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The origins and development of the International Hockey League and its effects on the sport of professional.. Mason, Daniel Scott 1994-03-03

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THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THEINTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUE AND ITS EFFECTSONTHE SPORT OF PROFESSIONAL ICE HOCKEY IN NORTHAMERICAbyDANIEL SCOTT MASONB.P.E., The University of British Columbia, 1992A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENTOFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESSchool of Human KineticsWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAAugust 1994© Daniel Scott Mason, 1994In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of therequirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia,I agree that the Libraryshall make itfreely available for reference and study. I furtheragree that permission forextensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposesmay be granted by the headof mydepartment or by his or her representatives.It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shallnot be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department of or’i4tJM4J kiflcçThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate9/,79yDE-6 (2/88)ABSTRACTThis study examined the development of the first professional ice hockey league, theInternational Hockey League, and its relationships with amateur and professional leaguesand ideals, in both Canada and the United States, during the first decade of the twentiethcentury.Following the historical method, relying primarily on newspapers reports from thetowns involved with the League during that period, a chronological-thematic narrative waswritten to analyze the following hypotheses:a) the League played an important role in thedevelopment of professional hockey in Canada,b) the League and its members reflected andaffected attitudes toward professional hockey in Canada and the U.S.,c) the operations andplay levels of the League were the direct result of several influential individuals and events.The study was arranged into three distinct parts: an examination of backgroundconditions existing in eastern Canada and ice hockey prior to the formation of the l.H.L.; adescriptive narrative of the l.H.L.s towns, operations and influential individuals; and aninterpretation of selected issues.The study revealed that the formation and operations of the l.H.L. provided asignificant influence on the trend toward the acceptance of professionalism in the Canadiansenior hockey leagues. It was also determined that the factors associated with thatacceptance led to the demise of the l.H.L.TABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT.iiTABLE OF CONTENTS iiiLIST OF PLATES ixLIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xGLOSSARY xiACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xivChapterI. INTRODUCTION 1Review of Relevant Literature 4Statement of the Problem 6Justification for the Study 7Delimitations 8Limitations 8Hypotheses 9Sources of Information 9Definition of Terms 10Methodology 10II. BACKGROUND CONDITIONS RELATED TO THE STUDYEastern Canada and Sport During the Late Nineteenth Century 1 2The Emergence of Amateurism and Professionalism in Canadian Sport... 16The Origins and Development of Ice Hockey 22Rules 25Equipment 28Facilities 33The Regulation and Formation of Associations 34Amateurism and Professionalism in Ice Hockey 38IIIChapterIll. THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUEA. Early Ice Hockey in the United States 41Michigan 43Houghton, Houghton County, Michigan 44B. The Portage Lakes Hockey ClubEarly Team Success 48The Amphidrome 50The Organization and Success of the First Professional Hockey Team:The Portage Lakes Hockey club of 1 903-04 54C. The Formation of the International Hockey League 62D. International Hockey League Innovations and Rule Changes:1904-1907 65E. The Organization and Success of the International Hockey League Teams:1904-1907 70Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan (Michigan Soo) 71Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario (Canadian Soo) 76Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 86Calumet, Michigan 91Houghton, Michigan (The Portage Lakes Hockey Club) 98F. Potential League Expansions: 1904-1 907 106G. The Conclusion of I.H.L. Operations 111H. The Influence of Selected Individuals 118Administrators 119James R. Dee 1 20Edwin S. “Chaucer” Elliott 121Dr. John L. “Doc” Gibson 124John T. McNamara 1 27Important Players 128ivChapterRoy Brown.129Lorne Campbell 130James Henry “Jimmy” Gardner 132Joe Hall 132“Riley” Hem 135“Chief” Jones 136Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde 137Jean BaptisteuJackLaviolette 140Ken Mallen 141Didier Pitre 142Bruce Stuart 146William Hodgson “Hod” Stuart 147Fred Taylor 1 51William “Lady Bill” Taylor 1 54Jack Ward 155Jack Winchester 156IV. AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUEA. Impact on Host Towns 157Spectators 1 58Business and Commerce 1 61Participation in Ice Hockey 1 63B. League Competition 1 64The Advantages of Pittsburgh 165Managerial Rivalries 1 66Team Rivalries and Competition 1 69C. Exhibition Games 171VChapterCanadian Exhibition Games 1 72Stanley Cup Challenges 1750. Referees 1 76Administrative Problems 177Referee Incompetence 1 84E. Inappropriate Behavior 187Administrative Behavior 1 87Player Behavior 190Newspaper Reporting 193F. Violence in the International Hockey League 1 95Hockey and Manly” Sports 196Acts of Brutality During l.H.L. Games 1 98Bad” Joe Hall 204Spectator Violence 207A Comparison of l.H.L. and Canadian Hockey League Violence 208G. Finances 211Attendance 211Profits 21 4Competition for Spectators 217Socio-economic Trends 218Player Salaries 220V. INTER-LEAGUE RIVALRY AND TRENDS IN PROFESSIONALISM IN ICE HOCKEYA. Inter-league Rivalries and Influences 224The Western Pennsylvania Hockey League 224The Ontario Hockey Association 227The Attempts of the O.H.A. to Discipline Professionals 229viChapterAttempts to Thwart Professional Clubs 234The War Against the l.H.L. and Professionalism 240Maintaining the Power of the Association 245The Eastern Canada Amateur Hockey Association 246B. Changes in Professionalism in Hockey in Canada 250Commercialism in Spectator Sport and Perceived AmericanInfluences 250Amateur Hockey Organizations and Hidden Professionalism 254Amateurism in Senior Canadian Hockey 256C. Professionalism During the I.H.L.s Operating Years 257Hypocrisy in Canadian Amateur Hockey 258Resistance to Professionalism 260Anticipation of Professional Hockey 262D. Professional Ice Hockey in Canada 264E. The International Hockey League and Canadian Professional Hockey.267The Influence of American Ideals on Ice Hockey 267Reactions of Canadian Teams and Associations to I.H.L. Success.. .272Anti-professional Policy in Canadian Associations 274Professional Hockey in Canada and the Disbanding of the l.H.L 275VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONSSummary 278Conclusions 281Recommendations 284Recommendations for Further Study 284Final Recommendations 285BIBLIOGRAPHY 286APPENDICES 291vi’A. The Rules of Hockey - As Written by Arthur Farrell, Shamrock HockeyClub, 1899 292B. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club - Player, Team, and Referee Records,1903-04 294C. International Hockey League Rules - 1904-05 298D. Rules Governing Play in the International Hockey League - 1 904-05 299E. International Hockey League Officers, 1 904-1 907 301F. International Hockey league Team Uniforms 303G. International Hockey League All-Star Teams, 1904-1 907 304H. International Hockey League Team Records, 1 904-1 907 307I. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1904-05 308J. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1905-06 313K. International Hockey League Player and Team Records, 1906-07 31 8L. International Hockey League Scoring LeadersByYear 323M. International Hockey League Referees 324N. Complete International Hockey League Player Records 1904-1 907 3250. International Hockey League Career Leaders 331P. “Hockey By Si Plunkins” 332Q. Recorded Attendance at I.H.L. Games 335VIIILIST OF PLATESPlateI. Skate Advertisement -190029II. Hockey Equipment Advertisement, 190031Ill. Dr. John L. “Doc” Gibson47IV. The Amphidrome Rink, Houghton, Michigan51V. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Team Photo - 1903-0457VI. The Portage Lakes Hockey Club and Montreal Wanderers - SeriesAdvertisement, 190460VII. Fire Insurance Map of the Ridge Street Arena, SaultSte. Marie, Michigan 73VIII. Duquesne Gardens, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania87IX. Fire Insurance Map of The Palestra, Calumet, Michigan93X. The Calumet Hockey Club - I.H.L. Champions, 1904-0596XI. a) Edwin “Chaucer Elliottb) James R. Dee 122XII. Joe Hall134XII. a) Edouard “Newsy” Lalondeb) “Jack” Laviolette 139XIII. a) Didier Pitreb) Bruce Stuart 145XIV. a) “Hod” Stuartb) Fred Taylor 152XV. John Ross Robertson, O.H.A. President, 1899-1905 230ixLIST OF ABBREVIATIONSA.A.A.C. Amateur Athletic Association of CanadaA.A.I-l.L. American Amateur Hockey LeagueA.H.A.C. Amateur Hockey Association ofCanadaC.A.A.U. Canadian Amateur Athletic UnionC.A.H.L. Canadian Amateur Hockey LeagueE.C.A.H.A. Eastern Canada Amateur Hockey AssociationE.C.H.A. Eastern Canada Hockey AssociationF.A.H.L. Federal Amateur Hockey Leaguel.H.L. International Hockey LeagueM.H.L. Manitoba Hockey LeagueN.H.A. National Hockey AssociationN.H.L. National Hockey LeagueO.H.A. Ontario Hockey AssociationO.P.H.L. Ontario Professional Hockey LeagueP.C.H.A. Pacific Coast Hockey AssociationW.C.H.L. Western Canada Hockey LeagueWP.H.L. Western Pennsylvania Hockey LeaguexGLOSSARYHOCKEY AND SPORT-RELATED TERMSAll-star. All-stars were those players who were determinedto be exceptionally talented. All-star teams were usually determined following the conclusionof a specific hockey season,where athletes at each playing position were recognized froma specific league. Appendix Gcontains all-star teams that were selected during the I.H.L.’s operativeyears. In addition,Charles L. Coleman, following the compilation of data for his work TheTrail of the Stanleychose an all-star team based on all those players whohad competed for the StanleyCup, between 1893 and1926.1Body-checking. This act consisted of stopping an opposing player whohad the puck byusing the body. A player could not, in any way, hindera player who did not have the puck.2Combination Plays. Combination plays were the quick, successive passingplays that wererequired during games, due to the on-side nature of hockeyat the beginning of the twentiethcentury.Coverioint. This player was situated directly in front of the point position, and, althoughadefence player, occasionally joined in rushes toward the opposing zone.The coverpointposition was usually held by a strong, fast skater who also could body-check,and, when incontrol of the puck, stickhandle with it long enough for the forwardsto form a line ofattack.3Defenceman. The two defence players were called point and coverpoint, and werepositioned one in front of the other, unlike the side-by-side method usedin later years.Those playing defence were expected to stop attacks, pass the puck to ateammate, or liftthe puck to the other end of the rink. These players rarely left the immediatevicinity of theirown goals.4Face (or Face-off).A face would be used to commence play. The puck wouldbe placedbetween the sticks of two opposing players, who would try to gain control of the puck,upon the hearing the referee blow a whistle or shout “play”.Fence (or boards). The boundary around the ice surface was called the fence,or boards. Thesize of the fence would vary, according to the arena hosting games. In addition, players,all-star team is referred to in Chapter 3, where the careers of specificl.H.L.players are analyzed.2Houghton Daily MininQ Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.3SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.4Foster Hewitt, Hockey Niciht in Canada (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1953), 38.xiupon receiving a penalty, did not have a penalty box to report to, and instead would be“sent to the fence’, to sit on the boards for the duration of the penalty.Forward. There were four forwards during this period, a centre, two wings, and the now-defunct rover. Usually, the rover would initiate a rush up ice with the puck, and wouldjoined by the rest of the forwards, who formed a line across the width of the ice surface. Aforward was usually a fast skater and good stickhandler, who could use a teammate well,and shoot the puck accurately, although many goals during this period occurred when aforward followed a puck shot on an opposing goal, and put the puck into the net if thegoalkeeper was unable to control the initial shot.5Goalkeeoer (or goaltender). This was considered to be one of the most important positionson a team. A player at this position needed to be agile and quick on skates, and be able toblock the shots directed at the goal. The goaltender could not fall to the ice, and so neededto be adept at “clearing”, or removing the puck from the immediate vicinity of the goalareaLifting. Lifting occurred when a player, usually at the defence position, raised the puck highinto the air, and down the ice toward the opposing goal. This practice was used to relievepressure around the goal net, and to also attempt scoring opportunities; the off-side ruleforbade forward passing, but a lifted puck could be easily taken by a forward, should anopposing defence player be unable to control the lifted puck.“Loafing” off-side. Because players were required to be on-side, that is, always behind theteammate with the puck, a player would be considered loafing if nearer the opposing goal.That player would be essentially taken out of the play, the referee calling an infractionshould the loafing player touch the puck. Players who engaged in this practice would bescorned, and considered indolent, and in some cases, referees would call penalties on suchplayers, in order to discourage this practice.Off-side. This was a very important rule; should the puck be shot or passed in the directionof the opposing goal, a player could not touch the puck immediately after a teammate. Thatplayer would be considered off-side, and could only be placed on-side when an opposingplayer touched the puck. In some circumstances, a player could be placed on-side if theteammate who touched the puck immediately prior skated up ice to a point where the offside athlete was located.7Point. The point position was located immediately in front of the goalkeeper, and to preventopposing forwards from shooting, and to remove the puck from the area near the goal.Traditionally, the point player was a big, strong athlete, capable of body-checking theopposing forwards.8Rover. The rover was the most versatile of all the players on the ice, aiding the defencewhen opponents were attacking the goal, and skating up ice with the forwards for their ownrushes on the opposite goal. The rover would usually be the fastest skater on the club, and5Sault Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.6lbid7Mininp Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.8SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.xl’would also be required to assume the playing positions of any teammates who left the ice toserve penalties.9Rush. This was the skill of skating toward the opposing goal with the puck. A rush could bedone individually, or with teammates, who would stickhandle with the puck, or pass it backand forth.Stickhandle. This was the act of controlling the puck with the stick.Shutout. A shutout occurred when a team played an entire game without allowing theopponent to score a goal. Shutouts would be credited to the goalkeeper, and could be usedas a means of determining the abilities of the goaltender.9lbid.XIIIACKNOWLEDG EM ENTSThe author would like to thank the thesis supervisor, Dr. Barbara Schrodt, for herguidance, contributions, and feedback during the writing of this thesis. The author wouldalso like to recognize the efforts of Dr. Robert Morford and Dr. Wendy Frisby, whose inputand assistance as examiners have been greatly appreciated.Phillip Pritchard of the Hockey Hall of Fame is commended for his invaluableassistance in allowing the author access to important information at the Hall in Toronto,Ontario.In addition, the moral and critical support of the author’s parents, David and MarjorieMason, the technical guidance of his sister, Denise Mason, and the emotionalsupport of hispartner, Anita Kagna, during the completion of this study, were greatly appreciated.xivCHAPTER IINTRODUCTIONThe first openly-acknowledged professional ice hockey team played its inauguralgame in the town of Houghton, Michigan, in 1 903. The competitiveness of the team thatyear led to the organization of the first professional hockey league, the International HockeyLeague (l.H.L.), in the fall of 1904.The purpose of this study is to present a comprehensive written history of theInternational Hockey League. The study will provide a background on the research problem,information regarding the league, and the need for further research. The procedure forinvestigation will also be presented.In the decades following Confederation, Canada enjoyed a rapid growth in sport,including ice hockey. The interest that the Canadian public held for hockey increased withthe industrialization and urbanization of the late 1 800’s. These advances created moreleisure time for workers and therefore the need for more leisure activities.1During this time, many amateur sport governing bodies were formed, adopting thestringent rules regarding the amateur status of athletes that were common in Britain.2Onesuch association was the Ontario Hockey Association (O.H.A.), formed in the fall of 1 89O.However, despite pressures from the O.H.A. to retain amateurism in hockey, and the‘Allan Cox, et al, “Sport in Canada, 1868-1900”, in History of Sport in Canada 2nd edition.ed. Maxwell Howell and Reet Howell (Toronto: Stipes Pubi. Co., 1985), 107.2Alan Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play: The Emergence of Organized Sport. 1807-1914(Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1987), 100.3Scott Young, 100 Years of Dropping the Puck- A History of the O.H.A. (Toronto: McClellandand Stewart, Inc., 1989), 7.apparent negative views about professionalism in sport, there were numerousinstances inice hockey where athletes were paid to participate.Commonly referred to as “ringers”, thesepaid players began appearing in hockey inthe early 1 890’s,4but hockey associations, particularlythe O.H.A., continued to resist anddeny any activities involving professional players.“Professionalism was seen to be the rootof all the other problems. Rough play, the use of ringers,fan conduct, and any other evils allcoalesced into one ailment - professionalism.”5The identification and subsequent reprimanding of professional hockeyplayersinvolved the suspension of those athletes consideredto be “non-resident” players by theassociations governing a specific league,6but professionalpractices continued despite therisks of being caught. An indicator that professionalism hadtruly arrived in ice hockey wasthe fact that games were now scheduled on weekdays; amateursnormally held positions ofemployment in other endeavors, and often required financial subsidization to compensateforwork-time missed by playing or travelling to games during the week.7The pressures from sport governing bodies continued to thwart the paying ofplayers, but views on professionalism in society were beginningto change. By 1 900,hockey was played and viewed by all classes of society in Canada,8and was nolongerconsidered to be a sport enjoyed only by affluent members of society.9Also,as fan interestincreased, it was now a possible business venture, and paying players wasone way toensure team competitiveness.4Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 70.5lbid., 71.6Kevin Jones,”Sport and Games in Canadian Life, 1900-1920,” in History ofSnort in Canada,195.7Henry Roxborough, One Hundred-Not Out (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1966), 204.8Cox, 145.9lbid., 117.2However, until 1 903, professionalism was not visibleto the public; players, who inthe past had played for local teams, had now goneto other towns, and were secretly paidby their new clubs, or guaranteed high-paying positions within thecommunity.10 Despitesuch occurrences, ice hockey was consideredto be an “amateur” sport until 1 903, whenthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club was formed.The sport was gaining in popularity,during the first decade of the twentieth century,particularly in Eastern Canada. J.L. Gibson,a Canadian who had relocated in Houghton topractice dentistry, had played for the Berlin11 team in the O.H.A. and wasinstrumental inintroducing the sport to the Michigan mining town. However, Houghtondid not haveenough skilled players available locally to maintain the competitivenessof the club; as aresult, the team management was forced to build the club fromplayers in Canada. The teameventually paid players to come to Houghton, but had no interest in concealingthis fact.Thus, from these transactions, the “Portage Lakes” Hockey Club was formed,the firstprofessional ice hockey team in North America.12The newly-formed professional club began playing exhibition gamesagainstCanadian and American clubs. The Houghton team, laden with talentedplayers, soundlydefeated their opponents in many of the games. Consequently, Canadianteams, oftenhumiliated by the American team, began to seek out players of better calibre, orto retainplayers by paying them, regardless of the risks of being considered professional.13Shortlythereafter, leagues in Eastern Canada began operating on a fully-acknowledged professionalbasis.10Morris Mott, “Inferior Exhibitions, Superior Ceremonies: The Nature and Meaning of theHockey Games of the Winnipeg Vics, 1890-1903”, in 5th Canadian Symposium on the Historyof Soortand Physical Education (Toronto: University Press, 1982), 11.Berlin was renamed Kitchener in 1916.12JW (Bill) Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr. J.L. (Jack) Gibson,” speech given at the Hockey HallofFame Induction Dinner, Toronto, 26 Aug. 1 976, n. pag.13Nancy Howell, and Maxwell L. Howell, Sports and Games in Canadian Life (Toronto:MacMillan of Canada, 1 969), 206.3The success of the Houghton club led several entrepreneurs to believe that a leaguein the eastern United States might prove to be a profitable venture. As aresult, for thefollowing season, the International Hockey League wasformed,14 with teams playing Out ofSault Ste. Marie, Houghton and Calumet, Michigan, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (thearenathere had artificial ice), and Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario.Players were paid salaries of twenty-five to seventy-five dollars per week, with the league operatingfrom December 14 to March15•15Referees were also paid to work in the new league; they weregiven a monthly salaryand travelling expenses.16The l.H.L. continued operating until it was disbanded in 1907.The reasons for theLeague’s closure are not completely certain, althoughmany have postulated that this wasdue to a lack of fan interest, or arena facilitiesnot capable of hosting adequate crowds tomake League operations profitable.17Sport historian AlanMetcalfe suggested that the l.H.L.lacked the necessary conditions for a successful league,namely a large population andcomparatively short distances betweencompeting towns.18Review of Relevant LiteratureMost of the literature reviewed for this study has addressedthe International HockeyLeague and its importance, but in little detail.Often, information on the League is limited toa simple paragraph within alarger work.Frank Cosentino, in his thesis, “A History of the Conceptof Professionalism inCanadian Sport”, outlines some of the League’soperations, but this constitutes only partsmany works the l.H.L. is referred to as the International Professional HockeyLeague, orthe International Pro League.15Frank Cosentino, “A History of the Concept of Professionalismin Canadian Sport” (Ph.D.thesis, University of Alberta, 1973), 226.16Toronto Globe and Mail, Nov 2/1905, n. pag.17HowelI and Howell, 206.18Metcalfe, 170.4of several pages in a thesis that exceeds five hundred pages. Thereason for this apparentlack of emphasis might be that the l.H.L. was considered to be anAmerican league, asCosentino examined other professional leagues that emerged in eastern Canadashortly afterthe creation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club and the l.H.L. It is unfortunatethat themagnitude of historical sport research often forces the historian tocontain research withinspecific geographical confines. In the case of the l.H.L., it may be thatits operations in boththe United States and Canada could make extensive research difficult,as the two countriesare usually examined either separately, or in comparisonwith one another.Kevin Jones also conducted extensive historical researchon sport of this timeperiod, but again, although the importance of the leagueis not overlooked, reference to thel.H.L. is limited.19 The extent to which the l.H.L. is examined by Jonesand other sporthistorians is limited to a statement of the creation of the league by Gibson, itssignificanceas the first professional hockey league, and its demisein 1 907.Perhaps the l.H.L.’s American origins are the reasonsfor the apparent lack of depthto which the league’s operationsare analyzed. Even Metcalfe barely details the l.H.L. in hiswork, Canada Learns to Play20.Also, although Howell and Howell mention thegenesis andexistence of the l.H.L., in Sport and Games in CanadianLife, it is again, only briefly.21The Trail of the Stanley Cup, Volume One, by Charles Coleman,provides aninvaluable source of information for hockey historians.Coleman has meticulously compiledstatistical and biographical information on the playersof most of the teams and leagues thathave competed for the Stanley Cup since1893.22Unfortunately, the Stanley Cup was notcompeted for by professional leagues, during the lifespanof the I.H.L., and therefore,19Jones.20Metcalfe.21Howell and Howell.22Charles L. Coleman, The Trail of the Stanley CUDVol. 1 1 893-1926 inc. (Dubuque: KendallHunt Publishing Company, 1966).5Coleman did not compile statistical information on this league. A majority of the authorswho have written on specific events and players of this era use Coleman’s book forstatistical reference, and do not choose to research the data themselves. This practice hascreated a gap in the information that is available on the teams and players of this timeperiod that are not included in Coleman’s study.Finally, the Hockey Hall of Fame, which carries an extensive collection of workspertaining to hockey, was contacted for information or artifacts relating to the I.H.L.Following discussion with Phillip Pritchard,23 and a subsequentsearch for information at theHall in Toronto, it was determined that little or no information was available onthe l.H.L.However, the Hall does hold a scrapbook, containing newspaper clippings aboutthe l.H.L.,and several other miscellaneous artifacts.This review of literature has determined that readily available information on theformation, operation and subsequent demise of the InternationalHockey League, althoughnot insignificant, is limited.Statement of the ProblemThe purpose of this study is to compile a comprehensive written history of theInternational Hockey League from 1 903 until its demise in 1907. The study willinclude theevaluation and examination of the following sub-problems, theextent to which will bedetermined by the availability of resources and the abilitiesof the researcher:a) theorganization, administration, and operation of the l.H.L.b) theinfluences of other leagues, particularly the 0.H.A., on the I.H.L., and the waysin which the l.H.L. may have influenced other leagues.c) the impactof public views about professionalism on the International HockeyLeague and its members.23Pritchard is the Manager of the Resource Centre and Acquisitions at the Hockey HallofFame and Museum, in Toronto, Ontario.6d) the relationships between financial and competitive successor failure, the League’soperations, and the influences of rival leagues.e) the impact of innovations, and ruleschanges on the l.H.L., and in particular, thesport of ice hockey in general.f) the influence of specific individualson the League and its operations.Justification for the StudyThe review of literature has demonstrated that, to the best of this investigator’sknowledge, no comprehensive written history of the International Hockey League has beenundertaken, although brief references to the League are frequent inthe relevant literature onthe history of sport in Canada, and the history of ice hockey. Despite the lack of emphasisplaced on the League in the literature, the significanceof the l.H.L. is duly noted as the firstprofessional hockey league in North America.No works are concerned specifically with the l.H.L., although therehave been somebiographical analyses of players whose playing careers were atone time centered in theleague. In such cases, references to the Leagueare confined to specific occurrences andevents during games of note, or related to thelives of the players in question, and, in someinstances, proven to have been based on incorrect information.As previously discussed, the work of Coleman, with its detail of the historyofhockey in North America, has left a noticeable gap in usefulinformation, particularlyconcerning the statistical compilation of leagues and players. Therefore,those hockeyresearchers relying on Coleman have, of necessity, beenmore general in their treatment ofthe I.H.L. than other leagues.The fact that information is not as readily available forI.H.L. reference as for otherleagues of the time period is, in itself, not reasonenough to undergo a comprehensivewritten examination. Cosentino, among others, has hintedthat the creation of the PortageLakes Hockey Club, and the International Hockey Leaguehad a profound effect on the sport7of ice hockey in eastern Canada. This can be evidenced by the sudden creation of otherprofessional leagues following the competitive success of the Portage Lakes team, and theI.H.L.. The importance of the l.H.L. in establishing and leading to the acceptance ofprofessionalism in ice hockey must not be overlooked.A comprehensive written history, and an understanding of the relationships betweenthe l.H.L., competing leagues, and society can only be obtained through a detailed analysisof newspapers, artifacts, records, and reports available.Delimitationsa) The time limits for the study are from 1 902 to 1 907, that is, from theyearbefore the creation of professional hockey in Houghton, to the demise of theInternational Hockey League. In order to establish a setting for the work, informationregarding the formation and development of ice hockey, both amateur andprofessional, and the views on sport in society of the time period are examined.Much of this information was acquired from sources that are concerned withissues prior to or after the selected years.b) The geographic area for the study is the Province of Ontario,and the states ofMichigan and Pennsylvania.Limitationsa) The availabilityand accessibility of resources will prove to be a limitation of thisstudy.b) Most of theindividuals involved with the operation of the International HockeyLeague are deceased. The whereabouts of those who remain are unknown, and mayprove difficult to locate. Should it be possible to contact those who where involvedwith the l.H.L., it is not known if such persons would be willing or able tosupply relevant information.8c) The Hockey Hall of Fame,under most circumstances, would provide an invaluablesource of information for a work of this nature. However, upon discussion withCraig Campbell, Phillip Pritchard and Jeff Davis, of the Hockey Hall of Fame inToronto, it has been determined that the Hall’s only source of information on thel.H.L. is one scrapbook.d) The information collected will rely heavily upon datareported in newspapers. Thequality, and impartialness of the reporters of each paper will provide another limitingfactor for this study. To obtain a more impartial and objective view of the events ofeach game, more than one account of the game will be analyzed, where possible.HyøothesesThe nature of this study requires the development of several hypotheses, which willbe examined in light of information gathered during theinvestigative phase of the study.Conclusions and interpretations will be made on the basis of all or some of the followinghypotheses:a) The InternationalHockey League played an important role in the development ofprofessional hockey in Canada.b) The activitiesand operations of the l.H.L. and its members reflected and affectedattitudes toward professionalism in both Canada and the United States.c) The operations andlevels of play of the l.H.L. were the direct result of the influenceof several important individuals and events.Sources of InformationThe sources of information used in this study were as follows:a) All relevant secondarysources, such as studies and works on professionalism insports, Canadian and American sport history, hockeyhistory, and the interaction ofsport and hockey with society, as found in theses,articles in periodicals, and books.9b) Information regarding the methodology of sport history research, as well asworks on the relationship between sport and society, specifically the timeperiod 1895-1915.C) Newspapers, particularly those of the towns of Calumet, Houghton,Sault Ste.Marie, Michigan, Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, and Pittsburgh.d) The Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, and the Michigan State Library andArchives inLansing, Michigan, which provided specific information on the towns, theI.H.L., and its members.Definition of termsIn order to completely understand the study, the defining of certain terms isnecessary. A number of terms relating to the rules and events that occur during the courseof an ice hockey game will need clarification. For the purpose of this study “hockey” will bedefined as the sport of ice hockey which was created in eastern Canada shortly afterConfederation. A glossary of hockey and sport-related terms used during the period of l.H.L.operations has been compiled for this study, and can be found in the front matter of thisthesis.The term “professional” will be defined as the act of accepting money for playing asport, or of using a sport as a means of livelihood. The terms surrounding the concept ofprofessionalism and amateurism will be elaborated upon following the completion of datacollection.MethodoloavThe research conducted follows the historical method. To determine the validity andreliability of the information studied, the data was subjected to a rigorous criticalexamination. Corroborative evidence was sought in all instances to determine thetrustworthiness of collected material. (Using such methods, the external and internal validityof all data collected will be investigated, where possible).10The format of the study is:a) a chronological-thematic narrative of the events and occurrences of the InternationalHockey League from its inception to its demiseb) an analysis and interpretation of the data collected, based on the criteria describedearlierc) an evaluation of the l.H.L., focussing on the apparent success or impact of theLeague.11CHAPTER IIBACKGROUND CONDITIONS RELATED TO THE STUDYEastern Canada and Srort during the Late NineteenthCenturyBoth Canada and its sports were undergoing rapid changesduring the latter half ofthe nineteenth century. While organized sport has been considereda consequence of thechanges in Canadian society during this time, a more appropriate view wouldbe to see sportas an integral part of society, reflecting the dominant social and political concerns of theperiod.1 In order to limit this study, changes in Canadian society that occurred followingConfederation will be noted only when the effects of such changes servedto dramaticallyshape organized sport in Canada.The period discussed witnessed the increased industrial developmentof EasternCanada, which directly led to the development of organized sport.2The emergence oforganized sport in Canada can be attributed to a number of factors. Metcalfereasoned thatthe network of railways, combined with urbanization and industrialization,3provided anenvironment suitable for the evolution of sport in Canada. Jobling further supports Metcalfe,by stating that “the technological changes which occurred throughout the nineteenthcentury, and the ramifications which they engendered, had the most profound effect on thedevelopment of sport in Canada.”41Metcalfe, 1 3.2For a comprehensive view of the development of sport during this period,see Allan Cox, “AHistory of Sports in Canada, 1868-1900” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1969).3Metcalfe, 21.4Ian Jobling, “Sport in Nineteenth Century Canada: The Effects of TechnologicalChanges onits Development” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1970), 3.12Many of the most critical technological advancementswere made in the area oftransportation and communication. The steam-poweredengine linked towns, permittingeasier intra- and inter-city competition, while the telegraphenabled accurate information onsporting events to become available, and aided in the advancementof the mass press in theform of newspapers.5At approximately the same time as theappearance of the telegraph,railway construction had began in earnest in easternCanada.6Cosentino identified thesubsequent increase in inter-city sporting competition7that became a possibility for earlyCanadian athletes following the construction of additionalrailway lines. An excellentaccount of the effects of the industrial revolution,leading to the development ofindustrialization and urbanization,and to improvements in transportation andcommunication, can be found in Jobling’s doctoraldissertation “Sport in the NineteenthCentury Canada: The Effectsof Technological Change on its Development”.8The absence of adequate railway linesprior to Confederation confined sport to localareas; athletes were unable to travel great distances,and therefore could not competeagainst a wide range of opponents, or become exposedto the different sports beingdeveloped in different parts ofeastern Canada. This greatly contributed to the slowadvancement of organized sportsin Canada.9However, the growth of Canadian industryledto increased urbanization in easternCanada, and more leisure time for the working class.The effects of these societal changescoincided with an increase in the number ofsporting clubs in eastern Canada.From the formation of the first sporting club, changes inthe social, cultural, economic, and technologicalpatterns of society would greatly affect the5Metcalfe, 5 1-52.6Jobling, 32.7Cosentino, 1 28.8JobIing9Cox, “History of Sport”, 20.13development of sport.’° According to Cox, railway travel and increased leisure timewerenot the only factors giving sport a more important role in Canadian society:By 1900 sport had attained an unprecedented position in the Canadian socialscene, and this remarkable development had been achieved in a relativelyshort period of time through the railroad, the telegraph, the penny press, theelectric light, the bicycle, the camera, and the mass production of sportinggoods.11Though such advancements led to an increase in the number of sporting clubs formed in thelatter half of the nineteenth century, there were other conditions that would determine thetypes of sports to be pursued; the cold Canadian climate meant that between November andApril, the winter shut down farms, froze the lakes of eastern Canada, and even slowedbusiness.12 Cox also recognized the unique features of Canada that pioneers had to contendwith, when considering the development of sport:Two of the major factors which influenced the development of sportswere climate and terrain. The harsh winters, with snow on the ground for upto six months of every year, made it necessary for many settlers to becomeconversant with the use of snowshoes. Similarly, the use of ice-skates wasoften an economic, as well as social, necessity.13The winters afforded more time for leisure activities for the rural families of Canada, whosefarm duties were lessened, and “the Canadian winter sports scene [reflected] the ingenuityof the vigorous nineteenth century inhabitants of this northern land.”14The commercialization of Canadian sport began in the 1 870’s in the urban centres ofEastern Canada. The earliest evidence of this phenomenon occurred in Montreal, where anemphasis was placed on the provision of facilities for both spectator and participatory10Cox, “History of Sport”, 1.1lbid., 461.12Peter Waite, “Between Three Oceans: Challenges of a Continental Destiny (1840-1900),” inThe Illustrated History of Canada, ed. Craig Brown (Toronto: Lester & Orpen Dennys Limited, 1 987),283.13Cox, “History of Sport”,19.14lbid., 198.14sport.15 Montreal has been called the “birthplace of organized sport” in Canada,16 due inpart to the spectator potential it held for sporting events.17 Examples of early facilitiesdeveloped for social and sporting events during the cold Montreal winters were the VictoriaSkating Rink, built in 1862, followed by Guilbault’s Rink, in1864.18However, until the effects of industrialization and urbanization had become apparent,these facilities, along with most others, were not available for use by all members ofCanadian society; “organized sport prior to Confederation was limited to the elite of a smallbut growing number of towns and was foreign to the lives of farmers, habitants,lumbermen, and fur traders, who typified the inhabitants of the country.”19 While sportshould be considered “one of the sub-systems of culture that transcends socio-economic,educational, ethnic, and religious barriers,”20 it should be noted that before the onset ofindustrialization, sport was an exclusive domain of the social elite in society.21The development of popular indigenous sporting activities was yet to occur,although immigrants had brought many leisure pursuits from Europe. It was these sameimmigrants who provided the funds to build facilities that could host athletic events, andmany of the games and sports played were simply versions of the games played in Europe.However, the unique conditions of Canada resulted in variations of those same sports:15Metcalfe, 1 34.16lbid., 22.17Cox, “History of Sport”, 275.18Ibid., 6.19Metcalfe, 29.20Ibid., 13-14.21Ibid., 29.15Even though the trends were the same and Montreal’s experience wasrepeated many times in the 1 870’s, local variations in the games played andthe groups involved added to the richness and complexity of Canadian sport.What gave some coherence to sporting activity was the British influence;thus, cricket and curling were the most popular sports across English-speaking British North America• •22The influence of British ideals upon Canadian sporting pursuits was now evident. Sport inCanada was moulded in the image of the British aristocracy, and upheld in children throughthe private school system; “these young native-born ‘Canadians’ were to play an importantrole in the organization of sport.”23 As the British heritage of many Canadians continued toinfluence the development of sport, the urbanization and industrialization of Canadiansociety made the games of the Old Country more unique. “Increased pressure from land useresulted in skyrocketing land prices that in turn affected sport by leading to restricted spatialboundaries and the development of specialized athletic facilities.”24 Pre-industrial sportssuch as cricket, curling, and baseball had included the potential for endless contest; now,newer sports were forced into specific time constraints25necessitated by the scarcity offacilities, or by times available for competition in an urbanized environment.The Emercience of Amateurism and Professionalism in Canadian SDortAs sport necessarily became more structured, “the dominant social groups moved tocreate a network of social sporting clubs that were available only to the elite of society.”26In an attempt to preserve sport as an upper middle class activity, certain means to denyspecific groups in Canadian society the right to participate in organized sport were devisedby the leaders and operators of the early sporting clubs and associations of eastern Canada.The emerging middle class in Canadian society had tried to pattern itself after the social22Metcalfe, 26.23lbjd., 30.24lbid., 48.25Ibjd., 50.26Ibid., 32.16elite,27 and in most instances, the British aristocracy provided the most plausible model forthe new social class to follow. Thus, in sport, the concept of amateurism was adopted,though its value and effects were unique in the Canadian context.Metcalfe explains that because the concept of amateurism existed as a way of lifeinBritain, within a closed social system, no definition of an amateur was necessary until themiddle class, and then the workers, emerged as members of society that were able topartake in leisure activities. Then, “it became necessary to institutionalize, in written form,the value system - thus the attempts to define the amateur code.”28 In Canada, there can beno doubt that the concept of amateurism was taken from Britain, and assimilated intoCanadian society through the military, private schools, and universities.29Metcalfe pointsout that the process of transmitting the concept of amateurism into Canadian culturewasdifficult, as the sports organizations were attempting to implement ideals that hadevolved ina different social system.30 With the social gatheringsafforded by their wealth, the upperclasses enjoyed sporting activities such as hunting, horse-racing, and cricket. Sport thenbecame a means through which this class could demonstrate gentlemanly conduct.31Bycreating an amateur code that effectively separated the “gentlemanfrom the other classesin society, the middle and upper classes in Canada could continue to maintain sport asanactivity exclusive to their own social group, “while systematicallyexcluding non-Europeans,women, and the working class from sport”.32 Anexample of this occurred in lacrosse,where all native Indians were declared professionals.33In doing this, the sports27Cosentino, 23.28Metcalfe, 121.29lbjd30Ibid.3’Ibid., 120.32Richard Gruneau and David Whitson, Hockey Niciht in Canada: Sport.Identities, and CulturalPolitics (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1993), 17.33Cosentino, 36.17organizations had essentially barred thenatives from participating in gentlemanlycompetition. While social standing remaineda factor when determining amateur status,thequestion of pecuniary gain from participationfinally became an issue in the 1870’s.Although accepting money for competingwas already common, it only becamesignificantlylinked to professionalism in the early 1880’s, when social distinction had waned asacriterion for the definition of an amateur.34Metcalfe would call the amateur definitionthegreatest and most destructive contribution that sportorganizations made during thisperiod:By 1 884, an embryonic exclusionary systemprovided the foundation stoneof all future definitions. Unfortunately, indoing so, the organizers of amateursport, either consciously or unconsciously,failed to solve the real problem ofdefining the ideology itself and of developinga meaningful system toimplement it. Instead, a system was created that effectivelyexcludedprofessionals . . . . in doing this it excluded largesegments of the populationand thus sowed the seeds of a class-basedamateur code.36In 1884 the Amateur Athletic Associationof Canada (A.A.A.C.) was formed, inresponse to concerns of professionalism in sports suchas lacrosse.37 An amateur definitionwas quickly forged, and subsequently revised over the years.The following is a partial list,compiled by Metcalfe, that shows the evolution of the A.A.A.C.’samateur definition:34Cosentino, 76.35rvietcalfe, 100.122-1 23.37Ibid., 105.181884: An amateur is one who has never[:1 competed for a money prizestaked a bet. . . [competed] with or against any professional for any prize,assisted in the practice of athletic exercises as a means of obtaining alivelihood.1886 (Add) . . . entered any competition under a name other than his own.1 902(Add): (received] private or public gate receipts; . . . directly orindirectly, received any bonus or a payment in lieu of loss of time whileplaying as a member of any club, or any money considerations whatever forany services as an athlete except his actual travelling and of selling orpledging his prizes.38While sports organizations such as the A.A.A.C. attempted to regulate sports inCanada on the British model, Canada was developing a sporting identity of its own; although“organized sport was created by men and thus was rooted in their own life experiences andcultural traditions, its particular form and characteristics were related to changes in thenature of Canadian society.”39 For this reason, some of the traditional British games, suchas cricket and curling, began to lose popularity, as they were identified with Britain, and notwith the emerging Canadian ideals.’ Cox stated that “the social life of Canada underwentseveral upheavals during this period, for the British traditions began to weaken. British NorthAmerica was becoming a nation with a distinctive character.”41 The emergence of NorthAmerican pastimes was evidenced by the popularity of baseball, which, other than rowing,was the first sport to be characterized as professional in Canada.•42“Baseball had takenroot among the working class and was to remain, for the most part, outside the jurisdictionof amateur sport organizations dominated by the middle class that were to emerge later.”43Baseball’s affinity for professionalism was tied to its class origins, but was also due to itspopularity in rural areas. “Rural baseball teams sometimes found it difficult to compete on anequal footing with urban teams without some kind of commercial sponsorship or financial38Metcalfe, 123, citing Lansley, (University of Alberta, 1971), 290, 295, and 300.39lbid., 47-48.40lbicj., 21.4Cox, 39.42Cosentino, 135.43Metcalfe, 26.19inducements to skilled players.”44The resistance that the sports organizations werereceiving was no doubt the result of attempts by the lower classes, whose best interestswere not recognized by the amateur code, to participate in athletics under the conditionsthat were forced upon them.Cox has noted that, with some sports existing outside the control of the sportsorganizations, and with some resistance to the implementation of the amateur code, therewas a stronger movement towards a return to amateurism during the final decades of thenineteenth century.£Gruneau and Whitson postulated that the:spirit of regulation was also being driven by a more widespread publicanxiety about the perceived threats, uncertainties, and dislocations of asociety developing a modern urban and industrial culture: social unrest,psychic disorders, disease, vice, and cultural decline. In this context theregulation of leisure and popular culture became heavily influenced by anevangelistic spirit of moral entrepreneurship.46While it could be presumed that the “gentlemen” feared that their lower-class professionalcounterparts could equal them in competition, there was another reason for the upholders ofamateurism to try to stop professionalism:Nineteenth-century custodians of amateurism feared that commercialism insport would put an overly great premiumon spectacle rather than play, thatit would lead to inflamed passion and violencerather than moral disciplineand self-improvement, and that it would deflect people for participatinginsport fairly and ‘for its own sake.’47One factor that was constant through sport, amateur or commercial, was thepresence of money.48 As the popularity of sport increased during the 1870’sand 1880’s,the larger number of teams and spectators, combined with the rising price of land, madesport facilities more expensive to maintain. The answer to this problem was torecognize44Gruneau and Whitson 66.45Cox, “History of Sports”, 469.46Gruneau and Whitson, 42.47lbid., 69.48Metcalfe, 141.20sport as a means of income, and to market teams in order to sustain their operation.49 Thepresence of the potential for sport as a means of monetary gain became apparent, andessential, for even the staunchest supporters of the amateur code:Even the most self-righteous proponents of the amateur game were notabove charging spectators a fee in order to make money for their teams andassociations. However, for many people, both within and outside theamateur associations, this simply dramatized the arbitrary and hypocriticalcharacter of existing regulations defining the limits of amateurism andprofessionalism50Jones explained that the increase in loyal spectators, which resulted in increasedclub revenue, ultimately lead to the rise of professionalism in several sports.51 Cox notedthat by the end of the nineteenth century, the A.A.A.C. “seemed to be fighting a losingbattle against professionalism in those team sports which drew large, paying crowds.”52The battle against professionalism was made even more complicated when it becameapparent that each sport had developed its own concept of amateurism.53By1 900, mostteam sports had begun accepting “professionalism as a means of maintaining or enhancingtheir popularity.”54The influence of spectators upon professional and amateur team sportwas far greater than simply providing clubs and organizations with a means of revenue. Thespectators demanded better quality teams and players, and competition increased fortalented players.55 The emergence of professional team spectator sports seemed to beinevitable, the result of a changing Canadian society, from pre-industrial to industrial.5649Metcalfe, 133-134.50Gruneau and Whitson, 71.51Jones, 1.52Cox, “History of Sport”,420.53Keith Lansley, “The Amateur Athletic Union of Canad and Changing Concepts ofAmateurism” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1971), 22.54jones, 7.55lbid., 27-28.56Metcalfe, 1 30.21With the increase in professional spectator sport, the control that amateurorganizations had exhibited over the various sportswould be weakened, unless appropriatechanges to the amateur code were made. By 1900, sport was no longer aprivilege ofaffluent members of society, but a social expectation of almostall Canadians,57and thismade regulation by the affluent operators of the sporting clubs andamateur bodiesincreasingly difficult. As the century ended, amateur statuswas no longer determined bysocial position; a player was declared professional based on the monetaryrewards receivedfor his athletic performance.58Team spectator sport had become the most troublesomesport to control, because of the potential profitabilityof teams or leagues. Consequently, theA.A.A.C. revised its constitution in 1 896. to reflect the changing attitudestowardsprofessionalism, created by the presence of athletes receivingmoney for their participationin sports. However, “the problem of professionalism in amateur sportwas escalating at sucha pace that within six years itwould become the only meaningful issue facing the C.A.A.U.The denouement came in lacrosse and hockey.”59The Oriciins and Development of Ice HockeyThe cold winter climate found in Canadaled to the development of a number ofpopular winter sports, both indigenous and adoptedfrom European pastimes. In the yearsfollowing Confederation, ice hockey quickly becameone of the most popular sports, playedin a number of different settings and under the influence of therules of several other sports.To gain a greater understanding of the important eventsconsidered for this study, ananalysis of the developments in ice hockey,its rules, equipment, and facilities is required.Skating had been introducedin North America as early as the seventeenth century,“but this activity did not become popularuntil prepared ice surfaces were provided and57Cox, “Sport in Canada”, 117. Sport waspursued as both an physical and viewing activity.58Jones, 434.59Metcalfe, 111.22spring skates were invented during the [1 860’s].”60Early forms of ice hockey were playedin the 1 850’s by members of the military garrisons, in both Kingston and Halifax.61Because of the variations in rules, and the lack of evidence to distinctly determine the actualorigins of the sport, “there is little point in engaging in debate about which folk game,played where, or when, is the true precursor to the modern game of hockey.”62The development of ice rinks in eastern Canada is somewhat more easilydocumented. Rinks were a British North American innovation, with the first covered rinkbuilt in the early 1 850’s, in Quebec City.63 “The origins of the first ice rinks lay within theupper middle class who formed semi-commercial rinks in order to enjoy skating,masquerades, and balls. Thus the creation of ice rinks preceded hockey.64 With Montrealacting as an early pioneer, by the 1 870’s, Canada featured a dozen covered rinks.65In Montreal, the Victoria Skating Rink was built in 1862, and served as a playgroundfor the social and business elite of that city.66 While other cities may lay claim to the firstmatches, Montreal must be considered the city most critical in the development of the sport.The importance of Montreal in the development of ice hockey has been widelyacknowledged; “sport historians are virtually unanimous in their recognition that hockey’sorganizational roots, early written rules, and formally regulated codes of conduct first tookhold in Montreal during the 1870’s.”67 The earliest mention of an organized game of hockey60Cox, “History of Sport”, 5-6.61Cox, “History of Sport”, 226.62Gruneau and Whitson, 37.63Cox,”History of Sport”, 6.64Metcalfe, 145.655.F. Wise and Douglas Fisher, Canada’s Soortinn Heroes (Don Mills: General PublishingCompany Limited, 1974), 1 974.66Metcalfe, 135.67Gruneau and Whitson, 37.23occurred at the Victoria Skating Rink, on March 3,1875.68Towards the end of the 1 870’s,interest in the sport had increased, and “by 1 877 there were at least three formallyorganized hockey clubs in Montreal, and a set of rules borrowed from English field hockeyhad been published in the Montreal Gazette.”69 Rules were compiled by several McGillUniversity students, who used the new regulations during a tournament at the Montreal“Winter Carnival”, held in1883.70As hockey became firmly entrenched in the Montrealsports setting, other towns began organizing teams.71 “Hockey had no visible competitorsand was well placed to become the winter game of choice for young anglophoneprofessionals and businessmen with an emergent sense of national belonging.”72 In 1890,hockey teams were organized in Ottawa and Winnipeg, and “by 1895, Montreal,Toronto, Winnipeg, Halifax, St. John, Quebec City, Peterborough and Ottawa all boastedintra-city leagues.”74Despite the expansion of the sport in the mid 1890’s, hockey was still available toonly select social groups and locations, but “by 1905 it had invaded all corners ofCanada.”75 The rapid growth of the sport in the 1 890’s had stimulated the building ofcovered rinks in the smaller towns across Canada.76 This was crucial to the survival ofhockey, as most winter sports that did not go indoors did not survive by the turn of the68Metcalfe, 61. Players played nine to a team.69Gruneau and Whitson, 38.70Cox, “History of Sport”, 230-231.71Cox, 236. Toronto had adopted the sport by 1888.72Gruneau and Whitson, 41.73Cox, “History of Sport”, 233.74Metcalfe, 63.75lbid., 64.145.24century.77 “Hockey had, by 1900, progressedrapidly from the game of shinny-on-your-own-side to a popular sport played and watched byall classes of society in Canada.”78The effects of urbanization were already effecting asport which was only in itsdevelopmental stages. “Originally played on open bays,rivers, or any open space, icehockey was a free-wheeling, far-ranginggame whose boundaries were determined by theavailability of clear ice.”79 Movement intothe defined spatial boundaries of the city rinkscoincided with the increase in players and leagues.The standardization of rules wasnecessary to facilitate inter-cityand inter-provincial competition.80RulesThe first game organized in Montreal, in 1 875, featuredtwo nine-player teamscomposed of members of the Montreal FootballClub, and “by 1879 the number of playersper side had been reduced from nine to sevenand a standardized set of rules had beenadopted. These rules were the foundationof all future rules.”81 Montreal cannot be givenexclusive credit for the development of therules of ice hockey, however, for some otherinnovations had been tried earlierin Halifax.82Many variations of playing rules werecreated in the 1890’s, coinciding with the formationof various associations. The OntarioHockey Association publishedits first set of rules in 1890, including severalcodes ofconduct that would remain in thesport for many years.83 Later in that decade, ArthurFarrellof the Shamrock Hockey Clubwrote a hockey manual, and included a brief set of77jones, 214.78Cox, “History of Sport”, 244.79Metcalfe, 48.811b1d., 63.82Hugl, Hoyles, “The History and Developmentof Hockey”, (Unpublished paper, University ofAlberta, 1968), 19.83lbid 19-20.25regulations,84but because the game was constantly developing, rule changes were madealmost every year.Play was governed by a single referee, who was assisted by a number of otherofficials. Two timekeepers monitored the length of each of the thirty-minute halves, stoppingthe time clock for various reasons: injuries to players, equipment problems, a lost puck orany other delays; the timekeepers would also notify players when they could return to theice after they had been penalized by the referee.85 Certain activities resulted in the stoppageof time; a game would stop for a player who had broken a skate, but not for a brokenstick.86 Goal judges stood directly behind each goal,87 always exposed to possible injury,or to potential interference with the play. The decisions of the goal judge (also called theumpire) would be final, “though in case of manifest unfairness he [could] be removed by thereferee and a successor chosen.”88 An intermission of ten minutes separated the two thirty-minute halves; a tie at the end of play would result in two more five-minute halves to decidea victor in the contest.89The puck would be “faced” to commence play - placed between the sticks of twoopposing players, who would “draw” at the sound of the referee’s whistle or bell.90 Thepuck would also be “faced” to commence halves, or following the scoring of a goal, at thecenter of the rink. Should a foul occur, or the puck leave the ice area, a “face” would occurat the point which the last shot was made.9184Coleman, 1. See Appendix A for a complete list of Farrell’s rules.85Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.86Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag.87Eric Whitehead, Cyclone Taylor: A Hockey Legend (Toronto: Doubleday Canada Limited,1977), 29.88Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02. n. pag.90lbid.91Mining Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag..26Of the few rules that regulated the sport at the start ofthe twentieth century, themost obvious was the “off-side” rule.92 A player could not, underany circumstances,precede the puck when travelling towards the opposing goal. A newspaper from that periodreported that “the most difficult thing in connection with a hockey game from thespectator’s point of view is the off-side play, that is, it is difficult for the spectator to detectduring the swiftly moving incidents during the game.”93 While the off-side rule would laterbecome more refined in the game of hockey, it was considered integral to the game at theturn of the century:This [off-side rule] develops team play, which makes the game sospectacular and prevents fluke scoring of goals, which might result if therewere no rule to prevent a man from loafing in front of his opponents’ goal,waiting for a chance to bat the puck in should it be ‘lifted’ to that vicinity byanother member of his own team.94The act of “loafing off-side” was treated with severe condemnation by manyinvolved withthe sport. A Winnipeg man, Mitchell Hartstone, explained the nuances ofsuch an act:If an official is not strict and a player who is poor in training allowsthe puck to get away from him and [the puck] is carried back up the ice he isliable to lie down and rest until his men get it back even with him and puthim on side. The officials do not permit this at all and after warning amanonce they put him off the ice for three or four minutes.95There were a number of other rules that were subsequently altered; touching thepuck with the hand would only be introduced at theturn of the century, and the goalkeepercould not, under any circumstances, fall to the ice to stopthe puck.96 In addition,92SauIt Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.93Minina Gazette, Dec 18/03, n. pag.94Sault Star, Jan 21/05, n. pag.95Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag. An example occurred in Sault Ste.Marie, Michigan, where a player, Westcott,was penalized for loafing; Mining Gazette, Jan 26/04, n.pag.96The Ontario Hockey Association: Constitution, Rules of Competition andLaws of the Game(Ottawa: Department of Agriculture, as amended, 1 900).27substitutions were generallyforbidden; if a player was forced to leavethe ice because ofinjury, his team was forced to play withone less player; more generally, however,goodsportsmanship prevailed, and the opposingteam would remove a player from the ice toeventhe teams.97Teams consisted of seven players, eachhaving a particular duty on the ice,determined by the positionwhich was taken. Positions could be divided into threeareas: thegoalkeeper, who played directly in frontof the goal and was responsible for stoppingthepuck from passing between thepoles; the defence men, consisting of the point, whoplayeddirectly in front ofthe goalkeeper, and the cover point, who assumed a positionin front ofthe point; and the forwards;two wings, a center, and a rover.98Bythe turn of the century, the standardizationof rules was almost complete. Thesport had evolved tothe point where only minor changes weremade in rules through thefirst decade of the twentieth century. However,“there were minor differences in the rulesgoverning the play of teams in Ontarioand Quebec but major differences did notarise untilthe formation of the Pacific CoastHockey Association [in 1911-12].”EquipmentBecause hockey was a newly-developingsport, equipment innovations wereoccurring constantly. The mass productionof sporting goods was beginning to haveanimpact in the other more establishedsports. Consequently, many early efforts tomake thesport of hockey easier on its players werethe result of using or modifying existingequipment used in other sports.During the early part of the nineteenth century, skatesconsisted of a piece of woodwith a broad iron blade set into them,100but by 1900, the97Mininc Gazette, Mar 6/02, n. pag.98lbid99Coleman, 1.100JobIing, 234.28PLATE IThe Harold A. WilsonOutfitters of Every Known Pastime,35 KING ST. WEST,,ion Hockey Hootsss.oo pair.Lmin’ Skate and Wilson Boot,complete. *8.00.Wilson HockeyBoots .300pair.3He Mho Skate andVIl.onBoot,complete. $6.00._•%•‘__‘__‘,..__._s_•The HaroldA. WilsonCo., 35 King st.W., TorontoSkate Advertisement - 1900(The O.H.A: Constitution and Rules, 1900)29evolution of the skate had reached thepoint where tubular skates101 were being introducedinto league play in all parts of Canada.Poor skate construction led to the frequent breakingof the skate blades during games, resultingin extended stoppages of play.102 Joblingprovides a more detailed view of the development of theice skate in his work “Sport in theNineteenth Century Canada: The Effectsof Technological Changes on its Development.”103Some equipment innovations were implementedduring the games played throughoutCanada, and effective ones were quicklyadopted by players in most leagues. Earlygoalkeepers wore shin pads, but the paddingwas similar to those worn by other skatersuntil 1896, when Winnipeg player G.H.Merritt wore cricket pads for the first time.104 Soon,cricket pads would become standard equipmentfor all goaltenders in hockey, until the1920’s.105 By 1900, goalkeepers wouldalso wear “an unpadded buckskin gauntlet with along cuff.”106 This, along with a paddedleather glove, would protect the arms andhands ofthe players in goal. The pantsworn by goalkeepers were similar in style to those worn bythe other players on the ice.This was probably because the goalkeepers did not drop to theice to stop the puck, and therefore didnot require any additional protection. A uniquegoaltender’s stick did not appearuntil 1 907, when Riley Hem began using one while playingfor the Montreal Wanderers.107101Jones, 258.102An example occurred when Taylorof the Sault Ste Marie, Ontario team broke his skateina match against Houghton. MiningGazette, Jan 14/05, n. pag.103Jobling.‘04Coleman, 5. This fact has been disputed;in many instances different leagues or playershave been credited with similar innovations.105Jeff Davis, et. al., “Evolution ofEquipment”, (Unpublished paper, Toronto: HockeyHall ofFame, 1991), n. pag.106lbid107Hoyles, 1 3. The stick had a noticeably widerblade, unlike those used by earliergoalkeepers.30PLATE IITheHarold A. Wilson CoHockey Knickers.No. 1, extra quality, whi(e,$1.50 pair. No. 2, good quality. white, $1 pair. Madeinfollowing colours at 25cpairextra: black, navy, royal,maroon, grey.Athletic Emblemsmade to order in any design.Prices on application.made in any style or colour toorder. Prices on ap1ication.Any colour or combinationof colours to order. Prices onapplication.The Harold A. Wilson Co., 35 KIng St. W., TorontoHockey Equipment Advertisement- 1900 (The O.H.A. Constitution andRules, 1900)35 King St. West, Toronto.Hockey Jerseys and SweatersHookey Stockings.31The other skaters on a hockey team wore very littleequipment in hockey’s formativeyears. Shin guards were developed separatelyfrom knee pads, and eventually the two weremerged into one guard, made of aluminum, orof fibrous material. The pads were lined withfelt and leather for comfort, and eventuallyworn inside the stockings rather than on theoutside of the uniform.108 The earliest pantswere cotton britches or football pants withlittle or no padding, but by the early 1900’s, quiltedpadding of cotton batting or felt wassewn into the pants. Most models of “hockey knickers”contained padding on the hips, andwere later made with canvas for greaterdurability.109 Helmets, shoulder and elbow padswere not used regularly until afew decades into the twentieth century.1 10Players such asFred Taylor introduced many equipmentrefinements through experiments with theirownuniforms. While in Listowel, Ontario, Taylorbegan sewing felt around the shoulders andback of his jersey, and also hadbone stays, similar to those used in ladies’ corsets,sewninto his pants to protect histhighs.rnSticks were made from a single pieceof wood, and were shaped more like thoseused in field hockey. Theywere traditionally hand-made, but eventuallywood specialists inQuebec and Ontario could produce sturdysticks in greater quantities for publicconsumption.2Jobling noted that “by1900, the sticks in use were not unlike thebasichockey stick of today as, over several decades,the handles became longer and the blades108Davis.“°9lbid.110lbid. Sticks made during this period wereheavier and thicker than those used today, and,although breakage occurred with far lessfrequency, players may have found it more awkward tostickhandle with such a bulky pieceof wood.1Whitehead, 27.112Davis32flatter.”113The stick blade would remain flat, however,as it would be at least another fiftyyears before players began curving theirblades to increase the velocity of their shots.114FacilitiesAs discussed earlier, the rinks built in eastern Canadashortly followingConfederation were not initially developedfor hockey use. As a result, there was littleincentive to construct rinks of universal dimensions.This would create potential problems asteams began to travel to other arenas toplay, only to discover vastly different playingconditions. It would not be until at 1 895that rinks were built specifically for thepurpose ofhosting hockey games,115 but even then,the structures were not always conduciveforplay:The ‘boards’ or hockey cushions of theearly days were only abouttwelve inches high so that the spectatorshad a few extra hazards fromflying pucks and bodies. They did facilitate thepassage of players whooccasionally found it necessary towade into the crowd after some fan whohad been too liberal with his abuse.116The low boards did affect the gamesin other ways. Many times, players wouldliftthe puck into the seats in orderto delay the progress of the match,117and these “lifts”were a useful strategy tomany players during this period. There was as yet, no“icing” rule,so a player couldsend the puck from one end of the ice tothe other to relieve pressure,should the puck be contained inthe defensive zone for a prolonged periodof time. Becausea player could not passthe puck forward to a team mate,lifting also provided a means bywhich the puck could be advanced, asplayers would skate down the ice and hope totakethe puck from the opponent who washaving trouble controlling the lifted puck. The arenas13jobling, 245.4Hoyles, 12.15Cox, “History of Sport”, 238.16Coleman, 6-7.117Roy Brown reportedly did this twicein a match in Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, in1907. SooEvening News, Feb 9/07, n. pag.33of the period also became a factor, as the goaltenderwould lose sight of the puck when itwas carried high into the air:In the meanwhile the forwards would skate themselves dizzy trying to beinposition for the puck descending from the gloom overhead. In rinks thatwere festooned with flags and bunting, the high lifts could be trappedandthe puck might drop anywhere.118The goalkeepers would often lose sight of the puck,only to find it behind them, in thegoal.119Ice surfaces were maintained only as long as freezing temperatures werepresent-artificial ice rinks would not appear in Canadauntil the Patrick family built the DenmanArena in Vancouver in December of 1911120Late in the season, the ice would oftenbecome soft and slow during the progress of thegame, since the ice was not resurfaced orflooded between the halves of games.Rink sizes also fluctuated widely, although ArthurFarrell stated, in his 1899 rule book, that a rink size must be at least112 by 58 feet.121 By1905, the minimum length of arink had grown to one hundred and fifty feet.122The Regulation and Formation of AssociationsBy the beginning of the twentieth century, hockeyhad evolved into a sport withstandardized rules, equipment, and specialized facilities.It was continually growing in termsof participants and spectators, necessitatingthe creation of more leagues and organizationsto oversee hockey operations.Organized sport, in general, equalled its own country inlevelsof expansion, for Thne of the defining characteristicsof the emergence of organized sportwas the development of local, provincial,national and international organizations to8CoIeman, 5-6.9Billy Baird of Pittsburgh made a habit of scoringin this manner by lifting the puck from thecenter of the ice toward the opponents goal; SooEvening News, Feb 3/06, n. pag.120Metcalfe, 67.121Coleman, 1. See also Appendix A.122I.H.L Game Program and Score Card, Michigan Soovs. Calumet, Feb 23-24, 1905.(Privately published.)34administerandcontrolsport.”123Theméralentrepreneursrecognizedby GruneauandWhitsonhadseenthe needfor hegemonyin sport.“A civilizingnationalculturemightthenrequirethateducatedelitesuse theirresourcesto createinstitutionsandculturalprogramsthatweresociallybeneficialandmorallyuplifting.”124Untiltheearly1880’s,hockeywas playedalmostexclusivelyin Montreal.By 1886,Montrealwasorganizinga tournamentto determinethechampionshipof thecity,125and inDecemberof thatyear,representativesfromMontreal,Ottawa,andQuebecCity mettoformthe AmateurHockeyAssociationof Canada,facilitatingmoreinter-citycompetition.126“Hockeywaseffectivelyadministeredbythe AmateurHockeyAssociationof Canada,formedin 1886,the OntarioHockeyAssociation,[formed]in 1 890,andtheManitobaandNorthwesternAmateurHockeyAssociation[were]formedin1892.”127 GruneauandWhitsonnotedthat“hockeywasthe onlyothersport[alongwith baseball]thathadcomparablybroadpatternsof recruitmentor wasbeingpromotedby suchdiverseorganizations.”128This wasevidencedbythe varietyof differentassociationsdevelopedtooverseethe teamsorganizedin EasternCanada.Hockeywasin aconstantstateof growth,but thesuccessof teamswasnot alwaysguaranteed.“Leagueswereformed,shrank,wereenlarged,revamped,foldedandreformed.Teamsmoved,changednames,andplayersdriftedaboutthelandscapelikesnowflakesin alazyprairiebreeze.”129Despitethepresenceof theA.H.A.C.,“therewasno dominant123AlanMetcalfe,“Power:A CaseStudyof theOntarioHockeyAssociation,1890-1936’,inJournalof SoortHistoryVol.19, no.1(Spring1992),5.124Gruneauand Whitson,42.1251bid.,38.126Metcalfe,CanadaLearnsto Play,63.127Jones,259.128Gruneauand Whitson,66.29Whitehead,35.35leagueor association. . . orany trulynationalgoverningbody.“130Anotherneedforassociationswas evidencedby thedesireto havea universalchampionin thesport:the emergenceof teamsin variouscitiesandprovincested to aproliferationof so-called‘champions.’These‘championships’wereprimarilyregional,but sometimesorganizationsattemptedto establishmorebroadlybasedchampionshipsand laidclaimto thetitle ‘Championof Canada.’Theactivitiesof theseorganizationsbroughtsomedegreeof cohesionto thegrowingchaosin sport.. . . Withinthis smallgroupof organizationsCanadianamateursport wasformed.131By thelate 1880’s,interestin hockeyhad spreadto Toronto,Winnipeg,and Halifax.In 1 892,and inresponseto thegrowingnumberof teams,the A.H.A.C.thenadoptedaleague,ratherthanthe challengeformatfor competition.132In Toronto,hockeydid notappearuntilaround1887,but thesportgrewin popularity“soquicklythat withintwoyearsfive sportingclubswereconductingregularmatches.”133In responseto theinterestin thesport,a meetingwasarrangedin Novemberof 1890,“with theaim ofbringingsomeorderto thegamethat atthetimewasbloomingin partsof easternCanadabut hadno overallorganization.”134Thus,the OntarioHockeyAssociationwas formed,whichquicklybecameone ofthemostpowerfulsportingorganizationsin Canada.135The threatof professionalismbecamethe mainconcernof theO.H.A.,and “theprotectionof amateurismthatlay atthe heartof theO.H.A.. . . wasthe foundationof itspower.”136JohnRossRobertsonassumedthe presidencyof theAssociation,and adoptedastrictanti-professionalConstitution.Robertsonwasquick toprofessionalizeany teamsorplayerswho,knowinglyor unknowingly,had playedwithor againstany alleged130Whitehead,35..3Metcalfe,99.1321b1d.,63.133BruceKidd andJohnMacfarlane,The Deathof Hockey(Toronto:NewsPress, 1972),101.‘34Young,100 Years,7.135Metcatfe,“Power”.136lbid.,7.36professionals.137 Through its stance on professionalism;“the O.H.A. influenced whoplayed, where hockey was played, and howit was played. . . . through their control ofamateur status, residence requirements, etc.,they waged an ongoing battle to control whoplayed hockey.”138 A consequence of the control that the O.H.A. hadon hockey in easternCanada was the fact that, in the first decadeof the twentieth century, many of the amateurteams affiliated with that association were the equal of,if not better than, the professionalteams that had become organized.139Because of this, and because of the power that theO.H.A. held over all levels of hockey, thegrowth of the professional game was directlyrelated to the actions of the amateur associations, particularlythe O.H.A.’4°Later in this study, the extent to which the O.H.A.affected the development of bothprofessional and amateur ice hockeywill be examined in greater detail. An example of theimpact of the O.H.A.’s amateur stanceon hockey was seen in the expulsion of theCornwallteam in 1903. Subsequently, Cornwall,along with three other disgruntled clubs, formed theFederal Amateur Hockey League. Cosentino states thatthis “Amateur” title was in nameonly; the league allowed payments to players.141 Theformation of the Federal League alsoled to increased competition for players,particularly with the dominant Eastern CanadaAmateur Hockey Association (E.C.A.H.A,),formed in 1905.By1907, the E.C.A.H.A.recognized and allowed payments toplayers.142137Metcalfe, “Power”, 7.1381b1d., 23. Other leagues included: the A.H.A.C.,operating from 1893-1898; the C.A.H.L.,from 1899-1 905; and the F.A.H.L., from 1904-1907.139Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 168.40lbid.141Cosentino, 224.142Metcalfe, 170.37Amateurism and Professionalism in Ice HockeyA more detailed examination of the developments of professionalismin ice hockey inCanada is required, to understand the conditions thatled to the development of hockey intoa professional team spectator sport. Throughthe early 1880’s, hockey remained a sportexclusive to the upper classes.143 At this time, “hockeywas one of the few sports whichwas not beset with the problems of amateurism versusprofessionalism. Profits to teamswere meagre, as crowds were generally small,and prices for admission low.”1However, developments in other sports wouldhave an influence on hockey:Baseball thus provided an early model forthe possibility andlegitimacy of professional team sport in Canada.Given the immensepopularity of professional and semi-professional baseball inCanadiancommunities in the summers of the late nineteenth century,the odds werenot good that the proponents of amateurism wouldgain full control overhockey.145Lacrosse, which was also becoming professionalized,had an effect on hockey as well;“since their seasons were not in conflict, infact they complimented each other, it was anatural arrangement for many athletes toplay both sports.”146Significant problems with professional playersarose in the mid 1 890’s, with claimsof amateur clubs using “ringers”.147 Metcalfeindicated that the intrusion of professionalsemerged in response to the expansionof different teams and groups playing hockey,whichin turn led to the emergence of hockeyas a commercial and spectator sport.148 Cosentinopostulated that the introduction of the StanleyCup led indirectly to professionalism inhockey; “the opportunity to gainthe prized trophy was reason enough formany teams tooffer jobs, or situations, and/orfinancial awards to players who it was feltcould win the143Metcalfe, 65.144Cox, “History of Sport”,243.45Gruneau and Whitson, 67.146Cosentino, 204.147Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 70.148Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 169.38Cup.”149 Gruneau and Whitson alsosensed the change in attitude toward the pursuitofvictory; “it began not to matter if thehome team was made up of players from outsidethecommunity or city. What mattered wasthat the team be successful, and that the communitywas able to identify with that success.”150Hockey had also become a meansthroughwhich Canadian men of more humble origins couldachieve both fame and wealth, throughachievement in sport.15’Thus the allegedideals proclaimed by the upper class leadersofthe hockey associations began to beignored by many of the participants, aswell as theorganizational leaders themselves:Pseudo-amateurism and shamateurismwere the order of the day, butbecause of hockey’s roots in amateurism andvested interests of clubsseeking the Stanley Cup, the premier amateurclubs were able to avoid theconsequences of their actions.152The means through which clubscould avoid detection were varied; “someof the strongerclubs did attract players by securingthem attractive employment in their town or city.”53Ultimately, professionalism tookon new definitions and meanings, as the meansthroughwhich players received rewards for playingbecame more complex; being paid under-the-table would remain one ofthe simplest ways of being considered a professional.An example of the methods used toentice players was the transfer ofemployees todifferent locations by largerbusinesses or corporations. When Sault Ste.Marie, Ontario,player “Bucky” Freeman was transferred toWinnipeg by the Bank of Commerce,theToronto Globe and Mail reported that“it is now generally understood thatwhen a bankhockey player is transferred in the earlywinter season his ability to handlethe hockey stickis one of the reasons for his beingmoved.”154 To aid in detecting suchpractices, residency149Cosentino, 1 61-162.150Gruneau and Whitson, 72.151lbid., 85.152Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 169.153Cox, “History of Sport”, 243.154Globe and Mail, Jan 8/04, n. pag.39rules were developed, to identify players who were in towns solely for the purpose ofplaying hockey. However, it was not long before teams and players devised ways to avoidbeing discovered by the associations:Other illegal ways were much more complicated, being based simplyon fraud. Let’s say a man with impeccable residence credentials couldn’tplay the game for sour apples, but now could be induced to lend his name,birth certificate, and other records temporarily (long enough for O.H.A.inspection) to another man who could skate like the wind, had a deadly shot,and was unlikely to be spotted as a fake by a strange crowd in an awaygame.155In addition to the O.H.A., other respected leagues such as the E.C.A.H.A. and theF.A.H.L. were constantly facing accusations of professionalism with their league clubs, “butthe authorities were able to avoid the consequences by collusion and evasion.”156 Toooften, evidence appeared suggesting that these apparently amateur leagues were,hypocritically, knowingly supporting their players in a financial manner. In 1898, Ottawagoalkeeper Frank Chittick refused to dress for a playoff game because he had not been givenhis share of complimentary tickets to the game. Presumably, he would have been able tosell these tickets to earn money.157For many, the professionalization of ice hockey seemed to be inevitable:It was a very short step from the idea of marketing teams for the purpose ofexpanding gate receipts in amateur hockey to the formation of teams thatincluded professionals - specialists whose livelihoods depended upon fulfillingcustomers’ expectations for skilled play and winning performances.158By 1 904, open professionalism had arrived in Canada with the Sault Ste Marie, Ontario,team joining the openly-professional International Hockey League.155Young, 100 Years, 36-37.156Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 1 69.157Kidd, 103.58Gruneau and Whitson, 71.40CHAPTER IIITHE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUEThis chapter is concerned with the International Hockey League, formedin the fall of1 904. However, for the purpose of this study, an examinationof the conditions that led tothe development of the l.H.L. is necessary, before an analysisof the events of theInternational Hockey League can be made. Therefore, an investigationinto the developmentsin ice hockey prior to the formation of the l.H.L., as well asoverviews of the various townsthat hosted l.H.L. games is required. In addition, thoseindividuals whose achievementsdirectly affected the operation and success ofthe l.H.L. should be recognized, and theircontributions noted.Early Ice Hockey in the United StatesJust as Canada had undergone drasticchanges during the latter half of thenineteenth century, so had the United States. The industrializationof North Americainfluenced sports in both countries, but “sport in Nineteenth-centuryAmerica was as mucha product of industrialization asit was an antidote to it.”1 Like Canada, the United Stateshad borrowed many of the sporting idealsthat were prevalent in Britain. However, theadoption of this class-oriented systemof sport was less pronounced in America:The United States was different. This is not to accept thatthere were nodivisions based on social class in America, butit is to accept that suchdivisions were less profound and that therewere cultural tendencies thatworked against such divisions.2iJohn Rickards Betts, “The Technological Revolutionand Rise of Sport, 1850-1900”, inflAmerican Soorting Exoerience: A Historical Antholociyof Soort in America ed. Steven A. Riess (NewYork: Leisure Press, 1984), 1 56.2S. J. S. lckringill, “Amateur and Professional Sport in Britain and America at the Turnof theTwentieth Century”, in Sport, Culture and Politics. ed.s J.C.Binfield and John Stevenson (Sheffield:Sheffield Academic Press, 1993), 42.41For this reason, amateur sportdid not gain as strong a foothold in sport as it had in Canada;this became obvious in spectator sport, whereclass segregation was difficult to regulate bysport organizations or governing bodies, and“the bleachers [were] equally cordial to coal-miners, politicians, and bank presidents.”3Entire communities, ofall socio-economicbackgrounds, were then able to identify withthe sporting teams representing their towns.Thus, sport functioned as a means of integration forboth the participants and those theyrepresented in the community.4Although the development of amateur and spectator sportdiffered between Canadaand the United States, industrialization hadmade the cultural distance between the twocountries much closer:The strengthening of communication links between Canadaand theUnited States as a result of telegraphyand new train lines after mid-century,and growing levels of literacy among theworking classes in the followindecades, further increased Canada’s culturalties with the United States.While many team sports enjoyed successas spectator sports in the last years of thenineteenth century in the United States, hockey hadremained a sport confined mainly to theeastern provinces of Canada. Aroller skating fad had emerged in the U.S. that created anumber of popular sports duringthat period, including roller polo, a sort of ice hockey onwheels. Roller polo sport was played professionallyin the U.S. for approximately twentyyears, but the sport disappeared as interestin roller skating waned in the late 1890’s.6Towards the end of that decade, hockeystarted to be played, as a hybrid of thesame roller polo game.7 In Pittsburgh,ice polo emerged, but after arranging a numberof3Frederick Cozens and Florence Scovil Stumpf,“Spectator Sports - The Cement ofDemocracy”, in Soorts in American Life edited byFrederick Cozens and Florence Scovil Stumpf (NewYork: Arno Press, 1976), 299.4Gunther Luschen, “The Interdependence of Sportand Culture”, in Snort. Culture and Society.ed.s John W. Loy, jr., and Gerald S.Kenyon, (Philadelphia: Lea and Febinger, 1981),292.5Gruneau and Whitson, 65.6John Durant and Otto Bettman, Pictorial Historyof American Snort - From Colonial Times tothe Present. (new York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1 965),100.7Herbert Manchester, Four Centuries of Snortin America. 1490-1 890. (New York: BenjaminBlom, 1931), 214.42different matches against the Queen’s University hockey club of Kingston, Ontario, localteams began playing the Canadian game.8 Meanwhile, in New York City, a four-team hockeyleague also began operations in the mid 1890’s, playing out of St. Nicholas’ Rink.9 Althoughplay was infrequent, and the sport was not widely participated, the American AmateurHockey League (A.A.H.L.) was formed in1896.10MichiianWhile hockey was being introduced in other parts of America, the harsh winterconditions found in the Upper Peninsula of the state of Michigan provided an opportunity fora number of winter sports. Like most of the Canadian provinces, the winters in the UpperPeninsula were long and very cold, and provided little diversions for the miners working inthe northern Michigan towns. Such conditions allowed Houghton, located in Michigan’sfamous Copper Country, to become regarded as the birthplace of organized hockey in theUnited States.11However, there were several conditions that saw hockey develop in the UpperPeninsula in a manner far different from eastern Canada. Because hockey was playedin amore advanced form, and not played by the locals, players would need to be imported inorder to have competitive teams. This practice would be in direct conflict with theregulations of the amateur hockey leagues in Canada, who had no jurisdiction over gamesorganized in the United States. As a result, the stringent amateur regulations of leaguessuch as the O.H.A. were of no consequence to those in Michigan interested in watching thenew Canadian winter sport. Any player, regardless of professional or amateur status inCanada, could play in Michigan, and in order to view a competitive level of hockey, it was8jw. Fitsell, Captains Colonels & Kinis (Erin: Boston Mills Press, 1 987), 108. Queenstravelled to Pittsburgh as early as the 1 895-96 and returned many times before the turn of the century.9Foster Hewitt, Hockey Night in Canada (Toronto: Ryerson Press,1953), 33.lODurant and Bettman, 100.11Rene E. Adams, “Historic Houghton,” in Hockey Pictorial Vol. 6, No.7, March, 1961 .EdFitkin, ed.(New York: Hockey Illustrated Ltd.), 32.43necessary for the Houghton spectators to have experienced Canadian players come toMichigan to play.Houghton, Houahton County, MichiQanLocated in the Upper Peninsula and acclaimed Copper Country12 of Michigan, thetown and county were named after Douglass Houghton, a medical doctor and StateGeologist.13The County was established in1845,14and the town, “like its neighboringtowns, [owed] its birth and subsequent growth to the discovery and mining ventures incopper.”’5Although the Upper Peninsula had a small population base, the area enjoyedconsiderable wealth and prosperity, due to mining ventures. Several mining companiesemerged as giants of the copper industry, as the discovery of amygdaloid and conglomeratedeposits started a copper boom, similar in scope to the California gold rush.16 The twincities of Houghton and Hancock were settled in the early 1 850s, and the town of Houghtonwas incorporated on November 4, 1861, with a population of854.17The settlement of theUpper Peninsula also coincided with the completion of the Sault Canal in 1 855, whichopened up Lake Superior.18Like the rest of North America, technological changes also affected the UpperPeninsula. In 1 899, the Copper Range Railroad was completed in the Upper Peninsula ofMichigan:12Copper Country was the term used to describe the Houghton County area, due to the miningsuccess the region enjoyed during this period.l3Fuller, George N., ed. Historic Michirian (N.p.: National Historical Association, lnc.,1924),255-258.l4lbid., 480.15Wilbert B.Maki, Visions of Houohton. Yesterday and Today (N.p.: n.p., n.d.), 5.16The Quincy, and Calumet and Hecla mines were two of the major mining operations in theUpper Peninsula of Michigan at the beginning of the twentieth century; ibid.17lbid.1BFuIIer, 407.44The line opened a vast territory, rich in minerals, timberand arable soil,which had lain in idleness because of inaccessibility. Thecompletion of thisline was an event of equal importance with the buildingof the first railroadbetween Houghton and Calumet, and with the advent qfthe first railroadconnecting the copper district with the outside world.1Similarly, advancements in transportation also madeinter- and intra-town travel moreconvenient in the Copper Country. In 1900, the Houghton County Street Railwaywasincorporated, with cars running from Houghton to the nearby town of Calumet,and fromCalumet to the town of Lake Linden.20 Now, travel between the neighboringtowns inHoughton County was far more accessible to those living there, and by 1900, thepopulation of Houghton County had grown to the considerable number of66,063, with overthree thousand living in the town of Houghton.21Sports were a welcome diversion for the hard-working miners of the CopperCountry. Houghton had undergone a baseball crazeat the turn of the century, and the townwas determined to win the Upper Peninsula championshipsat any cost. To do so, salaries ofup to $225 a month were paid for baseball players to come to the isolated town. The localsupporters were rewarded for this, as the team won the Upper Peninsula pennant in1899.22Baseball was also played indoors during the winter months, as were boxingandbowling.23 Hockey was also played, though not regularly, and ice polo was popularin theHoughton area.24In the meantime, Dr. John L. Gibson, who had played hockey in Canada, had settledin Houghton to pursue a profession in dentistry. Gibson would become one of a small circleof pioneers who helped develop hockey into an outright professional sport.25 With Gibson’sl9Maki. 27.2OMaki, 27.2llbid., 7.22Houghton Daily Mining Gazette, January 19, 1904, n. pag.23lbid., Oct. 4/03, n.pag.24Fitsell, Caotains. Colonels & Kings, 116.25J. W. (Bill) Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr. J. L. (Jack) Gibson,”Annual Induction Dinner, Hockey Hallof Fame. August 26, 1976. photocopied, n. pag..45assistance, Houghton would organize the first openly-admitted professional team in icehockey, the success of which would serve to greatly influence the development of hockey inCanada and the United States. However, a closer analysis of the events that formed thisteam is required, as “few people are aware of Gibson’s exploits or his contribution to thegame and yet every person . . . owes him a small debt of gratitude.”26A native of Berlin, Ontario, Gibson played for that town’s team in the O.H.A.’s newintermediate series. Inevitably, Gibson encountered the O.H.A.’s militant anti-professionalism practices. After defeating Waterloo 6-4, the Mayor of Berlin, D. Rumpel,who also served as the team’s manager, rushed onto the ice and awarded Gibson and histeammates each a ten-dollar gold piece.27Rumpel had apparently won a substantial amount betting on the outcome of thegame, but due to his spontaneous generosity, Berlin was declared professional and bannedby the O.H.A. Some of the players claimed that they were to have the gold pieces mountedas watch fobs - therefore the gold pieces were souvenirs, not payments. However, theexcuse did not appease the O.H.A., who banned the team and management indefinitely.28Following a successful athletic and academic career in the Berlin-Waterloo area,Gibson then left for the United States, to attend the Detroit College of Medicine.29 Whilethere, he starred for the College’s soccer team, and captained the hockey team for twoyears, where one of the team’s exhibition games was held in a small town in Michigannamed Houghton.3°Graduating from the Detroit College of Medicine in 1900, Gibson26lbid.27Young, 40.2BThe ban turned out to be for the remainder of the season; ibid., 40-41.29Bioraphical Record - Houhton, Baraa, and Marquette Counties, Michigan (Chicago:Biographical Publishing Co., 1903), 343.3OFitsell, Captains. Colonels & Kings, 114.46PLATE IIIDr. John L. “Doc’ Gibson (BioprahicaI Record obtained from Michigan State Library andArchives)47I“immediately thereafter located in Houghton, Houghton County, where he [becamelfirmlyestablished in the confidence and esteem of the people,”31 practicing dentistry.Upon the arrival of Gibson, local interest in hockey began to grow. MervYoungs, acub reporter for the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette,inadvertently discovered that Gibsonwas a former hockey player from Canada,32 when he unearthed ascrapbook of newspaperclippings, recounting the athletic exploits of Gibson, in thedentist’s office. “Being a goodreporter the young man borrowed the book and wrote a series of stories tellingthe publicabout the great sports figure in theirmidst.”33The Portaae Lakes Hockey ClubEarly Team SuccessThe discovery of Gibson by Youngs led to the organizationof the first-ever PortageLakes Hockey Club.34 As there were not many living in theHoughton area who knew howto play the game of hockey, the need to obtain playersfrom Canada became apparent.Thus, the newly organized team’s management beganacquiring better players from theDominion, becoming a fully-fledged professional hockeyteam that would beat any team,amateur or professional, that dared play against themighty Portage Lakes Hockey Club.The nickname “Portage Lakers” originated from thenearby body of water in theKeeweenaw Peninsula, which juts into Lake Superior.35Other references to the team in itsearly years called it the “Portage Lakes YMCA” team, andcredited the club with the UpperPeninsula league championship in its inaugural season.36Initially, the team’s players were all3lBiograohical Record, 343.32Youngs would later become editor of the Mining Gazette;Hockey Hall of Fame Biography“J.L. Gibson”.33”Hero of Early Sports Era Will Be Long Remembered”,photocopy, (Hockey Hall of Fame,Toronto).34John W.Rice, “A Record Hard to Beat”, in National HockeyGuide 1933-34 (New York:National Hockey Guide, Co., 1933), 93.35Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 11 7. The team wasalso call the Portage Lakes36Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr.J.L. (Jack) Gibson,” n. pag.48locals,37 and, by 1 902, therewere three doctors playing for the club. Two of them,Gibsonand Earl Hay, were dentists,while P. H. Willson was a doctor of medicine. All threewerenatives of Canada who had been educated inthe United States.38Games were played at the Palace Ice Rinkin nearby Hancock, Michigan. Theincrease in ice hockey interest led to the enlargementof the ice surface to two hundred feetin length for the opening ofthe 1 901-02 season.39 John L. Gibson, bythis time nicknamedDociby Houghton residents, had captainedthe team since its inception, and organizedtryouts for the upcoming season.40 At thistime, games were played with other teamsfromthe Upper Peninsula area, andsome exhibition games were arranged against a teamfromSault Ste. Marie, Ontario.41Games against the Canadian team were well receivedinHoughton County, and attendanceat the Palace Ice Rink usually exceeded thearena’sseating capacity. Crowds continued togrow, as interest in the sport increased; therfore,when Portage Lakes Manager C. E. Webbannounced that a Pittsburgh club would bearriving late in the 1901-02 season toplay, plans were made to alter the interiorof thePalace Rink, to accommodate morespectators.42Games were still considered amateur;the Canadian Soo team would be riskingexpulsion from the O.H.A. if it played anyprofessional teams. In fact, in a game at Hancockin early 1 902, referee Hay expelledHowell, of Guelph, Ontario, for allegedlybeing aprofessional.43At the end of the1 901-02 season, a semi-professional teamfrom Pittsburgh37Players for the 1900-01 season included:Waily Washburn, Andy Hailer, and Dr. EarlHay ofHancock; E. Delaney of Ripley;Gibson and Burt Potter of Houghton; Dr. Wilsonof Quincy; MiningGazette, Nov 30/01, n. pag.38Rene E. Adams, “the Oldest Living Pro,”in Hockey Pictorial (March, 1961). Ed. EdFitkin.(New York:Hockey Illustrated Ltd., 1961), 34.39Mininci Gazette, Nov 30/01, n. pag.4Olbid., Dec 4/01, n. pag.41The town, and its teamswere often referred to as the Canadian Soo (Sault Ste.Marie,Michigan was also referred to as theMichigan or American Soo).42Minin Gazette, Feb 28/02,n. pag.43Sauft Star, Feb 6/02, n. pag.49arrived in Houghton to play the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, for what was described asthe“Championship of the United States.”44 On March 10, 1902, at the Palace IceRink, thePortage Lakes, wearing their brown team sweaters, won the game, 5-4, in front of a sell-outcrowd of one thousand spectators.45The second game of the two-game, total-goal series,played in Hancock, resulted in a 3-2 win by Pittsburgh, which left the championshipundecided. The loss was the first suffered by the local team in twelve games duringthe1901-02 season.46 No extra game was played to decide a winner in the series, andtherefore one victor was not determined.The AmøhidromeThe competitiveness of the Portage Lakes Club, and the increase in interestin thesport, had led to the inability of many fans to witness the games in the Houghton-Hancockarea, due to the inadequate size of the Palace Ice Rink.If hockey interest was to grow, anew facility would be needed to accommodate the large numbers of spectatorswho wishedto see the Portage Lakers play. Therefore, in the fall of1 902, local businessmen in theHoughton area began plans to build a new skating rink. A stock company, led by localbusiness magnate James R. Dee, was created to build a facility that could houseapproximately twenty-five hundred spectators, and also be used for a variety ofotherevents. The rink was built two blocks from the Copper Range railroad depot,one block fromthe South Shore depot, and one block from the Street Railway, to ensure easyspectatoraccess.4744The Pittsburgh team had defeated Yale University, Keystone Athletic Club, Frontenac, RoyalMilitary College, and Queens, to earn the honorof “Western” champions, and were to play the Portagelakes, which was considered the “Eastern” champions; Mining Gazette, Mar 11/02,n. pag.45lbid.46Mininp Gazette, Mar. 12/02, n. pag.47The plans also included a second storey, that would contain an area thirty feet by eightyfeet for ice dancing; ibid., Oct. 19/02, n. pag.50-U >()1- mTheAmphidromeRink,Houghton,Michigan(MichiganTechArchivesandCopperCountryHistoricalCollections.ObtainedfromtheMichiganStateLibraryandArchives)This site of the new facility was ideal for spectators to travel to games by the meansavailable at that time, as it was built in an area that allowed the access of a number of thedifferent railway companies servicing the Copper Country. The management could thenprepare special travel arrangements with the railway companies to ensure that spectatorswould reach the rink.48To finish construction in time, the largest number of carpenters ever to work on abuilding in the Houghtori area was employed.49 With the completion of the arena, whichwas subsequently named the Amphidrome, the need for two rinks in the Houghton-Hancockarea was not necessary. Thus, the Palace Ice Rink in Hancock was closed permanently onDecember 26, 1 902, and the manager of the Palace accepted a new position at the 2,500-seat Amphidrome.50Although there were still many details of the arena to be completed,the Portage Lakers began practicing on the Amphidrome ice on December 26, in preparationfor the upcoming games against the Toronto Varsity. A special train was announced by theDuluth, South Shore and Atlantic railroad, providing round trip fares for fifty cents, andserving many of the surrounding towns, including Calumet, Osceola, and Lake Linden.51This allowed spectators from the entire Houghton region to travel to the Amphidrome towatch the Portage Lakes play.The Amphidrome itself could almost contain the entire population of the town ofHoughton; a full rink would indicate that the majority of the town would be watching thelocal team. Such support made the Amphidrome “the social and recreational center of thePortage Lake district for more than a quarter of a century.”52 With the new rink able to48Peter R. Shergold, “The Growth of American Spectator Sport: A Technological Perspective”Sport in History, Ed.s Richard Cashman, Michael McKernan (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press,1979), 25.49Mininq Gazette, Nov 23 and Dec 11/02, n. pag.5OMininq Gazette, Dec 27/02, n. pag.51Ibid.S2Maki, 17.52house a larger number of spectatorsto watch the dominating Portage Lakes play visitingclubs, it was now up to the team tomaintain a level of excellence that would keepthe localinterest in hockey growing.In 1 902-03, the Portage Lakes team won fourteenstraight games, in exhibition playagainst American and Canadianclubs.53 Crowd support for the team continuedthrough theseason, with up to three thousand spectatorsfilling the Amphidrome for eachgame.54 TheMining Gazette acknowledgedthe popularity of hockey and noted that“it seems destined tobe the great winter sport of thenorthern tier states as it is already of theprovinces ofCanada.”55The Pittsburgh Bankers arrived atthe end of the season to determine thechampionships of the United States.The Portage Lakes remainedundefeated, with a 1-0victory at the Amphidrome.56The game was hotly contested, asPittsburgh was led by thetalented “Hod” Stuart.57 Followingthe victory, James R. Dee presentedthe team with onehundred dollars, to be used for ateam victory party.58 There were obviouslyno concerns onthe part of any of the players onthe team over being banishedfor “professionalism.”The Portage Lakes HockeyClub had finished the season undefeated. However,theclose match against the PittsburghBankers indicated that the semi-professionalplayers ofPittsburgh were of high-calibre.Even more talented players would needto be secured forthe next season if the PortageLakes hoped to dominate itsopposition as it had during1902-03.53Fitsell, “Tribute to Dr.J.L.(Jack)Gibson”, n. pag.54Minina Gazette, Jan 3 1/03,n. pag.55Minin Gazette, Dec 17/02,n. pag.56lbid., Mar 4/03, n. pag.57Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kinris,116.58MininQ Gazette, Mar 4/03,n. pag.53The Organization and Success ofthe First Professional Ice Hockey Team: ThePortageLakes Hockey Club of 1 903-04In order to improve the team,the Portage Lakes Hockey Club would be forced toacquire more players from Canada, and paythese men to come to the Copper Country.Gruneau and Whitson suggested that,while many Canadians wrestled with the moralityofbeing paid to play hockey, the citizensof the Upper Peninsula of Michigan were morereceptive to professional sports, atthis time:There was considerably less antiprofessionalrhetoric in the UnitedStates, and a significant number ofCanadian players migrated to Michiganand Pennsylvania hoping to make aliving from the hockey skills they haddeveloped playing for “amateur”teams in Ontario and Quebec.59While leagues in Canada were attempting toeither thwart or overlook professionalpractices,the American cities interestedin promoting the sport were more thanwilling to pay forCanadian talent. Thus, inthe fall of 1903, the managers of the PortageLakes Hockey Clubbegan eagerly pursuing talentedplayers from other cities. Gibson andCharles E. Webbembarked on a ten-day excursion toCanada “for the purposeof arranging games withCanadian teams and also topick up a player or two to fill out the PortageLakes line.”60With players wanting to play for theteam, and a concerted effort by managementtosign good players, the MiningGazette was confident of the prospectsfor the comingseason:The Portage Lake Hockey Clubwill be the strongest team in theUnited States this year and there islittle question that it will not have asuperior in the world, a factwhich will e very prominent whenthe fullpersonnel of the team is made known.6However, not all players wereeager to play for the powerful Michigansquad. The Globe andMail reported that three ofQueen’s senior hockey players hadreceived tempting offers toplay in both Houghton andPittsburgh, but all offers were refused.6259Gruneau and Whitson, 74.6OMining Gazette, Oct 2/03,n. pag.6llbld., Oct 4/03, n. pag.62Globe and Mail, Nov 30/03, n. pag.The players probably wanted tomaintain their amateurstatus.54Four former Berlin players - Gibson, Meinke,Stephens, and Siebert - had played forHoughton the previous season, butonly Gibson was expected to return. “Hod” Stuart, whohad played in Pittsburgh, for the Bankers team, hadwritten to the Portage Lakes andexpressed his desire to play in Houghton. The talentedStuart could easily replace any of theplayers not returning,63 and Stuart’s brother, Bruce,most recently of the PittsburghVictorias, had already signed with the Portage Lakes.64Thus, on November 1, 1 903, theMining Gazette announced that “Hod”had signed with the club, and along with brotherBruce and “Cooney” Shields, represented the new talentsecured by the club thus far.65Goaltender Riley Hem of Stratford, Ontario,also signed with the Portage Lakes,claiming that Houghton paid better than Pittsburgh.66Hem had played the past four seasonsfor the Pittsburgh Keystones, including 1 901,when the team won the U.S.Championship,67and had alsoplayed forward for London, Ontario, when that team wontheIntermediate championship of the O.H.A.68With the completion of the team’s roster, the PortageLakes Hockey Club was readyto compete in one of the greatestseasons in the history of ice hockey. However, the clubmanagement was also interested inmaking a number of changes prior to the start of the1 903-04 season that did not involve the playerroster. The heavy team sweater of theprevious season was discarded andreplaced by a similar green jersey, retaining the familiarwinged Portage Lakes emblem. Thenew jerseys lacked the white neck and arm bands oftheearlier sweaters.69 Also, to improvethe playing and viewing conditions at the Amphidrome,six new arc lights were installed toincrease the amount of light at the rink.7063Minin Gazette, Oct 8/03, n. pag.64Ibid., Oct 3/03, n. pag.65Shields, formerly of the Pittsburgh AthleticClub, was originally from Orangeville, Ontario;ibid., Nov 10/03, n.pag. and Nov 1/03, n. pag.66Globe and Mail, Nov 16/03, n. pag.67Mininp Gazette, Nov 10/03, n. pag.6Blbid., Nov 22/03, n. pag.69lbid., Dec 16/03, n. pag.55Expectations for a successful season in 1903-04 werevery high among followers ofhockey in Houghton. Management had assembled the bestpossible team, and had sparedlittle cost in an effort to bring a high-calibre of hockey tothe Copper Country. Because theteam did not compete in a specific league, exhibitionmatches were arranged with variousclubs. However, one-sided victories over teams from St.Paul and St. Louis, in December of1903,71led the Houghton team management to seek more competitiveclubs for the PortageLakes to play; consequently, games werearranged with the Algonquin Hockey Club of SaultSte. Marie, Ontario, to beplayed on Houghton ice. Travelling with the Algonquinteamwould be Roy D. Schooley, an O.H.A.referee from Massey, Ontario.72The Portage Lakes again proved poor hosts,and defeated the Algonquins by a scoreof 1 6-1 on January 1, 1 904. The defeatdid not weaken the spirited Canadian team, asplans were made for another game at theAmphidrome. However, the second gameendedwith as similar result - a 7-0 victory for the Houghtonteam.74 The Portage Lake fans hadseen their team win handily thus far, butthe large score differential between the teams hadbecome monotonous; better competitionwould be needed to maintain local interest in theclub.Following two more decisive victories,over the visiting Michigan Soo team,75 thePortage Lakes prepared tohost a series against the Pittsburgh Keystones. The semiprofessional players from Pittsburgh wouldsurely provide better competition for theHoughton team, and the visiting team’schances of victory were further enhancedwhen it7Olbid., Dec 18/03, n. pag.71For a complete list of the resultsof the games played by the Portage Lakes HockeyClub,during the 1903-04 season, seeAppendix B.72Minini Gazette, Dec 31/03,n. pag.73Mininn Gazette, Jan 1/04,n. pag.741b1d., Jan 3/04, n. pag.75The Soo was a name given to both the Sault Ste.Marie towns, in Michigan, and in Ontario.6-1 and 12-1 wins on January 13 and14; ibid., Jan 15/04, n. pag.56I-(51-1 mThePortageLakesHockeyClub-1903-04.Frontrow:E.WestcottandR.Hem;middlerow,B.Morrison,C.Shields,J.L.Gibson,H.Stuart,B.Stuart.Backrow,N.F.Westcott,J.Duggan(Trainer),C.E.Webb(manager),J.R.Dee(President),J.Linderwas announced that Gibson would not be able to play due to an injured ankle.76 The firstgame against the Pittsburgh team was closer than the Portage Lakes’ previous games,ending 9-4 for the locals. However, the next game was a rout, with Houghton winning thematch i1-i.The next games for the Portage Lakes were played in the Michigan Soo, where theteam lost for the first time during the 1 903-04 season,76.78However, the Portage Lakeswere more concerned with the coming series in Pittsburgh, to be played against thePittsburgh Victorias. For the first few years of the twentieth century, the winner of the four-team Western Pennsylvania Hockey League was crowned the champions of the easternUnited States, and would be challenged by a team from the west, usually the Portage LakesHockey Club. The winner would be awarded the U.S. Championship. The Victorias hadbeaten the other three Pennsylvania teams, the Bankers, Keytones, and Pittsburgh AthleticClub, who all played their games in the Duquesne Gardens, Pittsburgh’s artificial ice rink.The first game, between the W.P.H.L. champions and the Portage Lakes, resulted ina 5-2 victory for the Victorias. Eddie Roberts of Pittsburgh managed to score three timesbefore losing five teeth and a portion of his upper lip when body checked “up against theseat along the side of the rink.”79 Facing a hostile crowd of four thousand, the PortageLakes won the second game by a score of51,80leaving one game to decide the U.S.championship. The Portage Lakes continued their superb play in the third and final game,defeating the Pittsburgh team 7-0, to become the undisputed champions of the UnitedStates, for the 1 903-04 season.8176lbid., Jan 16/04, n. pag.77lbid., Jan 19 and 20, n. pag.78lbid., Jan 24/04, n. pag.79Mininq Gazette, Mar 12/04, n. pag.8Olbd., Mar. 13/04, n. pag.8llbid., Mar 16/04, n. pag.58As the victorious Houghton club returned to the Copper Country, a large crowdwaited for their train to arrive at the Mineral Range depot, and shop owners decorated theirstore fronts in the team’s green and white colors. After the team arrived, a banquet washeld at the Douglass House in Houghton, followed by a reception held at the Amphidrome.82However, the season would not be over as expected, the Mmmci Gazette reportingthat “C.E. Webb, manager of the Portage Lake hockey team, received a communication lastnight from the manager of the Wanderers of Montreal in which he challenged the PortageLakes for the championship of the world”, to be played at the Amphidrome.83Portage Lakessupporters paid admission prices of up to two dollars84 to see the Wanderers defeated by ascore of eight goals to four, on March 21, 1904.85“The game was unquestionably thefastest article of hockey ever exhibited in the Copper Country and naturally then the greatestgame ever played in the United States”.86 The following evening, Houghton repeated thefeat, besting the Wanderers 9-2. “The game had all the features which go to make hockeythe most exciting sport in the world. There was slashing, body checking, terrific shooting,marvelous speed, injuries to players, combination plays .“87The Portage Lakes had won twenty-three of twenty-five games during the 1903-04season, outscoring their opponents 257 to 49. Individual goal-scoring totals for thatyearhave been listed in Appendix B. The team played a total of eighteen gamesin Houghton,remaining undefeated there, as both losses occurred away from the Amphidrome.While the record of the team would seem irrefutable, the fact that theteam had notplayed the very best teams in Canada meant that anyclaims that the Portage Lakes Hockey82Ibid., Mar 19/04, n. pag.83Ibid., Mar 18/04, n. pag.841b1d., Mar 20/04, n .pag.8Slbid., Mar 22/04, n. pag.86lbjd.87Mmninp Gazette, Mar 23/04, n. pag.59PLATE VIHOCKEY!4) HOCKEY!WANDERERSOF MONTREAL,CHAMPIONS OF CANADA,vs.PORTAGE LAKESUNITED STkTES CHAMPIONS,FOR WORLD’SCHAMPIONSHIP.MONDAY AND TUESDAY,MARCH 21 AND 22at AMPHIDROME.These will be the Greatest Hockey Games that were ever seen in AmericaJust think of it! A chance to see Canada’s Champion Hockey Team go againstPortage Lakes, United States Champions. You are not likely to have another chance tosee such a game.SPECIAL RA TES AND TRAINSFROM ALL PARTS OF THE STATE,See Railroad Adh’ertisements for Rates and Leaving Time.SEA-rS ON SALEAt Barry’s Drug Store, lioughton; Nichols’ Drug Store, Hancock;Sodergren & Sodergren’s Drug Store, Calumet.Prices—First three rows on side $2,OO Balance of sides Si .5O General Adniission Si QOWire all Orders to Manayer Amphidrome.The Portage LakesHockey Club and MontrealWanderers - SeriesAdvertisement, 1904(Houghton DailyMining Gazette, Mar 20/04)60Club was the best team in the world could not be validated.However, the Houghton clubhad made every effort to challenge the top amateur teams in Ontario and Quebec,but wererefused. “Hod” Stuart expressed the sentiments of the players themselves:We do not want to make any strong assertions about being thechampions of the world. We have won the championship [of the UnitedStates] all right but we want to demonstrate that wecan play the bigCanadian teams on their own ice and beat them. It is the ambition of everymember f the Portage Lake team to play the Ottawas on their own ice nextseasonUnfortunately, it seemed unlikely that the Portage Lakeswould be able to play thebest teams in Canada, due to the risks the Canadianteams would face, should they bebanned from playing in the Canadian leagues for competingagainst a professional club.John R. Robinson, a sports writer for the Detroit Journal,concluded that the Canadianteams were aware that the Portage Lakes was the bestteam, but, by not playing theHoughton club, could cast doubt on any claims of the Americanteam’s invincibility.89Thus,the Canadian teams could refute the claims of the, and also avoid any potentialhumiliation incurred by a loss to the professional team.However, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club had easily defeated all their opponentsduring the 1 903-04 season. The fans of the Portage Lakeswere demanding bettercompetition, and according to the Globe and Mail, “thepeople of the Copper Country willnot be contented until they see their seven in actionwith the best Canada can produce.Almost any price would be given to any Canadian championteam to come here”.90 Whenthe fans did not get the opportunity to watch thePortage Lakes play the best possiblecompetition, interest in the team waned. It was nolonger entertaining to watch opposingteams lose by scores of 24-0 at the Amphidrome.Despite the record of the team in 1 903-04, the Minino Gazette reported that the “season, by theway, was not the greatest season88lbd., Mar 26/04, n. pag.89lbid., Mar 23/04, n. pag.9OGlobe and Mail, Jan 7/04, n. pag.61in the history of the game in Houghton, in the opinion of many enthusiasts. The majorityofthe games were tame, the attendance and the enthusiasm were not so great”.91Up until this time, the games that the Portage Lakes played in were considered tobeexhibitions, and not part of a recognized league.92 If teams would not cometo Houghton toplay, then perhaps Houghton would need to join a league that would be ableto provideconsistent, high calibre play for the fans at the Amphidrome. As interest in hockey wasspreading to other areas of the United States, James R. Dee, president of the HoughtonAmphidrome Company, had written to Pittsburgh suggesting thata national hockeyassociation be formed in the United States, with up to a dozen cities involved. Dee alsosuggested “invading Canada and making the organization international.”93Dee’s scheme spread among other potential hockey magnates, and by March, 1904,the Pittsburcih Times announced that there was now talk of forming a national hockeyleague for the next season, with teams from Houghton and Calumet definitely committed,and possible entries from Chicago, Pittsburgh, and Milwaukee.94The Formation of the International Hockey LeaoueThe success of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club indicated to entrepreneurs in otherU.S. cities that hockey could be a viable business venture. The attendance at the games atthe Amphidrome remained high, despite the low population base in the Copper Country.Therefore, the example of professional hockey organized in Houghton may have fueled thedesires of business magnates in other similar towns to assemble teams of their own to play.In the fall of 1904, the talk of creating a newly-organized professional leaguebecame a reality. A meeting was arranged for October 15, in St. Louis, where discussions91Miflin Gazette, Mar 24/04, n.pag.92Earl J. Gagnon, (Houghton Daily Minin Gazette Association editor), Letter to the HockeyHall of Fame, Sept. 26, 1976.93Minin Gazette, Dec 20/03, n. pag.94lbid., Mar 1 7/04, n. pag.62were to be held between interested parties to determinethe prospects of organizing an“American hockey league.” Despite the postponementof the St. Louis meeting untilNovember, due to the possible inclusion of a club from the Canadian Soo,95James R. Dee,of Houghton, had already assumed the role of secretary and treasurer ofthe AmericanHockey League. The Canadian Soo was still interestedin becoming a part of the new league,and hoped for acceptance at the Chicago meeting. It was anticipatedthat the “Sault will askthat visiting clubs get 40 per cent of the gate and guaranteeexpenses”.96Although the number of teams to be entered into the proposed league hadnot yetbeen determined, Dee felt that the League would “not wantmore than six teams because ofthe fact that the season is necessarily a short one andit would be impossible to arrange aschedule for more than that number.”97 This wouldnot become a problem, as only fivetowns expressed genuine interest in hosting professionalhockey games. The following is alist of those attending the Chicago meeting, their positions outsideof hockey interests, andtheir respective towns:A.L. MacSwiggan - Manager, DuquesneGardens, PittsburghA.D. Ferguson - Manager, Soo Curling Club, Sault Ste.Marie, MichiganJ.C. Boyd - Superintendent, Canadian ShipCanal, Sault Ste. Marie, OntarioCharles Thompson - Agent, Copper Railroad, Laurium [CalumetiJames R. Dee - President, Amphidrome Co., Houghton98At the two-day meeting, McSwiggan wasnamed League President, and FergusonVice President, to work along with Dee’salready determined duties. The “Quebec rules”were officially adopted, and games would operateunder a two referee system.99 Thedecision to not use the rules of the Ontario Hockey Association,and to follow those of theQuebec Hockey Union, was taken because, accordingto the l.H.L. officers, the Quebec95Mininp Gazette, Oct. 4/04, n. pag.96Sauft Star, Nov 3/04, n. pag.97Mininp Gazette, Oct 8/04, n. pag.98Mininp Gazette, Oct. 30/04, n. pag.99CoIoer Country, Nov 8/04, n. pag.63rules1were “more conducive to team play, which makes the gameof hockey morespectacular”.101 In addition, with the inclusion of the Canadian Soo,the League’s Americanname became improper, and so the word “International” was substituted.Thus, theInternational Hockey League was formed, with four U.S.teams: Houghton, Sault Ste. Marie,Pittsburgh, and Calumet, and the lone Canadian entry from Sault Ste.Marie, Ontario.Several other matters were considered at the Chicago meeting,including concernsover the level of rough play. James R. Dee quickly explainedthe means through which theLeague would attempt to control this potential problem:Special provisions will also be made for keeping the games freefromroughness. For this purpose referees will be given power similar tothat heldby umpires in the bi Iaseball leagues, where herules supreme during theprogress of a game.0The acquisition of players for the new professional Leaguewould be the soleresponsibility of the individual teams, which, with theLeague’s formation now definite,began contacting players from the Dominion. Team managersbegan assembling their squadsand making the necessary arrangements to bring professionalhockey to their prospectivetowns, all of which had experienced gamesof hockey, but never at the level that the l.H.L.promised. Anticipation of the high-calibre of competition to beexhibited in the l.H.L. filledthe sporting sections of the local newspapers:The towns in the International Hockey Leaguewill see the besthockey in the world this winter. Thereis no doubt about the quality beingbetter than will be seen anywhere else, and itwould be a question whetherfive teams as good as those that will take part in the seriescould be pickedfrom among the players not now on those teams.103100The major difference between the “Quebec” rulesand the rules of the O.H.A. lay in theinterpretation of the off-side rule. Under O.H.A. rules, a playercould pass the puck forward to ateammate, as long as he skated quickly ahead sothat he was ahead of the pass receiver by the timethe puck reached his teammate. Under “Quebec”rules, passes could not, under any circumstances, bemade toward the opposing goal.lOlMining Gazette, Nov 5/04, n. pag.lO2Soo Evening News, Nov 3/04, n. pag.1O3So Evening News, Dec 2/04, n. pag.64International Hockey League Innovations and Rule Changes: 1904-1 907Shortly after the initial meetings to form the I.H.L., a set of rules was released togovern League play, unique to the League. The rules were similar to those written by ArthurFarrell in 1899, and can be found in Appendix D. The League also released rules governingLeague operations, which can be seen in Appendix C. However, a number of amendmentswere made to both the playing and administrative regulations of the InternationalHockeyLeague, over the course of the League’s three-year existence. In this section, suchchangeswill be noted, in addition to several instances where the hockey played in the I.H.L. can beseen to be different from the other leagues in operation during the same timeperiod.Despite the fact that the playing rules of hockey remained consistent through thefirst few years of the twentieth century, several minor changes to various rules thatoccurred before or during the l.H.L.’s operating years wereuniversally adopted by mostleagues in Canada and the United States. Morris Mott noticed that, at the turn of thecentury, hockey was very similar in nature throughout the Canadian leagues, and concludedthat “it seems that across the country hockey was played in essentially the same fashionwith virtually the same kinds of equipment and the same rules and strategiesdespite some minor differences in rules between leagues or associations.For this reason, several rule changes, usually implemented by the Ontario HockeyAssociation, were quickly adopted by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, and later bytheInternational Hockey League. In 1 903-04, a line was drawnacross the goal posts for thefirst time, making the umpire’s duties of determininggoals far easier.105 A few seasonslater, the 0.H.A. amended its off-side rule, permitting a player to receive aforward passfrom his goalkeeper within three feet of the goal.106 The changewas quickly adopted forInternational Hockey league play, as the new rule wouldgreatly hasten the play of the104Mott, 2.°5Coleman, 94.106Hewiff, Down the Stretch (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1958), 1 92.65game. Before thisrule was instituted, thereferee would be forcedto stop play whenthepuck rebounded offthe goalkeeper toa teammate.However, there were anumber of different interpretationsof the playing rulesdisplayed by thereferees of the contestsplayed in Michigan,prior to the formationof thel.H.L, as well as bythe means throughwhich games were refereed.The cold winterconditions at thenatural-ice arenasmeant that using a bellwould be easier forreferees;when conditionsgrew too cold, thereferees’ lips would freezeto their whistles,107and thebell was substituted.In addition, referees wouldnot always makeconsistent rulingsduringgames; for example, duringa game in Decemberof 1 903, PortageLakes player Bruce Stuartwas penalizedfor kicking the puck.108Such behavior was notuniversally endorsedorcondemned; the playwas either called apenalty or allowed at thediscretion of a particulargames’s referee.Similarly, there was alsoconfusion over playerstouching the puckwiththeir hands, illustratedby comments foundin the Houghton DailyMining Gazette, inDecember of 1903:It is a great temptationwhen the rubber isflying over player’s headfor him to grab it,throw it on the ice andstart off with it atthe end of hisstick. In some gamesthis has been allowed, butnever is the playerallowedto carry the puckpast the place wherehe stops.09Once InternationalHockey League operationshad commenced, adherenceto theLeague’s establishedrules was more pronounced.However, this led toseveral distinctsituations and penaltycalls. An exampleoccurred on December14, 1 904, when CanadianSoo player Milnewas penalized forone minute for stoppingthe puck in theair with hisstick.110 In anotherinstance, in accordancewith Section 10 ofthe League rules, goalkeeper1071bid., 190-191.108Minin Gazette,Dec 27/03.n. pag.1091bid., Dec 5/03, n.pag.110Minjnp Gazette,Dec 1 5/04, n. pag.See Appendix 0,Section 8. The nespaperreport didnot indicate howhigh the puck was in theair when Milne stoppedit.66McKay of Pittsburghwas penalized two minutesfor dropping to his knees to stopa shot.111Substitutes could notbe given for goalkeeperswho were penalized; theyhad to serve theirown penalties. WhenMichigan Soo goalkeeper “Chief”Jones was penalized duringa gameagainst Pittsburgh,his opponents wereable to score twice into theempty net created by hisabsence.112Unfortunately, the brevityof l.H.L. rules led to situationswhere the legality ofcertain actions not coveredby League regulations wasquestioned, prompting argumentsamongst players, referees,and management alike. In agame in February, 1905, Pittsburghcaptain “Baldy” Spittaltook his team off the ice,in response to the referee’sfailure topenalize a Houghton player,Bruce Stuart. Stuart had apparently,during the course of thegame, sat on the puckso that the Pittsburgh playerscould not retrieve itfrom him. Spittaldemanded that a penalty beawarded to Stuart, butnone was given. However,there weretimes when refereeswould make adjustments tothe rules in order tostop unwantedbehavior. For example,while it was often customaryfor players to shoot the puckinto theseats to delay the game,l.H.L. referees occasionallyfound it necessary to giveplayerspenalties to stop thispractice.113 Refereesalso made other changes tothe ways by whichgames were officiated.In December of 1906,referee “Cooney” Shields reportedlydroppedthe puck to commencea face, rather than thetraditional methodof placing the puckbetween the playersand shouting “play” to startgame action.Some activities ultimatelyresulted in the amendmentof l.H.L. rules. The frequentdelays during matchesled to the creation of anew rule, prior to the startof the 1906-07season. It was decidedby League officers thatplay during the courseof a match could notbe delayed, forany reason, longer than threeminutes. Should a playerbreak a skate or111Cooper Country,Dec 16/04, n. pag.12sooEvening News, Mar 8/05,n. pag.3Soo Evening News,Jan 31/07, n. pag; in agame on January 30, refereeShields gave JoeStephens a penaltyfor lifting the puck into thecrowd.67stick, or be injured, his team would beforced to continue to play shortuntil such time thathe could recover.114Also, in order to curtail overly rough conductby the players, referees weregiven theright to fine players for their actions,which referee “Chaucer” Elliott consideredan effectivemeans of keeping l.H.L. gamesunder control.115 Elliott fined Billy Taylor ofthe CanadianSoo two dollars after hedeliberately hit Fred Lake of the Portage Lakesacross the head withhis stick, in a game on January 22,1906.116Elliott, along with any other referee,had beengiven the authority to fine aplayer between two and ten dollars, dependingon the perceivedseverity of the infraction.117Unfortunately for l.H.L. officials,referees would remain a problem throughoutallthree years of Leagueoperations. To aid in combatting disputesarising over the choice ofreferees, the League beganappointing referees, rather thanallowing captains or clubs todetermine the choice of a refereeprior to a game. In addition, in thefall of 1 905, thepractice of penalizing a repeatoffender (see Appendix D, Section 8) atleast twice the timeof the previous offense was dropped.Therefore, the decision to penalize a playerwasplaced more strongly in thecontrol of the referee.118Control was not the only aspectof l.H.L. operations that Leagueofficials were afraidof losing. The salariesof the players were high, and team ownerswere likely to lose moneyon their hockey investments,should the salaries continue toclimb. As a result, a salary limitwas implemented in the fall of1905, and set at threethousand dollars.119 While the limit114lbid., Nov 14/06, n. pag.15Sault Star, Jan 11/06. n. pag.16Pittsburcih Gazette, Jan 23/06,n. pag.117Sault Star, Feb 8/06, n. pag.8Coer Country, Oct25/05, n. pag.119SauIt Star, Oct 1 2/05,n. pag.68may not have helped keepsalaries low, as accusations were rampantof I.H.L. teamsexceeding the maximum, the restrictionshowed the l.H.L.’s concern over itsown financialviability.The l.H.L. ceased operations in thefall of 1907, following three seasonsofprofessional ice hockey. While thediscussed changes and innovationsdisplayed by Leaguemanagement, players and refereesare easily identified, the impact thatchanges or styles ofplay had on the sport itself are difficult todiscern, and even more so to illustrate.Oneexample of such a changewould be the practice of lifting thepuck, as discussed in ChapterTwo of this study. Whilelifts were a common occurrence in hockey atthis time, asdescribed by Coleman, Mott, andothers, it occurred to several of those involvedin l.H.L.affairs that lifting was not a popularactivity for most l.H.L. players.The Copper CountryEveninp News of Calumetreported comments made by ManagerMacSwiggan of theDuquesne Gardens, on thesubject of lifting:I have watched hockey fromits inception and have witnessed severalof thefastest games in Canada, inthe first place I saw the lifting cut outwas righthere in this building. It seemednatural to the players in this cityto dowithout this play, I attributethis chiefly to the size of the Duquesneririk.20Frank Danahey, assistant manager ofthe Pittsburgh team, concurredwith MacSwigga&sremarks, adding that he consideredlifting to be an outdated activity, andcould not foreseethe act remaining a part of the sportin the future.121While l.H.L. players may have partiallydetermined the popularityof certain playingtechniques, the styleof play found in l.H.L. games hadalso become distinct. The Leaguedisplayed a highly-skilled, fast-pacedstyle of game, that may haveexceeded that found ineastern Canada at thattime.122 One way which theInternational Hockey League teamsmayhave achieved this wasthrough the modificationof the point player’s position:120Copper Country,Feb 26/07, n. pag.1221bid., Feb 17/07, n. pag.69The tendency in the International League isto put the speedy man at point.It is no longer the thing to have thebig, heavy men in front of thegoaltender. What they want is aman who can get away with the puck. Thegoaltender can do all the stopping necessaryand the body-checking is leftfor the coverpoint.’23In recalling his arrival in the l.H.L.,Fred “Cyclone” Taylor rioted that “‘it was obviousrightaway that there was more accenthere on skating and stickhandling thanin the CanadianLeagues.’”124Although the impact that innovations and changesin rules and playing styles in thel.H.L. had on ice hockey as asport in North America cannot be determined withcertainty,the changes that did occur had an influenceon the continued operation and developmentofthe International Hockey League.The Organization and Success ofthe International Hockey LeagueTeams: 1904-1907While professional hockey was anew concept to players and spectators alikeinmost areas of North America, hockeyhad been played at various levelsand times in all fivel.H.L. locations. However, prior to thel.H.L.’s inaugural season in 1904-05, notall of thetowns were ready to host hockey atthe level of play that the I.H.L. entrepreneurshadpromised, and therefore many changes andpreparations were necessary. OnceLeagueoperations had commenced,the fortunes of the different clubsproved to be varied and, insome instances, highly irregular.The fortunes of the five differentl.H.L. teams will be examined separately, aseachenjoyed varying degrees of success duringthe three years that the League operated,both incomparison with the other Leagueteams, and from season to season.A brief history ofhockey in the five towns is alsorequired, in order to consider the impactthat I.H.L.operations had on the differentteams, towns, and their spectators.‘23Mining Gazette, Feb 20/07, n. pag.124Whitehead, 42.70Sault Ste. Marie, Michician (Michigan Soo)At the beginning of the twentieth century,hockey had already been firmlyestablished in the Michigan Soo. Beforethe formation of the l.H.L., local teams hadcompeted with Canadian teams, includingthe Canadian Soo, at an amateur level.125By1 903, the Michigan Soo had organized whatwas considered by many of the Canadiannewspapers to be a professional club, as theteam was comprised mainly of formerPittsburgh and Houghton players. The TorontoGlobe and Mail anticipated that the O.H.A.would not allow the Michigan Soo team toplay against Canadian clubs, as the playersfromHoughton and Pittsburgh had already beendeclared professionals.126However, the threats of the 0.H.A. did not deterall Canadian teams from engagingin exhibitions with the Michigan Soo.Manager Harry Chown of the Toronto Varsityagreedto travel to the Soo, if the Sooteam would put up four hundred dollars to cover theVarsityteam’s expenses, and guarantee that theAmerican club would ice a strictly amateurMichigan Soo team.127 The Globe and Mailridiculed the Michigan Soo’s amateur claims,stating that “all are under salary,and everybody in both Soos knows it.“128Of theteam’s salary structure, the newspapercontinued:It is not a uniform one, however, asthat in Pittsburgh. Each man has hisown price. . . . Fabulous figures arenamed as salaries. The outside populacewill tell you that they range from $150 a monthdown. With the Pittsburghmen commanding $1 5 aweek it is safe to say that it is the outide figurehere, and that $10 is received by more thanthe larger amount.29Although the anti-professional policiesof associations like the O.H.A. did notcompletely deny the Michigan Soo anycompetition, the exhibitions that the teamdidmanage to arrange were sporadic. Theorganization of the International HockeyLeague in1250ne instance had an All-Soo team, comprisedof players from both the Canadian andAmerican Soo, playing the Toronto Varsity, inFebruary of 1902; Sault Star, Feb 20/02, n. pag.126Globe and Mail, Dec 2/03,n. pag.l27lbicJ., Jan 1/04, n. pag.128lbid., Jan 6/04, n. pag.71the fall of 1 904 allowed the Michigan town the opportunity to compete with high-calibreteams, without the need to deny or cloak the practice of paying players.In addition to the acquisition of players for the team, the Michigan Soo teammanagement needed to prepare its rink, a curling rink located onRidge Street, for thel.H.L.’s inaugural season in190405.130Team Manager Ferguson announced that a rearrangement of the seats at the rink would, unlike in the past, allow fans toview the entireice surface without visual obstruction.131 On December 10,1904, the curling rink openedfor public skating, and in order to help finance players’ salaries and other expenses,management decided to charge a ten-cent admission price forthose wanting to watch theteam practice.132In subsequent seasons, additional adjustments were made to the rink onRidgeStreet, including the lowering of seats in the arena to furtherimprove spectator viewing.133In addition, the Sault Ste. Marie Evenini News reportedthat a plank flooring would beplaced on the floor of the rink:This will enable the players to have much more pleasure, asthe rinkwill always be level. When ice is built on the ground the frost always raisessome spots, which makes a very unevenrink. By putting in a floor this willbe eliminated.134However, after some debate, it was decided that therink would be left in its original statefor the coming 1906-07 season.135Unfortunately, during the three years of l.H.L. operations,the arena manager,George Coomb, was constantly attempting toremedy problems caused by spectators at theMichigan Soo rink. The rink itself was covered in sheetiron and men and boys would often130In many instances, this rink would be referred to asthe Ridge Street Ice-A-Torium.i3iCoper Country, Nov 29/04, n. pag.1325oo Evening News, Dec 8/04, n. pag.133Minin Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag.i34Soo Eveninci News, Nov 10/06, n. pag.i35lbid., Nov 14/06, n. pag.72-u IC.)mFireInsuranceMapofTheRidgeStreetArena,SaultSte.Marie,Michigan(SanbornFireInsuranceMaps,Chadwyck-Healey,Inc.)remove pieces from the outside wall in order to gain free admission tothe hockey games.To stop this practice, Coomb boarded up the inside ofthe rink.136Coomb also reported that boys smashed nearly two hundred panesof glass at therink each year, in addition to pulling down the electricwiring, and smashing light sockets.The rink manager explained that if these practices alonecould be stopped, expenses wouldbe decreased between two and three hundred dollarsannually.137 However, the vandalismat the Michigan Soo rink did not cease, as Coomb reportedlater in the 1 905-06 season thathis efforts to board up the rink were done in vain; people were stillentering the arenathrough holes that were made in the sides ofthe building. On January 4, 1 906, a boy wasjailed for trying to get into the arena illegally.138 Coomb stated to the Soo EveninciNewsthat: “a public place of amusement such as the ice rinkseems to be thought legitimate preyfor these people, and I shall stop it if possible. A closewatch will be kept and anyonecaught will be prosecuted”.139Despite the actions of a few unruly spectators, interest andsupport for the hockeyteam remained high in the Michigan Soo throughout itsaffiliation with the InternationalHockey League. Before the first game was played in 1904, hockey fansin the Michigantown organized themselves into a group, called the Rooters, which met atcity hall and triedto devise cheers that would drown out theshouting of Canadian Soo fans, who would oftencross the border to support any clubs opposingthe Michigan team.140 The zealousness ofthe Rooters reflected the anticipation the town sharedfor the local team’s chances ofwinning in the l.H.L. Jimmy Ryan, former manager ofthe Soo baseball team, became anl36lbid., Nov 14/05, n. pag.i37soo Eveninci News, Nov 14/05, n. pag.138Ibid., Jan 5/05, n. pag.i3Slbid.i4Olbid., Dec 13/04, n. pag.74ardent supporter of the hockeyteam, and observed the excitement of the Michigan Soofans, before the first l.H.L. game was evenplayed:To hear them tell it the Soo team is going to beat everyother team inthe league and never lose a game. In the Hotels, clubs,stores, on the street,in the street cars, coming hme from church, in the saloons. . . there isnothing talked but hockey.11One reason for the continuing support by MichiganSoo residents was the fact thatthe local l.H.L. team remained a consistent championshipcontender throughout the threel.H.L. seasons. Unfortunately for the fansof the team, an l.H.L. championship was not wonby the Michigan Soo. Theclosest opportunity the team had was a second-placefinishbehind the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, in 1 905-06.The Michigan Soo club finished theseason with sixteen wins in twenty two games, losingthe l.H.L. pennant by one game.142The team was favored to win the Leaguechampionship that year, according to reportsbefore the opening of the 1905-06 season,143and was involved in a heated battle with boththe Pittsburgh and Houghton teams. Therivalry between the Portage Lakes, and the“Wolverines” of the Michigan Soo, as the Sault EveninciNews had nicknamed the team,144continued throughout the entire season.Following the Michigan Soo’s victory atHoughtonon January 14, one third of the wayinto the season, League President A.L. Fergusonof theSoo, showing an obvious bias toward his ownteam, offered to bet one thousand dollarsthat on neutral ice, hisMichigan Soo team could defeat the PortageLakes in five out of sixgames.145 As the season progressed,the “Wolverines” won seven of eightcontests, andoccupied first place in the l.H.L. standingsthrough January 24. The race for the pennanti4iMinin Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag.142See Appendix H for win-loss records forall five l.H.L. teams, in all three seasons.143MininQ Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag.l44Soo Eveninci News, Dec 27/05, n. pag.l45lbid., Jan 15/06, n. pag.75remained very close. However, a loss to the Portage Lakes on January 25 dropped theMichigan Soo from first to third, trailing both Houghton and Pittsburgh.146In the three years of l.H.L. operations, the team from Sault Ste. Marie had providedconsistent, talented competition for the other four teams. However, the instability of teamownership following the conclusion of the 1906-07 season may have contributed to thedemise of the League in the fall of 1 907. In the spring of 1 907, the Michigan Soo franchisewas acquired by two Soo businessmen, Max Schoenman, and Dave Lee. Ferguson andMurdock, who had operated the team since its inception, allowed the transaction, on thecondition that the new owners enter a team into the l.H.L. for 1 907-08, thus perpetuatingthe civic pride and interest that Ferguson and Murdock deemed was created by the team.147Sault Ste. Marie. Ontario (Canadian Soo)Meanwhile, across the border in Canada, the town of Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, alsoprepared to enter a professional team into the I.H.L. Like most other Ontario towns at thebeginning of the twentieth century, hockey had already become a well-established sportingactivity for local residents. By 1902, the Canadian Soo had an entry in the Ontario HockeyAssociation, the Soo Hockey Club, operating out of the Soo Curling Club rink.148 The seniorteam was not the only organized hockey in the town; Sault Ste.Marie also had its ownthree-team intermediate league, and a junior league made up ofY.M.C.A. and high schoolteams.149Competition for the local senior team would be provided by the Michigan Soo, butgames were often one-sided. In an exhibition game on January 22, 1 903, the Canadiansbeat the Michigan Soo 18-115OOther teams that would play the Canadian Soo were thel46lbid., Jan 26/06, n. pag.l47Sauft Star, May 2/07, n. pag.l48Mininp Gazette, Nov 22/02, n. pag.l49Sault Star, Dec 4/02, n. pag.i5Olbid., Jan 29/03, n. pag.76Toronto Varsity, Smith’s Falls, andthe Toronto Wellingtons.151 The Wellingtonswere morethan a match for the locals; the CanadianSoo found it difficult to compete againstthe otherestablished Canadian teams. The CanadianSoo had also played against the Portage LakesHockey Club, when the Americans werestill considered to be amateur, before theAmphidrome was built in Houghton.The Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, team was alsoconsidered amateur, although eachseason made it more difficult forthe operators of the local club to finance theteam. In thefall of 1 903, at the third annualmeeting of shareholders of the Sault Ste MarieSkating Rinkand Athletic Co., Limited, President T. S.Durham revealed that although the companyhadpaid off over $725 of its debt,it still owed $3,400. Durham further explained thathockeywas just not as prosperous as ithad been in previous years.152 Many of the teamsthat hadprovided competition for the Sault club had startedpaying for hockey talent, but for the1903-04 season, despite the impendingfinancial woes that the club faced, theCanadianSoo team chose to organize ateam, and remain amateur.153Shortly after that decision, the Canadian SooHockey Club realized that it wouldprove too costly to travel the extradistance to meet amateur clubs. The teamwithdrewfrom the O.H.A.’s intermediate seriesand was renamed the Algonquins. The teamwouldnow try to arrange exhibitions with thealleged professional teams, which were muchcloser,as well as any amateur teamsthat might risk O.H.A. expulsion to playthe Soo team.154 Theteam’s withdrawal from the O.H.A.had caused a sensation in theCanadian newspapers,but the managementhad determined that the Canadianplayers wanted to get paid like their151The Varsity made their thirdannual visit to the Soo in January of 1903; ibid.,Jan 1, Feb12, Mar 5/03, n. pag.152Saij[t Star, Oct 8/03, n. pag.153GIobe and Mail, Dec 22/03, n. pag.1541b1d., Dec 25/03, n. pag.77Michigan Soo counterparts,and was growing tired of seeing thehealthy gates that theMichigan Soo was receivingfor its high-calibre games.155 In 1903-04, despitethe fact thatgames were arranged with the PortageLakes and Michigan Soo teams, theAlgonquinsvehemently denied that itwas a professional team.156 This may havebeen due to aninterest in being re-enteredinto the O.H.A. in the future.As the 1 903-04 season ended,there was already speculation of theforming of aprofessional league for the fall of 1904.Though the Algonquins were still consideredby theO.H.A. to be amateur, no doubt theprospects of appeasing the local playersthroughremuneration, as well as the potentialfor larger crowds and higher ticketprices, wouldtempt the local management to jointhe professional hockey ranks. Thesuccess of thePortage Lakes had shown that therewas a possible future in the professional game.Thus, inthe fall of 1 904, a decisionneeded to be made by the Canadian Sooteam management:There are of course a goodmany people in the Soo who are averseto severing connectionswith the Ontario Hockey Association,but onaccount of the fact that the town is sofar away from other hockey centers[in Canada] itis gifficult] to maintain a team enteredinto thatassociation. . ..John P. Mooney of the Canadian Sooclub stated that fans would not be content tosee ateam compete againstclubs from Thessalon, Blind River, “and suchsmall places, especiallywhen citizens could cross the riverand see fast games,” between theMichigan Soo andother quality professional teams.158Mooneys statement revealed anotherdilemma thatinfluenced the Canadian Soo’s forayinto professionalism; the rivalry that existedbetweenthe two Soo towns. The CanadianSoo would be far behind its Americancounterpart should155With the addition of former Pittsburghand Houghton players, the Michigan Soo providedahigher calibre of hockey, and drew largercrowds; Globe and Mail, Dec 26/03, n.pag.l56lbid., Dec 30/03, n. pag.157Coooer Country, Sep 30/04,n. pag.158Sault Star, Oct 1 3/04, n. pag.78the Michigan Soo join the new professional league. J. C.Boyd, president of the RinkCompany admitted that “the town wanted a team that couldlick the American Soo.”159Despite indications that it would be in the best interests of the team and the town tojoin the l.H.L., uncertainty led to the organization of a meeting at the Soo townhall onOctober 10. “Those who advocate the idea are requested to beon hand, as well as thosewho oppose it.”16°The meeting proved that there was overwhelming support forprofessional hockey. Also witnessed at the meeting was the emergence of localcurlersinterested in financing the team. Therefore, a committee,composed of prominent Soobusinessmen, was formed to oversee team operations,161and would also call upon localcitizens for additional financial assistance.162 Thenew team would cost an estimated $125a week, and the Sault Starpredicted that an average gate of $275 would pay the team’sexpenses, with an additional $75 going to the visiting team’sexpenses. The rink would takeover club operations with a $500 guarantee raised by thecitizens.163 The remainder of themoney needed to commence club operations was provided bythe committee, who raised atotal of one thousand dollars for the club. J. C. Boyd,T. S. Durham, and W. O’Briensubscribed $250 each for club stock, with the remaining$250 taken by G. S. Cowie, J. P.Mooney, George Reid, and John G. Sutherland.164Other costs would be incurred before team play couldcommence. Similar tooperations at the Michigan Soo, the rink at the Canadian Soowas used primarily for, andowned and operated by, local curlers. Changes tothe rink would be necessary toaccommodate the larger crowds that were anticipatedfor hockey games. To accomplishi59lbld.l6OIbid., Oct 6/04, n. pag.1 61Soo Eveninri News, Oct 11/04, n. pag.162lbid.163Sauft Star, Oct 1 3/04, n. pag.1S4lbid, Oct 20/04, n. pag.79this, a new waiting room with aglass front was constructed at the east end ofthe rink,while a gallery installed at thesouth end increased seating capacity by twohundred.165To recover the costs of operatingthe team and building, ticket prices weredetermined as follows; seventy-fivecents for the best seats, fifty cents for generaladmission, and twenty-five centsfor children.166 Not everyone was happy withtheproposed ticket prices, evidenced by the complaintsof one Canadian Soo woman totheSault Star:As ladies going without escortshave to go to the higher priced place, theywill have to pay 75 cents, while a gentlemanwithout a lady, can see amatch for 50 cents. This is hardlyfair . . . . A lady shpMld not be chargedmore than 25 cents admission to any part ofthe rink. ‘°Despite the preparationsof the club management, from the onset of the 1904-05season, the Canadian Soo teamshowed signs that the players they hadorganized wereunable to compete with theother strong l.H.L. teams. Some of the Pittsburghplayers statedthat the Canadian Soo team wasthe fastest team in the League, but thatthe team’s playerswere too light, and not able to contendwith the strong checking and rough play thatwasalready evident early in the season.168The team was led by William “LadyBill” Taylor, whowas considered to be the fastestplayer in the League. The Houghton Daily MmmciGazetteagreed that “he undoubtedlyis, but it remains to be seen if he is a starof the bigleague.”169Management’s response to thisdilemma was to try to acquire additionalplayers whocould help the teamwin. Despite the fact that the Canadian Sooteam had won only onegame through early January of1905, team manager J.P. Mooney claimed to be happy with165CooDer Country, Nov 30/04,n. pag.166Sauft Star, Dec 1/04, n. pag.1 685ooEveninci News, Dec 28/04, n. pag.169Mining Gazette, Jan 3/05, n. pag.80the progress he had seen in his club so far.170 “Texas” Gillard had arrived on January 6,and, if little else, would add size and strength to the smaller Canadian Soo team.171 A largesalary was also offered to another player, George 0. Gittus, but he refused Mooney’soffer.172Mooney continued to attempt to sign players, as, with only three victories in tengames to date, the Canadians were preparing for a two-game series against Calumet. OnFebruary 1, Oliver Seibert, of Berlin, and Frank Clifton, of Brantford, had arrived, but neithernew team member played in the Soo’s 6-4 loss to Calumet that evening.173 Seibert hadplayed with “Doc” Gibson in Berlin,174 and would later be enshrined as a member of theHockey Hall of Fame. Both Seibert and Clifton were inserted into the Canadian Soo lineupthe following evening, but the visiting Calumet team won again, 6-1P175Seibert’s tenurewith the Canadian professional club would be a short one; his wrist was broken during thegame by Calumet’s “Hod” Stuart,176 and Seibert would never play in another l.H.L. contest.These management efforts proved futile, as the team ended a dismal 1 904-05season with only six wins in twenty four games. The following season, the managementcontinued to pay high prices for talented players, despite the imposition of a salary limit onteams by the League officers. The acquisition of better players for the Canadian Soo teamled to speculation in the newspapers that the Soo had exceeded the salary limit.177 TheHoughton Daily Mmmci Gazette reported that Roy Brown had signed for fifty dollars peri7OS Eveninci News, Jan 7/05, n. pag.i7libid.172MIjci Gazette, Jan 11/05, n. pag.i73lbid., Feb 2/05, n. pag.l74lbid., Feb 3/05, n. pag.l75Mininp Gazette, Feb 3/05, n. pag.l76lbid.l77lbid., Nov 26/05, n. pag.81week, and that Baldy” Spittal, formerly of Pittsburgh,was receiving the same amount. Thenewspaper noted, however, that there were a number of Canadian Sooplayers who werepaid only fifteen or twenty dollars for each week.178 Salaryspeculations were even higher inthe Soo; the Sault Star claimed that Brown was paid onehundred dollars for each game heplayed.179Keeping under the salary limit would seem to be of little concernto the CanadianSoo club, considering the other problemsthat arose for the team during the 1 905-06season. Unfortunately, one of these problems was beyondthe control of the team, its fans,or its management. In the Canadian Soo, warm weatherconditions were beginning to affectthe rink and threaten the l.H.L.’s scheduledgames there. A series between Pittsburgh andthe Soo was to be postponed, should the warm conditionscontinue, at the end ofDecember, 1905. Two games, scheduled for December27 and 29, were cancelled, becausethe ice was in a state that was deemed unsuitable forplay.180 One of the games wasreplayed on February 3, at a time whenPittsburgh was playing in the Michigan Soo.181In addition, while the League was enjoying adequate attendance at itsrinks, theCanadian Soo was encountering the samedifficulties that plagued the team the previousseason; it could not compete with the otherl.H.L. clubs. On December 26, the Ontario teamlost to the Michigan Soo, in Michigan. TheMichigan team, led by Didier Pitre’s eight-goalperformance, scored sixteen times against the CanadianSoo’s goaltender, Darcy Regan.182Perhaps the lack of competitiveness displayed by theCanadian Soo team resulted indissension amongst its team members, as the seasonprogressed. The Pittsburgh Gazettel78lbid, Dec 27/05, n. pag.179Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag.18OSault Star, Dec 28/05, n.p ag., and Pittsburgh Gazette,Dec 30/05, n. pag.i8lPittsburh Gazette, Feb 4/06, n. pag.1 B2SooEvening News, Dec 27/05, n. pag.82announced, following a 9-3 loss bythe Soo at Pittsburgh, that Soo player-manager“Baldy”Spittal was leaving the team, andconsidering pursuing refereeing duties. Spittalthenclaimed that the Canadian Soo was“an aggregation that would make a managerseek nervetonics hourly.”183 The Daily MmmciGazette later concurred with the Pittsburghnewspaper,adding that Spittal, who was serving as CanadianSoo team captain, was to bereplaced ascaptain by Darcy Regan.84 Spittalthen returned to his home in Ottawa. He wasapparentlyoffered terms to play for the PortageLakes, but his desires to become a referee outweighedHoughton’s offer. The dissensionthat resulted in the departure of team captainSpittal alsoled to specualtion of the immenentloss of other talented Canadian Soo players.Roy Brownwas rumored to be signingwith Calumet, but the Soo steadfastly refused togive him hisrelease.185With all of the problems team management wasencountering, and with performanceon the ice not improving,public interest in the Soo had begun to wane.The Sault Ste MarieEveninci News could notfind fault with the local fans’ lack of enthusiasmfor the team:The attendance at the games is much betterthan could be expectedunder the circumstances and the waypeople have stood by the teamthrough thickRndthin shows that a winning team would be abig moneymaker here.18In early February, attendancewas continuing to decrease. On February 6,the Canadian Soohosted the Michigan Soo,and “the game started with not morethan one-quarter of theseats filled.”187 Attendancefor a game between the two rivaltowns would normallygenerate above average-attendancefor games, but the future of professionalhockey in theCanadian Soo now seemed unstable.183Pittsburqh Gazette, Jan 1 7/06,n. pag.184Mininp Gazette, Jan 26/06, n. pag.185CoDper Country, Jan 20/06,n. pag.1 86SooEvening News, Jan 24/06, n. pag.187lbd., Feb 7/06, n. pag.83Throughout the month ofFebruary, 1906, the Canadian Soo continuedits poor play,and, on February 8, the team lostin the Michigan Soo by a score of 16-4. Each member ofthe American team scored at least onceon the hapless Canadians, with the exceptionofgoaltender “Chief” Jones.The Canadian Soo correspondent at the game, frustratedwith theteam’s performance, was quotedin the Sault Ste. Marie EveninQ News as saying:“youwon’t catch me writing anything aboutthis game, we’ve got one funny columnand that’senough. I’ll resign before I sling inkover that game. All I want is for you fellowsto leave mealone, so I can forget it.”188With only one victory in fifteen games, andhaving been outscored by 138 goals to57, the managementof the Canadian Soo decided to withdrawfrom the l.H.L., following thehumiliating loss to the Michigan Soo.When the League compiled its figures todetermine theLeague championships, thenine remaining games against the otherl.H.L. clubs wereawarded to the other teams as1-0 victories. The presence of InternationalLeague hockey inthe Canadian Soo would beover for the season, and, in the mindsof many, forever. Theabsence of the Canadian Soomeant that the l.H.L., except for its poolof talent, no longerhad a Canadian affiliation. A newspaperin Duluth speculated that the l.H.L. would bedismantled, and that the CanadianSoo would never again be the siteof professional hockeygames. The newspaper furtherreported: “that the Canadian team willnot be in theInternational League next season ispractically a foregone conclusion.”189In the fall of 1906, and in anticipationof the 1906-07 season, l.H.L. ownerswerequestioning the abilities ofthe League to operate without theinclusion of a Canadian Sooteam, as the Canadian Soo’sabsence might lead League management torenaming, orreorganizing the League. In Septemberof 1906, the Sault Star predicted that theformationof an l.H.L. team in the CanadianSoo would not occurin 1 906-07. The newspaper didl88lbid., Feb 9/06, n. pag.l895aijlt Star, Mar 1/06, n. pag.84report that there was enough capital available tofinance a team, but new players wouldneed to be acquired now to ensure theteam’s success.190 The newspaper further statedthat the team managementmight wait for the conclusion of the professional lacrosseseason; many hockey playerswere also competing in lacrosse, and would become availableafter they were released from their lacrossecontracts.191A meeting was organized later in September, to determinethe viability of enteringinto the l.H.L. again. Everyone who wanted ateam in the Soo was invited to bring acheque,192 as an estimated twenty-fivehundred dollars would be needed to beginoperations.193 The Canadian Soo had alreadybeen re-accepted into the League, accordingto a vote taken in a Detroitmeeting by l.H.L. officers, should enoughinterest arise in theOntario town. All other teams were to resumeoperations.A week after the Detroit meeting, the CanadianSoo’s entry was still in doubt.Should the Canadians not enter, the Leaguewas prepared to change its name to theAmerican Hockey League. A schedulemeeting was arranged for November 11, bywhichtime the League had hoped that the teams tobe involved would be known.194 Meanwhile,in the Canadian Soo, a team was finallyorganized. In response to repeated questions as tothe team’s organization, the Sault Star wasfinally able to respond “you bet your boots.”195The elected officers were announced in thelocal newspaper,196 and Roy Brown was thenl9Olbid., Sep 13/06, n. pag.l9ilbid.192(bjd., Sep 20/06, n. pag.193Among the supporters were D. D. Lewis,W. O’Brien, M. F. Goodwin, J. G. Sutherland,and A. H. Chitty; Sault Star, Oct 4/06, n. pag..l94Sault Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag.l95lbid., Oct 4/06, n. pag.196The officers were elected as follows: President,J. H. D. Browne; Vice President, ThomasE. Simpson; Secretary, MalcolmLaughton; Treasurer, William O’Brien; ExecutiveCommittee, J. Culbert,R. H. Sweetser, M. F. Goodwin, J.Hockshaw, Geo. Millington, and Geo. Fisher;ibid.85called upon to manage the team. Brown had apparently contacted at least eighteenmen,and was taking a very serious approach to hockey operations. The Sault Star wouldsettlefor no less an effort from Brown, or from the rest of the Canadian Soo management:the organization is formed on a strictly business basis. They will pay theprice for fast men who will have to get up and dust, or else unhang theircoats from the hockey management’s peg here . . . .The Canadian Soo is ahockey town, andwjl.?iveliberal support to a good hockey organization-only give us a team.The management did give the Canadian Soo a team for the 1906-07 season, whichfinished second in the League standings behind the Portage Lakes Hockey Club.Expectations and support for the club peaked during the 1 906-07 season in the CanadianSoo and the postponement of League operations in thefall of 1 907 would be sadly acceptedby hockey fans in the l.H.L.’s only Canadian town.Pittsburcih, PennsylvaniaOf all the l.H.L. team sites, Pittsburgh seemed the most capable of supportingprofessional hockey during the first decade of the twentieth century. With a largepopulationbase, the city did not need to depend on a large percentageof its inhabitants to fill its rink.In addition, the artificial ice arena, the Duquesne Gardens,provided an opportunity forhockey to develop in Pittsburgh during the early 1900’s.For several years before thecommencement of l.H.L. operations, hockey had becomepopular in Pittsburgh, with theGardens frequently filled to capacity.A four-team circuit called the Western Pennsylvania Hockey League (W.P.H.L.) hadbeen developed, featuring the Bankers, Keystones, Victorias,and Pittsburgh Athletic Club,with all teams playing at the Duquesne Gardens.The players who participated in theW.P.H.L. were of Canadian origins, and the Pittsburghteams needed to provide someinducement to lure the players to Pennsylvania. TheCanadian players were provided jobs,which were supplemented by salaries of fifteen to twentydollars per week.198 Because of197Ibid.i9BFitselI, Captains, Colonels & KinQs, 117.86-o > -1 mOD -1DuquesneGardens,Pittsburgh,Pennsylvania(CaDtains,Colonels&KinQs)these practices, the W.P.H.L. was considered to be a semi-professionalleague during theearly 1900’s.The 1 903-04 season proved to be pivotal for hockey in Pittsburgh.The PortageLakes, utilizing the same techniques that Pittsburgh clubs used to acquireplayers, offeredmore money and signed some of the best players fromthe W.P.H.L.. Goaltender Riley Hem,Ernie Westcott, and Bert Morrison were all former Pittsburgh Keystoneplayers, who movedto Houghton at the beginningof the season.199 “Hod” Stuart was also lured awayfrom thePittsburgh Bankers by the Portage Lakes management.Thus, the W.P.H.L. was decimatedfor the 1903-04 season, and the success of the PortageLakes Hockey Club that year onlyproved that professional hockey would be necessaryin Pittsburgh, in order to get the“crack” Canadian players back to Pennsylvania.In the fall of 1 904, the prospects of anew professional league became a reality.Pittsburgh, which had maintained four teamsin the W.P.H.L., had lost a number of its betterplayers with the professionalization of the Portage Lakers.Due to the lack of available talent,joining the l.H.L. would allow Pittsburghfans to continue to witness high-calibre hockeygames, with Pittsburgh represented by onestrong club, instead of four weaker semiprofessional teams.The Pittsburgh team management couldconcentrate solely on the acquisition ofplayers, as the Duquesne Gardens, with its large icesurface, was already suited to hostprofessional games. Also, because the icewas artificial, it allowed players to practice longbefore the opening of the l.H.L. season.Many considered this to be an unfair advantageforthe Pennsylvania team; other teams wereforced to wait until winter conditions madepractice possible, and often teams wereforced to prepare for the season at localgymnasiums.200199Minin Gazette, Jan 9/04,n. pag.200s00Everiinci News, Nov 14/06, n. pag.88Supporters of the Michigan Soo team felt that the Sooteam lost its opportunity towin the League championship in 1 905-06 because of theability of the Pittsburgh club topractice early. In December of 1905, theMichigan team was able to practice only threetimes before leaving for the season-opening three-gameseries in Pittsburgh.201 JackLaviolette of the Michigan Soo team later explainedthat, “when we went to Pittsburgh forthe opening games we were practically without any preliminarywork, the ice at the Soo notbeing in condition for practice before weleft.”202 The Pittsburgh team, having theopportunity to prepare for the series by practicing at theDuguesne Gardens’ artificial ice,won the first two games before the visitorscould find their playing form and win the finalmatch.203 The Michigan Soo team eventuallylost the League championship to Houghton, byone game.Competitively, Pittsburgh remained a strong teamthrough the final two years ofI.H.L. operations. This was achieved despite severalproblems between players and the teammanagement. According to the PittsburghGazette, one of the Pittsburgh players, AllanKent, was released by acting player-manager Arthur Sixsmith,for unspecified reasons.Another of the Pittsburgh players, Billy Baird,who was a friend of Kent’s, quit the team as aresult of Kent’s release. The newspaper reported that“the opinion is prevalent that Kent,who is older, exerted influence over Baird,who is but a youth.”204 The disagreement wassoon resolved, however, as Baird returnedto the team,205 and played for Pittsburghfor theremainder of the 1905-06 season.2OiMinin Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag.2025oo Evening News, Mar 1 3/06, n. pag.2O3Mininp Gazette, Dec 17/05, n. pag.2O4Pittsburgh Gazette, Feb 24/06, n. pag.2O5Mining Gazette, Feb 28/06, n. pag.89The following season, expressed displeasure by Pittsburghplayers regarding therefereeing of l.H.L. games eventually led to the release of one of the bestplayers in thel.H.L., “Hod” Stuart.206 Stuart refused to send the team onto theice during a game againstthe Michigan Soo, in order to demonstarte the team’s displeasure overthe choice of refereefor that game. Pittsburgh management, facing a potentialfine for forfeiting the game,released Stuart for his act of insubordination. The lossof Stuart to Montreal greatly affectedthe Pittsburgh team, as the departure of players to Canadianteams had not often occurredin the previous seasons. Pittsburgh lost another importantplayer, Billy Baird, on January 22;he signed with the Ottawa team for a reported sixty-fivedollar-per-week salary.207To bolster the Pittsburgh roster for the remainder of 1 906-07, the teammanagementpursued more Canadian players for the remainder of theseason. RowJey Young wasrecruited, and paid two hundred dollars for athree game series, at the Duquesne Gardens,against Calumet.208 Young was also retainedfor the series against Houghton, along withgoaltender Mark Tooze. Regular goaltender Jack Winchester was apparentlyfeuding withteam management, and Tooze might be needed to play.Both Tooze and Young were from anewly-formed Toronto professional teamP209It was unfortunate that problems between playersand management arose in a citythat supported professional hockey in large numbers.The Duquesne Gardens was almostalways filled to capacity for l.H.L. games, butthe distance between Pittsburgh and the otherl.H.L. teams aided in the demiseof League operations in the fall of 1 907.206This specific incident will be discussedin a Chapter 4.2O7Minjnp Gazette, Jan 23/07, n. pag.2O8lbid., Feb 20/07, n. pag.2O9Minin Gazette, Mar 5/07,n. pag.90Calumet, MichiganAlso located in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, Calumetwas similar in size toHoughton. Living approximately thirty milesfrom the Houghton-Hancock township,Calumet’s residents relied heavily on the coppermining operations of the Calumet and HeclaCompany. Perhaps civic rivalry in the Copper Countryled to Calumet’s interest in joining theInternational Hockey League, as the town’s neighborsin Houghton gained attention throughthe efforts of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club.Prior to the turn of the century, hockey was notan overly popular sport in Calumet,although the first ice rink opened in theCalumet region in nearby Laurium, in approximately1890.210After a few years of operations, it wasdismantled and replaced by the Park rink,which was in current use at the time the I.H.L. formed.211Unfortunately, the conditions inthe available rinks were not conducive tothe playing of hockey:The games played in the Park and Lauriumrinks were not devoid ofinterest, although the players wereplaced somewhat at a disadvantage bythe presence of the poles in the center. Theseinterfered considerably withcombination plays.2’Obviously, such conditions would not beadequate for play in the new professional hockeyleague. A new arena would need to be constructed,with a large and unobstructed icesurface. Seating capacity would have tobe large enough to ensure gates that would supportthe players’ salaries, and, of course, therink would have to be the better of nearby1-loughton’s rink, the Amphidrome.In November of 1904, local businessmen organizedthe Laurium Storage andWarehouse Company,213 to prepare for the constructionof such a large arena, one thatwould have a seating capacity in excessof thirty-five hundred.214 The new arena contract2lOlbid., Dec 9/06, n. pag.2lilbjd.212lb1d., Nov 8/04, n. pag.2l3Coer Country, Nov 28/04, n. pag.2l4Ibid., Nov 8/04, n. pag.91was awarded to Charles A. Anderson, a carpentercontractor, who built the rink with the aidof almost thirty carpenters. The rink would need overthirty train cars of lumber for itsconstruction,215 and upon completion wasnamed the Palestra, defined as a place whereboys are trained, under official direction,in athletics.The Palestra was built directly in front of the Copper Range depot, one-halfblockfrom that railway’s station.216 The locale would allowspectators access to the arena fromvarious townships in the Copper Country. Therink itself was much larger than the Park orLaurium rinks; in addition to its large seating capacity, the Palestra’sice surface was 180 by78 feet.217 The seating capacity was arranged into thefollowing areas:Section Seating Capacity TotalcapacityReserved seats 1632 4332Gallery 900Back of goals 1000Back of reserved seatsection and other vacantportions of the rink 800While the arena was nearing completion, the Calumetteam was busily acquiringplayers. “Hod” Stuart had been already been named Captainand Manager,218 and was alsohired to manage the Palestra.219 Stuartwas apparently paid the sum of eighteen hundreddollars for his many duties.220 As team manager, itwas his responsibility to seek out theremaining players. One of the first players Stuart pursuedwas “Paddy” Moran, who wasoffered one hundred dollars a month, in addition to aposition as an electrician, but Morandeclined Stuart’s offer.221 Stuart was successfulin acquiring the remainder of the club’s2i5Ibjd.2l6Ibid., Dec 14/04, n. pag.2l7lbid., Dec 16/04, n. pag.2iBSoo Eveninci News, Oct 10/04, n. pag.219Mininci Gazette, Oct 13/04, n. pag.22Olbid., Jan 10/05, n. pag.22isoo Evening News, Oct 10/04, n. pag.92FOUNDRYPLATEIX‘L-0•0CoCi0Coa)UC0CCuCl)0)C>CuCuI.000)0zCCuC-)a)ECoC-)Cu00)Cu0-a)-C‘4-00.Cua)C)CCO0Ca)93players, and was well respected for hisabilities as a player, as well as a manager. Author J.W. Fitsell had this opinion of “Hod” Stuart:If Dr. Gibson made professional hockey possible, HodStuart assuredrespectable salaries and playing conditions. ‘He hasgreat influence with [theplayers],’ said a Pittsburgh reporter. He never fails to gobefore the leagueand fight their bats. He sticks out for a good salaryfor himself and alsofor other players.’As the first game of the l.H.L. season approached, thePalestra was not yetcompleted, and arrangements were madefor the Calumet team to practice at nearbyHoughton.223 By mid-December, the team was able topractice at the new rink. The Palestrawould not be completely finished untilJanuary 1, 1905, two weeks into the l.H.L.’s firstseason. A dancing pavilion was to be finished, as wellas a steam heating plant to make iteasier for the spectators to endure thecold winter conditions in the seating areas.224Despite the arena’s incomplete state, thegrand opening of the rink would be held inconnection with the team’s first Leaguegame, on December16.225In preparation for the season, Calumet played an exhibitiongame against the localCrescent Hockey Club.226 Interest in hockeywas beginning to grow in the Calumettownship, and the Cooer Country EveningNews considered what would occur if thepopularity of the sport continued: “it is expected that itwill not be necessary to go toCanada for players after a while if Calumetboys take an interest in the sport and perfectthemselves in the intricacies of the greatgame”.227222Fitsell, Caøtains. Colonels & Kinis,120.223Coøer Country, Dec 1/04, n. pag.224Mining Gazette, Dec 22/04, n. pag.225Coooer Country, Dec 1 3/04, n. pag.226Coer Country, Dec 14/04, n. pag.227lbid., Nov 12/04, n. pag.94With the guidance of the talented “Hod” Stuart, Calumet emerged as the top team inthe l.H.L. in its inaugural season. One method, used by the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, totry to defeat the powerful Calumet club, was to acquire top players from otherclubs.The l.H.L. schedule resulted in the completion of Pittsburgh’s twenty-four gamesearlier than the other teams. A rumor then arose that two of Pittsburgh’s players,who hadbeen released at the conclusion of that club’s season, would besigning with the CanadianSoo for the remainder of the Canadian team’s schedule. An official representingtheCanadian Soo denied the rumor, claiming that “we believe we can win the fourremaininggames with the men we have and so it will be all the more credit to the team.”228However,the gallant gesture by the Canadian Soo team only provided an opportunity for thePortageLakes Hockey Club, currently in second place in the League standings, to pursuetalentedPittsburgh players. Houghton then signed Lorne Campbell, whohad led Pittsburgh in scoringwith twenty-nine goals.Despite scoring five goals in four games played, Campbell could not help the PortageLakes overtake Calumet, which won the l.H.L. championship and pennant for the1904-05season. The final games between the two teams were hard-fought by both clubs.Themisgivings towards the other l.H.L. teams were overlooked by the Calumet townspeople,who held a banquet to honor the local pennant winners. Playerswere awarded gold medalsfor their efforts, and given the adulation of the town’s hockeyfans.229 The team had woneighteen of its twenty-four games, and outscored its l.H.L. opponents 131-75.Calumetteammates Fred Strike and Ken Mallen led the League ingoal scoring, with Strike tallyingforty-four, and Mallen finishing second with thirty-seven.230228Soo Eveninci News, Mar 6/05, n. pag.229Coper Country, Mar 2 1/05, n. pag.23OPittsburgh’s Lorne Campbell, playing four extra gameswith Houghton, had finished with34.95The Calumet Hockey Club - l.H.L. Champions, 1904-05, Front row: Fred Strike and KenMallen; middle row: Robert Scott, Billy Nicholson, and Jimmy Gardner; back row: JosephZiehr (trainer), Charles Thompson (Manager), Reddy McMillan,‘Hod” Stuart, Lal Earls,Johnson Vivian, Jr.(President) (Coer Country Eveninci News, Feb 13/05)PLATE X96Before the opening of the 1 905-06 season, the pennantthat signified the Leaguechampionship of 1 904-05 finally arrived in Calumet.Eighteen feet long, and made of silk,the pennant showed the word “champions”, along with the intertwinedflags of the UnitedStates and the Union Jack.231 The pennantwould be proudly displayed at the Palestra, tosignify Calumet’s claim to the championship of professional icehockey.The Calumet team would be hard pressed to repeat asLeague champions in 1 905-06, due to the increased preparations of the other fourteams. In addition, financialconsiderations were also weighing on the decisionsof management in Calumet, where asalary dispute had led to “Hod” Stuart’s departure. The Calumet team wouldalso featureseveral new players, as “dissension in the team lastseason [seemed] to make for the resultthat Gardner, Nicholson, Mallen, and Strike [would]not be back.”232 The team would beoperated by a group of twenty men this year,with hockey matters to be kept separate fromthe Palestra rink’s busines operations.233 However,the efforts of both management and theplayers were in vain, as the team won only four timesduring the 1 905-06 season.The 1906-07 season opened on December11, with games played in both Calumetand Pittsburgh. Calumet emerged as an early contenderfor the League championship,posting three consecutive victories in December. GoaltenderBilly Nicholson did not allow agoal in all three games.234 However, despite such a promisingstart, the over-achieving teambegan losing to the other, more talented l.H.L. clubs;the team managed to win only threetimes in the last twenty-one gamesof the season, finishing in last place, and, according toMichigan Soo sports writer Frank Cleveland,did not possess an all-star-calibre player onits23iCoer Country, Oct 26/05, n. pag.2321bid., Oct 31/06, n. pag. Nicholson andMallen would play for the team.233Sult Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag.234Mining Gazette, Dec 29/06, n. pag.97roster. Soon after the season had ended, the Daily Mining Gazette reported thatCalumetwas unlikely to enter a team into the League next year:The support given by the public has been wretched. The game hasbeen a losing venture almost from the start [of the season] . . . .The Calumethockey fans refused to see a losing teamly and at some of the gamesthere were less than 500 people present.”However, the play of the team was not the only cause attributed to thedecline inattendance at the Palestra. During the course of the season, there were a numberof otheractivities in the town during the evening that would attract viewers. An examplewould be ashow at the local theatre.236 The Conner Country Evening News had also reportedthatinterest in the sport of hockey in general, had waned:Good amateur hockey has been noticeably lacking in the coppercountry this winter. With the exception of an occasional game betweenlocalteams in the smaller rinks nothing has been done tofurther the interest ofamateur junior hockey in the county. A Houghton business man announcedearly in the winter that if there was sufficient interest shown he would bringup a cup to represent the upper peninsulahigh school championship. So far,the trophy has not materialized, because of the lackof interest in high schoolhockey.237The strong start the team enjoyed in its first season, under the directionof “HodTMStuart, may have led to unfair expectations of the Calumetclub, which resulted in asignificant decrease in support for the team in itsfinal two years in the l.H.L. Theimportance of Calumet in determining the success ofthe League, as a whole, will beanalyzed in a later chapter.Houghton, Michigan (The Portaae Lakes Hockey Club)Unlike the other four cities preparing for the opening of the 1904-05l.H.L. season,the Portage Lakes Hockey Club had far fewerproblems to consider. The team had alreadybuilt an arena that was suited for the new professionalgame, and was already well-versedin the methods of acquiring high-calibre Canadianplayers.235lbid., Mar 14/07, n. pag.2361bid., Jan 23/07, n. pag.237Coøner Country, Jan 11/07, n. pag.98However, the loss of “Hod” Stuart to Calumet would prove to be aproblem, for hewas considered to be one of the best players at hisposition in the world at that time.Fortunately for the club, “Hod”s brother, Bruce, whohad scored a large number of theteam’s goals during the 1903-04 season, returned toHoughton to play center.238 “Hod”Stuart, in an effort to obtain the rights to his brotherfor the Calumet club, had threatened tofold the Calumet team if Bruce was not released by Houghton, sohe could play with hisbrother. Fortunately for Houghton,and the League, “Hod” did not carry out his threat; BruceStuart would play for the Portage Lakes in 1904O5.239With the winter conditions suitable for icemaking not yet present, the Portage Lakesplayers commenced preliminary training for the 1904-05season in November at theY.M.C.A.24°The players were allworking in the Houghton area, to supplement their hockeyincome, which sometimes made it difficult to preparefor the upcoming season. However,this was not seen as a problem by the local newspapers:The fact that with one exception they are all holding positions, hasmade it impossible for them to do any verygreat amount of preliminarytraining, but as they will have about twoweeks before the season opensthey will have plenty of time to get in condition as despitethe fact thathockey is a strenuous game iloesnot require the rigorous training thatother athletic games compel.The Amphidrome, despite its recent construction, wouldundergo renovationsthroughout the l.H.L.’s years of operation. In the fallof 1904, a new vestibule was installed,following the removal of the old visitors’ dressingroom. A new dressing room would nowbe available for the Houghton players,with the old one used by visiting teams.242 Twoseasons later, a large boilerwas installed to heat the new rooms that had been constructedinside the building. As well, alterationswere made to the exterior of the rink, in the formof23BMjnirin Gazette, Nov 10/04,n. pag.24Olbpd.24iCoer Country, Nov 30/04, n. pag.242Mining Gazette, Dec 3/04, n. pag.99an electric sign, mounted on the side of the structure, with three-and-one-half footlettersspelling out the word “Amphidrome”.243Prior to the start of the 1 904-05 season, “Doc” Gibson was named team captainofthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club, with John T. McNamaraas team manager. Gibson was thengiven the title of player-manager, and to lessen his duties with the team, Gibsonawardedthe team captaincy to Bruce Stuart.244 As the team readied for the season opener inPittsburgh, Gibson worried about the work habits of his fellow players. Shortly aftertheseason began, on December 26, he imposed a mandatory fine against those playerswho didnot attend practices, stating that “any member of the team not appearing at theAmphidrome daily for practice at 4:30 p.m. would be fined $5. One player came under thepenalty for non-appearance yesterday.”245Once the season began, it became obvious to followers of the Houghton team thatthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club would not dominate its opposition as it had in previousyears. A home-and-home series between the Portage Lakes and Calumet resulted in twovictories for the Calumet team, marking the first Portage Lakes loss ever at theAmphidrome.246 The loss also showed Houghton fans the higher level of competition thatthe other l.H.L. teams could provide.In early January, 1 905, a milestone occurred when Houghton travelled across theUpper Peninsula to meet the Canadian Soo. This game would mark first time in three yearsthat the Portage Lakes had been in Canada to play, due in part to the ban placed onHoughton by the O.H.A. Only “Doc” Gibson of Houghton, and Jack Ward of the Canadianteam remained from past seasons when the two clubs had met.247 The small, quick team2431b1d., Nov 8/06, n. pag.2441bid., Nov 30/04, n. pag.245Minin Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag.246Mininp Gazette, Dec 1 8/05, n. pag.2471bjd., Jan 5/05, n. pag.100that the Canadian Soo supported would be a good match with the Portage Lakes team; “theLakes play a game in which they rely upon their speed and stick handling ability, taking thepuck rather than the man as some of the heavy teams do. . .“248However, despite the moderate success of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, itsmanagement decided to seek more players that would help its chances of winning the I.H.L.championship. Because the team remained in the Sault Ste. Marie area following the gamesagainst the Canadian Soo, the management attempted to lure talented players from Canadato come in time for games against the Michigan Soo team. On Thursday, January 9, CharlesLiffiton arrived to play for the Portage Lakes, having played the previous Saturday night withthe Montreal Wanderers of the F.A.H.L., in a game at Ottawa.The Daily Mining Gazette, in an effort to illustrate the calibre of player that Liffitonapparently was, explained the circumstances through which he arrived in Ottawa to play.According to the Mining Gazette, Liffiton had missed the regular train from Montreal toOttawa, which the rest of his team had taken. A special train was chartered by the Montrealclub to ensure that he would arrive in Ottawa, in time for the game, at a cost of onehundred and fourteen dollars. The Mining Gazette’s sports writer reasoned that surely thisplayer was of unparalleled abilities if a team would pay such a large sum to guarantee hisarrival for a single game.249According to the Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Liffiton was the highest paid playerin the l.H.L., during the 1904-05 season.250 He was reportedly paid $1350 for theremainder of the season, to coincide with a high wage-paying position in the Houghtoncommunity.251 The Portage Lakes, in acquiring Liffiton during the season, may have realized248lbid.249Mjning Gazette, Jan 10/05, n. pag.25OSo Evening News, Mar 1 8/05, n. pag.251Mining Gazette, Jan 17/05, n. pag.101that the other strong teams in the League would not allow Houghtonto dominate itsopposition as it had in the past. The team therefore neededto acquire players who wereeven better than the ones already under contract, andhad to pay far more for this increasein talent. In Calumet, the Coooer Country Evening Newsnoticed the lack of dominationdisplayed by the Houghton team:The Portage Lakes are experiencing some very hard lines in some oftheir games, and the glamour that once surrounded them as masters of theCanadian game is fast leaving them. . . . the team is not the team ofa yearago, or else the sensible conclusion must be drawn that they have[encountered] faster and better [competition] this season.2The acquisition of Liffiton did provide immediate assistance to the Portage Lakes; hescored twice to lead the team to a 8-3 victory over the Michigan Soo on January 10. Hispresence would be sorely needed in Houghton’s efforts to outplay the Calumet club,whichwas leading the I.H.L.’s pennant race. Unfortunately for Houghton fans, the team couldnotcatch the powerful Calumet team, and finished second in the 1904-05 l.H.L. standings.In the fall of 1905, expectations were increased, when it was reported that FredWhitcroft was to arrive to strengthen the Portage Lakes Club,253 but Whitcroft decidednotto play for the team. Goalkeeper Riley Hem was named captain of the club, but declined,explaining that the captaincy should belong to a player on the forward line, and BruceStuartwas then named in Hem’s place for the 1 905-06 season.254 Thus, under the guidanceofthe experienced and talented Stuart, Houghton fans were reassured that the club wouldbe acontender for the 1905-06 l.H.L. championship.As the season began, Houghton emerged as a favorite to win the Leaguechampionship. Not content with the current roster, the Portage Lakes again tried to improvetheir team by signing a new player, at the rover position. The Daily Mining Gazette reported252Copøer Country, Jan 11/05, n. pag.253Minin Gazette, Nov 2/05, n. pag.254Minin Gazette, Nov 4/05, n. pag.102that the team would add a player whowas rumored to be “one of the fastest and highestpriced men in the Dominion.”255 This player was apparently agood friend of Portage Lakesplayer “Grindy” Forrester, and would only play for theorganization with which Forresterwas affiliated.256On January 31, 1905, the name of the new player wasfinally revealed; Fred Taylor,of Listowel, Ontario, would be arriving in Houghtonvia Portage La Prairie. According to theDaily Mining Gazette, Taylor “was raisedwith the hockey stick in his hands and skates onhis feet.”257 He had reportedly signed with both the Calumetand Sault Ste Marie, Ontario,clubs earlier in the season, but had failed toreport to either club.258 On the first ofFebruary, Taylor finally became a member of an, when he practiced with thePortage Lakes for the first time. The Daily MiningGazette reported that Taylor had shownsigns of his talent, and “was provingmuch better than when he came to the CopperCountry three years ago with the Pirates ofDetroit”. To make room for Taylor on theHoughton roster, Walter Forrest was given hisrelease from the club.259On February 6, 1 906, Taylor played inhis first l.H.L. game, scoring twice in an 8-2victory over Calumet. Taylor’s efforts werepartially overshadowed by teammate Joe Hall,who scored five times.260 The additionof Taylor and other experienced hockey talentensured that Houghton would be a contenderfor the l.H.L. championship in 1 905-06.The closeness of the championship race increased interestin the three towns whoseclubs had an opportunity to winthe pennant. Several proprietors of the Houghtontownship’s hotels and saloonsinstalled private telephones that could receive direct reports255lbicJ., Jan 30/06, n. pag.2561bid.2571bid., Jan 3 1/06, n. pag.25Blbid., Feb 2/05, n. pag.259lbd.26OMjning Gazette, Feb 7/06, n. pag.103from the Amphidrome. Dunn Brothers, of Fifth Street, announced that returns of all futurehockey games, wherever they were played, would be received at that establishment,so thatPortage Lakes Hockey Club followers could be updatedon the progress of their team as itplayed in other l.H.L. towns.261On February 21, 1906, the Michigan Soo visited the PortageLakes, in a game thatwould likely determine the League championship.262 Should there be a tie at theend of theseason, a three-game series would be played between the two tied teamsto determine awinner.263 Despite two goals from former Canadian Soo player “LadyBill” Taylor, thevisitors could not defeat the Portage Lakes at the Amphidrome,losing by a score of72.264With a win over their closest rival in the pennant race, and only a few gamesremaining in the League schedule, the Portage Lakesseemed likely to win Houghton its firstl.H.L. championship. The Daily Mining Gazette reported thatthe other clubs were willing tolend players to Calumet, who played the Portage Lakesin the two final League games.Similar to what had occurred in the spring of 1905,when Lorne Campbell of Pittsburghplayed for the Portage Lakes in an effort to defeatCalumet, Campbell joined Calumet late inthe 1905-06 season to try to beat the Houghtonteam. This would be done in an effort toallow either Pittsburgh or the Michigan Soo to overtake Houghton.265The Coøoer CountryEvening News also acknowledgedthe plans of the other clubs, and stated that “it wouldappear from this that all of the teams are againstPortage Lake as they seem to be doing allthey can to help the Soos win out.”266 Despite the effortsof the other clubs, Houghton26iCopper Country, Jan 5/06,n. pag.262lbjd., Feb 21/06, n. pag. Both teams were ahead of the otherclubs, and, should the twoclubs continue to win their remaining games, theresult of the series between the two clubs woulddetermine the l.H.L. champions.263Mining Gazette, Feb 18/06,n. pag.2641bid., Feb 22/06, n. pag.265Mining Gazette, Feb 1 5/06, n. pag. This example of theinappropriate behavior of Leaguemanagers will analysed in greater detail in Chapter 4.266Copoer Country, Feb 1 5/06, n. pag.104won the I.H.L. championship in 1 905-06, finishing onegame ahead of the second-placeMichigan Soo club.The following season, the team was again considered afavorite, and, as the 1 906-07 League schedule progressed, Houghton was almost certain to winits second consecutiveLeague championship, with only the Canadian Soo posing a possiblethreat. The PortageLakes made a number of roster movements in order to ensure another pennantwin. Theteam had acquired “Tuff” Bellefeuillefrom the Kenora Thistles in January, who had left thatteam after a disagreement with management.267 Inthe same month, the Houghtonmanagement signed “Goldie Cochrane, who was paidsix hundred dollars to play theremainder of the season.268 Houghton also obtained the servicesof Edmund Decarie, whohad been released from Calumet. Houghton,the League-leading team, obviously believedthat Decarie could help the Portage Lakes, despite thefact that Calumet, the worst team inthe League, did not deem him capable ofplaying.269In Pittsburgh’s final series of the season, Houghton arrived toplay at the DuquesneGardens. The Portage Lakes would win all three contests, tobecome the first team to beatPittsburgh, at home, three times in a series.270The victories had guaranteed Houghton theLeague championship, and as the PortageLakes players journeyed back to Houghton fromPittsburgh, fans in the mining town prepared tocelebrate the arrival of the team:Following the time honored and laudable custom of lastyear, all thevarious factories, foundries and establishmentswhich are provided with largeand small whistles are requested to pull the stringwhen the train arrives andto let them blow, long and loud, thus to proclaimto the world at large thatthe Portage Lake hockey team has once more upheldits reputation and hascome victorious out of three hard fought battles.2’1267Minin Gazette, Jan 24/07, n. pag.268Copper Country, Jan 5/07, n. pag.269lbid., Feb 27/07, n. pag.27OMininp Gazette, Mar 10/07, n. pag.271Mininp Gazette, Mar 12/07, n. pag.105The local band, and artillery, who fired off a cannon incelebration, were present for theteam’s return, along with half of the population of the town. Theteam was later honored atdinner at the Douglass House.272Shortly after the celebrations in Houghton had concluded, many of thePortageLakes players left for Canada. Goaltender Darcy Regan worked as abartender, while FredTaylor was employed in a musical instrument factory.273Most of the players were confidentthat they would return to the Copper Country to playduring the 1907-08 season, but l.H.L.operations would not continue beyond 1907.The Portage Lakes Hockey Club, in winning the last two InternationalHockey Leaguechampionships, had regained its position as thedominant team in professional ice hockey.While interest in the sport remained high in Houghton,the town was not given anotheropportunity to show support for a professional hockeyclub, for, with the folding of thel.H.L., hockey fans in that area would only be able to seeamateur games in the future.Potential League Exoansion - 1904-1 907Even prior to the first l.H.L. game, in the fall of 1904, talk ofpossible Leagueexpansion had been reported in thel.H.L. town newspapers. Although the League did notadd or drop any franchises during its three-yearexistence - except for the temporarywithdrawal of the Canadian Soo in 1905-06- the l.H.L. often entertained ideas of expansionto some of the larger U.S. and Canadiancities. Rumors of this were regularly reported bythe local newspapers, who grew weary of grandiose announcementsof team additions, andreported that; “this story grows monotonous,however, as it is told every fall, through thewinter, and till late into the summer. It serves tothe purpose, however, of killing muchspace in the newspapers of the hockey world.”274272Ibicj., Mar 13/07, n. pag.273lbid., Mar 16/07, n. pag.274Minjrip Gazette, Oct 28/06, n. pag.106One means through which other interested parties entertained ideas ofjoining thel.H.L. was to watch games played in the Copper Country. Prior to the formationof thel.H.L., groups interested in forming hockey clubs in other U.S. cities had visitedHoughton toview hockey, as played by the mighty Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Chicago,which wasconnected to the Upper Peninsula by railway, was a potential professional hockeysite fromas early as 1 904. E. S. Averill, general superintendentof the United States Express Co.,visited Houghton in January of that year, to watch the series between thePortage Lakesand the Pittsburgh Athletic Club. Averill had hoped to organizean exhibition game betweenthe Portage lakes, and a Canadian team in Chicago, to determinethe amount of spectatorinterest in the sport.275Chicago persisted as a possible site of the professional game,and, in the fall of1 904, plans were made to introduce the sportthere again. Charles Donnelly, secretary ofthe Calumet Athletic Club, of Chicago, was considering bringingManager Commiskey, ofChicago’s American League Baseball team, andAmerican League President Ban Johnson, toview some of the l.H.L. games that winter. The purpose ofthe visit would be to determine ifthe two guests were interested in organizing anl.H.L. team in Chicago.276The completion of railway lines throughout the United Stateshad made cities suchas Chicago ideal for the l.H.L.’s executive,when contemplating expansion:The railroads are offering advantageous rates and they extend toMilwaukee and Chicago. Chicago sportsmen interested in thegame havepromised to bring up a partyof wealthy men who are interested in sport towitness the game with a view of bringinghockey to hicago. The sameholds good of the Milwaukee athletic associations.27In the fall of 1 905, rumors continued regarding l.H.L.expansion to Chicago. Now,rather than having wealthy business magnatesorganize the team, the l.H.L.’s own “Hod”Stuart was apparently prepared to travel to Illinoisto form a team for the 1 906-072751bid., Jan 31104, n. pag.276lbid., Nov 9/04, n. pag.2771bid., Jan 17/05, n. pag.107season.278 The Chicago-Stuart rumor continued intoearly 1 906, according to the PittsburghGazette. The newspaper also predicted that Buffalo would be acandidate for expansion, andthat the Pittsburgh team would arrange to play exhibition games there to determinefaninterest.279 By the conclusion of the 1 905-06 l.H.L. season, however, Stuart was nolongerinvolved, and “Pop” Anson, of baseball fame, was rumored to have taken to thesport, andto be organizing an l.H.L. team, in Chicago, for the fall of1906.280While many of the reports of expansion included U.S. sites, the International HockeyLeague also considered several Canadian cities as possibleI.H.L. sites. Montreal, despite itsdistance from the other towns, emerged as a potential League city in 1 905-06.In the springof 1905, several Calumet players who were natives ofMontreal were apparently planning toorganize an l.H.L. entry there during the summer.281 Montrealwould seem to be an unlikelysite for I.H.L. expansion, despite the more liberal regulationsof professionalism there than inother Canadian towns under the jurisdiction of the O.H.A.A.L. Ferguson did not viewMontreal as a feasible site for l.H.L. operations, and was quotedin the Mining Gazette assaying: “Montreal is too far away to become a member of theleague. . . It would prove anexpensive proposition to take a team from that part ofthe country, and I don’t think there isany truth to the story.”282An examination of the newspapers from the five I.H.L. towns indicates that therewere a number of potential I.H.L. cities; the names of Detroit,Toronto, Chicago, St. Paul,Milwaukee, Cleveland, and Duluth would occasionallyappear in the sports sections, over theyears of l.H.L. operations, as possible expansion sites.Duluth seemed to be a likely town,2781bid., Dec 2 1/05, n. pag.279PfttsburQh Gazette, Feb 4/06, n. pag.28OSoo Evening News, Mar 1 5/06, n. pag.28iSauft Star, Mar 9/05, n. pag.282Mjning Gazette, Nov 15/04, n. pag.108due to that city’s cold climate and interests inwinter sports, but problems arose that wouldnot allow a team to be formed there. In the spring of 1905,five prominent businessmenfrom Duluth had travelled to Calumet, to: “inspect thePalestra for the purpose of gatheringinformation relative to the cost and construction of a skating palace,also to gather any andall information applying to the game of hockey and its players.”283One year later, anexhibition game between the Portage Lakes and Calumetwas organized in Duluth, at thecurling rink located there:Through the courtesy of the Duluth curling rink directorspermissionfor the use of the building has been obtained and theonly drawback is thataccording to the constitution of the cluball the members and their familiesare entitled to free admission on all occasions, sothat the earning capacityof the building for the nightmay not be sufficient to cover the expense ofthe men while at the city.24Thus, a new rink would be needed before a teamcould be organized in Duluth, andarrangements were finally made for the erection of such afacility in that city in the fall of1 907. The agreement to construct the rink could not bemade, as the lack of finances toorganize a team there became apparent.285However, the problems would becomeirrelevant, when considering expansion, as the I.H.L.ceased operations later that fall.Despite all the reports of visiting business magnates,managers and owners fromother sports in other cities, attendance byrepresentatives at l.H.L. meetings, and theconstruction of new facilities inother cities, no expansion was ever undertaken in thel.H.L.’s brief existence. Typically, each fall,other cities would express interest in theLeague, before seasonal operations had commenced.Reports would usually culminate witha statement by one of the local papers, asevidenced by an example found in the Saultj(Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario):283Coooer Country, Mar 15/05, n. pag.284Mininp Gazette, Mar 19106, n. pag.2B5Cooper Country, Oct 30/07, n. pag.109Until a few weeks ago the indications were bright that Chicago,Duluth, and possibly Minneapolis or St. Paul would affiliate with the league,but as no steps towrds entering have been taken, the prospects are notvery encouraging.28In addition to expansion, each year of l.H.L. operations saw reports of thedismantling of the League, with certain teams to be eliminated, and others to be added.Onesuch report out of Calumet stated that the Canadian Soo, and Pittsburgh, wouldwithdraw,and a new six-team league would be formed, with teams from Duluth, Chicago,St. Paul,Calumet, Houghton, and the Michigan Soo. The League would then be renamed theNorthwestern Hockey League.287Of all the rumored sites of expansion, perhaps the one city that seemed the mostlikely to host l.H.L. play was Toronto. Interest in professional hockey had grownthereduring the three years of l.H.L. operations. Former l.H.L. referee, “Chaucer”Elliott, wasplanning to organize a professional team in Toronto followingthe 1 905-06 season. PortageLakes player, Walter Forrest, had already signed a contract withElliott to play there, startingthe following season. A number of Canadian players,not affiliated with the l.H.L., had alsoorganized a professional team for 1905-06, but seemedlikely to sign with Elliot&s squadinstead. The former team had ceased operations, becausethe club could not find manyCanadian teams that were willing to schedule games againstthem,288 whereas, this wouldnot pose a problem for a professional team that joined thel.H.L.The new Toronto professionals were granted a franchisein the l.H.L. during the fallof 1 906, but would not have a rink prepared in timefor the opening of the season;accordingly, the team then vowed to enter a club for the1907-08 season.289 Certain thatToronto would be entering the League in 1907,“Doc” Gibson wrote to Berlin in the springof that year, offering that town a team. Gibsonattempted to generate interest, by explaining2B6Sauft Star, Oct 12/05, n. pag.287Coøei- Country, Feb 6/06, n. pag.28BMininn Gazette, Mar 15106, n. pag.289Coper Country, Nov 1 3/06, n. pag.110that “Toronto is almost sure to come in next year, and Columbus, Ohio, and New York havetheir franchises already, so you can see we are spreading.“290Columbus, another unlikely site, had long since decided to not pursue professionalice hockey. This decision was made in spite of attempts to build an arena and form a team;other sports were too popular, “their experiment with the introduction of roller skatinghaving proved too profitable to drop it even for the winter season, although the ice plant iscompleted.”291When the League ceased operations in December of 1907, the teams and interestedparties who had hoped to enter the l.H.L. no longer had a league to enter. The former l.H.L.players returned to Canada, many to play in the newly-formed Ontario Professional HockeyLeague. Interested groups in Cleveland, Toronto, Boston, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, and Columbuswere already planning to form a professional league, for 1 908. Rosters for these teamswould be filled, as they had in the l.H.L., by Canadian players.292 Perhaps the failures of thel.H.L. and business men from other cities to bring professional hockey to other U.S. siteshad shown that the United States was not yet ready for the professional game, at such anelite level.The Conclusion of l.H.L. OøerationsAs in other years, with the conclusion of the 1906-07 l.H.L. season, the usualdiscussion of the future of the League occurred. However, no indication that the Leaguewould halt operations was given, and, in the fall of 1907, plans began for another year ofprofessional hockey in the l.H.L towns. Thus, the annual I.H.L. meeting for the 1907-08season was planned for late September, 1907. “Holding the meeting earlier than usual [was]29OSault Star, Mar 14/07, n. pag.291So Eveninci News, Nov 14/06, n. pag.292Calumet News, Oct 30/07, n. pag.111to give opportunity for the settling of league membership questions and thus givemanagersan opportunity to be getting players for their teams early.”293As in past seasons, the potential for expansion meant that the teams to be enteredhad not yet been determined. Toronto was now being considered a legitimate andpracticalentry into the League, with professional players being organized there.294 Therefore, aLeague schedule could not be arranged at the meeting.The Michigan Soo’s entry was to contain a number of new players, as Laviolette andPitre, as they had threatened the previous fall, were apparently not willing to return to thel.H.L. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that the two players were making exorbitantsalarydemands. Laviolette’s summer business interests hadreportedly become so profitable thatonly an outrageously high salary to play hockey would lure him away from hiswork.295The rumours that Calumet would no longer support professional hockey that hadarisen at the conclusion of the 1906-07 season, were quickly extinguished bythe teammanagement, who claimed that interest in the professional game would be revived in thattown for the 1 907-08 season. Only the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was reportedlydisinterested in l.H.L. play.296Bruce Stuart, who had been one of the team’s best players, and had competedinHoughton for all three years that it had entered an l.H.L. team, was not going to report toHoughton. Stuart explained that he was far too busy with business interests that hesharedwith his father, and was unlikely to play for any l.H.L. teamduring the coming season. TheDaily Mining Gazette, however, suggested that if Stuart“was offered a sum large enough tomake it worth while he would get into the game once more.”297293Mininn Gazette, Sep 26/07, n. pag.2945au1t Star, Sep 26/07, n. pag295Mininp Gazette, Oct 12/07, n. pag.296lbid., Sep 26/07, n. pag.297lbid., Oct 6/07, n. pag.112Problems with the formation of the Houghton team were further complicated byteam manager John T. McNamara’s claim that he was not informed of the approachingLeague meeting in Chicago. McNamara stated that the meeting could not be the l.H.L.’sannual affair, in which case he would surely have been informed.298 The l.I-1.L. executivedid, in fact, consider the Chicago meeting to be the annual one, which was arranged tocoincide with the Shriner’s meeting to be held in the same city, at the same time.299Obviously, Houghton’s potential absence from l.H.L. play was not due to any disinterest inthe sport in that town, but to the desires of the other teams not to have the clubrepresented at the League meeting.The managers of the other clubs determined that a Cleveland team would be likely tojoin the League, as a team from that city would be a valuable addition. According to theDaily Mining Gazette, the withdrawal of Houghton could then be easily offset by theinclusion of a Cleveland club:Cleveland if she gets in, will be another Pittsburgh for the league, asfar as attendance goes. The big towns turns [sic] out big crowds and themore biggwns in the circuit the better for the league from a financial pointof view.’For the same reasons that a Cleveland team was actively pursued by the l.H.L. executive,the League wanted to keep a Pittsburgh team; “the [trips via railways] are long but certainlypay with the crowds that Pittsburgh turns out to the games.”301However, the Chicago meeting included managers from only three cities; Calumet,and the two Soos. Despite the lack of representation, League officers were elected andplans were made to commence operations. Contrary to the opinions of those at the meeting,many felt that the League could not operate without Houghton, or Pittsburgh. Unlike the29Blbid., Sep 27/07, n. pag.299Acting l.H.L. President, James T. Fisher, was a member of the Shriners and hoped toattend both meetings; ibid., Sep 26/07, n. pag.300lbid, Sep 27/07, n. pag.301Ibid.113Daily Mining Gazette, who felt the future of the l.H.L. lay in big cities that could draw thelarger crowds, the Sault Star (Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario) reported that the future of theLeague was dependent upon Houghton, because without the Portage Lakes, “it would beimpossible to make the league go.”302Unlike past seasons, the success of the Canadian Soo team in 1 906-07 had buoyedinterest in that town. Usually, the Canadian Soo was the last to be admitted to the l.H.L. atthe annual meetings, or became organized only in time for the season’s opening. However,in the fall of 1 907, the team eagerly prepared for the coming year. Roy Brown had returned,and had helped sign quality players Tom Phillips, Si Griffis, and AIf Smith. Some of theseplayers had been acquired as early as September.303 By early November, the Canadian Sooroster was almost complete, with the signing of Hugh Lehman, E. J. Schafer, John Marks,Degray, and Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde. A rumour arose that the former Pittsburgh player,Lorne Campbell, was also to play for the Canadian Soo.304 The acquisition of good players,such as those listed, raised expectations of the team in the Canadian Soo:At the end of the season the Canadians expect to hold both theCorby and Stanley Cups, and this task is practically completed if the teamchosen from the men who have already applied for positions on the team.3With preparations well under way at the two Soos, the League itself had to contendwith the potential teams who, as in past seasons, expressed an interest to become affiliatedwith the professional League. Eddie Roberts, a former Pittsburgh player, reported that thel.H.L. was to expand drastically, and would be divided into two divisions. A northerndivision was to contain teams from Toronto, Houghton, Calumet, Pittsburgh, and the twoSoos, while the other division would include Chicago, Columbus, and another Toronto club.However, Roberts’ report was not feasible, according to the current state of League3O2SauIt Star, Oct 3/07, n. pag.3OMining Gazette, Sep 27/07, n. pag.3O4lbid., Nov 3/07, n. pag.3O5lbid., Oct 6/07, n. pag.114operations. Another League meeting was scheduled for October 1 9, in Marquette,Michigan.Manager McNamara of Houghton would need to be appeased before he would enter histeam into the League again. In addition, Pittsburgh had now officially declined to compete,which left only four towns still interested in entering teams.306The meeting at Marquette was a triumph for the League, in terms of reuniting themanagers of the different teams. McNamara had apparently forgiven the other managers,and League President Michael Kemp predicted that “the managers of each of the four teamscan be expected to all pull together instead of apart as looked quite possible for a time.”307Meanwhile, Pittsburgh was intent on forming another league, andbegan discussionswith other interested parties in New York, Toronto, Columbus, and Cleveland. Tocompensate for the loss of Pittsburgh, and to return the League to five teams,the l.H.L.executive then looked to Duluth as a possible l.H.L. franchise site. McNamara hadreceived aletter from the Minnesota city, explaining that a new large outdoor rink was underconstruction, and an l.H.L. team was demanded for the coming season.308The League officers that were elected in Chicago were upheld in Marquette, despitethe fact that Houghton representatives had not been present.309 The schedule for thecoming season had yet to be determined, due to the possible additionof Duluth. That citywas now trying to convert an old warehouse into arink, for there had been no rink since itsCentral rink had been dismantled.310 However, in addition toexpansion concerns, theexecutive did decide that more exhibition gameswould be scheduled with Canadianprofessional clubs.313O6Ibid., Oct 12/07, n. pag.3O7Ibid., Oct 23/07, n. pag.3OBlbid., Oct 23, 24/07, n. pag.3O9Sauft Star, Oct 24/07, n. pag.3iOCalijmet News, Nov 9/07, n. pag.311Minjnp Gazette, Nov 3/07, n. pag.115Another important decision made at the Marquette meeting was the imposition of asalary limit on teams. The management of the Canadian Soo was upset by this ruling, anddemanded to be exempt from the limit. The team had already signed the majority of itsplayers, before the salary cap was even proposed. The Michigan Soo would also have tomake adjustments; some salaries and contracts would have to be cancelled, and lessexpensive players would need to be sought.312In a surprise move, the ownership of the Michigan Soo team, W. Murdock and A.Ferguson, announced that, due to outside pressures, they would not be involved withprofessional hockey for the coming season. The pair claimed to retain the franchise, and theoptions which they held on the players that had been signed, but did state that they wouldallow any other interested parties to take over the team’s operations, and enter the club intothe l.H.L.•313The reasons for the sudden announcement were given by each of the men inthe Daily Mmmci Gazette. Ferguson stated that:Our business interests furnish the principal reason for ourabandoning the proposition. Neither of us can afford to spend the time awayfrom our business necessary for looking after a hockey team. Murdockwillbe away a great deal this winter, which will have it so thathe could not givethe matter as much attention as heretofore and I, myself, cannot give it thepersonal attention that I have given it other seasons, because of thedemands of my business.314Murdock explained that professional hockey would not necessarily be absent fromthe Michigan Soo. The team could continue, if others were willing to be responsible foroperations:3i2SauIt Star, Nov 7/07, n. pag.3iMining Gazette, Nov 6/07, n. pag.116There are a number of others who in times past have expressed adesire to take hold of the matter by securing our franchise, and it is verypossible that some of those people will be ready to undertake the venturenow. If they are still willing we will give them every possible encouragementin so far as turning matters over to them is concerned. I will probably attendevery good ockey game that is pulled off in the Soo when I amhere. •31Regardless of the availability of other parties interested in assuming managementresponsibilities with the Michigan Soo team, the l.H.L. appeared unlikely to operate for the1 907-08 season. The l.H.L. executive determined that League operations would only ceasefor the current season; the l.H.L. would not disband, only postpone operations for the year.The Calumet News reported that:The magnates of the several teams are of the opinion that none ofthe towns in the league would furnish the attendance that would warrantsuch an expenditure and it may be decided within a few days to dropprofessional hockey for this season.316However, the League had not informed all its members of this decision; JohnMcNamara had been in Duluth, and upon return to Houghton, was informed by LeagueSecretary Laughton that professional hockey would no longer operate in the CopperCountry.317 Following the announcement, McNamara notified the Portage Lakes players,Regan, Taylor, Forrester, Cochrane, and Decorie, that they had been released. At theMarquette meeting, the League executive, in anticipation of a possible cessation ofoperations, agreed that players who had already signed with teams would remain theproperty of those clubs when the League later resumed play.318The announcement was not well received by many in Houghton County; “the hockeygames throughout the winter seasons have been one of the principal sources of recreationand relief from the monotony of the long winters up here and the public will miss the gamessorely.”319 Meanwhile, the Calumet News had anticipated the demise of the I.H.L., and had315IbId.3i6Calumet News, Nov 5/07, n. pag.317Mininn Gazette, Nov 8/07, n. pag.3lBIbicJ., Nov 10/07, n. pag.3i9Caljjmet News, Nov 9/07, n. pag.117earlier reported that an amateur leaguewould be organized to replace the professionalone.320The loss of the l.H.L. was not unanimously mournedby inhabitants of all Leaguetowns; other sports and events couldnow enjoy greater exposure. In the Michigan Soo,“many persons interested in curling believe that withoutprofessional hockey this game willassume an unusual importance here and already manyideas are being advanced relative toplans for the winter.”321 In addition, local theatres wouldenjoy greater attendance levelsnow that professional hockey had ceased. The CalumetNews predicted that many new localtalent attractions would be offeredin the Michigan Soo.322The I.H.L. executive’s claim that professionalhockey operations had only beenpostponed in the five League towns wouldnot prove correct. The International HockeyLeague, as named, would not resume operations. Anumber of different reasons can beattributed to this, which will be addressedin detail in Chapter 4.The Influence of Selected IndividualsThroughout the three seasons of InternationalHockey League operation, severalindividuals contributed to the formation and successof the League and its teams.Unfortunately, information is notreadily available for some of these, asmany who wereinvolved with the operations of thel.H.L. did not necessarily continue their involvement withthe sport. However, through an analysisof the information collected for this study,it hasbecome apparent that a numberof those involved with the League, in both playingandadministrative capacities, haveemerged clearly as individuals who had a profound effectonthe success of the League. Therefore, itis important to identify the following playersandadministrators, and their contributions tothe l.H.L., and, where possible, to the sportof ice32Olbid., Nov 5/07, n. pag.32llbid., Nov 8/07, n. pag.322lbid., Nov 6/07, n. pag.118hockey. In addition, biographical information and other significant datawill be provided,where the author has been able to obtain additional material regardingthese importantcontributors.AdministratorsThe fact that professional ice hockey arrived in theInternational Hockey Leaguetowns was a tribute to the efforts of a few entrepreneurswho wanted to offer an alternativeform of amusement for the inhabitants of those small, industry-orientedcommunities. Not allof the organizers of the International Hockey League teamshad been hockey enthusiastsprior to their affiliation with the l.H.L.; manywere simply prominent citizens in their townswho had both the means and the desire to introducethe sport at a professional level.Regardless of past experiences with the sport, the administrators,owners, andmanagers were forced to becomeastute business operators, in addition to beingknowledgeable hockey directors. For many, the commitmentto organizing the Leaguebecame a full-time occupation, and their duties wouldexceed that of financiers orentrepreneurs, even to the point of acting as “missionaries [sent]through the countrylooking for hockey timber.”323 Unfortunatelyfor some, including A. Ferguson and W.Murdock of the Michigan Soo, the duties became too greata burden for their connectionwith the League to continue. Thus,the entrepreneurs who originally had the funds and timeto bring the l.H.L. to their townswere forced to sever ties with the League for thesamereasons they were able to affiliate with it:success and commitment in other local businessventures.Perhaps the most prominent reasonwhy hockey was able to develop so quickly innorthern Michigan was the boom in the copper industrythat coincided with Leagueoperations. The Marquette Mining Journalonce described Houghton County as “therichestcopper region in the world. . . . [a]haven for the miner and a land of promise for the323Soo Evening News, Oct 14104,n. pag.119capitalist.”324 Another factor that led to the appearance of entrepreneurs and businessinvestors was the attitude of the monopolistic mining companies toward business. Despitethe fact that companies such as the Calumet and Hecla employed most of the County’sworkers, the mining companies disapproved of company owned and operated stores, thusallowing other private business interests to prosper.325James R. Dee. One prominent Houghton citizen, James R. Dee, made a significantcontribution to the formation of the first professional hockey team, the Portage LakesHockey Club, and ultimately to the International Hockey League. Dee was notfamiliar withthe sport until the turn of the century, but was instrumental in organizing theHoughtonteam, and in ensuring the club’s competitive and financial success.One of Dee’s most crucial contributions to professional hockey was the formation ofthe Houghton Amphidrome Co., which built and operated the rink that hosted Portage LakesHockey Club matches. The reputation that the Amphidrome held at thattime was a tributeto Dee’s efforts, as the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette reported that“outside of Pittsburgh,New York and Brooklyn, there is not a rink or hockey business in the United Statesrun onas high a scale as the Amphidrome.”326 In addition to his duties aspresident of that stockcompany, Dee also acted as President of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club,and aided in thesigning of Canadian players who came to the Copper Country to try theprofessional game.324Arthur W. Thurner, Calumet ConDer and People: History of a Michirian MiningCommunity1864-1970 (Chicago: n.p., 1974), 66.326Minin Gazette, Jan 10/04, n. pag.120It was also “Jimmy” Dee who first wrote to Pittsburgh in Decemberof 1 903, suggesting the formation of a professional league. His affiliationwith the l.H.L. only began there, as he became the first Secretary andTreasurer of the League, and was responsible for the League’s scheduling.Despite his duties with the League as a whole, Dee remained an ardentsupporter of the Houghton team. At the conclusion of the 1 904-05 season,Calumet had been crowned champions of the l.H.L.’s inaugural season.However, Dee felt that the Portage Lakes Hockey Club was in fact thesuperior team. To show his appreciation, Dee sent the following message toteam captain Bruce Stuart:“Dear Sir: Enclosed herewith please find my check for $100, which I takepleasure in handing you with the request that you divide it up equally amongthe members of your Portage Lake team, the best team in the league. Yoursvery truly, James R. Dee.”327Along with the award to the team, Dee also presented the retiring “Doc” Gibsonwith adiamond ring for his services with the Portage Lakes.328Unfortunately, at the beginning of the 1905-06 season Dee’s other businessinterests forced him to resign from the positions of Secretaryand Treasurer of the l.H.L.:It takes more time and trouble than may be imagined, and it will notbe convenient for me to give it the attention that it deserves during thecoming winter. I was anxious to get the league organized and started on asuccessful and permanent basis, so we could look forward to one of the bestwinter sports ever introduced in this section of the country. Now that it is ago I wish to have some one in our company who can levotethe time to itand who can keep in closer touch with the business.3However, Dee did not relinquish his duties as President of the Amphidrome Co.,andremained active in l.H.L. affairs throughout the three years of League operations,albeit in areduced administrative capacity.Edwin S. “Chaucer” Elliott. Although “Chaucer” Elliott’sinvolvement with the InternationalHockey League was arguably not in an administrative capacity,his efforts and influencemust be recognized. Appointed as an official refereeof the League for the 1 905-06 season,Elliott’s work in the League, and his views of its operations,were widely respected byfollowers of hockey in both Canada and the United States.327Coooer Country, Mar 16/05, n. pag.329Minin Gazette, Oct 22/05, n. pag.121a)EdwinS.“Chaucer”Elliott(HockeyHallofFame)b)JamesR.Dee(Captains,Colonels&Kings)> H m ><Born in Kingston in 1 879, Elliottgained his nickname because of a school projectwhere he was required to recite the life and worksof Geoffrey Chaucer.330 Excelling inmany sports as a youth, he attended Queen’sUniversity, where he captained both thehockey and the rugby football teams.331 Eventually,Elliott began refereeing hockey, wherehe became so proficient that he little timeto play the sport itself.332A talented baseball player, Elliott was bannedby the Ontario Rugby Football Union in1902 for playing baseball professionally,333affording him more opportunity to referee andcoach. His reputation as a capable hockey referee in Canada ledInternational Hockey Leagueexecutives to seek out his services following the 1 904-05season. “Elliott made friends andheld them with a magnetic personality. As a referee, heenjoyed the complete confidence ofthe players, and as a result was always in great demand.”334Elliott’s arrival in the International Hockey League signalledthat the Leagueinterested in signing not only the best players available,but also the most qualified andproficient referees. However, Elliott, along with most followers ofhockey in Eastern Canada,was under the impression that the l.H.L. wasa violent League known for its rough play.Elliott was dispelled of this notion, during his time as anofficial I.H.L. referee:I have had no more trouble in this league than I usedto have in the O.H.A.The executive of the International Hockey league comprisea bunch of good,shrewd business men - the best people in the towns theyrepresent. Theyare fair-minded men, who are looking for nothingbut fair play and protectionfor the players . . . . All the instructions I have ever receivedfrom theExecutive is to make the players produce clean hockey.335330Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag.33Pittsburcih Gazette, Mar 1/06, n. pag.332SauIt Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag.333Pittsburgh Gazette, Mar 1/06, n. pag.334Diamond, 23.3355au1t Star, Feb 8/06, n. pag.123Elliott refereed twenty-seven I.H.L. games in1905-06, and, following the conclusionof the hockey season, reported to New York to play catcherfor a baseball team there.336The 1905-06 season would be the only year Elliottwould referee in the l.H.L., as he choseto remain in Canada the following winter. A list of thel.H.L. referees, the number of gamesthey officiated, and the seasons in which they workedcan be found in Appendix M.Elliott had commenced his career asa referee in 1 903, but tragically, he died ofcancer on March 13, 1913. Despite only being involvedwith the l.H.L. for one season,Elliott provided consistent refereeing for the League,a problem which will be discussed inChapter 4. Although brief, his ten-year career as a refereewas so brilliant that his effortsearned him a position in the Hockey Hall of Fame.Dr. John L.”Doc” Gibson. The most influential of all thoseinvolved with the creation ofprofessional ice hockey in northern Michigan, Gibson excelled as an organizer,teammanager, referee, and player throughout the years of l.H.L. operations. It was Gibson’sactions both on the ice and in organizing the Portage Lakes Hockey Club that earned himthetitle of “Father of Hockey” in Michigan,338 and a berth in the Hockey Hall of Fame, in theBuilder’s category.Born on September 10, 1 879, Gibson developed hisathletic skills in the Berlin-Waterloo area. He played or competed in most sports, and by the time he had matured,heweighed 217 pounds and could run one hundred yards in eleven seconds.339 A biographicalrecord of prominent citizens in Houghton County claimed that “he[excelled] in every line ofathletics, and [had] a drawer full of medals won in rowing, swimming, skating and3365oo Evening News, Mar 22/06, n. pag.337Diamonci, 23.338Rice, “A Record Hard to Beat”, 93.Hero of Sports Era. .124running.”340 Eventually, Gibson settled in northern Michiganto practice dentistry. Thecircumstances through which Gibson arrived were explainedby the Houghton Daily MiningGazette:After his graduation from the dental college four yearsago he set out to finda live town that had never heard of hockey so that he could practicehisprofession and get out of the game for good. But as soon as he struckHoughton he started the game, with the result that Houghton is the hockeycenter of the United States . •Gibson quickly immersed himself in all aspects of Houghton community life,becoming a member of the Knights of Pythias, Fraternal Order of Eagles, andBenevolentand Protective Order of Elks. He also belonged to CompanyG, Third Regiment, HoughtonLight Infantry, of the Michigan National Guards.342 In addition to his socialaffiliations,Gibson actively pursued many other sports and pastimes. He played football,as both kickerand back, for the Houghton football team in games held at the Hancockdriving park,343 aswell as serving as captain of the Houghton team in the Houghton CountyBowlingLeague,3and acting as that league’s official scorer.345Because of his active participation in many of the town’s organizationsand affairs,as well as his position as a dentist, Gibson was already prominent socially prior to theformation of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. His influence upon the team only heightenedhis position in the Houghton community.Following the organization of the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Gibsonbecame one ofthe most talented players on the team, even after Canadian players began to arriveto play340Biopraphical Record, 344.341Mining Gazette, Mar 26/04, n. pag.342Biociraohical Record, 345.343Mininp Gazette, Nov 3/01, n. pag.344lbid., Nov 22/03, n. pag.345lbid., Dec 14/02, n. pag.125professionally. Despite his imposing physical size, Gibson had a reputation as agentlemanlyplayer, and played three seasons before he was awarded a penalty during a match.346 Bythe time the first professional team had been organized in 1 903-04, Gibson had attained aninternational reputation as an athlete and administrator. In 1 904, Gibson received a writtenoffer from an old acquaintance to relocate in Johannesburg, South Africa, to operate ahockey team to be organized there.347Following a successful season in the l.H.L. in 1904-05, as both player andmanagerof the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, Gibson was recognized as an all-star at the pointposition.348 Despite his obvious success as a player inthe League, Gibson decided to retirefrom active play. James R. Dee then presented Gibson with a diamond ring, and madethefollowing announcement:A number of your friends who are admirers of the game takepleasure in presenting to you the package which accompanies this in tokenof their appreciation of your efforts in introducing the gamein thiscommunity and in bringing it to its present high standing and repute,bothhere and in elsewhere in the United States.We regret your contemplated retirement from active participation inthe sport and wish you all success in your future life. Onbehalf of thesubscribers, yours very truly, James R. Dee.349Although Dee’s announcement seemed to predict that Gibson would no longer beaffiliated with the l.H.L., Gibson would continue to beinvolved in capacities other thanplaying. The following season, Gibson, alongwith “Chaucer” Elliott, was appointed as anofficial l.H.L. referee. While maintaining his dental practice, Gibsonmanaged to officiate intwenty-one League games. In 1906-07, Gibson relinquishedhis refereeing duties to return346Minin Gazette, Jan 26/04, n. pag.347lbid., Mar 3/04, n. pag.348Appendix G contains all-star teams as selected by various sources throughoutthe threeyears of I.H.L. operations.349Coooer Country, Mar 16/05, n. pag.126briefly as a player. The Portage Lakes were having difficultyin signing players, and Gibsonplayed in two games to start the season beforethe team’s roster could be completed.350Following the demise of the l.H.L., Gibson relocated toRepublic, Michigan, and thenlater moved to Calgary, Alberta.351 He would be elected tothe Hockey Hall of Fame in1 976, in addition to election in the Halls of Famein Houghton, Michigan, and WaterlooCounty, as well as the United StatesHockey Hall of Fame.352 Despite his return to Canada,Gibson’s influence remained in Houghton,as seen in 1939, when a trophy given to thechampion of the Northern Michigan and WisconsinHockey league was awarded in hisname.353Dr. John L. Gibson continued his dental practicein Calgary until his retirement in1 950. He passed away on October 7, 1 955. His exploitsin the community of Houghton atthe turn of the century had a profoundeffect on the development of professional ice hockeyin North America, and his achievements havebeen recognized by his election to the HockeyHall of Fame.John T. McNamara. Another prominentfigure in the development of professional ice hockeywas John T. McNamara. McNamara,like Gibson, was a Canadian who had subsequentlymoved to the Houghton area. McNamara’sefforts helped the Portage Lakes Hockey Clubremain one of the more competitiveteams in the l.H.L through all threeyears of Leagueoperations.Born in Seaforth, Ontario, McNamaraarrived from Brandon, Manitoba, to assumethe position of Sheriff of Houghton County.354“A fine tall figure of a man with a big,350See Appendix N for a completelist of all players, their games played, andgoal totals.35Fitsell, “Tribute”, n. pag.352Roger J. Proule, personal letter.353Fitsell, “Tribute”, n. pag.354Coooer Country, Mar 9/07, n. pag.127drooping moustache,”355 he also assumed a prominent role in the Houghton community.Along with his position as manager of the Amphidrome, and later Secretary-treasurer of thel.H.L., he acted as secretary for both the Houghton County Agricultural Society, and theCopper Country Poultry and Pet Stock Association.356John T. McNamara was one of several men who helped operate the InternationalHockey League. Each town was dependent upon similar people who were willing to devotetheirs efforts to ensuring that the League could function. While the other managers,administrators, and trainers have not been mentioned, their labours had a direct effect onthe success of the League as a whole.Imoortant PlayersDespite the fact that the League operated for three full seasons, and included fiveteams, only ninety-seven men played hockey in International Hockey League games.357 Ofthose players, several had a major impact upon the League, and the sport of ice hockey. Infact, thirteen skaters who played in the League have been elected to the Hockey Hall ofFame, along with two l.H.L. goaltenders and referee “Chaucer” Elliott. Nine of the playerselected to the Hockey Hall of Fame, along with seven others, made contributions to thesport and the League significant enough to merit inclusion in this section. Unfortunately,little information is known about some of these players, but their efforts will be noted withas much detail as the limited data permits.Of the eighty-nine men who did not play the goalkeeper position, thirty-six remainedwith the League for two or more seasons. However, thirty-five other players played tengames or less in the l.H.L. This would indicate that there was a high turnover for several355Whitehead, 42.356Soo EveninQ News, Jan 24/07, n. pag.357Eighty-nine were skaters, and eight were goal keepers.128positions on the rosters, usuallydue to clubs trying to improve their line-ups,and keepsalaries low. As shown by the largepercentage of returning players, once a positionhadbeen won by a player, he tendedto return to the League to pursue hisprofessional hockeycareer. Another reason for thehigh number of returning players would bethat these playerswould be unable to resume amateurcareers in Canada, and therefore hadlittle option but tocontinue playing in the l.H.L.The author has determined thatsixteen l.H.L. players had an impact significantenough upon the League andthe sport to warrant individual attention. Althoughmost ofthese players distinguished themselvesthrough lasting and outstanding service totheLeague, a few had short and,in some cases, unwanted effects uponl.H.L. affairs. Eachplayer will be recognizedindividually, and, where information limitationspermit, abackground of the athlete’s life outsideof the l.H.L. will be given.Roy Brown. RoyBrown played the point position forthe Canadian Soo hockey team in1 904-05, and 1906-07. A standoutlacrosse player from Brantford, he had experiencedthewrath of the amateur-governingassociations in both sports. In the fall of 1 905,Brown wassuspended by the Canadian LacrosseAssociation, for playing Sunday lacrosseinChicago.358Brown’s ability to play defenseearned him recognition as an all-starin both seasonshe played in the l.H.L, and, in1908, following the demise of theLeague, he was quicklysigned by Brantford of thenewly-formed Ontario ProfessionalHockey Association.359Perhaps the greatest praise that Brownreceived during his tenure withthe InternationalLeague was given by A. W. Dunn, aMontreal commercial traveller,who visited the Soo inMarch of 1 905. After watchingthe Canadian Soo team play twice, hegave the followingcomment to a Sault Ste. MarieEveninci News correspondent: “I haveseen all the big games358Sault Star, Oct 19/05, n. pag.359CoIeman. 776.129in Canada play this season excepting Ottawa, but including the Montreal teams, RatPortage, Brandon, Winnipeg and others, and the best point player I have ever seen is RoyBrown.”360Lorne Cami,bell. Lorne Campbell merits significant consideration as the most dominantplayer in the l.H.L.’s brief existence. Unfortunately, little is known about this talentedathlete, other than what can be drawn from the accounts of the International Hockey Leaguematches found in the l.H.L. town newspapers. He finished among the top three goal scorersin the League in all three seasons, and completed his three seasons in the l.H.L. as theLeague leader in both career-games played and career-goals scored. Campbell was alsonamed to all-star teams in both 1 905-06 and 1 906-07.As discussed earlier in this chapter, Campbell’s talent was so sought after that intwo years he signed with another I.H.L. team, following the conclusion of his season withPittsburgh. After playing all twenty-four of Pittsburgh’s games in 1904-05, Campbell signedwith the Portage Lakes Hockey Club, a team that was trailing the then-League-leadingCalumet club, led by “Hod” Stuart. The following season, he was joined by Stuart, by thattime a teammate in Pittsburgh, in an effort to help the Calumet team defeat the PortageLakes.As in to the previous season, the 1905-06 Pittsburgh team had finished its seasonearlier than the remaining three clubs. The team had played the Canadian Soo six timesbefore the Canadians had disbanded, and therefore had been able to play all twenty-four oftheir scheduled games. Lorne Campbell again led the team in goals, scoring thirty-two times.It was reported in the Daily Mining Gazette that he, along with the famed “Hod” Stuart,would play for the Calumets in the final series against Houghton.3613605oo Evenina News, Mar 8/05, n. pag.36lMininp Gazette, Mar 4/06, n. pag.130The two players were unable to reach the Copper Country in time for the firstmatch, which resulted in a 7-1 victory for the Portage Lakes.362 Stuart and Campbell didarrive for the next game, on March 10, to be held at the Palestra. Stuart was quoted in theDaily Mining Gazette as saying “we will surely be at the Palestra tonight, unless the train isblockaded. We are going to get even for all the season too.”363Because Stuart was suffering from the effects of an earlier injury, he was unable tomake a significant contribution during the game. Campbell, however, scored three timesagainst the Portage Lakes, but could not help the Calumet team win. Houghtori won thegame, 10-5, and the League championship, by one game, over the Michigan Soo.364Campbell, along with “Hod” Stuart, was considered to be one of the two bestplayers in the l.H.L., and perhaps of all the hockey players of that time period. The PJiMining Gazette reported that both Stuart and Campbell were “two of the greatest hockeygenerals in the game [at that time].”365 Unfortunately, because Campbell was never electedto the Hockey Hall of Fame, little has been written abouthim.Before the 1906-07 l.H.L. season had commenced, Manager Boon of the Montrealclub was rumored to be interested in signing Campbell. However, Campbell was reportedlycontent in Pittsburgh, and enjoyed the occupation he had secured outside of his hockeyduties in that city.366 Therefore, he was not interested in leaving Pennsylvania, andfinishedhis International Hockey League career in Pittsburgh. When it became apparent that l.H.L.operations would not continue the following winter, Campbell signed with Winnipegof theManitoba Hockey League, to play the 1907-08 season, where he led that league in scoring363lbd., March 10/06, n. pag.364lb1d., Mar 11/06, n. pag.365Minina Gazette, Mar 4/06, n. pag.366Mining Gazette, Nov 30/06, n. pag.131with thirty goals in only fifteen matches.367The author contends that more information onthis talented hockey player needs to be collected, and,upon subsequent evaluation,Campbell deserves consideration as a member of the HockeyHall of Fame.James Henry “Jimmy” Gardner. James Gardner playedthree seasons in the InternationalHockey League: two seasons for Calumet,and one with Pittsburgh in 1 906-07. Whilenotscoring as prolifically as some of the otherrecognized players, Gardner provided aconsistent, determined effort at the forward positionfor any of the teams that he played for,and was selected as an l.H.L. all-star followingthe 1 904-05 season.Gardner was born on May 21, 1881, inMontreal, where he learned the sport ofhockey alongside another legend of thatperiod, “Dickie” Boon. Success in hockey arrivedquickly for Gardner as he played for the1902 Stanley Cup winners, the Montreal A.A.A.’s“Little Men of Iron”.368 Following the demiseof the l.H.L., he was again on a Stanley Cup-winning team, with the 1910 Montreal Wanderersclub.369 After finishing his career as aplayer, Gardner became a referee, where he eventuallybecame an official for WesternCanada Hockey League games. He died inMontreal, on November 7, 1940. Twenty-twoyears after his death, Gardner was elected to the HockeyHall of Fame.Joe Hall. Joe Hall played only one seasonin the I.H.L., but the impact he made upontheLeague during his year with the Portage LakesHockey Club in 1905-06 warrantsacknowledgment. Although his abilities as ahockey player have gained him fame, and aplace Hockey’s Hall of Fame, it washis aptitude for drawing the ire of both the Leagueexecutive and his opponents onthe ice that gave Hall notoriety in the I.H.L.367CoIeman, 688.368”Player Biographies” (Toronto: Hockey Hallof Fame, unpublished, n.d.), n. pag.132Regardless of the questionable means throughwhich Hall played the sport, he washighly successful during his year as a member of the PortageLakes Hockey Club. Playingtwenty games, he scored thirty-three times, leading the Houghton team,and finishing thirdin League goal scoring. His efforts also earned him an all-star selection atthe right wingposition.Despite an outstanding playing record, Hall drew attentionfor other activities thatoccurred during the course of the season. One incident involved suspensionfrom the Leaguedue to his behavior during one game. Thiswill be discussed in Chapter 4, as thecircumstances that resulted in the suspension, and themeans through which the t.H.L.officers attempted to confront Hall’s alleged behavior,reflected on the Executive’s capacityto operate the League.Hall’s exploits outside of his brief experience in thel.H.L. are worthy of note. Hewas born in Staffordshire, England, on May 3,1 882. After moving to Canada at the age oftwo, Hall began playing ice hockey in 1 897.° He signedwith Winnipeg of the M.H.L. in1904, and was chosen to the All-Canadian team by theO.H.A. for his efforts in Winnipegduring the 1 904-05 season.371 Following his year inHoughton, Hall travelled to Quebec toplay for that city’s E.C.A.H.A. team, and he later returned toManitoba, to play forBrandon.372 During his seasons in Quebec, Hall wasfined and suspended for attackingreferee Tom Melville, and he later developed severalfeuds, with such talented players as“Newsy” Lalonde.373Eventually becoming the property ofthe Montreal Canadiens, Hall continued his Hallof Fame career through 1919, when his teammade the Stanley Cup finals. That series was370wPlayer Biographies”371Mining Gazette, Nov 2/05,n. pag.372Coleman, 600.373Coleman, 599.133PLATE XIIJoe Hall (Hockey Hall of Fame)134to be played in Seattle, against that city’s During the fifth game of theseries, played on March 30, Hall became ill and had to retire from the match. Thechampionship was abandoned when it was learned that Hall, along with several teammates,had contracted influenza, a world-wide epidemic of that period. Hall died a few days later,while receiving treatment at a local hospital.374“Riley” Hem. William Milton “Riley” Hem wasborn in St. Mary’s, Ontario, on December 5,1 He played forward for London’s intermediate team duringhis early playing career,and later became affiliated with the movement toward professionalism, when heswitched tothe goalkeeper position, and played for the Pittsburgh Keystones of the semi-professionalWestern Pennsylvania Hockey League.376 However,when the Portage Lakes Hockey Clubbegan organizing a professional team in 1903,Hem was among the first to sign with theclub, for no other reason than the higher salary he was to receive for playing there.377 Thatseason his team won twenty-three of twenty-five games, and he allowed anaverage of only1 .96 goals per game, shutting out his team’s opponentsfive times.When the l.H.L. was formed the next season, he remained in Houghton, tohelp thePortage Lakes Hockey Club try to win thenew League’s inaugural championship. Despiteleading the l.H.L. in shutouts, and being selected as a League all-star, Hem could nothelpthe team win the championship. However, he ledthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club to theLeague title the following season, before deciding toreturn to Canada to resume his career.In the fall of 1 906, he signed with the Montreal Wanderers, leavingHoughton, his team ofthe last three seasons, to play in the E.C.A.H.A. The Wandererseventually signed Hem as a374CoIeman, 600.375”Player Biographies”376Mining Gazette, Nov 10/03, n. pag.377GIobe and Mail, Nov 16/03, n. pag.135professional,378 where he helped them win three Stanley Cupchampionships. Hem retiredin 1911, and was later inducted into the Hockey Hallof Fame.379J. “Chief” Jones. As in the caseof Lorne Campbell, it is unfortunate that there is so littleinformation available regarding “Chief” Jones, a playerwho had such a significant effect onthe I.l-l.L.; even the first name of this great goalkeeperwas not revealed. Jones played hisentire l.H.L. career with the Michigan Soo team, andhad played in that city prior to theformation of the League. Jones had signed with theMichigan Soo team as an allegedprofessional, for the 1903-04 season. His ability andplaying stlye immediately gained himthe attention of many Michigan hockey supporters.For instance, in a game played inFebruary of 1 904, Jones decided to take thepuck himself, and attempt to score against thePortage Lakes Hockey Club. Hisefforts did not amuse the opposition, as “Doc” GibsonofHoughton knocked Jones forcibly tothe ice before the Michigan Soo goaltender could getclose enough to the Portage Lakes’ goal.38°Despite such unorthodox playing practices, Jones wasselected as an l.H.L all-star inboth the 1904-05 and 1 905-06 seasons. His play during1905-06 was particularlynoteworthy, as he allowed only 2.6 goalsper game, almost one full goal less per game thanany other l.H.L goalkeeper. Jones also had two shutoutsduring that season, tieingPittsburgh’s Jack Winchester forthe League lead in that statistical area.Following his three seasonsfor the Michigan Soo club, Jones signed with Cobaltofthe National Hockey Association, where he playedgoal for the 1910-11 season. After onlyone year with that club, his playing rights were acquired byWaterloo of the O.P.H.L, wherehe finished his professional career.381378Coleman, 132.379lbid., 766.380Mininp Gazette, Feb 18/04, n. pag.38Coleman, 767.136Edouard “Newsy” Lalonde. The International Hockey League provided “Newsy” Lalondewith an opportunity to commence one of the most celebrated and successful careers of anyCanadian athlete, in any time period. Throughout the first two decades of the twentiethcentury, Lalonde dominated both ice hockey and lacrosse, and although only nineteen yearsof age when signing with the Canadian Soo hockey team in 1 907, Lalonde immediatelybecame one of the League’s most talented and boisterous players.Lalonde was born in Cornwall, Ontario, on October 31, 1887. An outstandingathlete as a youth, he became a goalkeeper in lacrosse, for the local Cornwall Colts club,382before his abilities as a goal scorer emerged and he was switched to the inside homeposition. His talents were already evident in hockey, where he began his career with theCornwall team of the F.A.H.L.,383 and before he had reached the age of twenty, hisreputation had reached managers of the l.H.L. teams.In 1 906-07, the Canadian Soo’s l.H.L. club was experiencing greater competitivesuccess than it had during the l.H.L.’s first two seasons. The acquisitionof new talentwould only help the team’s chances of winning its first League championship. Anewspaperreport then noted that “Newsy” Lalonde was to arrive in the Soo on January 3,1907, bytrain, from Cornwall. Lalonde was “said to be very fast and possessed of an abundance ofnerve.”384 When Lalonde arrived, he was not expected to play, until aninjury to CanadianSoo rover Marty Walsh forced Lalonde into the lineup.The long trip did not affect Lalonde’splay significantly; he scored twice to lead the Soo to a 3-1 victory over the visiting Calumetteam.385382The Ottawa Citizen, July 31/05, n. pag.383Coleman, 604.384Soo Evening News, Jan 3/07, n. pag.3851bid., Jan 4/07, n. pag.137Though not yet twenty years of age, Lalonde had already established himselfin bothice hockey and lacrosse. His reputation for “nerve” was tested in the violent professionalleagues; while in the l.H.L., he would also continue rivalries that had started in hislacrossegames. In a series against Pittsburgh, Lalonde renewed a feud that he had started inlacrosse with a Pittsburgh player, Horace Gaul. Gaul had played theinside home position forthe Ottawa lacrosse team, and he and Lalonde had met when Lalonde had been theCornwall goalkeeper. During an I.H.L. hockey series, the two had engaged in fisticuffs,inaddition to receiving frequent penalties for altercations with one another.386Despite his young age, and penchant for incurring the wrath of opponentsand thereferee, Lalonde managed to score twenty-six goals in eighteen gamesfor the CanadianSoo, during the 1906-07 season. The following season, Lalonde signed withToronto of theO.P.H.L.387 He would lead that league in goal scoring, and throughout theremainder of hishockey career, would lead the N.H.A., P.C.H.A., and W.C.H.L. in goalscoring in variousseasons .388In addition to his scoring exploits, Lalonde was “frequently referred to inthe eastand west as the greatest player in the game. He had afiery temper and was an outstandingleader.”389 He would score in excess of 450 goalsduring his hockey career, and, as CharlesColeman explained following an extensive review ofnewspapers from the early decades ofthe twentieth century, “more has been written about this athlete,both in praise and abuse,than possibly any other.”3903B6SauIt Star, Feb 7/07, n. pag.387Coleman, 611.388ibid., 611-612.3891bid., 795.390lbid., 609.138C) CDa)Edouard“Newsy”Lalonde(HockeyHallofFame)b)“Jack”Laviolette(HockeyHallofFame)I > —1 m xLalonde was inducted into the Hockey Hall of Fame, and was also voted the bestlacrosse player of the first half of the twentieth century.391 Perhaps his greatest praisecame from Charles Coleman, who chose Lalonde for an all-star team selected from all thehockey players who had competed through 1 926. Lalonde was selected as the best rover ofthat era, over other notable players such as Fred “Cyclone” Taylor and Mickey Mackay.392Jean Bantiste “Jack” Laviolette. Laviolette was one of several prominent athletes whoplayed three full seasons in the International Hockey League. Born in Belleville, Ontario, onJuly 27, 1 879, Laviolette later moved to Valleyfield, Quebec. He played his amateur hockeywith Overlands, and the Canadian Pacific Telegraphs hockey teams.393 In 1 903-04,Laviolette played his first senior-level hockey with the Nationals of the C.A.H.L.,394 beforesigning with the Michigan Soo for the 1 904-05 season. While in Valleyfield, Laviolettealsobegan what would become a successful lacrosse career, and befriended Didier Pitre,whojoined Laviolette in the Michigan Soo for the l.H.L.’s inaugural season.Although Laviolette did not score as many goals as many of the other renownedl.H.L. players, he was considered to be one of the best players in the League in all threeseasons he played in the l.H.L. He was selected as an all-star player during each season;also, in naming an all-star team for the 1 906-07 season, Frank Cleveland, sports editor forthe Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, proclaimed Laviolette as the League’s bestplayer at anypositionLaviolette’s importance to the Michigan Soo team was demonstrated prior to theopening of the 1906-07 season, when the team, having finished the previous season391Vancouver News-Herald, Sep 23/50, n. pag.392CoIeman, 795.393”Player Biographies”394Coleman, 612.3955oo Eveninn News, Mar 1 8/07, n. pag.140strongly and almost winning the League championship, began operationsin the fall of 1906with a significant roster problem. Two of the team’s best players, Laviolette,and Pitre, bothof whom would be later named to the Hockey Hall of Fame, weredoubtful to report to theteam. The Sault Star reported that the close friendshipbetween the two men meant that ifone were to be lost to another team, then the other would leave aswell; “they havereceived very flattering offers from a newprofessional club, which is being organized inMontreal. Wherever one plays, theother will go, too, as they have played hockey togetherfor years, and will not separate”.396 Fortunately for theMichigan Soo club, Laviolette andPitre did return for the 1 906-07 season, althoughthe team could not win the Leaguechampionship.Following his years in the l.H.L., Laviolette assisted inthe formation of the MontrealCanadiens team, aided by the financial support of T.C.Hare, and J. Ambrose O’Brien.397Laviolette would be reunited with Pitre with the Canadiens,who also gained the services of“Newsy” Lalonde. Laviolette eventually retired from play atthe conclusion of the 1 917-18season, and, despite losing a foot in an accident inthe summer of 1918, managed to refereehockey games afterwards. He was elected to theHockey Hall of Fame in 1 962.Ken Mallen. Kenny Mallen began his hockey careerin 1 903-04, with both Cornwall and theWanderers teams of the F.A.H.L.A great stickhandler and a fast skater,398 Mallen wasoneof the best players in the International Hockey Leagueduring the 1 904-05 season. Playingrover for the championship-winning Calumetteam, Mallen scored thirty-seven goals intwenty-four games, finishing second in League goalscoring behind teammate Fred Strike.For his outstanding play in 1904-05, Mallen was selected asthe all-star at the rover positionon all three all-star teams that were selected.396Sauft Star, Nov 1/06, n. pag.397 ‘Player Biographies”398Coleman, 615.141The International Hockey League was known for the violencethat occurred duringLeague games, and it is unfortunate that such roughtactics led to Ken Mallen leaving theCalumet team shortly after the start of the 1905-06 season. Becauseof his small stature,and his exceptional playing skills, Mallen was a targetof physical abuse by the players ofopposing teams. After enduring several injuries due to suchpractices, Mallen decided toleave the League. The Conoer Country Evening Newsexplained the reason for Mallen’sdeparture:If hockey was played as it should be Mallen would stillbe in the game, butwhen deliberate attempts are made to him irrespectiveof whether theinjuries would be permanent or not, he [Mallen] statesit is high time toquit.399Mallen did return to play for Calumet one month later, butonly due to an injury incurred bya teammate. However, he agreed toremain with the club, and served as a spare for theremainder of the season.400Mallen returned to Calumet for the 1 906-07 season, butonly managed to playeleven times during the twenty-four gameseason. He then signed with Morrisburg of theE.C.A.H.A., and would continue to change teams throughout theremainder of his playingcareer. He would eventually play for eleven differentteams in five leagues over thirteenseasons. Despite the fact that l.H.L. teams could not competefor the Stanley Cup, Mallenwould help win the trophy in 1915, while playing for theVancouver club in the P.C.H.A.1Didier Pitre. Didier Pitre was born in Valleyfield, Quebec,on September 1, 1 883. A largeman, weighing in excess of two hundred pounds,Pitre was a fast skater who began hishockey career in 1 903-04 with the Nationalsof the F.A.H.L.402 After starting the 1 904-05399Coooer Country, Dec 27/05, n. pag.400Minin Gazette, Jan 28/06,n. pag.401Coleman, 615.402”Player Biographies”142season with the Nationals of the C.A.H.L., Pitre wasapproached by his close friend, JackLaviolette, who had recently signedwith the Michigan Soo of the newly-formed l.H.L.The circumstances through which Pitre left the Nationals toreport to the MichiganSoo were the subject of excitedreports in the l.H.L. town newspapers. According to theMining Gazette, the Nationals, fearingthat Pitre would leave the club, tried to keep Pitre outof sight while Laviolette was in Montreal. Laviolette did find Pitre,and after makingnecessary negotiations, the two men arranged to meet atthe train station, to travel to theMichigan Soo. However, upon arriving at the station, Laviolettefound the manager anddirectors of the Nationals, who asked Jack if hewas taking Pitre with him to the Soo.Laviolette responded that he was, but as the train arrived,Pitre had still not reached thestation. Laviolette was given no choice but to boardthe train, while being loudly ridiculed bythe Nationals management. As the train departed,with Laviolette on board, he quicklydropped off the train on the opposite side of theplatform which the Nationals managementwere standing, and walked past the round house,without being seen.After searching Montreal for two more days, Laviolettefinally located Pitre,whereupon the Nationals’ player wassigned. In order to avoid further confrontation with theNationals management, who desperately wanted toretain the services of Pitre, Laviolettehid Pitre in the basement of the Montreal train stationuntil the train arrived, and then put hisfriend on the sleeper car, and inferred that theman on board (Pitre) was suffering frominfluenza. No one recognized Pitre, and the twohockey players were able to reach theMichigan Soo undetected.403Upon arrival to the Soo, Pitre providedimmediate help to the Michigan Soo club,scoring eleven times in thirteen gamesduring the 1904-05 season. Despite playing inonlyeleven games, Pitre was named asan all-star in 1 904-05. The following season, playing afull season with the club, Pitre ledthe Michigan Soo and the l.H.L. in goals, scoring thirty403Mininn Gazette, Jan 25/05, n. pag.143six times. He was named an all-star in both the 1905-06 and 1906-07 seasons, playing forthe Michigan Soo in both years. Although Pitre played in only fifty-eight games overthreeseasons in the l.H.L., only Billy Taylor and Lorne Campbell would score more career goals inthe League.Pitre’s prolific goal totals, in both the l.H.L. and other leagues, can be attributed tohis abilities to skate, and to shoot the puck. Charles Coleman explained that “there weremany players over the years who were rated as possessing a hard and accurate shot. It isdoubtful if any player was better qualified than Didier Pitre in this regard.”404 In addition, itwas the skating style of Pitre, along with teammate Laviolette - both of whom later playedfor the Montreal Canadiens - that led sports writers to describe that team as the “FlyingFrenchmen”405Pitre joined “Newsy” Lalonde and Laviolette on a forward line with the Canadiens,who helped the team win the Stanley Cup in 1916.406Pitre continued to play for theCanadiens through 1923, but had trouble maintaining acceptable levels of fitness in his lateryears with the Montreal team.407 However, despite the weight problem, Coleman selectedPitre as an all-star finalist at the forward position. Coleman justified his choice by explainingthat, “inclined to run overweight, he had to be occasionally disciplined to get him in shapebut when in form he was a star. A great scorer he was popular with the fans and closed hiscareer with an outstanding performance in the 1923 playoffs.”408 He was elected to theHockey Hall of Fame in 1962.404CoIeman, 636.405”Player Biographies”406Coleman, 637.4071bid.408Ibid., 801.144C C) CD (I) 0 C) CDI 0 -4, -n 3 CD-u -1 m xC CD -I -ti -‘ CD x 0 C•) CD I 0 -.4,11 3 CD(5IBruce Stuart. Both Bruce andhis older brother, “Hod”, had a profound effect uponl.H.L.operations during their affiliationwith the League. While both men enjoyed successin thesport outside of the l.H.L, theirefforts in the first professional League maintainedorheightened their reputations ashockey legends.Bruce was born in Ottawa in 1 882, where hebegan his hockey career with theSenators in 1 898. Following two seasonswith Ottawa, he played for Quebec in 1900-01,another C.A.H.L. team, and then returned toOttawa for one more season.9In the fall of1 902, Stuart travelled to Pittsburgh toplay for the Victorias of the W.P.H.L. Hesignedprofessionally with the Portage LakesHockey Club for the 1903-04 season, whereheplayed alongside his olderbrother. After the formation of thel.H.L., Stuart remained inHoughton to play for the PortageLakes Hockey Club, and finished threestrong seasons withthat team, winningtwo league championships. Stuart’s ability tohelp his team winchampionships continued throughouthis career, until his retirement in 1910-11. Overaneight-year period betweenthe 1903-04 and the 1 910-11 season,Stuart helped his teamswin a U.S. championship, two l.H.L.championships, and played for three Stanley Cupwinning clubs.In terms of individual accomplishments, Stuartwas a consistent scoring threatthroughout his career, finishingamong the top ten scorers inthe International HockeyLeague in all three seasons, and wasselected to an all-star team for the 1 905-06season.He would play for the MontrealWanderers and later the Ottawa Senators,until hisretirement from active play.Stuart was also able to maintain a goodsalary for his services, due not only to hisathletic attributes, but also tohis success in business which gavehim bargaining powerwhen he needed to negotiate anew contract. Stuart’s father operated alarge contractingbusiness, in which Bruce would assistduring the summer months. However,the business409Colemari, 755.146sometimes required his servicesduring the course of the hockey season, and on oneoccasion, late in the 1 904-5 season,it was rumored that Stuart asked for his release fromthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club in order to help his fatherwith a large building contract inNova Scotia.410 Stuart denied the rumor, but managementwas aware that Bruce couldalways pursue other interests should he feelthat he was not earning enough money fromplaying professional hockey. However, Stuart did continue toplay hockey, and “developedinto an all-round forward, capable of playing any of the positions,although he excelled as arover.”411Stuart died on October 28, 1961, the same year hewas inducted into theHockey Hall of Fame.William Hodason “Hod” Stuart. “Hod” Stuart mustbe considered one of the most talentedand certainly the most influential player that appearedin the International Hockey League.His play, actions and comments greatly affected the operationof the League in all threeyears of its existence. He has beendescribed as one of hockey’s first great defence men,and should be considered one of the best defenceplayers of all time.412Stuart was born in 1 879, and began his career alongsidehis brother Bruce, with theOttawa Senators during the 1898-99season. He went with his brother to the QuebecBulldogs two years later, where he played twoseasons for that C.A.H.L. team.413 Hemoved to Pittsburgh late in 1 902, where hejoined an old Ottawa teammate, ArthurSixsmith, secretary to Andrew W. Mellon, a bankmanager who later became U.S. Secretaryof the Treasury. The hockey team was appropriatelynamed “Bankers”.414410Minin Gazette, Feb 8/05, n. pag.411“Player Biographies”412Dan Diamond and Joseph Romain, Hockey Hall of Fame:The Official History of the Gameand its Greatest Stars (Toronto: Doubleday, 1988), 55.413Coleman, 755.414Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 117.147Following a season in Pittsburgh, Stuart signed withthe Portage Lakes Hockey Club,rejoining brother Bruce; however after theformation of the I.H.L. the following season,Stuart left Houghton to play for nearby Calumet,and also to manage the newly built Palestraice arena. He helped the Calumet team win the inauguralLeague championship, but did notreturn to the club the following season, because, despitehis talent, his violent activities onthe ice were scrutinized by both the League and local newspapers:‘Hod’ Stuart, captain of the team last winter,and who, outside of his roughtactics, is considered one of the best playerswho has ever stepped on ice,has been debarred from the Internationalleague, and the indications are hewill quit the game for good. Stuart last seasonplainly evidenced his grudgeagainst Portage Lake, and throughout the entireseason was bitterlycondemned for his rough and brutal tactics.415With his unwarranted banishment by Leagueofficials, Stuart reportedly signed on tocoach the hockey team at Yale University in19O506.416After rumours arose that he wouldbe signing with Pittsburgh, “Hod” acknowledgedthat he had in fact been banned, andwould not participate in l.H.L. games forthe 1905-06 season.417 Meanwhile, the sportswriters in Pittsburgh, sensing that Stuart mightsign with the local team, were outraged bythe League’s decision to not allow him toplay:Those managers of the west [theother l.H.L. teams] who have put theIndian sign on Hod Stuart must have had someold score to settle or weretrying to keep back the progress of hockeyin this country. Stuart isuniversally acknowledged one of the greatestplayers in the United States, ifnot the best, not aloneon account of his playing, but his executive ability aswell.418Perhaps realizing what the loss of Stuart wouldmean to l.l-l.L. profitability, Leagueofficials began discussing Stuart’s reinstatementin the latter half of December,1905,419415Sault Star, Oct 12/05, n. pag. The grudgewas likely caused by the Portage Lakes HockeyClub management’s refusal to allow Bruce Stuartto leave Houghton to play with “Hod”in Calumet, as“Hod” had asked prior to the start of the season.416Minin Gazette, Oct 20/05, n. pag.417Cooer Country, Dec 11/05,n. pag.418Pittsburcih Gazette, Dec 21/05,2.419lbici., Dec 18/05, n. pag.148and on December 30, it wasannounced that he was allowed back intothe League.420Stuart subsequently signed with thePittsburgh team, and claimed thathe did not return toCalumet because the clubwas attempting to cut players’ salaries.421With the addition ofStuart in the line-up, Pittsburgh improved itsrecord from eight wins the previousseason, tofifteen in twenty-four games in 1905-06.However, the team could not overtakethe PortageLakes Hockey Club, who won theirfirst of two consecutive League championships.In the fall of 1906, talk of Stuart’sreturn to Canada began to appear inthenewspapers. According to reports, Stuart wanted toleave Pittsburgh and join the MontrealWanderers. “Dickie Boon, managerof the Wanderers, had apparently given Stuartacontract that would make him the highest paidplayer in hockey, an offer that Pittsburghmanager MacSwiggan couldnot match.422 However, Stuart did arrive inPittsburgh, andprepared to begin the 1 906-07 season.Shortly after the season began,rumours again arose of Stuart’s imminent departurefrom Pittsburgh. Nevertheless, thePittsburgh Press received confirmationfrom Stuart thathe did not intend to do so, dueto contractual commitments in Pittsburgh.Said Stuart:I am not an unprincipled man.Of course, I am always out to betherefinancially, if I can, but I have signed a contractto captain and play forPittsburgh this winter, and I expectto remain here for the remainder oftheseason. I think the Pittsburgh teamhas bright prospects of capturing theInternational pennant, and Iwant to be in on the glory. I have avery warmfeeling in my heart for Montreal andI would rather be playingwith theWanderers than any otherteam. I have received an offer to playwith them,but I can’t see myway clear to do so, in view of my contractwith managerMacSwiggan of this city.423420Mininq Gazette, Dec 30/05, n.pag.42’Fitsell, Captains, Colonels &Kings, 120.422Mining Gazette, Nov 30/06,n. pag.423Coooer Country, Dec 20/06,10.149Although Stuart seemed resigned to finish the seasonin Pittsburgh, an incident occurredduring a game on December 27, 1906, when the Pittsburgh team was to play theMichiganSoo club, that led to his abrupt departure. Pittsburgh players,in protest of the choice ofreferee for the match, refused to go onto the ice. The game was subsequentlyawarded tothe Michigan Soo, but the incident led to much criticism of the League,its handling ofreferees, and the Pittsburgh team itself.424 Following the game, it was revealedthat “Hod”Stuart had been the instigator of the game boycott,and the Pittsburgh team immediatelyreleased him. The reason given by management was Stuart’srefusal to play against theMichigan Soo, but Stuart was already prepared to jointhe Montreal Wanderers hockeyclub.425 Stuart had been paid four hundred dollars to this point of theseason, but longed toreturn to Canada to play.426 Manager McSwiggan of Pittsburgh was furiouswith thebehavior of Stuart: “well, we will not have any more trouble withhis whims and kicks fromnow on. We have treated Mr. Stuart with great courtesy all through,and this is the way herepays us. He is simply a contract-breaker.”427Stuart immediately departed for Montreal,where six thousand spectators watchedhis debut with the Wanderers against the Montreal Victorias.428Finishing the season withthe Wanderers, Stuart helped that team win the StanleyCup. Despite the victory, Stuartclaimed to have little enthusiasm about returning toplay hockey the following season.429Unfortunately, Stuart would not be able todecide his own future, as he died onJune 23, 1907, in a swimming accident. Whilediving from a lighthouse into shallow water,424These problems will be analysed in greaterdetail in Chapter 4.425Minina Gazette, Dec 28/06, n. pag.426Soo Evening News, Jan 9/07, n. pag.427lbid., Jan 5/07, n. pag.428Fitsell, Captains, Colonels & Kings, 121.429lbid150Stuart struck his head on rocks, fracturing his skull, and was killed instantly.“Hockey Fansmourned the loss of ‘the king of hockey.’ Said one Montrealer; ‘His reputation as a playerthroughout Canada and the northern States was greater than that of any living player.”430In two full seasons in the I.H.L., “Hod” Stuart had been listed on every all-star teamthat was named: the three chosen in 1904-05, and two in 1 905-06. “Chaucer” Elliott, whosaw Stuart play for Pittsburgh while he refereed l.H.L. games, considered Stuart to be thegreatest hockey player in the world.431 The Mmmci Gazette reported in early 1 905 that“Stuart is in hockey what Jim Jefferies is in the prize ring, the greatest of them all.”432Stuart was one the most dominant players through the early years of the twentiethcentury, and he attained this through talent, and intimidation. In 1 907, sports writer John R.Brady reported that “Stuart reigned for a couple of seasons king of the hockey world. Duringall this time he had most of his opponents scared to death, and he won many games by hispersonal prowess alone.”433 Regardless of the means through which Stuart played thegame, he remained one of the best players until his untimely death in 1907. Although heonly played for a few years, in 1945 Stuart was among the first players elected to theHockey Hall of Fame.Fred Taylor. Fred Taylor is perhaps the most acclaimed player of hockey’s early decades.He was born on June 23, 1 884 in Tara, Ontario.434 Shortly before he turned seven years ofage, his family relocated in nearby Listowel, where he began playing hockey, soccer, andlacrosse for local teams.435 At the age of eighteen, Taylor wasinvited to play in an430lbid., 123.43SauIt Star, Mar 29/06, n. pag.432Mmninq Gazette, Jan 8/05, n. pag.4338oo Eveninci News, Jan 30/07, n. pag.434Whiteheaci, 8.435Ibid., 14.151PLATE XVa) “Hod”Stuart (Hockey Hallof Fame) b)Fred Taylor (HockeyHall of Fame)152exhibition series in Houghton, Michigan,along with former Listowel teammates who wereattending school in the U.S.6In the fall of 1905, Taylor reportedlysigned with the Canadian Soo, andwas toreport to the team during the winter totry out for the professional club.437 Accordingtoother reports, Taylor had also signedwith the Calumet team,438 but asthe 1905-06 l.H.L.season began, Taylor was not affiliatedwith any I.H.L. club. At that time, he wasin PortageLa Prairie, and later decided to try the professionalgame. In January of 1 905, Taylor wassigned by John T. McNamara, whosePortage Lakes Hockey Club was inneed of a versatileplayer.439Although playing in only six games throughthe remainder of the 1 905-06 season,Taylor scored eleven times to aidthe Houghton team to its first l.l-l.L. championship.Despite his participation inonly a few games, Taylor played sowell that he was recognizedas a League all-star for 1 905-06.The following year, he returned to Houghton,where hescored fourteen goals in twenty-threegames, helping the team to repeat asLeaguechampions.Taylor’s seasons in the l.H.L. wereonly the beginning of a long and successfulplaying career. In 1 908 he joined Ottawa, where,in 1 909, along with Houghton teammateBruce Stuart, he would helpthe team win the Stanley Cup.In 1 910, he signed with thefamed Renfrew “Millionaires”,before travelling west to playin the newly-formedP.C.H.A.44°While in Vancouver, Taylorparticipated on his second Stanley Cup-winningteam in 1915, and led theP.C.H.A. in goal scoring twice before retiringin1923.441436lbjd., 31.437Sault Star. Nov 2/05, n. pag.438Minin Gazette, Feb 2/06, n.pag.439Whitehead, 39.440CoIeman, 662.441Ibid.153Although he was an accomplished goal-scorer, it was Taylor’s playing style thatbrought him his fame. His reputation for speed and daring on the ice, while with Ottawa,gave him the nickname “Cyclone”, which stayed with him throughout an outstandingplaying career.442 An entertaining account of Taylor’s life is found in Eric Whitehead’s bookCyclone Taylor - A Hockey Lecjend.443William “Lady Bill” (Billy) Taylor. Taylor was another little-known athlete whose exploits inthe International Hockey League deserve recognition. One of the fastest444 and mosttalented players to play in the League, he finished fourth in goal scoring in 1 904-05 and ledthe League in that category for the 1906-07 season, with forty-three goals in twenty-fourmatches. Following his three seasons in the I.H.L., Taylor was second in career scoring withninety-two goals, behind Lorne Campbell, despite the fact that Taylor had played in fifteenfewer games. Former l.H.L. player Charles McClurg once stated that Taylor “was thegreatest stickhandler in that galaxy of stars”.445After starting his career in the l.H.L. with the Canadian Soo, Taylor played a portionof the 1 905-06 season with the Michigan Soo, following the Canadian Soo’s decision tostop hockey operations. However, when the Canadian Soo re-entered the League in 1906-07, Taylor returned to play for the l.H.L.’s Ontario team.After the 1906-07 season, Taylor signed with Brantford of the O.P.H.L., where hescored twenty-seven goals in only twelve games. The following season he played for boththe St.Kitts and Berlin clubs of the O.P.H.L.446 Despite the fact that Taylor’s career has only442Coleman, 661.443Whitehead.444Minin Gazette, Jan 3/05, n. pag.445MacDougaII, “McClurg was Versatile”, in The Hockey Book, edited by Bill Roche (Toronto:McCleIIand and Stewart, 1953), 19-20.446CoIeman, 756.154been documented through the discussed seasons, his talent should earn him considerationfor a position in the Hockey Hall of Fame.Jack Ward. Ward was a highly-skilled player who began his hockey career in the CanadianSoo. His early playing experiences included exhibition games against the Portage LakesHockey Club, several years before the formation of the l.H.L.447 When the AlgonquinHockey Club was formed during the 1 903-04 season, Ward, a left winger, was named teamcaptain.448Despite obvious success as an amateur in the Canadian Soo, when that townentered an l.H.L. team, it was not known whether Ward could compete against the otherplayers. Several newspapers, including the Copper Country Evening News, reported thatWard was too small, in both height and weight, to play in the professional League.449 TheHoughton Daily Mining Gazette recognized Ward’s talent, but only considered him asubstitute player; “Ward’s handicap is his lack of weight. Otherwise he is as fast and clevera player as in the league, while even at that many are of the belief that he is capable ofdoing as good work as any.”450Ward joined the team as a regular player shortly after the season had begun, and,despite his diminutive stature, scored eleven times in twenty-two matches. He returned tothe team in 1 905-06, but following the team’s demise, decided not to play for the CanadianSoo in 1 906-07. Instead, Ward signed with the rival Michigan Soo club, where he finishedthird in League goal scoring with thirty-four in twenty-three games.447Mining Gazette, Jan 5/05, n. pag.Jan 2/04.449Coooer Country, Oct 30/05, n. pag.450Mininçi Gazette, Nov 4/05, n. pag.155Ward’s small stature did not, as predicted, stop him from enjoying a successfulcareer as a professional in the l.H.L. He scored a goalin almost every game he played, andwas thought to be “perhaps the most popular player thatever wore a Soo uniform”, prior tothe commencement of l.H.L. play.451Jack Winchester. The final player to be recognized in this chapter is JackWinchester,goalkeeper for the Pittsburgh team. He joined the club during the1904-05 season, as areplacement for goalkeeper McKay, and played to the conclusionof 1 906-07. He tied for theLeague lead in shutouts in both 1 904-05 and 1905-06, and allowedthe lowest average ofgoals-per-game during the 1906-07 season. Forhis efforts, Winchester was named an allstar in 1 904-05 and 1 906-07, and finished his l.H.Lcareer as the League’s leader inshutouts through three seasons.Following the demise of the League, Winchester was ableto play three more seasons of hockeyin Canada. In 1 908, he signed with Winnipeg, beforecompleting his career in 1910, with both an independentEdmonton team and theShamrocks of the N.H.A.452451Mining Gazette, Dec 19/04,n. pag.452Coleman, 774.156CHAPTER IVAN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUEThe International Hockey League operated for only three years, beginningwith the1 904-05 season. There is little evidencein the literature to suggest that sufficient reasonshave been determined for the League’s demise in 1 907.This chapter will analyze therelationships between the I.H.L. and its communities,spectators, players, andadministrators. In addition, this study has determined anumber of reasons that can beattributed to the success or failure of the League, in terms ofits popularity, financialstability, managerial competence, and other activitiesthat had an impact on Leagueoperations.Impact on Host TownsWith the exception of Pittsburgh, a city with a large population base,the l.H.L.towns were smaller, industry-oriented communities.Sport was a welcome diversion fromthe work day, whether in a spectator or participativecapacity, particularly in the UpperPeninsula of Michigan, where many of that region’sinhabitants worked for the large miningcompanies.Houghton, shortly after the beginning of the twentieth century, “was a bustling,wide-open town known as a great Saturday night funplace for miners who prefer topatronize something other than art museums or theopera house.”1As these townspeopleattempted to find alternate means of entertainment,an increased awareness of hockey hadbegun, with the formation of the Portage Lakes HockeyClub. Interest in the sport quickly1Whitehead, 40.157grew in the Houghton region, and, as “Doc” Gibsonexplained, hockey had many qualitiesthat endeared itself to the locals:It has much to commend it to public favor, with its requirements ofswiftness, grace, dash, and adroitness . . . . Every facility is kept alert andthe demands on the brain as well as on the nerves andsinews, are constant.Strategy and daring, ingenuity and nimbleness are requisitesfor success.The zest of it, the snap of it, the rapid changes,the ever varyingscenes and incidents, the clash of honorable rivalry, the breathless rushes,the sudden turns and curves, the friendly battles ofyoung men, trained anddisciplined, all in earnest, all full of the best impulses,the flashing,fascinating contests of hockey are certain to bring together large multitudesof gratified enthusiasts and zealously applauding spectators each season.2Following the formation of the l.H.L., communities were now able to watchthesport, and perhaps indulge in the spectacle so colorfullydescribed by Gibson. Through thethree years of l.H.L. operations, the League did have aneffect on those inhabitants whosetowns were able to host professional hockey, and,in addition to providing entertainment tothe locals, affected business and social behavior inthe respective communities.SpectatorsAs in most other areas of the United States,spectator sport had emerged as aprincipal source of entertainment for residents of thel.H.L towns. Thus, sport became aprominent component of community life:The American citizen with time on his hands and money tospend isalso free to choose what he shall do with both. Theanswer as to why hehas singled out sports for the attention he has may bean unconscioustribute to the part such activities play in the successfulfunctioning of theculture.3Therefore, in the small l.H.L. towns with little otherdiversions, hockey became a meansthrough which the locals could integratetheir various social and ethnic backgrounds.Gunther Luschen noticed this occurrence, and explainedthat:2Mininn Gazette, Dec 17/02, n. pag.3Cozens and Stumpf, Spectator Sports”, 284.158It is obvious in spectator sportswhere the whole community identifies withits representatives in a contest.Thus, sport functions as a meansofintegration, not only for the participants, butalso for the representedmembers of such a system.4This would be particularly importantin the Copper Country towns, wheremany differentethnic peoples worked togetherin the mines. In 1903, in addition to the CooerCountryEvening News, the township ofCalumet alone circulated eight differentforeign-languagenewspapers, with five publishedin Finnish.5With townspeople uniting to support localteams, the l.H.L. enjoyed significantspectator support, despite its low populationbases, and the relative unfamiliarityof thesport in some of the towns. InCalumet, where organized hockeywas in its infancy, thelocal newspaper reported that thegame was popular because its ruleswere simple tofollow, and the game was much moreexciting to watch than the traditionalgames offootball and baseball.6Therefore, many in Calumet attendedgames, even though theircomprehension of the sport was rudimentary.7Despite the varied knowledgeof the game, crowds usually filledthe different rinks tocapacity for l.H.L. matches. The Pittsburghteam, and its fans, were nicknamed“CoalHeavers” by the other spectators,8and, similarly, those in the Soowere nicknamed “LockCity Men”, and in the Copper Countrycalled “Miners”.9Hockey enthusiastsin the differentcommunities also met to organizecheers, and devise other ways of supportingtheirrespective teams.4Luschen, “lnterdependence, 292.5Thurner, 21.6Coooer Country, Dec 2/04,n. pag.7See Appendix P for an interestingaccount of a hockey game at thePalestra, written by aCalumet farmer, Si Plunkins.8Mininp Gazette, Dec 8/05,n. pag.9Soo Evening News, Dec 24/04,n. pag.159Inevitably, gambling became a commonelement in l.H.L. games, as civicpride andalleged hockey knowledge became the subjectof disputes among spectators. GruneauandWhitson considered gambling to be an importantpart of the spectator experience:Any sporting competition that ended with a clear-cutwinner or loser.provided opportunities for spectators to participatevicariously in the dramaof competitive struggle. People couldinvest their emotions in the contest toa point where they couldworry about the threat of loss and anticipatethejoys of victory. . . . A financial wager on theoutcome elevated the risk andthe excitement to an even higherlevel.10Thus, the outcome of many affected the spectators in more waysthansimple civic pride. During one gamebetween Calumet and the Portage Lakes HockeyClub, aman wagered two thousanddollars on a Houghton victory. The Copper Country EveninciNews estimated that for that gamealone, total wagers exceeded ten thousanddollars.11The gambling that occurred at l.H.L. rinkswas looked upon disapprovingly by Leagueofficials. While the League would be happyto have the games providing entertainmentforthe spectators, the outcomes ofgames weighed too heavily on fans who gambledon them.James R. Dee tried to discouragethe gambling, as he explained that “losersof bets areusually the ones who find themost fault with the referees and umpiresand create more orless general bad feeling insteadof friendly rivalry.”12The spectators would also provideadditional unwanted behavior,throughout theyears of l.H.L. operations.As discussed in Chapter 3, fans inSault Ste. Marie, Michigan,often entered the rink illegally towatch games, and some vandalizedthe arena facility.However, despite the presence of afew unwanted incidents, spectator supportin the I.H.L.towns should not be consideredunruly, or significantly different fromfans who watchedsimilar games in Canada.10Gruneau and Whitson, 56.1Coooer Country, Jan 23/05, n. pag.2MininQ Gazette, Jan 19/05, n. pag.160This is evidenced in Fred Taylor’srecollections of his playing days in thel.l-l.L., ashe fondly remembered the spectatorswho filled the rinks:The wind would howl and the temperaturewould get way down below zero,but out they’d come in the bitter cold, packingthose draughty arenas, andloving every minute of it . . . . dressedin furs and mufflers, and [sitting]huddled under blankets.13In addition to the allegiance thatthe fans expressed for the l.H.L. clubs, Taylor alsobelievedthat the townspeople were supportive ofthe Canadian players, who often had totravelgreat distances to the l.H.L.towns. Taylor recalled how “the people opened uptheir homesto us, and a player couldwalk into a tavern and walk out again a coupleof hours laterwithout it having cost him anickel.”14 Thus, the l.H.L. players were celebratedin the smalll.H.L. communities, both on andoff the ice.Business and CommerceWhile having an obvious affect on spectatorsof games, the l.H.L. also had animpact on business and commercepractices in the five League cities. Justas the owners ofthe teams had recognized thepotential to earn a profit from hockey operations, sodid theentrepreneurs who saw the opportunityto gain through affiliation withthe League.Gruneau and Whitsonexplained the means through which businessescould profitfrom enterprises like the l.H.L.:Hotel, theatre, and newspaper ownersquickly came to realize the financialand public relations value of telegraphedaccounts and made facilities ofvarying types available for fans to gatherand ‘hear’ the game. The popularpress then routinely began to publishgame reports, often including atranscript of the telegrapher’scomplete account.15All of the town newspaperswould assign correspondents togames, and would provideplay-by-play (and sometimesblow-by-blow) accounts of the l.H.L.matches. In addition,13whitehead, 21.14lbid., 52.15Gruneau and Whitson, 84.161local establishments would also provide moreimmediate information on games playedabroad, so locals could gather tofind the results of matches, and, of course, spend theirmoney at the particular establishment.16Hotel businesses were also profiting from tourismgenerated by League operations,as spectators travelled to rival towns towatch their teams play. During a series betweenHoughton and Calumet, many Calumetfans attempted to make the thirty-mile journey toHoughton to watch a game. However,both the Douglass House and the Hotel Deehad novacancies left, as they had been already bookedmany days in advance of the game. “Latecorners had the prospect of sleeping inthe street, unless [they were] strangers, theyweretaken in by somebody.”’7Of all local businesses to benefit from, railway companies felt thebiggest impact from League operations.In addition to teams travelling to other towns,special trains were often arrangedfor the spectators to watch games. For example,theCopper Range Railroad provided transportationfor fans in Calumet and surrounding townsto travel to Houghton tosee games, and would return immediatelyfollowing the match.18The railway would charge a feeof fifty cents for this trip, and would travel the reverseroutewhen the Portage Lakes HockeyClub visited the Calumet team, carrying up to eighteencarsof hockey enthusiasts.19However, the enterprising rail companieswould not limit special trains for townsthat were as close as Houghton-Calumet,and the two Soos. When the PortageLakesHockey Club prepared to travel to the MichiganSoo in February of 1 904, an agentfor theDuluth, South Shore and Atlanticrailway arranged for a round-trip ticket,for a fee of six16An example of this occurred whenDunn Bros. in Houghton installed telephones toreceiveupdates from games played atthe Amphidrome, and returns on games playedabroad.17Mining Gazette, Jan 22/05, n. pag.18Coøoer Country, Dec 1 2/0419Mining Gazette, Jan 10/05,n. pag.162dollars, that would allow fans to watchthe games in the Michigan Soo.20 By the time thel.H.L. had formed, team owners were awareof the profits that could be made by havingfans follow teams abroad, and made similar arrangementsfor travel to games. In Decemberof 1904, the Michigan Soo club management negotiateda club rate of $6.50 for fans totravel to Calumet to watch a game, andarranged for fans to purchase tickets directlyfromthe Michigan Soo team.21Because railways serviced spectators travelling betweenLeague towns, fans fromother cities were also able to watch Special trains were sent to cities as faraway as Milwaukee, to allow spectators toenjoy professional hockey games.22 Meanwhile,other more proximate towns, such asMarquette, Michigan, were also serviced by the majorrailway lines.23Participation in Ice HockeyIn most instances, particularly the Copper Country teams,the advent of professionalhockey heightened participation, at variouslevels, in the sport. Many teams were organizedat a scholastic level in bothHoughton and Calumet, and continued beyond the yearsofl.H.L. play. In both the Soos, and in Pittsburgh,amateur teams had already been establishedprior to the formation of the l.H.L., and soit is difficult to ascertain the effects of theLeague on local hockey interest.However, concrete evidence exists for Houghton andCalumet, since, with the construction ofboth the Amphidrome and the Palestra forprofessional play, other teamswere able to use new facilities to organize teams andleaguesin Houghton County. Local newspapersthere noticed the increased interestin the sport, andnoted that “hockey enthusiasts in northernMichigan believe that in a few years this20Minin Gazette, Feb 12/04, n. pag21Soo Evening News, Dec 27/04, n. pag.22Mining Gazette, Dec 27/04, n. pag.23Minin Gazette, Jan 1 8/05,n. pag.163Canadian game will come to be looked uponwith as great favor, this side of the borderasbaseball.”24 Less than two years after thisclaim, the Houghton Daily Mmmci Gazettereported that college teams, including the Universityof Michigan, had organized clubs, withmost of the rosters consistingof former high school players from the Copper Country.25When the l.H.L. ceased operations in the fall of 1907,some newspapers viewed theabsence of professionals as an opportunity foramateurs to become more prominent in localhockey:The amateur players will now come to thefront and some exciting gameswill be seen. There is an abundance of amateurplayers and all that is neededis an opportunity for the men to showtheir abilities. It is expected that manyof them will be capable of entering professionalhockey by next season as aresult of the opportunities afforded themthis season.26While professional hockey did notreturn to the Upper Peninsula of Michiganfollowing thedecision by l.H.L. managers to disband,hockey continued to be a popular winter sportin theCopper Country towns.Leaaue ComcietitionThe l.H.L. featured intense competition onseveral different levels. Just as playersand teams battled on the ice to determinesupremacy, so did the managers of the clubs,inorder to gain financial or competitivesuccess or advantage. The sometimes abherrantbehavior of the team mangers should not beconsidered uncommon, according to WilliamSadler:Americans often are less concerned aboutwhat they actually experiencethan about the recognition theyreceive for having certain kinds ofexperiences. The American wayof life has developed a style of competitiveconsumption to ‘keep up with theJoneses’ and perhaps to outshine them.2724Cooper Country, Dec 2/04, n. pag.25Mininp Gazette, Feb 24/0626Mininq Gazette, Nov 8/07,n. pag.27William A.Sadler, jr., “Competitionout of Bounds: Sport and AmericanLife”, in Sport in theSociocultural Process. edited by MarieHart, (Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown, Co. Pub.,1 978), 168.164Thus, the rivalriesbetween clubs, the desireto beat other teams, and,therefore, theirtowns, led managementto partake in unfair practices.Unfortunately, certainconditionsexisted that made operationsmore difficult forsome teams, givingan advantage toteamseven before unscrupulousmanagers further triedto help their teams win.The Advantaaes ofPittsburghWhile most of thetowns employed similarfacilities, and could provideequalamenities to players,Pittsburgh was differentfrom the other four l.H.L.towns. The cityfeatured one of only two artificialice arenas in NorthAmerica at that time,the other locatedin New York City.28This superior facility, theDuquesne Gardens, gavethe Pittsburgh clubwhat was consideredan unfair advantageover the opposing teams.Because of its artificialice surface, Pittsburghhockey teams could playyear-round,and local teams were ableto prepare for the season longbefore ice was availableforopponents to practice. Asdiscussed in Chapter3, this advantage was believedto havecontributed to the MichiganSoo’s failure to win the l.H.L.championship in 19O506.29Despite complaints of theice surface’s “stickiness”,players agreed that theextrapreparation time affordedby the artificial ice aided the Pittsburghteam in their home games.Another advantage that thePittsburgh club heldwas related to the establishedlength of games. While otherl.H.L. matches consistedof two thirty-minute halves,mostgames played at the DuquesneGardens had halves of twentyminutes. The reasonsfor thispractice was not explained;however, a Pittsburgh clubcould train to playa more fast-pacedstyle of game, and take advantageof teams used to playing longermatches. Conversely,this difference could alsobe a detriment when a Pittsburghteam traveled away forgames;28Whitehead, 46.29Jack Laviolette blameda lack of preparation time in the MichiganSoo to two losses againsta set Pittsburgh squad at the DuquesneGardens; Soo Eveninri News,Mar 13/06, n. pag.165when the Pittsburgh Bankers visited Houghton in February of 1904, team managerStoebener claimed that his club could not play intensely for a full hour of play.30The final advantage that Pittsburgh held over the other four teams was the size ofthe city, when compared to the smaller communities hosting l.H.L. games. TheDuquesneGardens held over four thousand spectators, and there was more than enough hockey fansto fill the arena nightly for exciting games. In contrast, thepopulation of Houghton itselfwas only three thousand. In addition to population base, Pittsburgh provided more socialamenities for players signing with l.H.L. clubs; in the fall of 1 905, the Houghton QjyMining Gazette reported that “Pittsburgh is getting the creamor almost the cream of all theplayers. This might be owing to the fact of Pittsburgh offering so many attractions forplayers that cannot be found in the other small cities of the league.”31Managerial RivalriesDuring the course of l.H.L. operations, only a handful of business magnatescontrolled the League teams. However, it was the inabilitiesof these men to functiontogether that may have had a significant effect on the failure of the League tocontinue past1 907. Management problems arose on a varietyof levels, but were consistently derivedfrom the failure of managers to view League operations as a whole, and not justtheindividual teams that they represented.The first and perhaps most important error that the team& management made wasthe failure to regulate player contracts throughout theLeague. When the League was initiallyformed, the executive “forgot to formulate any rule whichwould prevent players fromsigning contracts with more than oneclub.”32 Thus, players would negotiate with otherteams in the League, and then abandonthe initial club when a higher salary was offered.30Minin Gazette, Feb 6/04, n. pag.31Minina Gazette, Nov 2/05, n. pag.32SauIt Star, Feb 14/07, 1.166This only served to drive player salaries higher, and to create animosity amongmanagerswho were accused of taking players from one another.In the fall of 1 905, prior to the first scheduled League game, the managers agreednot to bid against each other for the same players.33 Unfortunately, teams werestill tryingto assemble the best possible rosters, and often ignored the agreement. Becauseof thesepractices, fans were often not aware of who was to play for their local club until the seasonhad almost begun. Newspapers, anxious to obtain information about player acquisitions,would receive no information from the management. According to Calumet managers,therewas a good reason for this lack of cooperation with thenewspapers; “the theory is taken upthat if publicity is given the fact that management is after certain players otherteams willoffer extra inducements to secure the players should they be a goodman.”34 The self-serving practices of the individual managers continued,despite the potential effects uponother teams; this prompted the Pittsburgh Sun to suggest amutual agreement be signedamong managers of professional teams in both the U.S. and Canada, to not allowplayers toswitch teams during the season.35As different teams scrambled to sign the same players, using the tactics describedabove, dislike between managers inevitably emerged. When Calumet arrived toplayHoughton in January of 1905, Calumet fans, who hadtravelled with the team to watch thegame at the Amphidrome, complained that the PortageLakes management had beendiscriminatory in the allotment of seats for the game. Thevisiting fans claimed that theywere not given the opportunity to buy good seats, andwere forced to Sit in other lessdesirable parts of the rink.36 However, Calumet management was notdevoid of33Minin Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag.34Coooer Country, Nov 1/05, n. pag.35SauIt Star, Feb 4/07, n. pag. It is not known if such an agreement was made.36MininQ Gazette, Jan 21/05, n. pag.167unscrupulous practices, and when manager Thompson of that team announced thatPittsburgh needed to be dropped from the League, it was revealed that one of the reasonsfor the statement was the apparent unpopularity of Pittsburgh’s management.37The bickering between teams continued through the conclusion of Leagueoperations, culminating in the League annual meeting, in the fall of 1907, about whichManager McNamara of Houghton was not notified. Elected President Fisher apparently hadan ulterior motive in hosting the meeting, without representation of the Portage LakesHockey Club:It has been hinted by several of the International league membersthat the reason Houghton was not given a look-in of the important l.H.L.offices was because the management was a chronic trouble-maker all duringthe past season and tended to disrupt the affairs of the league.38In addition to management feuds, and the selfish pursuit of players, teams alsomade every effort to defeat one another during games, regardless of the means. The mostobvious example occurred with the movement of the Pittsburgh player, Lorne Campbell,who signed with the Portage Lakes in 1904-05, when that team was trying to win theLeague pennant. In 1 905-06, Campbell signed with Calumet in an effort to defeatthePortage Lakes Hockey Club, even though Calumet had no hope of winning the pennant, andmany conceded that the other clubs would settle for a League championship won by anyteam other than the one from Houghton. The Copper Country Evening News reported that;“it would appear from this that all of the teams are against Portage Lake as they seem to bedoing all they can to help the Soos win out.”3937SauIt Star, Mar 9/05, n. pag.38SauIt Star, Oct 17/07, n. pag.39Copper Country, Feb 15/06, n. pag.168Team Rivalries and ComDetitionWhile the managers of the teams feuded, the teams developed keen rivalries withone another. Interest in the games peaked when nearby clubs competed, and when theoutcome of the game was in question. However, some incidents led to speculation that notall games were played with the same intensity, due to the motives of the managers.The close proximity of the two Soos and the short distance between Calumet andHoughton generated increased interest when these clubs played one another. From theonset of League operations, the natural rivalries between these clubs were recognized.40When Pittsburgh played in the Michigan Soo on December 23, 1 904, the local newspapernoted that the Michigan Soo crowd was not as excited as it had been during matchesagainst the rival Canadian Soo club.41In the Copper Country, competition between the two l.H.L. teams there peaked earlyin 1905. On January 21, the Portage Lakes would be hosting Calumet, at the Amphidrome.The rivalry between the two mining towns further incited the local newspapers to writeabout the importance of the game. The Daily Mmmci Gazette called the game “the mostimportant hockey match that was ever played in the United States.”42 The newspaperelaborated on the reasons for such bold claims, stating that “the game tonight is mostimportant because on it hinges a national championship which can be conferred by aregularly organized league, the controlling body of professional ice hockey in the UnitedStates.Calumet had only lost once to that point of the season, and had beaten Houghton inboth games in which the two teams had met. In recent games, Houghton had been playing4OsEvening News, Dec 2/04, ri. pag.41Soo Evening News, Dec 24/04, n. pag.42Mining Gazette, Jan 21/05, n. pag.43lbid.169well, and, with the aid of having played several more League games, had almostthe samenumber of victories as Calumet.The game would be a guaranteed sellout; there would also bea large number ofCalumet fans who would try to make the thirty-mile jauntto Houghton to watch the match.“The reserve seats for the match were so in demand that all were taken up within halfanhour after being placed on sale and the spectators are now getting as high as $5 and$6 forthe good ones.”44Portage Lakes Hockey Club manager McNamara had other problems with theAmphidrome; he decided to impose a no-smoking regulation for the match,because thedanger of a fire was greatly increased by the anticipated overcrowding of the arena.McNamara also stated that the arena would “have a large force of ushers and reservedseatticket holders [would] find at the main entrance, two head ushers and a head usherat thehead of each seat avenue, with another usher to every seat section.”45With all seats taken, and necessary precautions completed at the arena, the town ofHoughton eagerly anticipated the start of the game:By supper time people were looking at their watches and figuring outhow long it would be before the game commenced. There was nothing elsebut hockey, in stores, hotels, saloons, the air, the past, present, andfuture.46The game itself was as exciting as those in the Copper Country had anticipated. Houghtonwon the closely-contested match by a score of 2-1, edging closer to the league-leadingCalumet team. The Portage Lakes now needed to win the return match at Calumet, onJanuary 25.The demand for seats to witness the second game of the two-game series matchedthe previous one; within forty-five minutes, all tickets to the Palestra were sold out at all but44lbid.45lbid., Jan 21/05, n. pag.46lbjd., Jan 22/05, n. pag.170one outlet in the Calumet township.47The Palestra, which had a larger capacity than theAmphidrome, would be filled with supporters for both teams. An estimated four thousandspectators witnessed the Calumet team humiliate Houghton by a score of 1 2-2, and take acommanding lead in the race for the l.H.L. pennant.48Unfortunately, games that resulted in such one-sided scores were not popular, andattendance was low for games where one team was considered a strong favorite. For thisreason, rumors arose throughout the 1904-05 season that some teams purposely lostgames, in order to guarantee large crowds for the following matches. Before a game inDecember of 1 904, the Houghton Daily Mining Gazette insinuated that the Portage Lakeswould deliberately lose in Calumet in such a manner, to guarantee a large crowd at theAmphidrome the following night. In response to this report, Bruce Stuart replied that “youcan say that the Portage Lakes don’t do business that way, that if the Calumets defeat ustomorrow it will be because they are a better team.”49 Similarly, Calumetwas alleged tohave lost the second of a three-game series in Pittsburgh, in January of 1905, in order toswell gate receipts for the final game. Calumet players denied the charge, blaming the losson injuries to several team players.5°Exhibition GamesIt should be noted that, despite the apparent lack ofcooperation among the Leagueteams, the l.H.L.’s operators made many efforts to improve the League’s financial stability,image, and playing conditions. The organization of exhibition matcheswas one means bywhich the l.H.L. attempted to do so, and could be seen as the League arranged games inCanada and the United States, providing bothinter- and intra-league competition. To give47Coøoer Country, Jan 23/05, n. pag.48Minin Gazette, Jan 26/05, n. pag49Mining Gazette, Dec 1 6/04, n. pag.50Minin Gazette, Jan 11/05, n. pag.171further exposure to the League and its players, other exhibitions were staged during thethree I.H.L. seasons, in order to increase awareness of the League and its players.Other exhibitions were arranged, as well; several times during l.H.L. games, skatingraces were held to increase the popularity of both hockey and skating. One such race washeld at the Palestra in early 1906, including several Calumet players, with the winnerreceiving a fifty-dollar cash prize.51 Managers had earlier considered hosting a fastest-skatercompetition, featuring the best l.H.L. players on all teams. It is not known whether the racewas held or not; however, Portage Lakes players felt that “Hod” Stuart would win the raceeasily.52 Exhibitions were held that did not feature l.H.L. players; during the League’sinaugural season, skater James W. Troyer of the Michigan Soo had given an exhibition ofbackward skating over a half-mile distance at the Ridge Street arena, between periods of aPittsburgh-Michigan Soo game.53Canadian Exhibition GamesExhibition games were frequently held throughout the three years of l.H.L.operations, most of them against Canadian teams. The l.H.L. schedule was often organized,and, in some cases altered,54 to allow any of the five teams to arrange games with nonl.H.L. clubs.It was often difficult for games to be arranged with Canadian clubs, since, throughthe first year of l.H.L. play, several associations in Canada continued to forbid teams tocompete against the American professionals. However, by the faIl of 1905, the Daily MiningGazette announced that plans were made for exhibitions that coming season, as several51Mining Gazette, Feb 1/06, n. pag.52lbid., Jan 19/05, n. pag.53Soo Evening News, Mar 6/05, n. pag.54Coooer Country, Feb 17/06, n. pag. Following the demise of the Canadian Soo team in1 906, the schedule was changed to allow more games againstCanadian professional teams.172teams were apparently to be allowed to play against l.H.L. clubs.55 According to the Saulta group of “O.H.A. OutIaws, who had not signed with l.H.L. teams, had formed aclub of their own, and wished to arrange matches with the Canadian Soo team.56In 1 906-07, perhaps feeling that the Canadian Soo team was the weakest of thel.H.L. teams, a team from Barrie, Ontario, arranged to host games against the Soo club inDecember of 1 906. The Barrie team provided little competition, as the Canadian Soo teamwon easily, 12-4, posting its first victory away from home in that team’s history.57Later in the 1 906-07 season, representatives from Cobalt, Ontario, contacted bothSoo teams, interested in arranging exhibitions games. The organizers, rich from silver miningventures in the Cobalt region, would spare no expense to have quality hockey games playedthere. The Canadian Soo was to play three matches, and wear Cobalt uniforms. The teamwas guaranteed a substantial amount of money, with other bonuses should attendanceexceed a certain pre-determined number.58 On February 20, the Canadian Soo defeated ateam comprised of professional players from Toronto, held in New Liskeard, in the Cobaltarea.59 Two weeks later, the Michigan Soo club defeated a team of Toronto and Ottawaplayers, a game also played in Cobalt.60In Pittsburgh, exhibition games had been organized with Canadian teams during the1 905-06 season. Playing a team from Toronto in February, 1906, the Pittsburgh club easilywon by a score of 24-4. Garnet Sixsmith of Pittsburgh scored eleven times against thehapless Toronto team.61 Earlier in that month, Pittsburgh had stopped over in Niagara Falls,55Mining Gazette, Oct 26/05, n. pag.56Sault Star, Dec 28/05, n. pag.Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag.585oo Evening News, Feb 181-7, ii. pag.59ibici., Feb 21/07, n. pag.60lbid., Mar 5/07, n. pag.6 Pittsburgh Gazette, Feb 11/06, n. pag.173New York, returning from l.H.L. games in Michigan, and had played the OntarioPowerCompany team, winning 7-6 in front of twelve hundred spectators.62The Copper Country teams also engaged in various exhibition games, the mostimportant being a trip to Manitoba, late into the 1905-06 season. Both Calumet andHoughton were to play against each other; the Daily Mmmci Gazette reported that “this trip[was] being used as a means of educating the Canadians to an appreciation of professionalhockey.”63 Matches were arranged for Winnipeg’s Auditorium rink, and attempts were madeto play the Rat Portage team there.64 However, the C.A.A.U. refused to allow Rat Portageor the Kenora Thistles to play the Portage Lakes;65 therefore, the two games were toinvolve only Calumet and Houghton, who were hoping to “introduce professionalhockey inCanada.”66Despite the efforts of the teams to make Manitoba hockey fans aware of thenuances of professional hockey, by the following season the games were thought to be adecided failure. According to one source:One thing that gave professional hockey a set back here was the visit lastwinter to Winnipeg of the Calumet and Houghton teams for exhibitiongames. The copper country players put up very punk exhibitions of thegame. There was nothing in the nature of the contest to their play. Theyworked like a team practice. . . the people who saw the first game weredisgusted and the attendance at the second was about thirty.6762lbid., Feb 5/06, n. pag.63Minin Gazette, Mar 14/06, n. pag.64lbid., Mar 16/06, n. pag.65Ibid., Mar 18/06, n. pag.66Copper Country, Mar 14/06, n. pag.67Mininn Gazette, Mar 12/07, n. pag.174Unfortunately for the League, this direct attempt to improve the reputation of professionalhockey may have in fact made opinions of the l.H.L. worse, following the completion of theseries.Exhibition games were also scheduled in l.H.L. towns against other local clubs. Thematches served three purposes: to allow the l.H.L. teams some practice, usually shortlybefore the beginning of the l.H.L. season; to give other teams and leagues exposure,thereby increasing the popularity of the sport; and to possibly generate some additionalrevenue for the clubs, as was the case with all exhibition games. An example of a gameagainst a local team occurred shortly before the 1904-05 season, between Calumet, and alocal team, the Crescent Hockey Club.68Stanley CuQ ChallenciesWhile no team from the l.H.L. was able to arrange matches for the Stanley Cup,efforts were made during the final years of League operations to challenge the current Cupholders in Canada. In February, 1 906, plans were made by l.H.L. members to form an l.H.L.all-star team, and challenge the winner of the Stanley Cup, at the conclusion of theseason.69 This notion was not followed through by the l.H.L., but ideas of Stanley Cup playagain emerged as the 1 905-06 season came to a close. The Portage Lakes and the MichiganSoo were in a close race to win the League championship, and it was anticipated that thetwo teams would finish the season tied. It was then suggested that a play-off be held todetermine the best team in professional hockey, and that the winner of the two teams meetthe Dominion’s top team, to determine the hockey championship of the world.70 However,for reasons that will be discussed in Chapter 5, no team would play the eventual l.H.L.champions, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club.68Coooer Country, Dec 14/04, n. pag.69Mininq Gazette, Feb 20/06, n. pag.70Ibid., Mar 8/06, n. pag.175As the 1906-07 season concluded, reports began to appear again in localnewspapers, suggesting that the l.H.L. champion challenge for the Stanley Cup. Fortunatelyfor the Canadian teams, they did not need to find an excuse for not competing against thePortage Lakes, as P.D. Ross, trustee for the Stanley Cup, announced in February of 1907that the Stanley Cup could be competed for by Canadian teams only. Following theannouncement, the Daily Mining Gazette reported that “there is a possibility of the CanadianSoo sending in a challenge for the famous piece of silverware.”71 It is unfortunate thatteams of the l.H.L. were unable to compete for the Stanley Cup, as comparisons betweenthe American professional teams, and the best alleged amateur teams in Canada are mademore difficult when considering that the teams were never able to compete directly againstone another.However, the information gathered for the purpose of this study would indicate thatthe l.H.L. teams would probably defeat the Canadian amateur teams, as many of the topplayers had come to the l.H.L. to play professionally. This was also evidenced by the impactmade by former l.H.L. players, such as “Hod” Stuart and “Riley” Hem, upon their return toCanada to play.RefereesThe most consistent, and perhaps most damaging problem that the l.H.L.encountered was with the refereeing of League games. Almost from the commencement ofoperations, complaints about the level of officiating began, and for the remainder of theLeague’s existence, attempts were made by the Executive to remedy this problem.Whilemany of the problems were attributed to the incompetence of the men assigned to referee,the inability of League management to produce a solution for the problem was equallyimportant.7 Mining Gazette, Feb 16/07, n. pag.176It should be noted that in hockey, during this time period, disputes regarding therefereeing of matches were frequent in most leagues, at all levels of play. Mott attributedthis to the granting of an unspecified, and usually insufficient degree of authority to gameofficials.72 Mott further explains that excessive arguing and quarrelling during matches wascommonplace in games played at the time of the l.H.L.’s operations.73 Despite the apparentlack of authority given to referees, many, includingwHodnStuart, realized the importance ofhaving competent officials during games:No matter how fast the teams, the exhibition given depends almostentirely on the referee. If he is capable and maintains perfect control of theplayers so that all the men on the ice have perfect confidence in him theywill play their best game and fast, clean, scientific hockey will result, but ifall or any of the players feel that he does not know his business, or is likelyto be unfair, it is difficult to tell what kind of exhibition the people who havepaid their money will be called upon to witness.74Unfortunately for the spectators of I.H.L. games, the latter type of game described by Stuartwas common during League matches.Administrative ProblemsIn December of 1 904, as the opening of the l.H.L.’s inaugural season approached,anticipation in the l.H.L. towns was great for the high-calibre of play that the talentedplayers signed by team managers could offer. However, the same care and determination inobtaining the services of the best hockey players was not repeated when referees wereselected to work l.H.L. games.The 1 904-05 l.H.L. season featured twenty different referees, who officiated in sixtyLeague games that year. Because there were five teams, there wasonly a maximum of twogames that could be possibly played at once; the League could therefore have relied on theservices of only two or three referees. While many of the complaints about the level of72Mo 6.73lbid.74Soo Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag.177officiating were justified, management did not find suitable replacements for those officialsdeemed incompetent; otherwise, not as many would have been used during the season. Aneven greater example of managerial incompetence is evidenced when it is revealed that halfof those referees who worked in 1904-05 League games also played on I.H.L. teams thatseason.An example of the incompetent efforts of the League executive occurred with thedesignation of William “Cooney” Shields as an official League referee. Shields had beenserving as a substitute player with Houghton, owing to his lack of physical conditioning. Hewas released by Houghton, and was appointed as referee shortly thereafter, and assigned toreferee all l.H.L. games held outside of Pittsburgh.75However, only three days later, Shieldswas offered a contract to play with Calumet, which he accepted.76 It is difficult to fathomwhy the League would allow Shields to sign with another team, after his apparently capablerefereeing skills had been acquired by the League. However, even with an affinity for goodrefereeing, Shields would still be capable of biased officiating, considering that he hadplayed the two previous seasons with the Portage Lakes Hockey Club. Despite this, Shieldswas considered a qualified referee, further emphasizing the Executive’s inability to obtainadequate referees.The League’s refereeing debacle continued through the 1904-05 season, evidencedby Michigan Soo player “Bike” Young refereeing agame between his own team andCalumet, on February 23, 1 905. Such situations provided the opportunity for extensivequarrelling over the levels of officiating. In December of 1905, as preparationsfor thefollowing season were occurring, the Daily Mmmci Gazette recognized theappalling workthat the League had done in its selection of referees; “the games last season in the coppercountry were at times entirely unsatisfactory simply because men notcapable of officiating75Mining Gazette, Feb 14/05, n. pag.76lbid., Feb 17/05, n. pag.178here, were chosen to referee the games.”77 The Sault Ste. Marie Eveninn News thenexplained what was required to stop the problem:The referee question has come to be the most serious with which theInternational league has to deal. If the league is to remain a solid institution itis imperative the officials will have to deal with the matter in a firm andimpartial manner. It is obvious that it will never be satisfactory for an officialof one club to appoint the referee for all contests.78Perhaps in response to the reports in the town newspapers, the Leagueacknowledged the problem following the 1904-05 season, and decide to hire tworeferees,for 1 905-06, appointed by the Executive committee, to be stationed in towns named by thePresident of the l.H.L.79 The League Executive then decided to try to obtain theservices ofsome of the top referees from the different Canadian Leagues, and offered Fred Waghorne,one of the strictest referees of the O.H.A. a salary of $125 a month, plus expenses, tocome to the U.S. league.8°Although Waghorne did not accept the offer, the Leagueannounced two weeks later that the popular “Chaucer” Elliott, and John P. Mooneyof theCanadian Soo, had been named as official League referees.81As the season’s opening neared, “Doc” Gibson, who had retired from active play,was also named as an official l.H.L. referee. Gibson was toreferee the western l.H.L. teamgames, and to also accompany the Copper Country teams on several of their road trips.82With the appointment of Gibson, he and Elliott would now be recognized as the officialLeague referees, and of all the I.H.L. clubs were satisfiedwith the appointment of the twomen.83 One day after the Daily Mining Gazette made this announcement, the newspaper77Ibid., Dec 3/05, n. pag.78Soo Evening News, Mar 8/05, n. pag.79Corøer Country, Oct 25/05, n. pag.80SauIt Star, Nov 9/05, n. pag.81Ibjd., Nov 23/05, n. pag.82Mininn Gazette, Dec 5/05, n. pag.B3Ibid., Dec 8/05, n. pag.179explained that originally, Mooney and Gibsonwere to be the two official referees, but whenElliott had expressed a desire to work for the League, Mooneywas dropped. Now, thenewspaper further reported, Elliott had refused the appointment, dueto the limited fundsthat the League was offering, and the l.H.L. would be shortone referee.84 However, threedays later, Elliott had reportedly agreed tothe terms offered by the League, and was leavingfor Pittsburgh to commence his duties.85The arrangement seemed to work throughout the season, asElliott and Gibsonrefereed the majority of League games. Apotential problem could have arisen when playersquestioned Gibson’s allegiance to the PortageLakes Hockey Club, when he refereedHoughton games, but he was awell-respected individual and no serious problemsdeveloped. Only one significantblemish occurred, when Gibson was unable to reach theDuquesne Gardens in time to referee a game betweenPittsburgh and the Canadian Soo. Inhis place, Arthur Sixsmith, whowas on the Pittsburgh roster but unable to play due toinjury, refereed the match.86Prior to the commencement of 1 906-07 season,the League Executive was againconcerned with the signing of regular referees. The l.H.L.had used twenty different menduring its inaugural season, but had only required fourduring the 1 905-06 season, when“Chaucer” Elliott and “Doc” Gibson had workedthe majority of the games. Neither Gibsonnor Elliott would be returning; Gibson was accusedof being biased towards the coppercountry teams, and Elliott had returned toCanada and reportedly did not like “the ‘bush’teams of the copper country and [was] not liked by anyof the teams excepting theAmericans”8784lbid., Dec 9/05, n. pag.85lbid., Dec 12/05, n. pag.86Mininn Gazette, Jan 12/06, n. pag.87Minina Gazette, Mar 11/06, n. pag.180The solution to the problem of incompetent referees was simple, according to theDaily Mmmci Gazette, reporting that the League would hire three official referees, who would“have nothing in common with any of the league teams so there [would] be no question oftheir favoring one of the contesting aggregations”.88In contrast to the newspapers’s prediction, the League named Walter Forrest andRoy Schooley as official referees for 19O6O7.89Forrest had played the previous season inHoughton, while Schooley had been an O.H.A. referee who had worked games at theDuquesne Gardens over the past few seasons. One week later, it was announced that TomMelville had also been named an official referee, and was assigned to games played inCalumet,90 while “Cooney” Shields was named to work in the games at the two Soos, andto “promote peace and harmony.”91 Reflecting on the continued incompetence of theLeague Executive, when asked about the referee situation, at the time of the announcement,former League President Ferguson replied that; “I do not believe that it will provesatisfactory. I think that the only way is to have unprejudiced referee[ing] and capable onesfrom away who can not be accused of having any interest in either team.”92 This was indirect contrast to the recent naming of official League referees, some of whom would have apotential bias toward certain teams.As could be predicted, problems with the refereeing arose early into the season. Inorder to remedy the problems, the Executive took affirmative action with regards to thenaming of the game officials; “President Fisher states positively that hereafter the league88lbjd89Coooer Country, Dec 8/06, n. pag.90Mininci Gazette, Dec 1 6/06, n. pag.9ilbid., Dec 20/06, n. pag.92Soo Evening News, Dec 1 7/06, n. pag.181games will be refereed by Meinke, Melville, and Schooley, and that teams that do not likethe officials can quit.”93 The petulant announcement by Fisher revealed the depth to whichthe refereeing problem had reached. The reputation of the League was in jeopardy, and“Hod” Stuart recognized the potential damage that the poor officiating could create:The present system of providing referees cannot give satisfaction tothe people, to the players or to the managers . . . such a condition will put adamper on the sport that the International league is in no condition towithstand at the present time.94On the same day Fisher’s statement was published in the Sault Star, “Hod” Stuartfurther challenged the League President’s refereeing system. The Michigan Soo team washosting Pittsburgh, with Herbert Meinke to be assigned as the referee. When Pittsburgh wasnotified that Meinke would be officiating, the club refused to come onto the ice from thevisitor’s dressing room. “The Michigan Soo team came on at the call of time, faced off, andshot a goal. The Pittsburgh bunch did not appear, thus forfeiting the game.”95 As discussedin the previous Chapter, the incident resulted in “Hod” Stuart, one of the League’s bestplayers, leaving Pittsburgh to play for the Montreal Wanderers.Shortly after the Michigan Soo-Pittsburgh referee fiasco, the League Executive held ameeting in Houghton to discuss the referee problem,96 further complicated when TomMelville resigned as an official League referee, citing health reasons.97 The League reactedby appointing Joe Stephens as a referee for the remainder of the season.The lack of impartiality that had apparently been solved through the naming of“Chaucer” Elliott for the 1 905-06 season had returned in 1906-07. The League used tendifferent referees, seven of whom were current or former l.H.L. players. The reason for the93Sauft Star, Dec 27/06, n. pag.945oo Evening News, Dec 26/06, n. pag.95Mining Gazette, Dec 28/06, n. pag.96Coooer Country, Dec 29/06, n. pag.97lbici., Jan 5/07.182consistent unavailability of fair referees was explained by James R. Dee. Dee had negotiatedto have Dr. Lionel King referee two l.H.L. games in 1 904-05. King was a respected refereefrom Montreal, and was hired to referee two games between Calumet and Houghton in1 905. Dee contended that referees:do not care to give up their home jobs to come here for a temporary onefor two or three months. This is the reason why we have had to rely somuch upon local referees to date. We [had] to pay considerable money to getDr. King and he will only stay for two games.98Players were typically younger men than the referees, who were more established in theircareers, and often had families to support. This would explain the lack of interest on thepart of reputed referees to come to the l.H.L., whereas the players were more likely torelocate for the purpose of playing hockey. Dee also reported that “most of the referees inCanada are professional men who are engaged in business, who would not find itconvenient to come here. . ..“The exception would be “Chaucer” Elliott, who was aprofessional baseball player, and found it easy to travel for the short hockey season. Elliottwas also relatively young for his refereeing profession; he was only twenty-six years of agewhile working l.H.L. games.Following the 1 904-05 season, in another effort to remedy the referee crisis, theLeague considered using the two-referee system that had been employed in some of theCanadian leagues. The Daily Mmmci Gazette considered this practice to be unnecessary:The double referee system of refereeing has been in vogue in Canadafor several years, and has worked entirely satisfactory, but the game asplayed in many places in considerably rougher than here, and requires tworeferees to see all plays.198Mininçj Gazette, Jan 19/05, n. pag.99lbid., Jan 10/05, n. pag.100Mininci Gazette, Dec 3/05, n. pag.183The newspaper further reported that the League decided to use only one referee for the1 905-06 season; they would procure a capable official, and then offer him a highersalary.101James R. Dee revealed the actual reason why the League did not wish to use tworeferees; it was considered to be too expensive. The lack of desire on the part of the LeagueExecutive to pay the necessary salaries to entice competent referees from the Canadianleagues resulted in the return to haphazard officiating for the 1 906-07 season, following theadequate work accomplished by Elliott and Gibson the previous year. Prior to thecommencement of the 1906-07 schedule, the League had announced that its refereeing bill“ran way up”102 and to reduce it, local referees would be used again.Perhaps the League could not afford to pay capable referees, or perhaps theExecutive did not realize the extent to which poor officiating could affect League operations.Regardless of the reason, the inability of referees to control the games played may have ledto the violence that occurred in the ice, or the disputes that tarnished the League’sreputation. The tactics of the players, created by poor officiating, had led to thedeparture ofthe competent “Chaucer” Elliott; also, the inability of Elliott’s successors to adequately workgames contributed to “Hod” Stuart’s departure to the E.C.H.A. Both men returned toCanada with stories of the incompetence displayed by League management, whichhelped todamage the reputation of the l.H.L. in Canada.Referee IncomoetenceTeam management has been blamed for the poor regard in which the League washeld in other hockey circles; however, it was the actions of the referees themselves that ledto the sorry opinion of l.H.L. play. While the incidents were numerous of incompetent1011bid.102Soo Eveninri News, Nov 14/06, n. pag.184officiating, a few examples will be given to illustrate thevariety of ways by which refereeinginfuriated spectators, players, and managers alike.As was the custom in the sport at the time, players would serve as timekeeperswhen they were injured or otherwise unable to play ingames.103 Players, or others affiliateddirectly with a team, would also serve as umpires, assigned to determineif a puck hadentered the goal net. This conflict of interest wouldresult in frequent arguments; however,the rules of that period dictated that the decision of theumpire was final, and the umpirecould not be overruled by the referee. If a goal wasdisputed, the goal was not reversed; thegoal umpire was instead replaced.104 Because a poor decisioncould not be changed, playerswould become frustrated by certain calls. In a game on December20, 1906, goalkeeper“Chief” Jones became so incensed at a call byan umpire that he engaged in a spiritedargument that almost resulted in the two menexchanging blows.105 Although incompetentrefereeing was common in most leagues atthis that time, the behavior of I.H.L. officialsprovided perhaps the poorest example ofhow to referee hockey games. The most tellingexample occurred early in the League’s first season.“Baldy” Spittal of Pittsburgh explainedan incident that occurred during a gameagainst Calumet, one that was reported in the SaultSte. Marie Evenino News: “agoal was shot, but the puck went only about eight inchesinside the posts and the umpire, whohad the wrong idea that it was necessary to shoot itto the back of the net in order to count,did not allow it.”106103An example occurred when the injured“Hod” Stuart filled such a capacity in a matchbetween Calumet and the Michigan Soo, heldon January 30, 1905; Soo Evening News, Jan 3 1/05, n.pag.104This occurred during a game betweenthe Michigan Soo and Houghton on January 13,1906; Mining Gazette, Jan 14/06, n. pag. Inanother case, a dispute over a call by umpireWinklenmeyer led to his removal, and subsequentreplacement, by “Dunc” Taylor, in a game in Januaryof 1905; Mining Gazette, Jan 8/05, n. pag.105Sault Star, Dec 20/06, n. pag.106Soo Evening News, Dec 23/04, n. pag.185Although the poor work done by most gameofficials can be attributed to bias orinexperience, some actions displayedthe referee’s inability to control the games.In a gamerefereed by Houghton player CharlesLiffiton, the Canadian Soo visited the Calumetclub inmid-January of 1 905. Shortly afterthe game began, Ken Mallen shot agoal that wasdisallowed. “In the discussion thatfollowed, [Canadian Soo forward Jack] Ward [skated]down the rink and shot the first goalfor the Soo without interference. The local boysthought it was a practice shot.”107Liffiton allowed the goal despite the unpreparednessofthe Calumet team. The Calumet teammembers should have felt confident enoughinLiffiton’s abilities to referee that theycould dispute his officiating at a later timewhen thegame was not still in progress.Less than two weeks afterthat game, Joe Booth provided another example ofanl.H.L. referee not maintaining controlof players, in a game between the CanadianSoo cluband the visiting Michigan Soo team.At one point during the game, Booth sentfour of theCanadian Soo men off at one time,leaving the local team with only threemen on the ice,including the goalkeeper,while the Michigan Soo team still had all sevenof its players. Theconduct of the players may havenecessitated their removal from theice; however, thereferee was considered accountablefor the behavior of the players, andhe was directlyresponsible for allowing conditionsduring the game to reach a point where somany playerson one side would merit penalties.The Sault Star was highly critical of the officiating,andclaimed that “the game illustrates thenecessity for competent league referees, asunder thepresent system, hockey will be eliminatedaltogether”.108With such poor examples of officiating,players soon began over-reacting to certainsituations in games. In February of1905, “Baldy” Spittal tookhis Pittsburgh team off theice with two-and-a-half minutes remainingin a game against the PortageLakes Hockey Club.107Minin Gazette, Jan 15/05,n. pag.108Sault Star, Jan 26/05, n. pag.186Spittal was irate at referee Ernie Westcottfor not calling a penalty on Houghton player BruceStuart. Westcott then awarded the game tothe Portage Lakes, as Pittsburgh refused tocontinue playing.109Although the management determined who was to refereethe games scheduled inthe l.H.L., it was the responsibility of the referees tocompetently officiate the matches bydisplaying a thorough knowledge of the rules, and an impartialitythat would not give anyone team an unfair advantage. This wasobviously not the case in the l.H.L., where therefereeing not only affected the outcomes of games, butalso the reputation of the League.While there are a number of reasons thatcan be attributed to the League’s demise and itspoor standing in the eyes ofmany hockey enthusiasts - particularly in Canada - the level ofofficiating must be considered a significant factor.lnapøropriate BehaviorWhile the League damaged its reputationthrough the quality of officiating, severalother incidents occurred throughout the threel.H.L. seasons that only increased thenegative views toward the l.H.L. and professionalice hockey. The behaviors of theplayers,management, and newspaper reporterswere often of an irrational and perplexing nature,and will be examined in thissection.Administrative BehaviorAs previously discussed, prior to the start of the 1905-06season, “Hod” Stuart hadbeen banned fromplaying in the I.H.L., because of his alleged rough tacticsin games.However, it became apparent tonewspaper reporters that to prevent Stuartfrom playing,regardless of his guilt in supposedviolent activities, was a wrong decision bythe LeagueExecutive:109Minina Gazette, Feb 23105, n. pag.187The managers decided he played too roughly,and that he made theraces certain by winning championships wherever hewent. If these chargesare true then the managers are guilty of stupidwork and that they should beashamed of. They are supposed to be working for theadvancement of thegame, but when they go as far as to place a ban on oneof the greatestplayers in the business to keep him out of theleague, they do the gameirreparable harm. Stuart is a drawing card, thatis certain, and despite theclaim that he is unnecessarily rough, he is a favorite.110As the season began, Stuart was still notplaying for any l.H.L. team. When questioned asto why, Stuart replied that he wasnot playing because the ban was still in effect.Hewished to sign with Pittsburgh,and, should the ban be lifted, could do so, since, accordingto League policy, his ties with Calumetwere severed with the banishment, and hewould befree to sign with any team.111 Thus, the League’sown ruling was a detriment to Calumet,because, under normal circumstances,that team would have retained Stuart’s rightsfollowing the 1 904-05 season,when he led Calumet to the League championship.When the Pittsburgh press became aware of Stuart’sintentions to play in that city,the local newspapers increased their attackson the League management, in order to allowStuart to play:The club owners in the west realize itwill be a good business moveto reinstate Stuart, as heis one of the biggest drawing cards in the business,and it is thought they will not allow theirprejudices to get the better of theirbusiness acumen.2Despite the ban, Stuart accompanied the Pittsburghteam westward, where games were tobe played against the Canadian Soo.Pittsburgh’s manager, MacSwiggan, then displayedanother instance of the petulant, selfish behaviorof the team managers, as he threatenednot to play in the game if Stuart was not reinstatedby the League. He further explained thathe would take his team out of thel.H.L., and would re-organize the W.P.H.L., should his110Mininn Gazette, Dec 21/05, 2.1Coper Country, Dec 21/05, n.pag.2Pittsburh Gazette, Dec 25/05,n. pag.188demands not be met.113 It is not known the extent towhich the threat influenced the l.l-I.L.Executive, but shortly thereafter, the League allowed Stuart to play in l.H.L. matches.A week later, another incident of equal absurdity occurred, as the returning “Hod”Stuart, and Joe Hall of the Portage Lakes were rumoured to havebeen excessivelyaggressive in a recent match. League President A. L. Ferguson then contacted “Doc”Gibson, informing him that Stuart and Hall would not be allowed toplay in the gamebetween Pittsburgh and Houghton, to be held on January 8,1 906. While this decisionwould seem to be sound, it was revealed that Ferguson had basedhis decision solely onpublished reports of the games, and had not spoken to anyone connected withthe allegedactivities. The Copøer Country Evening News explained thatFerguson apparently believedthat “the players have exhibited homicidal tendencies”.114Following the Pittsburgh-Houghton games, the Portage Lakes Hockey Club wasscheduled to play against Calumet, whereupon CalumetManager Thompson claimed thatthe ban placed on Joe Hall would be upheld on Calumethome ice.5The League washaving difficulty in administering the ban, and therefore Thompson attempted toenforce ithimself. A week later, Thompson further announced that theHoughton club would forfeitthe game, should Hall play.1’6The ensuing debate over Hall’seligibility would seem to havebeen an opportunity for the League Executive to intervene tosolve the dispute, which hadbegun only after the League failed to enforce its owncharges. Instead, “President Fergusonof the league [said] that he will not mix in the quarreland leave it to the two teams to fightit out between themselves”.117The League Executive had improperly imposed a sanction113lb1d., Dec 28/05, n. pag.114CopDer Country, Jan 8/06, n. pag.1151bid., Jan 20/06, n. pag.116Minin Gazette, Jan 28/06, n. pag.117Piffsburoh Gazette, Jan 28/06, n. pag.189towards a player, and then, when the discipline had become the subject of a dispute,refused to mediate an argument that had been created by its own inept attempts tocastigate unwanted behavior.Player BehaviorThe inept actions of the management were, at times, equalled by the behavior of theplayers during the games. Although referee selection, and the poor work done by those menselected by the Executive, led to frustration and arguments during the games, the playersoccasionally behaved in a manner that was unfitting for the game during that period.Selected are two incidents to typify the undesirable activities that contributed to the close ofLeague operations.During the 1904-05 season, Pittsburgh acquired the services of William “Peg”Duval. Duval’s actions led to an incident on December 22, 1904, in a game against thePortage Lakes, held at the Amphidrome. The game commenced later than usual, at 8:34p.m., following an argument between the two teams.118 Duval arrived at the rink in anintoxicated condition, and was forced to retire after twenty minutes of playing time. With nosubstitutes being allowed in hockey during this time, Pittsburgh was required to play oneman short for the remainder of the game. However, Houghton’s Bruce Stuart relented toPittsburgh’s pleas and agreed to drop one of his own players, McMaster, to even up thenumber of players on the ice.119After losing to Houghton, Pittsburgh traveled to the Michigan Soo for a game onDecember 23. Unfortunately, the Pittsburgh team was not travelling with any substituteplayers, and Duval was again not in any condition to play; so as not to play with one lessplayer, Pittsburgh substituted Canadian Soo player Dick O’Leary at the cover point position.118Pittsburgh had wanted to start the game at 8:00 p.m., in order to make a 10:15 train outof Houghton.119Mininci Gazette, Dec 23/04, n. pag.190O’Leary apparently made little effort to aid his new team, and Pittsburgh lost again, by ascore of93 120Unfortunately for Pittsburgh, Duval’s behavior did not improve. On December 26,the team was to play at the Canadian Soo, and with “Duval not being in condition to playwith Pittsburgh,”121 the Canadian Soo managers were persuaded to drop a player and thetwo teams played the entire game with six skaters on each team. The two clubs tied 4-4, asten minutes of overtime did not determine a winner, and the teams decided to end thegame. Dick O’Leary, having played one game in Duval’s place in the Michigan Soo game,returned to the Canadian Soo team and scored two of his team’s goals, a significantly bettereffort than he had shown when temporarily recruited for the Pennsylvania team.122Duval did not play the following evening, again at the Canadian Soo, where the localteam easily won its first game of the season, beating Pittsburgh9..4123The Sault Starreported that Duval was “alleged to be absent on account of his thirst. ..“124Duval’sperformance and abuse of alcohol would not change, and he was released by Pittsburghlater in the season.125 The actions of players such as Duval would do little to enhance thereputation of the l.H.L. as a high-calibre, well-operated league, in the opinions of thosecriticizing the League and its operations.Later in the 1 904-05 season, another incident occurred that drew the ire of players,management, and supporters alike. The final games of the 1 904-05 season, held betweenthe two Copper Country teams, would also provide an example of the poor sportsmanshipthat would only aid in the criticism of the professional game. At the conclusion of playing12OSoo Evenina News, Dec 24/04, n. pag.l2llbid., Dec 27/04, n. pag.1225oo Evening News, Dec 27/04, n. pag.l23lbid., Dec 28/04, n. pag.l24Sault Star, Dec 29/04, n. pag.l25Miriirig Gazette, Feb 17/05, ri. pag.191time during the March 14 game at the Palestra, the Calumetand Houghton teams were tied.Referee “Lal” Earls announced that a short overtime period would beplayed to determine awinner. The Portage Lakes, citing the brutal tactics that the Calumet team wereemploying,refused to play the overtime period. Earls had no choice but to award Calumetwith thevictory.126The following game, held at the Amphidrome, providedanother display of the lack ofcontrol demonstrated by the referees and management overl.H.L. games. In an effort toreduce the aggressive actions of the two teams, the League decidedto implement a two-referee system for the return game. “Lal” Earls was to referee, andwould be assisted by Dr.Willson.127 However, according to the Coøper Country EveningNews, the two refereeswere to work together, and although Earls thought that hehad absolute power, he wasassigned to only call off-side plays, while Willson wouldcall penalties.128 The playersthemselves were unsure as to the authority of the twoofficials, and when Earls called apenalty on Houghton’s “Doc” Gibson, the Portage Lakesplayer refused to leave the ice,claiming that Willson was the only man who could callpenalties. When Gibson would notleave, “Hod” Stuart, sensing that a lengthy dispute wouldarise, took his Calumet team offthe ice and returned to the dressing room. After ashort time, James R. Dee persuaded hisHoughton team to recognize Earl’s call, but the Calumetplayers, having waited for such along period, had assumed that the matchwould not continue, and had changed into theirregular clothes; some had even already left theAmphidrome.129 The Calumet playersrefused to put their equipment back on to continuethe game, and so the match ended, withover ten minutes of playing time remainingon the game clock.126lbid., Mar 1 5/05, n. pag. During the course of the game,many Portage Lakes players hadbecome injured; these injuries were attributed to illegal roughconduct on the part of the Calumet team.127Mining Gazette, Mar 17/05, n. pag.128Cooer Country, Mar 17/05, n. pag.129Mining Gazette, Mar 17/05, n. pag.192A number of hockey supporters felt that the activities ofthe teams in that gamewould hurt the image of hockey in the Upper Peninsula, and the Coi,oer CountryEveningNews stated that “in certain quarters the name of hockey suggests bitter wordsandcontempt.”’3°James R. Dee, infuriated by the behavior of the playerson both teams,feared that such incidents would result in the disbanding of the League:‘People will not stay away from hockey games on account ofunintentional rough work or legitimate bodychecking, either will not kill thesport by any means. . . . The sport is more likely to be killed when peoplepay to see a game of one hour and get but ten minutes.’131Although Dee was referring specifically to the fiasco that occurred betweenthe PortageLakes and the Calumet team, there were too many otherinstances that have not beennoted, where spectators were unable to watch a complete game due tothe improperbehavior of the l.H.L.’s players.Newsoaoer RegortingOne of the most difficult obstacles for the l.H.L. to overcome in its attempts toestablish itself as a reputable league was the biased reporting of the newspapers,particularly those in Canada. The most obviousreason for this was that many of the bestCanadian players had left for the U.S., and were playinga professional game that had beenoutlawed in the Dominion. Thus, any incident(and, as shown, there were many) thatrevealed incompetence, violence, or a poor calibreof play in the l.H.L. was extensivelyreported in the Canadian press. However, theauthor must note that there is a tendency fornewspapers to report unwanted behavior, because“the antisocial and undesirable aspectsand events get the full publicity”.13213OCoooer Country, Mar 23/05,n. pag.131Minin Gazette, Mar 19/05, n. pag.132Frederick Cozens and Florence Scovil Stumpf,“The Sports Page”, in Snort and Society -An Anthology, edited by John T. Talamini and Charles H. Page (Toronto:Little, Brown & Company,1973), 431.193As the l.H.L. developed a reputation for violence, newspapers were also quick toreport any unruly activities. The Houghton Daily Mining Gazette explained that“the playersin the big teams of the league realize this and do not try to maim each otheror knock eachother out, as some of the flash writers would have you think”.133 The “flash writers” werecorrespondents who lived in the l.H.L. towns, and sent news to Canada to be reported inthe newspapers there. Sometimes, information regarding the l.H.L. would be reported inCanada that was based on little factual material. After one such incident, ManagerMcNamara of Houghton responded that “this correspondent is a little off and there was noauthority for such a statement. Flashlight questions of the league games will hurt hockey inthis county and all unauthorized statements of this rabid nature should be cut out.”134The reasons for the type of reports found in Canadian newspapers, particularly inToronto, were easily explained; “the Toronto newspapers neverliked the InternationalLeague anyway - possibly because it attracted the toptalent of the day”.135 The otherreason was that the papers were trying to downplay the success ofthe InternationalLeague, which, being professional, was in direct contrast to themany Canadian leagues stilltrying to maintain amateurism in hockey. Thus, any activitythat could be reported thatmade the professional game seem less desirable would make amateur play a moresagaciousdecision. The Daily Mining Gazette reported that the efforts of the papers to ruinthereputation of the l.H.L. were working, as the press was “houndingthe life out of themanagers of the professional clubs and [was] hot after out and out professional players tillthe game [was] given a fearful black eye across the border”.136133Mining Gazette, Feb 24/06, n. pag.134Minino Gazette, Jan 15/06, n. pag.135MacDougaII, “the First Six-Man Hockey” in The Hockey Book. edited by Bill Roche(Toronto: McCleIIand and Stewart, 1953), 1 8.136Mining Gazette, Sep 27/07, n. pag.194Violence in the International Hockey LeaaueWhile the reports of excessive violence may have been exaggerated in thenewspaper reports in Canada, they were not unfounded. For a variety of reasons, includingthe inability of the referees to control the games, the physical nature of hockey, andthesocial expectations of sport during this time period, the International League developedintowhat Coleman considered “probably the roughest league that ever operated.”137One aspect to consider prior to the analysis of the degree of violence in thel.H.L. isthe different nature of the game at that time. The matches were played at a much slowerpace, due to the lack of substitutes, and there were oftenextended stoppages of play.138Players were considerably smaller than those who play professional hockey today;mostaveraged between 145 and 165 pounds.139 The play wasstill quite aggressive, despite thelack of equipment and padding to protect the players. Mott explainedthe nature of thebody-contact during this time period:However, checking in the early era involved much less high-speed bodycontact, especially along the boards, than became common in the next fewdecades. . . . both the rules in force and the virtual absence of upper-bodyprotective equipment dictated that the players of that time would be muchless physically aggressive than those who followed them.140Despite Mott’s observation, a review of the data collectedfor this study reveals that therewas, of course, body-checking, but most of the flagrantpenalties were incurred as a resultof violent fouls; acts such as cross-checking, high-sticking,and slashing werecommonplace, and an integral part of an I.H.L. player’srepertoire.The local press blamed the inept refereeing for some of the violence,and manytownspeople were outspoken towards the aggressiveplay in some games; “the referee137Coleman, 610.138Moff, 3.139Young, 30. Of course, there were several exceptions,including “Doc” Gibson, whoweighed well over 200 pounds during his I.H.L. playing days.140Mott, 6.195ought to cut out this rough work. It will certainly kill the game here because people do notwant to go down to the Amphidrome to see a man murdered”.141 The Sault Ste. MarieEvening News also recognized the importance of the referee in controlling the violence;however, the newspaper identified the role both the players and spectators held as well:Whether a game is rough or close depends very much on the referee,who is supposed to impose penalties for any unnecessarily rough play. Theplayers and spectators have much to do with that. The players often try tosettle old scores and the spectators too frequently in the excitement cheerfor any piece of rough work.142Despite the cries of overly violent behavior during the games, one l.H.L. townnewspaper did admit that, “where slashing and body-checking is indulged in to any extentaccidents frequently happen. But the element of danger . . . attached to the game makes it amost exhilarating sport to watch.”143 Perhaps the American spectators were more receptiveto the violent game of hockey,144 but when the sport wasfirst introduced in the CopperCountry, many spectators had difficulty accepting the level of body-checking used by thePortage Lakes Hockey Club players. The Daily Mining Gazette hinted that this reactionmayhave been caused by spectators being unaware that body-checking was a legal part of thesport.’45Hockey and “Manly SnortsDuring the first decade of the twentieth century, a contradiction developed amongthose discussing violence in sport; while some chastised the aggressivebehavior, manyothers endorsed the same acts. As Gruneau and Whitson explained, “modernsport has ties141Mining Gazette, Jan 15/06, n. pag.142Soo Evening News, Dec 14/04, n. pag.‘43Coooer Country, Mar 2/05, n. pag.144VioIent sports are considered popular with most Americans; D. Stanley Eitzen and GeorgeH. Sage, Socioloov of American Sport, Second Edition (Dubuque: Wm. C.Brown Co. Pub., 1 982), 67.145Minina Gazette, Feb 28/03, n. pag.196to a romantic tradition of martial prowess and masculine adventurism that has oftenfetishized the value of robust physicality over the development of intellect”.146 With theindustrialization and urbanization of society, men found it difficult to express their ownmasculinity. Messner noted that; “with no frontier to conquer, with physical strengthbecoming less relevant at work. . . it was feared that males were becoming ‘soft’“•147Thus, sport became a means to express masculine or manly qualities, which may explainwhy, while condemned by many, there were few concerted efforts to abolish the violence insport.Hockey was considered manly, which partially explains the many acts of brutalityand violence during hockey’s formative years, through the years of l.H.L. operations.148Mott concurred, observing that “hockey was one of the most praiseworthy andattractive ofthe manly sports because it tested so many . . . laudable qualities”.149 Whilesocietyallowed, and, in some cases endorsed, the violent sports of the early twentieth century,theplayers were often forced to participate unwillingly in such aggressive activities:Despite the fact that few males truly enjoy hitting and being hit, andthat one has to be socialized into participating in much of the violencecommonplace in sport, males often view aggression, within the rule-boundstructure of sport, as legitimate and ‘natural’.150Thus, even before the players had stepped onto the ice toplay in l.H.L. games, theexpectation of violence may have been great both for theplayers, and for the spectatorswho had come to be entertained by both the skilled and aggressive behavior of theathletes.146Gruneau and Whitson, 29.147MichaeI A. Messner, Power at Play - Snorts and the Problem of Masculinity. (Boston:Beacon Press, 1992), 14.148Metcalfe, Canada Learns to Play, 69.149Mott 7.150Messner, 67.197The levels of violence present in other team spectator sports should also beconsidered, prior to condemning the l.H.L alone for the acts of senseless brutality (seenextsection) that occurred throughoutthe l.H.L.’s existence. For example, at the same time ofl.H.L. operations, football had developed into such a savage sport that during the1904season alone, twenty-one men were killed and over two hundred injuredduring U.S. collegefootball games.151 The sport of college football had degenerated tosuch an extent that Dr.F. R. Oastler, surgeon for the Columbia football team stated; “the players go onthe fieldexpecting to be hurt, and are glad if they come offthe field with nothing worse than abroken bone”.152 However, upon witnessing the gameof hockey, one Boston Post writerreported that hockey was “just as dangerous to lifeand limb, just as brutal, and played inthe same bad spirit as football”.153Acts of Brutality DurinQ l.H.L. GamesMost of the violent incidents that occurred in the l.H.L.were brief, spontaneous, andeasily stopped by either the referees or players. However, someepisodes were so violentthat they required the assistance of outside parties,who felt obliged to intervene. Thissection will address several such incidents, as well asthe effects that they had on thoseaffiliated with the League.Games continued, oblivious to the violence, as playerswould become involved inaltercations independent from the other skaters. One suchincident occurred betweenHoughton’s Bruce Stuart, and Jack Laviolette of theMichigan Soo. The two teams met inFebruary of 1907, and the confrontation betweenthe two men began with a collision along151John Hammond Moore, “Football’s Ugly Decades 1893-1913”,in The American SoortinnExperience: A Historical Antholociy of Sport in America. edited bySteven A. Riess. (New York: LeisurePress, 1984), 1 78. President Theodore Roosevelt had threatenedto ban the sport unless rule changeswere made that decreased the level ofviolence.153Mininci Gazette, Feb 24/06, n. pag.198the rink’s boards. Stuart received the most damage from the impact, and, ignoring thecontinuing game, followed Laviolette back to the Michigan Soo player’s position at point.Stuart then knocked Laviolette to the ice, from behind, and placed his stick across his neck,before he could get up from the ice. Laviolette was held in this position, as Stuart placedone knee on each end of his stick, pinning the Michigan player to the ice, until the otherplayers and the referee noticed the battle and pulled Stuart off.154 Perhaps the mostdisturbing aspect of this act of violence was the dispassionate manner in which theHoughton Daily Mining Gazette explained Stuart’s behavior.155With such activities reported in the press, the l.H.L. soon gained a reputation for itsaggressive play. The players were aware of the League’s intentions to improve publicopinion, which resulted in a unique incident at the Duquesne Gardens. During the 1 905-06season, Pittsburgh hosted the Michigan Soo for a series of games. Pittsburgh player “Hod”Stuart, and the Soo’s Paul “Pud” Hamilton, had been battling throughout the first half of oneof the games. Perhaps aware of the League’s reputation, the two continued their battle offthe ice surface, and out of the view of the spectators:As by an intuitive understanding they both rushed off the ice at halftime and made for a dressing room which they entered. Others attempted tofollow, but they found the door locked and a terrible commotion going oninside. Puffs, sickening thuds, and noisy tramping around the interior wereheard by those at the door, and they could also hear the half smotheredcurses of the two demons who were inside, fighting for all they were worth.Nothing could attract them from their occupation, and when the bell rang forthe second half still were at it hammer and tongs. . . . After another fiveminutes’ delay an attendant at the gardens shouted through the keyhole: ‘Iam MacSwiggan, the manager of the gardens, and I want you to get in hereimmediately’ All the hockey players knew the manager’s reputation and thetwo fighters became alarmed lest they should be fired from therink. Theyimmediately stopped scrapping, and when they unlocked the door the crowdsaw the two cordially shaking hands and condoling each other for thebruises which, they insinuated, they had received in the game that night.156154Mining Gazette, Feb 16/07, n. pag.155Ibid.156Soo Evening News, Jan 30/07, n. pag.199In another game, between the same two teams at the Duquesne Gardens, Pittsburgh’s BillyBaird continually assaulted “Pud” Hamilton throughout the match. Despite his reputation,Hamilton did not retaliate against Baird, who was a much smaller player. However, after thegame ended, Hamilton exacted revenge on the Pittsburgh player:Hamilton was the first off the ice and he stood in the passage as therest of the players filed by. Baird was tardy in leaving the arena, and was thelast one off. Just as soon as he got on the boards, Hamilton went straight athim.157The two men engaged in a fist fight, whereupon Baird was almost knocked unconscious.Several other players had to separate them, and Hamilton was forced into his own dressingroom. When asked why he waited to battle Baird, Hamilton replied; “you know myreputation is bad here, and I wished to show the . . . crowd that I could hold mytemper”158When altercations did occur on the ice, the degree of violence occasionally reachedthe point where others had to intervene. In one particular game, in February of 1 906,Pittsburgh’s Lorne Campbell and “Cooney” Shields of the Calumet team engaged in a fightthat became so heated that referee Gibson required the assistance of one of the ushersworking at the Duquesne Gardens, in order to separate the two combatants.159 In othercases, local authorities were required to help restore order on the ice. When Pittsburghplayed at Houghton, in a game held on January 4, 1906, “Hod” Stuart, playing a typicallymalicious style, hit Houghton’s “Grincly” Forrester, knocking him unconscious. For thisaction, Stuart was put off for the remainder of the game. As “Hod” skated off the ice, hisbrother Bruce, who was playing for the opposing team, skated toward “Hod” andmentionedsomething to him, that could not be overheard. The two brothers then began chasingoneanother about the ice, until Houghton’s Sheriff Beck came onto the ice to save “Hod”157lb1d159Pittsburgh Gazette, Feb 16/06, n. pag.200Stuart. Local peace officers thenescorted the Pittsburgh player off the ice.160It isunfortunate that conditions on the ice wouldbecome so anarchistic that a local Sheriff feltthat his assistance would be required tosolve a player dispute.Although the players were ultimately responsiblefor the violence they displayedduring games, the poor officiatingin l.H.L. matches could only increase the likelihood ofaggression. During one incident, in a game betweenCalumet and Pittsburgh, in February of1907, the ineptitude of an umpire led to a violentoutburst. As the game at the DuquesneGardens progressed, Ken Mallenof Calumet had apparently scored for the visitors.McDonald, a Calumet player, was servingas the umpire, and called Mallen’s shot agoal.Pittsburgh’s goalkeeper, Jack Winchester,enraged at McDonald’s ruling, skated behindhisgoal net, where McDonald wasstanding, struck the umpire withhis fist, and then grabbedhis hat and threw it into the crowded