listowel, Ontario, Taylor began sewing felt around the shoulders andback of his jersey, and also had bone stays, similar to those used in ladies’ corsets, sewninto his pants to protect his thighs. rnSticks were made from a single piece of wood, and were shaped more like thoseused in field hockey. They were traditionally hand-made, but eventually wood specialists inQuebec and Ontario could produce sturdy sticks in greater quantities for publicconsumption.2Jobling noted that “by 1900, the sticks in use were not unlike the basichockey stick of today as, over several decades, the handles became longer and the blades108Davis.“°9lbid.1 10lbid. Sticks made during this period were heavier and thicker than those used today, and,although breakage occurred with far less frequency, players may have found it more awkward tostickhandle with such a bulky piece of wood.1Whitehead, 27.112Davis32flatter.”113 The stick blade would remain flat, however, as it would be at least another fiftyyears before players began curving their blades to increase the velocity of their shots.114FacilitiesAs discussed earlier, the rinks built in eastern Canada shortly followingConfederation were not initially developed for hockey use. As a result, there was littleincentive to construct rinks of universal dimensions. This would create potential problems asteams began to travel to other arenas to play, only to discover vastly different playingconditions. It would not be until at 1 895 that rinks were built specifically for the purpose ofhosting hockey games,115 but even then, the structures were not always conducive forplay:The ‘boards’ or hockey cushions of the early days were only abouttwelve inches high so that the spectators had a few extra hazards fromflying pucks and bodies. They did facilitate the passage of players whooccasionally found it necessary to wade into the crowd after some fan whohad been too liberal with his abuse.116The low boards did affect the games in other ways. Many times, players would liftthe puck into the seats in order to delay the progress of the match,117 and these “lifts”were a useful strategy to many players during this period. There was as yet, no “icing” rule,so a player could send the puck from one end of the ice to the other to relieve pressure,should the puck be contained in the defensive zone for a prolonged period of time. Becausea player could not pass the puck forward to a team mate, lifting also provided a means bywhich the puck could be advanced, as players would skate down the ice and hope to takethe puck from the opponent who was having trouble controlling the lifted puck. The arenas13jobling, 245.4Hoyles, 12.15Cox, “History of Sport”, 238.16Coleman, 6-7.117Roy Brown reportedly did this twice in a match in Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, in 1907. SooEvening News, Feb 9/07, n. pag.33of the period also became a factor, as the goaltender would lose sight of the puck when itwas carried high into the air:In the meanwhile the forwards would skate themselves dizzy trying to be inposition for the puck descending from the gloom overhead. In rinks thatwere festooned with flags and bunting, the high lifts could be trapped andthe puck might drop anywhere.118The goalkeepers would often lose sight of the puck, only to find it behind them, in thegoal.1 19Ice surfaces were maintained only as long as freezing temperatures were present-artificial ice rinks would not appear in Canada until the Patrick family built the DenmanArena in Vancouver in December of 1911 120 Late in the season, the ice would oftenbecome soft and slow during the progress of the game, since the ice was not resurfaced orflooded between the halves of games. Rink sizes also fluctuated widely, although ArthurFarrell stated, in his 1899 rule book, that a rink size must be at least 112 by 58 feet.121 By1905, the minimum length of a rink had grown to one hundred and fifty feet.122The Regulation and Formation of AssociationsBy the beginning of the twentieth century, hockey had evolved into a sport withstandardized rules, equipment, and specialized facilities. It was continually growing in termsof participants and spectators, necessitating the creation of more leagues and organizationsto oversee hockey operations. Organized sport, in general, equalled its own country in levelsof expansion, for Thne of the defining characteristics of the emergence of organized sportwas the development of local, provincial, national and international organizations to8CoIeman, 5-6.9Billy Baird of Pittsburgh made a habit of scoring in this manner by lifting the puck from thecenter of the ice toward the opponents goal; Soo Evening News, Feb 3/06, n. pag.120Metcalfe, 67.121Coleman, 1. See also Appendix A.1 22I.H.L Game Program and Score Card, Michigan Soo vs. Calumet, Feb 23-24, 1905.(Privately published.)34administer and control sport.”123 The méral entrepreneurs recognized by Gruneau andWhitson had seen the need forhegemony in sport. “A civilizingnational culture might thenrequire that educated elites usetheir resources to create institutions and cultural programsthat were socially beneficial and morally uplifting.”124Until the early 1880’s, hockeywas played almost exclusivelyin Montreal. By 1886,Montreal was organizing a tournament to determine the championship of the city,125 and inDecember of that year, representatives from Montreal, Ottawa, and Quebec City met toform the Amateur Hockey Association of Canada, facilitatingmore inter-city competition.126“Hockey was effectively administered by the Amateur HockeyAssociation of Canada,formed in 1886, the Ontario Hockey Association, [formed] in 1 890,and the Manitoba andNorthwestern Amateur Hockey Association [were] formed in1892.”127 Gruneau andWhitson noted that “hockey was the only other sport [along with baseball] that hadcomparably broad patterns of recruitment or was being promoted by such diverseorganizations.”128This was evidenced by the variety of different associations developed tooversee the teams organizedin Eastern Canada.Hockey was in a constant stateof growth, but the success ofteams was not alwaysguaranteed. “Leagues were formed, shrank, were enlarged,revamped, folded and reformed.Teams moved, changed names, and players drifted about thelandscape like snowflakes in alazy prairie breeze.”129 Despite the presence of the A.H.A.C.,“there was no dominant123Alan Metcalfe, “Power: A CaseStudy of the Ontario Hockey Association, 1890-1936’, inJournal of Soort History Vol. 19,no.1 (Spring 1992), 5.124Gruneau and Whitson, 42.125bid., 38.126Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 63.127Jones, 259.128Gruneau and Whitson, 66.29Whitehead, 35.35league or association . . . or any truly national governing body.“130 Another need forassociations was evidenced by the desire to have a universal champion in the sport:the emergence of teams in various cities and provinces ted to aproliferation of so-called ‘champions.’ These ‘championships’ were primarilyregional, but sometimes organizations attempted to establish more broadlybased championships and laid claimto the title ‘Champion of Canada.’ Theactivities of these organizations brought some degree of cohesion to thegrowing chaos in sport. . . . Withinthis small group of organizationsCanadian amateur sport was formed.131By the late 1880’s, interest in hockey had spread to Toronto, Winnipeg,and Halifax.In 1 892, and in response to the growing number of teams, the A.H.A.C.then adopted aleague, rather than the challenge format for competition.132 In Toronto, hockey did notappear until around 1887, but the sport grew in popularity “so quickly that within two yearsfive sporting clubs were conductingregular matches.”133 In response to the interest in thesport, a meeting was arranged in November of 1890, “with the aim of bringing some orderto the game that at the time wasblooming in parts of eastern Canada but had no overallorganization.”134Thus, the Ontario Hockey Association was formed, which quickly becameone of the most powerful sportingorganizations in Canada.135The threat of professionalism became the main concern of the O.H.A.,and “theprotection of amateurism that lay at the heart of the O.H.A. . . . wasthe foundation of itspower.”136 John Ross Robertson assumed the presidency of the Association, and adopted astrict anti-professional Constitution. Robertson was quick to professionalize any teams orplayers who, knowingly or unknowingly, had played with or against any alleged130Whitehead, 35..3Metcalfe, 99.132b1d., 63.133Bruce Kidd and John Macfarlane, The Death of Hockey (Toronto: News Press, 1972),101.‘34Young, 100 Years, 7.135Metcatfe, “Power”.136lbid., 7.36professionals.137 Through its stance on professionalism; “the O.H.A. influenced whoplayed, where hockey was played, and how it was played. . . . through their control ofamateur status, residence requirements, etc., they waged an ongoing battle to control whoplayed hockey.”138 A consequence of the control that the O.H.A. had on hockey in easternCanada was the fact that, in the first decade of the twentieth century, many of the amateurteams affiliated with that association were the equal of, if not better than, the professionalteams that had become organized.139 Because of this, and because of the power that theO.H.A. held over all levels of hockey, the growth of the professional game was directlyrelated to the actions of the amateur associations, particularly the O.H.A.’4°Later in this study, the extent to which the O.H.A. affected the development of bothprofessional and amateur ice hockey will be examined in greater detail. An example of theimpact of the O.H.A.’s amateur stance on hockey was seen in the expulsion of the Cornwallteam in 1903. Subsequently, Cornwall, along with three other disgruntled clubs, formed theFederal Amateur Hockey League. Cosentino states that this “Amateur” title was in nameonly; the league allowed payments to players.141 The formation of the Federal League alsoled to increased competition for players, particularly with the dominant Eastern CanadaAmateur Hockey Association (E.C.A.H.A,), formed in 1905. By 1907, the E.C.A.H.A.recognized and allowed payments to players.142137Metcalfe, “Power”, 7.1 381b1d., 23. Other leagues included: the A.H.A.C., operating from 1893-1898; the C.A.H.L.,from 1899-1 905; and the F.A.H.L., from 1904-1 907.139Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 168.40lbid.141Cosentino, 224.142Metcalfe, 170.37Amateurism and Professionalism in Ice HockeyA more detailed examination of the developments of professionalism in ice hockey inCanada is required, to understand the conditions that led to the development of hockey intoa professional team spectator sport. Through the early 1880’s, hockey remained a sportexclusive to the upper classes.143 At this time, “hockey was one of the few sports whichwas not beset with the problems of amateurism versus professionalism. Profits to teamswere meagre, as crowds were generally small, and prices for admission low.”1However, developments in other sports would have an influence on hockey:Baseball thus provided an early model for the possibility andlegitimacy of professional team sport in Canada. Given the immensepopularity of professional and semi-professional baseball in Canadiancommunities in the summers of the late nineteenth century, the odds werenot good that the proponents of amateurism would gain full control overhockey.145Lacrosse, which was also becoming professionalized, had an effect on hockey as well;“since their seasons were not in conflict, in fact they complimented each other, it was anatural arrangement for many athletes to play both sports.”146Significant problems with professional players arose in the mid 1 890’s, with claimsof amateur clubs using “ringers”.147 Metcalfe indicated that the intrusion of professionalsemerged in response to the expansion of different teams and groups playing hockey, whichin turn led to the emergence of hockey as a commercial and spectator sport.148 Cosentinopostulated that the introduction of the Stanley Cup led indirectly to professionalism inhockey; “the opportunity to gain the prized trophy was reason enough for many teams tooffer jobs, or situations, and/or financial awards to players who it was felt could win the143Metcalfe, 65.144Cox, “History of Sport”,243.45Gruneau and Whitson, 67.146Cosentino, 204.147Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 70.148Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 169.38Cup.”149 Gruneau and Whitson also sensed the change in attitude toward the pursuit ofvictory; “it began not to matter if the home team was made up of players from outside thecommunity or city. What mattered was that the team be successful, and that the communitywas able to identify with that success.”150 Hockey had also become a means throughwhich Canadian men of more humble origins could achieve both fame and wealth, throughachievement in sport.15’Thus the alleged ideals proclaimed by the upper class leaders ofthe hockey associations began to be ignored by many of the participants, as well as theorganizational leaders themselves:Pseudo-amateurism and shamateurism were the order of the day, butbecause of hockey’s roots in amateurism and vested interests of clubsseeking the Stanley Cup, the premier amateur clubs were able to avoid theconsequences of their actions.152The means through which clubs could avoid detection were varied; “some of the strongerclubs did attract players by securing them attractive employment in their town or city.”53Ultimately, professionalism took on new definitions and meanings, as the means throughwhich players received rewards for playing became more complex; being paid under-the-table would remain one of the simplest ways of being considered a professional.An example of the methods used to entice players was the transfer of employees todifferent locations by larger businesses or corporations. When Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario,player “Bucky” Freeman was transferred to Winnipeg by the Bank of Commerce, theToronto Globe and Mail reported that “it is now generally understood that when a bankhockey player is transferred in the early winter season his ability to handle the hockey stickis one of the reasons for his being moved.”154 To aid in detecting such practices, residency149Cosentino, 1 61-162.150Gruneau and Whitson, 72.151lbid., 85.152Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 169.153Cox, “History of Sport”, 243.1 54Globe and Mail, Jan 8/04, n. pag.39rules were developed, to identify players who were in towns solely for the purpose ofplaying hockey. However, it was not long before teams and players devised ways to avoidbeing discovered by the associations:Other illegal ways were much more complicated, being based simplyon fraud. Let’s say a man with impeccable residence credentials couldn’tplay the game for sour apples, but now could be induced to lend his name,birth certificate, and other records temporarily (long enough for O.H.A.inspection) to another man who could skate like the wind, had a deadly shot,and was unlikely to be spotted as a fake by a strange crowd in an awaygame.155In addition to the O.H.A., other respected leagues such as the E.C.A.H.A. and theF.A.H.L. were constantly facing accusations of professionalism with their league clubs, “butthe authorities were able to avoid the consequences by collusion and evasion.”156 Toooften, evidence appeared suggesting that these apparently amateur leagues were,hypocritically, knowingly supporting their players in a financial manner. In 1898, Ottawagoalkeeper Frank Chittick refused to dress for a playoff game because he had not been givenhis share of complimentary tickets to the game. Presumably, he would have been able tosell these tickets to earn money.157For many, the professionalization of ice hockey seemed to be inevitable:It was a very short step from the idea of marketing teams for the purpose ofexpanding gate receipts in amateur hockey to the formation of teams thatincluded professionals - specialists whose livelihoods depended upon fulfillingcustomers’ expectations for skilled play and winning performances.158By 1 904, open professionalism had arrived in Canada with the Sault Ste Marie, Ontario,team joining the openly-professional International Hockey League.155Young, 100 Years, 36-37.156Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 1 69.157Kidd, 103.58Gruneau and Whitson, 71.40CHAPTER IIITHE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUEThis chapter is concerned with the International Hockey League, formed in the fall of1 904. However, for the purpose of this study, an examination of the conditions that led tothe development of the l.H.L. is necessary, before an analysis of the events of theInternational Hockey League can be made. Therefore, an investigation into the developmentsin ice hockey prior to the formation of the l.H.L., as well as overviews of the various townsthat hosted l.H.L. games is required. In addition, those individuals whose achievementsdirectly affected the operation and success of the l.H.L. should be recognized, and theircontributions noted.Early Ice Hockey in the United StatesJust as Canada had undergone drastic changes during the latter half of thenineteenth century, so had the United States. The industrialization of North Americainfluenced sports in both countries, but “sport in Nineteenth-century America was as mucha product of industrialization as it was an antidote to it.”1 Like Canada, the United Stateshad borrowed many of the sporting ideals that were prevalent in Britain. However, theadoption of this class-oriented system of sport was less pronounced in America:The United States was different. This is not to accept that there were nodivisions based on social class in America, but it is to accept that suchdivisions were less profound and that there were cultural tendencies thatworked against such divisions.2iJohn Rickards Betts, “The Technological Revolution and Rise of Sport, 1850-1900”, in flAmerican Soorting Exoerience: A Historical Antholociy of Soort in America ed. Steven A. Riess (NewYork: Leisure Press, 1984), 1 56.2S. J. S. lckringill, “Amateur and Professional Sport in Britain and America at the Turn of theTwentieth Century”, in Sport, Culture and Politics. ed.s J.C. Binfield and John Stevenson (Sheffield:Sheffield Academic Press, 1993), 42.41For this reason, amateur sport did not gain as strong a foothold in sport as it had in Canada;this became obvious in spectator sport, where class segregation was difficult to regulate bysport organizations or governing bodies, and “the bleachers [were] equally cordial to coal-miners, politicians, and bank presidents.”3Entire communities, of all socio-economicbackgrounds, were then able to identify with the sporting teams representing their towns.Thus, sport functioned as a means of integration for both the participants and those theyrepresented in the community.4Although the development of amateur and spectator sport differed between Canadaand the United States, industrialization had made the cultural distance between the twocountries much closer:The strengthening of communication links between Canada and theUnited States as a result of telegraphy and new train lines after mid-century,and growing levels of literacy among the working classes in the followindecades, further increased Canada’s cultural ties with the United States.While many team sports enjoyed success as spectator sports in the last years of thenineteenth century in the United States, hockey had remained a sport confined mainly to theeastern provinces of Canada. A roller skating fad had emerged in the U.S. that created anumber of popular sports during that period, including roller polo, a sort of ice hockey onwheels. Roller polo sport was played professionally in the U.S. for approximately twentyyears, but the sport disappeared as interest in roller skating waned in the late 1 890’s.6Towards the end of that decade, hockey started to be played, as a hybrid of thesame roller polo game.7 In Pittsburgh, ice polo emerged, but after arranging a number of3Frederick Cozens and Florence Scovil Stumpf, “Spectator Sports - The Cement ofDemocracy”, in Soorts in American Life edited by Frederick Cozens and Florence Scovil Stumpf (NewYork: Arno Press, 1976), 299.4Gunther Luschen, “The Interdependence of Sport and Culture”, in Snort. Culture and Society.ed.s John W. Loy, jr., and Gerald S. Kenyon, (Philadelphia: Lea and Febinger, 1981), 292.5Gruneau and Whitson, 65.6John Durant and Otto Bettman, Pictorial History of American Snort - From Colonial Times tothe Present. (new York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1 965), 100.7Herbert Manchester, Four Centuries of Snort in America. 1490-1 890. (New York: BenjaminBlom, 1931), 214.42different matches against the Queen’s University hockey club of Kingston, Ontario, localteams began playing the Canadian game.8 Meanwhile, in New York City, a four-team hockeyleague also began operations in the mid 1890’s, playing out of St. Nicholas’ Rink.9 Althoughplay was infrequent, and the sport was not widely participated, the American AmateurHockey League (A.A.H.L.) was formed in 1896.10MichiianWhile hockey was being introduced in other parts of America, the harsh winterconditions found in the Upper Peninsula of the state of Michigan provided an opportunity fora number of winter sports. Like most of the Canadian provinces, the winters in the UpperPeninsula were long and very cold, and provided little diversions for the miners working inthe northern Michigan towns. Such conditions allowed Houghton, located in Michigan’sfamous Copper Country, to become regarded as the birthplace of organized hockey in theUnited States.11However, there were several conditions that saw hockey develop in the UpperPeninsula in a manner far different from eastern Canada. Because hockey was played in amore advanced form, and not played by the locals, players would need to be imported inorder to have competitive teams. This practice would be in direct conflict with theregulations of the amateur hockey leagues in Canada, who had no jurisdiction over gamesorganized in the United States. As a result, the stringent amateur regulations of leaguessuch as the O.H.A. were of no consequence to those in Michigan interested in watching thenew Canadian winter sport. Any player, regardless of professional or amateur status inCanada, could play in Michigan, and in order to view a competitive level of hockey, it was8j w. Fitsell, Captains Colonels & Kinis (Erin: Boston Mills Press, 1 987), 108. Queenstravelled to Pittsburgh as early as the 1 895-96 and returned many times before the turn of the century.9Foster Hewitt, Hockey Night in Canada (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1953), 33.lODurant and Bettman, 100.11 Rene E. Adams, “Historic Houghton,” in Hockey Pictorial Vol. 6, No.7, March, 1961 .EdFitkin, ed.(New York: Hockey Illustrated Ltd.), 32.43necessary for the Houghton spectators to have experienced Canadian players come toMichigan to play.Houghton, Houahton County, MichiQanLocated in the Upper Peninsula and acclaimed Copper Country12 of Michigan, thetown and county were named after Douglass Houghton, a medical doctor and StateGeologist.13The County was established in 1845,14 and the town, “like its neighboringtowns, [owed] its birth and subsequent growth to the discovery and mining ventures incopper.”’5Although the Upper Peninsula had a small population base, the area enjoyedconsiderable wealth and prosperity, due to mining ventures. Several mining companiesemerged as giants of the copper industry, as the discovery of amygdaloid and conglomeratedeposits started a copper boom, similar in scope to the California gold rush.16 The twincities of Houghton and Hancock were settled in the early 1 850s, and the town of Houghtonwas incorporated on November 4, 1861, with a population of 854.17 The settlement of theUpper Peninsula also coincided with the completion of the Sault Canal in 1 855, whichopened up Lake Superior.18Like the rest of North America, technological changes also affected the UpperPeninsula. In 1 899, the Copper Range Railroad was completed in the Upper Peninsula ofMichigan:12Copper Country was the term used to describe the Houghton County area, due to the miningsuccess the region enjoyed during this period.l3Fuller, George N., ed. Historic Michirian (N.p.: National Historical Association, lnc.,1924),255-258.l4bid., 480.15Wilbert B.Maki, Visions of Houohton. Yesterday and Today (N.p.: n.p., n.d.), 5.16The Quincy, and Calumet and Hecla mines were two of the major mining operations in theUpper Peninsula of Michigan at the beginning of the twentieth century; ibid.17lbid.1 BFuIIer, 407.44The line opened a vast territory, rich in minerals, timber and arable soil,which had lain in idleness because of inaccessibility. The completion of thisline was an event of equal importance with the building of the first railroadbetween Houghton and Calumet, and with the advent qf the first railroadconnecting the copper district with the outside world.1Similarly, advancements in transportation also made inter- and intra-town travel moreconvenient in the Copper Country. In 1900, the Houghton County Street Railway wasincorporated, with cars running from Houghton to the nearby town of Calumet, and fromCalumet to the town of Lake Linden.20 Now, travel between the neighboring towns inHoughton County was far more accessible to those living there, and by 1900, thepopulation of Houghton County had grown to the considerable number of 66,063, with overthree thousand living in the town of Houghton.21Sports were a welcome diversion for the hard-working miners of the CopperCountry. Houghton had undergone a baseball craze at the turn of the century, and the townwas determined to win the Upper Peninsula championships at any cost. To do so, salaries ofup to $225 a month were paid for baseball players to come to the isolated town. The localsupporters were rewarded for this, as the team won the Upper Peninsula pennant in1 899.22 Baseball was also played indoors during the winter months, as were boxing andbowling.23 Hockey was also played, though not regularly, and ice polo was popular in theHoughton area.24In the meantime, Dr. John L. Gibson, who had played hockey in Canada, had settledin Houghton to pursue a profession in dentistry. Gibson would become one of a small circleof pioneers who helped develop hockey into an outright professional sport.25 With Gibson’sl9Maki. 27.2OMaki, 27.2llbid., 7.22Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, January 19, 1904, n. pag.23lbid., Oct. 4/03, n.pag.24Fitsell, Caotains. Colonels & Kings, 116.25J. W. (Bill) Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr. J. L. (Jack) Gibson,”Annual Induction Dinner, Hockey Hallof Fame. August 26, 1976. photocopied, n. pag..45assistance, Houghton would organize the first openly-admitted professional team in icehockey, the success of which would serve to greatly influence the development of hockey inCanada and the United States. However, a closer analysis of the events that formed thisteam is required, as “few people are aware of Gibson’s exploits or his contribution to thegame and yet every person . . . owes him a small debt of gratitude.”26A native of Berlin, Ontario, Gibson played for that town’s team in the O.H.A.’s newintermediate series. Inevitably, Gibson encountered the O.H.A.’s militant anti-professionalism practices. After defeating Waterloo 6-4, the Mayor of Berlin, D. Rumpel,who also served as the team’s manager, rushed onto the ice and awarded Gibson and histeammates each a ten-dollar gold piece.27Rumpel had apparently won a substantial amount betting on the outcome of thegame, but due to his spontaneous generosity, Berlin was declared professional and bannedby the O.H.A. Some of the players claimed that they were to have the gold pieces mountedas watch fobs - therefore the gold pieces were souvenirs, not payments. However, theexcuse did not appease the O.H.A., who banned the team and management indefinitely.28Following a successful athletic and academic career in the Berlin-Waterloo area,Gibson then left for the United States, to attend the Detroit College of Medicine.29 Whilethere, he starred for the College’s soccer team, and captained the hockey team for twoyears, where one of the team’s exhibition games was held in a small town in Michigannamed Houghton.3°Graduating from the Detroit College of Medicine in 1900, Gibson26lbid.27Young, 40.2BThe ban turned out to be for the remainder of the season; ibid., 40-41.29Bioraphical Record - Houhton, Baraa, and Marquette Counties, Michigan (Chicago:Biographical Publishing Co., 1903), 343.3OFitsell, Captains. Colonels & Kings, 114.46PLATE IIIDr. John L. “Doc’ Gibson (BioprahicaI Record obtained from Michigan State Library andArchives)47I“immediately thereafter located in Houghton, Houghton County, where he [becamel firmlyestablished in the confidence and esteem of the people,”31 practicing dentistry.Upon the arrival of Gibson, local interest in hockey began to grow. Merv Youngs, acub reporter for the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, inadvertently discovered that Gibsonwas a former hockey player from Canada,32 when he unearthed a scrapbook of newspaperclippings, recounting the athletic exploits of Gibson, in the dentist’s office. “Being a goodreporter the young man borrowed the book and wrote a series of stories telling the publicabout the great sports figure in their midst.”33The Portaae Lakes Hockey ClubEarly Team SuccessThe discovery of Gibson by Youngs led to the organization of the first-ever PortageLakes Hockey Club.34 As there were not many living in the Houghton area who knew howto play the game of hockey, the need to obtain players from Canada became apparent.Thus, the newly organized team’s management began acquiring better players from theDominion, becoming a fully-fledged professional hockey team that would beat any team,amateur or professional, that dared play against the mighty Portage Lakes Hockey Club.The nickname “Portage Lakers” originated from the nearby body of water in theKeeweenaw Peninsula, which juts into Lake Superior.35 Other references to the team in itsearly years called it the “Portage Lakes YMCA” team, and credited the club with the UpperPeninsula league championship in its inaugural season.36 Initially, the team’s players were all3lBiograohical Record, 343.32Youngs would later become editor of the Mining Gazette; Hockey Hall of Fame Biography“J.L. Gibson”.33”Hero of Early Sports Era Will Be Long Remembered”, photocopy, (Hockey Hall of Fame,Toronto).34John W.Rice, “A Record Hard to Beat”, in National Hockey Guide 1933-34 (New York:National Hockey Guide, Co., 1933), 93.35Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 11 7. The team was also call the Portage Lakes36Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr.J.L. (Jack) Gibson,” n. pag.48locals,37 and, by 1 902, there were three doctors playing for the club. Two of them, Gibsonand Earl Hay, were dentists, while P. H. Willson was a doctor of medicine. All three werenatives of Canada who had been educated in the United States.38Games were played at the Palace Ice Rink in nearby Hancock, Michigan. Theincrease in ice hockey interest led to the enlargement of the ice surface to two hundred feetin length for the opening of the 1 901-02 season.39 John L. Gibson, by this time nicknamedDoci by Houghton residents, had captained the team since its inception, and organizedtryouts for the upcoming season.40 At this time, games were played with other teams fromthe Upper Peninsula area, and some exhibition games were arranged against a team fromSault Ste. Marie, Ontario.41 Games against the Canadian team were well received inHoughton County, and attendance at the Palace Ice Rink usually exceeded the arena’sseating capacity. Crowds continued to grow, as interest in the sport increased; therfore,when Portage Lakes Manager C. E. Webb announced that a Pittsburgh club would bearriving late in the 1901-02 season to play, plans were made to alter the interior of thePalace Rink, to accommodate more spectators.42Games were still considered amateur; the Canadian Soo team would be riskingexpulsion from the O.H.A. if it played any professional teams. In fact, in a game at Hancockin early 1 902, referee Hay expelled Howell, of Guelph, Ontario, for allegedly being aprofessional.43At the end of the 1 901-02 season, a semi-professional team from Pittsburgh37Players for the 1900-01 season included: Waily Washburn, Andy Hailer, and Dr. Earl Hay ofHancock; E. Delaney of Ripley; Gibson and Burt Potter of Houghton; Dr. Wilson of Quincy; MiningGazette, Nov 30/01, n. pag.38Rene E. Adams, “the Oldest Living Pro,” in Hockey Pictorial (March, 1961). Ed. Ed Fitkin.(New York: Hockey Illustrated Ltd., 1961), 34.39Mininci Gazette, Nov 30/01, n. pag.4Olbid., Dec 4/01, n. pag.41The town, and its teams were often referred to as the Canadian Soo (Sault Ste. Marie,Michigan was also referred to as the Michigan or American Soo).42Minin Gazette, Feb 28/02, n. pag.43Sauft Star, Feb 6/02, n. pag.49arrived in Houghton to play the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, for what was described as the“Championship of the United States.”44 On March 10, 1902, at the Palace Ice Rink, thePortage Lakes, wearing their brown team sweaters, won the game, 5-4, in front of a sell-outcrowd of one thousand spectators.45The second game of the two-game, total-goal series,played in Hancock, resulted in a 3-2 win by Pittsburgh, which left the championshipundecided. The loss was the first suffered by the local team in twelve games during the1901-02 season.46 No extra game was played to decide a winner in the series, andtherefore one victor was not determined.The AmøhidromeThe competitiveness of the Portage Lakes Club, and the increase in interest in thesport, had led to the inability of many fans to witness the games in the Houghton-Hancockarea, due to the inadequate size of the Palace Ice Rink. If hockey interest was to grow, anew facility would be needed to accommodate the large numbers of spectators who wishedto see the Portage Lakers play. Therefore, in the fall of 1 902, local businessmen in theHoughton area began plans to build a new skating rink. A stock company, led by localbusiness magnate James R. Dee, was created to build a facility that could houseapproximately twenty-five hundred spectators, and also be used for a variety of otherevents. The rink was built two blocks from the Copper Range railroad depot, one block fromthe South Shore depot, and one block from the Street Railway, to ensure easy spectatoraccess.4744The Pittsburgh team had defeated Yale University, Keystone Athletic Club, Frontenac, RoyalMilitary College, and Queens, to earn the honor of “Western” champions, and were to play the Portagelakes, which was considered the “Eastern” champions; Mining Gazette, Mar 11/02, n. pag.45lbid.46Mininp Gazette, Mar. 12/02, n. pag.47The plans also included a second storey, that would contain an area thirty feet by eightyfeet for ice dancing; ibid., Oct. 19/02, n. pag.50-U >()1- mTheAmphidromeRink,Houghton,Michigan(MichiganTechArchivesandCopperCountryHistoricalCollections.ObtainedfromtheMichiganStateLibraryandArchives)This site of the new facility was ideal for spectators to travel to games by the meansavailable at that time, as it was built in an area that allowed the access of a number of thedifferent railway companies servicing the Copper Country. The management could thenprepare special travel arrangements with the railway companies to ensure that spectatorswould reach the rink.48To finish construction in time, the largest number of carpenters ever to work on abuilding in the Houghtori area was employed.49 With the completion of the arena, whichwas subsequently named the Amphidrome, the need for two rinks in the Houghton-Hancockarea was not necessary. Thus, the Palace Ice Rink in Hancock was closed permanently onDecember 26, 1 902, and the manager of the Palace accepted a new position at the 2,500-seat Amphidrome.50Although there were still many details of the arena to be completed,the Portage Lakers began practicing on the Amphidrome ice on December 26, in preparationfor the upcoming games against the Toronto Varsity. A special train was announced by theDuluth, South Shore and Atlantic railroad, providing round trip fares for fifty cents, andserving many of the surrounding towns, including Calumet, Osceola, and Lake Linden.51This allowed spectators from the entire Houghton region to travel to the Amphidrome towatch the Portage Lakes play.The Amphidrome itself could almost contain the entire population of the town ofHoughton; a full rink would indicate that the majority of the town would be watching thelocal team. Such support made the Amphidrome “the social and recreational center of thePortage Lake district for more than a quarter of a century.”52 With the new rink able to48Peter R. Shergold, “The Growth of American Spectator Sport: A Technological Perspective”Sport in History, Ed.s Richard Cashman, Michael McKernan (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press,1979), 25.49Mininq Gazette, Nov 23 and Dec 11/02, n. pag.5OMininq Gazette, Dec 27/02, n. pag.51 Ibid.S2Maki, 17.52house a larger number of spectators to watch the dominating Portage Lakes play visitingclubs, it was now up to the team to maintain a level of excellence that would keep the localinterest in hockey growing.In 1 902-03, the Portage Lakes team won fourteen straight games, in exhibition playagainst American and Canadian clubs.53 Crowd support for the team continued through theseason, with up to three thousand spectators filling the Amphidrome for each game.54 TheMining Gazette acknowledged the popularity of hockey and noted that “it seems destined tobe the great winter sport of the northern tier states as it is already of the provinces ofCanada.”55The Pittsburgh Bankers arrived at the end of the season to determine thechampionships of the United States. The Portage Lakes remained undefeated, with a 1-0victory at the Amphidrome.56The game was hotly contested, as Pittsburgh was led by thetalented “Hod” Stuart.57 Following the victory, James R. Dee presented the team with onehundred dollars, to be used for a team victory party.58 There were obviously no concerns onthe part of any of the players on the team over being banished for “professionalism.”The Portage Lakes Hockey Club had finished the season undefeated. However, theclose match against the Pittsburgh Bankers indicated that the semi-professional players ofPittsburgh were of high-calibre. Even more talented players would need to be secured forthe next season if the Portage Lakes hoped to dominate its opposition as it had during1902-03.53Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr.J.L.(Jack) Gibson”, n. pag.54Minina Gazette, Jan 3 1/03, n. pag.55Minin Gazette, Dec 17/02, n. pag.56lbid., Mar 4/03, n. pag.57Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kinris, 116.58MininQ Gazette, Mar 4/03, n. pag.53The Organization and Success of the First Professional Ice Hockey Team: The PortageLakes Hockey Club of 1 903-04In order to improve the team, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club would be forced toacquire more players from Canada, and pay these men to come to the Copper Country.Gruneau and Whitson suggested that, while many Canadians wrestled with the morality ofbeing paid to play hockey, the citizens of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan were morereceptive to professional sports, at this time:There was considerably less antiprofessional rhetoric in the UnitedStates, and a significant number of Canadian players migrated to Michiganand Pennsylvania hoping to make a living from the hockey skills they haddeveloped playing for “amateur” teams in Ontario and Quebec.59While leagues in Canada were attempting to either thwart or overlook professional practices,the American cities interested in promoting the sport were more than willing to pay forCanadian talent. Thus, in the fall of 1903, the managers of the Portage Lakes Hockey Clubbegan eagerly pursuing talented players from other cities. Gibson and Charles E. Webbembarked on a ten-day excursion to Canada “for the purpose of arranging games withCanadian teams and also to pick up a player or two to fill out the Portage Lakes line.”60With players wanting to play for the team, and a concerted effort by management tosign good players, the Mining Gazette was confident of the prospects for the comingseason:The Portage Lake Hockey Club will be the strongest team in theUnited States this year and there is little question that it will not have asuperior in the world, a fact which will e very prominent when the fullpersonnel of the team is made known.6However, not all players were eager to play for the powerful Michigan squad. The Globe andMail reported that three of Queen’s senior hockey players had received tempting offers toplay in both Houghton and Pittsburgh, but all offers were refused.6259Gruneau and Whitson, 74.6OMining Gazette, Oct 2/03, n. pag.6llbld., Oct 4/03, n. pag.62Globe and Mail, Nov 30/03, n. pag. The players probably wanted to maintain their amateurstatus.54Four former Berlin players - Gibson, Meinke, Stephens, and Siebert - had played forHoughton the previous season, but only Gibson was expected to return. “Hod” Stuart, whohad played in Pittsburgh, for the Bankers team, had written to the Portage Lakes andexpressed his desire to play in Houghton. The talented Stuart could easily replace any of theplayers not returning,63 and Stuart’s brother, Bruce, most recently of the PittsburghVictorias, had already signed with the Portage Lakes.64 Thus, on November 1, 1 903, theMining Gazette announced that “Hod” had signed with the club, and along with brotherBruce and “Cooney” Shields, represented the new talent secured by the club thus far.65Goaltender Riley Hem of Stratford, Ontario, also signed with the Portage Lakes,claiming that Houghton paid better than Pittsburgh.66 Hem had played the past four seasonsfor the Pittsburgh Keystones, including 1 901, when the team won the U.S.Championship,67and had also played forward for London, Ontario, when that team won theIntermediate championship of the O.H.A.68With the completion of the team’s roster, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was readyto compete in one of the greatest seasons in the history of ice hockey. However, the clubmanagement was also interested in making a number of changes prior to the start of the1 903-04 season that did not involve the player roster. The heavy team sweater of theprevious season was discarded and replaced by a similar green jersey, retaining the familiarwinged Portage Lakes emblem. The new jerseys lacked the white neck and arm bands of theearlier sweaters.69 Also, to improve the playing and viewing conditions at the Amphidrome,six new arc lights were installed to increase the amount of light at the rink.7063Minin Gazette, Oct 8/03, n. pag.64Ibid., Oct 3/03, n. pag.65 Shields, formerly of the Pittsburgh Athletic Club, was originally from Orangeville, Ontario;ibid., Nov 10/03, n.pag. and Nov 1/03, n. pag.66Globe and Mail, Nov 16/03, n. pag.67Mininp Gazette, Nov 10/03, n. pag.6Blbid., Nov 22/03, n. pag.69lbid., Dec 16/03, n. pag.55Expectations for a successful season in 1903-04 were very high among followers ofhockey in Houghton. Management had assembled the best possible team, and had sparedlittle cost in an effort to bring a high-calibre of hockey to the Copper Country. Because theteam did not compete in a specific league, exhibition matches were arranged with variousclubs. However, one-sided victories over teams from St. Paul and St. Louis, in December of1903,71 led the Houghton team management to seek more competitive clubs for the PortageLakes to play; consequently, games were arranged with the Algonquin Hockey Club of SaultSte. Marie, Ontario, to be played on Houghton ice. Travelling with the Algonquin teamwould be Roy D. Schooley, an O.H.A. referee from Massey, Ontario.72The Portage Lakes again proved poor hosts, and defeated the Algonquins by a scoreof 1 6-1 on January 1, 1 904. The defeat did not weaken the spirited Canadian team, asplans were made for another game at the Amphidrome. However, the second game endedwith as similar result - a 7-0 victory for the Houghton team.74 The Portage Lake fans hadseen their team win handily thus far, but the large score differential between the teams hadbecome monotonous; better competition would be needed to maintain local interest in theclub.Following two more decisive victories, over the visiting Michigan Soo team,75 thePortage Lakes prepared to host a series against the Pittsburgh Keystones. The semiprofessional players from Pittsburgh would surely provide better competition for theHoughton team, and the visiting team’s chances of victory were further enhanced when it7Olbid., Dec 18/03, n. pag.71For a complete list of the results of the games played by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club,during the 1903-04 season, see Appendix B.72Minini Gazette, Dec 31/03, n. pag.73Mininn Gazette, Jan 1/04, n. pag.741b1d., Jan 3/04, n. pag.75The Soo was a name given to both the Sault Ste. Marie towns, in Michigan, and in Ontario.6-1 and 12-1 wins on January 13 and 14; ibid., Jan 15/04, n. pag.56I-(51-1 mThePortageLakesHockeyClub-1903-04.Frontrow:E.WestcottandR.Hem;middlerow,B.Morrison,C.Shields,J.L.Gibson,H.Stuart,B.Stuart.Backrow,N.F.Westcott,J.Duggan(Trainer),C.E.Webb(manager),J.R.Dee(President),J.Linderwas announced that Gibson would not be able to play due to an injured ankle.76 The firstgame against the Pittsburgh team was closer than the Portage Lakes’ previous games,ending 9-4 for the locals. However, the next game was a rout, with Houghton winning thematch i1-i.The next games for the Portage Lakes were played in the Michigan Soo, where theteam lost for the first time during the 1 903-04 season, 76.78 However, the Portage Lakeswere more concerned with the coming series in Pittsburgh, to be played against thePittsburgh Victorias. For the first few years of the twentieth century, the winner of the four-team Western Pennsylvania Hockey League was crowned the champions of the easternUnited States, and would be challenged by a team from the west, usually the Portage LakesHockey Club. The winner would be awarded the U.S. Championship. The Victorias hadbeaten the other three Pennsylvania teams, the Bankers, Keytones, and Pittsburgh AthleticClub, who all played their games in the Duquesne Gardens, Pittsburgh’s artificial ice rink.The first game, between the W.P.H.L. champions and the Portage Lakes, resulted ina 5-2 victory for the Victorias. Eddie Roberts of Pittsburgh managed to score three timesbefore losing five teeth and a portion of his upper lip when body checked “up against theseat along the side of the rink.”79 Facing a hostile crowd of four thousand, the PortageLakes won the second game by a score of 51,80 leaving one game to decide the U.S.championship. The Portage Lakes continued their superb play in the third and final game,defeating the Pittsburgh team 7-0, to become the undisputed champions of the UnitedStates, for the 1 903-04 season.8176lbid., Jan 16/04, n. pag.77lbid., Jan 19 and 20, n. pag.78lbid., Jan 24/04, n. pag.79Mininq Gazette, Mar 12/04, n. pag.8Olbd., Mar. 13/04, n. pag.8llbid., Mar 16/04, n. pag.58As the victorious Houghton club returned to the Copper Country, a large crowdwaited for their train to arrive at the Mineral Range depot, and shop owners decorated theirstore fronts in the team’s green and white colors. After the team arrived, a banquet washeld at the Douglass House in Houghton, followed by a reception held at the Amphidrome.82However, the season would not be over as expected, the Mmmci Gazette reportingthat “C.E. Webb, manager of the Portage Lake hockey team, received a communication lastnight from the manager of the Wanderers of Montreal in which he challenged the PortageLakes for the championship of the world”, to be played at the Amphidrome.83Portage Lakessupporters paid admission prices of up to two dollars84 to see the Wanderers defeated by ascore of eight goals to four, on March 21, 1 904.85 “The game was unquestionably thefastest article of hockey ever exhibited in the Copper Country and naturally then the greatestgame ever played in the United States”.86 The following evening, Houghton repeated thefeat, besting the Wanderers 9-2. “The game had all the features which go to make hockeythe most exciting sport in the world. There was slashing, body checking, terrific shooting,marvelous speed, injuries to players, combination plays . “87The Portage Lakes had won twenty-three of twenty-five games during the 1903-04season, outscoring their opponents 257 to 49. Individual goal-scoring totals for that yearhave been listed in Appendix B. The team played a total of eighteen games in Houghton,remaining undefeated there, as both losses occurred away from the Amphidrome.While the record of the team would seem irrefutable, the fact that the team had notplayed the very best teams in Canada meant that any claims that the Portage Lakes Hockey82Ibid., Mar 19/04, n. pag.83Ibid., Mar 18/04, n. pag.841b1d., Mar 20/04, n .pag.8Slbid., Mar 22/04, n. pag.86lbjd.87Mmninp Gazette, Mar 23/04, n. pag.59PLATE VIHOCKEY! 4) HOCKEY!WANDERERS OF MONTREAL,CHAMPIONS OF CANADA,vs. PORTAGE LAKESUNITED STkTES CHAMPIONS,FOR WORLD’S CHAMPIONSHIP.MONDAY AND TUESDAY,MARCH 21 AND 22at AMPHIDROME.These will be the Greatest Hockey Games that were ever seen in AmericaJust think of it! A chance to see Canada’s Champion Hockey Team go againstPortage Lakes, United States Champions. You are not likely to have another chance tosee such a game.SPECIAL RA TES AND TRAINSFROM ALL PARTS OF THE STATE,See Railroad Adh’ertisements for Rates and Leaving Time.SEA-rS ON SALEAt Barry’s Drug Store, lioughton; Nichols’ Drug Store, Hancock;Sodergren & Sodergren’s Drug Store, Calumet.Prices—First three rows on side $2,OO Balance of sides Si .5O General Adniission Si QOWire all Orders to Manayer Amphidrome.The Portage Lakes Hockey Club and Montreal Wanderers - Series Advertisement, 1904(Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, Mar 20/04)60Club was the best team in the world could not be validated. However, the Houghton clubhad made every effort to challenge the top amateur teams in Ontario and Quebec, but wererefused. “Hod” Stuart expressed the sentiments of the players themselves:We do not want to make any strong assertions about being thechampions of the world. We have won the championship [of the UnitedStates] all right but we want to demonstrate that we can play the bigCanadian teams on their own ice and beat them. It is the ambition of everymember f the Portage Lake team to play the Ottawas on their own ice nextseasonUnfortunately, it seemed unlikely that the Portage Lakes would be able to play thebest teams in Canada, due to the risks the Canadian teams would face, should they bebanned from playing in the Canadian leagues for competing against a professional club.John R. Robinson, a sports writer for the Detroit Journal, concluded that the Canadianteams were aware that the Portage Lakes was the best team, but, by not playing theHoughton club, could cast doubt on any claims of the American team’s invincibility.89Thus,the Canadian teams could refute the claims of the U.S. club, and also avoid any potentialhumiliation incurred by a loss to the professional team.However, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club had easily defeated all their opponentsduring the 1 903-04 season. The fans of the Portage Lakes were demanding bettercompetition, and according to the Globe and Mail, “the people of the Copper Country willnot be contented until they see their seven in action with the best Canada can produce.Almost any price would be given to any Canadian champion team to come here”.90 Whenthe fans did not get the opportunity to watch the Portage Lakes play the best possiblecompetition, interest in the team waned. It was no longer entertaining to watch opposingteams lose by scores of 24-0 at the Amphidrome. Despite the record of the team in 1 903-04, the Minino Gazette reported that the “season, by the way, was not the greatest season88lbd., Mar 26/04, n. pag.89lbid., Mar 23/04, n. pag.9OGlobe and Mail, Jan 7/04, n. pag.61in the history of the game in Houghton, in the opinion of many enthusiasts. The majority ofthe games were tame, the attendance and the enthusiasm were not so great”.91Up until this time, the games that the Portage Lakes played in were considered to beexhibitions, and not part of a recognized league.92 If teams would not come to Houghton toplay, then perhaps Houghton would need to join a league that would be able to provideconsistent, high calibre play for the fans at the Amphidrome. As interest in hockey wasspreading to other areas of the United States, James R. Dee, president of the HoughtonAmphidrome Company, had written to Pittsburgh suggesting that a national hockeyassociation be formed in the United States, with up to a dozen cities involved. Dee alsosuggested “invading Canada and making the organization international.”93Dee’s scheme spread among other potential hockey magnates, and by March, 1904,the Pittsburcih Times announced that there was now talk of forming a national hockeyleague for the next season, with teams from Houghton and Calumet definitely committed,and possible entries from Chicago, Pittsburgh, and Milwaukee.94The Formation of the International Hockey LeaoueThe success of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club indicated to entrepreneurs in otherU.S. cities that hockey could be a viable business venture. The attendance at the games atthe Amphidrome remained high, despite the low population base in the Copper Country.Therefore, the example of professional hockey organized in Houghton may have fueled thedesires of business magnates in other similar towns to assemble teams of their own to play.In the fall of 1904, the talk of creating a newly-organized professional leaguebecame a reality. A meeting was arranged for October 15, in St. Louis, where discussions91Miflin Gazette, Mar 24/04, n. pag.92Earl J. Gagnon, (Houghton Daily Minin Gazette Association editor), Letter to the HockeyHall of Fame, Sept. 26, 1976.93Minin Gazette, Dec 20/03, n. pag.94lbid., Mar 1 7/04, n. pag.62were to be held between interested parties to determine the prospects of organizing an“American hockey league.” Despite the postponement of the St. Louis meeting untilNovember, due to the possible inclusion of a club from the Canadian Soo,95 James R. Dee,of Houghton, had already assumed the role of secretary and treasurer of the AmericanHockey League. The Canadian Soo was still interested in becoming a part of the new league,and hoped for acceptance at the Chicago meeting. It was anticipated that the “Sault will askthat visiting clubs get 40 per cent of the gate and guarantee expenses”.96Although the number of teams to be entered into the proposed league had not yetbeen determined, Dee felt that the League would “not want more than six teams because ofthe fact that the season is necessarily a short one and it would be impossible to arrange aschedule for more than that number.”97 This would not become a problem, as only fivetowns expressed genuine interest in hosting professional hockey games. The following is alist of those attending the Chicago meeting, their positions outside of hockey interests, andtheir respective towns:A.L. MacSwiggan - Manager, Duquesne Gardens, PittsburghA.D. Ferguson - Manager, Soo Curling Club, Sault Ste. Marie, MichiganJ.C. Boyd - Superintendent, Canadian Ship Canal, Sault Ste. Marie, OntarioCharles Thompson - Agent, Copper Railroad, Laurium [CalumetiJames R. Dee - President, Amphidrome Co., Houghton98At the two-day meeting, McSwiggan was named League President, and FergusonVice President, to work along with Dee’s already determined duties. The “Quebec rules”were officially adopted, and games would operate under a two referee system.99 Thedecision to not use the rules of the Ontario Hockey Association, and to follow those of theQuebec Hockey Union, was taken because, according to the l.H.L. officers, the Quebec95Mininp Gazette, Oct. 4/04, n. pag.96Sauft Star, Nov 3/04, n. pag.97Mininp Gazette, Oct 8/04, n. pag.98Mininp Gazette, Oct. 30/04, n. pag.99CoIoer Country, Nov 8/04, n. pag.63rules1were “more conducive to team play, which makes the game of hockey morespectacular”.101 In addition, with the inclusion of the Canadian Soo, the League’s Americanname became improper, and so the word “International” was substituted. Thus, theInternational Hockey League was formed, with four U.S. teams: Houghton, Sault Ste. Marie,Pittsburgh, and Calumet, and the lone Canadian entry from Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario.Several other matters were considered at the Chicago meeting, including concernsover the level of rough play. James R. Dee quickly explained the means through which theLeague would attempt to control this potential problem:Special provisions will also be made for keeping the games free fromroughness. For this purpose referees will be given power similar to that heldby umpires in the bi Iaseball leagues, where he rules supreme during theprogress of a game. 0The acquisition of players for the new professional League would be the soleresponsibility of the individual teams, which, with the League’s formation now definite,began contacting players from the Dominion. Team managers began assembling their squadsand making the necessary arrangements to bring professional hockey to their prospectivetowns, all of which had experienced games of hockey, but never at the level that the l.H.L.promised. Anticipation of the high-calibre of competition to be exhibited in the l.H.L. filledthe sporting sections of the local newspapers:The towns in the International Hockey League will see the besthockey in the world this winter. There is no doubt about the quality beingbetter than will be seen anywhere else, and it would be a question whetherfive teams as good as those that will take part in the series could be pickedfrom among the players not now on those teams.103100The major difference between the “Quebec” rules and the rules of the O.H.A. lay in theinterpretation of the off-side rule. Under O.H.A. rules, a player could pass the puck forward to ateammate, as long as he skated quickly ahead so that he was ahead of the pass receiver by the timethe puck reached his teammate. Under “Quebec” rules, passes could not, under any circumstances, bemade toward the opposing goal.lOlMining Gazette, Nov 5/04, n. pag.lO2Soo Evening News, Nov 3/04, n. pag.1O3So Evening News, Dec 2/04, n. pag.64International Hockey League Innovations and Rule Changes: 1904-1 907Shortly after the initial meetings to form the I.H.L., a set of rules was released togovern League play, unique to the League. The rules were similar to those written by ArthurFarrell in 1899, and can be found in Appendix D. The League also released rules governingLeague operations, which can be seen in Appendix C. However, a number of amendmentswere made to both the playing and administrative regulations of the International HockeyLeague, over the course of the League’s three-year existence. In this section, such changeswill be noted, in addition to several instances where the hockey played in the I.H.L. can beseen to be different from the other leagues in operation during the same time period.Despite the fact that the playing rules of hockey remained consistent through thefirst few years of the twentieth century, several minor changes to various rules thatoccurred before or during the l.H.L.’s operating years were universally adopted by mostleagues in Canada and the United States. Morris Mott noticed that, at the turn of thecentury, hockey was very similar in nature throughout the Canadian leagues, and concludedthat “it seems that across the country hockey was played in essentially the same fashionwith virtually the same kinds of equipment and the same rules and strategiesdespite some minor differences in rules between leagues or associations.For this reason, several rule changes, usually implemented by the Ontario HockeyAssociation, were quickly adopted by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and later by theInternational Hockey League. In 1 903-04, a line was drawn across the goal posts for thefirst time, making the umpire’s duties of determining goals far easier.105 A few seasonslater, the 0.H.A. amended its off-side rule, permitting a player to receive a forward passfrom his goalkeeper within three feet of the goal.106 The change was quickly adopted forInternational Hockey league play, as the new rule would greatly hasten the play of the104Mott, 2.°5Coleman, 94.106Hewiff, Down the Stretch (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1958), 1 92.65game. Before this rule was instituted, the referee would be forced to stop play when thepuck rebounded off the goalkeeper to a teammate.However, there were a number of different interpretations of the playing rulesdisplayed by the referees of the contests played in Michigan, prior to the formation of thel.H.L, as well as by the means through which games were refereed. The cold winterconditions at the natural-ice arenas meant that using a bell would be easier for referees;when conditions grew too cold, the referees’ lips would freeze to their whistles,107 and thebell was substituted. In addition, referees would not always make consistent rulings duringgames; for example, during a game in December of 1 903, Portage Lakes player Bruce Stuartwas penalized for kicking the puck.108 Such behavior was not universally endorsed orcondemned; the play was either called a penalty or allowed at the discretion of a particulargames’s referee. Similarly, there was also confusion over players touching the puck withtheir hands, illustrated by comments found in the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, inDecember of 1903:It is a great temptation when the rubber is flying over player’s headfor him to grab it, throw it on the ice and start off with it at the end of hisstick. In some games this has been allowed, but never is the player allowedto carry the puck past the place where he stops.09Once International Hockey League operations had commenced, adherence to theLeague’s established rules was more pronounced. However, this led to several distinctsituations and penalty calls. An example occurred on December 14, 1 904, when CanadianSoo player Milne was penalized for one minute for stopping the puck in the air with hisstick.110 In another instance, in accordance with Section 10 of the League rules, goalkeeper107bid., 190-191.108Minin Gazette, Dec 27/03. n. pag.109bid., Dec 5/03, n. pag.110Minjnp Gazette, Dec 1 5/04, n. pag. See Appendix 0, Section 8. The nespaper report didnot indicate how high the puck was in the air when Milne stopped it.66McKay of Pittsburgh was penalized two minutes for dropping to his knees to stop a shot.111Substitutes could not be given for goalkeepers who were penalized; they had to serve theirown penalties. When Michigan Soo goalkeeper “Chief” Jones was penalized during a gameagainst Pittsburgh, his opponents were able to score twice into the empty net created by hisabsence.112Unfortunately, the brevity of l.H.L. rules led to situations where the legality ofcertain actions not covered by League regulations was questioned, prompting argumentsamongst players, referees, and management alike. In a game in February, 1905, Pittsburghcaptain “Baldy” Spittal took his team off the ice, in response to the referee’s failure topenalize a Houghton player, Bruce Stuart. Stuart had apparently, during the course of thegame, sat on the puck so that the Pittsburgh players could not retrieve it from him. Spittaldemanded that a penalty be awarded to Stuart, but none was given. However, there weretimes when referees would make adjustments to the rules in order to stop unwantedbehavior. For example, while it was often customary for players to shoot the puck into theseats to delay the game, l.H.L. referees occasionally found it necessary to give playerspenalties to stop this practice.113 Referees also made other changes to the ways by whichgames were officiated. In December of 1906, referee “Cooney” Shields reportedly droppedthe puck to commence a face, rather than the traditional method of placing the puckbetween the players and shouting “play” to start game action.Some activities ultimately resulted in the amendment of l.H.L. rules. The frequentdelays during matches led to the creation of a new rule, prior to the start of the 1906-07season. It was decided by League officers that play during the course of a match could notbe delayed, for any reason, longer than three minutes. Should a player break a skate or111Cooper Country, Dec 16/04, n. pag.1 2soo Evening News, Mar 8/05, n. pag.3Soo Evening News, Jan 31/07, n. pag; in a game on January 30, referee Shields gave JoeStephens a penalty for lifting the puck into the crowd.67stick, or be injured, his team would be forced to continue to play short until such time thathe could recover.114Also, in order to curtail overly rough conduct by the players, referees were given theright to fine players for their actions, which referee “Chaucer” Elliott considered an effectivemeans of keeping l.H.L. games under control.115 Elliott fined Billy Taylor of the CanadianSoo two dollars after he deliberately hit Fred Lake of the Portage Lakes across the head withhis stick, in a game on January 22, 1906.116 Elliott, along with any other referee, had beengiven the authority to fine a player between two and ten dollars, depending on the perceivedseverity of the infraction.117Unfortunately for l.H.L. officials, referees would remain a problem throughout allthree years of League operations. To aid in combatting disputes arising over the choice ofreferees, the League began appointing referees, rather than allowing captains or clubs todetermine the choice of a referee prior to a game. In addition, in the fall of 1 905, thepractice of penalizing a repeat offender (see Appendix D, Section 8) at least twice the timeof the previous offense was dropped. Therefore, the decision to penalize a player wasplaced more strongly in the control of the referee.118Control was not the only aspect of l.H.L. operations that League officials were afraidof losing. The salaries of the players were high, and team owners were likely to lose moneyon their hockey investments, should the salaries continue to climb. As a result, a salary limitwas implemented in the fall of 1905, and set at three thousand dollars.119 While the limit1 14lbid., Nov 14/06, n. pag.15Sault Star, Jan 11/06. n. pag.16Pittsburcih Gazette, Jan 23/06, n. pag.117Sault Star, Feb 8/06, n. pag.8Coer Country, Oct 25/05, n. pag.119SauIt Star, Oct 1 2/05, n. pag.68may not have helped keep salaries low, as accusations were rampant of I.H.L. teamsexceeding the maximum, the restriction showed the l.H.L.’s concern over its own financialviability.The l.H.L. ceased operations in the fall of 1907, following three seasons ofprofessional ice hockey. While the discussed changes and innovations displayed by Leaguemanagement, players and referees are easily identified, the impact that changes or styles ofplay had on the sport itself are difficult to discern, and even more so to illustrate. Oneexample of such a change would be the practice of lifting the puck, as discussed in ChapterTwo of this study. While lifts were a common occurrence in hockey at this time, asdescribed by Coleman, Mott, and others, it occurred to several of those involved in l.H.L.affairs that lifting was not a popular activity for most l.H.L. players. The Copper CountryEveninp News of Calumet reported comments made by Manager MacSwiggan of theDuquesne Gardens, on the subject of lifting:I have watched hockey from its inception and have witnessed several of thefastest games in Canada, in the first place I saw the lifting cut out was righthere in this building. It seemed natural to the players in this city to dowithout this play, I attribute this chiefly to the size of the Duquesne ririk.20Frank Danahey, assistant manager of the Pittsburgh team, concurred with MacSwigga&sremarks, adding that he considered lifting to be an outdated activity, and could not foreseethe act remaining a part of the sport in the future.121While l.H.L. players may have partially determined the popularity of certain playingtechniques, the style of play found in l.H.L. games had also become distinct. The Leaguedisplayed a highly-skilled, fast-paced style of game, that may have exceeded that found ineastern Canada at that time.122 One way which the International Hockey League teams mayhave achieved this was through the modification of the point player’s position:120Copper Country, Feb 26/07, n. pag.122bid., Feb 17/07, n. pag.69The tendency in the International League is to put the speedy man at point.It is no longer the thing to have the big, heavy men in front of thegoaltender. What they want is a man who can get away with the puck. Thegoaltender can do all the stopping necessary and the body-checking is leftfor the coverpoint.’23In recalling his arrival in the l.H.L., Fred “Cyclone” Taylor rioted that “‘it was obvious rightaway that there was more accent here on skating and stickhandling than in the CanadianLeagues.’”124Although the impact that innovations and changes in rules and playing styles in thel.H.L. had on ice hockey as a sport in North America cannot be determined with certainty,the changes that did occur had an influence on the continued operation and development ofthe International Hockey League.The Organization and Success of the International Hockey League Teams: 1904-1907While professional hockey was a new concept to players and spectators alike inmost areas of North America, hockey had been played at various levels and times in all fivel.H.L. locations. However, prior to the l.H.L.’s inaugural season in 1904-05, not all of thetowns were ready to host hockey at the level of play that the I.H.L. entrepreneurs hadpromised, and therefore many changes and preparations were necessary. Once Leagueoperations had commenced, the fortunes of the different clubs proved to be varied and, insome instances, highly irregular.The fortunes of the five different l.H.L. teams will be examined separately, as eachenjoyed varying degrees of success during the three years that the League operated, both incomparison with the other League teams, and from season to season. A brief history ofhockey in the five towns is also required, in order to consider the impact that I.H.L.operations had on the different teams, towns, and their spectators.‘23Mining Gazette, Feb 20/07, n. pag.124Whitehead, 42.70Sault Ste. Marie, Michician (Michigan Soo)At the beginning of the twentieth century, hockey had already been firmlyestablished in the Michigan Soo. Before the formation of the l.H.L., local teams hadcompeted with Canadian teams, including the Canadian Soo, at an amateur level.125 By1 903, the Michigan Soo had organized what was considered by many of the Canadiannewspapers to be a professional club, as the team was comprised mainly of formerPittsburgh and Houghton players. The Toronto Globe and Mail anticipated that the O.H.A.would not allow the Michigan Soo team to play against Canadian clubs, as the players fromHoughton and Pittsburgh had already been declared professionals.126However, the threats of the 0.H.A. did not deter all Canadian teams from engagingin exhibitions with the Michigan Soo. Manager Harry Chown of the Toronto Varsity agreedto travel to the Soo, if the Soo team would put up four hundred dollars to cover the Varsityteam’s expenses, and guarantee that the American club would ice a strictly amateurMichigan Soo team.127 The Globe and Mail ridiculed the Michigan Soo’s amateur claims,stating that “all are under salary, and everybody in both Soos knows it. “128 Of theteam’s salary structure, the newspaper continued:It is not a uniform one, however, as that in Pittsburgh. Each man has hisown price. . . . Fabulous figures are named as salaries. The outside populacewill tell you that they range from $150 a month down. With the Pittsburghmen commanding $1 5 a week it is safe to say that it is the outide figurehere, and that $10 is received by more than the larger amount. 29Although the anti-professional policies of associations like the O.H.A. did notcompletely deny the Michigan Soo any competition, the exhibitions that the team didmanage to arrange were sporadic. The organization of the International Hockey League in1 250ne instance had an All-Soo team, comprised of players from both the Canadian andAmerican Soo, playing the Toronto Varsity, in February of 1902; Sault Star, Feb 20/02, n. pag.1 26Globe and Mail, Dec 2/03, n. pag.l27bicJ., Jan 1/04, n. pag.1 28lbid., Jan 6/04, n. pag.71the fall of 1 904 allowed the Michigan town the opportunity to compete with high-calibreteams, without the need to deny or cloak the practice of paying players.In addition to the acquisition of players for the team, the Michigan Soo teammanagement needed to prepare its rink, a curling rink located on Ridge Street, for thel.H.L.’s inaugural season in 190405.130 Team Manager Ferguson announced that a rearrangement of the seats at the rink would, unlike in the past, allow fans to view the entireice surface without visual obstruction.131 On December 10, 1904, the curling rink openedfor public skating, and in order to help finance players’ salaries and other expenses,management decided to charge a ten-cent admission price for those wanting to watch theteam practice.132In subsequent seasons, additional adjustments were made to the rink on RidgeStreet, including the lowering of seats in the arena to further improve spectator viewing.133In addition, the Sault Ste. Marie Evenini News reported that a plank flooring would beplaced on the floor of the rink:This will enable the players to have much more pleasure, as the rinkwill always be level. When ice is built on the ground the frost always raisessome spots, which makes a very uneven rink. By putting in a floor this willbe eliminated.134However, after some debate, it was decided that the rink would be left in its original statefor the coming 1906-07 season.135Unfortunately, during the three years of l.H.L. operations, the arena manager,George Coomb, was constantly attempting to remedy problems caused by spectators at theMichigan Soo rink. The rink itself was covered in sheet iron and men and boys would often1 30In many instances, this rink would be referred to as the Ridge Street Ice-A-Torium.i3Coper Country, Nov 29/04, n. pag.1 325oo Evening News, Dec 8/04, n. pag.1 33Minin Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag.i34Soo Eveninci News, Nov 10/06, n. pag.i35lbid., Nov 14/06, n. pag.72-u IC.)mFireInsuranceMapofTheRidgeStreetArena,SaultSte.Marie,Michigan(SanbornFireInsuranceMaps,Chadwyck-Healey,Inc.)remove pieces from the outside wall in order to gain free admission to the hockey games.To stop this practice, Coomb boarded up the inside of the rink.136Coomb also reported that boys smashed nearly two hundred panes of glass at therink each year, in addition to pulling down the electric wiring, and smashing light sockets.The rink manager explained that if these practices alone could be stopped, expenses wouldbe decreased between two and three hundred dollars annually.137 However, the vandalismat the Michigan Soo rink did not cease, as Coomb reported later in the 1 905-06 season thathis efforts to board up the rink were done in vain; people were still entering the arenathrough holes that were made in the sides of the building. On January 4, 1 906, a boy wasjailed for trying to get into the arena illegally.138 Coomb stated to the Soo Eveninci Newsthat: “a public place of amusement such as the ice rink seems to be thought legitimate preyfor these people, and I shall stop it if possible. A close watch will be kept and anyonecaught will be prosecuted”.139Despite the actions of a few unruly spectators, interest and support for the hockeyteam remained high in the Michigan Soo throughout its affiliation with the InternationalHockey League. Before the first game was played in 1904, hockey fans in the Michigantown organized themselves into a group, called the Rooters, which met at city hall and triedto devise cheers that would drown out the shouting of Canadian Soo fans, who would oftencross the border to support any clubs opposing the Michigan team.140 The zealousness ofthe Rooters reflected the anticipation the town shared for the local team’s chances ofwinning in the l.H.L. Jimmy Ryan, former manager of the Soo baseball team, became anl36lbid., Nov 14/05, n. pag.i37soo Eveninci News, Nov 14/05, n. pag.1 38Ibid., Jan 5/05, n. pag.i3Slbid.i4Olbid., Dec 13/04, n. pag.74ardent supporter of the hockey team, and observed the excitement of the Michigan Soofans, before the first l.H.L. game was even played:To hear them tell it the Soo team is going to beat every other team inthe league and never lose a game. In the Hotels, clubs, stores, on the street,in the street cars, coming hme from church, in the saloons . . . there isnothing talked but hockey.1 1One reason for the continuing support by Michigan Soo residents was the fact thatthe local l.H.L. team remained a consistent championship contender throughout the threel.H.L. seasons. Unfortunately for the fans of the team, an l.H.L. championship was not wonby the Michigan Soo. The closest opportunity the team had was a second-place finishbehind the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, in 1 905-06. The Michigan Soo club finished theseason with sixteen wins in twenty two games, losing the l.H.L. pennant by one game.142The team was favored to win the League championship that year, according to reportsbefore the opening of the 1905-06 season,143 and was involved in a heated battle with boththe Pittsburgh and Houghton teams. The rivalry between the Portage Lakes, and the“Wolverines” of the Michigan Soo, as the Sault Eveninci News had nicknamed the team,144continued throughout the entire season. Following the Michigan Soo’s victory at Houghtonon January 14, one third of the way into the season, League President A.L. Ferguson of theSoo, showing an obvious bias toward his own team, offered to bet one thousand dollarsthat on neutral ice, his Michigan Soo team could defeat the Portage Lakes in five out of sixgames.145 As the season progressed, the “Wolverines” won seven of eight contests, andoccupied first place in the l.H.L. standings through January 24. The race for the pennanti4Minin Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag.142See Appendix H for win-loss records for all five l.H.L. teams, in all three seasons.143MininQ Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag.l44Soo Eveninci News, Dec 27/05, n. pag.l45lbid., Jan 15/06, n. pag.75remained very close. However, a loss to the Portage Lakes on January 25 dropped theMichigan Soo from first to third, trailing both Houghton and Pittsburgh.146In the three years of l.H.L. operations, the team from Sault Ste. Marie had providedconsistent, talented competition for the other four teams. However, the instability of teamownership following the conclusion of the 1906-07 season may have contributed to thedemise of the League in the fall of 1 907. In the spring of 1 907, the Michigan Soo franchisewas acquired by two Soo businessmen, Max Schoenman, and Dave Lee. Ferguson andMurdock, who had operated the team since its inception, allowed the transaction, on thecondition that the new owners enter a team into the l.H.L. for 1 907-08, thus perpetuatingthe civic pride and interest that Ferguson and Murdock deemed was created by the team.147Sault Ste. Marie. Ontario (Canadian Soo)Meanwhile, across the border in Canada, the town of Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, alsoprepared to enter a professional team into the I.H.L. Like most other Ontario towns at thebeginning of the twentieth century, hockey had already become a well-established sportingactivity for local residents. By 1902, the Canadian Soo had an entry in the Ontario HockeyAssociation, the Soo Hockey Club, operating out of the Soo Curling Club rink.148 The seniorteam was not the only organized hockey in the town; Sault Ste. Marie also had its ownthree-team intermediate league, and a junior league made up of Y.M.C.A. and high schoolteams.149Competition for the local senior team would be provided by the Michigan Soo, butgames were often one-sided. In an exhibition game on January 22, 1 903, the Canadiansbeat the Michigan Soo 18-1 15O Other teams that would play the Canadian Soo were thel46bid., Jan 26/06, n. pag.l47Sauft Star, May 2/07, n. pag.l48Mininp Gazette, Nov 22/02, n. pag.l49Sault Star, Dec 4/02, n. pag.i5Olbid., Jan 29/03, n. pag.76Toronto Varsity, Smith’s Falls, and the Toronto Wellingtons.151 The Wellingtons were morethan a match for the locals; the Canadian Soo found it difficult to compete against the otherestablished Canadian teams. The Canadian Soo had also played against the Portage LakesHockey Club, when the Americans were still considered to be amateur, before theAmphidrome was built in Houghton.The Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, team was also considered amateur, although eachseason made it more difficult for the operators of the local club to finance the team. In thefall of 1 903, at the third annual meeting of shareholders of the Sault Ste Marie Skating Rinkand Athletic Co., Limited, President T. S. Durham revealed that although the company hadpaid off over $725 of its debt, it still owed $3,400. Durham further explained that hockeywas just not as prosperous as it had been in previous years.152 Many of the teams that hadprovided competition for the Sault club had started paying for hockey talent, but for the1903-04 season, despite the impending financial woes that the club faced, the CanadianSoo team chose to organize a team, and remain amateur.153Shortly after that decision, the Canadian Soo Hockey Club realized that it wouldprove too costly to travel the extra distance to meet amateur clubs. The team withdrewfrom the O.H.A.’s intermediate series and was renamed the Algonquins. The team wouldnow try to arrange exhibitions with the alleged professional teams, which were much closer,as well as any amateur teams that might risk O.H.A. expulsion to play the Soo team.154 Theteam’s withdrawal from the O.H.A. had caused a sensation in the Canadian newspapers,but the management had determined that the Canadian players wanted to get paid like their151 The Varsity made their third annual visit to the Soo in January of 1903; ibid., Jan 1, Feb12, Mar 5/03, n. pag.1 52Saij[t Star, Oct 8/03, n. pag.1 53GIobe and Mail, Dec 22/03, n. pag.154b1d., Dec 25/03, n. pag.77Michigan Soo counterparts, and was growing tired of seeing the healthy gates that theMichigan Soo was receiving for its high-calibre games.155 In 1903-04, despite the fact thatgames were arranged with the Portage Lakes and Michigan Soo teams, the Algonquinsvehemently denied that it was a professional team.156 This may have been due to aninterest in being re-entered into the O.H.A. in the future.As the 1 903-04 season ended, there was already speculation of the forming of aprofessional league for the fall of 1904. Though the Algonquins were still considered by theO.H.A. to be amateur, no doubt the prospects of appeasing the local players throughremuneration, as well as the potential for larger crowds and higher ticket prices, wouldtempt the local management to join the professional hockey ranks. The success of thePortage Lakes had shown that there was a possible future in the professional game. Thus, inthe fall of 1 904, a decision needed to be made by the Canadian Soo team management:There are of course a good many people in the Soo who are averseto severing connections with the Ontario Hockey Association, but onaccount of the fact that the town is so far away from other hockey centers[in Canada] it is gifficult] to maintain a team entered into thatassociation. . . .John P. Mooney of the Canadian Soo club stated that fans would not be content to see ateam compete against clubs from Thessalon, Blind River, “and such small places, especiallywhen citizens could cross the river and see fast games,” between the Michigan Soo andother quality professional teams.158 Mooneys statement revealed another dilemma thatinfluenced the Canadian Soo’s foray into professionalism; the rivalry that existed betweenthe two Soo towns. The Canadian Soo would be far behind its American counterpart should1 55With the addition of former Pittsburgh and Houghton players, the Michigan Soo provided ahigher calibre of hockey, and drew larger crowds; Globe and Mail, Dec 26/03, n. pag.l56lbid., Dec 30/03, n. pag.1 57Coooer Country, Sep 30/04, n. pag.1 58Sault Star, Oct 1 3/04, n. pag.78the Michigan Soo join the new professional league. J. C. Boyd, president of the RinkCompany admitted that “the town wanted a team that could lick the American Soo.”159Despite indications that it would be in the best interests of the team and the town tojoin the l.H.L., uncertainty led to the organization of a meeting at the Soo town hall onOctober 10. “Those who advocate the idea are requested to be on hand, as well as thosewho oppose it.”16°The meeting proved that there was overwhelming support forprofessional hockey. Also witnessed at the meeting was the emergence of local curlersinterested in financing the team. Therefore, a committee, composed of prominent Soobusinessmen, was formed to oversee team operations,161 and would also call upon localcitizens for additional financial assistance.162 The new team would cost an estimated $125a week, and the Sault Star predicted that an average gate of $275 would pay the team’sexpenses, with an additional $75 going to the visiting team’s expenses. The rink would takeover club operations with a $500 guarantee raised by the citizens.163 The remainder of themoney needed to commence club operations was provided by the committee, who raised atotal of one thousand dollars for the club. J. C. Boyd, T. S. Durham, and W. O’Briensubscribed $250 each for club stock, with the remaining $250 taken by G. S. Cowie, J. P.Mooney, George Reid, and John G. Sutherland.164Other costs would be incurred before team play could commence. Similar tooperations at the Michigan Soo, the rink at the Canadian Soo was used primarily for, andowned and operated by, local curlers. Changes to the rink would be necessary toaccommodate the larger crowds that were anticipated for hockey games. To accomplishi59lbld.l6OIbid., Oct 6/04, n. pag.1 61 Soo Eveninri News, Oct 11/04, n. pag.1 62lbid.1 63Sauft Star, Oct 1 3/04, n. pag.1S4lbid, Oct 20/04, n. pag.79this, a new waiting room with a glass front was constructed at the east end of the rink,while a gallery installed at the south end increased seating capacity by two hundred.165To recover the costs of operating the team and building, ticket prices weredetermined as follows; seventy-five cents for the best seats, fifty cents for generaladmission, and twenty-five cents for children.166 Not everyone was happy with theproposed ticket prices, evidenced by the complaints of one Canadian Soo woman to theSault Star:As ladies going without escorts have to go to the higher priced place, theywill have to pay 75 cents, while a gentleman without a lady, can see amatch for 50 cents. This is hardly fair . . . . A lady shpMld not be chargedmore than 25 cents admission to any part of the rink. ‘°Despite the preparations of the club management, from the onset of the 1 904-05season, the Canadian Soo team showed signs that the players they had organized wereunable to compete with the other strong l.H.L. teams. Some of the Pittsburgh players statedthat the Canadian Soo team was the fastest team in the League, but that the team’s playerswere too light, and not able to contend with the strong checking and rough play that wasalready evident early in the season.168 The team was led by William “Lady Bill” Taylor, whowas considered to be the fastest player in the League. The Houghton Daily Mmmci Gazetteagreed that “he undoubtedly is, but it remains to be seen if he is a star of the bigleague.”169Management’s response to this dilemma was to try to acquire additional players whocould help the team win. Despite the fact that the Canadian Soo team had won only onegame through early January of 1905, team manager J. P. Mooney claimed to be happy with1 65CooDer Country, Nov 30/04, n. pag.1 66Sauft Star, Dec 1/04, n. pag.1 685oo Eveninci News, Dec 28/04, n. pag.169Mining Gazette, Jan 3/05, n. pag.80the progress he had seen in his club so far.170 “Texas” Gillard had arrived on January 6,and, if little else, would add size and strength to the smaller Canadian Soo team.171 A largesalary was also offered to another player, George 0. Gittus, but he refused Mooney’soffer.172Mooney continued to attempt to sign players, as, with only three victories in tengames to date, the Canadians were preparing for a two-game series against Calumet. OnFebruary 1, Oliver Seibert, of Berlin, and Frank Clifton, of Brantford, had arrived, but neithernew team member played in the Soo’s 6-4 loss to Calumet that evening.173 Seibert hadplayed with “Doc” Gibson in Berlin,174 and would later be enshrined as a member of theHockey Hall of Fame. Both Seibert and Clifton were inserted into the Canadian Soo lineupthe following evening, but the visiting Calumet team won again, 6-1 P175 Seibert’s tenurewith the Canadian professional club would be a short one; his wrist was broken during thegame by Calumet’s “Hod” Stuart,176 and Seibert would never play in another l.H.L. contest.These management efforts proved futile, as the team ended a dismal 1 904-05season with only six wins in twenty four games. The following season, the managementcontinued to pay high prices for talented players, despite the imposition of a salary limit onteams by the League officers. The acquisition of better players for the Canadian Soo teamled to speculation in the newspapers that the Soo had exceeded the salary limit.177 TheHoughton Daily Mmmci Gazette reported that Roy Brown had signed for fifty dollars peri7OS Eveninci News, Jan 7/05, n. pag.i7libid.172MIjci Gazette, Jan 11/05, n. pag.i73lbid., Feb 2/05, n. pag.l74bid., Feb 3/05, n. pag.l75Mininp Gazette, Feb 3/05, n. pag.l76bid.l77bid., Nov 26/05, n. pag.81week, and that Baldy” Spittal, formerly of Pittsburgh, was receiving the same amount. Thenewspaper noted, however, that there were a number of Canadian Soo players who werepaid only fifteen or twenty dollars for each week.178 Salary speculations were even higher inthe Soo; the Sault Star claimed that Brown was paid one hundred dollars for each game heplayed.179Keeping under the salary limit would seem to be of little concern to the CanadianSoo club, considering the other problems that arose for the team during the 1 905-06season. Unfortunately, one of these problems was beyond the control of the team, its fans,or its management. In the Canadian Soo, warm weather conditions were beginning to affectthe rink and threaten the l.H.L.’s scheduled games there. A series between Pittsburgh andthe Soo was to be postponed, should the warm conditions continue, at the end ofDecember, 1905. Two games, scheduled for December 27 and 29, were cancelled, becausethe ice was in a state that was deemed unsuitable for play.180 One of the games wasreplayed on February 3, at a time when Pittsburgh was playing in the Michigan Soo.181In addition, while the League was enjoying adequate attendance at its rinks, theCanadian Soo was encountering the same difficulties that plagued the team the previousseason; it could not compete with the other l.H.L. clubs. On December 26, the Ontario teamlost to the Michigan Soo, in Michigan. The Michigan team, led by Didier Pitre’s eight-goalperformance, scored sixteen times against the Canadian Soo’s goaltender, Darcy Regan.182Perhaps the lack of competitiveness displayed by the Canadian Soo team resulted indissension amongst its team members, as the season progressed. The Pittsburgh Gazettel78bid, Dec 27/05, n. pag.1 79Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag.18OSault Star, Dec 28/05, n.p ag., and Pittsburgh Gazette, Dec 30/05, n. pag.i8lPittsburh Gazette, Feb 4/06, n. pag.1 B2Soo Evening News, Dec 27/05, n. pag.82announced, following a 9-3 loss by the Soo at Pittsburgh, that Soo player-manager “Baldy”Spittal was leaving the team, and considering pursuing refereeing duties. Spittal thenclaimed that the Canadian Soo was “an aggregation that would make a manager seek nervetonics hourly.”183 The Daily Mmmci Gazette later concurred with the Pittsburgh newspaper,adding that Spittal, who was serving as Canadian Soo team captain, was to be replaced ascaptain by Darcy Regan.84 Spittal then returned to his home in Ottawa. He was apparentlyoffered terms to play for the Portage Lakes, but his desires to become a referee outweighedHoughton’s offer. The dissension that resulted in the departure of team captain Spittal alsoled to specualtion of the immenent loss of other talented Canadian Soo players. Roy Brownwas rumored to be signing with Calumet, but the Soo steadfastly refused to give him hisrelease.185With all of the problems team management was encountering, and with performanceon the ice not improving, public interest in the Soo had begun to wane. The Sault Ste MarieEveninci News could not find fault with the local fans’ lack of enthusiasm for the team:The attendance at the games is much better than could be expectedunder the circumstances and the way people have stood by the teamthrough thick Rnd thin shows that a winning team would be a big moneymaker here.18In early February, attendance was continuing to decrease. On February 6, the Canadian Soohosted the Michigan Soo, and “the game started with not more than one-quarter of theseats filled.”187 Attendance for a game between the two rival towns would normallygenerate above average-attendance for games, but the future of professional hockey in theCanadian Soo now seemed unstable.183Pittsburqh Gazette, Jan 1 7/06, n. pag.1 84Mininp Gazette, Jan 26/06, n. pag.1 85CoDper Country, Jan 20/06, n. pag.1 86Soo Evening News, Jan 24/06, n. pag.187lbd., Feb 7/06, n. pag.83Throughout the month of February, 1906, the Canadian Soo continued its poor play,and, on February 8, the team lost in the Michigan Soo by a score of 1 6-4. Each member ofthe American team scored at least once on the hapless Canadians, with the exception ofgoaltender “Chief” Jones. The Canadian Soo correspondent at the game, frustrated with theteam’s performance, was quoted in the Sault Ste. Marie EveninQ News as saying: “youwon’t catch me writing anything about this game, we’ve got one funny column and that’senough. I’ll resign before I sling ink over that game. All I want is for you fellows to leave mealone, so I can forget it.”188With only one victory in fifteen games, and having been outscored by 138 goals to57, the management of the Canadian Soo decided to withdraw from the l.H.L., following thehumiliating loss to the Michigan Soo. When the League compiled its figures to determine theLeague championships, the nine remaining games against the other l.H.L. clubs wereawarded to the other teams as 1-0 victories. The presence of International League hockey inthe Canadian Soo would be over for the season, and, in the minds of many, forever. Theabsence of the Canadian Soo meant that the l.H.L., except for its pool of talent, no longerhad a Canadian affiliation. A newspaper in Duluth speculated that the l.H.L. would bedismantled, and that the Canadian Soo would never again be the site of professional hockeygames. The newspaper further reported: “that the Canadian team will not be in theInternational League next season is practically a foregone conclusion.”189In the fall of 1906, and in anticipation of the 1906-07 season, l.H.L. owners werequestioning the abilities of the League to operate without the inclusion of a Canadian Sooteam, as the Canadian Soo’s absence might lead League management to renaming, orreorganizing the League. In September of 1906, the Sault Star predicted that the formationof an l.H.L. team in the Canadian Soo would not occur in 1 906-07. The newspaper didl88lbid., Feb 9/06, n. pag.l895aijlt Star, Mar 1/06, n. pag.84report that there was enough capital available to finance a team, but new players wouldneed to be acquired now to ensure the team’s success.190 The newspaper further statedthat the team management might wait for the conclusion of the professional lacrosseseason; many hockey players were also competing in lacrosse, and would become availableafter they were released from their lacrosse contracts.191A meeting was organized later in September, to determine the viability of enteringinto the l.H.L. again. Everyone who wanted a team in the Soo was invited to bring acheque,192 as an estimated twenty-five hundred dollars would be needed to beginoperations.193 The Canadian Soo had already been re-accepted into the League, accordingto a vote taken in a Detroit meeting by l.H.L. officers, should enough interest arise in theOntario town. All other teams were to resume operations.A week after the Detroit meeting, the Canadian Soo’s entry was still in doubt.Should the Canadians not enter, the League was prepared to change its name to theAmerican Hockey League. A schedule meeting was arranged for November 11, by whichtime the League had hoped that the teams to be involved would be known.194 Meanwhile,in the Canadian Soo, a team was finally organized. In response to repeated questions as tothe team’s organization, the Sault Star was finally able to respond “you bet your boots.”195The elected officers were announced in the local newspaper,196 and Roy Brown was thenl9Olbid., Sep 13/06, n. pag.l9ilbid.192(bjd., Sep 20/06, n. pag.1 93Among the supporters were D. D. Lewis, W. O’Brien, M. F. Goodwin, J. G. Sutherland,and A. H. Chitty; Sault Star, Oct 4/06, n. pag..l94Sault Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag.l95lbid., Oct 4/06, n. pag.196The officers were elected as follows: President, J. H. D. Browne; Vice President, ThomasE. Simpson; Secretary, Malcolm Laughton; Treasurer, William O’Brien; Executive Committee, J. Culbert,R. H. Sweetser, M. F. Goodwin, J. Hockshaw, Geo. Millington, and Geo. Fisher; ibid.85called upon to manage the team. Brown had apparently contacted at least eighteen men,and was taking a very serious approach to hockey operations. The Sault Star would settlefor no less an effort from Brown, or from the rest of the Canadian Soo management:the organization is formed on a strictly business basis. They will pay theprice for fast men who will have to get up and dust, or else unhang theircoats from the hockey management’s peg here . . . .The Canadian Soo is ahockey town, and wjl.?ive liberal support to a good hockey organization-only give us a team.The management did give the Canadian Soo a team for the 1906-07 season, whichfinished second in the League standings behind the Portage Lakes Hockey Club.Expectations and support for the club peaked during the 1 906-07 season in the CanadianSoo and the postponement of League operations in the fall of 1 907 would be sadly acceptedby hockey fans in the l.H.L.’s only Canadian town.Pittsburcih, PennsylvaniaOf all the l.H.L. team sites, Pittsburgh seemed the most capable of supportingprofessional hockey during the first decade of the twentieth century. With a large populationbase, the city did not need to depend on a large percentage of its inhabitants to fill its rink.In addition, the artificial ice arena, the Duquesne Gardens, provided an opportunity forhockey to develop in Pittsburgh during the early 1900’s. For several years before thecommencement of l.H.L. operations, hockey had become popular in Pittsburgh, with theGardens frequently filled to capacity.A four-team circuit called the Western Pennsylvania Hockey League (W.P.H.L.) hadbeen developed, featuring the Bankers, Keystones, Victorias, and Pittsburgh Athletic Club,with all teams playing at the Duquesne Gardens. The players who participated in theW.P.H.L. were of Canadian origins, and the Pittsburgh teams needed to provide someinducement to lure the players to Pennsylvania. The Canadian players were provided jobs,which were supplemented by salaries of fifteen to twenty dollars per week.198 Because of197 Ibid.i9BFitselI, Captains, Colonels & KinQs, 117.86-o > -1 mOD -1DuquesneGardens,Pittsburgh,Pennsylvania(CaDtains,Colonels&KinQs)these practices, the W.P.H.L. was considered to be a semi-professional league during theearly 1900’s.The 1 903-04 season proved to be pivotal for hockey in Pittsburgh. The PortageLakes, utilizing the same techniques that Pittsburgh clubs used to acquire players, offeredmore money and signed some of the best players from the W.P.H.L.. Goaltender Riley Hem,Ernie Westcott, and Bert Morrison were all former Pittsburgh Keystone players, who movedto Houghton at the beginning of the season.199 “Hod” Stuart was also lured away from thePittsburgh Bankers by the Portage Lakes management. Thus, the W.P.H.L. was decimatedfor the 1903-04 season, and the success of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club that year onlyproved that professional hockey would be necessary in Pittsburgh, in order to get the“crack” Canadian players back to Pennsylvania.In the fall of 1 904, the prospects of a new professional league became a reality.Pittsburgh, which had maintained four teams in the W.P.H.L., had lost a number of its betterplayers with the professionalization of the Portage Lakers. Due to the lack of available talent,joining the l.H.L. would allow Pittsburgh fans to continue to witness high-calibre hockeygames, with Pittsburgh represented by one strong club, instead of four weaker semiprofessional teams.The Pittsburgh team management could concentrate solely on the acquisition ofplayers, as the Duquesne Gardens, with its large ice surface, was already suited to hostprofessional games. Also, because the ice was artificial, it allowed players to practice longbefore the opening of the l.H.L. season. Many considered this to be an unfair advantage forthe Pennsylvania team; other teams were forced to wait until winter conditions madepractice possible, and often teams were forced to prepare for the season at localgymnasiums.2001 99Minin Gazette, Jan 9/04, n. pag.200s00 Everiinci News, Nov 14/06, n. pag.88Supporters of the Michigan Soo team felt that the Soo team lost its opportunity towin the League championship in 1 905-06 because of the ability of the Pittsburgh club topractice early. In December of 1905, the Michigan team was able to practice only threetimes before leaving for the season-opening three-game series in Pittsburgh.201 JackLaviolette of the Michigan Soo team later explained that, “when we went to Pittsburgh forthe opening games we were practically without any preliminary work, the ice at the Soo notbeing in condition for practice before we left.”202 The Pittsburgh team, having theopportunity to prepare for the series by practicing at the Duguesne Gardens’ artificial ice,won the first two games before the visitors could find their playing form and win the finalmatch.203 The Michigan Soo team eventually lost the League championship to Houghton, byone game.Competitively, Pittsburgh remained a strong team through the final two years ofI.H.L. operations. This was achieved despite several problems between players and the teammanagement. According to the Pittsburgh Gazette, one of the Pittsburgh players, AllanKent, was released by acting player-manager Arthur Sixsmith, for unspecified reasons.Another of the Pittsburgh players, Billy Baird, who was a friend of Kent’s, quit the team as aresult of Kent’s release. The newspaper reported that “the opinion is prevalent that Kent,who is older, exerted influence over Baird, who is but a youth.”204 The disagreement wassoon resolved, however, as Baird returned to the team,205 and played for Pittsburgh for theremainder of the 1905-06 season.2OiMinin Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag.2025oo Evening News, Mar 1 3/06, n. pag.2O3Mininp Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag.2O4Pittsburgh Gazette, Feb 24/06, n. pag.2O5Mining Gazette, Feb 28/06, n. pag.89The following season, expressed displeasure by Pittsburgh players regarding therefereeing of l.H.L. games eventually led to the release of one of the best players in thel.H.L., “Hod” Stuart.206 Stuart refused to send the team onto the ice during a game againstthe Michigan Soo, in order to demonstarte the team’s displeasure over the choice of refereefor that game. Pittsburgh management, facing a potential fine for forfeiting the game,released Stuart for his act of insubordination. The loss of Stuart to Montreal greatly affectedthe Pittsburgh team, as the departure of players to Canadian teams had not often occurredin the previous seasons. Pittsburgh lost another important player, Billy Baird, on January 22;he signed with the Ottawa team for a reported sixty-five dollar-per-week salary.207To bolster the Pittsburgh roster for the remainder of 1 906-07, the team managementpursued more Canadian players for the remainder of the season. RowJey Young wasrecruited, and paid two hundred dollars for a three game series, at the Duquesne Gardens,against Calumet.208 Young was also retained for the series against Houghton, along withgoaltender Mark Tooze. Regular goaltender Jack Winchester was apparently feuding withteam management, and Tooze might be needed to play. Both Tooze and Young were from anewly-formed Toronto professional team P209It was unfortunate that problems between players and management arose in a citythat supported professional hockey in large numbers. The Duquesne Gardens was almostalways filled to capacity for l.H.L. games, but the distance between Pittsburgh and the otherl.H.L. teams aided in the demise of League operations in the fall of 1 907.206This specific incident will be discussed in a Chapter 4.2O7Minjnp Gazette, Jan 23/07, n. pag.2O8lbid., Feb 20/07, n. pag.2O9Minin Gazette, Mar 5/07, n. pag.90Calumet, MichiganAlso located in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, Calumet was similar in size toHoughton. Living approximately thirty miles from the Houghton-Hancock township,Calumet’s residents relied heavily on the copper mining operations of the Calumet and HeclaCompany. Perhaps civic rivalry in the Copper Country led to Calumet’s interest in joining theInternational Hockey League, as the town’s neighbors in Houghton gained attention throughthe efforts of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club.Prior to the turn of the century, hockey was not an overly popular sport in Calumet,although the first ice rink opened in the Calumet region in nearby Laurium, in approximately1 890.210 After a few years of operations, it was dismantled and replaced by the Park rink,which was in current use at the time the I.H.L. formed.211 Unfortunately, the conditions inthe available rinks were not conducive to the playing of hockey:The games played in the Park and Laurium rinks were not devoid ofinterest, although the players were placed somewhat at a disadvantage bythe presence of the poles in the center. These interfered considerably withcombination plays.2’Obviously, such conditions would not be adequate for play in the new professional hockeyleague. A new arena would need to be constructed, with a large and unobstructed icesurface. Seating capacity would have to be large enough to ensure gates that would supportthe players’ salaries, and, of course, the rink would have to be the better of nearby1-loughton’s rink, the Amphidrome.In November of 1904, local businessmen organized the Laurium Storage andWarehouse Company,213 to prepare for the construction of such a large arena, one thatwould have a seating capacity in excess of thirty-five hundred.214 The new arena contract2lOlbid., Dec 9/06, n. pag.2lilbjd.212lb d., Nov 8/04, n. pag.2l3Coer Country, Nov 28/04, n. pag.2l4Ibid., Nov 8/04, n. pag.91was awarded to Charles A. Anderson, a carpenter contractor, who built the rink with the aidof almost thirty carpenters. The rink would need over thirty train cars of lumber for itsconstruction,215 and upon completion was named the Palestra, defined as a place whereboys are trained, under official direction, in athletics.The Palestra was built directly in front of the Copper Range depot, one-half blockfrom that railway’s station.216 The locale would allow spectators access to the arena fromvarious townships in the Copper Country. The rink itself was much larger than the Park orLaurium rinks; in addition to its large seating capacity, the Palestra’s ice surface was 180 by78 feet.217 The seating capacity was arranged into the following areas:Section Seating Capacity Total capacityReserved seats 1632 4332Gallery 900Back of goals 1000Back of reserved seatsection and other vacantportions of the rink 800While the arena was nearing completion, the Calumet team was busily acquiringplayers. “Hod” Stuart had been already been named Captain and Manager,218 and was alsohired to manage the Palestra.219 Stuart was apparently paid the sum of eighteen hundreddollars for his many duties.220 As team manager, it was his responsibility to seek out theremaining players. One of the first players Stuart pursued was “Paddy” Moran, who wasoffered one hundred dollars a month, in addition to a position as an electrician, but Morandeclined Stuart’s offer.221 Stuart was successful in acquiring the remainder of the club’s2i5Ibjd.2l6Ibid., Dec 14/04, n. pag.2l7bid., Dec 16/04, n. pag.2iBSoo Eveninci News, Oct 10/04, n. pag.219Mininci Gazette, Oct 13/04, n. pag.22Olbid., Jan 10/05, n. pag.22isoo Evening News, Oct 10/04, n. pag.92FOUNDRYPLATE IX‘L-0•0CoCi0Coa)UC0CCuCl)0)C>CuCuI.000)0zCCuC-)a)ECoC-)Cu00)Cu0-a)-C‘4-00.Cua)C)CCO0Ca)93players, and was well respected for his abilities as a player, as well as a manager. Author J.W. Fitsell had this opinion of “Hod” Stuart:If Dr. Gibson made professional hockey possible, Hod Stuart assuredrespectable salaries and playing conditions. ‘He has great influence with [theplayers],’ said a Pittsburgh reporter. He never fails to go before the leagueand fight their bats. He sticks out for a good salary for himself and alsofor other players.’As the first game of the l.H.L. season approached, the Palestra was not yetcompleted, and arrangements were made for the Calumet team to practice at nearbyHoughton.223 By mid-December, the team was able to practice at the new rink. The Palestrawould not be completely finished until January 1, 1905, two weeks into the l.H.L.’s firstseason. A dancing pavilion was to be finished, as well as a steam heating plant to make iteasier for the spectators to endure the cold winter conditions in the seating areas.224Despite the arena’s incomplete state, the grand opening of the rink would be held inconnection with the team’s first League game, on December 16.225In preparation for the season, Calumet played an exhibition game against the localCrescent Hockey Club.226 Interest in hockey was beginning to grow in the Calumettownship, and the Cooer Country Evening News considered what would occur if thepopularity of the sport continued: “it is expected that it will not be necessary to go toCanada for players after a while if Calumet boys take an interest in the sport and perfectthemselves in the intricacies of the great game”.227222Fitsell, Caøtains. Colonels & Kinis, 120.223Coøer Country, Dec 1/04, n. pag.224Mining Gazette, Dec 22/04, n. pag.225Coooer Country, Dec 1 3/04, n. pag.226Coer Country, Dec 14/04, n. pag.227lbid., Nov 12/04, n. pag.94With the guidance of the talented “Hod” Stuart, Calumet emerged as the top team inthe l.H.L. in its inaugural season. One method, used by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, totry to defeat the powerful Calumet club, was to acquire top players from other clubs.The l.H.L. schedule resulted in the completion of Pittsburgh’s twenty-four gamesearlier than the other teams. A rumor then arose that two of Pittsburgh’s players, who hadbeen released at the conclusion of that club’s season, would be signing with the CanadianSoo for the remainder of the Canadian team’s schedule. An official representing theCanadian Soo denied the rumor, claiming that “we believe we can win the four remaininggames with the men we have and so it will be all the more credit to the team.”228 However,the gallant gesture by the Canadian Soo team only provided an opportunity for the PortageLakes Hockey Club, currently in second place in the League standings, to pursue talentedPittsburgh players. Houghton then signed Lorne Campbell, who had led Pittsburgh in scoringwith twenty-nine goals.Despite scoring five goals in four games played, Campbell could not help the PortageLakes overtake Calumet, which won the l.H.L. championship and pennant for the 1904-05season. The final games between the two teams were hard-fought by both clubs. Themisgivings towards the other l.H.L. teams were overlooked by the Calumet townspeople,who held a banquet to honor the local pennant winners. Players were awarded gold medalsfor their efforts, and given the adulation of the town’s hockey fans.229 The team had woneighteen of its twenty-four games, and outscored its l.H.L. opponents 131-75. Calumetteammates Fred Strike and Ken Mallen led the League in goal scoring, with Strike tallyingforty-four, and Mallen finishing second with thirty-seven.230228Soo Eveninci News, Mar 6/05, n. pag.229Coper Country, Mar 2 1/05, n. pag.23OPittsburgh’s Lorne Campbell, playing four extra games with Houghton, had finished with34.95The Calumet Hockey Club - l.H.L. Champions, 1904-05, Front row: Fred Strike and KenMallen; middle row: Robert Scott, Billy Nicholson, and Jimmy Gardner; back row: JosephZiehr (trainer), Charles Thompson (Manager), Reddy McMillan, ‘Hod” Stuart, Lal Earls,Johnson Vivian, Jr.(President) (Coer Country Eveninci News, Feb 13/05)PLATE X96Before the opening of the 1 905-06 season, the pennant that signified the Leaguechampionship of 1 904-05 finally arrived in Calumet. Eighteen feet long, and made of silk,the pennant showed the word “champions”, along with the intertwined flags of the UnitedStates and the Union Jack.231 The pennant would be proudly displayed at the Palestra, tosignify Calumet’s claim to the championship of professional ice hockey.The Calumet team would be hard pressed to repeat as League champions in 1 905-06, due to the increased preparations of the other four teams. In addition, financialconsiderations were also weighing on the decisions of management in Calumet, where asalary dispute had led to “Hod” Stuart’s departure. The Calumet team would also featureseveral new players, as “dissension in the team last season [seemed] to make for the resultthat Gardner, Nicholson, Mallen, and Strike [would] not be back.”232 The team would beoperated by a group of twenty men this year, with hockey matters to be kept separate fromthe Palestra rink’s busines operations.233 However, the efforts of both management and theplayers were in vain, as the team won only four times during the 1 905-06 season.The 1906-07 season opened on December 11, with games played in both Calumetand Pittsburgh. Calumet emerged as an early contender for the League championship,posting three consecutive victories in December. Goaltender Billy Nicholson did not allow agoal in all three games.234 However, despite such a promising start, the over-achieving teambegan losing to the other, more talented l.H.L. clubs; the team managed to win only threetimes in the last twenty-one games of the season, finishing in last place, and, according toMichigan Soo sports writer Frank Cleveland, did not possess an all-star-calibre player on its23iCoer Country, Oct 26/05, n. pag.2321bid., Oct 31/06, n. pag. Nicholson and Mallen would play for the team.233Sult Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag.234Mining Gazette, Dec 29/06, n. pag.97roster. Soon after the season had ended, the Daily Mining Gazette reported that Calumetwas unlikely to enter a team into the League next year:The support given by the public has been wretched. The game hasbeen a losing venture almost from the start [of the season] . . . .The Calumethockey fans refused to see a losing team ly and at some of the gamesthere were less than 500 people present.”However, the play of the team was not the only cause attributed to the decline inattendance at the Palestra. During the course of the season, there were a number of otheractivities in the town during the evening that would attract viewers. An example would be ashow at the local theatre.236 The Conner Country Evening News had also reported thatinterest in the sport of hockey in general, had waned:Good amateur hockey has been noticeably lacking in the coppercountry this winter. With the exception of an occasional game between localteams in the smaller rinks nothing has been done to further the interest ofamateur junior hockey in the county. A Houghton business man announcedearly in the winter that if there was sufficient interest shown he would bringup a cup to represent the upper peninsula high school championship. So far,the trophy has not materialized, because of the lack of interest in high schoolhockey.237The strong start the team enjoyed in its first season, under the direction of “HodTMStuart, may have led to unfair expectations of the Calumet club, which resulted in asignificant decrease in support for the team in its final two years in the l.H.L. Theimportance of Calumet in determining the success of the League, as a whole, will beanalyzed in a later chapter.Houghton, Michigan (The Portaae Lakes Hockey Club)Unlike the other four cities preparing for the opening of the 1904-05 l.H.L. season,the Portage Lakes Hockey Club had far fewer problems to consider. The team had alreadybuilt an arena that was suited for the new professional game, and was already well-versedin the methods of acquiring high-calibre Canadian players.235lbid., Mar 14/07, n. pag.2361bid., Jan 23/07, n. pag.237Coøner Country, Jan 11/07, n. pag.98However, the loss of “Hod” Stuart to Calumet would prove to be a problem, for hewas considered to be one of the best players at his position in the world at that time.Fortunately for the club, “Hod”s brother, Bruce, who had scored a large number of theteam’s goals during the 1903-04 season, returned to Houghton to play center.238 “Hod”Stuart, in an effort to obtain the rights to his brother for the Calumet club, had threatened tofold the Calumet team if Bruce was not released by Houghton, so he could play with hisbrother. Fortunately for Houghton, and the League, “Hod” did not carry out his threat; BruceStuart would play for the Portage Lakes in 1 904O5.239With the winter conditions suitable for ice making not yet present, the Portage Lakesplayers commenced preliminary training for the 1904-05 season in November at theY.M.C.A.24°The players were all working in the Houghton area, to supplement their hockeyincome, which sometimes made it difficult to prepare for the upcoming season. However,this was not seen as a problem by the local newspapers:The fact that with one exception they are all holding positions, hasmade it impossible for them to do any very great amount of preliminarytraining, but as they will have about two weeks before the season opensthey will have plenty of time to get in condition as despite the fact thathockey is a strenuous game i loes not require the rigorous training thatother athletic games compel.The Amphidrome, despite its recent construction, would undergo renovationsthroughout the l.H.L.’s years of operation. In the fall of 1904, a new vestibule was installed,following the removal of the old visitors’ dressing room. A new dressing room would nowbe available for the Houghton players, with the old one used by visiting teams.242 Twoseasons later, a large boiler was installed to heat the new rooms that had been constructedinside the building. As well, alterations were made to the exterior of the rink, in the form of23BMjnirin Gazette, Nov 10/04, n. pag.24Olbpd.24iCoer Country, Nov 30/04, n. pag.242Mining Gazette, Dec 3/04, n. pag.99an electric sign, mounted on the side of the structure, with three-and-one-half foot lettersspelling out the word “Amphidrome”.243Prior to the start of the 1 904-05 season, “Doc” Gibson was named team captain ofthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club, with John T. McNamara as team manager. Gibson was thengiven the title of player-manager, and to lessen his duties with the team, Gibson awardedthe team captaincy to Bruce Stuart.244 As the team readied for the season opener inPittsburgh, Gibson worried about the work habits of his fellow players. Shortly after theseason began, on December 26, he imposed a mandatory fine against those players who didnot attend practices, stating that “any member of the team not appearing at theAmphidrome daily for practice at 4:30 p.m. would be fined $5. One player came under thepenalty for non-appearance yesterday.”245Once the season began, it became obvious to followers of the Houghton team thatthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club would not dominate its opposition as it had in previousyears. A home-and-home series between the Portage Lakes and Calumet resulted in twovictories for the Calumet team, marking the first Portage Lakes loss ever at theAmphidrome.246 The loss also showed Houghton fans the higher level of competition thatthe other l.H.L. teams could provide.In early January, 1 905, a milestone occurred when Houghton travelled across theUpper Peninsula to meet the Canadian Soo. This game would mark first time in three yearsthat the Portage Lakes had been in Canada to play, due in part to the ban placed onHoughton by the O.H.A. Only “Doc” Gibson of Houghton, and Jack Ward of the Canadianteam remained from past seasons when the two clubs had met.247 The small, quick team2431b1d., Nov 8/06, n. pag.2441bid., Nov 30/04, n. pag.245Minin Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag.246Mininp Gazette, Dec 1 8/05, n. pag.2471bjd., Jan 5/05, n. pag.100that the Canadian Soo supported would be a good match with the Portage Lakes team; “theLakes play a game in which they rely upon their speed and stick handling ability, taking thepuck rather than the man as some of the heavy teams do. . . “248However, despite the moderate success of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, itsmanagement decided to seek more players that would help its chances of winning the I.H.L.championship. Because the team remained in the Sault Ste. Marie area following the gamesagainst the Canadian Soo, the management attempted to lure talented players from Canadato come in time for games against the Michigan Soo team. On Thursday, January 9, CharlesLiffiton arrived to play for the Portage Lakes, having played the previous Saturday night withthe Montreal Wanderers of the F.A.H.L., in a game at Ottawa.The Daily Mining Gazette, in an effort to illustrate the calibre of player that Liffitonapparently was, explained the circumstances through which he arrived in Ottawa to play.According to the Mining Gazette, Liffiton had missed the regular train from Montreal toOttawa, which the rest of his team had taken. A special train was chartered by the Montrealclub to ensure that he would arrive in Ottawa, in time for the game, at a cost of onehundred and fourteen dollars. The Mining Gazette’s sports writer reasoned that surely thisplayer was of unparalleled abilities if a team would pay such a large sum to guarantee hisarrival for a single game.249According to the Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Liffiton was the highest paid playerin the l.H.L., during the 1904-05 season.250 He was reportedly paid $1350 for theremainder of the season, to coincide with a high wage-paying position in the Houghtoncommunity.251 The Portage Lakes, in acquiring Liffiton during the season, may have realized248lbid.249Mjning Gazette, Jan 10/05, n. pag.25OSo Evening News, Mar 1 8/05, n. pag.251Mining Gazette, Jan 17/05, n. pag.101that the other strong teams in the League would not allow Houghton to dominate itsopposition as it had in the past. The team therefore needed to acquire players who wereeven better than the ones already under contract, and had to pay far more for this increasein talent. In Calumet, the Coooer Country Evening News noticed the lack of dominationdisplayed by the Houghton team:The Portage Lakes are experiencing some very hard lines in some oftheir games, and the glamour that once surrounded them as masters of theCanadian game is fast leaving them. . . . the team is not the team of a yearago, or else the sensible conclusion must be drawn that they have[encountered] faster and better [competition] this season.2The acquisition of Liffiton did provide immediate assistance to the Portage Lakes; hescored twice to lead the team to a 8-3 victory over the Michigan Soo on January 10. Hispresence would be sorely needed in Houghton’s efforts to outplay the Calumet club, whichwas leading the I.H.L.’s pennant race. Unfortunately for Houghton fans, the team could notcatch the powerful Calumet team, and finished second in the 1904-05 l.H.L. standings.In the fall of 1905, expectations were increased, when it was reported that FredWhitcroft was to arrive to strengthen the Portage Lakes Club,253 but Whitcroft decided notto play for the team. Goalkeeper Riley Hem was named captain of the club, but declined,explaining that the captaincy should belong to a player on the forward line, and Bruce Stuartwas then named in Hem’s place for the 1 905-06 season.254 Thus, under the guidance ofthe experienced and talented Stuart, Houghton fans were reassured that the club would be acontender for the 1905-06 l.H.L. championship.As the season began, Houghton emerged as a favorite to win the Leaguechampionship. Not content with the current roster, the Portage Lakes again tried to improvetheir team by signing a new player, at the rover position. The Daily Mining Gazette reported252Copøer Country, Jan 11/05, n. pag.253Minin Gazette, Nov 2/05, n. pag.254Minin Gazette, Nov 4/05, n. pag.102that the team would add a player who was rumored to be “one of the fastest and highestpriced men in the Dominion.”255 This player was apparently a good friend of Portage Lakesplayer “Grindy” Forrester, and would only play for the organization with which Forresterwas affiliated.256On January 31, 1905, the name of the new player was finally revealed; Fred Taylor,of Listowel, Ontario, would be arriving in Houghton via Portage La Prairie. According to theDaily Mining Gazette, Taylor “was raised with the hockey stick in his hands and skates onhis feet.”257 He had reportedly signed with both the Calumet and Sault Ste Marie, Ontario,clubs earlier in the season, but had failed to report to either club.258 On the first ofFebruary, Taylor finally became a member of an l.H.L. team, when he practiced with thePortage Lakes for the first time. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that Taylor had shownsigns of his talent, and “was proving much better than when he came to the CopperCountry three years ago with the Pirates of Detroit”. To make room for Taylor on theHoughton roster, Walter Forrest was given his release from the club.259On February 6, 1 906, Taylor played in his first l.H.L. game, scoring twice in an 8-2victory over Calumet. Taylor’s efforts were partially overshadowed by teammate Joe Hall,who scored five times.260 The addition of Taylor and other experienced hockey talentensured that Houghton would be a contender for the l.H.L. championship in 1 905-06.The closeness of the championship race increased interest in the three towns whoseclubs had an opportunity to win the pennant. Several proprietors of the Houghtontownship’s hotels and saloons installed private telephones that could receive direct reports255lbicJ., Jan 30/06, n. pag.2561bid.2571bid., Jan 3 1/06, n. pag.25Blbid., Feb 2/05, n. pag.259lbd.26OMjning Gazette, Feb 7/06, n. pag.103from the Amphidrome. Dunn Brothers, of Fifth Street, announced that returns of all futurehockey games, wherever they were played, would be received at that establishment, so thatPortage Lakes Hockey Club followers could be updated on the progress of their team as itplayed in other l.H.L. towns.261On February 21, 1906, the Michigan Soo visited the Portage Lakes, in a game thatwould likely determine the League championship.262 Should there be a tie at the end of theseason, a three-game series would be played between the two tied teams to determine awinner.263 Despite two goals from former Canadian Soo player “Lady Bill” Taylor, thevisitors could not defeat the Portage Lakes at the Amphidrome, losing by a score of 72.264With a win over their closest rival in the pennant race, and only a few gamesremaining in the League schedule, the Portage Lakes seemed likely to win Houghton its firstl.H.L. championship. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that the other clubs were willing tolend players to Calumet, who played the Portage Lakes in the two final League games.Similar to what had occurred in the spring of 1905, when Lorne Campbell of Pittsburghplayed for the Portage Lakes in an effort to defeat Calumet, Campbell joined Calumet late inthe 1905-06 season to try to beat the Houghton team. This would be done in an effort toallow either Pittsburgh or the Michigan Soo to overtake Houghton.265 The Coøoer CountryEvening News also acknowledged the plans of the other clubs, and stated that “it wouldappear from this that all of the teams are against Portage Lake as they seem to be doing allthey can to help the Soos win out.”266 Despite the efforts of the other clubs, Houghton26iCopper Country, Jan 5/06, n. pag.262lbjd., Feb 21/06, n. pag. Both teams were ahead of the other clubs, and, should the twoclubs continue to win their remaining games, the result of the series between the two clubs woulddetermine the l.H.L. champions.263Mining Gazette, Feb 18/06, n. pag.2641bid., Feb 22/06, n. pag.265Mining Gazette, Feb 1 5/06, n. pag. This example of the inappropriate behavior of Leaguemanagers will analysed in greater detail in Chapter 4.266Copoer Country, Feb 1 5/06, n. pag.104won the I.H.L. championship in 1 905-06, finishing one game ahead of the second-placeMichigan Soo club.The following season, the team was again considered a favorite, and, as the 1 906-07 League schedule progressed, Houghton was almost certain to win its second consecutiveLeague championship, with only the Canadian Soo posing a possible threat. The PortageLakes made a number of roster movements in order to ensure another pennant win. Theteam had acquired “Tuff” Bellefeuille from the Kenora Thistles in January, who had left thatteam after a disagreement with management.267 In the same month, the Houghtonmanagement signed “Goldie Cochrane, who was paid six hundred dollars to play theremainder of the season.268 Houghton also obtained the services of Edmund Decarie, whohad been released from Calumet. Houghton, the League-leading team, obviously believedthat Decarie could help the Portage Lakes, despite the fact that Calumet, the worst team inthe League, did not deem him capable of playing.269In Pittsburgh’s final series of the season, Houghton arrived to play at the DuquesneGardens. The Portage Lakes would win all three contests, to become the first team to beatPittsburgh, at home, three times in a series.270 The victories had guaranteed Houghton theLeague championship, and as the Portage Lakes players journeyed back to Houghton fromPittsburgh, fans in the mining town prepared to celebrate the arrival of the team:Following the time honored and laudable custom of last year, all thevarious factories, foundries and establishments which are provided with largeand small whistles are requested to pull the string when the train arrives andto let them blow, long and loud, thus to proclaim to the world at large thatthe Portage Lake hockey team has once more upheld its reputation and hascome victorious out of three hard fought battles.2’1267Minin Gazette, Jan 24/07, n. pag.268Copper Country, Jan 5/07, n. pag.269lbid., Feb 27/07, n. pag.27OMininp Gazette, Mar 10/07, n. pag.271Mininp Gazette, Mar 12/07, n. pag.105The local band, and artillery, who fired off a cannon in celebration, were present for theteam’s return, along with half of the population of the town. The team was later honored atdinner at the Douglass House.272Shortly after the celebrations in Houghton had concluded, many of the PortageLakes players left for Canada. Goaltender Darcy Regan worked as a bartender, while FredTaylor was employed in a musical instrument factory.273 Most of the players were confidentthat they would return to the Copper Country to play during the 1907-08 season, but l.H.L.operations would not continue beyond 1907.The Portage Lakes Hockey Club, in winning the last two International Hockey Leaguechampionships, had regained its position as the dominant team in professional ice hockey.While interest in the sport remained high in Houghton, the town was not given anotheropportunity to show support for a professional hockey club, for, with the folding of thel.H.L., hockey fans in that area would only be able to see amateur games in the future.Potential League Exoansion - 1904-1 907Even prior to the first l.H.L. game, in the fall of 1904, talk of possible Leagueexpansion had been reported in the l.H.L. town newspapers. Although the League did notadd or drop any franchises during its three-year existence - except for the temporarywithdrawal of the Canadian Soo in 1905-06 - the l.H.L. often entertained ideas of expansionto some of the larger U.S. and Canadian cities. Rumors of this were regularly reported bythe local newspapers, who grew weary of grandiose announcements of team additions, andreported that; “this story grows monotonous, however, as it is told every fall, through thewinter, and till late into the summer. It serves to the purpose, however, of killing muchspace in the newspapers of the hockey world.”274272Ibicj., Mar 13/07, n. pag.273lbid., Mar 16/07, n. pag.274Minjrip Gazette, Oct 28/06, n. pag.106One means through which other interested parties entertained ideas of joining thel.H.L. was to watch games played in the Copper Country. Prior to the formation of thel.H.L., groups interested in forming hockey clubs in other U.S. cities had visited Houghton toview hockey, as played by the mighty Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Chicago, which wasconnected to the Upper Peninsula by railway, was a potential professional hockey site fromas early as 1 904. E. S. Averill, general superintendent of the United States Express Co.,visited Houghton in January of that year, to watch the series between the Portage Lakesand the Pittsburgh Athletic Club. Averill had hoped to organize an exhibition game betweenthe Portage lakes, and a Canadian team in Chicago, to determine the amount of spectatorinterest in the sport. 275Chicago persisted as a possible site of the professional game, and, in the fall of1 904, plans were made to introduce the sport there again. Charles Donnelly, secretary ofthe Calumet Athletic Club, of Chicago, was considering bringing Manager Commiskey, ofChicago’s American League Baseball team, and American League President Ban Johnson, toview some of the l.H.L. games that winter. The purpose of the visit would be to determine ifthe two guests were interested in organizing an l.H.L. team in Chicago.276The completion of railway lines throughout the United States had made cities suchas Chicago ideal for the l.H.L.’s executive, when contemplating expansion:The railroads are offering advantageous rates and they extend toMilwaukee and Chicago. Chicago sportsmen interested in the game havepromised to bring up a party of wealthy men who are interested in sport towitness the game with a view of bringing hockey to hicago. The sameholds good of the Milwaukee athletic associations.27In the fall of 1 905, rumors continued regarding l.H.L. expansion to Chicago. Now,rather than having wealthy business magnates organize the team, the l.H.L.’s own “Hod”Stuart was apparently prepared to travel to Illinois to form a team for the 1 906-072751bid., Jan 31104, n. pag.276lbid., Nov 9/04, n. pag.2771bid., Jan 17/05, n. pag.107season.278 The Chicago-Stuart rumor continued into early 1 906, according to the PittsburghGazette. The newspaper also predicted that Buffalo would be a candidate for expansion, andthat the Pittsburgh team would arrange to play exhibition games there to determine faninterest.279 By the conclusion of the 1 905-06 l.H.L. season, however, Stuart was no longerinvolved, and “Pop” Anson, of baseball fame, was rumored to have taken to the sport, andto be organizing an l.H.L. team, in Chicago, for the fall of 1906.280While many of the reports of expansion included U.S. sites, the International HockeyLeague also considered several Canadian cities as possible I.H.L. sites. Montreal, despite itsdistance from the other towns, emerged as a potential League city in 1 905-06. In the springof 1905, several Calumet players who were natives of Montreal were apparently planning toorganize an l.H.L. entry there during the summer.281 Montreal would seem to be an unlikelysite for I.H.L. expansion, despite the more liberal regulations of professionalism there than inother Canadian towns under the jurisdiction of the O.H.A. A.L. Ferguson did not viewMontreal as a feasible site for l.H.L. operations, and was quoted in the Mining Gazette assaying: “Montreal is too far away to become a member of the league. . . It would prove anexpensive proposition to take a team from that part of the country, and I don’t think there isany truth to the story.”282An examination of the newspapers from the five I.H.L. towns indicates that therewere a number of potential I.H.L. cities; the names of Detroit, Toronto, Chicago, St. Paul,Milwaukee, Cleveland, and Duluth would occasionally appear in the sports sections, over theyears of l.H.L. operations, as possible expansion sites. Duluth seemed to be a likely town,2781bid., Dec 2 1/05, n. pag.279PfttsburQh Gazette, Feb 4/06, n. pag.28OSoo Evening News, Mar 1 5/06, n. pag.28iSauft Star, Mar 9/05, n. pag.282Mjning Gazette, Nov 15/04, n. pag.108due to that city’s cold climate and interests in winter sports, but problems arose that wouldnot allow a team to be formed there. In the spring of 1905, five prominent businessmenfrom Duluth had travelled to Calumet, to: “inspect the Palestra for the purpose of gatheringinformation relative to the cost and construction of a skating palace, also to gather any andall information applying to the game of hockey and its players.”283 One year later, anexhibition game between the Portage Lakes and Calumet was organized in Duluth, at thecurling rink located there:Through the courtesy of the Duluth curling rink directors permissionfor the use of the building has been obtained and the only drawback is thataccording to the constitution of the club all the members and their familiesare entitled to free admission on all occasions, so that the earning capacityof the building for the night may not be sufficient to cover the expense ofthe men while at the city.24Thus, a new rink would be needed before a team could be organized in Duluth, andarrangements were finally made for the erection of such a facility in that city in the fall of1 907. The agreement to construct the rink could not be made, as the lack of finances toorganize a team there became apparent.285 However, the problems would becomeirrelevant, when considering expansion, as the I.H.L. ceased operations later that fall.Despite all the reports of visiting business magnates, managers and owners fromother sports in other cities, attendance by representatives at l.H.L. meetings, and theconstruction of new facilities in other cities, no expansion was ever undertaken in thel.H.L.’s brief existence. Typically, each fall, other cities would express interest in theLeague, before seasonal operations had commenced. Reports would usually culminate witha statement by one of the local papers, as evidenced by an example found in the Saultj(Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario):283Coooer Country, Mar 15/05, n. pag.284Mininp Gazette, Mar 19106, n. pag.2B5Cooper Country, Oct 30/07, n. pag.109Until a few weeks ago the indications were bright that Chicago,Duluth, and possibly Minneapolis or St. Paul would affiliate with the league,but as no steps towrds entering have been taken, the prospects are notvery encouraging.28In addition to expansion, each year of l.H.L. operations saw reports of thedismantling of the League, with certain teams to be eliminated, and others to be added. Onesuch report out of Calumet stated that the Canadian Soo, and Pittsburgh, would withdraw,and a new six-team league would be formed, with teams from Duluth, Chicago, St. Paul,Calumet, Houghton, and the Michigan Soo. The League would then be renamed theNorthwestern Hockey League.287Of all the rumored sites of expansion, perhaps the one city that seemed the mostlikely to host l.H.L. play was Toronto. Interest in professional hockey had grown thereduring the three years of l.H.L. operations. Former l.H.L. referee, “Chaucer” Elliott, wasplanning to organize a professional team in Toronto following the 1 905-06 season. PortageLakes player, Walter Forrest, had already signed a contract with Elliott to play there, startingthe following season. A number of Canadian players, not affiliated with the l.H.L., had alsoorganized a professional team for 1905-06, but seemed likely to sign with Elliot&s squadinstead. The former team had ceased operations, because the club could not find manyCanadian teams that were willing to schedule games against them,288 whereas, this wouldnot pose a problem for a professional team that joined the l.H.L.The new Toronto professionals were granted a franchise in the l.H.L. during the fallof 1 906, but would not have a rink prepared in time for the opening of the season;accordingly, the team then vowed to enter a club for the 1907-08 season.289 Certain thatToronto would be entering the League in 1907, “Doc” Gibson wrote to Berlin in the springof that year, offering that town a team. Gibson attempted to generate interest, by explaining2B6Sauft Star, Oct 12/05, n. pag.287Coøei- Country, Feb 6/06, n. pag.28BMininn Gazette, Mar 15106, n. pag.289Coper Country, Nov 1 3/06, n. pag.110that “Toronto is almost sure to come in next year, and Columbus, Ohio, and New York havetheir franchises already, so you can see we are spreading. “290Columbus, another unlikely site, had long since decided to not pursue professionalice hockey. This decision was made in spite of attempts to build an arena and form a team;other sports were too popular, “their experiment with the introduction of roller skatinghaving proved too profitable to drop it even for the winter season, although the ice plant iscompleted.”291When the League ceased operations in December of 1907, the teams and interestedparties who had hoped to enter the l.H.L. no longer had a league to enter. The former l.H.L.players returned to Canada, many to play in the newly-formed Ontario Professional HockeyLeague. Interested groups in Cleveland, Toronto, Boston, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, and Columbuswere already planning to form a professional league, for 1 908. Rosters for these teamswould be filled, as they had in the l.H.L., by Canadian players.292 Perhaps the failures of thel.H.L. and business men from other cities to bring professional hockey to other U.S. siteshad shown that the United States was not yet ready for the professional game, at such anelite level.The Conclusion of l.H.L. OøerationsAs in other years, with the conclusion of the 1906-07 l.H.L. season, the usualdiscussion of the future of the League occurred. However, no indication that the Leaguewould halt operations was given, and, in the fall of 1907, plans began for another year ofprofessional hockey in the l.H.L towns. Thus, the annual I.H.L. meeting for the 1907-08season was planned for late September, 1907. “Holding the meeting earlier than usual [was]29OSault Star, Mar 14/07, n. pag.291So Eveninci News, Nov 14/06, n. pag.292Calumet News, Oct 30/07, n. pag.111to give opportunity for the settling of league membership questions and thus give managersan opportunity to be getting players for their teams early.”293As in past seasons, the potential for expansion meant that the teams to be enteredhad not yet been determined. Toronto was now being considered a legitimate and practicalentry into the League, with professional players being organized there.294 Therefore, aLeague schedule could not be arranged at the meeting.The Michigan Soo’s entry was to contain a number of new players, as Laviolette andPitre, as they had threatened the previous fall, were apparently not willing to return to thel.H.L. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that the two players were making exorbitant salarydemands. Laviolette’s summer business interests had reportedly become so profitable thatonly an outrageously high salary to play hockey would lure him away from his work.295The rumours that Calumet would no longer support professional hockey that hadarisen at the conclusion of the 1906-07 season, were quickly extinguished by the teammanagement, who claimed that interest in the professional game would be revived in thattown for the 1 907-08 season. Only the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was reportedlydisinterested in l.H.L. play.296Bruce Stuart, who had been one of the team’s best players, and had competed inHoughton for all three years that it had entered an l.H.L. team, was not going to report toHoughton. Stuart explained that he was far too busy with business interests that he sharedwith his father, and was unlikely to play for any l.H.L. team during the coming season. TheDaily Mining Gazette, however, suggested that if Stuart “was offered a sum large enough tomake it worth while he would get into the game once more.”297293Mininn Gazette, Sep 26/07, n. pag.2945au1t Star, Sep 26/07, n. pag295Mininp Gazette, Oct 12/07, n. pag.296lbid., Sep 26/07, n. pag.297lbid., Oct 6/07, n. pag.112Problems with the formation of the Houghton team were further complicated byteam manager John T. McNamara’s claim that he was not informed of the approachingLeague meeting in Chicago. McNamara stated that the meeting could not be the l.H.L.’sannual affair, in which case he would surely have been informed.298 The l.I-1.L. executivedid, in fact, consider the Chicago meeting to be the annual one, which was arranged tocoincide with the Shriner’s meeting to be held in the same city, at the same time.299Obviously, Houghton’s potential absence from l.H.L. play was not due to any disinterest inthe sport in that town, but to the desires of the other teams not to have the clubrepresented at the League meeting.The managers of the other clubs determined that a Cleveland team would be likely tojoin the League, as a team from that city would be a valuable addition. According to theDaily Mining Gazette, the withdrawal of Houghton could then be easily offset by theinclusion of a Cleveland club:Cleveland if she gets in, will be another Pittsburgh for the league, asfar as attendance goes. The big towns turns [sic] out big crowds and themore biggwns in the circuit the better for the league from a financial pointof view.’For the same reasons that a Cleveland team was actively pursued by the l.H.L. executive,the League wanted to keep a Pittsburgh team; “the [trips via railways] are long but certainlypay with the crowds that Pittsburgh turns out to the games.”301However, the Chicago meeting included managers from only three cities; Calumet,and the two Soos. Despite the lack of representation, League officers were elected andplans were made to commence operations. Contrary to the opinions of those at the meeting,many felt that the League could not operate without Houghton, or Pittsburgh. Unlike the29Blbid., Sep 27/07, n. pag.299Acting l.H.L. President, James T. Fisher, was a member of the Shriners and hoped toattend both meetings; ibid., Sep 26/07, n. pag.300lbid, Sep 27/07, n. pag.301 Ibid.113Daily Mining Gazette, who felt the future of the l.H.L. lay in big cities that could draw thelarger crowds, the Sault Star (Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario) reported that the future of theLeague was dependent upon Houghton, because without the Portage Lakes, “it would beimpossible to make the league go.”302Unlike past seasons, the success of the Canadian Soo team in 1 906-07 had buoyedinterest in that town. Usually, the Canadian Soo was the last to be admitted to the l.H.L. atthe annual meetings, or became organized only in time for the season’s opening. However,in the fall of 1 907, the team eagerly prepared for the coming year. Roy Brown had returned,and had helped sign quality players Tom Phillips, Si Griffis, and AIf Smith. Some of theseplayers had been acquired as early as September.303 By early November, the Canadian Sooroster was almost complete, with the signing of Hugh Lehman, E. J. Schafer, John Marks,Degray, and Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde. A rumour arose that the former Pittsburgh player,Lorne Campbell, was also to play for the Canadian Soo.304 The acquisition of good players,such as those listed, raised expectations of the team in the Canadian Soo:At the end of the season the Canadians expect to hold both theCorby and Stanley Cups, and this task is practically completed if the teamchosen from the men who have already applied for positions on the team.3With preparations well under way at the two Soos, the League itself had to contendwith the potential teams who, as in past seasons, expressed an interest to become affiliatedwith the professional League. Eddie Roberts, a former Pittsburgh player, reported that thel.H.L. was to expand drastically, and would be divided into two divisions. A northerndivision was to contain teams from Toronto, Houghton, Calumet, Pittsburgh, and the twoSoos, while the other division would include Chicago, Columbus, and another Toronto club.However, Roberts’ report was not feasible, according to the current state of League3O2SauIt Star, Oct 3/07, n. pag.3OMining Gazette, Sep 27/07, n. pag.3O4lbid., Nov 3/07, n. pag.3O5lbid., Oct 6/07, n. pag.114operations. Another League meeting was scheduled for October 1 9, in Marquette, Michigan.Manager McNamara of Houghton would need to be appeased before he would enter histeam into the League again. In addition, Pittsburgh had now officially declined to compete,which left only four towns still interested in entering teams.306The meeting at Marquette was a triumph for the League, in terms of reuniting themanagers of the different teams. McNamara had apparently forgiven the other managers,and League President Michael Kemp predicted that “the managers of each of the four teamscan be expected to all pull together instead of apart as looked quite possible for a time.”307Meanwhile, Pittsburgh was intent on forming another league, and began discussionswith other interested parties in New York, Toronto, Columbus, and Cleveland. Tocompensate for the loss of Pittsburgh, and to return the League to five teams, the l.H.L.executive then looked to Duluth as a possible l.H.L. franchise site. McNamara had received aletter from the Minnesota city, explaining that a new large outdoor rink was underconstruction, and an l.H.L. team was demanded for the coming season.308The League officers that were elected in Chicago were upheld in Marquette, despitethe fact that Houghton representatives had not been present.309 The schedule for thecoming season had yet to be determined, due to the possible addition of Duluth. That citywas now trying to convert an old warehouse into a rink, for there had been no rink since itsCentral rink had been dismantled.310 However, in addition to expansion concerns, theexecutive did decide that more exhibition games would be scheduled with Canadianprofessional clubs.313O6Ibid., Oct 12/07, n. pag.3O7Ibid., Oct 23/07, n. pag.3OBlbid., Oct 23, 24/07, n. pag.3O9Sauft Star, Oct 24/07, n. pag.3iOCalijmet News, Nov 9/07, n. pag.31 Minjnp Gazette, Nov 3/07, n. pag.115Another important decision made at the Marquette meeting was the imposition of asalary limit on teams. The management of the Canadian Soo was upset by this ruling, anddemanded to be exempt from the limit. The team had already signed the majority of itsplayers, before the salary cap was even proposed. The Michigan Soo would also have tomake adjustments; some salaries and contracts would have to be cancelled, and lessexpensive players would need to be sought.312In a surprise move, the ownership of the Michigan Soo team, W. Murdock and A.Ferguson, announced that, due to outside pressures, they would not be involved withprofessional hockey for the coming season. The pair claimed to retain the franchise, and theoptions which they held on the players that had been signed, but did state that they wouldallow any other interested parties to take over the team’s operations, and enter the club intothe l.H.L. •313 The reasons for the sudden announcement were given by each of the men inthe Daily Mmmci Gazette. Ferguson stated that:Our business interests furnish the principal reason for ourabandoning the proposition. Neither of us can afford to spend the time awayfrom our business necessary for looking after a hockey team. Murdock willbe away a great deal this winter, which will have it so that he could not givethe matter as much attention as heretofore and I, myself, cannot give it thepersonal attention that I have given it other seasons, because of thedemands of my business.314Murdock explained that professional hockey would not necessarily be absent fromthe Michigan Soo. The team could continue, if others were willing to be responsible foroperations:3i2SauIt Star, Nov 7/07, n. pag.3iMining Gazette, Nov 6/07, n. pag.116There are a number of others who in times past have expressed adesire to take hold of the matter by securing our franchise, and it is verypossible that some of those people will be ready to undertake the venturenow. If they are still willing we will give them every possible encouragementin so far as turning matters over to them is concerned. I will probably attendevery good ockey game that is pulled off in the Soo when I amhere. • 31Regardless of the availability of other parties interested in assuming managementresponsibilities with the Michigan Soo team, the l.H.L. appeared unlikely to operate for the1 907-08 season. The l.H.L. executive determined that League operations would only ceasefor the current season; the l.H.L. would not disband, only postpone operations for the year.The Calumet News reported that:The magnates of the several teams are of the opinion that none ofthe towns in the league would furnish the attendance that would warrantsuch an expenditure and it may be decided within a few days to dropprofessional hockey for this season.316However, the League had not informed all its members of this decision; JohnMcNamara had been in Duluth, and upon return to Houghton, was informed by LeagueSecretary Laughton that professional hockey would no longer operate in the CopperCountry.317 Following the announcement, McNamara notified the Portage Lakes players,Regan, Taylor, Forrester, Cochrane, and Decorie, that they had been released. At theMarquette meeting, the League executive, in anticipation of a possible cessation ofoperations, agreed that players who had already signed with teams would remain theproperty of those clubs when the League later resumed play.318The announcement was not well received by many in Houghton County; “the hockeygames throughout the winter seasons have been one of the principal sources of recreationand relief from the monotony of the long winters up here and the public will miss the gamessorely.”319 Meanwhile, the Calumet News had anticipated the demise of the I.H.L., and had31 5IbId.3i6Calumet News, Nov 5/07, n. pag.317Mininn Gazette, Nov 8/07, n. pag.3lBIbicJ., Nov 10/07, n. pag.3i9Caljjmet News, Nov 9/07, n. pag.117earlier reported that an amateur league would be organized to replace the professionalone.320The loss of the l.H.L. was not unanimously mourned by inhabitants of all Leaguetowns; other sports and events could now enjoy greater exposure. In the Michigan Soo,“many persons interested in curling believe that without professional hockey this game willassume an unusual importance here and already many ideas are being advanced relative toplans for the winter.”321 In addition, local theatres would enjoy greater attendance levelsnow that professional hockey had ceased. The Calumet News predicted that many new localtalent attractions would be offered in the Michigan Soo.322The I.H.L. executive’s claim that professional hockey operations had only beenpostponed in the five League towns would not prove correct. The International HockeyLeague, as named, would not resume operations. A number of different reasons can beattributed to this, which will be addressed in detail in Chapter 4.The Influence of Selected IndividualsThroughout the three seasons of International Hockey League operation, severalindividuals contributed to the formation and success of the League and its teams.Unfortunately, information is not readily available for some of these, as many who wereinvolved with the operations of the l.H.L. did not necessarily continue their involvement withthe sport. However, through an analysis of the information collected for this study, it hasbecome apparent that a number of those involved with the League, in both playing andadministrative capacities, have emerged clearly as individuals who had a profound effect onthe success of the League. Therefore, it is important to identify the following players andadministrators, and their contributions to the l.H.L., and, where possible, to the sport of ice32Olbid., Nov 5/07, n. pag.32llbid., Nov 8/07, n. pag.322lbid., Nov 6/07, n. pag.118hockey. In addition, biographical information and other significant data will be provided,where the author has been able to obtain additional material regarding these importantcontributors.AdministratorsThe fact that professional ice hockey arrived in the International Hockey Leaguetowns was a tribute to the efforts of a few entrepreneurs who wanted to offer an alternativeform of amusement for the inhabitants of those small, industry-oriented communities. Not allof the organizers of the International Hockey League teams had been hockey enthusiastsprior to their affiliation with the l.H.L.; many were simply prominent citizens in their townswho had both the means and the desire to introduce the sport at a professional level.Regardless of past experiences with the sport, the administrators, owners, andmanagers were forced to become astute business operators, in addition to beingknowledgeable hockey directors. For many, the commitment to organizing the Leaguebecame a full-time occupation, and their duties would exceed that of financiers orentrepreneurs, even to the point of acting as “missionaries [sent] through the countrylooking for hockey timber.”323 Unfortunately for some, including A. Ferguson and W.Murdock of the Michigan Soo, the duties became too great a burden for their connectionwith the League to continue. Thus, the entrepreneurs who originally had the funds and timeto bring the l.H.L. to their towns were forced to sever ties with the League for the samereasons they were able to affiliate with it: success and commitment in other local businessventures.Perhaps the most prominent reason why hockey was able to develop so quickly innorthern Michigan was the boom in the copper industry that coincided with Leagueoperations. The Marquette Mining Journal once described Houghton County as “the richestcopper region in the world. . . . [a] haven for the miner and a land of promise for the323Soo Evening News, Oct 14104, n. pag.119capitalist.”324 Another factor that led to the appearance of entrepreneurs and businessinvestors was the attitude of the monopolistic mining companies toward business. Despitethe fact that companies such as the Calumet and Hecla employed most of the County’sworkers, the mining companies disapproved of company owned and operated stores, thusallowing other private business interests to prosper.325James R. Dee. One prominent Houghton citizen, James R. Dee, made a significantcontribution to the formation of the first professional hockey team, the Portage LakesHockey Club, and ultimately to the International Hockey League. Dee was not familiar withthe sport until the turn of the century, but was instrumental in organizing the Houghtonteam, and in ensuring the club’s competitive and financial success.One of Dee’s most crucial contributions to professional hockey was the formation ofthe Houghton Amphidrome Co., which built and operated the rink that hosted Portage LakesHockey Club matches. The reputation that the Amphidrome held at that time was a tributeto Dee’s efforts, as the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette reported that “outside of Pittsburgh,New York and Brooklyn, there is not a rink or hockey business in the United States run onas high a scale as the Amphidrome.”326 In addition to his duties as president of that stockcompany, Dee also acted as President of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and aided in thesigning of Canadian players who came to the Copper Country to try the professional game.324Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet ConDer and People: History of a Michirian Mining Community1864-1970 (Chicago: n.p., 1974), 66.326Minin Gazette, Jan 10/04, n. pag.120It was also “Jimmy” Dee who first wrote to Pittsburgh in Decemberof 1 903, suggesting the formation of a professional league. His affiliationwith the l.H.L. only began there, as he became the first Secretary andTreasurer of the League, and was responsible for the League’s scheduling.Despite his duties with the League as a whole, Dee remained an ardentsupporter of the Houghton team. At the conclusion of the 1 904-05 season,Calumet had been crowned champions of the l.H.L.’s inaugural season.However, Dee felt that the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was in fact thesuperior team. To show his appreciation, Dee sent the following message toteam captain Bruce Stuart:“Dear Sir: Enclosed herewith please find my check for $100, which I takepleasure in handing you with the request that you divide it up equally amongthe members of your Portage Lake team, the best team in the league. Yoursvery truly, James R. Dee.”327Along with the award to the team, Dee also presented the retiring “Doc” Gibson with adiamond ring for his services with the Portage Lakes.328Unfortunately, at the beginning of the 1905-06 season Dee’s other businessinterests forced him to resign from the positions of Secretary and Treasurer of the l.H.L.:It takes more time and trouble than may be imagined, and it will notbe convenient for me to give it the attention that it deserves during thecoming winter. I was anxious to get the league organized and started on asuccessful and permanent basis, so we could look forward to one of the bestwinter sports ever introduced in this section of the country. Now that it is ago I wish to have some one in our company who can levote the time to itand who can keep in closer touch with the business.3However, Dee did not relinquish his duties as President of the Amphidrome Co., andremained active in l.H.L. affairs throughout the three years of League operations, albeit in areduced administrative capacity.Edwin S. “Chaucer” Elliott. Although “Chaucer” Elliott’s involvement with the InternationalHockey League was arguably not in an administrative capacity, his efforts and influencemust be recognized. Appointed as an official referee of the League for the 1 905-06 season,Elliott’s work in the League, and his views of its operations, were widely respected byfollowers of hockey in both Canada and the United States.327Coooer Country, Mar 16/05, n. pag.329Minin Gazette, Oct 22/05, n. pag.121a)EdwinS.“Chaucer”Elliott(HockeyHallofFame)b)JamesR.Dee(Captains,Colonels&Kings)> H m ><Born in Kingston in 1 879, Elliott gained his nickname because of a school projectwhere he was required to recite the life and works of Geoffrey Chaucer.330 Excelling inmany sports as a youth, he attended Queen’s University, where he captained both thehockey and the rugby football teams.331 Eventually, Elliott began refereeing hockey, wherehe became so proficient that he little time to play the sport itself.332A talented baseball player, Elliott was banned by the Ontario Rugby Football Union in1902 for playing baseball professionally,333 affording him more opportunity to referee andcoach. His reputation as a capable hockey referee in Canada led International Hockey Leagueexecutives to seek out his services following the 1 904-05 season. “Elliott made friends andheld them with a magnetic personality. As a referee, he enjoyed the complete confidence ofthe players, and as a result was always in great demand.”334Elliott’s arrival in the International Hockey League signalled that the Leagueinterested in signing not only the best players available, but also the most qualified andproficient referees. However, Elliott, along with most followers of hockey in Eastern Canada,was under the impression that the l.H.L. was a violent League known for its rough play.Elliott was dispelled of this notion, during his time as an official I.H.L. referee:I have had no more trouble in this league than I used to have in the O.H.A.The executive of the International Hockey league comprise a bunch of good,shrewd business men - the best people in the towns they represent. Theyare fair-minded men, who are looking for nothing but fair play and protectionfor the players . . . . All the instructions I have ever received from theExecutive is to make the players produce clean hockey.335330Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag.33Pittsburcih Gazette, Mar 1/06, n. pag.332SauIt Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag.333Pittsburgh Gazette, Mar 1/06, n. pag.334Diamond, 23.3355au1t Star, Feb 8/06, n. pag.123Elliott refereed twenty-seven I.H.L. games in 1905-06, and, following the conclusionof the hockey season, reported to New York to play catcher for a baseball team there.336The 1905-06 season would be the only year Elliott would referee in the l.H.L., as he choseto remain in Canada the following winter. A list of the l.H.L. referees, the number of gamesthey officiated, and the seasons in which they worked can be found in Appendix M.Elliott had commenced his career as a referee in 1 903, but tragically, he died ofcancer on March 13, 1913. Despite only being involved with the l.H.L. for one season,Elliott provided consistent refereeing for the League, a problem which will be discussed inChapter 4. Although brief, his ten-year career as a referee was so brilliant that his effortsearned him a position in the Hockey Hall of Fame.Dr. John L.”Doc” Gibson. The most influential of all those involved with the creation ofprofessional ice hockey in northern Michigan, Gibson excelled as an organizer, teammanager, referee, and player throughout the years of l.H.L. operations. It was Gibson’sactions both on the ice and in organizing the Portage Lakes Hockey Club that earned him thetitle of “Father of Hockey” in Michigan,338 and a berth in the Hockey Hall of Fame, in theBuilder’s category.Born on September 10, 1 879, Gibson developed his athletic skills in the Berlin-Waterloo area. He played or competed in most sports, and by the time he had matured, heweighed 217 pounds and could run one hundred yards in eleven seconds.339 A biographicalrecord of prominent citizens in Houghton County claimed that “he [excelled] in every line ofathletics, and [had] a drawer full of medals won in rowing, swimming, skating and3365oo Evening News, Mar 22/06, n. pag.337Diamonci, 23.338Rice, “A Record Hard to Beat”, 93.Hero of Sports Era. .124running.”340 Eventually, Gibson settled in northern Michigan to practice dentistry. Thecircumstances through which Gibson arrived were explained by the Houghton Daily MiningGazette:After his graduation from the dental college four years ago he set out to finda live town that had never heard of hockey so that he could practice hisprofession and get out of the game for good. But as soon as he struckHoughton he started the game, with the result that Houghton is the hockeycenter of the United States . •Gibson quickly immersed himself in all aspects of Houghton community life,becoming a member of the Knights of Pythias, Fraternal Order of Eagles, and Benevolentand Protective Order of Elks. He also belonged to Company G, Third Regiment, HoughtonLight Infantry, of the Michigan National Guards.342 In addition to his social affiliations,Gibson actively pursued many other sports and pastimes. He played football, as both kickerand back, for the Houghton football team in games held at the Hancock driving park,343 aswell as serving as captain of the Houghton team in the Houghton County BowlingLeague,3and acting as that league’s official scorer.345Because of his active participation in many of the town’s organizations and affairs,as well as his position as a dentist, Gibson was already prominent socially prior to theformation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. His influence upon the team only heightenedhis position in the Houghton community.Following the organization of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Gibson became one ofthe most talented players on the team, even after Canadian players began to arrive to play340Biopraphical Record, 344.341Mining Gazette, Mar 26/04, n. pag.342Biociraohical Record, 345.343Mininp Gazette, Nov 3/01, n. pag.344lbid., Nov 22/03, n. pag.345lbid., Dec 14/02, n. pag.125professionally. Despite his imposing physical size, Gibson had a reputation as a gentlemanlyplayer, and played three seasons before he was awarded a penalty during a match.346 Bythe time the first professional team had been organized in 1 903-04, Gibson had attained aninternational reputation as an athlete and administrator. In 1 904, Gibson received a writtenoffer from an old acquaintance to relocate in Johannesburg, South Africa, to operate ahockey team to be organized there.347Following a successful season in the l.H.L. in 1904-05, as both player and managerof the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Gibson was recognized as an all-star at the pointposition.348 Despite his obvious success as a player in the League, Gibson decided to retirefrom active play. James R. Dee then presented Gibson with a diamond ring, and made thefollowing announcement:A number of your friends who are admirers of the game takepleasure in presenting to you the package which accompanies this in tokenof their appreciation of your efforts in introducing the game in thiscommunity and in bringing it to its present high standing and repute, bothhere and in elsewhere in the United States.We regret your contemplated retirement from active participation inthe sport and wish you all success in your future life. On behalf of thesubscribers, yours very truly, James R. Dee.349Although Dee’s announcement seemed to predict that Gibson would no longer beaffiliated with the l.H.L., Gibson would continue to be involved in capacities other thanplaying. The following season, Gibson, along with “Chaucer” Elliott, was appointed as anofficial l.H.L. referee. While maintaining his dental practice, Gibson managed to officiate intwenty-one League games. In 1906-07, Gibson relinquished his refereeing duties to return346Minin Gazette, Jan 26/04, n. pag.347lbid., Mar 3/04, n. pag.348Appendix G contains all-star teams as selected by various sources throughout the threeyears of I.H.L. operations.349Coooer Country, Mar 16/05, n. pag.126briefly as a player. The Portage Lakes were having difficulty in signing players, and Gibsonplayed in two games to start the season before the team’s roster could be completed.350Following the demise of the l.H.L., Gibson relocated to Republic, Michigan, and thenlater moved to Calgary, Alberta.351 He would be elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame in1 976, in addition to election in the Halls of Fame in Houghton, Michigan, and WaterlooCounty, as well as the United States Hockey Hall of Fame.352 Despite his return to Canada,Gibson’s influence remained in Houghton, as seen in 1939, when a trophy given to thechampion of the Northern Michigan and Wisconsin Hockey league was awarded in hisname.353Dr. John L. Gibson continued his dental practice in Calgary until his retirement in1 950. He passed away on October 7, 1 955. His exploits in the community of Houghton atthe turn of the century had a profound effect on the development of professional ice hockeyin North America, and his achievements have been recognized by his election to the HockeyHall of Fame.John T. McNamara. Another prominent figure in the development of professional ice hockeywas John T. McNamara. McNamara, like Gibson, was a Canadian who had subsequentlymoved to the Houghton area. McNamara’s efforts helped the Portage Lakes Hockey Clubremain one of the more competitive teams in the l.H.L through all three years of Leagueoperations.Born in Seaforth, Ontario, McNamara arrived from Brandon, Manitoba, to assumethe position of Sheriff of Houghton County.354 “A fine tall figure of a man with a big,350See Appendix N for a complete list of all players, their games played, and goal totals.35Fitsell, “Tribute”, n. pag.352Roger J. Proule, personal letter.353Fitsell, “Tribute”, n. pag.354Coooer Country, Mar 9/07, n. pag.127drooping moustache,”355 he also assumed a prominent role in the Houghton community.Along with his position as manager of the Amphidrome, and later Secretary-treasurer of thel.H.L., he acted as secretary for both the Houghton County Agricultural Society, and theCopper Country Poultry and Pet Stock Association.356John T. McNamara was one of several men who helped operate the InternationalHockey League. Each town was dependent upon similar people who were willing to devotetheirs efforts to ensuring that the League could function. While the other managers,administrators, and trainers have not been mentioned, their labours had a direct effect onthe success of the League as a whole.Imoortant PlayersDespite the fact that the League operated for three full seasons, and included fiveteams, only ninety-seven men played hockey in International Hockey League games.357 Ofthose players, several had a major impact upon the League, and the sport of ice hockey. Infact, thirteen skaters who played in the League have been elected to the Hockey Hall ofFame, along with two l.H.L. goaltenders and referee “Chaucer” Elliott. Nine of the playerselected to the Hockey Hall of Fame, along with seven others, made contributions to thesport and the League significant enough to merit inclusion in this section. Unfortunately,little information is known about some of these players, but their efforts will be noted withas much detail as the limited data permits.Of the eighty-nine men who did not play the goalkeeper position, thirty-six remainedwith the League for two or more seasons. However, thirty-five other players played tengames or less in the l.H.L. This would indicate that there was a high turnover for several355Whitehead, 42.356Soo EveninQ News, Jan 24/07, n. pag.357Eighty-nine were skaters, and eight were goal keepers.128positions on the rosters, usually due to clubs trying to improve their line-ups, and keepsalaries low. As shown by the large percentage of returning players, once a position hadbeen won by a player, he tended to return to the League to pursue his professional hockeycareer. Another reason for the high number of returning players would be that these playerswould be unable to resume amateur careers in Canada, and therefore had little option but tocontinue playing in the l.H.L.The author has determined that sixteen l.H.L. players had an impact significantenough upon the League and the sport to warrant individual attention. Although most ofthese players distinguished themselves through lasting and outstanding service to theLeague, a few had short and, in some cases, unwanted effects upon l.H.L. affairs. Eachplayer will be recognized individually, and, where information limitations permit, abackground of the athlete’s life outside of the l.H.L. will be given.Roy Brown. Roy Brown played the point position for the Canadian Soo hockey team in1 904-05, and 1906-07. A standout lacrosse player from Brantford, he had experienced thewrath of the amateur-governing associations in both sports. In the fall of 1 905, Brown wassuspended by the Canadian Lacrosse Association, for playing Sunday lacrosse inChicago.358Brown’s ability to play defense earned him recognition as an all-star in both seasonshe played in the l.H.L, and, in 1908, following the demise of the League, he was quicklysigned by Brantford of the newly-formed Ontario Professional Hockey Association.359Perhaps the greatest praise that Brown received during his tenure with the InternationalLeague was given by A. W. Dunn, a Montreal commercial traveller, who visited the Soo inMarch of 1 905. After watching the Canadian Soo team play twice, he gave the followingcomment to a Sault Ste. Marie Eveninci News correspondent: “I have seen all the big games358Sault Star, Oct 19/05, n. pag.359CoIeman. 776.129in Canada play this season excepting Ottawa, but including the Montreal teams, RatPortage, Brandon, Winnipeg and others, and the best point player I have ever seen is RoyBrown.”360Lorne Cami,bell. Lorne Campbell merits significant consideration as the most dominantplayer in the l.H.L.’s brief existence. Unfortunately, little is known about this talentedathlete, other than what can be drawn from the accounts of the International Hockey Leaguematches found in the l.H.L. town newspapers. He finished among the top three goal scorersin the League in all three seasons, and completed his three seasons in the l.H.L. as theLeague leader in both career-games played and career-goals scored. Campbell was alsonamed to all-star teams in both 1 905-06 and 1 906-07.As discussed earlier in this chapter, Campbell’s talent was so sought after that intwo years he signed with another I.H.L. team, following the conclusion of his season withPittsburgh. After playing all twenty-four of Pittsburgh’s games in 1904-05, Campbell signedwith the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, a team that was trailing the then-League-leadingCalumet club, led by “Hod” Stuart. The following season, he was joined by Stuart, by thattime a teammate in Pittsburgh, in an effort to help the Calumet team defeat the PortageLakes.As in to the previous season, the 1905-06 Pittsburgh team had finished its seasonearlier than the remaining three clubs. The team had played the Canadian Soo six timesbefore the Canadians had disbanded, and therefore had been able to play all twenty-four oftheir scheduled games. Lorne Campbell again led the team in goals, scoring thirty-two times.It was reported in the Daily Mining Gazette that he, along with the famed “Hod” Stuart,would play for the Calumets in the final series against Houghton.3613605oo Evenina News, Mar 8/05, n. pag.36lMininp Gazette, Mar 4/06, n. pag.130The two players were unable to reach the Copper Country in time for the firstmatch, which resulted in a 7-1 victory for the Portage Lakes.362 Stuart and Campbell didarrive for the next game, on March 10, to be held at the Palestra. Stuart was quoted in theDaily Mining Gazette as saying “we will surely be at the Palestra tonight, unless the train isblockaded. We are going to get even for all the season too.”363Because Stuart was suffering from the effects of an earlier injury, he was unable tomake a significant contribution during the game. Campbell, however, scored three timesagainst the Portage Lakes, but could not help the Calumet team win. Houghtori won thegame, 10-5, and the League championship, by one game, over the Michigan Soo.364Campbell, along with “Hod” Stuart, was considered to be one of the two bestplayers in the l.H.L., and perhaps of all the hockey players of that time period. The PJiMining Gazette reported that both Stuart and Campbell were “two of the greatest hockeygenerals in the game [at that time].”365 Unfortunately, because Campbell was never electedto the Hockey Hall of Fame, little has been written about him.Before the 1906-07 l.H.L. season had commenced, Manager Boon of the Montrealclub was rumored to be interested in signing Campbell. However, Campbell was reportedlycontent in Pittsburgh, and enjoyed the occupation he had secured outside of his hockeyduties in that city.366 Therefore, he was not interested in leaving Pennsylvania, and finishedhis International Hockey League career in Pittsburgh. When it became apparent that l.H.L.operations would not continue the following winter, Campbell signed with Winnipeg of theManitoba Hockey League, to play the 1907-08 season, where he led that league in scoring36lbd., March 10/06, n. pag.364lb1d., Mar 11/06, n. pag.365Minina Gazette, Mar 4/06, n. pag.366Mining Gazette, Nov 30/06, n. pag.131with thirty goals in only fifteen matches.367 The author contends that more information onthis talented hockey player needs to be collected, and, upon subsequent evaluation,Campbell deserves consideration as a member of the Hockey Hall of Fame.James Henry “Jimmy” Gardner. James Gardner played three seasons in the InternationalHockey League: two seasons for Calumet, and one with Pittsburgh in 1 906-07. While notscoring as prolifically as some of the other recognized players, Gardner provided aconsistent, determined effort at the forward position for any of the teams that he played for,and was selected as an l.H.L. all-star following the 1 904-05 season.Gardner was born on May 21, 1881, in Montreal, where he learned the sport ofhockey alongside another legend of that period, “Dickie” Boon. Success in hockey arrivedquickly for Gardner as he played for the 1902 Stanley Cup winners, the Montreal A.A.A.’s“Little Men of Iron”.368 Following the demise of the l.H.L., he was again on a Stanley Cup-winning team, with the 1910 Montreal Wanderers club.369 After finishing his career as aplayer, Gardner became a referee, where he eventually became an official for WesternCanada Hockey League games. He died in Montreal, on November 7, 1940. Twenty-twoyears after his death, Gardner was elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame.Joe Hall. Joe Hall played only one season in the I.H.L., but the impact he made upon theLeague during his year with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club in 1905-06 warrantsacknowledgment. Although his abilities as a hockey player have gained him fame, and aplace Hockey’s Hall of Fame, it was his aptitude for drawing the ire of both the Leagueexecutive and his opponents on the ice that gave Hall notoriety in the I.H.L.367CoIeman, 688.368”Player Biographies” (Toronto: Hockey Hall of Fame, unpublished, n.d.), n. pag.132Regardless of the questionable means through which Hall played the sport, he washighly successful during his year as a member of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Playingtwenty games, he scored thirty-three times, leading the Houghton team, and finishing thirdin League goal scoring. His efforts also earned him an all-star selection at the right wingposition.Despite an outstanding playing record, Hall drew attention for other activities thatoccurred during the course of the season. One incident involved suspension from the Leaguedue to his behavior during one game. This will be discussed in Chapter 4, as thecircumstances that resulted in the suspension, and the means through which the t.H.L.officers attempted to confront Hall’s alleged behavior, reflected on the Executive’s capacityto operate the League.Hall’s exploits outside of his brief experience in the l.H.L. are worthy of note. Hewas born in Staffordshire, England, on May 3, 1 882. After moving to Canada at the age oftwo, Hall began playing ice hockey in 1 897.° He signed with Winnipeg of the M.H.L. in1904, and was chosen to the All-Canadian team by the O.H.A. for his efforts in Winnipegduring the 1 904-05 season.371 Following his year in Houghton, Hall travelled to Quebec toplay for that city’s E.C.A.H.A. team, and he later returned to Manitoba, to play forBrandon.372 During his seasons in Quebec, Hall was fined and suspended for attackingreferee Tom Melville, and he later developed several feuds, with such talented players as“Newsy” Lalonde.373Eventually becoming the property of the Montreal Canadiens, Hall continued his Hallof Fame career through 1919, when his team made the Stanley Cup finals. That series was370w Player Biographies”371 Mining Gazette, Nov 2/05, n. pag.372Coleman, 600.373Coleman, 599.133PLATE XIIJoe Hall (Hockey Hall of Fame)134to be played in Seattle, against that city’s P.C.H.A. team. During the fifth game of theseries, played on March 30, Hall became ill and had to retire from the match. Thechampionship was abandoned when it was learned that Hall, along with several teammates,had contracted influenza, a world-wide epidemic of that period. Hall died a few days later,while receiving treatment at a local hospital.374“Riley” Hem. William Milton “Riley” Hem was born in St. Mary’s, Ontario, on December 5,1 He played forward for London’s intermediate team during his early playing career,and later became affiliated with the movement toward professionalism, when he switched tothe goalkeeper position, and played for the Pittsburgh Keystones of the semi-professionalWestern Pennsylvania Hockey League.376 However, when the Portage Lakes Hockey Clubbegan organizing a professional team in 1903, Hem was among the first to sign with theclub, for no other reason than the higher salary he was to receive for playing there.377 Thatseason his team won twenty-three of twenty-five games, and he allowed an average of only1 .96 goals per game, shutting out his team’s opponents five times.When the l.H.L. was formed the next season, he remained in Houghton, to help thePortage Lakes Hockey Club try to win the new League’s inaugural championship. Despiteleading the l.H.L. in shutouts, and being selected as a League all-star, Hem could not helpthe team win the championship. However, he led the Portage Lakes Hockey Club to theLeague title the following season, before deciding to return to Canada to resume his career.In the fall of 1 906, he signed with the Montreal Wanderers, leaving Houghton, his team ofthe last three seasons, to play in the E.C.A.H.A. The Wanderers eventually signed Hem as a374CoIeman, 600.375”Player Biographies”376Mining Gazette, Nov 10/03, n. pag.377GIobe and Mail, Nov 16/03, n. pag.135professional,378 where he helped them win three Stanley Cup championships. Hem retiredin 1911, and was later inducted into the Hockey Hall of Fame.379J. “Chief” Jones. As in the case of Lorne Campbell, it is unfortunate that there is so littleinformation available regarding “Chief” Jones, a player who had such a significant effect onthe I.l-l.L.; even the first name of this great goalkeeper was not revealed. Jones played hisentire l.H.L. career with the Michigan Soo team, and had played in that city prior to theformation of the League. Jones had signed with the Michigan Soo team as an allegedprofessional, for the 1903-04 season. His ability and playing stlye immediately gained himthe attention of many Michigan hockey supporters. For instance, in a game played inFebruary of 1 904, Jones decided to take the puck himself, and attempt to score against thePortage Lakes Hockey Club. His efforts did not amuse the opposition, as “Doc” Gibson ofHoughton knocked Jones forcibly to the ice before the Michigan Soo goaltender could getclose enough to the Portage Lakes’ goal.38°Despite such unorthodox playing practices, Jones was selected as an l.H.L all-star inboth the 1904-05 and 1 905-06 seasons. His play during 1905-06 was particularlynoteworthy, as he allowed only 2.6 goals per game, almost one full goal less per game thanany other l.H.L goalkeeper. Jones also had two shutouts during that season, tieingPittsburgh’s Jack Winchester for the League lead in that statistical area.Following his three seasons for the Michigan Soo club, Jones signed with Cobalt ofthe National Hockey Association, where he played goal for the 1910-11 season. After onlyone year with that club, his playing rights were acquired by Waterloo of the O.P.H.L, wherehe finished his professional career.381378Coleman, 132.379lbid., 766.380Mininp Gazette, Feb 18/04, n. pag.38Coleman, 767.136Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde. The International Hockey League provided “Newsy” Lalondewith an opportunity to commence one of the most celebrated and successful careers of anyCanadian athlete, in any time period. Throughout the first two decades of the twentiethcentury, Lalonde dominated both ice hockey and lacrosse, and although only nineteen yearsof age when signing with the Canadian Soo hockey team in 1 907, Lalonde immediatelybecame one of the League’s most talented and boisterous players.Lalonde was born in Cornwall, Ontario, on October 31, 1887. An outstandingathlete as a youth, he became a goalkeeper in lacrosse, for the local Cornwall Colts club,382before his abilities as a goal scorer emerged and he was switched to the inside homeposition. His talents were already evident in hockey, where he began his career with theCornwall team of the F.A.H.L.,383 and before he had reached the age of twenty, hisreputation had reached managers of the l.H.L. teams.In 1 906-07, the Canadian Soo’s l.H.L. club was experiencing greater competitivesuccess than it had during the l.H.L.’s first two seasons. The acquisition of new talentwould only help the team’s chances of winning its first League championship. A newspaperreport then noted that “Newsy” Lalonde was to arrive in the Soo on January 3, 1907, bytrain, from Cornwall. Lalonde was “said to be very fast and possessed of an abundance ofnerve.”384 When Lalonde arrived, he was not expected to play, until an injury to CanadianSoo rover Marty Walsh forced Lalonde into the lineup. The long trip did not affect Lalonde’splay significantly; he scored twice to lead the Soo to a 3-1 victory over the visiting Calumetteam.385382The Ottawa Citizen, July 31/05, n. pag.383Coleman, 604.384Soo Evening News, Jan 3/07, n. pag.3851bid., Jan 4/07, n. pag.137Though not yet twenty years of age, Lalonde had already established himself in bothice hockey and lacrosse. His reputation for “nerve” was tested in the violent professionalleagues; while in the l.H.L., he would also continue rivalries that had started in his lacrossegames. In a series against Pittsburgh, Lalonde renewed a feud that he had started inlacrosse with a Pittsburgh player, Horace Gaul. Gaul had played the inside home position forthe Ottawa lacrosse team, and he and Lalonde had met when Lalonde had been theCornwall goalkeeper. During an I.H.L. hockey series, the two had engaged in fisticuffs, inaddition to receiving frequent penalties for altercations with one another.386Despite his young age, and penchant for incurring the wrath of opponents and thereferee, Lalonde managed to score twenty-six goals in eighteen games for the CanadianSoo, during the 1906-07 season. The following season, Lalonde signed with Toronto of theO.P.H.L.387 He would lead that league in goal scoring, and throughout the remainder of hishockey career, would lead the N.H.A., P.C.H.A., and W.C.H.L. in goal scoring in variousseasons .388In addition to his scoring exploits, Lalonde was “frequently referred to in the eastand west as the greatest player in the game. He had a fiery temper and was an outstandingleader.”389 He would score in excess of 450 goals during his hockey career, and, as CharlesColeman explained following an extensive review of newspapers from the early decades ofthe twentieth century, “more has been written about this athlete, both in praise and abuse,than possibly any other.”3903B6SauIt Star, Feb 7/07, n. pag.387Coleman, 611.388ibid., 611-612.3891bid., 795.390lbid., 609.138C)CDa)Edouard“Newsy”Lalonde(HockeyHallofFame)b)“Jack”Laviolette(HockeyHallofFame)I > —1 m xLalonde was inducted into the Hockey Hall of Fame, and was also voted the bestlacrosse player of the first half of the twentieth century.391 Perhaps his greatest praisecame from Charles Coleman, who chose Lalonde for an all-star team selected from all thehockey players who had competed through 1 926. Lalonde was selected as the best rover ofthat era, over other notable players such as Fred “Cyclone” Taylor and Mickey Mackay.392Jean Bantiste “Jack” Laviolette. Laviolette was one of several prominent athletes whoplayed three full seasons in the International Hockey League. Born in Belleville, Ontario, onJuly 27, 1 879, Laviolette later moved to Valleyfield, Quebec. He played his amateur hockeywith Overlands, and the Canadian Pacific Telegraphs hockey teams.393 In 1 903-04,Laviolette played his first senior-level hockey with the Nationals of the C.A.H.L.,394 beforesigning with the Michigan Soo for the 1 904-05 season. While in Valleyfield, Laviolette alsobegan what would become a successful lacrosse career, and befriended Didier Pitre, whojoined Laviolette in the Michigan Soo for the l.H.L.’s inaugural season.Although Laviolette did not score as many goals as many of the other renownedl.H.L. players, he was considered to be one of the best players in the League in all threeseasons he played in the l.H.L. He was selected as an all-star player during each season;also, in naming an all-star team for the 1 906-07 season, Frank Cleveland, sports editor forthe Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, proclaimed Laviolette as the League’s best player at anypositionLaviolette’s importance to the Michigan Soo team was demonstrated prior to theopening of the 1906-07 season, when the team, having finished the previous season391 Vancouver News-Herald, Sep 23/50, n. pag.392CoIeman, 795.393”Player Biographies”394Coleman, 612.3955oo Eveninn News, Mar 1 8/07, n. pag.140strongly and almost winning the League championship, began operations in the fall of 1906with a significant roster problem. Two of the team’s best players, Laviolette, and Pitre, bothof whom would be later named to the Hockey Hall of Fame, were doubtful to report to theteam. The Sault Star reported that the close friendship between the two men meant that ifone were to be lost to another team, then the other would leave as well; “they havereceived very flattering offers from a new professional club, which is being organized inMontreal. Wherever one plays, the other will go, too, as they have played hockey togetherfor years, and will not separate”.396 Fortunately for the Michigan Soo club, Laviolette andPitre did return for the 1 906-07 season, although the team could not win the Leaguechampionship.Following his years in the l.H.L., Laviolette assisted in the formation of the MontrealCanadiens team, aided by the financial support of T.C. Hare, and J. Ambrose O’Brien.397Laviolette would be reunited with Pitre with the Canadiens, who also gained the services of“Newsy” Lalonde. Laviolette eventually retired from play at the conclusion of the 1 917-18season, and, despite losing a foot in an accident in the summer of 1918, managed to refereehockey games afterwards. He was elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame in 1 962.Ken Mallen. Kenny Mallen began his hockey career in 1 903-04, with both Cornwall and theWanderers teams of the F.A.H.L. A great stickhandler and a fast skater,398 Mallen was oneof the best players in the International Hockey League during the 1 904-05 season. Playingrover for the championship-winning Calumet team, Mallen scored thirty-seven goals intwenty-four games, finishing second in League goal scoring behind teammate Fred Strike.For his outstanding play in 1904-05, Mallen was selected as the all-star at the rover positionon all three all-star teams that were selected.396Sauft Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag.397 ‘Player Biographies”398Coleman, 615.141The International Hockey League was known for the violence that occurred duringLeague games, and it is unfortunate that such rough tactics led to Ken Mallen leaving theCalumet team shortly after the start of the 1905-06 season. Because of his small stature,and his exceptional playing skills, Mallen was a target of physical abuse by the players ofopposing teams. After enduring several injuries due to such practices, Mallen decided toleave the League. The Conoer Country Evening News explained the reason for Mallen’sdeparture:If hockey was played as it should be Mallen would still be in the game, butwhen deliberate attempts are made to him irrespective of whether theinjuries would be permanent or not, he [Mallen] states it is high time toquit.399Mallen did return to play for Calumet one month later, but only due to an injury incurred bya teammate. However, he agreed to remain with the club, and served as a spare for theremainder of the season.400Mallen returned to Calumet for the 1 906-07 season, but only managed to playeleven times during the twenty-four game season. He then signed with Morrisburg of theE.C.A.H.A., and would continue to change teams throughout the remainder of his playingcareer. He would eventually play for eleven different teams in five leagues over thirteenseasons. Despite the fact that l.H.L. teams could not compete for the Stanley Cup, Mallenwould help win the trophy in 1915, while playing for the Vancouver club in the P.C.H.A.1Didier Pitre. Didier Pitre was born in Valleyfield, Quebec, on September 1, 1 883. A largeman, weighing in excess of two hundred pounds, Pitre was a fast skater who began hishockey career in 1 903-04 with the Nationals of the F.A.H.L.402 After starting the 1 904-05399Coooer Country, Dec 27/05, n. pag.400Minin Gazette, Jan 28/06, n. pag.401Coleman, 615.402”Player Biographies”142season with the Nationals of the C.A.H.L., Pitre was approached by his close friend, JackLaviolette, who had recently signed with the Michigan Soo of the newly-formed l.H.L.The circumstances through which Pitre left the Nationals to report to the MichiganSoo were the subject of excited reports in the l.H.L. town newspapers. According to theMining Gazette, the Nationals, fearing that Pitre would leave the club, tried to keep Pitre outof sight while Laviolette was in Montreal. Laviolette did find Pitre, and after makingnecessary negotiations, the two men arranged to meet at the train station, to travel to theMichigan Soo. However, upon arriving at the station, Laviolette found the manager anddirectors of the Nationals, who asked Jack if he was taking Pitre with him to the Soo.Laviolette responded that he was, but as the train arrived, Pitre had still not reached thestation. Laviolette was given no choice but to board the train, while being loudly ridiculed bythe Nationals management. As the train departed, with Laviolette on board, he quicklydropped off the train on the opposite side of the platform which the Nationals managementwere standing, and walked past the round house, without being seen.After searching Montreal for two more days, Laviolette finally located Pitre,whereupon the Nationals’ player was signed. In order to avoid further confrontation with theNationals management, who desperately wanted to retain the services of Pitre, Laviolettehid Pitre in the basement of the Montreal train station until the train arrived, and then put hisfriend on the sleeper car, and inferred that the man on board (Pitre) was suffering frominfluenza. No one recognized Pitre, and the two hockey players were able to reach theMichigan Soo undetected.403Upon arrival to the Soo, Pitre provided immediate help to the Michigan Soo club,scoring eleven times in thirteen games during the 1904-05 season. Despite playing in onlyeleven games, Pitre was named as an all-star in 1 904-05. The following season, playing afull season with the club, Pitre led the Michigan Soo and the l.H.L. in goals, scoring thirty403Mininn Gazette, Jan 25/05, n. pag.143six times. He was named an all-star in both the 1905-06 and 1906-07 seasons, playing forthe Michigan Soo in both years. Although Pitre played in only fifty-eight games over threeseasons in the l.H.L., only Billy Taylor and Lorne Campbell would score more career goals inthe League.Pitre’s prolific goal totals, in both the l.H.L. and other leagues, can be attributed tohis abilities to skate, and to shoot the puck. Charles Coleman explained that “there weremany players over the years who were rated as possessing a hard and accurate shot. It isdoubtful if any player was better qualified than Didier Pitre in this regard.”404 In addition, itwas the skating style of Pitre, along with teammate Laviolette - both of whom later playedfor the Montreal Canadiens - that led sports writers to describe that team as the “FlyingFrenchmen” 405Pitre joined “Newsy” Lalonde and Laviolette on a forward line with the Canadiens,who helped the team win the Stanley Cup in 1 916.406 Pitre continued to play for theCanadiens through 1923, but had trouble maintaining acceptable levels of fitness in his lateryears with the Montreal team.407 However, despite the weight problem, Coleman selectedPitre as an all-star finalist at the forward position. Coleman justified his choice by explainingthat, “inclined to run overweight, he had to be occasionally disciplined to get him in shapebut when in form he was a star. A great scorer he was popular with the fans and closed hiscareer with an outstanding performance in the 1923 playoffs.”408 He was elected to theHockey Hall of Fame in 1962.404CoIeman, 636.405”Player Biographies”406Coleman, 637.4071bid.408Ibid., 801.144C C) CD (I) 0 C) CD I 0 -4, -n 3 CD-u-1 m xC CD -I -ti -‘ CD x 0 C•) CD I 0 -.4,11 3 CD(5IBruce Stuart. Both Bruce and his older brother, “Hod”, had a profound effect upon l.H.L.operations during their affiliation with the League. While both men enjoyed success in thesport outside of the l.H.L, their efforts in the first professional League maintained orheightened their reputations as hockey legends.Bruce was born in Ottawa in 1 882, where he began his hockey career with theSenators in 1 898. Following two seasons with Ottawa, he played for Quebec in 1900-01,another C.A.H.L. team, and then returned to Ottawa for one more season.9 In the fall of1 902, Stuart travelled to Pittsburgh to play for the Victorias of the W.P.H.L. He signedprofessionally with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club for the 1903-04 season, where heplayed alongside his older brother. After the formation of the l.H.L., Stuart remained inHoughton to play for the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and finished three strong seasons withthat team, winning two league championships. Stuart’s ability to help his team winchampionships continued throughout his career, until his retirement in 1910-11. Over aneight-year period between the 1903-04 and the 1 910-11 season, Stuart helped his teamswin a U.S. championship, two l.H.L. championships, and played for three Stanley Cupwinning clubs.In terms of individual accomplishments, Stuart was a consistent scoring threatthroughout his career, finishing among the top ten scorers in the International HockeyLeague in all three seasons, and was selected to an all-star team for the 1 905-06 season.He would play for the Montreal Wanderers and later the Ottawa Senators, until hisretirement from active play.Stuart was also able to maintain a good salary for his services, due not only to hisathletic attributes, but also to his success in business which gave him bargaining powerwhen he needed to negotiate a new contract. Stuart’s father operated a large contractingbusiness, in which Bruce would assist during the summer months. However, the business409Colemari, 755.146sometimes required his services during the course of the hockey season, and on oneoccasion, late in the 1 904-5 season, it was rumored that Stuart asked for his release fromthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club in order to help his father with a large building contract inNova Scotia.410 Stuart denied the rumor, but management was aware that Bruce couldalways pursue other interests should he feel that he was not earning enough money fromplaying professional hockey. However, Stuart did continue to play hockey, and “developedinto an all-round forward, capable of playing any of the positions, although he excelled as arover.”41 1 Stuart died on October 28, 1961, the same year he was inducted into theHockey Hall of Fame.William Hodason “Hod” Stuart. “Hod” Stuart must be considered one of the most talentedand certainly the most influential player that appeared in the International Hockey League.His play, actions and comments greatly affected the operation of the League in all threeyears of its existence. He has been described as one of hockey’s first great defence men,and should be considered one of the best defence players of all time.412Stuart was born in 1 879, and began his career alongside his brother Bruce, with theOttawa Senators during the 1898-99 season. He went with his brother to the QuebecBulldogs two years later, where he played two seasons for that C.A.H.L. team.413 Hemoved to Pittsburgh late in 1 902, where he joined an old Ottawa teammate, ArthurSixsmith, secretary to Andrew W. Mellon, a bank manager who later became U.S. Secretaryof the Treasury. The hockey team was appropriately named “Bankers”.414410Minin Gazette, Feb 8/05, n. pag.411“Player Biographies”412Dan Diamond and Joseph Romain, Hockey Hall of Fame: The Official History of the Gameand its Greatest Stars (Toronto: Doubleday, 1988), 55.413Coleman, 755.414Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 117.147Following a season in Pittsburgh, Stuart signed with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club,rejoining brother Bruce; however after the formation of the I.H.L. the following season,Stuart left Houghton to play for nearby Calumet, and also to manage the newly built Palestraice arena. He helped the Calumet team win the inaugural League championship, but did notreturn to the club the following season, because, despite his talent, his violent activities onthe ice were scrutinized by both the League and local newspapers:‘Hod’ Stuart, captain of the team last winter, and who, outside of his roughtactics, is considered one of the best players who has ever stepped on ice,has been debarred from the International league, and the indications are hewill quit the game for good. Stuart last season plainly evidenced his grudgeagainst Portage Lake, and throughout the entire season was bitterlycondemned for his rough and brutal tactics.415With his unwarranted banishment by League officials, Stuart reportedly signed on tocoach the hockey team at Yale University in 19O506.416 After rumours arose that he wouldbe signing with Pittsburgh, “Hod” acknowledged that he had in fact been banned, andwould not participate in l.H.L. games for the 1905-06 season.417 Meanwhile, the sportswriters in Pittsburgh, sensing that Stuart might sign with the local team, were outraged bythe League’s decision to not allow him to play:Those managers of the west [the other l.H.L. teams] who have put theIndian sign on Hod Stuart must have had some old score to settle or weretrying to keep back the progress of hockey in this country. Stuart isuniversally acknowledged one of the greatest players in the United States, ifnot the best, not alone on account of his playing, but his executive ability aswell.418Perhaps realizing what the loss of Stuart would mean to l.l-l.L. profitability, Leagueofficials began discussing Stuart’s reinstatement in the latter half of December, 1905,419415Sault Star, Oct 12/05, n. pag. The grudge was likely caused by the Portage Lakes HockeyClub management’s refusal to allow Bruce Stuart to leave Houghton to play with “Hod” in Calumet, as“Hod” had asked prior to the start of the season.416Minin Gazette, Oct 20/05, n. pag.417Cooer Country, Dec 11/05, n. pag.418Pittsburcih Gazette, Dec 21/05,2.419lbici., Dec 18/05, n. pag.148and on December 30, it was announced that he was allowed back into the League.420Stuart subsequently signed with the Pittsburgh team, and claimed that he did not return toCalumet because the club was attempting to cut players’ salaries.421 With the addition ofStuart in the line-up, Pittsburgh improved its record from eight wins the previous season, tofifteen in twenty-four games in 1905-06. However, the team could not overtake the PortageLakes Hockey Club, who won their first of two consecutive League championships.In the fall of 1906, talk of Stuart’s return to Canada began to appear in thenewspapers. According to reports, Stuart wanted to leave Pittsburgh and join the MontrealWanderers. “Dickie Boon, manager of the Wanderers, had apparently given Stuart acontract that would make him the highest paid player in hockey, an offer that Pittsburghmanager MacSwiggan could not match.422 However, Stuart did arrive in Pittsburgh, andprepared to begin the 1 906-07 season.Shortly after the season began, rumours again arose of Stuart’s imminent departurefrom Pittsburgh. Nevertheless, the Pittsburgh Press received confirmation from Stuart thathe did not intend to do so, due to contractual commitments in Pittsburgh. Said Stuart:I am not an unprincipled man. Of course, I am always out to be therefinancially, if I can, but I have signed a contract to captain and play forPittsburgh this winter, and I expect to remain here for the remainder of theseason. I think the Pittsburgh team has bright prospects of capturing theInternational pennant, and I want to be in on the glory. I have a very warmfeeling in my heart for Montreal and I would rather be playing with theWanderers than any other team. I have received an offer to play with them,but I can’t see my way clear to do so, in view of my contract with managerMacSwiggan of this city.423420Mininq Gazette, Dec 30/05, n. pag.42’Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 120.422Mining Gazette, Nov 30/06, n. pag.423Coooer Country, Dec 20/06, 10.149Although Stuart seemed resigned to finish the season in Pittsburgh, an incident occurredduring a game on December 27, 1906, when the Pittsburgh team was to play the MichiganSoo club, that led to his abrupt departure. Pittsburgh players, in protest of the choice ofreferee for the match, refused to go onto the ice. The game was subsequently awarded tothe Michigan Soo, but the incident led to much criticism of the League, its handling ofreferees, and the Pittsburgh team itself.424 Following the game, it was revealed that “Hod”Stuart had been the instigator of the game boycott, and the Pittsburgh team immediatelyreleased him. The reason given by management was Stuart’s refusal to play against theMichigan Soo, but Stuart was already prepared to join the Montreal Wanderers hockeyclub.425 Stuart had been paid four hundred dollars to this point of the season, but longed toreturn to Canada to play.426 Manager McSwiggan of Pittsburgh was furious with thebehavior of Stuart: “well, we will not have any more trouble with his whims and kicks fromnow on. We have treated Mr. Stuart with great courtesy all through, and this is the way herepays us. He is simply a contract-breaker.”427Stuart immediately departed for Montreal, where six thousand spectators watchedhis debut with the Wanderers against the Montreal Victorias.428 Finishing the season withthe Wanderers, Stuart helped that team win the Stanley Cup. Despite the victory, Stuartclaimed to have little enthusiasm about returning to play hockey the following season.429Unfortunately, Stuart would not be able to decide his own future, as he died onJune 23, 1907, in a swimming accident. While diving from a lighthouse into shallow water,424These problems will be analysed in greater detail in Chapter 4.425Minina Gazette, Dec 28/06, n. pag.426Soo Evening News, Jan 9/07, n. pag.427lbid., Jan 5/07, n. pag.428Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 121.429lbid150Stuart struck his head on rocks, fracturing his skull, and was killed instantly. “Hockey Fansmourned the loss of ‘the king of hockey.’ Said one Montrealer; ‘His reputation as a playerthroughout Canada and the northern States was greater than that of any living player.”430In two full seasons in the I.H.L., “Hod” Stuart had been listed on every all-star teamthat was named: the three chosen in 1904-05, and two in 1 905-06. “Chaucer” Elliott, whosaw Stuart play for Pittsburgh while he refereed l.H.L. games, considered Stuart to be thegreatest hockey player in the world.431 The Mmmci Gazette reported in early 1 905 that“Stuart is in hockey what Jim Jefferies is in the prize ring, the greatest of them all.”432Stuart was one the most dominant players through the early years of the twentiethcentury, and he attained this through talent, and intimidation. In 1 907, sports writer John R.Brady reported that “Stuart reigned for a couple of seasons king of the hockey world. Duringall this time he had most of his opponents scared to death, and he won many games by hispersonal prowess alone.”433 Regardless of the means through which Stuart played thegame, he remained one of the best players until his untimely death in 1907. Although heonly played for a few years, in 1945 Stuart was among the first players elected to theHockey Hall of Fame.Fred Taylor. Fred Taylor is perhaps the most acclaimed player of hockey’s early decades.He was born on June 23, 1 884 in Tara, Ontario.434 Shortly before he turned seven years ofage, his family relocated in nearby Listowel, where he began playing hockey, soccer, andlacrosse for local teams.435 At the age of eighteen, Taylor was invited to play in an430lbid., 123.43SauIt Star, Mar 29/06, n. pag.432Mmninq Gazette, Jan 8/05, n. pag.4338oo Eveninci News, Jan 30/07, n. pag.434Whiteheaci, 8.435Ibid., 14.151PLATE XVa) “Hod” Stuart (Hockey Hall of Fame) b) Fred Taylor (Hockey Hall of Fame)152exhibition series in Houghton, Michigan, along with former Listowel teammates who wereattending school in the U.S.6In the fall of 1905, Taylor reportedly signed with the Canadian Soo, and was toreport to the team during the winter to try out for the professional club.437 According toother reports, Taylor had also signed with the Calumet team,438 but as the 1905-06 l.H.L.season began, Taylor was not affiliated with any I.H.L. club. At that time, he was in PortageLa Prairie, and later decided to try the professional game. In January of 1 905, Taylor wassigned by John T. McNamara, whose Portage Lakes Hockey Club was in need of a versatileplayer.439Although playing in only six games through the remainder of the 1 905-06 season,Taylor scored eleven times to aid the Houghton team to its first l.l-l.L. championship.Despite his participation in only a few games, Taylor played so well that he was recognizedas a League all-star for 1 905-06. The following year, he returned to Houghton, where hescored fourteen goals in twenty-three games, helping the team to repeat as Leaguechampions.Taylor’s seasons in the l.H.L. were only the beginning of a long and successfulplaying career. In 1 908 he joined Ottawa, where, in 1 909, along with Houghton teammateBruce Stuart, he would help the team win the Stanley Cup. In 1 910, he signed with thefamed Renfrew “Millionaires”, before travelling west to play in the newly-formedP.C.H.A.44°While in Vancouver, Taylor participated on his second Stanley Cup-winningteam in 1915, and led the P.C.H.A. in goal scoring twice before retiring in 1923.441436lbjd., 31.437Sault Star. Nov 2/05, n. pag.438Minin Gazette, Feb 2/06, n. pag.439Whitehead, 39.440CoIeman, 662.441 Ibid.153Although he was an accomplished goal-scorer, it was Taylor’s playing style thatbrought him his fame. His reputation for speed and daring on the ice, while with Ottawa,gave him the nickname “Cyclone”, which stayed with him throughout an outstandingplaying career.442 An entertaining account of Taylor’s life is found in Eric Whitehead’s bookCyclone Taylor - A Hockey Lecjend.443William “Lady Bill” (Billy) Taylor. Taylor was another little-known athlete whose exploits inthe International Hockey League deserve recognition. One of the fastest444 and mosttalented players to play in the League, he finished fourth in goal scoring in 1 904-05 and ledthe League in that category for the 1906-07 season, with forty-three goals in twenty-fourmatches. Following his three seasons in the I.H.L., Taylor was second in career scoring withninety-two goals, behind Lorne Campbell, despite the fact that Taylor had played in fifteenfewer games. Former l.H.L. player Charles McClurg once stated that Taylor “was thegreatest stickhandler in that galaxy of stars”.445After starting his career in the l.H.L. with the Canadian Soo, Taylor played a portionof the 1 905-06 season with the Michigan Soo, following the Canadian Soo’s decision tostop hockey operations. However, when the Canadian Soo re-entered the League in 1906-07, Taylor returned to play for the l.H.L.’s Ontario team.After the 1906-07 season, Taylor signed with Brantford of the O.P.H.L., where hescored twenty-seven goals in only twelve games. The following season he played for boththe St.Kitts and Berlin clubs of the O.P.H.L.446 Despite the fact that Taylor’s career has only442Coleman, 661.443Whitehead.444Minin Gazette, Jan 3/05, n. pag.445MacDougaII, “McClurg was Versatile”, in The Hockey Book, edited by Bill Roche (Toronto:McCleIIand and Stewart, 1953), 19-20.446CoIeman, 756.154been documented through the discussed seasons, his talent should earn him considerationfor a position in the Hockey Hall of Fame.Jack Ward. Ward was a highly-skilled player who began his hockey career in the CanadianSoo. His early playing experiences included exhibition games against the Portage LakesHockey Club, several years before the formation of the l.H.L.447 When the AlgonquinHockey Club was formed during the 1 903-04 season, Ward, a left winger, was named teamcaptain.448Despite obvious success as an amateur in the Canadian Soo, when that townentered an l.H.L. team, it was not known whether Ward could compete against the otherplayers. Several newspapers, including the Copper Country Evening News, reported thatWard was too small, in both height and weight, to play in the professional League.449 TheHoughton Daily Mining Gazette recognized Ward’s talent, but only considered him asubstitute player; “Ward’s handicap is his lack of weight. Otherwise he is as fast and clevera player as in the league, while even at that many are of the belief that he is capable ofdoing as good work as any.”450Ward joined the team as a regular player shortly after the season had begun, and,despite his diminutive stature, scored eleven times in twenty-two matches. He returned tothe team in 1 905-06, but following the team’s demise, decided not to play for the CanadianSoo in 1 906-07. Instead, Ward signed with the rival Michigan Soo club, where he finishedthird in League goal scoring with thirty-four in twenty-three games.447Mining Gazette, Jan 5/05, n. pag.Jan 2/04.449Coooer Country, Oct 30/05, n. pag.450Mininçi Gazette, Nov 4/05, n. pag.155Ward’s small stature did not, as predicted, stop him from enjoying a successfulcareer as a professional in the l.H.L. He scored a goal in almost every game he played, andwas thought to be “perhaps the most popular player that ever wore a Soo uniform”, prior tothe commencement of l.H.L. play.451Jack Winchester. The final player to be recognized in this chapter is Jack Winchester,goalkeeper for the Pittsburgh team. He joined the club during the 1904-05 season, as areplacement for goalkeeper McKay, and played to the conclusion of 1 906-07. He tied for theLeague lead in shutouts in both 1 904-05 and 1905-06, and allowed the lowest average ofgoals-per-game during the 1906-07 season. For his efforts, Winchester was named an allstar in 1 904-05 and 1 906-07, and finished his l.H.L career as the League’s leader inshutouts through three seasons. Following the demise of the League, Winchester was ableto play three more seasons of hockey in Canada. In 1 908, he signed with Winnipeg, beforecompleting his career in 1910, with both an independent Edmonton team and theShamrocks of the N.H.A.452451Mining Gazette, Dec 19/04, n. pag.452Coleman, 774.156CHAPTER IVAN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUEThe International Hockey League operated for only three years, beginning with the1 904-05 season. There is little evidence in the literature to suggest that sufficient reasonshave been determined for the League’s demise in 1 907. This chapter will analyze therelationships between the I.H.L. and its communities, spectators, players, andadministrators. In addition, this study has determined a number of reasons that can beattributed to the success or failure of the League, in terms of its popularity, financialstability, managerial competence, and other activities that had an impact on Leagueoperations.Impact on Host TownsWith the exception of Pittsburgh, a city with a large population base, the l.H.L.towns were smaller, industry-oriented communities. Sport was a welcome diversion fromthe work day, whether in a spectator or participative capacity, particularly in the UpperPeninsula of Michigan, where many of that region’s inhabitants worked for the large miningcompanies.Houghton, shortly after the beginning of the twentieth century, “was a bustling,wide-open town known as a great Saturday night fun place for miners who prefer topatronize something other than art museums or the opera house.”1 As these townspeopleattempted to find alternate means of entertainment, an increased awareness of hockey hadbegun, with the formation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Interest in the sport quickly1Whitehead, 40.157grew in the Houghton region, and, as “Doc” Gibson explained, hockey had many qualitiesthat endeared itself to the locals:It has much to commend it to public favor, with its requirements ofswiftness, grace, dash, and adroitness . . . . Every facility is kept alert andthe demands on the brain as well as on the nerves and sinews, are constant.Strategy and daring, ingenuity and nimbleness are requisites for success.The zest of it, the snap of it, the rapid changes, the ever varyingscenes and incidents, the clash of honorable rivalry, the breathless rushes,the sudden turns and curves, the friendly battles of young men, trained anddisciplined, all in earnest, all full of the best impulses, the flashing,fascinating contests of hockey are certain to bring together large multitudesof gratified enthusiasts and zealously applauding spectators each season.2Following the formation of the l.H.L., communities were now able to watch thesport, and perhaps indulge in the spectacle so colorfully described by Gibson. Through thethree years of l.H.L. operations, the League did have an effect on those inhabitants whosetowns were able to host professional hockey, and, in addition to providing entertainment tothe locals, affected business and social behavior in the respective communities.SpectatorsAs in most other areas of the United States, spectator sport had emerged as aprincipal source of entertainment for residents of the l.H.L towns. Thus, sport became aprominent component of community life:The American citizen with time on his hands and money to spend isalso free to choose what he shall do with both. The answer as to why hehas singled out sports for the attention he has may be an unconscioustribute to the part such activities play in the successful functioning of theculture.3Therefore, in the small l.H.L. towns with little other diversions, hockey became a meansthrough which the locals could integrate their various social and ethnic backgrounds.Gunther Luschen noticed this occurrence, and explained that:2Mininn Gazette, Dec 17/02, n. pag.3Cozens and Stumpf, Spectator Sports”, 284.158It is obvious in spectator sports where the whole community identifies withits representatives in a contest. Thus, sport functions as a means ofintegration, not only for the participants, but also for the representedmembers of such a system.4This would be particularly important in the Copper Country towns, where many differentethnic peoples worked together in the mines. In 1903, in addition to the Cooer CountryEvening News, the township of Calumet alone circulated eight different foreign-languagenewspapers, with five published in Finnish.5With townspeople uniting to support local teams, the l.H.L. enjoyed significantspectator support, despite its low population bases, and the relative unfamiliarity of thesport in some of the towns. In Calumet, where organized hockey was in its infancy, thelocal newspaper reported that the game was popular because its rules were simple tofollow, and the game was much more exciting to watch than the traditional games offootball and baseball.6Therefore, many in Calumet attended games, even though theircomprehension of the sport was rudimentary.7Despite the varied knowledge of the game, crowds usually filled the different rinks tocapacity for l.H.L. matches. The Pittsburgh team, and its fans, were nicknamed “CoalHeavers” by the other spectators,8and, similarly, those in the Soo were nicknamed “LockCity Men”, and in the Copper Country called “Miners”.9Hockey enthusiasts in the differentcommunities also met to organize cheers, and devise other ways of supporting theirrespective teams.4Luschen, “lnterdependence, 292.5Thurner, 21.6Coooer Country, Dec 2/04, n. pag.7See Appendix P for an interesting account of a hockey game at the Palestra, written by aCalumet farmer, Si Plunkins.8Mininp Gazette, Dec 8/05, n. pag.9Soo Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag.159Inevitably, gambling became a common element in l.H.L. games, as civic pride andalleged hockey knowledge became the subject of disputes among spectators. Gruneau andWhitson considered gambling to be an important part of the spectator experience:Any sporting competition that ended with a clear-cut winner or loser.provided opportunities for spectators to participate vicariously in the dramaof competitive struggle. People could invest their emotions in the contest toa point where they could worry about the threat of loss and anticipate thejoys of victory. . . . A financial wager on the outcome elevated the risk andthe excitement to an even higher level.10Thus, the outcome of many l.H.L. games affected the spectators in more ways thansimple civic pride. During one game between Calumet and the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, aman wagered two thousand dollars on a Houghton victory. The Copper Country EveninciNews estimated that for that game alone, total wagers exceeded ten thousand dollars.11The gambling that occurred at l.H.L. rinks was looked upon disapprovingly by Leagueofficials. While the League would be happy to have the games providing entertainment forthe spectators, the outcomes of games weighed too heavily on fans who gambled on them.James R. Dee tried to discourage the gambling, as he explained that “losers of bets areusually the ones who find the most fault with the referees and umpires and create more orless general bad feeling instead of friendly rivalry.”12The spectators would also provide additional unwanted behavior, throughout theyears of l.H.L. operations. As discussed in Chapter 3, fans in Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan,often entered the rink illegally to watch games, and some vandalized the arena facility.However, despite the presence of a few unwanted incidents, spectator support in the I.H.L.towns should not be considered unruly, or significantly different from fans who watchedsimilar games in Canada.10Gruneau and Whitson, 56.1 Coooer Country, Jan 23/05, n. pag.2MininQ Gazette, Jan 19/05, n. pag.160This is evidenced in Fred Taylor’s recollections of his playing days in the l.l-l.L., ashe fondly remembered the spectators who filled the rinks:The wind would howl and the temperature would get way down below zero,but out they’d come in the bitter cold, packing those draughty arenas, andloving every minute of it . . . . dressed in furs and mufflers, and [sitting]huddled under blankets.13In addition to the allegiance that the fans expressed for the l.H.L. clubs, Taylor also believedthat the townspeople were supportive of the Canadian players, who often had to travelgreat distances to the l.H.L. towns. Taylor recalled how “the people opened up their homesto us, and a player could walk into a tavern and walk out again a couple of hours laterwithout it having cost him a nickel.”14 Thus, the l.H.L. players were celebrated in the smalll.H.L. communities, both on and off the ice.Business and CommerceWhile having an obvious affect on spectators of games, the l.H.L. also had animpact on business and commerce practices in the five League cities. Just as the owners ofthe teams had recognized the potential to earn a profit from hockey operations, so did theentrepreneurs who saw the opportunity to gain through affiliation with the League.Gruneau and Whitson explained the means through which businesses could profitfrom enterprises like the l.H.L.:Hotel, theatre, and newspaper owners quickly came to realize the financialand public relations value of telegraphed accounts and made facilities ofvarying types available for fans to gather and ‘hear’ the game. The popularpress then routinely began to publish game reports, often including atranscript of the telegrapher’s complete account.15All of the town newspapers would assign correspondents to games, and would provideplay-by-play (and sometimes blow-by-blow) accounts of the l.H.L. matches. In addition,13whitehead, 21.14lbid., 52.15Gruneau and Whitson, 84.161local establishments would also provide more immediate information on games playedabroad, so locals could gather to find the results of matches, and, of course, spend theirmoney at the particular establishment.16Hotel businesses were also profiting from tourism generated by League operations,as spectators travelled to rival towns to watch their teams play. During a series betweenHoughton and Calumet, many Calumet fans attempted to make the thirty-mile journey toHoughton to watch a game. However, both the Douglass House and the Hotel Dee had novacancies left, as they had been already booked many days in advance of the game. “Latecorners had the prospect of sleeping in the street, unless [they were] strangers, they weretaken in by somebody.”’7Of all local businesses to benefit from l.H.L. games, railway companies felt thebiggest impact from League operations. In addition to teams travelling to other towns,special trains were often arranged for the spectators to watch games. For example, theCopper Range Railroad provided transportation for fans in Calumet and surrounding townsto travel to Houghton to see games, and would return immediately following the match.18The railway would charge a fee of fifty cents for this trip, and would travel the reverse routewhen the Portage Lakes Hockey Club visited the Calumet team, carrying up to eighteen carsof hockey enthusiasts.19However, the enterprising rail companies would not limit special trains for townsthat were as close as Houghton-Calumet, and the two Soos. When the Portage LakesHockey Club prepared to travel to the Michigan Soo in February of 1 904, an agent for theDuluth, South Shore and Atlantic railway arranged for a round-trip ticket, for a fee of six16An example of this occurred when Dunn Bros. in Houghton installed telephones to receiveupdates from games played at the Amphidrome, and returns on games played abroad.17Mining Gazette, Jan 22/05, n. pag.18Coøoer Country, Dec 1 2/0419Mining Gazette, Jan 10/05, n. pag.162dollars, that would allow fans to watch the games in the Michigan Soo.20 By the time thel.H.L. had formed, team owners were aware of the profits that could be made by havingfans follow teams abroad, and made similar arrangements for travel to games. In Decemberof 1904, the Michigan Soo club management negotiated a club rate of $6.50 for fans totravel to Calumet to watch a game, and arranged for fans to purchase tickets directly fromthe Michigan Soo team.21Because railways serviced spectators travelling between League towns, fans fromother cities were also able to watch I.H.L. games. Special trains were sent to cities as faraway as Milwaukee, to allow spectators to enjoy professional hockey games.22 Meanwhile,other more proximate towns, such as Marquette, Michigan, were also serviced by the majorrailway lines.23Participation in Ice HockeyIn most instances, particularly the Copper Country teams, the advent of professionalhockey heightened participation, at various levels, in the sport. Many teams were organizedat a scholastic level in both Houghton and Calumet, and continued beyond the years ofl.H.L. play. In both the Soos, and in Pittsburgh, amateur teams had already been establishedprior to the formation of the l.H.L., and so it is difficult to ascertain the effects of theLeague on local hockey interest. However, concrete evidence exists for Houghton andCalumet, since, with the construction of both the Amphidrome and the Palestra forprofessional play, other teams were able to use new facilities to organize teams and leaguesin Houghton County. Local newspapers there noticed the increased interest in the sport, andnoted that “hockey enthusiasts in northern Michigan believe that in a few years this20Minin Gazette, Feb 12/04, n. pag21 Soo Evening News, Dec 27/04, n. pag.22Mining Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag.23Minin Gazette, Jan 1 8/05, n. pag.163Canadian game will come to be looked upon with as great favor, this side of the border asbaseball.”24 Less than two years after this claim, the Houghton Daily Mmmci Gazettereported that college teams, including the University of Michigan, had organized clubs, withmost of the rosters consisting of former high school players from the Copper Country.25When the l.H.L. ceased operations in the fall of 1907, some newspapers viewed theabsence of professionals as an opportunity for amateurs to become more prominent in localhockey:The amateur players will now come to the front and some exciting gameswill be seen. There is an abundance of amateur players and all that is neededis an opportunity for the men to show their abilities. It is expected that manyof them will be capable of entering professional hockey by next season as aresult of the opportunities afforded them this season. 26While professional hockey did not return to the Upper Peninsula of Michigan following thedecision by l.H.L. managers to disband, hockey continued to be a popular winter sport in theCopper Country towns.Leaaue ComcietitionThe l.H.L. featured intense competition on several different levels. Just as playersand teams battled on the ice to determine supremacy, so did the managers of the clubs, inorder to gain financial or competitive success or advantage. The sometimes abherrantbehavior of the team mangers should not be considered uncommon, according to WilliamSadler:Americans often are less concerned about what they actually experiencethan about the recognition they receive for having certain kinds ofexperiences. The American way of life has developed a style of competitiveconsumption to ‘keep up with the Joneses’ and perhaps to outshine them.2724Cooper Country, Dec 2/04, n. pag.25Mininp Gazette, Feb 24/0626Mininq Gazette, Nov 8/07, n. pag.27William A.Sadler, jr., “Competition out of Bounds: Sport and American Life”, in Sport in theSociocultural Process. edited by Marie Hart, (Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown, Co. Pub., 1 978), 168.164Thus, the rivalries between clubs, the desire to beat other teams, and, therefore, theirtowns, led management to partake in unfair practices. Unfortunately, certain conditionsexisted that made operations more difficult for some teams, giving an advantage to teamseven before unscrupulous managers further tried to help their teams win.The Advantaaes of PittsburghWhile most of the towns employed similar facilities, and could provide equalamenities to players, Pittsburgh was different from the other four l.H.L. towns. The cityfeatured one of only two artificial ice arenas in North America at that time, the other locatedin New York City. 28 This superior facility, the Duquesne Gardens, gave the Pittsburgh clubwhat was considered an unfair advantage over the opposing teams.Because of its artificial ice surface, Pittsburgh hockey teams could play year-round,and local teams were able to prepare for the season long before ice was available foropponents to practice. As discussed in Chapter 3, this advantage was believed to havecontributed to the Michigan Soo’s failure to win the l.H.L. championship in 19O506.29Despite complaints of the ice surface’s “stickiness”, players agreed that the extrapreparation time afforded by the artificial ice aided the Pittsburgh team in their home games.Another advantage that the Pittsburgh club held was related to the establishedlength of games. While other l.H.L. matches consisted of two thirty-minute halves, mostgames played at the Duquesne Gardens had halves of twenty minutes. The reasons for thispractice was not explained; however, a Pittsburgh club could train to play a more fast-pacedstyle of game, and take advantage of teams used to playing longer matches. Conversely,this difference could also be a detriment when a Pittsburgh team traveled away for games;28Whitehead, 46.29Jack Laviolette blamed a lack of preparation time in the Michigan Soo to two losses againsta set Pittsburgh squad at the Duquesne Gardens; Soo Eveninri News, Mar 13/06, n. pag.165when the Pittsburgh Bankers visited Houghton in February of 1904, team managerStoebener claimed that his club could not play intensely for a full hour of play.30The final advantage that Pittsburgh held over the other four teams was the size ofthe city, when compared to the smaller communities hosting l.H.L. games. The DuquesneGardens held over four thousand spectators, and there was more than enough hockey fansto fill the arena nightly for exciting games. In contrast, the population of Houghton itselfwas only three thousand. In addition to population base, Pittsburgh provided more socialamenities for players signing with l.H.L. clubs; in the fall of 1 905, the Houghton QjyMining Gazette reported that “Pittsburgh is getting the cream or almost the cream of all theplayers. This might be owing to the fact of Pittsburgh offering so many attractions forplayers that cannot be found in the other small cities of the league.”31Managerial RivalriesDuring the course of l.H.L. operations, only a handful of business magnatescontrolled the League teams. However, it was the inabilities of these men to functiontogether that may have had a significant effect on the failure of the League to continue past1 907. Management problems arose on a variety of levels, but were consistently derivedfrom the failure of managers to view League operations as a whole, and not just theindividual teams that they represented.The first and perhaps most important error that the team& management made wasthe failure to regulate player contracts throughout the League. When the League was initiallyformed, the executive “forgot to formulate any rule which would prevent players fromsigning contracts with more than one club.”32 Thus, players would negotiate with otherteams in the League, and then abandon the initial club when a higher salary was offered.30Minin Gazette, Feb 6/04, n. pag.31Minina Gazette, Nov 2/05, n. pag.32SauIt Star, Feb 14/07, 1.166This only served to drive player salaries higher, and to create animosity among managerswho were accused of taking players from one another.In the fall of 1 905, prior to the first scheduled League game, the managers agreednot to bid against each other for the same players.33 Unfortunately, teams were still tryingto assemble the best possible rosters, and often ignored the agreement. Because of thesepractices, fans were often not aware of who was to play for their local club until the seasonhad almost begun. Newspapers, anxious to obtain information about player acquisitions,would receive no information from the management. According to Calumet managers, therewas a good reason for this lack of cooperation with the newspapers; “the theory is taken upthat if publicity is given the fact that management is after certain players other teams willoffer extra inducements to secure the players should they be a good man.”34 The self-serving practices of the individual managers continued, despite the potential effects uponother teams; this prompted the Pittsburgh Sun to suggest a mutual agreement be signedamong managers of professional teams in both the U.S. and Canada, to not allow players toswitch teams during the season.35As different teams scrambled to sign the same players, using the tactics describedabove, dislike between managers inevitably emerged. When Calumet arrived to playHoughton in January of 1905, Calumet fans, who had travelled with the team to watch thegame at the Amphidrome, complained that the Portage Lakes management had beendiscriminatory in the allotment of seats for the game. The visiting fans claimed that theywere not given the opportunity to buy good seats, and were forced to Sit in other lessdesirable parts of the rink.36 However, Calumet management was not devoid of33Minin Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag.34Coooer Country, Nov 1/05, n. pag.35SauIt Star, Feb 4/07, n. pag. It is not known if such an agreement was made.36MininQ Gazette, Jan 21/05, n. pag.167unscrupulous practices, and when manager Thompson of that team announced thatPittsburgh needed to be dropped from the League, it was revealed that one of the reasonsfor the statement was the apparent unpopularity of Pittsburgh’s management.37The bickering between teams continued through the conclusion of Leagueoperations, culminating in the League annual meeting, in the fall of 1907, about whichManager McNamara of Houghton was not notified. Elected President Fisher apparently hadan ulterior motive in hosting the meeting, without representation of the Portage LakesHockey Club:It has been hinted by several of the International league membersthat the reason Houghton was not given a look-in of the important l.H.L.offices was because the management was a chronic trouble-maker all duringthe past season and tended to disrupt the affairs of the league.38In addition to management feuds, and the selfish pursuit of players, teams alsomade every effort to defeat one another during games, regardless of the means. The mostobvious example occurred with the movement of the Pittsburgh player, Lorne Campbell,who signed with the Portage Lakes in 1904-05, when that team was trying to win theLeague pennant. In 1 905-06, Campbell signed with Calumet in an effort to defeat thePortage Lakes Hockey Club, even though Calumet had no hope of winning the pennant, andmany conceded that the other clubs would settle for a League championship won by anyteam other than the one from Houghton. The Copper Country Evening News reported that;“it would appear from this that all of the teams are against Portage Lake as they seem to bedoing all they can to help the Soos win out.”3937SauIt Star, Mar 9/05, n. pag.38SauIt Star, Oct 17/07, n. pag.39Copper Country, Feb 15/06, n. pag.168Team Rivalries and ComDetitionWhile the managers of the teams feuded, the teams developed keen rivalries withone another. Interest in the games peaked when nearby clubs competed, and when theoutcome of the game was in question. However, some incidents led to speculation that notall games were played with the same intensity, due to the motives of the managers.The close proximity of the two Soos and the short distance between Calumet andHoughton generated increased interest when these clubs played one another. From theonset of League operations, the natural rivalries between these clubs were recognized.40When Pittsburgh played in the Michigan Soo on December 23, 1 904, the local newspapernoted that the Michigan Soo crowd was not as excited as it had been during matchesagainst the rival Canadian Soo club.41In the Copper Country, competition between the two l.H.L. teams there peaked earlyin 1905. On January 21, the Portage Lakes would be hosting Calumet, at the Amphidrome.The rivalry between the two mining towns further incited the local newspapers to writeabout the importance of the game. The Daily Mmmci Gazette called the game “the mostimportant hockey match that was ever played in the United States.”42 The newspaperelaborated on the reasons for such bold claims, stating that “the game tonight is mostimportant because on it hinges a national championship which can be conferred by aregularly organized league, the controlling body of professional ice hockey in the UnitedStates.Calumet had only lost once to that point of the season, and had beaten Houghton inboth games in which the two teams had met. In recent games, Houghton had been playing4Os Evening News, Dec 2/04, ri. pag.41Soo Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag.42Mining Gazette, Jan 21/05, n. pag.43lbid.169well, and, with the aid of having played several more League games, had almost the samenumber of victories as Calumet.The game would be a guaranteed sellout; there would also be a large number ofCalumet fans who would try to make the thirty-mile jaunt to Houghton to watch the match.“The reserve seats for the match were so in demand that all were taken up within half anhour after being placed on sale and the spectators are now getting as high as $5 and $6 forthe good ones.”44Portage Lakes Hockey Club manager McNamara had other problems with theAmphidrome; he decided to impose a no-smoking regulation for the match, because thedanger of a fire was greatly increased by the anticipated overcrowding of the arena.McNamara also stated that the arena would “have a large force of ushers and reserved seatticket holders [would] find at the main entrance, two head ushers and a head usher at thehead of each seat avenue, with another usher to every seat section.”45With all seats taken, and necessary precautions completed at the arena, the town ofHoughton eagerly anticipated the start of the game:By supper time people were looking at their watches and figuring outhow long it would be before the game commenced. There was nothing elsebut hockey, in stores, hotels, saloons, the air, the past, present, andfuture.46The game itself was as exciting as those in the Copper Country had anticipated. Houghtonwon the closely-contested match by a score of 2-1, edging closer to the league-leadingCalumet team. The Portage Lakes now needed to win the return match at Calumet, onJanuary 25.The demand for seats to witness the second game of the two-game series matchedthe previous one; within forty-five minutes, all tickets to the Palestra were sold out at all but44lbid.45lbid., Jan 21/05, n. pag.46lbjd., Jan 22/05, n. pag.170one outlet in the Calumet township.47The Palestra, which had a larger capacity than theAmphidrome, would be filled with supporters for both teams. An estimated four thousandspectators witnessed the Calumet team humiliate Houghton by a score of 1 2-2, and take acommanding lead in the race for the l.H.L. pennant.48Unfortunately, games that resulted in such one-sided scores were not popular, andattendance was low for games where one team was considered a strong favorite. For thisreason, rumors arose throughout the 1904-05 season that some teams purposely lostgames, in order to guarantee large crowds for the following matches. Before a game inDecember of 1 904, the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette insinuated that the Portage Lakeswould deliberately lose in Calumet in such a manner, to guarantee a large crowd at theAmphidrome the following night. In response to this report, Bruce Stuart replied that “youcan say that the Portage Lakes don’t do business that way, that if the Calumets defeat ustomorrow it will be because they are a better team.”49 Similarly, Calumet was alleged tohave lost the second of a three-game series in Pittsburgh, in January of 1905, in order toswell gate receipts for the final game. Calumet players denied the charge, blaming the losson injuries to several team players.5°Exhibition GamesIt should be noted that, despite the apparent lack of cooperation among the Leagueteams, the l.H.L.’s operators made many efforts to improve the League’s financial stability,image, and playing conditions. The organization of exhibition matches was one means bywhich the l.H.L. attempted to do so, and could be seen as the League arranged games inCanada and the United States, providing both inter- and intra-league competition. To give47Coøoer Country, Jan 23/05, n. pag.48Minin Gazette, Jan 26/05, n. pag49Mining Gazette, Dec 1 6/04, n. pag.50Minin Gazette, Jan 11/05, n. pag.171further exposure to the League and its players, other exhibitions were staged during thethree I.H.L. seasons, in order to increase awareness of the League and its players.Other exhibitions were arranged, as well; several times during l.H.L. games, skatingraces were held to increase the popularity of both hockey and skating. One such race washeld at the Palestra in early 1906, including several Calumet players, with the winnerreceiving a fifty-dollar cash prize.51 Managers had earlier considered hosting a fastest-skatercompetition, featuring the best l.H.L. players on all teams. It is not known whether the racewas held or not; however, Portage Lakes players felt that “Hod” Stuart would win the raceeasily.52 Exhibitions were held that did not feature l.H.L. players; during the League’sinaugural season, skater James W. Troyer of the Michigan Soo had given an exhibition ofbackward skating over a half-mile distance at the Ridge Street arena, between periods of aPittsburgh-Michigan Soo game.53Canadian Exhibition GamesExhibition games were frequently held throughout the three years of l.H.L.operations, most of them against Canadian teams. The l.H.L. schedule was often organized,and, in some cases altered,54 to allow any of the five teams to arrange games with nonl.H.L. clubs.It was often difficult for games to be arranged with Canadian clubs, since, throughthe first year of l.H.L. play, several associations in Canada continued to forbid teams tocompete against the American professionals. However, by the faIl of 1905, the Daily MiningGazette announced that plans were made for exhibitions that coming season, as several51Mining Gazette, Feb 1/06, n. pag.52lbid., Jan 19/05, n. pag.53Soo Evening News, Mar 6/05, n. pag.54Coooer Country, Feb 17/06, n. pag. Following the demise of the Canadian Soo team in1 906, the schedule was changed to allow more games against Canadian professional teams.172teams were apparently to be allowed to play against l.H.L. clubs.55 According to the Saulta group of “O.H.A. OutIaws, who had not signed with l.H.L. teams, had formed aclub of their own, and wished to arrange matches with the Canadian Soo team.56In 1 906-07, perhaps feeling that the Canadian Soo team was the weakest of thel.H.L. teams, a team from Barrie, Ontario, arranged to host games against the Soo club inDecember of 1 906. The Barrie team provided little competition, as the Canadian Soo teamwon easily, 12-4, posting its first victory away from home in that team’s history.57Later in the 1 906-07 season, representatives from Cobalt, Ontario, contacted bothSoo teams, interested in arranging exhibitions games. The organizers, rich from silver miningventures in the Cobalt region, would spare no expense to have quality hockey games playedthere. The Canadian Soo was to play three matches, and wear Cobalt uniforms. The teamwas guaranteed a substantial amount of money, with other bonuses should attendanceexceed a certain pre-determined number.58 On February 20, the Canadian Soo defeated ateam comprised of professional players from Toronto, held in New Liskeard, in the Cobaltarea.59 Two weeks later, the Michigan Soo club defeated a team of Toronto and Ottawaplayers, a game also played in Cobalt.60In Pittsburgh, exhibition games had been organized with Canadian teams during the1 905-06 season. Playing a team from Toronto in February, 1906, the Pittsburgh club easilywon by a score of 24-4. Garnet Sixsmith of Pittsburgh scored eleven times against thehapless Toronto team.61 Earlier in that month, Pittsburgh had stopped over in Niagara Falls,55Mining Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag.56Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag.Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag.58oo Evening News, Feb 181-7, ii. pag.59ibici., Feb 21/07, n. pag.60lbid., Mar 5/07, n. pag.6 Pittsburgh Gazette, Feb 11/06, n. pag.173New York, returning from l.H.L. games in Michigan, and had played the Ontario PowerCompany team, winning 7-6 in front of twelve hundred spectators.62The Copper Country teams also engaged in various exhibition games, the mostimportant being a trip to Manitoba, late into the 1905-06 season. Both Calumet andHoughton were to play against each other; the Daily Mmmci Gazette reported that “this trip[was] being used as a means of educating the Canadians to an appreciation of professionalhockey.”63 Matches were arranged for Winnipeg’s Auditorium rink, and attempts were madeto play the Rat Portage team there.64 However, the C.A.A.U. refused to allow Rat Portageor the Kenora Thistles to play the Portage Lakes;65 therefore, the two games were toinvolve only Calumet and Houghton, who were hoping to “introduce professional hockey inCanada.”66Despite the efforts of the teams to make Manitoba hockey fans aware of thenuances of professional hockey, by the following season the games were thought to be adecided failure. According to one source:One thing that gave professional hockey a set back here was the visit lastwinter to Winnipeg of the Calumet and Houghton teams for exhibitiongames. The copper country players put up very punk exhibitions of thegame. There was nothing in the nature of the contest to their play. Theyworked like a team practice. . . the people who saw the first game weredisgusted and the attendance at the second was about thirty.6762lbid., Feb 5/06, n. pag.63Minin Gazette, Mar 14/06, n. pag.64lbid., Mar 16/06, n. pag.65Ibid., Mar 18/06, n. pag.66Copper Country, Mar 14/06, n. pag.67Mininn Gazette, Mar 12/07, n. pag.174Unfortunately for the League, this direct attempt to improve the reputation of professionalhockey may have in fact made opinions of the l.H.L. worse, following the completion of theseries.Exhibition games were also scheduled in l.H.L. towns against other local clubs. Thematches served three purposes: to allow the l.H.L. teams some practice, usually shortlybefore the beginning of the l.H.L. season; to give other teams and leagues exposure,thereby increasing the popularity of the sport; and to possibly generate some additionalrevenue for the clubs, as was the case with all exhibition games. An example of a gameagainst a local team occurred shortly before the 1904-05 season, between Calumet, and alocal team, the Crescent Hockey Club.68Stanley CuQ ChallenciesWhile no team from the l.H.L. was able to arrange matches for the Stanley Cup,efforts were made during the final years of League operations to challenge the current Cupholders in Canada. In February, 1 906, plans were made by l.H.L. members to form an l.H.L.all-star team, and challenge the winner of the Stanley Cup, at the conclusion of theseason.69 This notion was not followed through by the l.H.L., but ideas of Stanley Cup playagain emerged as the 1 905-06 season came to a close. The Portage Lakes and the MichiganSoo were in a close race to win the League championship, and it was anticipated that thetwo teams would finish the season tied. It was then suggested that a play-off be held todetermine the best team in professional hockey, and that the winner of the two teams meetthe Dominion’s top team, to determine the hockey championship of the world.70 However,for reasons that will be discussed in Chapter 5, no team would play the eventual l.H.L.champions, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club.68Coooer Country, Dec 14/04, n. pag.69Mininq Gazette, Feb 20/06, n. pag.70Ibid., Mar 8/06, n. pag.175As the 1906-07 season concluded, reports began to appear again in localnewspapers, suggesting that the l.H.L. champion challenge for the Stanley Cup. Fortunatelyfor the Canadian teams, they did not need to find an excuse for not competing against thePortage Lakes, as P.D. Ross, trustee for the Stanley Cup, announced in February of 1907that the Stanley Cup could be competed for by Canadian teams only. Following theannouncement, the Daily Mining Gazette reported that “there is a possibility of the CanadianSoo sending in a challenge for the famous piece of silverware.”71 It is unfortunate thatteams of the l.H.L. were unable to compete for the Stanley Cup, as comparisons betweenthe American professional teams, and the best alleged amateur teams in Canada are mademore difficult when considering that the teams were never able to compete directly againstone another.However, the information gathered for the purpose of this study would indicate thatthe l.H.L. teams would probably defeat the Canadian amateur teams, as many of the topplayers had come to the l.H.L. to play professionally. This was also evidenced by the impactmade by former l.H.L. players, such as “Hod” Stuart and “Riley” Hem, upon their return toCanada to play.RefereesThe most consistent, and perhaps most damaging problem that the l.H.L.encountered was with the refereeing of League games. Almost from the commencement ofoperations, complaints about the level of officiating began, and for the remainder of theLeague’s existence, attempts were made by the Executive to remedy this problem. Whilemany of the problems were attributed to the incompetence of the men assigned to referee,the inability of League management to produce a solution for the problem was equallyimportant.7 Mining Gazette, Feb 16/07, n. pag.176It should be noted that in hockey, during this time period, disputes regarding therefereeing of matches were frequent in most leagues, at all levels of play. Mott attributedthis to the granting of an unspecified, and usually insufficient degree of authority to gameofficials.72 Mott further explains that excessive arguing and quarrelling during matches wascommonplace in games played at the time of the l.H.L.’s operations.73 Despite the apparentlack of authority given to referees, many, including wHodn Stuart, realized the importance ofhaving competent officials during games:No matter how fast the teams, the exhibition given depends almostentirely on the referee. If he is capable and maintains perfect control of theplayers so that all the men on the ice have perfect confidence in him theywill play their best game and fast, clean, scientific hockey will result, but ifall or any of the players feel that he does not know his business, or is likelyto be unfair, it is difficult to tell what kind of exhibition the people who havepaid their money will be called upon to witness.74Unfortunately for the spectators of I.H.L. games, the latter type of game described by Stuartwas common during League matches.Administrative ProblemsIn December of 1 904, as the opening of the l.H.L.’s inaugural season approached,anticipation in the l.H.L. towns was great for the high-calibre of play that the talentedplayers signed by team managers could offer. However, the same care and determination inobtaining the services of the best hockey players was not repeated when referees wereselected to work l.H.L. games.The 1 904-05 l.H.L. season featured twenty different referees, who officiated in sixtyLeague games that year. Because there were five teams, there was only a maximum of twogames that could be possibly played at once; the League could therefore have relied on theservices of only two or three referees. While many of the complaints about the level of72Mo 6.73lbid.74Soo Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag.177officiating were justified, management did not find suitable replacements for those officialsdeemed incompetent; otherwise, not as many would have been used during the season. Aneven greater example of managerial incompetence is evidenced when it is revealed that halfof those referees who worked in 1904-05 League games also played on I.H.L. teams thatseason.An example of the incompetent efforts of the League executive occurred with thedesignation of William “Cooney” Shields as an official League referee. Shields had beenserving as a substitute player with Houghton, owing to his lack of physical conditioning. Hewas released by Houghton, and was appointed as referee shortly thereafter, and assigned toreferee all l.H.L. games held outside of Pittsburgh.75However, only three days later, Shieldswas offered a contract to play with Calumet, which he accepted.76 It is difficult to fathomwhy the League would allow Shields to sign with another team, after his apparently capablerefereeing skills had been acquired by the League. However, even with an affinity for goodrefereeing, Shields would still be capable of biased officiating, considering that he hadplayed the two previous seasons with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Despite this, Shieldswas considered a qualified referee, further emphasizing the Executive’s inability to obtainadequate referees.The League’s refereeing debacle continued through the 1904-05 season, evidencedby Michigan Soo player “Bike” Young refereeing a game between his own team andCalumet, on February 23, 1 905. Such situations provided the opportunity for extensivequarrelling over the levels of officiating. In December of 1905, as preparations for thefollowing season were occurring, the Daily Mmmci Gazette recognized the appalling workthat the League had done in its selection of referees; “the games last season in the coppercountry were at times entirely unsatisfactory simply because men not capable of officiating75Mining Gazette, Feb 14/05, n. pag.76lbid., Feb 17/05, n. pag.178here, were chosen to referee the games.”77 The Sault Ste. Marie Eveninn News thenexplained what was required to stop the problem:The referee question has come to be the most serious with which theInternational league has to deal. If the league is to remain a solid institution itis imperative the officials will have to deal with the matter in a firm andimpartial manner. It is obvious that it will never be satisfactory for an officialof one club to appoint the referee for all contests.78Perhaps in response to the reports in the town newspapers, the Leagueacknowledged the problem following the 1904-05 season, and decide to hire two referees,for 1 905-06, appointed by the Executive committee, to be stationed in towns named by thePresident of the l.H.L.79 The League Executive then decided to try to obtain the services ofsome of the top referees from the different Canadian Leagues, and offered Fred Waghorne,one of the strictest referees of the O.H.A. a salary of $125 a month, plus expenses, tocome to the U.S. league.8°Although Waghorne did not accept the offer, the Leagueannounced two weeks later that the popular “Chaucer” Elliott, and John P. Mooney of theCanadian Soo, had been named as official League referees.81As the season’s opening neared, “Doc” Gibson, who had retired from active play,was also named as an official l.H.L. referee. Gibson was to referee the western l.H.L. teamgames, and to also accompany the Copper Country teams on several of their road trips.82With the appointment of Gibson, he and Elliott would now be recognized as the officialLeague referees, and of all the I.H.L. clubs were satisfied with the appointment of the twomen.83 One day after the Daily Mining Gazette made this announcement, the newspaper77Ibid., Dec 3/05, n. pag.78Soo Evening News, Mar 8/05, n. pag.79Corøer Country, Oct 25/05, n. pag.80SauIt Star, Nov 9/05, n. pag.81Ibjd., Nov 23/05, n. pag.82Mininn Gazette, Dec 5/05, n. pag.B3Ibid., Dec 8/05, n. pag.179explained that originally, Mooney and Gibson were to be the two official referees, but whenElliott had expressed a desire to work for the League, Mooney was dropped. Now, thenewspaper further reported, Elliott had refused the appointment, due to the limited fundsthat the League was offering, and the l.H.L. would be short one referee.84 However, threedays later, Elliott had reportedly agreed to the terms offered by the League, and was leavingfor Pittsburgh to commence his duties.85The arrangement seemed to work throughout the season, as Elliott and Gibsonrefereed the majority of League games. A potential problem could have arisen when playersquestioned Gibson’s allegiance to the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, when he refereedHoughton games, but he was a well-respected individual and no serious problemsdeveloped. Only one significant blemish occurred, when Gibson was unable to reach theDuquesne Gardens in time to referee a game between Pittsburgh and the Canadian Soo. Inhis place, Arthur Sixsmith, who was on the Pittsburgh roster but unable to play due toinjury, refereed the match.86Prior to the commencement of 1 906-07 season, the League Executive was againconcerned with the signing of regular referees. The l.H.L. had used twenty different menduring its inaugural season, but had only required four during the 1 905-06 season, when“Chaucer” Elliott and “Doc” Gibson had worked the majority of the games. Neither Gibsonnor Elliott would be returning; Gibson was accused of being biased towards the coppercountry teams, and Elliott had returned to Canada and reportedly did not like “the ‘bush’teams of the copper country and [was] not liked by any of the teams excepting theAmericans” 8784lbid., Dec 9/05, n. pag.85lbid., Dec 12/05, n. pag.86Mininn Gazette, Jan 12/06, n. pag.87Minina Gazette, Mar 11/06, n. pag.180The solution to the problem of incompetent referees was simple, according to theDaily Mmmci Gazette, reporting that the League would hire three official referees, who would“have nothing in common with any of the league teams so there [would] be no question oftheir favoring one of the contesting aggregations”.88In contrast to the newspapers’s prediction, the League named Walter Forrest andRoy Schooley as official referees for 1 9O6O7.89 Forrest had played the previous season inHoughton, while Schooley had been an O.H.A. referee who had worked games at theDuquesne Gardens over the past few seasons. One week later, it was announced that TomMelville had also been named an official referee, and was assigned to games played inCalumet,90 while “Cooney” Shields was named to work in the games at the two Soos, andto “promote peace and harmony.”91 Reflecting on the continued incompetence of theLeague Executive, when asked about the referee situation, at the time of the announcement,former League President Ferguson replied that; “I do not believe that it will provesatisfactory. I think that the only way is to have unprejudiced referee[ing] and capable onesfrom away who can not be accused of having any interest in either team.”92 This was indirect contrast to the recent naming of official League referees, some of whom would have apotential bias toward certain teams.As could be predicted, problems with the refereeing arose early into the season. Inorder to remedy the problems, the Executive took affirmative action with regards to thenaming of the game officials; “President Fisher states positively that hereafter the league88lbjd89Coooer Country, Dec 8/06, n. pag.90Mininci Gazette, Dec 1 6/06, n. pag.9ilbid., Dec 20/06, n. pag.92Soo Evening News, Dec 1 7/06, n. pag.181games will be refereed by Meinke, Melville, and Schooley, and that teams that do not likethe officials can quit.”93 The petulant announcement by Fisher revealed the depth to whichthe refereeing problem had reached. The reputation of the League was in jeopardy, and“Hod” Stuart recognized the potential damage that the poor officiating could create:The present system of providing referees cannot give satisfaction tothe people, to the players or to the managers . . . such a condition will put adamper on the sport that the International league is in no condition towithstand at the present time.94On the same day Fisher’s statement was published in the Sault Star, “Hod” Stuartfurther challenged the League President’s refereeing system. The Michigan Soo team washosting Pittsburgh, with Herbert Meinke to be assigned as the referee. When Pittsburgh wasnotified that Meinke would be officiating, the club refused to come onto the ice from thevisitor’s dressing room. “The Michigan Soo team came on at the call of time, faced off, andshot a goal. The Pittsburgh bunch did not appear, thus forfeiting the game.”95 As discussedin the previous Chapter, the incident resulted in “Hod” Stuart, one of the League’s bestplayers, leaving Pittsburgh to play for the Montreal Wanderers.Shortly after the Michigan Soo-Pittsburgh referee fiasco, the League Executive held ameeting in Houghton to discuss the referee problem,96 further complicated when TomMelville resigned as an official League referee, citing health reasons.97 The League reactedby appointing Joe Stephens as a referee for the remainder of the season.The lack of impartiality that had apparently been solved through the naming of“Chaucer” Elliott for the 1 905-06 season had returned in 1906-07. The League used tendifferent referees, seven of whom were current or former l.H.L. players. The reason for the93Sauft Star, Dec 27/06, n. pag.945oo Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag.95Mining Gazette, Dec 28/06, n. pag.96Coooer Country, Dec 29/06, n. pag.97lbici., Jan 5/07.182consistent unavailability of fair referees was explained by James R. Dee. Dee had negotiatedto have Dr. Lionel King referee two l.H.L. games in 1 904-05. King was a respected refereefrom Montreal, and was hired to referee two games between Calumet and Houghton in1 905. Dee contended that referees:do not care to give up their home jobs to come here for a temporary onefor two or three months. This is the reason why we have had to rely somuch upon local referees to date. We [had] to pay considerable money to getDr. King and he will only stay for two games.98Players were typically younger men than the referees, who were more established in theircareers, and often had families to support. This would explain the lack of interest on thepart of reputed referees to come to the l.H.L., whereas the players were more likely torelocate for the purpose of playing hockey. Dee also reported that “most of the referees inCanada are professional men who are engaged in business, who would not find itconvenient to come here. . . .“ The exception would be “Chaucer” Elliott, who was aprofessional baseball player, and found it easy to travel for the short hockey season. Elliottwas also relatively young for his refereeing profession; he was only twenty-six years of agewhile working l.H.L. games.Following the 1 904-05 season, in another effort to remedy the referee crisis, theLeague considered using the two-referee system that had been employed in some of theCanadian leagues. The Daily Mmmci Gazette considered this practice to be unnecessary:The double referee system of refereeing has been in vogue in Canadafor several years, and has worked entirely satisfactory, but the game asplayed in many places in considerably rougher than here, and requires tworeferees to see all plays.198Mininçj Gazette, Jan 19/05, n. pag.99lbid., Jan 10/05, n. pag.100Mininci Gazette, Dec 3/05, n. pag.183The newspaper further reported that the League decided to use only one referee for the1 905-06 season; they would procure a capable official, and then offer him a highersalary.101James R. Dee revealed the actual reason why the League did not wish to use tworeferees; it was considered to be too expensive. The lack of desire on the part of the LeagueExecutive to pay the necessary salaries to entice competent referees from the Canadianleagues resulted in the return to haphazard officiating for the 1 906-07 season, following theadequate work accomplished by Elliott and Gibson the previous year. Prior to thecommencement of the 1906-07 schedule, the League had announced that its refereeing bill“ran way up”102 and to reduce it, local referees would be used again.Perhaps the League could not afford to pay capable referees, or perhaps theExecutive did not realize the extent to which poor officiating could affect League operations.Regardless of the reason, the inability of referees to control the games played may have ledto the violence that occurred in the ice, or the disputes that tarnished the League’sreputation. The tactics of the players, created by poor officiating, had led to the departure ofthe competent “Chaucer” Elliott; also, the inability of Elliott’s successors to adequately workgames contributed to “Hod” Stuart’s departure to the E.C.H.A. Both men returned toCanada with stories of the incompetence displayed by League management, which helped todamage the reputation of the l.H.L. in Canada.Referee IncomoetenceTeam management has been blamed for the poor regard in which the League washeld in other hockey circles; however, it was the actions of the referees themselves that ledto the sorry opinion of l.H.L. play. While the incidents were numerous of incompetent101bid.102Soo Eveninri News, Nov 14/06, n. pag.184officiating, a few examples will be given to illustrate the variety of ways by which refereeinginfuriated spectators, players, and managers alike.As was the custom in the sport at the time, players would serve as timekeeperswhen they were injured or otherwise unable to play in games.103 Players, or others affiliateddirectly with a team, would also serve as umpires, assigned to determine if a puck hadentered the goal net. This conflict of interest would result in frequent arguments; however,the rules of that period dictated that the decision of the umpire was final, and the umpirecould not be overruled by the referee. If a goal was disputed, the goal was not reversed; thegoal umpire was instead replaced.104 Because a poor decision could not be changed, playerswould become frustrated by certain calls. In a game on December 20, 1906, goalkeeper“Chief” Jones became so incensed at a call by an umpire that he engaged in a spiritedargument that almost resulted in the two men exchanging blows.105 Although incompetentrefereeing was common in most leagues at this that time, the behavior of I.H.L. officialsprovided perhaps the poorest example of how to referee hockey games. The most tellingexample occurred early in the League’s first season. “Baldy” Spittal of Pittsburgh explainedan incident that occurred during a game against Calumet, one that was reported in the SaultSte. Marie Evenino News: “a goal was shot, but the puck went only about eight inchesinside the posts and the umpire, who had the wrong idea that it was necessary to shoot itto the back of the net in order to count, did not allow it.”106103An example occurred when the injured “Hod” Stuart filled such a capacity in a matchbetween Calumet and the Michigan Soo, held on January 30, 1905; Soo Evening News, Jan 3 1/05, n.pag.104This occurred during a game between the Michigan Soo and Houghton on January 13,1906; Mining Gazette, Jan 14/06, n. pag. In another case, a dispute over a call by umpireWinklenmeyer led to his removal, and subsequent replacement, by “Dunc” Taylor, in a game in Januaryof 1905; Mining Gazette, Jan 8/05, n. pag.105Sault Star, Dec 20/06, n. pag.106Soo Evening News, Dec 23/04, n. pag.185Although the poor work done by most game officials can be attributed to bias orinexperience, some actions displayed the referee’s inability to control the games. In a gamerefereed by Houghton player Charles Liffiton, the Canadian Soo visited the Calumet club inmid-January of 1 905. Shortly after the game began, Ken Mallen shot a goal that wasdisallowed. “In the discussion that followed, [Canadian Soo forward Jack] Ward [skated]down the rink and shot the first goal for the Soo without interference. The local boysthought it was a practice shot.”107 Liffiton allowed the goal despite the unpreparedness ofthe Calumet team. The Calumet team members should have felt confident enough inLiffiton’s abilities to referee that they could dispute his officiating at a later time when thegame was not still in progress.Less than two weeks after that game, Joe Booth provided another example of anl.H.L. referee not maintaining control of players, in a game between the Canadian Soo cluband the visiting Michigan Soo team. At one point during the game, Booth sent four of theCanadian Soo men off at one time, leaving the local team with only three men on the ice,including the goalkeeper, while the Michigan Soo team still had all seven of its players. Theconduct of the players may have necessitated their removal from the ice; however, thereferee was considered accountable for the behavior of the players, and he was directlyresponsible for allowing conditions during the game to reach a point where so many playerson one side would merit penalties. The Sault Star was highly critical of the officiating, andclaimed that “the game illustrates the necessity for competent league referees, as under thepresent system, hockey will be eliminated altogether”.108With such poor examples of officiating, players soon began over-reacting to certainsituations in games. In February of 1905, “Baldy” Spittal took his Pittsburgh team off theice with two-and-a-half minutes remaining in a game against the Portage Lakes Hockey Club.107Minin Gazette, Jan 15/05, n. pag.108Sault Star, Jan 26/05, n. pag.186Spittal was irate at referee Ernie Westcott for not calling a penalty on Houghton player BruceStuart. Westcott then awarded the game to the Portage Lakes, as Pittsburgh refused tocontinue playing.109Although the management determined who was to referee the games scheduled inthe l.H.L., it was the responsibility of the referees to competently officiate the matches bydisplaying a thorough knowledge of the rules, and an impartiality that would not give anyone team an unfair advantage. This was obviously not the case in the l.H.L., where therefereeing not only affected the outcomes of games, but also the reputation of the League.While there are a number of reasons that can be attributed to the League’s demise and itspoor standing in the eyes of many hockey enthusiasts - particularly in Canada - the level ofofficiating must be considered a significant factor.lnapøropriate BehaviorWhile the League damaged its reputation through the quality of officiating, severalother incidents occurred throughout the three l.H.L. seasons that only increased thenegative views toward the l.H.L. and professional ice hockey. The behaviors of the players,management, and newspaper reporters were often of an irrational and perplexing nature,and will be examined in this section.Administrative BehaviorAs previously discussed, prior to the start of the 1905-06 season, “Hod” Stuart hadbeen banned from playing in the I.H.L., because of his alleged rough tactics in games.However, it became apparent to newspaper reporters that to prevent Stuart from playing,regardless of his guilt in supposed violent activities, was a wrong decision by the LeagueExecutive:109Minina Gazette, Feb 23105, n. pag.187The managers decided he played too roughly, and that he made theraces certain by winning championships wherever he went. If these chargesare true then the managers are guilty of stupid work and that they should beashamed of. They are supposed to be working for the advancement of thegame, but when they go as far as to place a ban on one of the greatestplayers in the business to keep him out of the league, they do the gameirreparable harm. Stuart is a drawing card, that is certain, and despite theclaim that he is unnecessarily rough, he is a favorite.110As the season began, Stuart was still not playing for any l.H.L. team. When questioned asto why, Stuart replied that he was not playing because the ban was still in effect. Hewished to sign with Pittsburgh, and, should the ban be lifted, could do so, since, accordingto League policy, his ties with Calumet were severed with the banishment, and he would befree to sign with any team.111 Thus, the League’s own ruling was a detriment to Calumet,because, under normal circumstances, that team would have retained Stuart’s rightsfollowing the 1 904-05 season, when he led Calumet to the League championship.When the Pittsburgh press became aware of Stuart’s intentions to play in that city,the local newspapers increased their attacks on the League management, in order to allowStuart to play:The club owners in the west realize it will be a good business moveto reinstate Stuart, as he is one of the biggest drawing cards in the business,and it is thought they will not allow their prejudices to get the better of theirbusiness acumen.2Despite the ban, Stuart accompanied the Pittsburgh team westward, where games were tobe played against the Canadian Soo. Pittsburgh’s manager, MacSwiggan, then displayedanother instance of the petulant, selfish behavior of the team managers, as he threatenednot to play in the game if Stuart was not reinstated by the League. He further explained thathe would take his team out of the l.H.L., and would re-organize the W.P.H.L., should his1 0Mininn Gazette, Dec 21/05, 2.1 Coper Country, Dec 21/05, n. pag.2Pittsburh Gazette, Dec 25/05, n. pag.188demands not be met.113 It is not known the extent to which the threat influenced the l.l-I.L.Executive, but shortly thereafter, the League allowed Stuart to play in l.H.L. matches.A week later, another incident of equal absurdity occurred, as the returning “Hod”Stuart, and Joe Hall of the Portage Lakes were rumoured to have been excessivelyaggressive in a recent match. League President A. L. Ferguson then contacted “Doc”Gibson, informing him that Stuart and Hall would not be allowed to play in the gamebetween Pittsburgh and Houghton, to be held on January 8, 1 906. While this decisionwould seem to be sound, it was revealed that Ferguson had based his decision solely onpublished reports of the games, and had not spoken to anyone connected with the allegedactivities. The Copøer Country Evening News explained that Ferguson apparently believedthat “the players have exhibited homicidal tendencies”.114Following the Pittsburgh-Houghton games, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club wasscheduled to play against Calumet, whereupon Calumet Manager Thompson claimed thatthe ban placed on Joe Hall would be upheld on Calumet home ice.5 The League washaving difficulty in administering the ban, and therefore Thompson attempted to enforce ithimself. A week later, Thompson further announced that the Houghton club would forfeitthe game, should Hall play.1’6The ensuing debate over Hall’s eligibility would seem to havebeen an opportunity for the League Executive to intervene to solve the dispute, which hadbegun only after the League failed to enforce its own charges. Instead, “President Fergusonof the league [said] that he will not mix in the quarrel and leave it to the two teams to fightit out between themselves”.117 The League Executive had improperly imposed a sanction113lb d., Dec 28/05, n. pag.1 4CopDer Country, Jan 8/06, n. pag.115bid., Jan 20/06, n. pag.116Minin Gazette, Jan 28/06, n. pag.117Piffsburoh Gazette, Jan 28/06, n. pag.189towards a player, and then, when the discipline had become the subject of a dispute,refused to mediate an argument that had been created by its own inept attempts tocastigate unwanted behavior.Player BehaviorThe inept actions of the management were, at times, equalled by the behavior of theplayers during the games. Although referee selection, and the poor work done by those menselected by the Executive, led to frustration and arguments during the games, the playersoccasionally behaved in a manner that was unfitting for the game during that period.Selected are two incidents to typify the undesirable activities that contributed to the close ofLeague operations.During the 1904-05 season, Pittsburgh acquired the services of William “Peg”Duval. Duval’s actions led to an incident on December 22, 1904, in a game against thePortage Lakes, held at the Amphidrome. The game commenced later than usual, at 8:34p.m., following an argument between the two teams.118 Duval arrived at the rink in anintoxicated condition, and was forced to retire after twenty minutes of playing time. With nosubstitutes being allowed in hockey during this time, Pittsburgh was required to play oneman short for the remainder of the game. However, Houghton’s Bruce Stuart relented toPittsburgh’s pleas and agreed to drop one of his own players, McMaster, to even up thenumber of players on the ice.119After losing to Houghton, Pittsburgh traveled to the Michigan Soo for a game onDecember 23. Unfortunately, the Pittsburgh team was not travelling with any substituteplayers, and Duval was again not in any condition to play; so as not to play with one lessplayer, Pittsburgh substituted Canadian Soo player Dick O’Leary at the cover point position.118Pittsburgh had wanted to start the game at 8:00 p.m., in order to make a 10:15 train outof Houghton.119Mininci Gazette, Dec 23/04, n. pag.190O’Leary apparently made little effort to aid his new team, and Pittsburgh lost again, by ascore of 93 120Unfortunately for Pittsburgh, Duval’s behavior did not improve. On December 26,the team was to play at the Canadian Soo, and with “Duval not being in condition to playwith Pittsburgh,”121 the Canadian Soo managers were persuaded to drop a player and thetwo teams played the entire game with six skaters on each team. The two clubs tied 4-4, asten minutes of overtime did not determine a winner, and the teams decided to end thegame. Dick O’Leary, having played one game in Duval’s place in the Michigan Soo game,returned to the Canadian Soo team and scored two of his team’s goals, a significantly bettereffort than he had shown when temporarily recruited for the Pennsylvania team.122Duval did not play the following evening, again at the Canadian Soo, where the localteam easily won its first game of the season, beating Pittsburgh 9..4123 The Sault Starreported that Duval was “alleged to be absent on account of his thirst. . .“124 Duval’sperformance and abuse of alcohol would not change, and he was released by Pittsburghlater in the season.125 The actions of players such as Duval would do little to enhance thereputation of the l.H.L. as a high-calibre, well-operated league, in the opinions of thosecriticizing the League and its operations.Later in the 1 904-05 season, another incident occurred that drew the ire of players,management, and supporters alike. The final games of the 1 904-05 season, held betweenthe two Copper Country teams, would also provide an example of the poor sportsmanshipthat would only aid in the criticism of the professional game. At the conclusion of playing12OSoo Evenina News, Dec 24/04, n. pag.l2lbid., Dec 27/04, n. pag.1225oo Evening News, Dec 27/04, n. pag.l23bid., Dec 28/04, n. pag.l24Sault Star, Dec 29/04, n. pag.l25Miriirig Gazette, Feb 17/05, ri. pag.191time during the March 14 game at the Palestra, the Calumet and Houghton teams were tied.Referee “Lal” Earls announced that a short overtime period would be played to determine awinner. The Portage Lakes, citing the brutal tactics that the Calumet team were employing,refused to play the overtime period. Earls had no choice but to award Calumet with thevictory.126The following game, held at the Amphidrome, provided another display of the lack ofcontrol demonstrated by the referees and management over l.H.L. games. In an effort toreduce the aggressive actions of the two teams, the League decided to implement a two-referee system for the return game. “Lal” Earls was to referee, and would be assisted by Dr.Willson.127 However, according to the Coøper Country Evening News, the two refereeswere to work together, and although Earls thought that he had absolute power, he wasassigned to only call off-side plays, while Willson would call penalties.128 The playersthemselves were unsure as to the authority of the two officials, and when Earls called apenalty on Houghton’s “Doc” Gibson, the Portage Lakes player refused to leave the ice,claiming that Willson was the only man who could call penalties. When Gibson would notleave, “Hod” Stuart, sensing that a lengthy dispute would arise, took his Calumet team offthe ice and returned to the dressing room. After a short time, James R. Dee persuaded hisHoughton team to recognize Earl’s call, but the Calumet players, having waited for such along period, had assumed that the match would not continue, and had changed into theirregular clothes; some had even already left the Amphidrome.129 The Calumet playersrefused to put their equipment back on to continue the game, and so the match ended, withover ten minutes of playing time remaining on the game clock.1 26lbid., Mar 1 5/05, n. pag. During the course of the game, many Portage Lakes players hadbecome injured; these injuries were attributed to illegal rough conduct on the part of the Calumet team.127Mining Gazette, Mar 17/05, n. pag.128Cooer Country, Mar 17/05, n. pag.129Mining Gazette, Mar 17/05, n. pag.192A number of hockey supporters felt that the activities of the teams in that gamewould hurt the image of hockey in the Upper Peninsula, and the Coi,oer Country EveningNews stated that “in certain quarters the name of hockey suggests bitter words andcontempt.”’3°James R. Dee, infuriated by the behavior of the players on both teams,feared that such incidents would result in the disbanding of the League:‘People will not stay away from hockey games on account ofunintentional rough work or legitimate bodychecking, either will not kill thesport by any means. . . . The sport is more likely to be killed when peoplepay to see a game of one hour and get but ten minutes.’131Although Dee was referring specifically to the fiasco that occurred between the PortageLakes and the Calumet team, there were too many other instances that have not beennoted, where spectators were unable to watch a complete game due to the improperbehavior of the l.H.L.’s players.Newsoaoer RegortingOne of the most difficult obstacles for the l.H.L. to overcome in its attempts toestablish itself as a reputable league was the biased reporting of the newspapers,particularly those in Canada. The most obvious reason for this was that many of the bestCanadian players had left for the U.S., and were playing a professional game that had beenoutlawed in the Dominion. Thus, any incident (and, as shown, there were many) thatrevealed incompetence, violence, or a poor calibre of play in the l.H.L. was extensivelyreported in the Canadian press. However, the author must note that there is a tendency fornewspapers to report unwanted behavior, because “the antisocial and undesirable aspectsand events get the full publicity”.13213OCoooer Country, Mar 23/05, n. pag.131Minin Gazette, Mar 19/05, n. pag.132Frederick Cozens and Florence Scovil Stumpf, “The Sports Page”, in Snort and Society -An Anthology, edited by John T. Talamini and Charles H. Page (Toronto: Little, Brown & Company,1973), 431.193As the l.H.L. developed a reputation for violence, newspapers were also quick toreport any unruly activities. The Houghton Daily Mining Gazette explained that “the playersin the big teams of the league realize this and do not try to maim each other or knock eachother out, as some of the flash writers would have you think”.133 The “flash writers” werecorrespondents who lived in the l.H.L. towns, and sent news to Canada to be reported inthe newspapers there. Sometimes, information regarding the l.H.L. would be reported inCanada that was based on little factual material. After one such incident, ManagerMcNamara of Houghton responded that “this correspondent is a little off and there was noauthority for such a statement. Flashlight questions of the league games will hurt hockey inthis county and all unauthorized statements of this rabid nature should be cut out.”134The reasons for the type of reports found in Canadian newspapers, particularly inToronto, were easily explained; “the Toronto newspapers never liked the InternationalLeague anyway - possibly because it attracted the top talent of the day”.135 The otherreason was that the papers were trying to downplay the success of the InternationalLeague, which, being professional, was in direct contrast to the many Canadian leagues stilltrying to maintain amateurism in hockey. Thus, any activity that could be reported thatmade the professional game seem less desirable would make amateur play a more sagaciousdecision. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that the efforts of the papers to ruin thereputation of the l.H.L. were working, as the press was “hounding the life out of themanagers of the professional clubs and [was] hot after out and out professional players tillthe game [was] given a fearful black eye across the border”.136133Mining Gazette, Feb 24/06, n. pag.134Minino Gazette, Jan 15/06, n. pag.135MacDougaII, “the First Six-Man Hockey” in The Hockey Book. edited by Bill Roche(Toronto: McCleIIand and Stewart, 1953), 1 8.1 36Mining Gazette, Sep 27/07, n. pag.194Violence in the International Hockey LeaaueWhile the reports of excessive violence may have been exaggerated in thenewspaper reports in Canada, they were not unfounded. For a variety of reasons, includingthe inability of the referees to control the games, the physical nature of hockey, and thesocial expectations of sport during this time period, the International League developed intowhat Coleman considered “probably the roughest league that ever operated.”137One aspect to consider prior to the analysis of the degree of violence in the l.H.L. isthe different nature of the game at that time. The matches were played at a much slowerpace, due to the lack of substitutes, and there were often extended stoppages of play.138Players were considerably smaller than those who play professional hockey today; mostaveraged between 145 and 165 pounds.139 The play was still quite aggressive, despite thelack of equipment and padding to protect the players. Mott explained the nature of thebody-contact during this time period:However, checking in the early era involved much less high-speed bodycontact, especially along the boards, than became common in the next fewdecades. . . . both the rules in force and the virtual absence of upper-bodyprotective equipment dictated that the players of that time would be muchless physically aggressive than those who followed them.140Despite Mott’s observation, a review of the data collected for this study reveals that therewas, of course, body-checking, but most of the flagrant penalties were incurred as a resultof violent fouls; acts such as cross-checking, high-sticking, and slashing werecommonplace, and an integral part of an I.H.L. player’s repertoire.The local press blamed the inept refereeing for some of the violence, and manytownspeople were outspoken towards the aggressive play in some games; “the referee137Coleman, 610.138Moff, 3.1 39Young, 30. Of course, there were several exceptions, including “Doc” Gibson, whoweighed well over 200 pounds during his I.H.L. playing days.140Mott, 6.195ought to cut out this rough work. It will certainly kill the game here because people do notwant to go down to the Amphidrome to see a man murdered”.141 The Sault Ste. MarieEvening News also recognized the importance of the referee in controlling the violence;however, the newspaper identified the role both the players and spectators held as well:Whether a game is rough or close depends very much on the referee,who is supposed to impose penalties for any unnecessarily rough play. Theplayers and spectators have much to do with that. The players often try tosettle old scores and the spectators too frequently in the excitement cheerfor any piece of rough work.142Despite the cries of overly violent behavior during the games, one l.H.L. townnewspaper did admit that, “where slashing and body-checking is indulged in to any extentaccidents frequently happen. But the element of danger . . . attached to the game makes it amost exhilarating sport to watch.”143 Perhaps the American spectators were more receptiveto the violent game of hockey,144 but when the sport was first introduced in the CopperCountry, many spectators had difficulty accepting the level of body-checking used by thePortage Lakes Hockey Club players. The Daily Mining Gazette hinted that this reaction mayhave been caused by spectators being unaware that body-checking was a legal part of thesport.’45Hockey and “Manly SnortsDuring the first decade of the twentieth century, a contradiction developed amongthose discussing violence in sport; while some chastised the aggressive behavior, manyothers endorsed the same acts. As Gruneau and Whitson explained, “modern sport has ties141 Mining Gazette, Jan 15/06, n. pag.142Soo Evening News, Dec 14/04, n. pag.‘43Coooer Country, Mar 2/05, n. pag.144VioIent sports are considered popular with most Americans; D. Stanley Eitzen and GeorgeH. Sage, Socioloov of American Sport, Second Edition (Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown Co. Pub., 1 982), 67.145Minina Gazette, Feb 28/03, n. pag.196to a romantic tradition of martial prowess and masculine adventurism that has oftenfetishized the value of robust physicality over the development of intellect”.146 With theindustrialization and urbanization of society, men found it difficult to express their ownmasculinity. Messner noted that; “with no frontier to conquer, with physical strengthbecoming less relevant at work. . . it was feared that males were becoming ‘soft’ “•147Thus, sport became a means to express masculine or manly qua