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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The pre-conquest Roman penetration of south-eastern Britain Millar, Roderick J. O. 1991

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THE PRE-CONQUEST ROMAN PENETRATION OF SOUTH-EASTERN BRITAIN by Roderick J . 0. M i l l a r B.Sc.(Eng), The University of London 1950 Banff School of Advanced Management, 1966 B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1987 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES In t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y Studies (Anthropology/Classical Studies) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 24 1991 (c). Roderick J. 0. M i l l a r , 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) R . 3 . 0 . M i l l a r Department of G r a d u a t e S t u d i e s The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada D a t e May 1 1991  DE-6 (2/88) i i AESIEACI T h i s t h e s i s i s concerned w i t h an examinat ion o f the i n t e r a c t i o n between a s t a t e l e v e l s o c i e t y , t ha t o f Rome i n the p e r i o d o f the Late Repub l i c and E a r l y Empire, and a ne ighbour ing group o f chiefdoms, those i n the sou th-eas te rn par t o f B r i t a i n . In t h i s p e r i o d the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l systems i n southern B r i t a i n appear to have gone through processes o f major s t r e s s and change. The study t e s t s the gene ra l hypo thes i s tha t i n the p e r i o d between the e x p e d i t i o n s o f Caesar i n 55 and 54 BC and the f i n a l C laud ian conquest i n AD 43, the south-eas t o f B r i t a i n went through an e v o l u t i o n from a number o f s m a l l independent chiefdoms competing w i t h each, o ther to a p r o t o - s t a t e . T h i s e v o l u t i o n was t r i g g e r e d and a c c e l e r a t e d by the i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h Rome. To t e s t t h i s hypo thes i s the p u b l i s h e d a r c h a e o l o g i c a l r e p o r t s on the excava t ions i n three areas o f sou th -eas te rn B r i t a i n were ana lyzed . The areas around S t . A lbans , Braughing and Ske le ton Green, and C o l c h e s t e r were used. The a n a l y s i s compares a number of s p e c i f i c types o f a r t i f a c t s , c e r t a i n f ea tu re s , and b u r i a l s from a l l three a reas . The genera l weight o f the ev idence , de sp i t e some minor i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s , shows tha t i n the approximate ly n i n e t y years between 55 BC and AD 43 power s h i f t e d from s e v e r a l c e n t r e s : the S t . Albans a rea , Braughing , Welwyn and H e r t f o r d to one cen t re at C o l c h e s t e r . Under the dominance o f C o l c h e s t e r , S t . Albans and probably other fo rmer ly independent chiefdoms, became i i i s a t e l l i t e c e n t r e s t o C o l c h e s t e r . T h i s s h i f t i n t h e power c e n t r e was a c c o m p a n i e d b y a m a r k e d i n c r e a s e i n s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , d e m o n s t r a t e d i n t h e e l i t e b u r i a l s , t h e i n c r e a s i n g r a n g e o f e l i t e g o o d s , a n d l a r g e r a n d more c o m p l e x f e a t u r e s . i v ABSTRACT i i L i s t of Tables v i L i s t of Figures v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i i i Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter II. THE BACKGROUND 6 Chapter I I I . A REVIEW OF THE THEORETICAL CONCEPTS 14 1. The H i s t o r i c a l Background i n Southern B r i t a i n . 2. Alternative Theoretical Concepts. Chapter IV. THE SITUATION IN SOUTH-EASTERN BRITAIN FROM THE EARLY FIRST CENTURY BC TO AD 43...23 Chapter V. RESEARCH QUESTIONS, HYPOTHESES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS: A MODEL 28 1. General Research Questions. 2. General Hypothesis for t h i s Thesis. 3. S p e c i f i c Hypotheses to Test the V a l i d i t y of the General Hypothesis. 4. Implications of the Sp e c i f i c Hypotheses. 5. S p e c i f i c Archaeological Research Questions. 6. A Theoretical Basis for the Model. 7. The Model. 8. S p e c i f i c Implications from the Model. Chapter VI. THE SOURCES OF THE DATA . . 52 1. The L i t e r a r y Sources. 2. The Archaeological Record. 3. Archaeological Source Material (Monographs, A r t i c l e s and Publications). Chapter VII. THE ANALYSIS OF THE DATA 57 1. Problems with the Data. 2. Selection of the Data. 3. Analysis and comparison of the Tabulated Data. 4. The L i t e r a r y Sources. 5. S t a t i s t i c a l Analyses. Chapter VIII. ANALYSIS OF THE POTTERY 67 V Chapter IX. ANALYSIS OF THE AMPHORAE. 84 Chapter X. ANALYSIS OF THE COINS 89 Chapter XI. ANALYSIS OF THE BROOCHES 99 Chapter XII. ANALYSIS OF THE BURIALS 102 Chapter XIII. ANALYSIS OF THE FEATURES AND BUILDINGS 114 Chapter XIV. THE LITERARY AND NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE 124 Chapter XV. THE TRADING PATTERNS 128 Chapter XVI STATISTICAL ANALYSIS 132 Chapter XVII. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS 137 Chapter XVIII AN EVALUATION AND PROPOSALS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 151 Glossary 1. L i s t of Site Names and Areas 156 Glossary 2. Names of B r i t i s h Tribes and Rulers 157 Glossary 3. Technical Terms Used i n t h i s Thesis 158 Bibliography, and References Cited 160 Appendix A. References to B r i t a i n i n C l a s s i c a l Literature 183 Appendix B. B u r i a l Sites 185 v i LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Imported Pottery, Arretine 72 Table 2. Imported Pottery, South Gaulish 72 Table 3. Imported Pottery, Gallo-Belgic 73 Table 3a. Summary, Imported Pottery, Gallo-Belgic...73 Table 4. Native Pottery 77 Table 4a. Summary, Native Pottery 78 Table 4b. Summary, Gallo-Belgic and Native Pottery Types for the Key Sites 79 Table 4c. Gallo-Belgic and Native Types i n % for the Key Sites 79 Table 5. Amphorae 85 Table 5a. Summary, Amphorae 86 Table 5b. Origin, Contents and Dates of Amphorae.... 87 Table 5c. Chart of Amphorae Dates 87 Table 6. Coins 90 Table 6a. Summary Table of Coins 90 Table 7. Brooches 99 Table 8. Rich Burials 109 Table 9. Grave Goods from Intermediate and Pl a i n Burials 110 Table 9a. Intermediate and P l a i n Burials. Presence or Absence of Grave Goods I l l Table 10. S t a t i s t i c a l Tabulations 135 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. South-Eastern B r i t a i n , Showing the P r i n c i p a l Sites 187 Figure 2. Tribes of Southern B r i t a i n 188 Figure 3. The Colchester Area 189 Figure 4. The Braughing Area 190 Figure 5. The St. Albans Area 191 Figure 6. B u r i a l Sites i n the St. Albans, Welwyn, Wheathampstead, Hertford and Braughing Areas 192 Figure 7. Relative Chronology of the Sites 193 Figure 8a. Cluster Diagram, 17 Variables. Wheathampstead, Prae Wood, Skeleton Green, Camulodunum 194 Figure 8b. Cluster Diagram, 17 Variables. Prae Wood, Skeleton Green, Camulodunum..195 Figure 8c. Cluster Diagram, 15 Variables. Prae Wood, Skeleton Green, Camulodunum..196 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS On the t h e o r e t i c a l aspects my h e a r t f e l t thanks go to Professor Michael Blake for h i s u n f a i l i n g patience and help i n a s s i s t i n g me to c l a r i f y my thoughts on the th e o r e t i c a l parts of the thesis. In developing a clear presentation of the t h e o r e t i c a l alternatives both Dr. Blake and Dr. Richard Pearson made invaluable c r i t i c i s m s and suggestions. Dr. Blake also acted as my advisor for the f i r s t three years of my M.A. programme. Dr. Pearson gave me many valuable hints on possible c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparisons and s i m i l a r i t i e s . Professor E. Hector Williams served on my committee throughout, and took over as advisor for the l a s t year, while Dr. Blake was absent on sabbatical leave. Dr. Williams, as well as giving me a very s o l i d background on the Graeco-Roman world, also provided me with four long seasons of excavation at h i s s i t e at Mytilene. This p r a c t i c a l f i e l d experience, while the data was not d i r e c t l y applicable to my thesis, greatly helped i n my analysis of other excavators' reports. Professor Anthony Barrett, the external examiner, provided a most he l p f u l c r i t i q u e on the nomenclature that I used for the B r i t i s h t r i b a l groups i n south-eastern B r i t a i n . Professor R.G. Matson, who chaired the committee at my ora l defence of the thesis, made a number of he l p f u l suggestions on the presentation and layout of the material i n the tables and s t a t i s t i c a l work. 1 I.INTRODUCTION This thesis explores the inte r a c t i o n between a state l e v e l society, that of Rome i n the period of the Late Republic and Early Empire, and a neighbouring group of chiefdoms, those i n the south-eastern part of B r i t a i n . At the same time the thesis i s concerned with the int e r a c t i o n among t h i s group of chiefdoms, i n contact with, and affected by, the Roman presence i n Gaul. The time period examined i s from about 120 BC to AD 43, the year of the Claudian invasion and conquest of the southern part of the island. A p a r t i c u l a r l y d etailed study has been made of the almost ninety years from the f i r s t invasions and withdrawals made by J u l i u s Caesar i n each of the years 55-54 BC to the f i n a l conquest i n AD 43. The int e r a c t i o n and re l a t i o n s h i p involved trade, p o l i t i c s and diplomacy, dynastic struggles i n B r i t a i n , warfare, and f i n a l l y i n AD 43 the conquest of the southern and eastern parts of the country. During t h i s period the B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l and socio-economic systems were going through processes of major stress and change 1. In B r i t a i n t h i s culminated i n the 1 The name Catuvellaunl for the dominant t r i b e i n eastern and southern B r i t a i n i s widely used i n published works. There i s , however, very l i t t l e evidence for i t s use at the time of the Roman conquest. Caesar and Tacitus do not mention the name. Dio uses the name for the t r i b e i n the area (LX 20,2), and Ptolemy mentions Salinae a polls of the Catuvellaunl (II 3, 21), but locates i t near the Wash, outside the area normally assigned to the Catuvellaunl. Two in s c r i p t i o n s from Hadrian's Wall mention clvitate Catuwellaunorum and natione Catvallauna respectively. In t h i s thesis Catuvellauni i s used, as i n other published 2 establishment of the hegemony of the Catuvellaunian kingdom over much of southern and eastern B r i t a i n . The s p e c i f i c object of the paper i s an examination of the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic changes i n south-eastern B r i t a i n , from the late second century B.C. to the conquest by Rome i n A.D. 43, and an investigation of the forces and stresses, i n t e r n a l and external, that caused the changes. Both the h i s t o r i c a l and archaeological records suggest major upheavals and restructuring i n the p o l i t i c a l organization of south-eastern B r i t a i n at t h i s time. Without stress the society would be expected to remain stable, or to change only slowly over time with " c u l t u r a l d r i f t " . In systems terminology i t would be stable, and with negative feedback damping out forces t r y i n g to change i t . In fact i t was unstable, with p o s i t i v e feedback pushing i t farther away from i t s previous condition. The type of forces and stress that can t r i g g e r t h i s s i t u a t i o n include both natural and man-made ones. Natural forces, such- as drought, cl i m a t i c change or shortage of food or other resources do not seem to have been c r i t i c a l . Man-made forces and stresses were probably the primary ones. On the Roman side these included forces such as expansion i n search of secure f r o n t i e r s ; an appetite for a larger population and tax base to exploit; a need for larger imports of raw materials i n exchange for surplus luxury a g r i c u l t u r a l products, such as wine and o l i v e o i l ; and symbolic forces such as Claudius' need to show work, as a convenient name for the dominant p o l i t y i n south-eastern B r i t a i n at the time of the conquest. 3 m i l i t a r y prowess. On the B r i t i s h side the forces and stresses would be s i m i l a r . There was a search for security by enlarging one's t e r r i t o r y ; a desire to acquire prestige goods, and to control the a c q u i s i t i o n of them; and a need to increase wealth by creating surpluses i n basic a g r i c u l t u r a l products and raw materials. These surpluses could then be used both to trade for the imported prestige goods, the symbols of power, and for building status symbols, earthworks and a c a p i t a l or oppidum. On both sides there i s an obvious intention by the ru l i n g group to increase i t s power and wealth by the expl o i t a t i o n of others, both t h e i r own subjects and the peoples of adjoining p o l i t i e s . In B r i t a i n at t h i s time external forces and stresses originate with Rome or from the European mainland, p a r t i c u l a r l y Gaul and the lower Rhine area. Internal forces, which may be linked to the external ones, are primarily those operating within society i n south-eastern B r i t a i n . Even without the pressure of Roman expansionism, Late Iron Age society i n B r i t a i n was under s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r n a l stress. The source material for t h i s investigation w i l l be primarily the archaeological record, complemented by the limited Roman and Greek l i t e r a r y evidence. The paper w i l l focus on : 1. The changing socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l scene i n south-eastern B r i t i s h society i n the period from ca.120 BC 4 to AD 43, and the forces and processes leading to the change. 2. The pre-conquest Roman economic and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n with B r i t a i n from c.120 BC to AD 43, leading to a marked trading penetration of Roman goods into southern B r i t a i n , and f i n a l l y conquest by Rome i n AD 43. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the research undertaken i n t h i s thesis i s as follows: 1. Many of the t r a d i t i o n a l views of the hi s t o r y of B r i t a i n in the Late Iron Age have been seriously challenged or overturned by new research and excavation i n the past f i v e to ten years. This upheaval i s s t i l l i n progress. This paper w i l l examine a p a r t i c u l a r aspect of Late Iron Age B r i t a i n , the changes i n the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic organization, and the causes of these changes i n B r i t i s h society i n the south-east part of the island i n the 160 years preceding the Roman conquest. 2. Much of the recent research has been concerned with elucidating the problems of the B r i t i s h Later Bronze Age and Iron Age, p r i o r to s i g n i f i c a n t interactions with Rome. This paper, by contrast, w i l l deal with the period of active t r a n s i t i o n from the l a s t stages of the B r i t i s h Iron Age to the conquest and absorption by Rome, and the causal processes of evolution and change taking south-eastern B r i t a i n from an independent secondary proto-state to a component of a much larger and more complex society, the Roman Empire. 5 3. Apar t from the i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f processes and causes at work i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r t r a n s i t i o n p e r i o d , the r e sea rch p rov ides a case s tudy w i t h a genera l a p p l i c a t i o n to o ther s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s , and he lps i l l u m i n a t e some o f the t h e o r e t i c a l concepts de sc r ibed i n chapter 3. 4. The p a r t i c u l a r area and t ime p e r i o d were s e l e c t e d fo r r e sea rch because : -a) There i s a reasonable amount o f good recent work p u b l i s h e d on both the t h e o r e t i c a l concepts , and on r e l e v a n t s i t e s and e x c a v a t i o n s . b) There are two sources o f ev idence , l i t e r a r y and the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l r e c o r d . These can be compared, con t r a s t ed and eva lua t ed . c ) The takeover o f B r i t a i n by Rome was s u c c e s s f u l and l o n g - l a s t i n g . d) T h i s i s about the bes t example i n the c l a s s i c a l w o r l d o f t h i s type o f p e n e t r a t i o n and conquest , i n v o l v i n g a long pre-conquest con tac t p e r i o d , a seaborne a s s a u l t i n t o r e l a t i v e l y unknown t e r r i t o r y , and a s u c c e s s f u l long- te rm c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f the t e r r i t o r y ga ined . On Rome's Medi ter ranean f r o n t i e r s , where new p rov inces had been conquered, the subjugated s o c i e t i e s were u s u a l l y a l r eady e s t a b l i s h e d s t a t e s , w i t h an e x i s t e n c e and h i s t o r y as complex s o c i e t i e s , c e n t u r i e s or m i l l e n i a longer than tha t o f Rome. Examples are Egypt , Greece and the H e l l e n i s t i c s t a t e s o f A s i a Minor and the Near E a s t . 6 I..Lt...JUiE_.JBACKQE.QUlffi In the pattern of c u l t u r a l evolution i n B r i t a i n and north-west Europe there i s a steady trend from e g a l i t a r i a n late Mesolithic hunter-gathers and Neolithic farmer-p a s t o r a l i s t s , to the ranked and s t r a t i f i e d Bronze and Iron Age s o c i e t i e s , culminating i n the Hallstadt and La Tene cultures. Between the s i x t h and fourth m i l l e n i a BC the hunter-gatherers were developing a more s e t t l e d way of l i f e , and i n B r i t a i n there i s archaeological evidence for the probable exchange of c e r t a i n l i t h i c items, such as stone axes, between regions (Care 1979; D a r v i l l 1987:45-46, 49). By the early t h i r d millenium BC farming was well established, combining cereal c u l t i v a t i o n and animal herding (Fowler 1983). Evidence from the megalithic tombs and long barrows of t h i s period suggests a s o c i a l organization of small scale e g a l i t a r i a n groups, claiming a certain defined t e r r i t o r y . Exchange of both u t i l i t a r i a n and prestige goods continued, either as raw materials or as fi n i s h e d a r t i f a c t s . Evidence for cross Channel inter-regional trade occurs i n the more than 100 jadeite axes found from Cornwall to the Orkneys, with the source of the jadeite i d e n t i f i e d i n the Alps, 1200 kilometres distant ( D a r v i l l op.cit.:72). Small scale warfare was common. A number of defended enclosures have been i d e n t i f i e d , and skeletons with embedded f l i n t arrowheads have been found. By about 2500 BC more overt ranking appears. Single grave b u r i a l s , with v a r i a t i o n s i n 7 the number and quality of grave goods occur. Metalworking developed by 2000 BC. By t h i s time a s t r a t i f i e d society had evolved (Shennan 1982). Trade i n a r t i f a c t s and ideas with both continental Europe and Ireland was well established. Metalworking techniques and t r a d i t i o n s p a r a l l e l e d those of northern France ( D a r v i l l op. cit.:100). Contact and exchange between B r i t a i n and Europe remained vigorous for the period from about 1500 to 600 BC, and s p e c i f i c communal exchange s i t e s have been located, for example at Ram's H i l l (Bradley and E l l i s o n 1975: E l l i s o n 1981). By the end of t h i s period a d e f i n i t e hierarchy of settlement existed, from small open settlements to large defended s i t e s , with these autonomous or semi-autonomous units forming large loose regional groupings ( D a r v i l l op. cit.:132). By about 650 BC i n southern B r i t a i n , the h i l l f o r t based society started to appear, with a trend for greater l o c a l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . Foreign trade and c u l t u r a l contacts continued with northern Europe, both across the channel and along the western seaways. In the f i f t h and early fourth centuries imports included iron swords, fibul a e brooches, and bronze vessels of Hallstadt D provenance. At the same time Mediterranean goods from the emerging c l a s s i c a l c i v i l i z a t i o n s , Etruscan, Greek and Roman, began to appear i n B r i t a i n . Later i n the period La Tene s t y l e metalwork appeared i n central and southern B r i t a i n . 8 For some unknown reason trade and exchange along a l l routes diminished greatly i n the t h i r d and second centuries BC, and only recovered i n the late second and early f i r s t centuries BC 1. In t h i s period of i s o l a t i o n B r i t i s h society developed well marked regional groups, with an increase i n c o n f l i c t , and d i f f i c u l t y i n supporting the e l i t e superstructure (Bradley 1984:138-144). So c i a l organization developed further, with t r i b a l organization i n the north, and chiefdoms with a warrior e l i t e and well defined t e r r i t o r y i n the south and east. This society had marked s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , c h i e f s , warriors, probably p r i e s t s , s p e c i a l i z e d craftsmen and craftsmen/farmers (C u n l i f f e 1983:165-171; D a r v i l l op. cit.:160-161). In general, over the period from the fourth millenium to the late f i r s t millenium BC i n B r i t a i n , there was an evolution from simpler to more complex and s t r a t i f i e d s o c i e t i e s , and a p a r a l l e l growth i n exchange and trading contacts with Europe, and l a t e r with the c l a s s i c a l world. There was also growth i n inter-regional trade and exchange within B r i t a i n . Starting about 120 BC there was a r e v i v a l i n contact and trade between southern B r i t a i n and the Continent. This coincided with the beginning of a major change i n the socio-p o l i t i c a l organization i n south-eastern B r i t a i n . At t h i s 1 One p o s s i b i l i t y i s that with the developing use of iron for weapons and tools, the need for a trade i n bronze , or i t s constituent metals, diminished. Iron i s e a s i l y smelted from ores occurring widely i n B r i t a i n . Society i n general may have become more l o c a l l y s e l f s u f f i c i e n t . 9 time the h i l l f o r t s f e l l quite abruptly into disuse as centres of power, and were replaced by more open s i t e s i n the v a l l e y s , or on the flanks of the h i l l s . In the l a t e r part of the f i r s t century BC a number of these v a l l e y s i t e s developed into oppida, large and often undefended s i t e s of 30 ha or more, frequently much more. They are usually located on, or very close to, trade routes, and e s p e c i a l l y on navigable r i v e r s ( C o l l i s 1976:10, C u n l i f f e 1976:142-156). This development i n B r i t a i n i s p a r a l l e l e d at an e a r l i e r date i n central and eastern Gaul (Nash 1976:98-99). At the same time there was a reduction i n the number of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l units, with the formation of a small number of larger p o l i t i e s , based on the new t e r r i t o r i a l oppida as t h e i r centres of power (Bradley 1984:147). These kingdoms or proto-states minted t h e i r own coinage, and i n some cases t h e i r oppida had s a t e l l i t e 'towns' (Cunliffe 1976:151). These powerful new groups became 'core' areas, receiving imports from Gaul and northern Europe, keeping some for t h e i r own use, and trading others with peripheral t r i b e s for metals, slaves and other items, to be passed back to Gaul to balance the imports (Bradley 1984:144-156). In the late second century BC the Roman penetration and conquest of Gaul started. In 124-120 BC the southern part, Gallia Transalpina, was conquered, and i n 58-51 BC J u l i u s Caesar conquered the remainder. During the G a l l i c wars Caesar made two expeditions to B r i t a i n , reconnaissances i n force, i n 55 and 54 BC. 10 Up to the time of Caesar's invasions i n 55-54 BC, the general s i t u a t i o n i n southern B r i t a i n was one of numerous small p o l i t i c a l units engaged i n continuous competition and c o n f l i c t . However, i n the period a f t e r Caesar's incursions, there i s a dramatic change i n the l a t e r part of the f i r s t century BC, with the evolution of a small number of much larger t e r r i t o r i a l units based on the oppida (Bradley op.cit., D a r v i l l o p . c i t . ) . This type of change i s not unusual when a number of small p o l i t i e s are threatened by a major external enemy. Small states or chiefdoms w i l l federate, or come together i n some other manner for s e l f -preservation. An example i s the temporary a l l i a n c e of the Greek c i t y states i n face of the Persian threat i n the early 5 t h . century BC. A l l available h i s t o r i c a l and archaeological evidence suggests that the Catuvellauni, who had become the dominant power i n southern and eastern B r i t a i n by the time of the Roman conquest i n AD 4 3 , used economic penetration by trade and exchange to t h i s end. They may also have made a succession of i n d i v i d u a l l y modest m i l i t a r y conquests to b u i l d t h e i r position. Concurrently they and t h e i r smaller a l l i e s were exposed to a growing volume of trade with Gaul and the Roman empire. To pay for t h i s trade and to pay for t h e i r imports they needed to expand further t h e i r sources of wealth, both i n terms of a g r i c u l t u r a l land, and i n t h e i r catchment area for items such as slaves and metals, not available i n t h e i r core area. 11 At the same time Roman It a l y , and to a lesser extent Roman Gaul and Spain had a g r i c u l t u r a l surpluses, such as wine, f o r which they urgently needed outlets (Cunliffe 1988:75) 2. There i s no p a r t i c u l a r evidence for population pressure, or l i m i t a t i o n s on resources i n t h e i r core area, d r i v i n g the Catuvellaunian expansion at t h i s period. But th e i r e l i t e wanted the items which could only come from trade with Gaul and Rome. They probably also needed additional amounts to s a t i s f y t h e i r followers and supporters i n t h e i r core area. From the b r i e f review of the c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y and archaeological evidence above, i t i s apparent that B r i t a i n , despite the b a r r i e r of the Channel, had been involved i n extensive trade and exchange networks with continental Europe for many centuries. The in t e n s i t y of t h i s exchange and trade had varied c y c l i c a l l y over the previous two m i l l e n i a . About 100 BC there seems to have been a major upsurge i n trading a c t i v i t y . There were also dramatic s o c i a l and s t r u c t u r a l changes i n B r i t a i n i n t h i s Late Iron Age period, p a r a l l e l i n g and probably linked to the changes in the pattern of exchange and trade. By the f i r s t century BC strong l o c a l and inter-regional exchange and trade networks had operated within B r i t a i n for 2. An al t e r n a t i v e explanation i s that more wine and o l i v e o i l were produced to meet expanding markets, but a surplus seems more l i k e l y . 12 centuries, some between equally powerful t r i b a l groups, and some between minor or subordinate t r i b e s and a major group. With the renewal and expansion of a major cross-channel trade with pre-Roman and Roman Gaul i n the f i r s t century BC, the r u l e r s of the dominant t r i b a l groups i n southern and south-eastern B r i t a i n increased t h e i r i n t e r n a l power, and f i n a l l y i n the years immediately preceeding the Roman conquest of AD 43, one t r i b e , the Catuvellauni, acquired a dominant position. What appears to have happened i n southern B r i t a i n i n the period c.120 BC to AD 43 was the simultaneous formation of a secondary s t a t e 3 , that of the Catuvellauni, and the penetration and f i n a l l y the conquest of that state by.the larger and more sophisticated p o l i t y , Rome. The formation of t h i s secondary state was dependent on the existence of the adjacent Roman state. The t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l view i s that the invasion of AD 43 took place to satisfy, the need of the Roman emperor Claudius for a m i l i t a r y triumph, and to remove a p o t e n t i a l l y troublesome f r o n t i e r (Frere 1987:45-46). This explanation, however, f a i l s to take account of important s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l , demographic and economic factors, acting both within B r i t a i n , i n Roman dominated Gaul, and i n the western part of the Roman empire. 3. A secondary state i s defined as a state formed adjacent to, and as a r e s u l t of i n t e r a c t i o n with an e x i s t i n g state. This contrasts with a primary state evolving from a complex chiefdom, with no influence from any other state l e v e l society. 13 In p a r t i c u l a r , exchange and trade were major causes both i n the evolution of a more complex type of society i n southern and eastern B r i t a i n , and i n the f i n a l Roman conquest of B r i t a i n . By the conquest the Romans were able to i n t e n s i f y both a g r i c u l t u r a l production and resource procurement. The new province provided much larger quantities of metal, p a r t i c u l a r l y lead and s i l v e r , as well as corn, hides and manpower. After the Claudian invasion and conquest of southern B r i t a i n i n AD 43, trade expanded further. For the next 350 years, B r i t a i n became part of the Roman imperial trading network. This s i t u a t i o n ended i n the f i f t h century AD. With the departure of the Roman garrison and administration in AD 410, and the subsequent increase i n barbarian invasions, the established trading network disintegrated. The infrastructure of c i v i l i z a t i o n , towns and town l i f e and the c e n t r a l i z e d administration a l l decayed quite rapidly, and were not re-established u n t i l the l a t e r medieval period. 14 III. A REVIEW OF THE THEORETICAL CONCEPTS In considering the period and place discussed i n t h i s thesis, there appear to be two p a r a l l e l and intera c t i n g processes occurring, one inter n a l to south-eastern B r i t a i n between the Catuvellauni and the smaller t r i b e s they subjugated, and one between the Romans and the Catuvellauni and t h e i r a l l i e s . There are s i m i l a r i t i e s , i n that i n both cases, a larger and more powerful e n t i t y penetrates and f i n a l l y conquers a less developed group. However, there are also s i g n i f i c a n t differences. The Catuvellauni i n the f i r s t century BC were one of a number of chiefdoms contending for predominance i n a r e s t r i c t e d geographical area. Even i f very successful i n th e i r pattern of conquest, they lacked the i n t e r n a l state organization, and probably the resources, to sustain a developing proto-state over a long period of time. In Wright's terms they were "externally but not i n t e r n a l l y s p e c i a l i z e d " , with the decision making process operating at only two l e v e l s , the central and the l o c a l , and with no sub-d i v i s i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , or " s p e c i a l i z a t i o n at the central l e v e l (Wright 1977:381) 1. The Catuvellauni were not 1. The evidence for t h i s i s discused i n chapter IV. Put i n simple terms the Catuvellaunian kingdom i n the period covered i n t h i s paper was too large for a l l decisions to emanate from the c a p i t a l at Camulodunum (Colchester). There would be considerable l o c a l autonomy. Decisions i n v i l l a g e s and settlements on such matters as crops, harvesting, and small scale manufacturing of common use items would be made l o c a l l y . Thus the chiefdom was externally s p e c i a l i z e d . The c a p i t a l would only make.decisions about the decisions made at the lower l e v e l , and would not be d i r e c t l y involved i n 15 a primary state as defined by Wright or Spencer. They did not form from an is o l a t e d developed chiefdom, but evolved while i n t e r a c t i n g with an e x i s t i n g state, Rome. This i s a c l a s s i c case of a secondary state forming "on the margin of extant states" (Wright and Johnson 1975:267). By contrast the Romans, by the late 1st. century BC, had a developed state l e v e l of organization, with a central decision making body, the emperor assisted by the Senate, p r o v i n c i a l governors with substantial delegated authority, and permanent subordinate s t a f f i n both Rome and the provinces. The Senate as a central authority had a hist o r y going back to the six t h century BC. This organization was already, using Spencer's terminology, highly " i n t e r n a l l y s p e c i a l i z e d " and "externally d i f f e r e n t i a t e d " (Spencer 1982:2). During the period from about 50 BC to AD 100 t h i s process continued, culminating by the early second century AD i n a state with a complex c i v i l and m i l i t a r y administrative system, and with a career ' c i v i l service', almost i n the modern sense (Cary and Scullard 1978:428-29). The Romans i n the 2nd. and 1st. centuries BC were building t h e i r empire larg e l y by the "agglomeration of extant states" (Wright and Johnson i b i d ) , the conquest, decisions about production and exchange at the l o c a l l e v e l . There i s almost no evidence for int e r n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . Internal s p e c i a l i z a t i o n implies the d i v i s i o n of the control and decision making process into more than one "department" at the central l e v e l , with corresponding branch "departments" at the subordinate l e v e l s . The exception i s the possible concurrent existence of two centres f o r minting coins, one at St. Albans and one at Colchester. A t h i r d centre may have existed at Gatesbury. 16 annexation and absorption of ex i s t i n g states. Spain, Gaul and B r i t a i n i n the west were added to the Roman Empire i n t h i s period, and i n the east Egypt and the H e l l e n i s t i c kingdoms of Asia Minor and the Near East (Cary and Scullard 1978:212-312). Thus there would appear to be these two s u p e r f i c i a l l y s i m i l a r processes happening simultaneously, and obviously interacting, creating a rather complex s i t u a t i o n . In both cases an established society was t r y i n g to extend i t s power and influence, and gain control of more resources. However, they were operating from quite a d i f f e r e n t base l e v e l , the Catuvellaunl from a complex chiefdom i n the process of evolving into a proto-state, and the Romans from a f u l l y developed state l e v e l society. 2. Alternative Theoretical Concepts In reviewing the l i t e r a t u r e on the t h e o r e t i c a l aspects of state formation there would appear to be no ready made model for t h i s set of circumstances. Polyani and Rostovtzeff produced c o n f l i c t i n g economic models, with Polanyi's concepts being expanded and modified by Jones and more recently Finley (Finley 1973, Jones 1974, Polyani 1957;1977, Rostovtzeff 1957). Curtin, Hirth, Hodges and Webb have examined the role of trade i n the int e r a c t i o n between s o c i e t i e s , and the penetration of one group by another (Curtin 1984, Hi r t h 1978, Hodges 1982, Webb 1973). Carneiro and Webster have examined the role of warfare (Carneiro 1970, Webster 1977; 1975). Wright, Flannery, and 17 Friedman and Rowlands have considered the processes involved i n state formation (Flannery 1972, Friedman and Rowlands 1977, Wright 1977). C o l i n Renfrew's concept of 'peer p o l i t y i n t e r a c t i o n ' and the early state module (Renfrew 1986, 1984b), and Barbara Price's 'cluster i n t e r a c t i o n model' (Price 1977) propose the idea of group i n t e r a c t i o n as a necessary prerequisite i n state formation, but also see i t as part of a 'normal' evolutionary process, leading to a number of s i m i l a r state based s o c i e t i e s . While these authors do provide useful and i n t e r e s t i n g insights on various aspects of the growth of states, these insights i n themselves do not appear to provide a basis for a good model for the subject of t h i s t h e s i s . A model proposing that the evolution from a chiefdom to a state i s a matter of slow quantitative and cumulative change, rather than a rapid q u a l i t a t i v e as well as quantitative change, simply does not f i t the known facts of t h i s case. Spencer has advanced a somewhat d i f f e r e n t concept, that of "the more general punctuated e q u i l i b r i a i nterpretation of macroevolution" (Gould 1980:119-130; Gould and Eldredge 1977:115-151; Spencer 1982:257). His conclusions are that chiefdoms and the state are q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t , and that i n p a r t i c u l a r the state needs i n t e r n a l administrative s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and decentralized decision making, a quite d i f f e r e n t set of c o n t r o l l i n g processes from those used i n a chiefdom (Spencer 1982:257). 18 This suggests an evolutionary t r a j e c t o r y with quite sharp d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n i t s progress. As a generalized hypothesis, evolution with d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s would appear to f i t some cases i n both b i o l o g i c a l and c u l t u r a l evolution. In the b i o l o g i c a l f i e l d , sudden genetic mutations i n both wheat and maize have been suggested from the evidence i n the archaeological record (Flannery 1986:7-8; 1973: 282, 290-6; Galinat 1985). In the growth of cultures and s o c i e t i e s over the past few thousand years, both the archaeological and the h i s t o r i c a l records suggest periods of r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y , or slow change or gradual substitution, alternating with marked disruptions or d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s , leading to a q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t society. Examples are the collapse and re-emergence of ' c i v i l i z a t i o n ' i n the eastern Mediterranean ca. 1200-900 BC, the so c a l l e d "Dark Ages", and the sharp s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l changes observable from the archaeological record i n B r i t a i n and Ireland during the Later Neolithic period, and carrying on into the Bronze and Iron Ages (Sandars 1985:10-11, Megaw and Simpson 1979:345-7,417). Spencer, who was dealing with a case of primary state formation i n Mesoamerica, a state developing from adjacent s o c i e t i e s without the influence of another state, concluded that interregional i n t e r a c t i o n , a campaign of conquest of adjacent areas by the Zapotec, forced them into the development of state l e v e l administrative and regulatory systems. These systems were f i r s t applied to the newly conquered t e r r i t o r i e s , and only l a t e r implemented i n the 19 o r i g i n a l heartland of the Zapotec, the Oaxaca v a l l e y . Spencer believes that t h i s strategy was both more cost e f f e c t i v e and less p o l i t i c a l l y hazardous than attempting to s t a r t the state l e v e l system i n the v a l l e y (Spencer op.cit.:255-6) 2. This development occurred i n a r e l a t i v e l y short timespan, ca. f i r s t century AD. An alt e r n a t i v e t h e o r e t i c a l basis for a group of s o c i e t i e s going through a rapid change, involving d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n the s o c i a l structure and i n the administrative and regulatory systems has been suggested by Gailey and Patterson (Gailey and Patterson 1988, Patterson 1989). They disagree with the idea that a l l s o c i e t i e s i n a region pass through the same stages from e g a l i t a r i a n bands to chiefdoms, and f i n a l l y to states, as proposed by Price with "cluster i n t e r a c t i o n " or Renfrew with "peer p o l i t y i n t e r a c t i o n " (Price 1977; Renfrew 1986).Their concept of "combined and uneven development " i s based on a Marxist/Neo-Marxist approach. They do not see state formation as a smooth progression from simple to more complex s o c i e t i e s , from subsistence hunter-gatherers to large urban based c i v i l i z a t i o n s . Rather the process of 2. Spencer concluded that the extension of Zapotec t e r r i t o r y and the a c q u i s i t i o n of a new subject population required decentralized decision making, and i n t e r n a l administrative s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . These are state l e v e l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The state l e v e l systems were needed immediately i n the newly conquered area, and the cost could be defrayed from the t r i b u t e exacted from i t . In the Oaxaca v a l l e y the s e t t l e d Zapotec population could continue to function with the e x i s t i n g system at no extra cost, and need not be unsettled p o l i t i c a l l y at that time by the imposition of hew systems and burdens. 20 state formation involves the development of class-based production, d i s t r i b u t i o n and consumption systems. State formation i n t h e i r view appears concerned with the reproduction or continuance of dominant and e x p l o i t a t i v e class r e l a t i o n s . State formation, an h i s t o r i c a l process, i s probably never u n i d i r e c t i o n a l . States evolve, may r i s e to a po s i t i o n of dominance, then weaken, and may even disintegrate completely. State formation i s often a regional phenomenon, the emerging state being involved i n r e l a t i o n s of dominance or subordination with i t s neighbours, and influencing t h e i r s o c i a l structure towards increasing s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , or being influenced by them. State formation i s usually a rapid a f f a i r , of a few months or years, rather than decades, and i s characterized by marked d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s or 'jumps' i n the process of c u l t u r a l evolution. The transformation to a state l e v e l of society creates a q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l structure. Whether the state, a ce n t r a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l power, emerges to protect pre-existing socio-economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and exploitation, or whether the process of state formation creates or magnifies s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and exp l o i t a t i o n , i s an i n t e r e s t i n g dilemma. Certainly an in t e r a c t i o n between d i f f e r e n t groups seems an e s s e n t i a l component of state formation (Gailey and Patterson 1988, G l e d h i l l 1988, Patterson 1989). Patterson proposes uneven development, with s o c i e t i e s i n a region being at s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l 21 organization. He and Gailey take a h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t view, seeing the t r a n s i t i o n "from kin-based s o c i e t i e s to class based state s o c i e t i e s i s contingent not on any natural laws, but on h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c conditions" (Gailey and Patterson op.cit.:86). Patterson draws three conclusions from h i s Marxist t h e o r e t i c a l approach, and from consideration of two case studies, one using the Central Andes and Peru, and the other the Han period i n China and the Yamato period i n Japan. He contends that: State formation i s always part of h i s t o r i c a l developments that occur i n larger regions. ... Early states have appeared i n regions characterized by uneven s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l economic development. ... They consolidate very r a p i d l y i n a matter of months or a few years. (Patterson op. cit.:14) Patterson's examples are l a r g e l y of secondary state formation, i n regions where other state l e v e l s o c i e t i e s existed, or had existed. This contrasts with the 'uneven' development proposed by Gailey, where contiguous groups of e x i s t i n g s o c i e t i e s w i l l have d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l - economic structures, with s h i f t i n g r e lationships of dominance and subordination. In t h i s d i a l e c t i c a l view state formation w i l l occur i n rather d i f f e r e n t ways, depending on the h i s t o r i c a l context and the linkages between the d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s . In developing a t h e o r e t i c a l model for the subject matter of t h i s paper, two quite d i f f e r e n t concepts w i l l be considered, c u l t u r a l evolution with d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s , 22 exemplified by Spencer's punctuated equilibrium, and Gailey and Patterson's hypothesis concerning combined and uneven development. 23 IV. THE SITUATION IN SOUTH-EASTERN BRITAIN FROM THE EARLY FIRST CENTURY BC to AD 43' In the complex s i t u a t i o n i n south-east B r i t a i n i n the period from the f i r s t century BC to AD 43, change may have been triggered by in t e r n a l forces and stresses within the society, by the t r a d i t i o n a l (but probably i l l u s o r y ) waves of 'Belgic' invaders from continental Europe, by the contact with Rome, or by some combination of two or more of these phenomena. T r a d i t i o n a l l y i t was thought that change was caused by a major 'Belgic' penetration of south-east B r i t a i n from Gaul p r i o r to Caesar's attacks i n 55-54 B.C., either by an e l i t e group or by larger t r i b a l invasions from Belgic Gaul. In the past f i f t e e n years t h i s view has come under increasing attack, and i s now not generally accepted. It was based largely on the reading of a passage from Caesar, and the archaeological record was made to f i t t h i s passage. Recent work on the dating of the Late Iron Age Aylesford-Swarling type cremation cemeteries, and on other new cremation practices t r a d i t i o n a l l y ascribed to 'Belgic' invaders, has shown that the changes attributed to the 'Belgic invasions' took place a f t e r Caesar's attack i n 55-54 B.C. It i s now generally, i f not un i v e r s a l l y , thought that trade and c u l t u r a l contacts were the s i g n i f i c a n t factors i n the process of change, r e f l e c t i n g outside influence rather than d i r e c t immigration or invasion. In t h i s paper t h i s view of Belgic influence, rather than Belgic immigration i s accepted, and the changes i n B r i t i s h society w i l l be 24 examined from the aspect of i n t e r n a l forces at work, plus the e f f e c t of contact and i n t e r a c t i o n with Rome and Gaul. It appears possible that either the concept of 'combined and uneven development' or Spencer's hypothesis of punctuated equilibrium, evolution with d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s , may apply to the p o l i t i e s contending for dominance i n south-eastern B r i t a i n , with the s i t u a t i o n further modified and influenced by the proximity of the Roman state, and the trading a c t i v i t y with that state. In B r i t a i n t h i s area and time period seem to have had an unusually complex process of development, with power s h i f t i n g between a number of groups i n the space of one hundred years. At t h i s time three possible centres of power are known or suspected, i n the Colchester area at Camulodunum, i n the Braughing area at Skeleton Green and Gatesbury, and i n the area of St. Albans at Verulamium, Wheathampstead and Prae Wood, a l l less than 100 km apart 1. The sequence of occupation of the s i t e s seems to have been that the St. Albans area was probably a power centre at the time of Caesar's invasions i n 55 and 54 BC, and that the Colchester area and p a r t i c u l a r l y Camulodunum had become the dominant centre of the Catuvellauni by the time of the Claudian conquest i n AD 43. Braughing, l y i n g more or less on a d i r e c t l i n e between the other two appears to have grown 1. Over the past twenty years there has been a remarkable increase i n the number of archaeological s i t e s discovered of a l l periods, from the N e o l i t h i c to the Medieval. It i s quite l i k e l y that other centres of power w i l l be found i n south-eastern B r i t a i n , and t h i s may require a r e v i s i o n of the sequence proposed here. 25 and decayed during the middle f i f t y years of t h i s period. In the f i n a l stages p r i o r to the Roman conquest, St. Albans and possibly Braughing seem to have revived as regional centres for the r u l i n g dynasty at Camulodunum. I f t h i s sequence of development i s correct, then, as figure 7 shows, the centre of power s h i f t e d from an i n t e r i o r s i t e to a r i v e r s i t e , and f i n a l l y to a coastal s i t e with i t s much greater p o s s i b i l i t i e s for overseas trade and exchange. Haselgrove has examined the function of trade r e l a t i o n s with the Roman empire i n both increasing s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l expansionism i n t h i s area and period. He notes that a new feature i s the contact with an "organized commercial economy", the Roman one (Haselgrove 1982:80). He sees the trade with Rome as a new source of prestige goods, which enabled one group, through control of t h i s trade to move to dominance from a s i t u a t i o n of comparative equality with other groups. In p a r t i c u l a r Cunebolinus, with h i s c a p i t a l at Camulodunum (Colchester) i n the early f i r s t century AD, established control over the previously dominant centres at Verulamlum (St. Albans) i n Hertfordshire, and over areas that had been subordinate to the Hertfordshire e l i t e (Haselgrove 1982) D a r v i l l has suggested that one re s u l t of Caesar's expeditions was the establishment of "formal trading l i n k s " between Rome and south-eastern B r i t a i n . In t h i s core zone from the f i r s t century BC to the early f i r s t century AD the archaeological record shows marked changes i n the settlement 26 patterns, b u r i a l customs and the growth of imports. Locally produced gold, s i l v e r and bronze coinages develop, implying both a prestige use for gold coins and a functional use i n trade for bronze coinage. Oppida develop as a focus for c r a f t a c t i v i t i e s , trade, and the exercise of power. Rich b u r i a l s s t a r t to occur, usually associated with oppida. In general, the period a f t e r Caesar i s associated with very marked s o c i a l and economic changes ( D a r v i l l 1987:162-171). Partridge has proposed that a f t e r Caesar's expeditions the power of Cassivellaunus, h i s p r i n c i p a l opponent, dropped o f f sharply 2. Concurrently a group of small t r i b e s mentioned by Caesar, but not attested d i r e c t l y i n the archaeological record, the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci and Cassl, grew rapid l y i n wealth and power. He locates these t r i b e s between Camulodunum (Colchester) i n Essex, the c a p i t a l at that time of the Trinovantes, and Cassivellaunus' probable oppida i n the St. Albans area. He further suggests that a federation of these small t r i b e s based i t s e l f on the Skeleton Green (Braughing) area, and ultimately under Tasciovanus, known from the legends on h i s coins, became dominant i n the south-east. His probable successor, Cunobelinu3, known from both h i s coinage and the h i s t o r i c a l record, moved the c a p i t a l to the east to Camulodunum (Colchester). This was probably also the 2. After Caesar's invasion Cassivellaunus disappears from the h i s t o r i c a l record. Partridge hypothesizes that he l o s t a large proportion of h i s young nobles and warriors i n the b a t t l e s with the Romans, and that t h i s undermined h i s power base (Partridge 1981:354). 27 c a p i t a l of Caratacua, the son of Cunebolinus, who led the B r i t i s h forces against the Roman invaders i n AD 43 (Partridge 1981:351-356). 28 RESEARCH_QUESTIONSj, HYPOTHESES AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS: ~ : " ~ ~ A MODEL ' " " ~ In t h i s thesis an attempt has been made to answer the general and s p e c i f i c research questions set out below. To t h i s end a general hypothesis has been developed, along with i t s implications. From t h i s general hypothesis three s p e c i f i c hypotheses were evolved, together with t h e i r consequences. Four s p e c i f i c research questions and a model have been propounded for t e s t i n g against the archaeological and l i t e r a r y data available. X • Clej3^al_._R^^ a) What were the c u l t u r a l evolutionary or other processes, detectable i n the archaeological record, at work i n transforming the Late Iron Age small t r i b a l groups i n south-east England into a dominant proto-state, that of Cunebolinus, between the 55/54 BC expeditions of Caesar, and AD 43, the conquest by Rome? Was t h i s an example of a punctuated equilibrium, c u l t u r a l evolution with ' d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s , or a case of "combined and uneven development"? b) Was t h i s a l o c a l l y engendered phenomenon, r e s u l t i n g from i n t e r n a l s t r a i n s and tensions, was i t i n i t i a t e d or augmented by outside forces, or was i t a combination of the two influences? Can l o c a l e f f e c t s and outside forces be distinguished i n the archaeological record? There would c e r t a i n l y appear to have been the p o s s i b i l i t y for s o c i a l change and evolution based largely on 29 internal forces, as happened i n the t h i r d and fourth centuries BC (Bradley 1984). Change due to d i r e c t Roman influence might be f e l t i n both the economic (trade) and p o l i t i c a l f i e l d s . There i s substantial evidence for trade, but was t h i s a cause or an e f f e c t of in t e r n a l change? I f the Romans were aggressively pursuing new markets i n B r i t a i n , t h i s tends to suggest trade as a cause of s o c i a l change. I f , on the other hand, the B r i t i s h e l i t e were promoting trade to strengthen or sustain t h e i r p o s i t i o n , then i t i s an e f f e c t . On the p o l i t i c a l front the Romans might desire to extend t h e i r influence to B r i t a i n , either to s t a b i l i z e t h e i r f r o n t i e r , or as a prelude to expansion. In B r i t a i n the l o c a l e l i t e s might wish to obtain Roman help i n t h e i r i n t e r -e l i t e c o n f l i c t s , or might regard Rome as the greatest threat, and wish to minimize Roman p o l i t i c a l influence. Were the Romans thrusting themselves into B r i t a i n , or were they being drawn i n r e l u c t a n t l y at the behest of B r i t i s h chiefs? In the archaeological record i t may be possible to di s t i n g u i s h the two cases. Put simply, i f the Romans were pushing i n , one would expect Roman trade and p o l i t i c a l influence to show i n the archaeological record over most of the area accessible to them, the south and south-east of B r i t a i n . I f , on the other hand, some pa r t i c u l a r e l i t e s were seeking Roman trade or p o l i t i c a l help, then Roman a r t i f a c t s and c u l t u r a l t r a i t s should appear predominantly, or at least more frequently, i n the area of 30 those e l i t e s . A complication could be that both processes were going on at the same time 1. The l i t e r a r y evidence i s inconclusive on t h i s point, and i f anything suggests that both processes were operating. There are accounts of displaced B r i t i s h c h i e f t a i n s appealing to Rome for help, but there are also accounts of unsought honours and friendship accorded to B r i t i s h kings. The nature of the trading contacts are spelt out by Strabo i n some d e t a i l , and tend to suggest that the Romans were a c t i v e l y seeking c e r t a i n B r i t i s h products. The two active Roman interventions with force before the f i n a l conquest were Caesar's invasions of 55/54 BC. Broadly the B r i t i s h of southern and eastern B r i t a i n seem to have been h o s t i l e ca. 55/54 BC, then i n general f r i e n d l y f o r about eighty years u n t i l the death of Cunebolinus, and then h o s t i l e again under his successors, Caratacus and Togodumnua (Caesar B.G.:IV, 20-37, V 9-23; Strabo 11,5,8, IV,5,3; Suetonius, Claudius:17; Tac i t u s , Ann.:2.24) 2. 1. In either case Willey's t r a i t - u n i t intrusions Bl and B2 seem to occur (Willey 1956). For coinage the B2 t r a i t - u n i t , fusion with dominance of the corresponding part of the receiving culture occurs. On the other hand for pottery the Bl t r a i t - u n i t , adoption without modification and without fusion happens. For the period covered i n t h i s paper imported and l o c a l pottery remain largely .separate and maintain t h e i r own t r a d i t i o n s , although l o c a l copies of imports were made. 2. This i s a broadly correct but somewhat s i m p l i f i e d picture. For example the southern Atrebatea, under t h e i r successive r u l e r s , Tincommiua, Epplllua, Verica and Cogidubnus, remained f r i e n d l y to Rome throughout. Cogidubnua, the l a s t of the l i n e , remained a c l i e n t king i n Roman B r i t a i n u n t i l h i s death, probably i n the mid 60s AD (Barrett 1979: Frere 1987:29-30). 31 ^TTA..&.>-> . . . . . . . . . .^i^.^^,!^^.^^ r^^T.^ff ^^J^^USr^^^ • • • .^jfc^l.3e..fa^—..!JL'.33i.Q..^..X The following general hypothesis w i l l be tested i n t h i s paper: Between the expeditions of Caesar 55/54 BC, and the Claudian conquest by Aulus Plautius i n AD 43, the south-east of B r i t a i n went through an evolution from "small scale p o l i t i c a l u nits engaged i n continual competition" (Bradley 1984:147), to a proto-state l e v e l society. This took place, not as a smooth evolutionary process, but as a succession of sharp d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n the structure of society, a manifestation of either punctuated equilibrium i n c u l t u r a l evolution, or of "combined and uneven development", r e s u l t i n g from tensions, stress and in t e r a c t i o n between the t r i b a l groups i n the area, with quite d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of sophisti c a t i o n i n t h e i r s o c i a l structures. The Roman intervention i n the area i n 55/54 BC was probably a tri g g e r i n g event, and the e a r l i e r Roman trade penetration helped accelerate the process. This culminated i n the dominance of the Catuvellaunl led by Caratacus, based on his oppidum at Camulodunum (Colchester). In order to validate t h i s general hypothesis the following changes and processes must be demonstrated: a) Society changed from an organization of a number of chiefdoms of approximately equal power to one where a paramount chief or king ruled over a large part of south-eastern B r i t a i n . 32 b) This r u l e r ' s t e r r i t o r y and society should show evidence of i n c i p i e n t state l e v e l organization, i n the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power, and the organization of control mechanisms. c) The changes did not involve a steady growth based on one centre, but involved well marked s h i f t s i n control from one centre to another as successive groups acquired at least a temporary mastery. d) The processes included Roman trade penetration, expansion of the t e r r i t o r y controlled by the successive paramount chiefs i n southern B r i t a i n , and e x p l o i t a t i o n by the r u l e r of both the t e r r i t o r y under h i s d i r e c t control, and of the hinterland to the north and west. 3L. Spjej3.i£i.G„Hypoi.]i^  HypotliesJLs The s p e c i f i c hypotheses to be tested are: a) In south-east England, i n the zone between the Verulamium (St. Albans) area and Camulodunum (Colchester), see Map 1., a number of small and middle- sized independent chiefdoms were drawn together into a proto-state between ca. 55 BC and AD 43. In t h i s process two groups successively rose to dominance, the f i r s t based on Skeleton Green, near Braughing, Hertfordshire, and the second based on Camulodunum (Colchester) i n Essex. These centres replaced the previous centre at Wheathampstead, 33 near St. Albans, which was dominant p r i o r to Caesar's raids of 55/54 B.C. b) There was a temporal and s p a t i a l change i n the centre of power, the centre of trade and exchange, both i n t e r n a l and external. The centre moved successively from Wheathampstead i n the period before 55 B.C., to Braughing by the end of the millenium, and to Colchester on an eastern coastal estuary by the early f i r s t century A.D. c) The growth of the dominance of the group based on Colchester, the Catuvellauni, led by Cunebolinus, was b u i l t on ex p l o i t a t i o n of both the in t e r n a l resources of the kingdom, increased exchange and tri b u t e exactions from the less organized and structured periphereal areas to the north and west, and the extension of trade with Rome. 4. Implications of the Sp e c i f i c Hypotheses When a number of smaller chiefdoms are pulled together into a proto-state, the development of a major central place or c a p i t a l would be expected, as a focus for both the r i t u a l s surrounding and r e i n f o r c i n g the status of the king, and as an administrative and c o n t r o l l i n g centre. The founding and growth of such a centre should be perceptible in the archaeological record. The former small central places of the chiefdoms could remain about the same si z e , i f the chief had made a w i l l i n g submission to the new overlord. However, a change i n e l i t e a r t i f a c t s should occur, as the new subject chief received prestige goods from the overlord. For example a sudden appearance of gold coins, minted by the 34 king, i n the subject chief's c a p i t a l , suggests a new rela t i o n s h i p . For chiefdoms which had r e s i s t e d absorption, and whose chief had been displaced, two alte r n a t i v e outcomes are possible. The peasants might be given a new overlord, a retainer of the successful king, or they might become l i t t l e more than slaves on a king's estate. In the f i r s t case there should be a break i n the e l i t e dwellings and a r t i f a c t s at the s i t e , as the 'foreign' e l i t e takes over. In the second case the former chiefdom's central place would decline i n size and complexity, and e l i t e items would disappear. Thus, i n summary, with the scenario described i n the hypotheses above, one would expect to f i n d a new c a p i t a l , or a much expanded old central place functioning as the new c a p i t a l , with concurrent varying changes i n the smaller centres within the new proto-state. In p a r t i c u l a r the St. Albans area should show a decline from about 54 BC, while concurrently the s i t e at Braughing should grow and acquire a wider range of e l i t e goods. S i m i l a r l y i n the early f i r s t century AD, the Braughing s i t e should show a decline and, possibly even abandonment, as Colchester expands. There could also be other changes i n the s o c i a l , economic and c u l t u r a l patterns, for example, subordinate regional centres might develop and a very probable change would be the practice of e l i t e b u r i a l s for the new kingly f a m i l i e s . Again t h i s should be detectable i n the archaeological record. 35 With power and control of trade (intra-chiefdom, internal B r i t i s h , and overseas trade) moving from the St. Albans area to Colchester, as proposed i n s p e c i f i c hypothesis b), two e f f e c t s should be expected. In succession each area would develop workshops, and the debris of workshops, making goods for trade and exchange, and possibly a mint 3. This general phenomenon i s well attested at a number of Late Iron Age major centres i n B r i t a i n , Hengistbury Head, Mountbatten, Camulodunum, and Skeleton Green ( C u n l i f f e 1989a, 1987; Hawkes and H u l l 1947; Partridge 1981). The workshops would expand and decline i n p a r a l l e l with the p o l i t i c a l and economic importance of the centre. Secondly, as each area becomes a trading centre, a scatter of low and medium l e v e l value l o c a l coins should appear, either as the state's payment for low l e v e l services, or as the medium of exchange for the smaller transactions. Locally minted B r i t i s h coinage should predominate but some Gaulish and Roman coins might probably be used. The presence of medium and higher value 'foreign' coins might also be expected i f overseas trade developed 4. A c o r o l l a r y to the use of coins i s that, because the minting 3. Coin moulds have been recovered from several Late Iron Age oppida s i t e s i n south-eastern B r i t a i n (Partridge 1981) 4. Evidence on t h i s point i s contentious. In the f i r s t few centuries a f t e r the introduction of coinage i n the Mediterranean the coinage of the trading c i t y states of Greece, Magna Graecia and the H e l l e n i s t i c world tended to have a r e s t r i c t e d c i r c u l a t i o n within t h e i r geographic boundaries (Kraay 1976). However, the s i l v e r coinage of 5th. century Athens appears to have been used over much of the Aegean. The low value Athenian coinage, the obol was used to pay c i t i z e n s for services to the state, such as service i n the triremes (Rutter 1983:31-35). 36 of l o c a l coinage only started i n the Late Iron Age i n B r i t a i n , i t would be expected that the amount of low value coinage i n use would increase as the proto-state became more centralized, and with t i g h t e r control over economic a c t i v i t i e s . The s p e c i f i c implications of hypothesis c) are that the range of types of goods and the volume of goods exchanged with, or exacted as t r i b u t e from, the less organized periphereal t r i b a l groups should expand. S i m i l a r l y the types and volume of goods imported from overseas should increase. IL, JapejCiifJ^^ a) Is there evidence i n the archaeological record which w i l l demonstrate the period and i n t e n s i t y of occupation at the three areas, St. Albans, Braughing and Colchester, and i n p a r t i c u l a r evidence for successive occupations as power centres between the early f i r s t century BC and AD 43? b) Is there evidence for the expansion of the sphere of influence of these areas, successively or simultaneously, and for the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i o n of the peripheral areas? c) Is there evidence for the growth of a power centre at Braughing, by the federation or consolidation of several smaller groups, and then for a s h i f t of the power centre to Colchester under the Catuvellauni? Is there evidence for a r e v i v a l of St. Albans and Braughing as regional centres l a t e r i n the period? 37 d) Is there evidence for increasing trade between B r i t a i n and the Roman world, I t a l y , Gaul, the Rhineland and Spain, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the l a t e r 1st century BC and on up to AD 43? Evidence for increasing trade would be larger amounts of s p e c i f i c imports, amphorae, Gaulish and Roman pottery, glassware and luxury items such as jewellry. An affirmative answer to question a) w i l l support s p e c i f i c hypothesis a). Affirmative answers to questions b) and d) w i l l support s p e c i f i c hypothesis c ) , and an affirmative answer to question c) w i l l support s p e c i f i c hypothesis b). 6. A Theoretical Basis for the Model A b r i e f summary of the h i s t o r i c a l background to the si t u a t i o n i n south-eastern B r i t a i n has been given i n chapter 3, as part of the review of t h e o r e t i c a l concepts which might be used. In t h i s section the p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r e t i c a l basis for the model to be used i s developed. The p o l i t i c a l changes i n southern and eastern B r i t a i n i n the period 55 BC to AD 43 most probably r e f l e c t a case of secondary proto-state formation i n the shadow of the Roman Empire. The archaeological and l i t e r a r y evidence suggests several sharp d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structures i n the hundred year period. However they were more i n the form of the rapid development of larger s o c i a l units, proto-states, and the r i s e and f a l l of successive e l i t e s , rather than d r a s t i c changes i n the peasant family or small community l e v e l of society as a whole. In general the 38 picture i s of p o l i t i e s i n southern and eastern B r i t a i n contending for dominance. These groups were at a more sophisticated l e v e l of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization than the t r i b e s i n the peripheral areas and hinterland. Although the apparent sequence of events i n B r i t a i n might seem to f i t either Spencer's or Patterson's model, there are d i f f i c u l t i e s . One i s that i n B r i t a i n a proto-state rather than a state was developing. It might have gone on to acquire the " i n t e r n a l administrative s p e c i a l i z a t i o n " that Spencer proposes for a state, but the evidence suggests administration and regulation from one centre, Camulodunum (Colchester), with possibly limited decentralization to the St. Albans and Braughing areas. Its poten t i a l was cut short by the Roman conquest. The evidence for public or ceremonial buildings i n the c a p i t a l i s s l i g h t , p a rtly because of the probable timber, wattle-and-daub, and thatched construction, and p a r t l y because only a very limited area has been excavated. However, there are the very massive earthworks, the 'dykes', implying either voluntary communal e f f o r t or a corvee. The st r a t i g r a p h i c evidence indicates that the dykes were b u i l t i n a f a i r l y short period, and not over decades or centuries. Coinage was minted and c i r c u l a t e d , and the evidence for manufacture and trade suggests an i n c i p i e n t mercantile society, producing at least some commodities or goods for exchange rather than consumption. 39 The c u l t u r a l evolution with punctuated equilibrium approach of Spencer i s one that allows a f a i r l y generalized t h e o r e t i c a l approach, which should be widely applicable. With the neo-Marxist / h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t hypothesis proposed by Patterson and G l e d h i l l , the s i t u a t i o n i s considered unique, moulded and affected by the constraints and forces of i t s h i s t o r i c a l context. It appears that both concepts can have v a l i d i t y , but i n rather d i f f e r e n t time frames. The evolutionary concept i s e s s e n t i a l l y a longer cycle phenomenon, either proceeding as a smooth continuum with minute increments of change occurring a l l the time, or more probably as a series of long periods of r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y with l i t t l e change, punctuated by sharp d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s and short periods of intensive change. The short periods of intensive change w i l l be unique events i n t h e i r temporal and l o c a t i o n a l contexts. Depending on the h i s t o r i c a l constraints and stresses, the course of events may have more than one possible trajectory. The actual outcome w i l l be determined by the set of conditions i n the p a r t i c u l a r time and place, and not necessarily by a general theory. Once the short period of intensive change dies out, then another period of predictable s t a b i l i t y w i l l resume. One problem with the approach of Patterson and G l e d h i l l i s that i t does not r e a l l y account for preceeding and subsequent events, and i s most e a s i l y used a f t e r the f a c t . 40 In the case discussed i n t h i s paper, i t would appear that a case of intensive change i n a b r i e f time frame i s occurring, but embedded within a longer cycle evolutionary framework. There had been some marked changes i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structure i n the previous few centuries as B r i t i s h society moved from the Late Bronze Age through the Early and Middle Iron Ages, but not changes of the r a p i d i t y and scale that happened between 55 BC and AD 43. These periods of change were preceeded by m i l l e n i a of r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y , punctuated by occasional short periods of intensive change, throughout the P a l e o l i t h i c and Neolithic epochs. The t h e o r e t i c a l model used i n t h i s paper w i l l employ the concepts advanced by Spencer and drawn from Gould i n h i s paper. His application i s i n biology and botany, but the broad concepts are equally applicable to c u l t u r a l evolution. As Gould sees i t : Evolution i s a h i e r a r c h i c a l process with complementary, but d i f f e r e n t modes of change at i t s three major le v e l s , v a r i a t i o n within population, speciation, and patterns of macroevolution. Speciation i s not always an extension of gradual adaptive a l l e l i c s u b s titution to greater e f f e c t , , but may represent as Goldschmidt argued, a d i f f e r e n t s t y l e of genetic change-rapid reorganization of the genome, perhaps non-adaptive. Macroevolutionary trends do not ari s e from the gradual adaptive transformation of populations, but usually from a higher order s e l e c t i o n operating upon groups of species, .... A new and general theory of evolution w i l l embody t h i s notion of hierarchy and stress a v a r i e t y of themes either ignored or e x p l i c i t l y rejected by the modern synthesis: punctuational change at a l l l e v e l s , important non-adaptive change at a l l l e v e l s , control of evolution not only by selection, but equally by constraints of history, development and architecture-41 thus restoring to evolutionary theory a concept of organism. (Gould 1980) The s i t u a t i o n i n south-eastern B r i t a i n between ca. 55-54 BC and AD 43 appears to be one of punctuational change, with "control of evolution...equally by constraints of history, development and architecture...." In the long chain of c u l t u r a l evolution i n B r i t a i n , the archaeological record shows evidence for stable hunter-gatherer s o c i e t i e s surviving over several m i l l e n i a up to ca. 3500 BC This was followed by three phases of N e o l i t h i c farming communities, showing increasing complexity of s o c i a l organization and improving technology, followed by the introduction of bronze and bronze weapons ( D a r v i l l 1987). By about 600 BC, with iron i n common use, a more turbulent period emerged, with the development of a h i l l f o r t based society. Society broke up into smaller groups with d i s t i n c t regional c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ( D a r v i l l op. cit.:133). By the late second and early f i r s t century BC i n the south-east, h i l l f o r t s went out of use and are succeeded by oppida, large r e l a t i v e l y undefended settlements. At the same time an intense inter-chiefdom struggle developed for a dominant pos i t i o n . S t a b i l i t y i n society ends, and south-eastern B r i t a i n moves into a period of punctuated change, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y of combined and uneven development. 42 7~.* The M.Q.de.1 The model, based on Partridge's hypothesis (Partridge 1981:353-6), i s of a group of chiefdoms, the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci and Cassl, sandwiched between two large chiefdoms, that of Catuvellaunua to the west, based at St. Albans, and the Trinovantes to the east i n north Essex. Caesar stated that these small t r i b e s made peace with Rome, presumably i n part as a s h i e l d from t h e i r more powerful neighbours 6. Catuvellaunua' kingdom, afte r h i s defeat by Caesar was weak, and the Trinovantes to the east were not warlike. This temporal s i t u a t i o n , and the loc a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n of the small chiefdoms i n the Braughing area, between St. Albans and Essex, allowed them to expand t h e i r influence, consolidate into one group, move f i r s t to the west to take over the St. Albans area and l a t e r to the east to take control of north Essex from the Trinovantes. F i n a l l y a new c a p i t a l was established at Camulodunum (Colchester), with the beginnings of the development of a proto-state, with regional centres established at St. Albans, and probably at Braughing. 5. Caesar's statement i s the only evidence for the existence of these t r i b e s . To date there i s no archaeological evidence. The Trinovantes are the group for which there i s the most s o l i d evidence, l i t e r a r y and archaeological. The chiefdom of Cassivellaunus i s mentioned several times i n Caesar. A number of s i t e s i n Hertfordshire, including Wheathampstead and Prae Wood, have been proposed as a possible c a p i t a l for him, but the evidence i s circumstantial, not d e f i n i t e . One by-product of t h i s thesis could be a firmer p o s i t i o n for the existence of these smaller t r i b a l groups. 43 The broad implications of the model are: a) In the St. Albans area there should be a s i t e or s i t e s of a chiefdom, possibly Wheathampstead, showing evidence of pre-Caesarian occupation , followed by a decline. This may have associated c h i e f l y b u r i a l s . By the time of the Claudian conquest there may be one or more s i t e s developing as regional centres, at Prae Wood, Verulamium (St. Albans) or Skeleton Green, to the c a p i t a l at Camulodunum (Colchester). Associated with the regional centre or centres should be r i c h intermediate b u r i a l s with the post Caesarian Aylesford-Swarling cremation r i t e 6 . b) In the Braughing area there should be a s i t e l a t e r than Wheathampstead and showing rapid growth as the minor chiefdoms concentrated t h e i r power, and then a decline to a regional centre when the c a p i t a l moved to Camulodunum (Colchester). There should be some evidence of e l i t e and intermediate Aylesford-Swarling type cremation b u r i a l s . c) In the Colchester area, when Braughing and St. Albans declined, the largest s i t e of the three, Camulodunum should develop as the c a p i t a l of the emerging proto-state. This s i t e should exist up to the Roman conquest i n AD 43, and probably i n a Romanized form a f t e r the conquest 7 ,. Again Camulodunum (Colchester) should show evidence for late and probably r i c h e r royal and e l i t e cremation b u r i a l s than e a r l i e r s i t e s . 6. The e l i t e or royal b u r i a l s should appear at Camulodunum. 7. Roman towns and centres i n B r i t a i n are frequently on the s i t e of, or adjacent to, pre-Roman oppida or major v a l l e y settlements (Corney 1984; Fulford 1986,1984; Wacher 1978). 44 8. S p e c i f i c implications from the Model Sp e c i f i c implications of the model for the archaeological record have been defined for each type of a r t i f a c t or feature/structure, including pottery (Roman, Gallo-Belgic and native wares), amphorae, coins, brooches, earthworks and buildings, and b u r i a l s . Other classes of a r t i f a c t noted i n the excavation reports, glass, iron and bronze metalwork, jewellery and miscellaneous items occurred either i n quantities which were too small for meaningful i n t e r - s i t e comparison, i n an undefinable form (for example "piece of bronze"), or occurred only at one s i t e , a l Poitery. The pottery can be subdivided into three classes, Roman (Arretine and South Gaulish ware, or terra sigillata), Gallo-Belgic imports from Gaul (mostly t e r r a nigra, t e r r a rubra and mica-dusted wares, and mortaria), and native wares. I f the model i s v a l i d the following patterns should appear:-These should be minimal or non-existant at Wheathampstead, should appear at Braughing and Prae Wood (St. Albans), and be most p l e n t i f u l at Colchester. These should follow a s i m i l a r pattern to the Roman imports. 45 X..3J Es&±veJitlajc.gg, These should be predominant at Wheathampstead, and s t i l l make up the bulk of the pottery at the other two s i t e s . Local copies of imports should begin to appear at Prae Wood and Braughing, and should be present as a higher percentage of the t o t a l native wares at Colchester, b) Amphorae Amphorae were used as containers for wine, o l i v e o i l , f i s h sauce and other luxury comestibles traded to B r i t a i n . In the period covered i n t h i s thesis they were a l l imported. Roman amphorae have d i s t i n c t s t y l i s t i c changes depending on the period and t h e i r place of manufacture. The amphorae from the excavations were o r i g i n a l l y c l a s s i f i e d under a number of d i f f e r e n t systems, Dressel, Haltern, Loeschcke, Pascual, Hofheim and Camulodunum. For the purposes of t h i s paper, and to make comparisons possible, they have been r e c l a s s i f i e d into one system, that proposed by Peacock and Williams i n Amphorae and the Roman Economy (Peacock and Williams 1986). In general no amphorae, or only early ones, such as Dressel I or Class 4, should be present at Wheathampstead. Braughing should have more amphorae, and possibly from more than one source. Colchester should have the largest number, both i n v a riety, and i n the number of sources from which they came. 46 c) Coins By the middle of the time period examined i n t h i s paper, B r i t i s h Iron Age coinage was usually inscribed either with the name of the ru l e r , or the name of the t r i b e , and sometimes with the name of the mint. In some cases both the r u l e r ' s name and the mint appear. The production and use of coinage should increase with increasing s o c i a l complexity 8. The geographic spread of the coinage should r e f l e c t the area ruled by, a l l i e d to, or under the influence of the ru l e r issuing the coinage. Coin d i s t r i b u t i o n s may also indicate trading patterns. B r i t i s h Iron Age coins, p a r t i c u l a r l y inscribed coins should be minimal or non-existent at Wheathampstead, should be i n reasonable supply at Braughing, e s p e c i a l l y i n the l a t e r pre-Roman phases, and at Colchester should be more p l e n t i f u l , and r e f l e c t the predominance of one rul e r Cunebolinus. A further expectation from the coin finds would be that the o v e r a l l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the coins would increase, as the area governed by one r u l e r expanded. Coins of the Braughing r u l e r or r u l e r s should have a f a i r l y l o c a l 8. In the C l a s s i c a l world coins f i r s t appeared about the 8th. century BC i n Asia Minor. They were t e c h n i c a l l y and a r t i s t i c a l l y of high quality, with a lim i t e d d i s t r i b u t i o n and were almost c e r t a i n l y prestige items. By the late 1st. century BC coinage was i n everyday use i n the Roman world i n both high and low value denominations. One p r i n c i p a l use was for army pay. In B r i t a i n at t h i s period low value potin and bronze coins were i n c i r c u l a t i o n , and t h i s suggests a more complex economy and society. 47 d i s t r i b u t i o n , while those of Cunebolinus should be recovered from a much wider area. There should also be changes i n the grouping of the d i f f e r e n t classes of coins, gold, s i l v e r , p o t i n 9 and bronze. E a r l i e r coins would tend to be gold or s i l v e r , for use as prestige items or payments among the e l i t e . For t h i s period t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n might i d e n t i f y possible centres of the e l i t e c l a s s . As society became more complex, low value coins would appear, either to pay for subordinate l e v e l service, or or for use i n trade and exchange. At the same time the gold and s i l v e r coinage would tend to concentrate at the c a p i t a l and regional centres, the home base of the king and h i s immediately subordinate e l i t e group, d) Brooches One large f i n d has been published, 237 brooches from the 472 b u r i a l s at King Harry Lane (St. Albans) (Stead and Rigby 1989). Of the 237, 50 were from contexts that can be f i r m l y dated to the period under study. Only t h i r t y -three brooches were recovered from datable contexts at a l l the other excavations. Some were imported, and some were manufactured l o c a l l y . 9. Potin coinage was a low value usually uninscribed cast t i n and bronze a l l o y coinage, occurring i n areas i n southern B r i t a i n , but with the largest concentration along the Thames va l l e y . When new they had a s i l v e r y appearance. They probably evolved from Gaulish types, which i n turn were derived from the bronze coinage of Massilia (Marseilles) (Allen 1960:122). 48 In general, with increasing s o c i a l complexity, two hypotheses appear possible. In one the increasing complexity and size of the s o c i a l unit, and the increase in trade might both be r e f l e c t e d i n increasing v a r i e t y i n the types of brooches used by d i f f e r e n t classes, and a higher proportion of prestige imports. With the alternative hypothesis, while prestige imports would s t i l l be numerous, the va r i e t y of types might be r e s t r i c t e d by sumptuary laws or customs. Conceivably both hypotheses could be v a l i d , but at d i f f e r e n t time periods. For the s i t u a t i o n i n B r i t a i n at t h i s time the f i r s t hypothesis i s considered more l i k e l y , i n part because of the f l u i d and rapid l y changing s o c i a l structure with i n s u f f i c i e n t time for new sumptuary customs to become established. The pattern should be a minimum of var i e t y and imports at Wheathampstead, more at Braughing, and the most at Colchester. eJ. JB.ur_i.als. P r i o r to Caesar's invasions of 55-54 BC, inhumation i n f l a t graves was the normal r i t e . Shortly a f t e r 55-54 BC, cremation followed by b u r i a l i n a f l a t grave with some grave goods became the usual practice i n south-eastern B r i t a i n . The excavations at Aylesford (Evans 1890), and Swarling (Bushe-Fox 1925), established the type s i t e for t h i s b u r i a l practice. The implications of the s p e c i f i c hypotheses are that pre-Caesarian Wheathampstead i s most u n l i k e l y to have 49 associated cremation b u r i a l s . Cremation b u r i a l s of the Aylesford-Swarling type and e l i t e b u r i a l s should be associated with the Braughing s i t e . Prae Wood and Verulamium (St. Albans) as a possible l a t e r regional centre may have cremation b u r i a l s of the Aylesford-Swarling type, and possibly some middle l e v e l e l i t e b u r i a l s . Colchester should have the ric h e s t e l i t e b u r i a l s , as well as cremation b u r i a l s of the Aylesford-Swarling type, f) Earthworks From the archaeological evidence the main part of each of the earthworks associated with t h i s study, although b u i l t at d i f f e r e n t periods, was b u i l t i n a r e l a t i v e l y short space of time, perhaps ten to f i f t e e n years. In general t h e i r size would have required a communal e f f o r t , either voluntary, or a corvee. Those at Prae Wood (St. Albans), Braughing and Colchester are on the flanks of h i l l s , or spreading out onto plains or low plateaus. As group they define an area rather than enclose i t . Wheathampstead's earthworks probably had a defensive purpose, but the impression at the other s i t e s i s more of stock enclosures, or boundary delineation. Those at Camulodunum may have made a statement of prestige, as wel as serving functional purposes. If earthworks for a l l these purposes, defensive, boundary markers, stock enclosure, or a statement of prestige, were a common c u l t u r a l t r a i t throughout the 50 period, then one hypothesis would be that they should increase i n size and complexity with time. However t h e i r functions are obviously d i f f e r e n t . Some are purely defensive, some are just part of the animal husbandry system, some are boundary markers, and some have elements of more than one function. The s p e c i f i c implications proposed are based on a change i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization. At the Wheathampstead enclosed area, where the surviving work was sectioned by Wheeler i n the 1930s, i t proved to be a ditch 40m wide and 12m deep, with the earth and s p o i l spread mainly on the inner l i p , with only a small amount on the outer l i p . This suggests the Late Iron Age h i l l f o r t of a l o c a l chiefdom, a defensive structure, appropriate to a period when Cassivellaunus was aggressively expanding h i s sphere of control while surrounded by h o s t i l e neighbours. After h i s defeat by Caesar, the power struggle i n south-eastern B r i t a i n was i n i t i a l l y among smaller groups, operating i n part under the protection of t r e a t i e s with Rome. These had neither the resources, the time, nor the need for a defensive enclosure, but did need stock enclosures. With the supremacy of Cunebolinus established by the beginning of the f i r s t century AD, and the founding of a new c a p i t a l at Camulodunum (Colchester), there were both the resources and the need to b u i l d a massive series of earthworks, some defensive, some to define t e r r i t o r y and some to demonstrate prestige, as well as the more 51 mundane requirement for stock control. The implications for t h i s scenario are a defensive enclosure i n the Wheathampstead phase, stock control enclosures at Prae Wood and Skeleton Green, and boundary markers and prestige monuments i n the Camulodunum (Colchester) phase, with some lesser earthworks for stock enclosure' within the boundary markers. £1_ Buildings For buildings the implications from the hypotheses are: -(1) Increasing s o c i a l complexity from Wheathampstead through Prae Wood, Verulamium, Skeleton Green and Camulodunum should be r e f l e c t e d i n a wider range of sizes and types of dwelling, as a r e s u l t of more s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and classes i n society. (2) At Camulodunum (Colchester) and possibly at Braughing and Verulamium (St. Albans), one or more quite d i f f e r e n t high status buildings should appear as royal residences. 52 VI. THE SOURCES OF THE DATA There are two p r i n c i p a l sources for the period 55 BC to AD 43 i n B r i t a i n , the published reports on the archaeological record and the ancient l i t e r a r y sources. l.» I!h^ ._Li±ej_-.ar„y SQU.r.C„e,3 In the past there has been a great tendency to regard the l i t e r a r y sources as accurate, and to t r y to f i t or match the archaeological facts to the h i s t o r i c a l accounts. A match between the two sources has been rare, or i s made "often at the cost of severe d i s t o r t i o n " (Megaw and Simpson 1979:347). How 'hard' i s the l i t e r a r y evidence? It was written most commonly by people i n an e l i t e group, or by people attached to the int e r e s t s of an e l i t e group. Much of i t i s favourable or unfavourable reporting, or outright propaganda, for or against a person or in t e r e s t . The authors were often- completely u n c r i t i c a l i n using the work of e a r l i e r writers, and very frequently gave no a t t r i b u t i o n for material that was outside t h e i r personal knowledge. For example Caesar's Gallic Wars were probably intended to present him i n a favourable l i g h t to the people, and possibly the senate, i n Rome. Tacitus' work on Agricola, h i s father-in-law, i s an eulogy, intended to present a picture of a b r i l l i a n t and s e l f l e s s general, thwarted by a cruel and v i n d i c t i v e emperor. A further problem i s that s t y l e was often regarded as more important than content (Mann and Penman 1977:4-6). 53 Is the l i t e r a r y evidence then of any value to the archaeologist? The answer i s probably "yes", but not as a primary source of evidence. In using the l i t e r a r y sources the standard questions must be asked, who wrote i t , when and for what purpose? A contemporary account by a participant i s l i k e l y to be more accurate about what he saw, did or thought, or what he believed he saw, did or thought, than an account written tens or even hundreds of years aft e r the events. Was a "history" written to promote or defend an interest? Can the r e l i a b i l i t y of the author be checked against other non-literary evidence? Probably the chief value of the l i t e r a r y sources i s that they can provide a broad background, as well as information or hints on s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization, r e l i g i o u s customs and r i t u a l s and other c u l t u r a l t r a i t s that may leave l i t t l e or no trace i n the archaeological record. One caveat with most of the Roman and Greek l i t e r a r y sources i s that we do not have the o r i g i n a l s , but only medieval copies, often i n several versions, and frequently incomplete or fragmentary. The exceptions are the i n t a c t , or su b s t a n t i a l l y intact i n s c r i p t i o n s that have survived from public buildings, monuments, a l t a r s and tombstones, such as the res gestae divi Augusti, together with the occasional g r a f f i t i . In t h i s paper the l i t e r a r y sources w i l l be used only as secondary evidence, and then primarily i n the discussions and conclusions to amplify or c l a r i f y the archaeological 54 data. In a few cases the l i t e r a r y evidence i s the only evidence. For example, Strabo's statement that "dogs suitable for hunting" were part of the exports from B r i t a i n i s the only evidence for t h i s "fact" (Strabo IV,5,2). Inscribed coinage has been extensively studied and reported. Discussion of t h i s as another source for written evidence, mainly giving r u l e r s ' names, t i t l e s , and mints i s included with the review and evaluation of the coin finds i n Chapter X. A l i s t of the l i t e r a r y sources, with a b r i e f description of t h e i r contents i s given i n Appendix A. 2_= Ihe„jy^haep lojgjcalJFtejc^&d, Obviously the archaeological 'facts', the shape,size, location and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of a r t i f a c t s , structures and buildings are f a i r l y 'hard' evidence, provided that the excavator has been s k i l f u l and competent. However, the archaeologist's interpretation of the material i s often unavoidably quite subjective, depending on h i s 'school', and h i s t h e o r e t i c a l , scholastic and personal biases. Quite often diametrically opposed conclusions w i l l be drawn from the same set of 'hard' archaeological f a c t s , as i n Hodder's and Binford's disagreement over the "post-processual" approach (Hodder 1986:171). Nevertheless, i n the long run, a consensus or s i g n i f i c a n t majority i n t e r p r e t a t i o n can often be reached. The archaeological record, i n addition to the normal features, a r t i f a c t s and ecofacts recovered during 55 excavation, may include c e r t a i n a r t i f a c t s carrying additional information, for example inscribed and datable coins or objects with dedicatory i n s c r i p t i o n s . 3. Archaeological Source Material (Monographs, A r t i c l e s and Eubj_ts.ai„imisl The material used i n t h i s thesis f a l l s into several broad categories. Apart, from the l i t e r a r y - h i s t o r i c a l sources discussed i n section 1 above, the following sources were used: a) Excavation reports for the main s i t e s : (1) Wheathampstead, Prae Wood, King Harry Lane, Verulamium, and Welwyn i n the St. Albans area, (2) Skeleton Green, Gatesbury and Wickham H i l l i n the Braughing area. (3) Camulodunum, Sheepen and Gosbecks Farm i n the Colchester area. b) Excavation reports for a number of minor periphereal s i t e s and excavations have also been u t i l i z e d . Many of these have been done by l o c a l archaeological s o c i e t i e s , are reported b r i e f l y i n s l i g h t l y obscure county publications, but are far more recent than the main excavations done i n the 1930s. c) S p e c i a l i s t studies on pottery, coins, amphorae, brooches, earthworks, buildings and b u r i a l s . d) Recent works of synthesis or summary and review for the period and area being studied. As noted e a r l i e r there has been a r e v i s i o n i n the interpretation of the Late 56 B r i t i s h Iron Age i n the l a s t ten years or so. E a r l i e r works have been referred to, but used s e l e c t i v e l y and only when t h e i r conclusions are s t i l l v a l i d . These p r i n c i p a l sources are discussed and evaluated at more length at the appropriate points i n the thes i s . In answering the s p e c i f i c research questions most reliance has been placed on the p r i n c i p a l excavation reports, and the more recent additional work and re-evaluation done on the s i t e s , supplemented by s p e c i a l i s t monographs and analyses on types of a r t i f a c t s . 57 XII .THE_.ilJiaLXSI.S.„..OZ„lH£..mT.A The analysis of the evidence and data c o l l e c t e d has been divided into four parts. The f i r s t involved the tabulation of the data on a r t i f a c t s and features abstracted and summarized from the excavation reports. From an examination and analysis of the tabulated material inferences and conclusions have been drawn. This was to some extent a subjective analysis. The second was the analysis of information from s p e c i a l i s t monographs and studies on the features, a r t i f a c t s and ecofacts, and from the inferences and conclusions drawn by the authors of the monographs. In some cases the excavator has written the s p e c i a l i s t analysis, i n others he has c a l l e d on another scholar with the appropriate expertise to carry out the analysis and draw the conclusions. The inferences and conclusions from these f i r s t two approaches are reported i n Chapters VIII to XV. The t h i r d approach was the analysis of the material i n the l i t e r a r y sources, reported i n Chapter XIV. The fourth was use of some simple s t a t i s t i c a l methods on the tabulated data for c e r t a i n a r t i f a c t s , p r i n c i p a l l y to make some i n t e r - s i t e comparisons. XJ_..Px.QbJ,..ejioLs._a? j t hL_ths--J3.a.t..a In general there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t material from the s i t e s for sophisticated s t a t i s t i c a l or mathematical treatment. Some simple broad brush s t a t i s t i c a l methods and analyses have been used with the tabulated data, and t h i s treatment i s reviewed b r i e f l y i n section 5 below. Most of 58 the analysis has been based on less rigorous and more subjective analyses based on lo g i c and common sense. For example, the Lexden Tumulus b u r i a l has a substantial number of grave goods which do not occur i n any other b u r i a l s of the period. These grave goods are more numerous, ri c h e r and show major Roman influence. Several useful hypotheses can be inferred from t h i s . The b u r i a l i s probably that of a paramount chief i n the area, with more resources and therefore control over a wider t e r r i t o r y than h i s contemporaries, and with s i g n i f i c a n t l i n k s with Rome, either p o l i t i c a l or economic. These hypotheses are strengthened by work on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of inscribed coinage, and the proportions of imported pottery. Many of the f i n a l conclusions are based on t h i s type of c o r r e l a t i o n of data from d i f f e r e n t sources, i n which the cumulative weight of evidence, rather than a single piece, suggests a probable answer. The major problems i n using both subjective analysis and s t a t i s t i c a l methods with the data tabulated from the s i t e s and b u r i a l s are that the sample, s t a t i s t i c a l l y speaking, i s t e r r i b l e , and that for a number of a r t i f a c t types the actual number i s very small, i n the ones and twos, rather than the f i v e to ten required i n each group for reasonable r e l i a b i l i t y . At none of the s i t e s was complete excavation either contemplated or practicable. At none of the s i t e s were the excavation units located i n accordance with a predetermined random sample s e l e c t i o n of units. At 59 St. Albans the excavations were made on and around substantial v i s i b l e features, the earthworks. At Braughing and Colchester the excavations were made i n advance of major projected road improvements. Although two seasons of excavation were possible at Braughing and ten years work was done at Colchester, the areas excavated were e s s e n t i a l l y l i m i t e d to those l a t e r covered by the new road systems, representing less than 1% of the probable s i t e area. Since the o r i g i n a l excavations were completed and published 1, there have been a number of further small excavations and surveys done, and published i n the l o c a l archaeological journals. These have amplified, corrected and re-evaluated the e a r l i e r publications, but have not i n general, extended the areas excavated or the data base for the a r t i f a c t s . The major part of a l l the s i t e s remains unexcavated, and with the growth and development of the c i t i e s of St. Albans and Colchester, these unexcavated areas are now largely inaccessible. At Braughing a limited amount of further work has been done, noted b r i e f l y i n the annual summaries, but i n d e t a i l i t remains unpublished. A further d i f f i c u l t y i s that at a l l three s i t e s there was a major Roman occupation l a t e r , overlying s i g n i f i c a n t parts of the Late Iron Age s i t e . These Roman l e v e l s obviously l i e above the Iron Age material, and have 1. Excavation and publication were done as follows:- The St. Albans area i n 1930-34, published i n 1936, Colchester i n 1930-39, published i n 1947, Braughing i n 1971-72, published in 1981, and King Harry Lane i n 1965-1970, published i n 1989. 60 generally attracted the most attention. From recent Bondages below Roman St. Albans, i t has now become obvious that a hitherto unsuspected and major Late Iron Age s i t e of the same general date as the adjacent Prae Wood s i t e underlies Roman St. Albans. A l l we have to date i s a t a n t a l i z i n g glimpse into t h i s area. The conclusions drawn from both the subjective and s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of the data can thus only be very tentative and q u a l i f i e d , w i l l need support from independent sources, and w i l l c e r t a i n l y be subject to r e v i s i o n as new material comes to l i g h t i n the next decades. 2. Selection of the Data The data from the archaeological record suitable for analysis and comparison can be grouped into a number of classes. Those selected for study and analysis are pottery; amphorae; coins; brooches; b u r i a l s ; and earthworks and buildings. Other finds included small quantities of bone from domesticated small oxen, sheep, pig, horse and dog. Wild animal bones were very rare, only a few red deer and fox bone fragments were found. B i r d bones included raven, heron, buzzard and crow, together with a few from domestic fowls. At Camulodunum alone were large quantities of oyster s h e l l s reported. At Skeleton Green f i s h bones were i d e n t i f i e d from e e l , roach and chub (freshwater f i s h e s ) , and from flounders, p l a i c e and Spanish mackerel (estuary and marine species). Fish bones may have been present at 61 Camulodunum, but the excavation techniques at t h i s 1947 dig may not have been s u f f i c i e n t l y sophisticated to recover them. A few grains of emmer and spelt wheat, and s i x row barley were recovered from Skeleton Green. Three fragments of glass were found i n pre-conquest l e v e l s at Camulodunum. Glass was not recorded from the other s i t e s . Because the numbers of these ecofacts and a r t i f a c t s were small, and usually not quantified i n any consistent manner, and because they did not a l l occur at most s i t e s , they are not suitable for s t a t i s t i c a l analysis, and are of lim i t e d use for subjective comparison across s i t e s . Their s i g n i f i c a n c e has been noted i n the analysis where relevant. The raw data on pottery, amphorae, coins, brooches, b u r i a l s , buildings and earthworks i s shown i n the tables i n the subsequent chapters. From these tables of raw data, various summary tables have been made to f a c i l i t a t e both subjective analysis of the tabulated material, and s t a t i s t i c a l manipulation of the data. The l i m i t e d information from the l i t e r a r y sources i s discussed b r i e f l y below, and reviewed and discussed i n d e t a i l i n chapter XIV. 3. Analysis and Comparison of the Tabulated Data As noted e a r l i e r , t h i s analysis done from an inspection of the tabulated data, i s more subjective than a rigorous s t a t i s t i c a l approach. It often uses pieces of evidence even less c l e a r l y defined than those used i n the s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. However, used with due caution, i t i s f e l t that 62 the subjective analysis i s as r e l i a b l e as the s t a t i s t i c a l work, perhaps more so. It uses a wide range of often fragmentary sources, but by rigorous cross-checking between a l l the sources, and only accepting firm inferences when they are supported by the evidence from several sources, an acceptable degree of c r e d i b i l i t y should be attained. The archaeological evidence from the three areas, St. Albans, Braughing and Colchester, has been examined by class of a r t i f a c t and feature. Information relevant to t h i s thesis, from the peripheral areas around south-eastern B r i t a i n , has been c o l l e c t e d from other excavation reports and monographs. For example, the d i s t r i b u t i o n i n the periphereal areas of coins minted by the r u l e r s of south-eastern B r i t a i n , i s used i n examining both the coinage, trade and spheres of influence. Caesar i s the p r i n c i p a l contemporary source, and there seems to be no reason to doubt the r e a l i t y of h i s two invasions of B r i t a i n , even though, unlike the Claudian invasion of AD 43, there i s no archaeological evidence for the incursions of 55 and 54 BC. He was there i n person and hi s evidence i s f i r s t hand. Tacitus, probably the second most r e l i a b l e source, had second-hand but s t i l l quite r e l i a b l e evidence. He must have talked to h i s f a t h e r - i n -law, Agricola, who campaigned i n B r i t a i n for eight seasons, AD 78-85, and probably to other veterans. 63 Evidence from other authors such as Horace, Strabo, Suetonius and Frontinus, and from the res gestae divi Augustae, i s p r i n c i p a l l y of intere s t i n showing the probable state of p o l i t i c a l and diplomatic r e l a t i o n s between Rome and B r i t a i n i n the years from 55 BC to AD 43. A b r i e f summary of the sources for the l i t e r a r y evidence i s given i n Appendix A. 5_. Jatatisjfeica,! Analyses, The raw data, as noted above, i s not any sort of random sample. At a l l three major locations, Colchester, Braughing and St. Albans, s i t e s were excavated because they were available, and at Colchester and Braughing i n advance of major road works. The b u r i a l s were nearly a l l chance finds, made i n the course of c i v i l engineering and municipal projects. The only two excavated completely, and i n a planned manner by archaeologists, are the King Harry Lane cemetery (St. Albans) and the Lexden tumulus (Colchester). A further problem i s that at a l l the three p r i n c i p a l s i t e s , the pre-conquest material was overlain by Roman occupation remains, often of a very substantial nature. Thus although very large quantities of a r t i f a c t s were recovered, for example over f o r t y tons of pottery at Camulodunum (Colchester), very few a r t i f a c t s were found i n , or could be assigned to pre-conquest l e v e l s . In most cases t h i s has given very small sample sizes in, the raw data. To help overcome t h i s d i f f i c u l t y , much of the raw data has been regrouped into larger, but s t i l l l o g i c a l , units for 64 s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. An additional problem with the ceramics i s the d i f f e r e n t methods used by the excavators to report the material recovered. For the imported pottery, a l l have reported the range of types and variants found, and a l l except the Prae Wood excavation have reported t h e i r estimated number of vessels of each type present. For the Gallo-Belgic pottery Prae Wood uses the i n d e f i n i t e terms "numerous" or "very numerous". For the native pottery a l l except Gatesbury (Braughing) report the range of types and variants, but only Camulodunum (Colchester) reports the number of vessels. This has r e s t r i c t e d the pottery analysis and comparison, to analysis and comparison of the range of types and variants. Considering the serious weaknesses i n the sample, t h i s aggregation of the data may i n fact produce more r e l i a b l e and useful diagnostic information than a comparison of absolute quantities. Amphorae are somewhat s i m i l a r . A l l s i t e s report the f u l l range of classes present at the s i t e , but Prae Wood (St. Albans), Camulodunum (Colchester) and the b u r i a l s report the actual number of amphorae, while Skeleton Green and Gatesbury (Braughing) just the t o t a l weight of sherds i n gm. To make comparisons possible these weights have been converted, as shown i n Table 5a, into an estimated equivalent number of vessels. Coins occur i n numbers at only two s i t e s , Skeleton Green (Braughing) and Camulodunum (Colchester). Prae Wood 65 (St. Albans) produced one coin, and Wheathampstead, Gatesbury (Braughing) and the b u r i a l s none, except for a small hoard of ten coins from one grave at King Harry Lane (St. Albans). S t a t i s t i c a l use of the coins i s therefore r e s t r i c t e d to a comparison of these two s i t e s . The sample of brooches, Table 7, i s of doubtful value for s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. King Harry Lane cemetery has produced the largest number, followed by Skeleton Green and Camulodunum. Some in t e r e s t i n g comments on the r e l a t i v e proportions of imported and native brooches have been made by Mackreth (Mackreth 1981:131). The published information on the modest and intermediate b u r i a l s was i n s u f f i c i e n t for s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. The recent publication of the 472 b u r i a l s from the King Harry Lane (St. Albans) s i t e , has provided more data. Of the 472 graves excavated, 73 could be assigned to the period covered i n t h i s paper, and could be used i n i n t r a - s i t e comparisons, but not for i n t e r - s i t e work. The r i c h b u r i a l s can be compared on type, and range and number of a r t i f a c t s . The s t a t i s t i c a l analysis used four techniques:-a) Some exploratory data analysis (EDA) to search for patterning. b) I n t e r - s i t e comparisons of selected a r t i f a c t types, to see i f changes i n s o c i a l organization and economic a c t i v i t y between s i t e s can be inf e r r e d from the archaeological record. 66 c) Multi-variate analysis using c l u s t e r i n g and dendrograms for the complete assemblage of selected a r t i f a c t s from the three key s i t e s to see i f they show some sort of ranking i n complexity, and i f so, whether t h i s ranking conforms to the model, and agrees with the subjective analysis. 67 1... Introduction the pottery recovered from the various s i t e s f a l l s into two groups, l o c a l and imported, and each group has two types. There i s l o c a l l y made pottery, either i n l o c a l shapes and st y l e s , or made i n imitation of the st y l e s and shapes of imported wares. There i s imported pottery of two main types, a red glossy Terra Sigillata1 i n two v a r i e t i e s , and Gallo-Belgic wares with three v a r i a n t s 2 . Very l i t t l e Terra Sigillata was recovered from s t r a t i f i e d deposits for the period covered by t h i s paper. In Tables 1 and 2 the Terra Sigillata has been separated into Arretine and South Gaulish wares. Very few pieces of South Gaulish ware were found, most of the Terra Sigillata coming from Arretium. In the discussion below the Terra Sigillata i s largely treated as one group, as South Gaulish ware occurs only at Skeleton Green, where i t i s represented by three sherds from two 1. The bright red glossy imported fineware that occurs i n large quantities at post-conquest Romano-British s i t e s was t r a d i t i o n a l l y c a l l e d Samian ware i n B r i t i s h Archaeology. Today Terra Sigillata i s the preferred term. This s t y l e of pottery was o r i g i n a l l y made at Arretium i n I t a l y , and has been c a l l e d Arretine ware. In the f i r s t century AD the o r i g i n a l Arretine ware was large l y replaced by superior copies made i n South Gaul at La Graufesenque and Montans. Production i n South Gaul started between AD 15-25. Later other p r o v i n c i a l centres i n A f r i c a and the East attempted to copy the ware, but with less success. 2. Gallo-Belgic Pottery was made i n three forms i n Northern Gaul, Terra Rubra with an orange coated cream to buff f i n i s h , Terra Nigra polished grey to black vessels, and Terra Nigra plus a mica dusting to simulate metal vessels. This pottery was shipped to B r i t a i n before the conquest, but Terra Rubra was out of production before the 50s, and Terra Nigra by ca. AD 80 (Swan 1978:11). 68 vessels. This s c a r c i t y of South Gaulish ware i s to be expected, as production only.started a few years before the conquest. The three types of Gallo-Belgic pottery have been grouped together i n Tables 3 and 3a, as there i s not enough information i n some of the excavation reports to make a separation. This i s believed to be reasonable, as to a large extent production of the variants was contemporaneous, although the production of Terra Nigra lasted a few years longer. Native pottery, whether of native s t y l e or native copies of imported s t y l e s has also been grouped together i n the tables. Native pottery from Wheathampstead had no copies of imported vessels. At Prae Wood about one t h i r d of the l o c a l l y made pottery copied Gallo-Belgic s t y l e s . At Camulodunum and Skeleton Green, although no detailed breakdown of the proportions of native s t y l e and copies of imported vessels for l o c a l l y made pottery i s given, an examination of the published p r o f i l e s suggests that more than h a l f the st y l e s were copies of imports. 2..« Koj fce^jQ&jJae^^ The raw data on pottery types and number of vessels from the excavation reports has i n many cases tended to give small or very small numbers. To help overcome t h i s d i f f i c u l t y , much of the raw data has been regrouped into larger, but s t i l l l o g i c a l , u n i t s for both subjective and s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. This has r e s t r i c t e d the pottery 69 analysis and comparison, to analysis and comparison of the range of types and numbers of vessels, rather than a vessel by vessel comparison across s i t e s . Considering the serious weaknesses i n the sample, discussed i n Chapter VII, t h i s bunching of the data w i l l i n fact produce more r e l i a b l e and useful diagnostic information than a comparison of absolute quantities. An additional problem with the ceramics i s the di f f e r e n t methods used by the excavators to report the material recovered. For the imported pottery, a l l have reported the range of types and vessels found, and a l l except the Prae Wood excavation have reported t h e i r estimated number of vessels of each type present. For the Gallo-Belgic pottery Prae Wood uses the i n d e f i n i t e terms "numerous" or "very numerous". For the native pottery a l l except Gatesbury (Braughing) report the range of types and vessels, but only Camulodunum (Colchester) reports the number of vessels. For i n t e r - s i t e comparisons the absolute number of vessels of each type appears to be of dubious value. As noted previously i n Chapter VII, the percentage of each s i t e a c t u a l l y excavated i s small, and was not based on any sampling procedure. The actual absolute area excavated varied widely. The area investigated at Camulodunum was about one hundred times larger than the area excavated at Skeleton Green. The actual number of vessels recovered i s most l i k e l y related to the area excavated, and to the 70 fortuitous occurrence of vessels i n a p a r t i c u l a r trench. The range of vessel types seems a much better figure for i n t e r - s i t e comparison. Although i t i s s t i l l not a random sample, a large enough area was excavated at a l l s i t e s for there to be a f a i r chance that representatives of most types of vessel were recovered. Quite a number of sherds were from rubbish p i t s or t i p s , and these are more l i k e l y to be representative than sherds from a s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t y s i t e , such as a kitchen, an e l i t e dining room or a slave's hut. Therefore for i n t e r - s i t e comparisons the range of vessel types has been the figure used. For example at Skeleton Green imported and l o c a l l y made pl a t t e r s are equally represented, while at Camulodunum 93% of the p l a t t e r s are imported. One interpretation of these figures might be that Camulodunum was a wealthier community, where the e l i t e could a f f o r d more luxurious eating vessels. For i n t r a - s i t e comparisons the actual number of vessels probably has some si g n i f i c a n c e . For example, at Camulodunum of a t o t a l of 114 p l a t t e r s , most are imports, while from 360 drinking vessels only 25% are imports. One inference from t h i s might be that high status people used imported p l a t t e r s and drinking vessels, while low status people used l o c a l l y made drinking vessels, and ate out of bowls (see Tables 3a and 4a). In the pottery tables the lefthand figure under each s i t e i s the number of d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s for each type of 71 vessel, and the righthand figure i s the actual number of vessels the excavators believed they had found. For example in Table 1 for Camulodunum there are nine d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s of Arretine vessels i n a t o t a l c o l l e c t i o n of 26+ vessels. In Table 3 there are sixteen d i f f e r e n t types of p l a t t e r i n a c o l l e c t i o n of 106. The vessels were not complete i n general, but enough v a r i e t i e s of sherds were found for the number of vessels to be inferred. Where there i s an "x" i n the tables, the information or data were not recorded i n the published excavation report. With the exception of Gatesbury, only pottery from s t r a t i f i e d deposits which dated p r i o r to AD 43 has been used i n t h i s paper. The pottery from Gatesbury, a s i t e adjacent to Skeleton Green, i s i n the Henderson C o l l e c t i o n , made from a series of casual excavations by a l o c a l farmer, and has no exact provenance or context. It has not been used at a l l i n the s t a t i s t i c a l work, and only with caution i n the other discussions. The Gatesbury s i t e , from more recent work, was occupied both before and af t e r the Roman conquest, and the finds could be from either period. At Camulodunum and Skeleton Green, far more pottery than that l i s t e d here was recovered, but the bulk of i t was either from u n s t r a t i f i e d and undatable deposits, or post conquest layers. At Camulodunum over fo r t y tons of pottery was excavated. 72 ZL, IfflEPXJlLadJE^ Tables 1 and 2 show the Arretine and South Gaulish vessels from each s i t e . As would be expected, there i s p r a c t i c a l l y no South Gaulish, as i t was not i n f u l l production u n t i l ca. AD 15-25. In these two tables there were too few vessels to make a detailed c l a s s i f i c a t i o n into the d i f f e r e n t vessel types meaningful. Table 1. Imported Pottery, Arretine (Number of Styles and Vessels) Type Camulo- Gates- King Prae Skel-dunum bury Harry Wood eton Lane Green A l l Types 9 26 7 14 1 1 4 7 6 12 (Number of Styles and Vessels) Table 2. Imported Pottery, South Gaulish Type Camulo- Gates- King Prae Skel- Wheat-dunum bury Harry Wood eton hamp-Lane Green.,, stead A l l types 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 3 0 0 Setting aside the Gatesbury material for the reasons noted above, the Iron Age enclosure at Wheathampstead produced no imports, the King Harry Lane s i t e one vessel, Prae Wood four types of Arretine ware, Skeleton Green s i x types of Arretine ware and two South Gaulish, and Camulodunum nine types of Arretine. This suggests an increase i n both the v a r i e t y and volume of imports with increasing p o l i t i c a l importance of the s i t e . This i s consistent with the hypotheses and model i n Chapter XII. 4_.„. Imp„Qj?ie„4^  The Gallo-Belgic imports are shown i n d e t a i l i n Table 3, and i n a summarized form i n Table 3a below. Wheat-hamp-stead 0 0 73 Type Camulo- Gates- King Prae Skel- Wheat-dunum bury Harry Wood eton hamp-Lane _ Green stead P l a t t e r s 16 106 13 62 ~8" " 16 N 15 64 0 0 Cups 2 26 4 12 8 13 5 N 8 21 0 0 Beakers 8 61 4 47 10 29 6 N 6 39 0 0 Bowls 3 3 0 0 3 3 2 N 1 0 0 Jars 0 0 1 1 1 3 4 N 14 ' 34^ 0 0 Stor. Jars 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 N 1 0 0 Pedestals 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 Jugs 3 30 0 0 0 0 2 N 5 11 0 0 Flagons 0 0 0 0 6 7 2 N 2 3 0 0 Mortaria 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 N 2 2 0 0 TOTAL 34 229 22 122 36 71 33 N 52 174 0 0 T_ab.le_..__3.aJ, S_umjmrjyJ.._I^^ Type Camulo- Gates- King Prae Skel- Wheat-dunum bury Harry Wood eton hamp-Lane Green stead P l a t t e r 16 106 13 62 8 16 ~ 9 N 15 64 0 0 Cup/bkr/ped 11 88 8 59 18 42 12 N 14 60 0 0 Bowl/jar 3 3 1 1 4 6 6 N 14 34 0 0 Stor./mort. 1 2 0 0 0 0 2 N 2 2 0 0 Jug/flagon 3 30 0 0 6 7 4 N 7 14 0 0 TOTAL 34 229 22 122 36 71 33 N 52 174 0 0 Eotea In making the summary Table 3a, types of a r t i f a c t were combined as follows. 1. Cups, beakers and pedestals were made one type. Examination of the excavation reports showed that almost a l l the pedestal bases were quite small, obviously from cup l i k e vessels. The three types can be considered as a group of small drinking or u t i l i t y vessels. 2. Bowls and j a r s were combined. Bowls and j a r s can be considered as food storage and preparation vessels, and are considered to be si m i l a r types of containers. 3. Storage and mortaria were lumped together, as a general class of coarse domestic pottery. 4. Jugs and flagons were grouped, both being containers for l i q u i d s . 5. At Prae Wood the number of vessels was recorded as "numerous", without s p e c i f i c numbers being given. The notation "N" has been used i n the tables to indicate t h i s . As with the Terra Sigillata, Wheathampstead produced no Gallo-Belgic imports. Skeleton Green shows the greatest 74 range of types, 52, with King Harry Lane, Camulodunum and Prae Wood with 36, 34 and 33 types respectively. The large range at Skeleton Green, with a r e l a t i v e l y small area excavated i s surprising. One possible explanation i s that Prae Wood and Camulodunum were both excavations done i n the 1930s, while Skeleton Green was excavated i n 1971-72, some t h i r t y f i v e years l a t e r , with possibly a greater subdivision of a r t i f a c t types. An a l t e r n a t i v e explanation i s that t h i s i s a r e a l difference between Skeleton Green and the other s i t e s . One i n t e r e s t i n g p o s s i b i l i t y i s that i f , as proposed in S p e c i f i c Hypothesis a) on page 32, Skeleton Green was the s i t e of an agglomeration of small and middle-sized chiefdoms, then the wider range of imported types r e s u l t s from the coming together of several groups with somewhat di f f e r e n t tastes i n imported pottery types. Prae Wood and King Harry Lane are approximately contemporary, although King Harry Lane may date up to ca. twenty years l a t e r , and have a s i m i l a r d i s t r i b u t i o n of types. At a l l s i t e s p l a t t e r s plus cups and beakers have both the widest range of types and the largest number of vessels. Skeleton Green has far more Gallo-Belgic bowls and j a r s , both i n types and numbers, than any other 3 i t e . The Henderson C o l l e c t i o n from Gatesbury, and adjacent s i t e , also shows a preponderance of p l a t t e r s and drinking vessels. The Gallo-Belgic wares from Gatesbury, with some caution, can be used i n t h i s discussion. Imports of t h i s ware into B r i t a i n scarcely continued into B r i t a i n beyond ca. AD50 for Terra Eubra and 75 AD 70 for Terra Nigi^a. From other evidence the Gatesbury s i t e appears to have been unoccupied during t h i s period, and hence the Gallo-Belgic pottery would be from pre-conquest provenances. Jugs and flagons appear at the four key s i t e s . Camulodunum has three types, King Harry Lane s i x types, Prae Wood four types and Skeleton Green seven types. As with p l a t t e r s and drinking vessels Skeleton Green has the greatest va r i e t y . In the King Harry Lane cemetery jugs and flagons appear in a l l grave types from modest to r i c h , as do p l a t t e r s and drinking vessels. This d i s t r i b u t i o n suggests that imported Gallo-Belgic vessels were available to most members of t h i s community, at least as grave goods. At a l l s i t e s except King Harry Lane, the numbers of p l a t t e r s and drinking vessels are about the same within each s i t e . This might imply that i f a person owned an imported p l a t t e r , he probably had an imported drinking vessel as well . From the types of Gallo-Belgic pottery found, i t i s obvious that t h i s ware was imported primarily i n the form of fin e tableware. At Skeleton Green 20% of the imports were j a r s and bowls, which were almost absent at other s i t e s . If the occurrence of t h i s pottery i n a l l l e v e l s of b u r i a l at the King Harry Lane cemetery were duplicated among the l i v i n g , then the Gallo-Belgic pottery would appear to be a f a i r l y widely used modest prestige item. A l l the e l i t e had some access to i t . Skeleton Green i s anomolous i n the group 76 with the wide range of types present, and t h i s may indicate a more mixed and less homogeneous society than at Prae Wood and Camulodunum. An alte r n a t i v e explanation i s that the assemblage from Skeleton Green i s from two d i f f e r e n t periods. From other evidence i t i s known that the s i t e was p a r t i a l l y abandoned from ca. AD 20 to AD 35 (Partridge 1981:32). Thus the greater v a r i e t y may represent changes i n imported pottery s t y l e s between the pre- and post-abandonment stages. From the evidence of coinage, discussed i n Chapter X below, i t i s probable that Camulodunum was a more cent r a l i z e d society. The apparently narrower range of imports there may r e f l e c t a ti g h t e r control of imports. Prae Wood appears to predate Skeleton Green, and i s less accessible to traders and imports. This could explain why t h i s s i t e should have less v a r i e t y . i n i t s imports than Skeleton Green. In general the evidence from the Gallo-Belgic pottery suggests that Prae Wood was a somewhat less p o l i t i c a l l y complex society than the other two, and that Camulodunum was a more cent r a l i z e d society than Skeleton Green. At Skeleton Green the wider v a r i e t y of types probably r e f l e c t s both a more detailed c l a s s i f i c a t i o n by the excavator, and a less homogeneous society. fL Eatly.e.JPQttery The l o c a l l y made pottery excavated i s shown i n d e t a i l i n Table 4, and i n summary form i n Table 4a. The data i n these tables i s less complete than i n the tables for the imported pottery. At Skeleton Green and Wheathampstead only 77 the range of types was reported, and not the absolute number of vessels. With the Henderson c o l l e c t i o n from Gatesbury only the actual numbers of vessels were l i s t e d . For Prae Wood the range of types was given, but the number of vessels was just given as numerous. At Camulodunum the range of types was given, but for some types of vessel the numbers present were given as numerous or very numerous, rather than i n absolute numbers. Only the King Harry Lane s i t e , the complete excavation of a cemetery, has reported the f u l l range of types and numbers present. The native pottery from Gatesbury has not been used i n the discussion or s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. With no provenance i t could equally well be pre- or post-conquest. Wheat-hampstead has a small c o l l e c t i o n of basic vessels, cups, beakers, bowls and storage vessels. There i s no suggestion of e l i t e pottery. At King Harry Lane cemetery about 70% of the j a r s were used for cremations, as were some beakers. Type Camulo- Gates- King Prae Skel- Wheat-dunum bury Harry Wood eton hamp-Lane Gre_en_ stead P l a t t e r s 3 8 X 5 8 9 10 N 16 X 0 0 Cups 2 3 0 0 2 2 6 N 2 X 1 X Beakers 8 269 X 7 11 27 6 N 15 X 0. 0 Bowls 14\ k 941 X 53\ 8 9 13 N 88\ X 17\ x Jars 00J 00/ X 00J 18 30 11 N 00J X 00J X Stor. Ves. 3 NN 0 0 0 0 1 N 20 X 3 x Pedestals 0 0 X 8 0 0 6 N 27 X 4 x Jugs 2 15 0 0 0 0 0 N 1 X 0 0 Flagons 3 7 0 0 7 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cook. Pots 10 102 0 0 0 0 3 X 0 0 0 0 Urns 3 18 0 0 0 0 3 X 0 0 0 0 Lids 2 2 0 8 0 0 0 0 17 X 0 0 Crse. Bowls 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 11 X 0 0 TOTAL 50 518 X 81 54 85 59 N 197 X 25 x 78 Tj|j5le_ 4a StimigQaxXx-..lJa,t, iye, JgQ^k&ej^ Type Camulo- Gates- King Prae Skel- Wheat-dunum bury Harry Wood eton hamp-Lane Green stead P l a t t e r s ~3 8~ X 5 8 9 10~ N 16 X 0 0 Cups/bkr/pd 10 272 x 15 13 29 18 N 44 X 5 x Bowls/jars 17 112 X 53 26 39 27 N 99 X 17 x Stor./cook 13 102 0 0 0 0 4 N 20 X 3 x Jugs/flag. 5 22 0 0 7 8 0 0 1 X 0 0 TOTAL 48 516 X 73 54 85 59 N 180 X 25 x Moteg 1. In tables 4 and 4a "N" means numerous and "x" means the information was not given i n the published material. 2. In making the summary i n Table 4a, l i d s were dropped from the table. The excavation reports comment that most were made from broken pieces of pot, and they do not appear very useful d i a g n o s t i c a l l y . Other groups were combined as in Table 3a. As with the Gallo-Belgic wares, Skeleton Green has by far the greatest va r i e t y of native pottery types, except for jugs and flagons. A l l three s i t e s , Camulodunum, Prae Wood and Skeleton Green have a good range of bowls, j a r s , cooking and storage vessels. This r e s u l t might be anticipated, as the r e l a t i v e l y cheap l o c a l l y made coarsewares would tend to dominate i n the kitchen operations, for storing and cooking food. Camulodunum has only a small range of native p l a t t e r s , but t h i s i s o f f s e t by i t s much more extensive range of imported p l a t t e r s . Some in t e r e s t i n g comparisons are shown i n Table 4b, where the range of types for Gallo-Belgic imports and l o c a l l y made pottery, and the t o t a l of types are shown for each s i t e . Table 4c shows the same data, but with the number of s t y l e s i n each type at the s i t e converted into a 79 percentage of the t o t a l range of types and st y l e s at that s i t e . This presentation i n percentages tends to compensate for possible differences between excavators i n the number of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s they used for each type of vessel. For these two tables, bowls, j a r s and storage vessels have been combined into one type. Table 4b. Summary, Gallo-Belgic and Native Pottery Types for the Key Sites Type. Camiilodiinum Pxae__Mo_o_d SJifi.l£tJ3n_.Grs.s.n GJB NAT GE MAT SB MAT Pl a t t e r s 16 3 9 10 15 16 Cups/bkrs. 11 10 12 18 14 44 Bowls/jars 4 30 8 31 16 119 Jugs/flag. 3 5 4 0 7 1 Total 34 48 33 59 52 180 IabJLe__j4j^^ Type. Camu1odunum P.Ea.e._.Wo_o_d JG.r.e GB JHA1_ TOT GB .J&AI . TOT QB J1AX. TOT Pl a t t e r s 47 6 23 27 17 21 29 9 13 Cups/bkrs. 32 21 26 37 30 33 27 24 25 BowIs/jars 12 63 41 24 53 42 31 66 58 Jugs/flag. 9 10 10 12 0 4 13 1 4 Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Looking at the t o t a l s i n Table 4c f i r s t , Camulodunum has the highest percentage of p l a t t e r s i n i t s t o t a l pottery assemblage, and they are predominantly imported types. Skeleton Green has the fewest p l a t t e r types, and from Table 4b about 50% are imported. Prae Wood has about the same percentage of p l a t t e r s as Camulodunum, but from Table 4b only about 50% are imported. I f the use of p l a t t e r s i s taken as a mark of status and wealth, a reasonable 80 assumption, then Camulodunum appears to be a wealthy and high status centre. For Skeleton Green and Prae Wood the evidence i s somewhat contradictory. Skeleton Green has a lower percentage of p l a t t e r types i n i t s t o t a l assemblage than Prae Wood, but an equal proportion are imports. Against t h i s Skeleton Green has the highest percentage of bowls and j a r s , and i f some fin e bowls were an alternative food containing vessel, then the percentage of e l i t e tableware would be quite s i m i l a r at a l l three s i t e s . One inference could be that Skeleton Green had a less homogeneous e l i t e group, s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y wealthy, but using a mixture of imported p l a t t e r s and imported bowls as food service or personal eating vessels. Prae Wood had an e l i t e group, but they could not afford, or perhaps obtain, the wider range of imports. Drinking vessels are a higher proportion of the t o t a l assemblage for Prae Wood, while for Camulodunum and Skeleton Green they are about the same. The figure for Prae Wood i s higher lar g e l y because the figure for jugs and flagons i s lower than Camulodunum. Without t h i s d i s t o r t i o n , a l l s i t e s would have about the same percentage of drinking vessels, about 25% 3. Jugs and flagons are probably a marker for 3. For some i n t e r - s i t e comparisons the percentages i n Table 4c are used, to minimize the e f f e c t s of the d i f f e r e n t d e t a i l i n the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n systems used by each excavator. For i n t r a - s i t e comparisons, Table 4b, the actual range of st y l e s for each type i s used, on the reasonable assumption that for th e i r own s i t e the excavators are consistent. Table 4b i s used when comparing the proportions of imports to native pottery for any one type of vessel, i n both i n t e r - s i t e and i n t r a - s i t e comparisons. 81 modest to high status e l i t e groups, and the numbers from Table 4b suggest more e l i t e a c t i v i t y at Camulodunum and Skeleton Green. From Table 4b, looking at each s i t e , Camulodunum has about 50% imported drinking vessel types, while Prae Wood and Skeleton Green have 40% and 24% respectively. As with the p l a t t e r s the evidence from the cups and beakers suggests that Camulodunum was wealthier and of higher status. With bowls, j a r s and storage vessels, the kitchen end of the spectrum, Camulodunum and Prae Wood have just over 40%, while Skeleton Green has 58% of the t o t a l pottery assemblage i n t h i s form. However, considering just the imports, which are more l i k e l y to be tablewares, Skeleton Green has 31% of i t s import assemblage i n bowls and j a r s , against 24% for Prae Wood and 12% for Camulodunum. One p o s s i b i l i t y , as suggested above, i s that Skeleton Green used both bowls and p l a t t e r s for eating dishes. fiL CJDJXQIUJSJ^^^ Despite some anomalies and contradictions the pottery data tends to support the s p e c i f i c hypotheses and model proposed i n Chapter V. The very small group of imported Terra Sigillata shows the most va r i e t y at Camulodunum, somewhat less at Skeleton Green and Prae Wood, and i s not represented at Wheathampstead. S i m i l a r l y Gallo-Belgic imports do not appear at Wheathampstead, but are well represented at Camulodunum, Prae Wood and Skeleton Green. Assuming that p l a t t e r s and imported drinking vessels are 82 markers for the presence of an e l i t e group, then a l l these three s i t e s have evidence for an e l i t e . The data from both the Gallo-Belgic imports and the native pottery from Skeleton Green shows a wider range of types than the other s i t e s . Two explanations are possible. The f i r s t i s that at Skeleton Green, a modern excavation, the typology and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system used was more detailed than at the pre-war excavations at Camulodunum and Prae Wood. The second p o s s i b i l i t y , which may s t i l l be v a l i d even i f the f i r s t i s p a r t l y correct, i s that the society of Skeleton Green was more heterogeneous, being made up of a confederation of the f i v e t r i b e s mentioned by Caesar, the Cenimagni, Segontiari, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassi. This confederation centre would tend to show c u l t u r a l t r a i t s and preferences of a l l f i v e groups, giving more vari e t y i n the a r t i f a c t s , both i n those made l o c a l l y and i n the imports. The proportion of native to imported types goes from about 46% imported types at Camulodunum, 38% imported types at Prae Wood, 23% imports at Skeleton Green, to none at Wheathampstead. The proportion for Skeleton Green i s low, part l y because of i t s large range of native types. In absolute terms Skeleton Green has more va r i e t y of Gallo-Belgic imports than Prae Wood, 52 to 33. Considering the figures as a whole, the inference i s for an increasing and more complex trade with Roman Gaul. At Camulodunum, Prae Wood and Skeleton Green some l o c a l l y made pottery copied imported forms and s t y l e s . Some 83 of the copies are excellent. This i s most marked at Camulodunum. This implies both trade and c u l t u r a l influences, and a more sophisticated society with s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n the manufacture of pottery. 84 Amphorae are found both i n the domestic and communal areas of the p r i n c i p a l s i t e s discussed i n t h i s paper, and associated with b u r i a l s . In t h i s chapter only amphorae from the s i t e s i n general are considered i n the analysis. Amphorae from b u r i a l s are discussed with other grave goods i n Chapter XII, ANALYSIS OF THE BURIALS. The amphorae recovered from the f i v e s i t e s and the King Harry Lane cemetery are shown i n d e t a i l i n Table 5, and i n summary i n Table 5a. The amphorae were c l a s s i f i e d under a number of d i f f e r e n t systems i n the excavation reports. To make comparisons possible, a l l the amphorae have been i d e n t i f i e d and r e - c l a s s i f i e d into the system of 66 classes proposed by Peacock and Williams (Peacock and Williams 1986). The range of dates given for the period i n which the amphorae were produced and used could be i n error by a few years, but the mid-range dates are quite r e l i a b l e . Early amphorae may turn up re-used i n l a t e r contexts. As with the pottery there are differences i n the methods used by the various excavators for reporting amphorae. A l l s i t e s report the f u l l range of classes present, but Prae Wood (St. Albans), Camulodunum (Colchester) and the b u r i a l s report the actual number of amphorae, while Skeleton Green and Gatesbury (Braughing) just the t o t a l weight of sherds i n gm. In Table 5a, to make comparisons possible these weights have been converted, as 85 shown i n the footnote to the table, into an estimated equivalent number of vessels. Class & Equival- Date Camu Gates- Prae Skel King Content .jeirt. bury Wood Grn. 3 I t a l y Dres.1A 130-50BC 0 0 0 (wine) 4 I t a l y Dres.1BL 75-10BC 5 15650 > 0 176 > 0 (wine) Cam 181/ 5 I t a l y Dres.lC 125-75BC 0 0 0 (wine) J 8 Apulia Dres.6 150BCAD100 0 0 0 1800 0 (wine) 9 Rhodian Cam 184 25BC-125AD 1 0 0 0 0 (wine) 10 I t a l y Dres.2-4 25BC-150AD 3 0 0 1446 1 Spain Cam 182 (wine) Cam 183 15 Spain Cam 185A 50BC-AD50 1 0 0 0 1 (syrup) 16 Spain Drs.7-11 25BC-AD100 0 0 0 1665 1 (fishsauce) 17 Spain Cam 186A 25BC-AD100 1 404 0 0 0 (fishsauce) 18 Spain Dres.38 1-2 Cen AD 0 67 0 0 0 (fishsauce) 24 Spain Dres.25 15BC-1C.AD 0 0 1 0 0 (olive o i l ) 25 Spain Dres.20 30BC-4C.AD 2 8121 0 448 1 (olive o i l ) 38 Al g e r i a Dres.30 3-4 C. AD 0 566 0 0 0 ( o i l ) Rates. 1. To overcome the problem of the Gatesbury and Skeleton Green figures i n Table 5 being i n weight of sherds, for Table 5a sherd weights were converted to an equivalent number of amphora as described i n footnote l 1 . 1. The studies by Chase on estimating whole vessel numbers, weight or capacity from sherd data are not of any assistance in t h i s case (Chase 1985). In h i s studies various types of pot were d e l i b e r a t e l y broken, and an attempt was made to correlate vessel properties with sherd properties. Some correlations were useful, but vessel weight versus sherd weight was not, as e s s e n t i a l l y a l l the sherds were recovered from each pot broken. There was nothing to correlate. An empirical figure has been used for Table 5a. On the basis that an average empty amphora weighs 10 to 20 kg, and 86 2. As no amphorae were found at Wheathampstead, no l i s t i n g for t h i s s i t e has been shown i n Table 5. It i s included i n the summary to record the absence of amphorae. XEJ2I&J2&J. Sx^mma,rj^„.,AroPllQXae Peacock Class Camulo-dunum Gates-bury King Harry Lane Prae Wood Skel-eton Green Wheat hamp-stead 3-5 5 3 0 0 1 0 8 0 0 0 0 1 0 9 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 3 0 1 0 1 0 15 1 0 1 0 0 0 16 0 0 1 0 1 0 17 1 1 0 0 0 0 18 0 1 0 0 0 0 24 0 0 0 1 0 0 25 2 2 1 0 1 0 38 0 1 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 13 8 4 1 5 0 The numbers and v a r i e t i e s of amphorae increases from none at Wheathampstead, to one type at Prae Wood (St. Albans), f i v e at Skeleton Green (Braughing) and s i x di f f e r e n t types at Camulodunum (Colchester) 2. Prae Wood has one type from Spain (oliv e o i l ) . Skeleton Green has one early type from I t a l y (wine), one l a t e r one from I t a l y (wine), one l a t e r one from Spain or I t a l y (wine), one l a t e r one from Spain ( f i s h sauce), and one late one from Spain (olive o i l ) . Camulodunum has f i v e amphorae of early type from I t a l y (wine), which Peacock considers may have been with the assumption that with largely shattered vessels from rubbish p i t s and dumps, less than h a l f the sherds w i l l be recovered, the following conversions were used: Up to 7,500 gm, 1 amphora 7,500 to 15,000 gm, 2 amphorae Over 15,000 gm 3 amphora. 2. Four from the King Harry Lane cemetery are l i s t e d here but discussed more f u l l y under b u r i a l s . 87 reused (Haselgrove 1987:168-70, Peacock 1971), one late Rhodian amphora (wine), three l a t e r I t a l i a n or Spanish ones (wine), one l a t e r one from Spain (sweet syrup), one late one from Spain ( f i s h sauce), and two late ones from Spain (oli v e o i l ) . The dating of the amphorae can most e a s i l y be seen i n tabular form. Table 5b. Origin Contents and Dates of Amphorae Site. Num. . _C.l_a.s_a Origin Gojit.ejii.s_  Camulodunum 5 4 It a l y Wine 75BC-10BC 1 15 Spain Syrup 50BC-AD50 2 25 Spain Olive o i l 30BC-4th c AD 1 17 Spain Fish sauce 25BC-AD100 1 9 Rhodes Wine 25BC-AD125 3 10 I t a l y Wine 25BC-AD150 Prae Wood 1 24 Spain Olive o i l 15BC-lst c AD Skeleton Green 1 8 Apulia Wine 150BC-AD100 1 4 It a l y Wine 75BC-10BC 1 25 Spain Olive O i l 30BC-4th c AD 1 16 Spain Fish Sauce 25BC-AD100 1 10 I t a l y Wine 25BC-AD150 XaJal.e___.c___ .G.ha_r___.._oX.A^  BC< >AD Sit e __laaaJ_JE_fi 125_J£fiL 15. 5_L 25 jgL..„25___..4j5_ Camulodunum 4 < > 15 < 25 < 17 < 9 < 10 < Prae Wood 24 < Skeleton Gr. 8 < 4 < > 25 < 16 < 10 < 88 From the amphorae there seems to be a marked increase i n trade i n exotic and luxury comestibles from the Prae Wood s i t e (St. Albans), to Skeleton Green, and then another increase at Camulodunum (Colchester). A greater v a r i e t y of luxury food and drink was imported, and was drawn from more sources, I t a l y , Spain and Rhodes. The increasing va r i e t y of types from none at Wheathampstead, one at Prae Wood, f i v e at Skeleton Green and si x at Camulodunum suggests increasing wealth and soph i s t i c a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y the increase i n the var i e t y of the contents, and the number of points of o r i g i n implies su b s t a n t i a l l y greater trading a c t i v i t y with a wide geographic area. Most of the amphorae probably came through middlemen i n Gaul. The amphorae from Spain may have come from the A t l a n t i c rather than the Channel ports of Gaul, either d i r e c t l y or through the B r i t i s h point of entry at Hengistbury. This d i s t r i b u t i o n of the amphorae from the three s i t e s appears to answer the s p e c i f i c research question d) on page 36, and conforms to the model. The amphorae show increasing trade between the Roman world and B r i t a i n between the mid f i r s t century BC and the conquest i n AD 43. 89 X ANALYSIS OF THE COINS AND COIN MOULDS 1_. Coins Coins occur i n numbers at only two s i t e s , Skeleton Green (Braughing) and Camulodunum (Colchester). Prae Wood (St. Albans) produced one coin, and Wheathampstead and Gatesbury (Braughing) none. The b u r i a l s yielded none, except for ten B r i t i s h bronze coins from one grave i n the King Harry Lane cemetery at St. Albans. I n t e r - s i t e s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of the coins i s therefore not practicable or meaningful, and even for comparison of these two s i t e s simple inspection of the tables seems adequate. The coins recovered are shown i n d e t a i l i n Table 6 below, and i n summary i n Table 6a. 1. Mack no. ref e r s to the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n for B r i t i s h Iron Age coinage developed by R.P. Mack (Mack 1964). Coinage was reported by a number of older systems i n the excavation reports, but has a l l been converted to the Mack numbers to f a c i l i t a t e comparisons. 2. At Prae Wood and Camulodunum the south-eastern inscribed coinage was grouped according to i n s c r i p t i o n s . I have not found the i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n the excavation reports s u f f i c i e n t l y c l e a r to allow c l a s s i f i c a t i o n into the Mack numbers, without expert help. 3. Because of the wide v a r i a t i o n i n the numbers of coins recovered from the d i f f e r e n t s i t e s , a summary Table 6a has been made to simplify the subjective analysis. 4. From other evidence Tasciovanus i s thought to have reigned from about 20 BC to AD 5-10, and Cunebolinus from about AD 5-10 to AD40-41. 5. The mark * indicates other B r i t i s h kings or t r i b e s who issued coinage. In general t h e i r t e r r i t o r y was adjacent to south-east B r i t a i n , and they had a common border, except for the Brigantes who occupied the northern part of the country. 6. Potin coins were peculiar to Gaul and B r i t a i n . They were made from an a l l o y of copper and t i n , and can resemble s i l v e r coins i n appearance. The type seems to have originated i n Gaul, was car r i e d over to B r i t a i n , was copied, and f i n a l l y o r i g i n a l B r i t i s h types were struck. 90 Table 6. Coins Coin Type Mack Camulo-• King Prae Number dunum Harry Wood Lane GAUL Gallo-Belgic E 27a 0 0 0 Gaulish na 0 0 0 BRITISH Tasciovanus Types 167 0 168 0 172 0 175 0 177 4 > 0 1 179 0 183 0 189 0 192 J 0 Cunebolinus Types 221 0 0 245 0 0 246 116 > * 0 249 0 0 251 0 0 260/a J 0 0 Dubnovel1 aunus* 227 3 0 0 Addedomarus* 272 3 0 0 B r i t i s h LX 22 274 0 0 0 Iceni* 409 1 0 0 Coritani B r i t KB* 449 0 0 0 Brigan tes/ Cori tani* na 2 0 0 Potin, Class I, II na 0 0 0 Bronze na 0 10 0 TOTAL 129 10 1 Skeleton Green 1 1 1 2 5 1 1 1 1 1 5 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 0 2 0 1 0 3 0 37 Coin Type Mack Number Camulo-dunum King Harry Lane Prae Wood Ske Gr Gaulish 0 0 0 2 Tasciovanus 4 0 1 18 Cunebolinus 116 0 0 9 Periphereal B r i t i s h 9 0 0 5 Potin/Bronze 0 10 0 3 TOTALS 129 10 1 37 Coinage increases sharply from none at Wheathampstead, and only one coin from Prae Wood (St. Albans), to 37 at 91 Skeleton Green (Braughing) and 129 at Camulodunum (Colchester). The pattern i s quite d i f f e r e n t between Skeleton Green and Camulodunum. At Skeleton Green, h a l f the coins are those of Tasciovanus (18 of 37), a quarter are those of Cunebolinus, and the remaining quarter mostly B r i t i s h coins from peripheral t r i b e s . At Camulodunum 90% are coins of Cunebolinus, 5% coins of Tasciovanus and 5% those of periphereal t r i b e s . A study of the published coin d i s t r i b u t i o n maps i n CBA Research Report No. 38i (Cu n l i f f e 1978:79-84) suggests that: (1) The gold coinage of Tasciovanus c l u s t e r s around St. Albans-Braughing as a centre, with o u t l i e r s i n the peripheral t r i b a l areas to the north, west and south. Tasciovanus' bronze coinage i s much more t i g h t l y clustered, with o u t l i e r s almost a l l to the north. (2) The gold coinage of Cunebolinus has an inner c l u s t e r north of the Thames (London and St. Albans area), a clu s t e r around Colchester, and then a very marked arc of finds along the north side of the Chilterns. Cunebolinus' bronze has a wide d i s t r i b u t i o n i n Essex, Suffolk and Hertfordshire, again with a f a i r l y marked area of concentration north of St. Albans and Braughing. Coins of Cunebolinus are concentrated more i n Essex and southern Suffolk, and those of Tasciovanus more i n the western region of south-eastern B r i t a i n (Haselgrove 1987:163) 1. Coinage and Society i n B r i t a i n and Gaul. 92 Increasing complexity of society, with stronger central control, and a wealthier society are suggested by the increase i n the use of l o c a l l y minted native coins. Strong Roman and Greek influence i s evident i n the designs, and i n the techniques for s t r i k i n g coinage. The d i s t r i b u t i o n patterns suggest a border zone north and west of south-eastern B r i t a i n with several e f f e c t s : (1) Gold coins going out as prestige items and for high value trade/exchanges. In the time of Tasciovanus the gold coins went out to a more limited area than l a t e r , probably mainly i n prestige g i f t exchanges, and mainly from the St. Albans/Braughing zone. In the reign of Cunebolinus t h i s outflow of gold coins was spread over a much larger area. (2) Trade i n a range of lower value non-luxury items, using bronze coinage as one medium of exchange. Most of t h i s trade involving bronze coins seems to be i n t r a -kingdom rather than export oriented, although some may have been used i n low value cross-border transactions. Both the use of coins and trade were much more developed by the reign of Cunebolinus. (3) The pattern of the d i s t r i b u t i o n suggests a c i r c u l a t i o n of coinage across the border zone , going out to buy "hides, corn, slaves and hunting dogs", and returning to buy wine, fi n e pottery and other luxury imports. 93 (4) The c l u s t e r of Cunebolinus' coinage i n the London/St. Albans area suggests a major secondary centre, while the area of finds along the Chilterns to the north implies a vigorous trade or exchange pattern with the peripheral t r i b e s , as well as a continuation of prestige g i f t s . (5) The dating suggests that the centres were dominant i n the sequence Wheathampstead, then Prae Wood (St. Albans), followed by Skeleton Green (Braughing), and f i n a l l y Camulodunum (Colchester). Haselgrove comments: The early f i r s t century AD coin losses and imported finewares leave l i t t l e doubt that Braughing was then one of the most important settlements i n the South-East. As a pointer to i t s status p r i o r to t h i s , the quantity of f i r s t century BC coins i s remarkable given that no bronze was struck i n the region before Phase 7 Relative to the early f i r s t century AD occupation, the l a t e r f i r s t century BC settlement at Braughing can hardly have been less important and could well have been more so, even i f some early coins are a c t u a l l y l a t e r arrivals.(Haselgrove 1987:175) This suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y of more than one phase of dominance for Braughing, possibly alternating with St. Albans. 2 .Cj3i,n....JMQ.uLda In the Henderson C o l l e c t i o n from Gatesbury there are many fragments of coin moulds. These are c e r t a i n l y pre-conquest, as minting of B r i t i s h s i l v e r coins ceased with the a r r i v a l of the Romans. Spectrographs examination of the moulds has established that they were used for casting 94 s i l v e r a l l o y f l a n s 2 . No coin moulds were found during the excavation at Skeleton Green, but the Gatesbury coin moulds were probably associated with Skeleton Green, as the two s i t e s are only about 300 m apart. Possibly the " i n d u s t r i a l " a c t i v i t i e s for the Skeleton Green r e s i d e n t i a l and farming units were ca r r i e d on i n the older s e t t l e d area of Gatesbury (Partridge 1981:323-326). At Camulodunum there was d e f i n i t e l y a mint for the coins of Cunebolinus. An area was excavated with debris suggesting i t was e n t i r e l y devoted to metal working. Among the finds were crucibles, slag, burnt sand and earth, and coin mould fragments. Spectrographic examination of the moulds showed the presence of heavy metals, copper, s i l v e r , t i n , lead and zinc (Hawkes and Hul l 1947:129-133). Three rejected bronze flans were also found. During recent excavations at Roman Verulamlum Sheppard Frere recovered coin moulds for producing two sizes of blanks, together with mint debris, c r u c i b l e s , ladles and fire-cracked rock from pre-Roman l e v e l s . The material was found at some seven locations over a 3 ha area. Associated a r t i f a c t s dated the assemblage to the time of Cunebolinus, the early part of the f i r s t century AD. A B r i t i s h rectangular b u i l d i n g with many heat cracked pebbles adjoined the area. Tests on the moulds showed that powdered s h e l l was used as a mould release agent. Some moulds had been 2. Flans are the coin blanks, before they are struck with a die to form the motif. 95 used mainly for gold and s i l v e r blanks, and others mainly for bronze (Frere 1983:30-32). 3... Conelusions from the Coins and Moulds It i s generally accepted that Tasciovanus preceded Cunebolinus as a dominant r u l e r i n southeastern B r i t a i n . The coinage of Tasciovanus has mint marks or i n s c r i p t i o n s showing that i t was produced at both Verulamium and Camulodunum . There are also inscribed coins of Tasciovanus with no mint marks. Some of these are s i m i l a r to the Verulamium s e r i e s , but others are somewhat d i f f e r e n t , and possibly come from a mint at Skeleton Green/Gatesbury. Cunebolinus' coins were minted at Camulodunum, based on the mint marks. They may have also been produced at Verulamium, but there i s no d i r e c t evidence for t h i s . Cassivellaunus may have produced coinage, but no inscribed coinage has been found which can be ascribed to him. Coin finds i n the area suggest the coinage used i n h i s period i n the area he controlled was Gallo-Belgic E staters, or the uninscribed Whaddon Chase type of stater (Mack 1964:55). At Wheathampstead no coins were recovered, and at Prae Wood one Tasciovanus type. The King Harry Lane cemetery produced one group of 10 bronze B r i t i s h coins. A reasonable inference would be that coinage was s t i l l a r e l a t i v e l y r a r i t y i n the period when Wheathampstead was s t i l l i n active use, and probably during the e a r l i e r period of Prae Wood. From the evidence of the coin moulds from Verulamium, and the coins of Tasciovanus with the "Ver" mint mark, i t 96 would appear that by the early f i r s t century AD Verulamium was a major centre, and probably remained so up to and aft e r the Roman conquest. Coins were also minted i n the Gatesbury/ Skeleton Green area, but there i s no evidence for when t h i s was done, or for whom. It could have been either for a l o c a l king or group i n the mid f i r s t century BC, or i t could have been a secondary mint for Tasciovanus i n the either the late f i r s t century BC or the early f i r s t century AD. From Haselgrove's comments on the importance of the Braughing area s i t e s , Skeleton Green and Gatesbury, i n both the late f i r s t century BC and and early f i r s t century AD, i t could be infe r r e d that the f i r s t century BC period was related to a confederation of small t r i b e s and chi e f s , and the f i r s t century AD period was connected to Tasciovanus. Of the thirty-seven coins found at Skeleton Green, eighteen are those of Tasciovanus, eleven are Cunebolinus types, and eight are from adjacent kingdoms. From the coinage Cunebolinus would seem to have been the dominant figure at Camulodunum. Of the 129 coins from there, 116 are from h i s mint. There are only four coins of Tasciovanus and nine from adjacent kingdoms. From the evidence of the coins and coin moulds the following inferences can be made: a) Wheathampstead, Prae Wood and the King Harry Lane cemetery represent an e a r l i e r phase with minimal use of coinage. 97 b) By the early f i r s t century AD Tasciovanus had achieved a dominant po s i t i o n i n the area, based on the two centres Skeleton Green and Verulamium. By the end of h i s reign he may have been establishing himself at Camulodunum. He had his main mint at Verulamium and possibly a secondary one at Skeleton Green/Gatesbury. The s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t and uninscribed staters may be a product of the mint at Gatesbury. This chronology could also be reversed, with the uninscribed staters coming from an early mint at Gatesbury, and the Verulamium mint production s t a r t i n g l a t e r as he expanded h i s power base to the west. The few coins of h i s period minted at Camulodunum would represent the early output of the mint there, before Cunebolinus succeeded him. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of the coinage of Tasciovanus suggests some trading or exchange connections with the adjacent t r i b e s , but with a concentration to the north of h i s t e r r i t o r y . c) Cunebolinus had h i s p r i n c i p a l centre at Camulodunum, with probable secondary centres at Skeleton Green and Verulamium. From the external d i s t r i b u t i o n of h i s coinage, trade and exchange a c t i v i t i e s i n h i s period were both larger i n volume and more widespread than those of Tasciovanus, but s t i l l maintained a concentration to the north and west. This i s consistent with a pattern of trade with the periphereal less developed areas, to obtain raw materials and slaves i n exchange for prestige and luxury goods. 98 d) I f the coin moulds from the Henderson C o l l e c t i o n were associated with the late f i r s t century BC occupation at Skeleton Green, then they could indicate a mint operated by. the possible confederation of chiefdoms i n that area. On balance t h i s seems a s l i g h t l y more probable hypothesis than that Tasciovanus should have three mints so close to each other. An al t e r n a t i v e scenario, however, could be that Tasciovanus was based f i r s t at Skeleton Green, and expanded h i s area of control l a t e r to Verulamium, and then f i n a l l y to Camulodunum shortly before h i s death. This i s consistent with the d i s t r i b u t i o n of h i s coinage. In general there are some contradictions and uncertainties i n the analysis of the coin d i s t r i b u t i o n . These are reviewed further i n Chapter XVII, Discussion and Conclusions, where the r e s u l t s of a l l the analyses are pulled together. 99 XL. _A]^LX.S.IJi.^ Brooches, l i k e coins, have been intensively studied to estab l i s h typologies. The Iron Age brooch i s fundamentally a large' safety pin used to secure garments. They were used by both men and women. The King Harry Lane cemetery excavations produced the largest c o l l e c t i o n of brooches from one s i t e , 237, but only 50 of these are from pre-conquest graves. From s t r a t i f i e d deposits at Camulodunum and Skeleton Green each s i t e yielded twelve brooches, while four came from the Gatesbury s i t e , four from Prae Wood and one from Wheathampstead. The brooch types and s i t e s are shown i n Table 7 below. TABLE 7. Brooches Type Camulo-dunum Gates-bury King Harry Lane Prae Wood Skel-eton Green Wh< hai S t ' Iron S t r i p 0 0 14 _ 1 0 Langton Down 3 0 10 0 1 0 Nauheim D 0 0 2 0 5 1 Plate 0 0 0 0 1 0 Aucissa 0 2 0 0 1 0 Swarling 0 0 0 2 0 0 Penannular 1 0 0 2 0 0 Colchester 7 2 15 0 1 0 T h i s t l e 1 0 6 0 0 0 Rosette 0 0 0 0 2 0 G a l l i c 0 0 3 0 0 0 TOTALS 12 4 50 4 12 1 TOTAL TYPES 4 2 6 2 7 1 100 The sample of brooches i n Table 7 i s too small for useful s t a t i s t i c a l analysis, as Mackreth has noted for brooches i n general 1, but some conclusions can be drawn from the table. The c o l l e c t i o n from Skeleton Green seems early. Mackreth comments: The present group from Skeleton Green looks d i s t i n c t l y early. The main features which give t h i s impression are the Rosettes and Aucissa-Hod H i l l types present and the absence of any Colchester derivatives (Mackreth 1981:131). The proportion of imports i s : Prae Wood: none. Skeleton Green: 1 i n 3. Camulodunum: 2 i n 3. King Harry Lane cemetery: 2 i n 3. From t h i s evidence i t would seem a reasonable inference that Skeleton Green (Braughing) precedes Camulodunum (Colchester) and, based on the s i m i l a r i t y between import r a t i o s at Camulodunum and King Harry Lane (St. Albans), the Skeleton Green c o l l e c t i o n i s probably e a r l i e r than the King Harry Lane cemetery. This i s supported by the higher proportion of l a t e r types, such as Colchester, Colchester derivatives and Langton Down at King Harry Lane, and the higher number of e a r l i e r types such as Rosette, Nauheim D and Aucissa at Skeleton Green. 1. "Only the recovery of more dated specimens can help to resolve t h i s d i f f i c u l t y , and only large groups from the same context are l i k e l y to provide any kind of firm s t a t i s t i c a l base for an evaluation" (Mackreth i n Partridge 1981:131). 101 Apart from t h i s the brooches do not appear to o f f e r much assistance i n answering the research questions. The evidence from the brooches arid coins i s s i m i l a r for Prae Wood and Skeleton Green. From both these a r t i f a c t s Skeleton Green appears to be l a t e r . It has a greater var i e t y of imported brooches, and a more varied coinage c o l l e c t i o n . The King Harry Lane cemetery tends to contradict t h i s chronology, but i t i s a late cemetery as evidenced by the fact that only 73 graves out of 472 are d e f i n i t e l y pre-Roman. It i s probable that at St. Albans, the Prae Wood s i t e dates to the early second h a l f of the f i r s t century BC, while the early graves i n the King Harry Lane cemetery, which abuts, but does not cut into the Prae Wood earthworks, date to the second quarter of the f i r s t century AD. This would explain the difference i n the brooch types. S i m i l a r l y at Skeleton Green, the excavator has postulated two periods of occupation, with a hiatus i n occupation spanning the late f i r s t century BC and early f i r s t century AD. 102 XU.._MALXSIS..J).E...Jm_^UEIALS. JL Xn£rpAuc.t±o_r), Pr i o r to the period covered i n t h i s paper inhumation without grave goods appears to have been the normal r i t e . This i s very d i f f i c u l t to detect i n the archaeological record (Whimster 1981). Sometime very shortly af t e r Caesar's invasions of 55-54 BC, cremation appears to have been adopted as the b u r i a l r i t e i n south-east B r i t a i n . F l a t graves were the norm for both e l i t e and common b u r i a l s . Only three tumuli of t h i s period have been found. In t h i s south-eastern part of B r i t a i n , from Colchester i n the east to St. Albans i n the west, and as far north as Cambridge, Whimster, who has compiled a gazetteer of a l l Iron Age b u r i a l s recorded i n B r i t a i n up to 1981, l i s t s 86 Late Iron Age b u r i a l s i t e s , reported between 1729 and 1981. Most of these s i t e s are very ske t c h i l y reported and the a r t i f a c t s are l o s t . In the St. Albans, Braughing and Colchester areas twelve b u r i a l s i t e s have been reported or published i n some d e t a i l since 1912. A further eight have been reported with enough d e t a i l to place them i n either the Welwyn or Lexden phase. These s i t e s are l i s t e d with t h e i r key data i n Appendix B. At Braughing there are no reported s i t e s i n the immediate v i c i n i t y , but three poorly reported s i t e s , excavated i n 1729, 1799 and 1886 respectively, are i n the general area. In addition there are eleven s i t e s i n the Welwyn and Hertford areas, respectively about 7 km and 15 km 103 distant from Wheathampstead. These include seven r i c h b u r i a l s and four modest/plain ones. T r a d i t i o n a l l y they have tended to be associated with Wheathampstead, p a r t l y because no other Late Iron Age oppidum s i t e has so far been i d e n t i f i e d i n the Welwyn-Hertford area. It seems probable that they should r e a l l y belong to an as yet u n i d e n t i f i e d oppidum further north i n the Welwyn area, and that e l i t e b u r i a l s associated with St. Albans, i f they e x i s t , have yet to be found. However, the Welwyn group has been included i n t h i s study because t h e i r grave goods s l o t them into the time period used i n t h i s paper, and they can legitimately be compared with Braughing and Colchester. Nevertheless they are aoifc evidence for e l i t e b u r i a l s at Wheathampstead. Whimster has proposed three classes of cremation b u r i a l s (Whimster 1981). These are:-Modest/Plain: single cinerary urn 1-5 additional pots. Gallo-Belgic popular, with some native and Samian ware. Late La Tene III bow brooches. Intermediate: s i m i l a r to modest/plain but with 6-8 pots iron or bronze bound wooden bucket bronzework, silverware, shale ornaments. Rich or Welwyn Type: Many native and imported pots (36 i n one case). Amphorae S i l v e r and bronze cups and st r a i n e r s . Gaming counters, wooden vessels, hearth furniture, iron s p i t s , glassware 1. In the excavations at Aylesford (Evans 1890) and Swarling (Bushe-Fox 1925), and at the more recent 1. Weapons, food and drink, and a r t i c l e s for personal adornment, other than brooches, are extremely rare, a contrast with the Bronze Age 104 excavations of the large cemetery at King Harry Lane on the edge of Prae Wood near St. Albans (Stead and Rigby 1989), i t was observed that there was a marked tendency for a rin g of modest/plain graves to cl u s t e r around an intermediate l e v e l one, with the whole cl u s t e r i n a square or rectangular plot, often defined by shallow ditches (Stead and Rigby op. c i t . ) . Recent a e r i a l survey i n Essex has i d e n t i f i e d a large number of morphologically s i m i l a r enclosures (Whimster op. cit:157). This suggests a high degree of c u l t u r a l uniformity i n b u r i a l practices at t h i s period i n south-eastern B r i t a i n . For e l i t e graves, whether of the f l a t or tumulus type, Stead has i d e n t i f i e d two phases i n the practice, a Welwyn phase s t a r t i n g about 50-40 BC, and Lexden phase s t a r t i n g about 15-10 BC (Stead 1976). The key markers for c l a s s i f y i n g the b u r i a l s are:-W.elwyjxJ?.kase Lexdea_JPJaasje. ca. 50-40 to 15 BC ca. 15-10 BC to conquest. Early La Tene III brooches Late La Te^ ne III brooches (trumpet headed brooches) (Colchester, t h i s t l e , Langton) Dressel IB amphorae Later amphorae Bronze wine jugs Imported I t a l i a n and Samian pottery. Oenochoe, Kelheim type Bronze st r a i n e r s Imported s i l v e r cups. The evidence from the b u r i a l s varies widely i n r e l i a b i l i t y . As noted above i n the period from about 50 BC to AD 43 and on into the Roman period, the r i t e was 105 cremation with ashes placed i n an urn, wooden container or just l a i d i n the ground. B u r i a l was i n f l a t graves, mostly with a very modest provision of grave goods. Weapons were not part of the grave goods. These f l a t graves have no surviving markers for either r i c h or modest b u r i a l s 2 , and most have been found i n the course of municipal excavations for water mains, sewers and other c i v i l engineering structures, or by chance. For example, the King Harry Lane cemetery at St. Albans abuts Wheeler's dyke excavation of the early 1930s, but was not discovered u n t i l the 1970s. At a l l the s i t e s there i s often no p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between the s i t e s and the b u r i a l s . Reasonable proximity and a s i m i l a r date are the main reasons for associating s i t e s and b u r i a l s . The s i t u a t i o n for each s i t e i s described below. Whimster's 1981 gazetteer of B r i t i s h Iron Age bu r i a l s has been used as the p r i n c i p a l source for locating graves, augmented by new publications since 1981. 2__ CjQr_r_e__^ a) Camulodunum (Colchester) The Lexden tumulus i s the richest Late Iron Age grave found i n B r i t a i n . It l i e s inside the Lexden dyke, one of the major earthworks surrounding Camulodunum. The contents date to the early f i r s t century AD. Some scholars have suggested that i t might be either the grave of Cunebolinus, or a member of h i s family. The b u r i a l can be firml y associated with the oppidum of Camulodunum. One other 2. The one exception i s the Lexden tumulus at Camulodunum near Colchester. This i s discussed under the r i c h graves. 106 s i m i l a r tumulus exists i n the same area, was excavated i n 1910, but was found to have been completely robbed, probably in the Roman period. North of the Lexden tumulus fourteen f l a t graves have been discovered. These have yet to be published. One r i c h f l a t grave was found at St. Clare Drive, and excavated i n 1940. The contents of the Lexden tumulus and St. Clare Drive b u r i a l s are shown i n Table 8. bJ. Prae„Wjpjai,„_jfer No r i c h b u r i a l s comparable with the Lexden tumulus or the Hertford and Welwyn b u r i a l s have yet been found i n the immediate v i c i n i t y of St. Albans. Two recent discoveries of large cemeteries with intermediate to p l a i n b u r i a l s have been made, one at Verulam H i l l s F i e l d j ust outside the London Gate of Veralumium, and one at King Harry Lane, adjacent to the Prae Wood excavation The Verulam H i l l s F i e l d s i t e , a salvage excavation aft e r an accidental discovery, produced twenty-one pre-Roman b u r i a l s . The cemetery may have been much larger but i t has so f a r been possible to excavate only a small part of i t . Of the twenty-one b u r i a l s , nineteen were p l a i n and two were intermediate. The three Gallo-Belgic vessels found i n one of the intermediate graves suggest a date i n the f i r s t quarter of the f i r s t century AD, as do a number of bronze coins found i n the area of the b u r i a l s , but not d i r e c t l y associated with them. The King Harry Lane s i t e has just been published (Stead and Rigby 1989). The cemetery i s immediately beside the 107 1930s Prae wood excavation, and was found by chance during a salvage excavation, while examining extramural settlements of the Roman period. It has been completely excavated, and 472 b u r i a l s were found, making i t one of the largest C e l t i c cemeteries to be excavated. Of the 472 b u r i a l s , 73 were assigned by the excavators to Phase I, the pre-conquest period. These 73 graves and t h e i r contents are the ones l i s t e d and discussed i n t h i s paper. The b u r i a l pattern was for a somewhat ri c h e r intermediate grave i n a banked enclosure, surrounded by p l a i n b u r i a l s both inside and outside the enclosure. The r i c h e s t grave had ten pots, plus some other grave goods. c) Skeleton Green, Gatesbury (Braughing) So far no pre-Roman b u r i a l s have been found associated with the Braughing area. There are three small l a t e r Romano-British cremation cemeteries. One was completely excavated, producing 52 b u r i a l s . The other two were found during construction of the bypass, and were p a r t l y excavated under d i f f i c u l t salvage conditions, y i e l d i n g f i v e and 109 cremation b u r i a l s respectively. These Romano-British b u r i a l s a l l date from the late f i r s t century to the late second century AD, and are outside the scope of t h i s paper. Only three other Iron Age b u r i a l s have been recorded i n the d i s t r i c t , one at L i t t l e Hadham excavated i n 1886, which produced one type 3 amphora, one at Gatesbury excavated i n 1799 with three amphorae "with pointed ends and containing 108 ashes", and one at Westmill "excavated" i n 1729, which gave three probable type 4 amphorae. E s s e n t i a l l y , for the purpose of t h i s paper there i s no useful information on b u r i a l s for the Braughing area. Iron Age graves from p l a i n to r i c h almost c e r t a i n l y existed, but have either not been discovered as yet, or have been destroyed by l a t e r a c t i v i t y , d l Wiie.aihamp_s_t.e-ad As noted previously no b u r i a l s were recovered from Wheathampstead i t s e l f , but f i v e r i c h and eight p l a i n f l a t inhumation cremation graves of the period have been excavated i n the Welwyn and Hertford areas, about 7-15 km from Wheathampstead. From the pottery and other a r t i f a c t s they appear to belong to the same period and c u l t u r a l group as Wheathampstead. These b u r i a l s have been l i s t e d i n Tables 8 and 9 below, but must be viewed with some caution. They may be d i r e c t l y associated with Wheathampstead, but there i s no evidence for t h i s . They may equally well belong to some as yet undiscovered oppidum i n the Welwyn/Hertford area, while f l a t inhumation b u r i a l s associated with Wheathampstead exis t , but s t i l l await discovery. 3... The__J}ujc.ia.lj3.^ A l l the b u r i a l s were cremations, and as f a r as could be ascertained, there were no multiple cremations i n one grave. Rich graves have been defined as those with a range of grave goods, intermediate graves as those with f i v e or more pots 109 but only one or two other items, and p l a i n graves as those with four or fewer pots per grave, including the urn. Tables 8 and 9 below show the grave goods associated with the b u r i a l s . T a b l e d Ri.cli.._B.ux_ia_Ls. Area > Colchester Hertford Area We lwvn Area A r t i f a c t Lexden St. CI Hert. L i t t l e Welwyn Welwyn Welwy Type.... Tumul. Drive Heath Amwell A B G.C.I Amphorae Dressel IB 6 0 1 1 1 5 5 Dressel 2-4 11 0 0 0 0 0 0 E.Q±_texY Samian 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 South Gaul. 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 Gallo-Belgic 3 10 0 0 0 0 0 Native Wares 2 0 11 8 2 2 33 Bowl 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 Bead(s) 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 Roundels 0 8 21 0 0 0 0 Fragments P 3 0 0 0 0 Dish 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 Jug/Pot 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 T o i l e t Art. 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Pins 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 Studs 6 0 0 P 0 2 48 Strainer 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Ring 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 Sheet 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 Iron Palette 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 Knife 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 Shears 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 Nails/clamps 0 65 0 0 0 0 10 Fir e Dogs 0 0 0 0 2 4 0 QJ_b.e.r_ S i l v e r Cup 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 Brooches 0 10 0 0 0 0 0 Bracelets 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 Wood Vessel 0 1 2 0 1 0 3 Wood Board 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Gaming Piece 3. ..... .. je>„ .0 . .... 0 g> .... J24 110 Note The following additional items were recovered from the Lexden Tumulus, the r i c h e s t b u r i a l reported i n the l i t e r a t u r e . 5 bronze fi g u r i n e s 3 bronze masks, ca. 4x2.8 cm, curved to f i t a surface about 11.7 cm i n diameter (a wooden vessel?) 2 bronze escutcheons (from furniture?) 1 bronze pedestal 1 bronze stand (for candelabra, from Campania) 1 bronze palstave (axe) 1 bronze buckle 1 wooden casket 1 iron-bound chest 8 iron pins 1 iron s t o o l frame 2 s i l v e r ornaments 61 s i l v e r stars ) probably decorating 216 very small s i l v e r bars ) a piece of t e x t i l e 1 medallion with p o r t r a i t of Augustus gold ti s s u e , probably from a t e x t i l e decorated chain mail of iron l i n k s £abJLe___!iL, .Qraye-JSoods from Iht.ejgme,djLaJ^ Site> King Verulam Welwyn Welwyn Welwyn Harry H i l l s C D Garden Laae F i e l d Cjjby__. NQL , J u r _ i a l a Z . .3 2 1 1 1 J E L _ _ Eojfcjtery Samian 1 0 0 0 0 Gallo-Belgic 71 3 0 0 0 Native Wares 85 25 4 3 6 Brooches 5.0. 3. & SL _ _ f i N..o_fc£: The following additional items were recovered from intermediate b u r i a l s at the King Harry Lane s i t e : Amphorae 4 Coins 10 Bracelets 1 Mirrors 1 T o i l e t Instruments 1 Spoons 1 Knives 6 Shears 2 Spindle Whorls 1 Bone Objects 2 Iron A r t i f a c t s 6 I l l Ajaaen.ce_Q.f_....Gria^ e_ G___Qd.s. Grave Goods King Harry Lane Verulam Welwyn Welwyn Welwyn H i l l s C D Garden __.FJ.eld City_r Terra Sig. P Gallo-Belgic P Native Wares P Brooches P Other A r t i f . P A P P P A A A P A A A A P A A A A P A A JS.Q-t.ei3 JL- K i n g Hargy bane. a) More than h a l f the graves had only one pot, others two to four, with a maximum of ten i n one p a r t i c u l a r b u r i a l b) Brooches were predominantly Colchester, Langton Down and T h i s t l e , a l l late types. The s i x graves i n the group were found i n the v i c i n i t y of a r i c h b u r i a l , but t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with i t , or with other possible common b u r i a l s i n the area i s unknown. The Lexden tumulus at Camulodunum i s outstandingly the rich e s t , and i s dated firm l y to the early f i r s t century AD. The St. Clare Drive b u r i a l , also at Camulodunum, i s of the same period. At St. Albans Phase I of the King Harry Lane cemetery has been dated to the period AD 1 to 40, about f o r t y to f i f t y years l a t e r than the Prae Wood enclosures. The Verulam H i l l s F i e l d cemetery i s of about the same period as the King Harry Lane s i t e , the f i r s t h a l f of the f i r s t century AD. 4_, GjQnj2lM..aiojia The lack of evidence for b u r i a l s at Skeleton Green and Gatesbury, and the very weak association between Wheathampstead and the Hertford and Welwyn b u r i a l s makes i n t e r - s i t e comparison d i f f i c u l t . S t a t i s t i c a l analysis i s 112 impracticable, and has not been attempted. However some subjective conclusions can be arrived at. Lexden tumulus and the adjacent robbed tumulus represent both a d i s t i n c t change i n e l i t e b u r i a l s , from f l a t graves to a prominent tomb/mausoleum, and i n the Lexden tumulus a much ri c h e r type of b u r i a l than the e a r l i e r Welwyn and Hertford f l a t graves. This suggests that Camulodunum was both wealthier and had more marked status differences than Wheathampstead, Prae Wood and Verulamium. The absence of tumuli i n the Skeleton Green and Gatesbury, although negative evidence, suggests that t h i s area was s t i l l using the f l a t grave t r a d i t i o n . The English propensity, from the 16th. century on, for digging into every mound i n sight would surely have l e f t some record i f tumuli had existed. No perceptible ones are v i s i b l e today, and none are shown on the 1/50,000 Ordnance Survey maps. The va r i a t i o n s i n the grave goods accompanying the b u r i a l s at King Harry Lane and Verulam H i l l s F i e l d imply a society with status differences, and with at least two ranks and possibly up to four. The enclosures with one or more intermediate graves, surrounded by t h e i r c l u s t e r s of s a t e l l i t e p l a i n b u r i a l s , imply some in t e r n a l groups i n the society, families or clans. These groups seem to have been of about equal status. No set of b u r i a l s i s much larger or richer than the others, although there are moderate differences between the groups. 113 For Wheathampstead, i f the Welwyn/Hertford graves can be associated with, or be considered s i m i l a r to what should be associated with the oppidum, the picture suggested from the very small sample, f i v e r i c h b u r i a l s and eight p l a i n ones, i s of a society with rather more "barbaric" chiefs than the e l i t e at Camulodunum, and then commoners, with no s o c i a l classes i n between. Considering the hypotheses and model i n Chapter V, the evidence from the b u r i a l s tends to support the implications of the model, except for the Skeleton Green/ Gatesbury area from which there i s no evidence at a l l . The King Harry Lane and Verulam H i l l s F i e l d cemeteries have intermediate and p l a i n b u r i a l s , while Camulodunum has the ric h e s t e l i t e b u r i a l s i n the same period, the early f i r s t century AD. The absence of r i c h b u r i a l s at Verulamium at t h i s period suggests a subsidiary centre without a dominant l o c a l head, rather than a c a p i t a l . The scenario suggested i s for a chiefdom based on Wheathampstead i n the mid f i r s t century BC, surrounded by other s i m i l a r chiefdoms. At Camulodunum by the f i r s t quarter of the f i r s t century AD there was the c a p i t a l of a kingdom, verging on a proto-state, with a subsidiary centre at Verulamium., and possibly another at Skeleton Green/ Gatesbury, although there i s no evidence from the b u r i a l s for the point. 114 1. Introduction The p r i n c i p a l features at Wheathampstead, Prae Wood and Camulodunum are the earthworks or dykes, comprising massive dit c h sytems, with the s p o i l deposited on one or both sides, forming a mound. These should not be termed "ramparts" without strong evidence for a defensive function. Based on the evidence of post holes at Prae Wood (St. Albans) there were palisades i n ce r t a i n parts, but these appear to have been separate features from the main earthworks. At Wheathampstead, St. Albans and Colchester parts of the dykes were included i n the areas excavated. At Braughing, as well as the small v i s i b l e earthwork at the Gatesbury s i t e , other dyke systems are c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e from recent a e r i a l photographs and crop marks. They l i e some 600 to 1000 m from the s i t e at Skeleton Green, and have not been excavated. Id e n t i f i a b l e b u i l d i n g remains are minimal to non-existant at a l l s i t e s . No evidence for buildings was found at Wheathampstead, but t h i s i s probably largely due to the sel e c t i v e excavation being concentrated on the earthworks. At St. Albans the evidence for buildings i s so f a r s l i g h t at the Prae Wood and Verulamium s i t e s . Two ovens were found at Prae Wood, dating to the end of the f i r s t century BC. At the Verulamium s i t e and the modern town of St. Albans, the Late Iron Age settlements l i e below the Roman l e v e l s . Evidence from sondages indicates occupation, but no 115 buildings have yet been recovered. At Braughing, the excavations at Skeleton Green produced evidence for dwellings with several phases of occupation between about 15 BC and AD 30-40. At Colchester some round huts were found, and from the a r t i f a c t scatter the presence of a large high status b u i l d i n g was inferre d . In addition recent a e r i a l ( photographs have i d e n t i f i e d a large "homestead" i n a substantial enclosure on the west s i t e of the s i t e at Gosbeck's Farm. This may be another e l i t e dwelling, but excavation i s needed to provide d e f i n i t e confirmation. 2^^Jrhe.-Ear.tb,worka a l Wheathampstead Wheathampstead, about 8 km north-east of Prae Wood (St. Albans), appears to be a Late Iron Age defended enclosure of about 40 ha, roughly contemporary with the l a t e r h i l l f o r t occupations i n other parts of southern and eastern B r i t a i n . It can be considered: ....a h i l l - f o r t of the kind found on the low eminences of eastern England i n the Iron Age, and seems to have been succeeded by the 'oppidum' of Prae Wood:" (Thompson 1979:178). The ditches are massive, about 40 m wide by 12 m deep, with the mound of s p o i l on the inner l i p 1 . On the basis of the pottery, " c l e a r l y t y p o l o g i c a l l y e a r l i e r and more crudely made than the Prae Wood pottery," (Thompson op.cit.:159), Thompson proposes a Caesarian date, 1. For defensive works a l l , or the majority of the s p o i l from the di t c h i s generally placed on the inside of the ditch, i n order to provide a high and substantial rampart. In Gaul such ramparts were often t i e d together by through beams, and frequently had a stone toe wall. 116 ca. 60-50 BC. However, considering the native pottery from the s i t e , occupation could have started as early as the mid second century. The absence of Gallo-Belgic wares makes i t e a r l i e r than any of the other earthworks, and suggests i t was out of use by the l a s t quarter of the f i r s t century BC 2. Its active l i f e could have been about 100 to 125 years, and construction seems to have taken place l a r g e l y i n one phase. bj Prae Wood (Figure 5) In the o r i g i n a l work at Prae Wood i n the early 1930s, Mortimer Wheeler excavated a complex of ditches, earthworks and enclosures i n and around Prae Wood. He estimated that the o r i g i n a l area enclosed was about four times that inside the v i s i b l e works, for a t o t a l of about 50 ha. In cross-section none of the ditches and earthworks were on the massive scale of those at Wheathampstead. The material excavated from the ditches was generally placed on the outer edge, or about equally on both sides. This implies a role as a stock enclosure or boundary markers, not a rampart. The ditches are r e l a t i v e l y modest, about 4 m wide and 1.5 m deep. More recent surveys and studies by Hunn (Hunn, 1980:21-30), have re-appraised and extended Wheeler's work. He has 2. The dating of the earthworks and the estimated maximum construction period are based on the dating of the associated pottery finds. Care must be used not to get into a c i r c u l a r argument here, but t h i s appears to the only r e l i a b l e method of dating these works reasonably c l o s e l y . Radio carbon or other ' s c i e n t i f i c ' dates are not available, and even i f they were, the +/- range i n the date would be much larger than the errors from pottery dating. No timbers were recovered, thus making tree r i n g dating impossible. 117 i d e n t i f i e d Phase I and II works dating to the Iron Age, and Phases III to V probably dating to the medieval and post-medieval periods. Hunn notes the s i m i l a r i t y of some of the ditches to those at Colchester, and from a number of considerations suggests a pastoral function as a communal kraal system (Hunn ibid). The Phase I and II Prae Wood enclosures were i n use from about 15 BC up to the conquest, giving a maximum construction period of about 55 years. cjL_J5kjel^^ (Figure 4) The earthworks at Skeleton Green and Gatesbury form three d i s t i n c t groups. The v i s i b l e enclosure at Gatesbury, about 3 ha i n area, i s almost c e r t a i n l y Early Iron Age, and pre-dates the period discussed i n t h i s paper. It could be a small defensive structure or a stock enclosure, but most probably the former. Other than t h i s enclosure no defensive works have been i d e n t i f i e d i n the area, a point noted with some surprise by several scholars (Partridge 1981:28). To the north of the Gatesbury earthwork recent a e r i a l photographs have shown an extensive area of ditches and enclosures, which seem to be more "....reminiscent of the enclosure and boundary ditches at Prae Wood (Partridge ibid). There are also traces of s i m i l a r simple earthworks on Wickham H i l l , west of the River Rib, between the r i v e r and the Skeleton Green excavations. Partridge estimates that the Skeleton Green s i t e must have covered more than 100 ha (Partridge ibid). 1.18 Assuming that the Skeleton Green and Gatesbury earthworks were constructed i n the early l i f e of the s i t e , they would have been b u i l t between the mid f i r s t century BC and 10 BC, about a 40 year period d.l Gmrnlodimiim (Figure 3) Camulodunum within i t s dykes was by f a r the largest of the s i t e s , covering about 4,000 ha. Not a l l of t h i s was b u i l t up, quite large areas being given over to agriculture and stock r a i s i n g . The main bounding earthworks l i e along the western side of the s i t e , extending for over 6 km. In places the dykes are doubled or t r i p l e d . The north and south sides of the s i t e are bounded and defended by the Colne and Roman r i v e r s respectively. On the east side an earthwork runs north from the Roman r i v e r for just over 3 km before trending away to the east towards the lower reaches of the Colne. Inside the main bounding earthworks are a complex of other ditches and banks, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Gosbecks area. From recent a e r i a l survey, and from p l o t t i n g crop-marks, Crummy has shown that a large homestead enclosed by a bank and d i t c h and a surrounding f i e l d system occupied the Gosbecks area (Crummy 1980:8) The dating evidence suggests that the earthworks were started i n the early f i r s t century AD, and continued i n use u n t i l the Roman conquest. After the conquest they were slighted i n c e r t a i n places, p a r t i c u l a r l y at gateways, but otherwise were l e f t to decay naturally 119 Camulodunum had by far the most extensive earthworks, over 18 km of major works. Except for Wheathampstead i t also had the most substantial ditches and mounds i n cross-section. Table 10 below gives some comparisons between the s i t e s . Table„JL0_,„ Key Dimensions of-t&e^Dltche.a1 Dimension Camulo- Gatesbury Prae Wheathamp-I, I,. i e^\it^\3jm J%j^ .^.3n..c< f^c...c?_iitX...—_j^?.e^j^_c^— —. Width 12m * 4m 40m Depth *6m * 1.5m 12m Length 2 18,000m *2,850m 9,500m3 2,520m ¥.oJLimie„4 Zfi L _ a .^a__ Z l E9_fc.e_s_L 1. A * indicates the information i s not available, or i s an estimate or best guess from the inadequate information i n the published material. 2. The lengths are for the major earthworks, ignoring minor ditches. This dimension was measured o f f the small scale plans and maps i n the excavation reports. I t i s not very accurate, but the r e l a t i v e values are of the r i g h t order. 3. On the basis of Wheeler's statement that he f e l t the area excavated and surveyed was only about one quarter of the whole, i t has been assumed that the works shown on the plan (Figure 5) are approximately the northeast quadrant. The length measured was mu l t i p l i e d by four to obtain a figure for the whole 4. This i s very approximate r e l a t i v e volume. It assumed that a l l ditches were of the same shape, and were of uniform size throughout t h e i r length. Both assumptions are obviously not correct, but the figures give some rough idea of the r e l a t i v e amount of labour need for the d i f f e r e n t works. It was obtained by multiplying the cross-section of the ditches by t h e i r length, and using the smallest figure, that of Skeleton Green as the unit. The c a l c u l a t i o n of the r e l a t i v e volumes of s o i l moved in constructing the works gives a measure of the r e l a t i v e resources invested i n each. These approximate cal c u l a t i o n s suggest that Gatesbury/Skeleton Green required the least investment, Prae Wood (St. Albans) somewhat more, and 120 Wheathampstead and Camulodunum (Colchester) by f a r the largest. Wheathampstead's volume i s large because of the apparently enormous size of the d i t c h and dyke cross sections. In r e a l i t y the volume moved may have been considerably less, because the builders took advantage of natural hollows for the ditches. The information i n the published material does not allow for a correction for t h i s e f f e c t . A further reduction at Wheathampstead occurs i f the enclosure was not complete. There i s some evidence that the dyke only enclosed the west and east sides, with the north side protected by a r i v e r . The dyke on the south side, i f one ever existed, has been l o s t . Even allowing for a l l these uncertainties, the Wheathampstead r e l a t i v e volume would s t i l l be twenty to t h i r t y times that of the Gatesbury/Skeleton Green complex. The common Late Iron Age dwelling i n B r i t a i n , as has been established by a number of excavations over the past twenty years, was the double r i n g round house, with an inner r i n g of posts to carry the roof r a f t e r s , and an outer ri n g forming the wall (Megaw and Simpson 1979:380). Minor buildings could be round, rectangular or sub-rectangular. Construction would be wooden posts for the main members, with wattle-and-daub walls and thatched roofs. Other than post holes these may leave almost no trace i n the archaeological record. 121 At Wheathampstead there i s no evidence for buildings, but t h i s i s probably due to the excavator's objective, which was to examine the earthworks, and not the area they enclosed. Evidence i s very s l i g h t at Prae Wood, with one possible dwelling i n or beside Wheeler's enclosure "A", where the two ovens were found. It seems probable that the main r e s i d e n t i a l area was further down the h i l l s i d e , under the Roman and modern towns. Sheppard Frere's Bondages through the Roman le v e l s have given t a n t a l i z i n g hints of a major Iron Age settlement. At Skeleton Green eight rectangular buildings, each of about 30 m2 f l o o r area, were excavated. Their small size suggests domestic or farm buildings. They were dated by the excavator to the period from about 15 BC to AD 40, with a d i s t i n c t break i n occupation about AD 25, and low l e v e l occupation a f t e r that. At Camulodunum, on the Sheepen part of the s i t e , there were "....substantial but scattered s i t e s " of native occupation, small clay floored huts f i v e to s i x metres i n diameter. Traces of other buildings with oval or rectanguler f l o o r plans were also noted. At the centre of the Sheepen s i t e there was a "....uniquely high proportion of imports", plus clay and wood-lined c e l l a r s or storage p i t s . The excavators t e n t a t i v e l y i n f e r r e d an e l i t e or royal residence over t h i s complex of c e l l a r s and storage p i t s (Hawkes and H u l l 1947:46-47). Another major residence has been surmised from recent a e r i a l photography showing traces 122 of a substantial dwelling and associated buildings within a large defended enclosure around Gosbecks Farm i n the southwest quadrant of the s i t e (Crummy op cifc:8-10). From the earthworks the evidence tends to confirm the s p e c i f i c implications and the model put forward i n Chapter V. Wheathampstead was the f o r t i f i e d stronghold of a Late Iron Age warring chiefdom. Prae Wood/Verulamium and Skeleton Green were Late Iron Age oppida, undefended farming, manufacturing and trading centres i n a reasonably secure federation, while Camulodunum was the c a p i t a l of a powerful proto-state. The evidence for the buildings i s very s l i g h t . At Wheathampstead and Prae Wood excavations to date have found no buildings. There may be some under the Roman and modern towns, but planned excavation i s impractible. The eight small rectangular structures at Skeleton Green do not conform to the norm of round huts i n the Late Iron Age, but some rectangular structures are known from other s i t e s , such as Danebury. The most that can be said i s that they are unusual for Late Iron Age buildings. Camulodunum has the remains of a range of buildings, from the small round huts, through oval and rectangular buildings, up to larger and more complex stuctures with a range of r i c h a r t i f a c t s . Two possible "palace" s i t e s have been proposed, one by Hawkes and H u l l and one by Crummy. The archaeological evidence at Camulodunum remains rather 123 weak. No complete f l o o r plans have been recovered, except for the small round huts. The larger buildings have been inferred from traces, or s l i g h t remains of foundations. If the Camulodunum buildings were confirmed, then i t would be d e f i n i t e evidence for a s t r a t i f i e d society, with at least three or four l e v e l s . From the archaeological record about the only reasonable conclusion i s that Camulodunum had a higher degree of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n than Prae Wood and Skeleton Green. 124 XIV THE LITERARY AND NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE Written evidence about Iron Age B r i t a i n comes from three sources, the surviving works of the c l a s s i c a l authors, i n s c r i p t i o n s such as the res gestae of Augustus and in s c r i p t i o n s on B r i t i s h coinage. Coinage, modeled on Greek and Roman o r i g i n a l s , was introduced to B r i t a i n from Gaul between about 120 and 50 BC. By the l a t e r part of the f i r s t century BC, a number of B r i t i s h mints were producing dynastic or t r i b a l coinage, copying the continental types. A number of issues c a r r i e d the name of the r u l e r , and i n a few cases the place where the coin was struck. Some issues had just a t r i b a l name. The main information obtainable from the coinage i s the name of a ru l e r or t r i b e , and some indi c a t i o n of where they were based. Studies of coin d i s t r i b u t i o n s , which are not dependent on i n s c r i p t i o n s , but just require i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the type from the o v e r a l l design, are generally more useful than dynastic information. Of the l i t e r a r y sources 1 Caesar i s the p r i n c i p a l contemporary source, and there seems to be no reason to doubt the r e a l i t y of h i s two invasions of B r i t a i n , even though, unlike the Claudian invasion of AD 43, there i s no archaeological evidence for the incursions of 55 and 54 BC. He was there i n person and h i s evidence i s f i r s t hand. Tacitus, probably the second most r e l i a b l e source, had second-hand but s t i l l quite r e l i a b l e evidence. He must have 1. See Appendix A for a f u l l l i s t of the ancient l i t e r a r y references to B r i t a i n 125 talked to h i s father-in-law, Agricola, who campaigned i n B r i t a i n for eight seasons, AD 78-85, and probably to other veterans. Both Caesar and Tacitus provide considerable descriptions of the geography, economy, inhabitants, s o c i a l organization and customs of B r i t a i n . Strabo describes trade routes and the types of goods traded. Evidence from authors such as Horace, Strabo, Suetonius and Frontinus, and from the res gestae divi Augustae, i s p r i n c i p a l l y of interest i n showing the probable state of p o l i t i c a l and diplomatic r e l a t i o n s between Rome and B r i t a i n i n the years from 55 BC to AD 43, including comments on the p o l i t i c a l and economic advantages of conquering B r i t a i n . Probably the p r i n c i p a l value of the l i t e r a r y sources i s that they give a much more complete picture of the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n B r i t a i n , and between B r i t a i n and Rome, than can be i n f e r r e d from the archaeological record alone. For example, without them we would have no knowledge of Caesar's two invasions. No evidence for these invasions has so far been turned up i n the archaeological record. The l i t e r a r y picture may be incorrect, may be biased by the p o l i t i c s and p o s i t i o n of the writer i n the. Roman system, or may be a propaganda exercise. I f treated as a series of hypotheses rather than proven facts, the l i t e r a r y evidence can i n some cases, be tested against the archaeological record l i k e other hypotheses 126 The o v e r a l l impression from the l i t e r a r y evidence i s of generally unfriendly or h o s t i l e r e l a t i o n s between Rome and southern B r i t a i n at the time of Caesar's invasions. In the following ninety years the general tenor appears to have varied from unfriendly but not a c t i v e l y h o s t i l e to quite f r i e n d l y , with the f r i e n d l y periods normally predominating. In general Rome appears to have fostered s t a b i l i t y by remaining on good terms with the r u l e r s i n power i n B r i t a i n , even i f they had deposed and ex i l e d previous r u l e r s a l l i e d to Rome. The Romans recognized the de facto s i t u a t i o n , and maintained t h e i r trade and diplomatic connections with whichever leader was capable of maintaining order and s t a b i l i t y . From time to time some Romans considered the d e s i r a b i l i t y of conquering B r i t a i n , but u n t i l AD 43, at any pa r t i c u l a r instant either the w i l l , the resources, or both were lacking. With the advent of Claudius resources were available, and the emperor needed a m i l i t a r y success to est a b l i s h h i s authority and c r e d i b i l i t y . The h o s t i l e attitude of Cunebolinus' successors, Cai^atacus and Tognodumus, provided the casus b e l l i . As f a r as the questions, hypotheses and model put forward i n t h i s paper, the l i t e r a r y evidence provides some di r e c t supporting evidence. Caesar i d e n t i f i e s the f i v e small t r i b e s occupying the t e r r i t o r y between Catuvellaunus i n Hertfordshire and the Trinovantes i n Essex. Strabo describes the imports from B r i t a i n , implying quite an active trading connection, both for h i s own period and e a r l i e r . A 127 number of writers give accounts showing that southern and eastern B r i t a i n were going through a period of p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y and change between Caesar's invasions and the f i n a l conquest, with the replacement of a number of smaller chiefdoms by much larger proto-state l e v e l groups. The numismatic evidence i s h e l p f u l i n locating and naming the p r i n c i p a l leaders of the B r i t i s h i n southern and eastern B r i t a i n . 128 XV THE TRADING PATTERNS Trade between B r i t a i n , Gaul and the rest of the Roman world has been touched on i n the e a r l i e r chapters on pottery, amphorae, coins, brooches and b u r i a l s . In t h i s chapter a b r i e f overview i s given of the s h i f t i n g trading patterns of trade over time, with p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on the period from 55/54 BC to AD 43. No attempt has been made to go into extensive d e t a i l s of the trade, as t h i s information i s not e s s e n t i a l for answering the research questions posed in t h i s t h e s i s . The subject i s vast. It i s the subject of a large number of s p e c i a l i s t papers and monographs, as well as generating a number of theses. These sources have been used i n compiling t h i s overview. Trade between B r i t a i n and continental Europe goes back a long way. B r i t a i n became an i s l a n d about 6,000 BC during the land and sea l e v e l adjustments aft e r the l a s t Ice Age. Exchange with the Continent was occurring as early as the t h i r d millenium BC, with stone axes coming i n from Britanny ( D a r v i l l 1987:70). Exchange with Europe on a modest scale continued into the second millenium. From the archaeological record the extent of trade and contact i n the l a t e r second and f i r s t m i l l e n i a BC appears to have varied quite widely over time. Between about 1,300 to 1,100 BC there were close t i e s between southern England and the areas around the the mouths of the Rhine. Pottery and metalwork in both areas were sim i l a r , and imported pottery from Cornwall (Trevisker ware) has been found i n the Pas de 129 Calais. Trade or exchange i n bronze weapons and ornaments took place i n both d i r e c t i o n s , with Welsh bronze weapons found i n Holland, and continental bronzework i n B r i t a i n . A complex exchange system was needed to bring together the raw materials for bronze, copper, t i n and lead. These do not occur together naturally and were traded over distances of hundreds of kilometres. By the mi d - f i r s t millenium BC, there was a vigorous cross-channel trade from the Brittany area to the trading points of entry at Hengistbury Head, the Portland area, and Mountbatten near Plymouth, on the western part of the south coast of B r i t a i n . By about the end of the fourth century BC, cross-channel contact and trade dropped o f f markedly, and did not recover u n t i l the late second century BC 1. During t h i s period of i s o l a t i o n and regional development the s o c i a l organization i n southern B r i t a i n was based on a number of defended h i l l f o r t s i t e s , surrounded by widely scattered open settlements. These settlements varied i n size from single farmsteads to hamlets of f i v e or s i x households. In eastern B r i t a i n i n t h i s period there were few h i l l f o r t s , but larger numbers of v i l l a g e s , hamlets and iso l a t e d farmsteads. Some were enclosed, but most were open (Cunliffe 1989a,1988,1987, D a r v i l l 1987b, Macready and Thompson 1984). In the late second century BC the cross-channel trade recovered, marked by a great increase i n a c t i v i t y at 1. One reason for t h i s may have been the increasing use of iron, ores of which are r e l a t i v e l y common and p l e n t i f u l i n both B r i t a i n and Europe. 130 Hengistbury, and the introduction of a wide range of new imports, I t a l i a n amphorae, glass, Gaulish coinage, Armorican pottery, and exotic foodstuffs such as f i g s . This trade moved v i a Narbonne and the River Garonne, and Massalia and the River Loire to Brittany. From there goods t r a v e l l e d to the south coast. This trade route remained active u n t i l the invasions of Caesar i n 55-54 BC, when i t declined although remaining i n use on into the Roman period. In the same period a major new trading route developed. This ran from north-eastern Gaul and the Low Countries, v i a the Rhone Seine and Rhine, to eastern B r i t a i n , p a r t i c u l a r l y to Kent, the Thames estuary area, and the Essex r i v e r s (Macready op. c i t . ) In the trade to the east coast of B r i t a i n , Camulodunum, on the evidence from the archaeological record, appears to have been the p r i n c i p a l centre for the import and export of goods involved i n the trade with Rome and Gaul (Bradley 1984, C u n l i f f e , D a r v i l l , Macready op. c i t . , Haselgrove 1982). In summary, with the s h i f t i n the trading axis from the Brittany-Hengistbury route to the north Gaul-Camulodunum approach i n the period between about 50 BC and AD 43, the rul e r s of Camulodunum gained control over the importation and d i s t r i b u t i o n of luxury and e l i t e goods to t h e i r core area, and the periphereal zone around i t . This change and growth i n the trading pattern supports the s p e c i f i c 131 hypotheses, research question and model put forward i n Chapter 5. 132 XVI STATISTICAL ANALYSIS Because of the problems noted with the data i n Chapter VII, the t e r r i b l e nature of the samples and very small numbers of many a r t i f a c t s , i t was f e l t that the main analysis should be subjective. Detailed and sophisticated s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of a seriously flawed sample would give either meaningless or completely unreliable output. However some simple t e s t s on data that can be compared across s i t e s might support the conclusions reached i n the subjective analysis. This i s the purpose of t h i s chapter. The f i r s t requirement was to put the data into some sort of form that would minimize the e f f e c t s of the varying s i t e s izes, areas excavated and sample r e l i a b i l i t y . E s s e n t i a l l y a l l the a r t i f a c t s and features recovered from datable and controlled s t r a t i g r a p h i c s i t u a t i o n s were considered to be the "sample". The only case i n which the complete "population" was recovered was the King Harry Lane cemetery. To compensate for the wide v a r i a t i o n s i n areas excavated, and therefore i n sample s i z e , both i n absolute terms, and as a percentage of the t o t a l s i t e or "population" no absolute numbers of a r t i f a c t s were used, but various percentages or r a t i o s . For example, with the pottery, the number of each major type of vessel present as a percentage of the whole assemblage was used. Thus whether the "sample" size was an assemblage 10, 100 or 1000, i f 2, 20 and 200 pl a t t e r s were respectively present, then a l l three cases have 20% p l a t t e r s . In other cases for i n t e r - s i t e 133 comparisons the r a t i o s between s i t e s were used. The s i t e with the least number of occurrences of an a r t i f a c t or feature would be given the value one, and values for other s i t e s would be calculated by d i v i d i n g t h e i r number of occurrences by that of the s i t e with the least number. Both the r a t i o s and percentages are of course dimensionless numbers In considering what s t a t i s t i c a l techniques to use, the main consideration was the need to do i n t e r - s i t e comparisons. A major thrust of t h i s thesis i s to look for s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences between the four p r i n c i p a l s i t e s , and to use these to explain the processes involved i n the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic changes i n B r i t a i n . To t h i s end the analysis should be aimed at confirming, or not confirming, the model and hypotheses, and at answering the research questions. As a preliminary some exploratory data analysis was done, searching for patterning i n the data for both i n t r a - s i t e and i n t e r - s i t e s i t u a t i o n s . This was followed by some i n t e r - s i t e comparisons of selected a r t i f a c t types, such as pottery. The r e s u l t s were i n general either unproductive or brought out points which were obvious from a simple inspection of the tabulated material. Looking at the data as a whole a multivariate type of analysis appeared the most appropriate. After considering the data, c l u s t e r analysis was selected as the most practicable approach. The SYSTAT computer programme was used. After reviewing some recent l i t e r a t u r e (Shennan 1988) and the SYSTAT manual i t 134 was decided to use normalized Euclidean distance metrics and the Ward linkage. These allow c l u s t e r i n g of d i f f e r e n t sample sizes with missing data and tend to produce reasonably compact c l u s t e r s . The four p r i n c i p a l s i t e s , Wheathampstead, Prae Wood, Skeleton Green and Camulodunum were used i n i t i a l l y i n the analysis. In the f i n a l i n t e r - s i t e comparisons tests were run both with and without Wheathampstead. Its a r t i f a c t and feature c o l l e c t i o n had so many missing values that i t s inclusion d i s t o r t e d the proper comparison between the other three s i t e s . In the s t a t i s t i c a l analysis the four s i t e s were treated as cases and the a r t i f a c t s and features as variables. Thus the information shown i n Table 10 below was transposed i n the s t a t i s t i c a l work. An examination of the data suggested that some types of a r t i f a c t s and features might j u s t i f y examination of the v a r i a b i l i t y of one type of a r t i f a c t or feature across the four s i t e s . Preliminary tabulations were made of Gallo-Belgic and native pottery, amphorae and coinage, by range of types and percentage of range of types. Cluster analysis was then done on these four types of a r t i f a c t s . The r e s u l t s were were not p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l . Satisfactory c l u s t e r s were obtained, but they showed no more than could be obtained by a cursory examination of the tables. The re s u l t s have not been included i n t h i s paper, as they simply coincide with the more obvious conclusions noted i n previous chapters. 135 A l l variables that could be assigned a meaningful numerical value for the four s i t e s were then tabulated i n some dimensionless form, see Table 10 below. I n i t i a l l y a l l four s i t e s and sixteen variables were tabulated and used i n the c l u s t e r i n g . Clustering was then repeated aft e r dropping the Wheathampstead case from the tabulation, on the basis that i t s large number of "0" values distorted the r e s u l t . F i n a l l y two of the weakest variables, e l i t e and other dwellings were dropped, leaving fourteen variables, and cl u s t e r i n g was then repeated just for the three cases of Prae Wood, Skeleton Green and Camulodunum. The three cl u s t e r s r e s u l t i n g are shown i n Figure 8. I_ab.le-..JL0..„ S j J t _ a a J _ j S _ r ^ ^ SITE> Wheathamp Prae Wood Skeleton Camulo-stead Green. ABTIEACI Sigillata 0 1.0 1.5 2.25 Gallo-Belgic Pottery 0 1.0 1.58 1.03 Native Pottery 1 2.36 7.2 1.92 Amphorae, I t a l i a n 0 0 1.0 2.66 Spanish 0 1.0 2.0 4.0 Other 0 0 0 1.0 Coins, Cunebolinus 0 0 1.0 12.89 Tasciovanus 0 1 18.0 4.0 Other 0 0 1.1 1.0 Coin Moulds 0 1.0 1.0 1.0 Burials, Rich 1.67 0 1.0 1.0 Other 1.0 9.1 0 0 Dykes 20.0 3.3 1.0 76.0 Dwellings, E l i t e 0 0 0 1.0 Other 0 1.0 2.0 3.0 Brooches 1.0 8.0 7.0 4.0 Notes, to the Table 1. A l l the figures except those for coin moulds and other dwellings are r a t i o s . The s i t e with the smallest number of a r t i f a c t s or features, other than zero, was taken as unity, and the figures for the other s i t e s were then divided by the number from the s i t e with the smallest c o l l e c t i o n . This gives dimensionless numbers of moderate s i z e , and as far as 136 possible minimizes the problems of widely d i f f e r e n t sample si z e . 2. For coin moulds, a l l the s i t e s except Wheathampstead reported some broken fragments. The Skeleton Green ones were from the Gatesbury area, and at Prae Wood they were found below Roman Verulamium. Only Camulodunum had them i n a firm context. Reviewing the discussion on coin moulds i n Chapter X, i t was f e l t proper to assign an equal value to a l l three s i t e s with fragment. 3. For other dwellings there was one possible at Prae Wood, eight d e f i n i t e small buildings, not necessarily dwellings, at Skeleton Green, and an unspecified number of d e f i n i t e or probable dwellings at Camulodunum. The three s i t e s were simply ranked i n the order of the number of dwellings. The f i r s t c l u s t e r , with four cases and sixteen variables, shows Camulodunum as markedly d i f f e r e n t from the other s i t e s , and the uniqueness of t h i s s i t e i s maintained i n the other two c l u s t e r s . In the f i r s t c l u s t e r Wheathampstead and Prae Wood are closest, with some modest difference from Skeleton Green. With the Wheathampstead case removed the other two c l u s t e r s show that Prae Wood and Skeleton Green are much closer to each other than either i s to Camulodunum. Taking the known r e l a t i v e chronology of the four s i t e s into account, these r e s u l t s from the c l u s t e r i n g tend to confirm that Camulodunum represents a more complex society than the e a r l i e r s i t e s , probably a proto-state, rather than a chiefdom or paramount chiefdom. The closeness of Prae Wood and Skeleton Green f i t s i n with the hypothesis of both having two stages of occupation, with f i r s t one dominant and then the other. From other evidence Skeleton Green was probably the stronger unit i n the late f i r s t century BC, and Prae Wood/Verulamium i n the f i r s t h a l f of the f i r s t century AD. 137 CHAPTER XVII DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS As discussed i n Chapter V the general question examined i n t h i s thesis i s what were the forces at work i n the rapidly changing s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization i n south-eastern B r i t a i n between 55-54 BC and AD 43. Were they forces i n t e r n a l to B r i t i s h society, or were they at least i n part forces related to the contact with Rome? From the general and s p e c i f i c hypotheses put forward, and the archaeological research questions, a model was developed of a number of minor chiefdoms i n the Braughing/Skeleton Green area coming together into a federation shortly a f t e r Caesar's invasions i n 55 and 54 BC. From t h e i r base at Skeleton Green the federation moved west to dominate the St. Albans area. The federation came to be controlled by two successive powerful r u l e r s , Tasciovanus and Cunebolinus, and they established a proto-state with i t s f i n a l c a p i t a l at the new s i t e of Camulodunum. Evidence from a range of a r t i f a c t s and features has been analysed, and some simple s t a t i s t i c a l analysis done. The evidence from the pottery, the amphorae, the coinage and the earthworks ranks the sequence of the four main s i t e s i n a chronological order, with Wheathampstead the e a r l i e s t and Camulodunum the l a t e s t . Skeleton Green and Prae Wood/Verulamium come i n between. The probable sequence for Prae Wood/Verulamium and Skeleton Green i s not so c l e a r . It seems l i k e l y that both s i t e s were occupied more or less continuously during the period covered i n t h i s thesis, but 138 that the i n t e n s i t y of the occupation and the r e l a t i v e importance of the s i t e s varied. On the basis of the a r t i f a c t evidence Prae Wood was probably i n use early i n the period, but on a f a i r l y modest scale. Shortly aft e r Skeleton Green became a major centre for the area. By the late f i r s t century BC and the early f i r s t century AD, Tasciovanus appears to have achieved a dominant po s i t i o n i n the south-east, and the coin evidence suggests that h i s p r i n c i p a l centre was at Verulamium, leaving Skeleton Green in a po s i t i o n of diminished importance. Either towards the end of h i s reign or early i n that of h i s successor Cunebolinus, a new c a p i t a l was established at Camulodunum. Verulamium appears to have remained an important secondary centre. Skeleton Green, a f t e r a period of low a c t i v i t y , revived and also achieved a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e as another major secondary centre by the beginning of the second quarter of the f i r s t century AD. The analysis of the pottery generally supports t h i s scenario. The proportions of e l i t e and imported pottery types i s highest at Camulodunum, followed by Skeleton Green and Prae Wood. Skeleton Green has more va r i e t y i n i t s imported pottery types, but the range has fewer e l i t e type vessels, suggesting a society with less extreme rank differences than Camulodunum. Camulodunum on the other hand has more l o c a l l y made copies of imported wares, and these copies were made to a more uniform and higher standard than at other s i t e s . This implies both a more sophisticated and 139 a more cent r a l i z e d manufacturing industry than at the other s i t e s . The amphorae show a marked increase i n the import of luxury food items at Skeleton Green, and an even greater var i e t y at Camulodunum. The evidence from Prae Wood i s for a less complex society. Evidence for pottery and amphorae from Verulamium i s not available. The Late Iron Age settlement appears from the odd sondage to l i e below the Roman town of Verulamium, and has not been excavated 1. The evidence from the coins i s highly suggestive. The coins found at the s i t e s , and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of i d e n t i f i a b l e coin types i n the peripheral areas place Cunebolinus' c a p i t a l firmly at Camulodunum, with an extensive trade or exchange system extending into the peripheral areas to the north, west and south. The wide d i s t r i b u t i o n of h i s bronze coinage within h i s core area suggests an organized i n t e r n a l trading system using a standardized low value coinage as the basis of exchange i n at least some normal d a i l y transactions. Tasciovanus' coinage i s centred more on St. Albans and Skeleton Green, and with a more r e s t r i c t e d d i s t r i b u t i o n i n the peripheral areas than that of Cunebolinus. His bronze coinage al3o has 1. A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n existed at Silchester u n t i l the l a s t few years. The Roman s i t e had been quite extensively excavated, but the Iron Age s i t e was almost unknown. Recent work, so f a r only published i n the annual summaries i n Britannia, has shown that a quite sophisticated Iron Age settlement with a g r i d plan and defined streets l i e s beneath the Roman layers. A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n seems highly probably at Verulamium. 140 a more lim i t e d d i s t r i b u t i o n . The evidence from the coinage supports the model quite strongly. The presence of coin moulds, crucibles and casting debris at Camulodunum, Skeleton Green/Gatesbury and Verulamium indicates that a l l three s i t e s had mints, and were probably " c a p i t a l s " , or at least major secondary centres, at some time i n the period. The production of a standardized inscribed coinage tends to be a t i g h t l y controlled state monopoly. For the r e l a t i v e l y small proto-states of Tasciovanus and Cunebolinus, more than one mint at a time seems un l i k e l y . The c a p i t a l of Cunebolinus was c e r t a i n l y at Camulodunum, but the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the coins and coin moulds suggest a more pe r i p a t e t i c model for Tasciovanus, with h i s c a p i t a l moving from Skeleton Green to Verulamium, and possibly late i n h i s reign to Camulodunum, as he expanded and consolidated h i s area of control. The brooch c o l l e c t i o n s from the s i t e s generally support the chronological sequence proposed and the model. The group from the King Harry Lane cemetery beside Prae Wood i s by far the largest, and i t appears to be l a t e r than the Skeleton Green c o l l e c t i o n . However i t seems probable from the o v e r a l l evidence of the a r t i f a c t s from the King Harry Lane cemetery that i t i s associated with the l a t e s t Iron Age settlement at Verulamium, i n the early f i r s t century AD, rather than with the m i d - f i r s t century BC Prae Wood s i t e . Only about 15% of the b u r i a l s are pre-Roman i n date, and the 141 cemetery continued i n use for native b u r i a l s well into the Roman period. The b u r i a l evidence i s very limited at some s i t e s . No bu r i a l s of the period under study have been recovered from the Braughing area, or from the immediate v i c i n i t y of Wheathampstead. Camulodunum has produced only e l i t e and intermediate b u r i a l s , and Verulamium only intermediate and p l a i n b u r i a l s . The very r i c h Lexden tumulus b u r i a l at Camulodunum does suggest a more s t r a t i f i e d society than at the other s i t e s . There i s evidence for ranking at Verulamium i n the v a r i a t i o n i n the grave goods present i n the King Harry Lane and Verulam H i l l s F i e l d cemeteries, but no suggestion of extremely high status, or royal b u r i a l s , l i k e the Lexden tumulus. What evidence there i s from the bu r i a l s generally supports the model. Building remains are very s l i g h t at a l l s i t e s , but at Camulodunum there are strong suggestions for two high status r e s i d e n t i a l areas, one i n the Sheepen area and one at Gosbecks Farm. The major v i s i b l e features at a l l s i t e s are the earthworks, but t h e i r character i s quite d i f f e r e n t at the d i f f e r e n t s i t e s . Wheathampstead i s quite c l e a r l y a massively f o r t i f i e d stronghold, quite si m i l a r to many other Late Iron Age h i l l f o r t s i n southern B r i t a i n . At Prae Wood and Skeleton Green the earthworks are generally not f o r t i f i c a t i o n s , but boundary walls or stock enclosures. Camulodunum has by far the most extensive system of earthworks, and they appear to be of three types. Some are 142 substantial f o r t i f i c a t i o n s with defined gateways, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Sheepen area and stretching down to Gosbecks farm. Some are enclosures for stock, or for farming or i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s , and some are probably t e r r i t o r i a l boundary markers. The earthworks at Camulodunum define and defend a large area containing a wide var i e t y of spec i a l i z e d manufacturing and farming a c t i v i t i e s . The evidence supports the hypothesis that Camulodunum contained a much larger, more complex, more varied and,more s t r a t i f i e d s o c i a l group than the other s i t e s . The small amount of l i t e r a r y evidence from the ancient authors does not c o n f l i c t with the model proposed. In fact the only evidence for the group of f i v e smaller t r i b e s with a base i n the Braughing area comes from Caesar. The archaeological record shows an occupation with some degree of complexity at Braughing, but provides no d i r e c t evidence for more than one group. The only archaeological evidence for more than one group i s the exceptionally wide range of types of imported Gallo-Belgic pottery, suggesting the coming together of groups with d i f f e r e n t tastes i n t h i s imported ware. From the archaeological record, the overseas trading patterns with Rome and Gaul appear to have changed markedly during the period from Caesar's invasions to the Claudian conquest. P r i o r to t h i s period Hengistbury Head on the south coast had been the main port of entry for imported goods. By the time of the Claudian conquest Camulodunum had 143 become the major centre c o n t r o l l i n g the imports from the Continent to south-eastern B r i t a i n , giving the r u l e r s there control over both the importation and d i s t r i b u t i o n of luxury goods, and over the exports needed to pay for these imports. Trade also increased i n t h i s perid, both i n volume and i n var i e t y . From the archaeological record at the four s i t e s examined i n t h i s thesis, imported pottery, amphorae and brooches increased i n both numbers and range of types. The simple i n t e r s i t e c l u s t e r analysis described i n Chapter XVI and shown i n Figure 8 , using a number of a r t i f a c t s and features supports the model. It shows Camulodunum to be quite markedly d i f f e r e n t from the other s i t e s , and Prae Wood/Verulamium and Skeleton Green to be f a i r l y s i m i l a r . In summary the evidence from the archaeological record at the s i t e s appears to provide affirmative answers to the four s p e c i f i c archaeological research questions, and i n general to support the s p e c i f i c hypotheses put forward. On the question of the processes and mechanics involved in the quite d r a s t i c change i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization i n eastern B r i t a i n during t h i s period, the archaeological record i s rather obscure. By the time of the establishment of Camulodunum, the decision making process was c e r t a i n l y operating at two l e v e l s , the Camulodunum l e v e l , and the secondary centres l e v e l at Verulamium and Skeleton Green. It was almost c e r t a i n l y operating at a t h i r d l e v e l as well, that of the l o c a l Iron Age v i l l a g e or 144 homestead group. The evidence for Wright's "int e r n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n " , the d i v i s i o n of the control and decision making process into more than one department at the c a p i t a l , with corresponding branch "departments" at the l o c a l l e v e l i s s l i g h t . I f the coin moulds from Camulodunum, Skeleton Green and Verulamium were taken as evidence for three mints concurrently, t h i s would c e r t a i n l y suggest the p o s s i b i l i t y of a cen t r a l i z e d control over l o c a l departments producing coinage. However, as noted e a r l i e r the mints are more l i k e l y to have operated consecutively, although the strat i g r a p h i c and dating evidence i s i n s u f f i c i e n t to rank them i n chronological order. Trade i s another a c t i v i t y which might have required l o c a l "departments", p a r t i c u l a r l y the i n t e r n a l B r i t i s h trade between the core and the peripheral areas. Imports to and exports from eastern B r i t a i n would be concentrated i n the r i v e r s i d e port area at Camulodunum, but the in t e r n a l trade and exchange network would have operated at a number of ports of entry along the 500 kilometre long perimeter of the core area. There i s a suggestion at Verulamium i n the King Harry Lane cemetery that the s o c i a l organization there at the end of the period contained a number of people of about equal middle status, together with a larger number of people of lesser p o s i t i o n , grouped together into some sort of extended family rela t i o n s h i p . This s o c i a l organization would be consistent with a number of merchants or traders and t h e i r workmen/support s t a f f s p e c i a l i z i n g i n a number of d i f f e r e n t 145 commodities. In t h i s scenario a l o c a l representative of the central authority might well be needed to regulate the trade with the peripheral areas, i n order to secure the r u l e r ' s control over i t . This evidence i s , however, d i s t i n c t l y tenuous, and c e r t a i n l y subject to other interpretations, such as a group of extended family run farms sharing a common cemetery. It seems that "external s p e c i a l i z a t i o n " was c e r t a i n , with " i n t e r n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n " being possible to probable, but there i s no s o l i d archaeological evidence for the "in t e r n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n " . One int e r e s t i n g point i s that the ancient l i t e r a r y evidence available about the Claudian conquest does suggest a state l e v e l rather than a t r i b a l l e v e l of society i n eastern B r i t a i n . On balance the o v e r a l l weight of evidence for the kingdom based on Camulodunum does suggest a s o c i a l organization more complex and sophisticated than the t r a d i t i o n a l paramount chiefdom, and one that could properly be termed a proto-state. Certainly the regular use of standard minted coinage implies a state l e v e l structure. This proto-state was d e f i n i t e l y a secondary state forming " on the margin of extant states" (Wright and Johson 1975:267). The e l i t e and luxury goods imported, both to meet the personal needs of the r u l e r s at Camulodunum, and to extend t h e i r control and expl o i t a t i o n of the peripheral areas through exchange and trade, were only obtainable from the Roman Empire. In t h i s respect the Roman imports were d i f f e r e n t i n kind from the e a r l i e r Iron Age trade with the 146 Continent. In t h i s e a r l i e r trade, i n weapons, pottery, brooches and raw materials, the type and quality of traded goods could be and were made l o c a l l y , as well as imported. For the imports from the Roman area, Terra Sigillata pottery and luxury foods, there was only one source, and no immediate p o s s i b i l i t y of l o c a l production. The trade through Camulodunum contrasts with the e a r l i e r phases of trade through Hengistbury Head, where the proportion of Roman goods was much lower. Thus the development of the trading patterns and consequent s o c i a l organization i n eastern B r i t a i n seems to have been highly dependent on the Roman presence. Looking at the apparent sequence of events and the short time span i n which they occurred, a mere ninety years, i t would appear that the processes involved might f i t into Spencer's concept of punctuated equilibrium, c u l t u r a l evolution with d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s , or with Patterson's hypothesis on combined and uneven development. The early consolidation of power i n the Braughing/Skeleton Green area, following the serious weakening of Cassivellaunus' power and the Trinovantes a f t e r Caesar's invasions, seems to have given a window of opportunity to the group of smaller t r i b e s around Braughing. These small p o l i t i e s had the chance to come together against a now diminished threat from t h e i r larger and more powerful neighbours. With Caesar's withdrawal they had a l i m i t e d time to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r security and then t h e i r hegemony in 147 eastern B r i t a i n . C a p i t a l i z i n g on the weakness of Cassivellaunus and the unwarlike nature of the Trinovantes, they had, by the time of Tasciovanus, grasped control of eastern B r i t a i n . Tasciovanus rose to dominance within the area, but to maintain t h i s p o s i t i o n he had to exploit the resouces of a larger area. He moved f i r s t to the west against the p o t e n t i a l l y more dangerous opponent, the former kingdom of Cassivellaunus, establishing h i s control over the Verulamium/Wheathampstead area, and possibly moving h i s c a p i t a l to Verulamium. Towards the end of h i s reign he established, or started to e s t a b l i s h a new c a p i t a l at Camulodunum, to consolidate control of the trade e s s e n t i a l to h i s continuing s u r v i v a l . With h i s successor, Cunebolinus, both the pace of change and the complexity of the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l organization increased. At an early stage Cunebolinus established a proto-state l e v e l of society, a sharp break with the previous structure of society. This marked break with the e a r l i e r t r a d i t i o n of warring l o c a l Iron Age chiefdoms i n B r i t a i n established a q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t type of organization 2. This more complex s o c i a l structure was required both to manage the large area under h i s suzerainty, and to control and expand the trading pattern with Rome and the Continent on which i t depended. 2. At about the same time i t seems l i k e l y that a s i m i l a r proto-state l e v e l of organization was established i n southern B r i t a i n , with i t s c a p i t a l at Chichester, i n i t i a l l y ruled by Verica, and l a t e r by the most famous of the B r i t i s h c l i e n t kings, Cogidubnus. 148 This sequence of events seems to f i t , at least i n part, the model proposed by Gailey and Patterson. The p o l i t y that f i n a l l y developed into Cunebolinus' kingdom started o f f i n relationships of subordination to i t s regional neighbours p r i o r to Caesar's invasions. After the withdrawal of Caesar and h i s legions i t moved into a p o s i t i o n of dominance, and by the time of Tasciovanus had evolved into an increasingly s t r a t i f i e d society to protect the socio-economic p o s i t i o n of the new r u l e r , and the e l i t e immediately dependent on him. To expand and maintain the e l i t e control required e x p l o i t a t i o n not only of the people i n h i s core area, but more importantly the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the peoples i n the peripheral zone. E x p l o i t a t i o n of the peripheral d i s t r i c t s was a safer course than too high a degree of i n t e r n a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . Cunebolinus appears to have increased the „ size of the exploited peripheral zone s i g n i f i c a n t l y , while simultaneously increasing trade, and consolidating the society he inherited into a proto-state l e v e l of complexity, a l l within a few years. In t h i s case the cen t r a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l power of the proto-state appears to have both protected the status and ex p l o i t a t i v e stance achieved by Tasciovanus, and to have further magnified the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and e x p l o i t a t i o n . This also appears to have been an " h i s t o r i c a l " process, both the general conditions had to be favourable, and then one or two persons with c e r t a i n q u a l i t i e s had to be present. 149 In summary a model very close to that proposed by Gailey and Patterson appears to f i t the known or in f e r r e d circumstances i n south-eastern B r i t a i n at that time. A variant from the e x p l o i t a t i v e hypotheses proposed by Gailey and Patterson might be an even closer f i t . They rais e the point of whether ex p l o i t a t i o n i s a cause or r e s u l t of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . I would suggest that e x p l o i t a t i o n i s a cumulative phenomenon, with the f i r s t t i n y piece of ex p l o i t a t i o n preceeding s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . Then to protect that small advantage the exploiter i s compelled to exploit further, s t e a d i l y widening the difference between himself and h i s former peer group. At some quite early point i n t h i s chain, s t r a t i f i c a t i o n becomes i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , and continues to grow u n t i l either an outside force or i n t e r n a l upheaval i n society breaks i t apart. With a t r u l y complex society i t probably r a r e l y reverts back to a true simple e g a l i t a r i a n condition, but reforms with a new set of exploiters and exploited. Caesar's invasion seems to have accelerated a s i t u a t i o n that already involved exploitation. Late Iron Age B r i t a i n with i t s e l i t e b u r i a l s and prestige goods was far from an e g a l i t a r i a n society. It had established chiefdoms and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . That p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l event, i n the s o c i a l context of B r i t a i n at the time, set o f f an explosive chain of events which produced a society that moved from a chiefdom l e v e l of complexity to one approaching the state l e v e l of complexity within less than ninety years. In i t s turn t h i s new proto-state 150 collapsed under the stress of outside forces, the Claudian invasion, and a new set of exploiters took over. Spencer's c u l t u r a l evolution model of punctuated equilibrium seems to f i t more c l o s e l y conditions where primary state formation i s taking place, as with the Zapotec. In B r i t a i n i t probably f i t s a s l i g h t l y e a r l i e r period and longer time span better. For example i n the century or two p r i o r to Caesar's invasion, before B r i t a i n had come into contact with an established state l e v e l society, Iron Age society went through several marked d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n i t s socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l development. 151 C.HAP_T£E.„JXVJLII A&JSLVALUA^^ EESJEAE.CH In answering the research questions and te s t i n g the hypotheses and model put forward i n t h i s thesis, one of the weakest points i s the available archaeological data. There are several serious problems with them. One has been mentioned on a number of occasions i n e a r l i e r chapters, the possible to highly probable unrepresentative nature of the data. Only quite small parts of the s i t e s were excavated, and i n most cases the areas excavated were not even judgemental samples, but were forced on the excavators by the imminence of new c i v i l engineering construction works, roads and by-passes. This s i t u a t i o n w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to r e c t i f y i n the future, as at both Colchester and St. Albans other unexcavated parts of the s i t e s are now largely b u i l t over with recent developments. These are l i k e l y to remain undisturbed for many years, or even a century or two. Wheathampstead i s s t i l l an open country s i t u a t i o n , as are some very li m i t e d areas around Braughing/Skeleton Green. Another major d i f f i c u l t y has been comparing the excavations i n the three main areas. They span the period from the early 1930s for Prae Wood and Wheathampstead to the 1980s for Skeleton Green and King Harry Lane. A l l the excavations were done i n the l i g h t of the techniques and knowledge available at the time, but there are s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n both what was considered important material, and i n the way i n which a r t i f a c t s and ecofacts were recorded and 152 c l a s s i f i e d . In a few cases the material from older excavations has been re-studied and re-evaluated, notably i n the case of the Lexden Tumulus and the Prae Wood and Wheathampstead earthworks. More could be done along these l i n e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y with the native Iron Age pottery from Prae Wood, Wheathampstead and Camulodunum1-. Much of t h i s pottery from the s i t e s s t i l l e x i s t s , although not i n a very accessible form, i n the storerooms of various l o c a l museums. It would be most time consuming to locate t h i s pottery from a l l three s i t e s , i d e n t i f y i t c o r r e c t l y , and then re-study and c l a s s i f y i t into one uniform system. The cost/benefit aspects would need careful evaluation before committing time and resources to a project of such magnitude. The problem of d i f f e r i n g c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and typologies i s p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t for non-Roman pottery, the Gallo-Belgic wares, native copies of these and the indigenous native pottery. This i s r e f l e c t e d i n the way i t was found necessary to group and aggregate d i f f e r e n t types i n the tables i n t h i s thesis. There i s simply not enough information i n the published reports, except the most recent, to make a fi n e breakdown of types. Amphorae were a lesser d i f f i c u l t y . These were reported using a number of d i f f e r e n t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n schemes, but by using Peacock's recently published proposed standard groupings i t was possible to f i t them a l l into one scheme. Coinage and 1. The f i r s t reasonably complete study of B r i t i s h Iron Age pottery was not published u n t i l 1990 (Gibson and Woods 1990). 153 brooches have well established c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems and generally were not a problem. Lack of information on Iron Age Verulamium i s a serious gap i n the evidence. Prae Wood, adjacent to and part of Verulamium, was used i n t h i s study because i t had been excavated and published. However, i t appears to be early i n the period, and a more s a t i s f a c t o r y comparison would have been between Verulamium proper and Skeleton Green. There i s some p o s s i b i l i t y that following on from Professor Frere's extensive excavations of Roman Verulamium, further redevelopment of the town centre may allow some salvage excavation of i t s Iron Age predecessor. A few quite modest excavated areas could provide a great deal more evidence for or against the hypotheses and model proposed here. At Skeleton Green there are two needs. One i s for some further modest scale excavations i n other areas of the s i t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y to recover more buildings, and a more representative sample of a r t i f a c t s from the pre-Roman period. The second i s to t r y and locate and excavate a representative group of Late Iron Age b u r i a l s . At Camulodunum further excavation would be i n t e r e s t i n g but not e s s e n t i a l . Overall there i s a much clearer picture of the nature of t h i s s i t e , i t s extent, a r t i f a c t s and dating than there i s for the others. The main need with t h i s s i t e i s probably to re-study and c l a s s i f y the surviving native 154 pottery 2, most of which i s i n the storerooms of the Colchester Museum. With a l l these deficencies i n the archaeological record, how sound are the conclusions reached i n the previous chapters? The conclusions on the r e l a t i v e chronology of the s i t e s are generally sound, and i n l i n e with most previously published work, although the periods of importance and decline for Verulamium and Skeleton Green need further c l a r i f i c a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the second quarter of the f i r s t century AD. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the p o l i t y based on Camulodunum as exhibiting a proto-state l e v e l of complexity i s also considered reasonably secure, as i s the i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n of both Verulamium and Skeleton Green as important centres i n t h e i r own ri g h t i n the early part of the period, and as important secondary centres aft e r the r i s e of Camul odun um. The point that remains highly speculative and hypothetical i s why Skeleton Green developed to the extent that i t did between Caesar's invasions and the Claudian conquest. Other than being f a i r l y c e n t r a l l y placed i n the area concerned, on a navigable r i v e r and reasonably accessible by ancient land routes, i t has no other obvious natural advantages compared with Verulamium. The location of Camulodunum, i n the circumstances of of the early f i r s t 2. Over f o r t y tons of pottery was recovered from the Sheepen s i t e , but only a representative s e l e c t i o n appears to have been kept and published. 155 century AD, o f f e r s much more opportunity for domination and control of eastern B r i t a i n . The hypothesis put forward i n t h i s thesis o f f e r s one explanation for the founding and growth of Skeleton Green, but the support from the archaeological record for t h i s case i s modest at best. The only evidence for the existence of the f i v e small founding t r i b e s i s i n Caesar's writings. Overall i t has to be said that the hypothesis and model proposed for the evolution of Skeleton Green i s possible, i s not seriously contradicted by the evidence available, but that there i s not a great deal of p o s i t i v e evidence for i t either. 156 GLQJ3J5AEY__1 L i s t of Site Names and Areas The s i t e names are those used by the excavators, and are those which appear on the current Ordnance Survey maps. Other than Camulodunum and Verulamium they are generally medieval to modern, and have no connection with the p r e h i s t o r i c s i t e names. The s i t e names occurring i n t h i s paper are l i s t e d below. They have been divided into f i v e groups, corresponding to the f i v e p r i n c i p a l areas investigated. In the text the modern name of the major town or s i t e has been used to indicate the p r i n c i p a l areas. The National Grid map reference to the kilometre square on which the s i t e i s centred i s given, together with the county. Braugkin&Jkrea (Hertfordshire, TL4025) S i t e s Braughing Gatesbury L i t t l e Hadham Skeleton Green Wickham H i l l Westmill Colchester Area (Essex, TL9925) Camulodunum Colchester, Roman name Camulodunum Gosbecks Farm Lexden Grange (Lexden B) Lexden Tumulus (Lexden C) St. Clare Drive St. Clare Road Sheepen St. Albans Area (Hertfordshire, TL1307) St. Albans, Roman Name Verulamium. King Harry Lane Prae Wood Verulam H i l l s F i e l d Verulamium Welwvn Area (Hertfordshire, TL2416) Attimore Road Brickwall H i l l Datchworth Grubs Barn Hertford Heath L i t t l e Amwell Mardleburg Welwyn Welwyn Garden City jQQP_s£e_ad (Hertfordshire, TL1914) 157 t i e r s Tribes (see Figure 2.) Name Atrebates Cantiaci Catuve11auni Coritani Dobunni Durotriges Iceni Trinovantes Central southern England Kent Hertfordshire, spreading to Essex Lincolnshire West cental B r i t a i n , Gloucestershire Dorset North East Anglia Essex Rulers Cassivellaunus Andoco(mius) Addedomaros Tasciovanus Cunebolinus Caratacus Tognodumus Commius Tincommius Ep p i l l u s Verica Cogidubnus Kent Dubnove1launus 158 QLQ.S.Si_.EY..-.3. Arretine ( I t a l i a n Sigillata) Roman pottery made at Arretium i s the preferred term now. le.rra,..S.igil.l3Jha i.au.Lisji G.aJJLo-J3.e.ligi.c Mic.a.....Dus±e.d.._War.e. .T~e_r^^.a—N ffra Ie..rjCj8, JS.u.b_r_a (Arezzo)in I t a l y . Glossy bright red slipped ware, extensively copied throughout the Roman Empire. A loose B r i t i s h term for Roman and pr o v i n c i a l Terra Sigillata. C o l l e c t i v e term for I t a l i a n Sigillata or Arretine ware and p r o v i n c i a l copies, and for the e a r l i e r Eastern S i g i l l a t a . Terra Sigillata made i n southern Gaul, at f i r s t around Lyons and l a t e r at a number of locations. La Graufesenque and Montans were two major centres of production. Gallo-Belgic Pottery was made i n three forms i n Northern Gaul, Terra Rubra with an orange coated cream to buff f i n i s h , Terra Nigra polished grey to black vessels, and Terra Nigra plus a mica dusting to simulate metal vessels. This pottery was shipped to B r i t a i n before the conquest, but Terra Rubra was out of production before the 50s, and Terra Nigra by ca. AD 80 (Swan 1978:11). See Gallo-Belgic. See Gallo-Belgic. See Gallo-Belgic. Q.tJae_r.._..T_e..c.hn±.Q.a.l .Terms. Amphora (Plu r a l Amphorae) Large earthenware containers for the storage and transportation of l i q u i d and s o l i d comestibles. There are many classes, varying widely i n size and shape, depending on the contents and the point of o r i g i n . 159 Iron Age brooches were produced i n a wide range of designs,shapes and decorative forms, i n both bronze and iron. They were made i n both B r i t a i n and Europe, and were traded widely. They are i n e f f e c t large 'safety pins" for securing garments. Dykes. The term i s used to describe a usually free standing d i t c h and bank construction, created by p i l i n g excavated material from the dit c h on one or both l i p s . If used as a stock enclosure the d i t c h i s usually on the inside. If used as a defensive rampart the dit c h i s on the outside Flan The f l a t disc of metal on which the coin design was struck to make a coin. 0.pm.&um (P l u r a l , Oppida) A large Late Iron Age settlement i n northern Europe and B r i t a i n , often situated at an important node i n a trade route, and often close to water transport, sea, estuary or r i v e r . They were quite frequently f o r t i f i e d , but not always. They tended to be on the flanks of h i l l s or even in v a l l e y bottoms, unlike the e a r l i e r h i l l f o r t s on dominant high ground that preceeded them. 160 BIBLIOGRAPHY, AND REFERENCESCITED Alexander, John, and Sheila Hopkin 1982 The Origins and Early Development of European Fibulae. PPS 48:401-416. Allen, D.F. I960 The Origins of Coinage i n B r i t a i n : A Re-Appraisal. In Problems of the Iron Age in Southern Britain. pp. 97-308. edited by S,S. Frere. Ins t i t u t e of Archaeology, London, Occassional Paper No. 11, London.. Anthony, I 1968 Excavations i n Verulam H i l l s F i e l d , St. Albans, 1963-64. Hertfordshire Archaeology 1:9-50. Arnold, Bettina 1988 Slavery i n Late P r e h i s t o r i c Europe: Recovering the Evidence for S o c i a l Structure i n Iron Age Society. In Tribe and Polity in Late Prehistoric Europe, edited by D. B l a i r Gibson and Michael N. Geselowitz. ppl79-192. 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JRS 54:166. Wright, Henry T. 1977 Recent Research on the Origin of the State. In Annual Review of Anthropology 6:379-97. Wright, E.V. 1978 Artefacts from the Boat Site at North Ferriby, Humberside, England. PPS 44:187-202. 183 HESMDIJLJi References to B r i t a i n i n the C l a s s i c a l Literature In t h i s paper the following passages w i l l be referred to: Glcexa.. Jjc^ _10.6jrA3_..IL.£L.) Letters to Atticus:IV,15,10; IV.16,7; IV,18,5. B r i e f comments on Caesar's invasion. From The G a l l i c Wars: IV,20. Britons a id the Gauls (early 50s B.C.). Caesar questions many traders about the numbers, t r i b e s and customs of the Britons, and about suitable harbours. IV,21. Emissaries from some B r i t i s h t r i b e s make f r i e n d l y overtures. IV,27. Britons seek peace. IV,30. They break the truce, attack, but are repulsed. IV,33. B r i t i s h manner of f i g h t i n g with chariots. IV, 36. Peace reestablished. Two B r i t i s h t r i b e s send hostages. V, l l . (Campaign of 54B.C). B r i t a i n s entrust supreme command to Cassivellaunus, "whose t e r r i t o r i e s are divided from the maritime states by the r i v e r c a l l e d Thames, about eighty miles from the sea. Hitherto there had been continuous wars between t h i s chief and the other states, but our a r r i v a l had moved the Britons to appoint him commander-in-chief for the conduct of the whole campaign." V,12. Description of B r i t a i n , the people, agriculture, customs, coinage, mining and climate. V,14. Inlanders are p a s t o r a l i s t s . Marriage customs. V,18. Caesar crosses the Thames, defeats the Britons. V,20. Trinovantes seek Caesar's protection. V,21. Lesser t r i b e s surrender to Caesar. Caesar attacks and captures the "stronghold" of Cassivellaunus. (Wheathampstead?) V,22. Cassivellaunus, alarmed by defection of other t r i b e s , sues for peace. Caesar sets number of hostages and the annua1 t r ibute. Horace (c65-8 B.C.) Odes 111,5, 1-4. "Augustus w i l l be recognized as a god upon earth when he has added the Britons to the empire". Written about 27 B.C. 184 Strabo (c. 63 B.C.-A.D.21 or lat e r ) Geography: 11,5,8. Comments on the pros and cons for conquering B r i t a i n . IV,5,2. Description of trade routes and goods traded. Descriptions of climate, agriculture and warfare. Descriptions of appearance of Britons and Gauls. IV,5,3. Description of Caesar's raids i n 55 and 54 B.C. VI,32. "there f l e d to me as suppliants various kings from the Britons Dumnobellaunus and Tincommius. JjasejEihia^ Jewish War 111,1,2. B r i e f comment on Vespasian's part i n the conquest of B r i t a i n . Frontinus (c. A.D. 30-104) Stratagems 11,13,11. Commius, f l e e i n g from Caesar, goes from Gaul to B r i t a i n . Xac.lfajs_tc.__.A. D 56,5..Znll.Q .Q.r.-laJier_l Annals 11,24. Friendly kings of B r i t a i n return shipwrecked Roman troops, c. A.D.16. Agricola 10,11,12,13. Description of geography, inhabitants and customs of B r i t a i n . Lives of the Caesars. The Deified J u l i u s 25,2. B r i e f comments on Caesar's raids Claudius 17,1. B r i e f description of the invasion of A.D.43. D.lQ„..LA...D_^.lS£lr22.9J. 49,38,2. 53,22,5. 53,25,2. Comment on Augustus' intention to campaign i n B r i t a i n i n 34,27 and 26 B.C. Did not because of troubles i n Gaul. Notes: (RJOM) 1. Augustus probably made an accommodation with the B r i t i s h t r i b e s , lacking the resources to campaign i n B r i t a i n and Gaul simultaneously, and not wishing to invade B r i t a i n without a secure continental base. 2. Dio wrote 200 years a f t e r the events he describes. Obviously he copied from or paraphrased e a r l i e r writers. Did he have access to old imperial records? 185 AEEMBHLB B u r i a l Sites The b u r i a l s i t e s used i n t h i s paper are l i s t e d below, twelve i n the group of adequately published s i t e s , and eight i n the group reported with s u f f i c i e n t d e t a i l to place them in either the Welwyn or Lexden phase. 1, Pjibliahed. Sites M . Q Siie. Map.__B.eJL. Type. E.\™3.1icmt..iQ.n_§. 46 Lexden Tumulus 49 St. Clare Drive TL975247 Very r i c h Laver 1926 Stead 1967 Foster 1986 TL967250 Rich H u l l 1942 b.l..„. na 102 106 109 TL3310 TL252113 TL232159 JHe_l__yji._.i_r.s..a Hertford Heath L i t t l e Amwell Welwyn A Welwyn B Welwyn C Welwyn D Welwyn Garden C i t y l TL254131 Welwyn Gard. 2-7 Rich Hussen 1983 Rich Holmes 1959 Rich ) Smith 1912 Rich ) B i r c h a l l 1965 Pla i n ) Stead 1967 Pl a i n ) Rich Stead 1967, Pl a i n Stead 1967 St -. Albans Area 104 King Harry Lane TL133065 472 b u r i a l s P l a i n to intermediate. Stead and Rigby 1989 105 Verulam H i l l s F i e l d TL140066 21 b u r i a l s Anthony 1968 2_. Ee^ ojc_t_ejd_.J3JJ;.e_s No.,.. S.i±j_. D_ai_e Map__.Eej£_.. Xy_p_e. R-L)Ie_r_eji(__s tester Area St. Clare Road 1922 TL975250 48 Lexden Grange 1904 TL975250 Intermediate Intermediate B i r c h a l l 1965 B i r c h a l l 1965 95 Gatesbury 1799 TL390250 103 L i t t l e Hadham 1886 TL440227 110 Westmill 1729 TL380271 Rich Whimster 1981 Rich Whimster 1981 Rich Whimster 1981 G..1 ielw_yn__Ar_e„a 97 Datchworth 1971 TL265185 Rich 107 Mardlebury 1905 TL253175 Rich 108 Attimore Road 1938 TL226124 P l a i n Peacock 1971 Whimster 1981 Stead 1976 186 M.o_te_3 (i ) The numbers assigned to the b u r i a l s i t e s are those used by Whimster i n h i s gazetteer (Whimster 1981). If a s i t e i s not numbered, i t has been published since Whimster published hi s gazetteer. ( i i ) The dates given for the reported s i t e s are those of the f i r s t discovery or report. The references given for these s i t e s are those reasonably accessible today. ( i i i ) The references for a l l s i t e s are the p r i n c i p a l ones. Other references are given i n the body of the paper where appropriate, and Whimster has a f u l l l i s t of references. 1 8 7 F i g . 1. S o u t h - E a s t e r n B r i t a i n  P r i n c i p a l S i t e s 1 8 8 F i g . 2. T r i b e s o f S o u t h e r n B r i t a i n ( A f t e r C u n l i f f e 1 9 7 8 , f i g s . 7 . 1 0 a n d 8 . 3 ) 1 8 9 1 90 1 9 1 F i g . 5. T h e S t . A l b a n s A r e a ( A f t e r W h e e l e r , 1 9 3 6 , f i g u r e 1, a n d H u n n 1 9 8 0 , f i g u r e s 1, 2 a n d 3 ) 1 92 F i g . 6. B u r i a l S i t e s i n t h e S t . A l b a n s , W h e a t h a m p s t e a d , W e i w y n ,  a n d W e l w y n G a r d e n C i t y A r e a s 193 EI.GJJEE....1. RELATIVE CHRONOLOGY OF THE SITES LEGEND N v\ v\^\ I r o n Age O c c u p a t i o n F :'rababIe, Iron Age O c c u p a t i o n Roman O c c u p a t i o n 194 FIGURE 8a Cluster diagram, 16 Variables Wheathampstead, Prae Wood, Skeleton Green, Camulodunum. DISTANCE METRIC IS EUCLIDEAN DISTANCE WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD TREE DIAGRAM DISTANCES 0.000 SKELETON GR . WHEATHAMP PRAE WOOD CAMULODUNUM 195 FIGURE 8b Cluster Diagram, 16 Variables Prae Wood, Skeleton Green, Camulodunum. DISTANCE METRIC IS EUCLIDEAN DISTANCE WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD TREE DIAGRAM DISTANCES 0.000 SKELETON GR , PRAE WOOD CAMULODUNUM 196 FIGURE 8 c Cluster Diagram, 14 Variables Prae Wood, Skeleton Green, Camulodunum. DISTANCE METRIC IS EUCLIDEAN DISTANCE WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD TREE DIAGRAM DISTANCES 0.000 SKELETON GR , PRAE WOOD CAMULODUNUM 

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